Handbook of Children and Prejudice: Integrating Research, Practice, and Policy [1st ed.] 978-3-030-12227-0;978-3-030-12228-7

Table of contents :
Front Matter ....Pages i-xl
Front Matter ....Pages 1-1
Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice (Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Deborah J. Johnson, Desiree Baolian Qin, Francisco A. Villarruel, John Norder)....Pages 3-22
Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span (Adam J. Hoffman, Deborah Rivas-Drake, Isis H. Settles, Shelia T. Brassel, Bernardette J. Pinetta)....Pages 23-41
The Intergenerational Transmission of Protective Parent Responses to Historical Trauma (Marva L. Lewis)....Pages 43-61
Front Matter ....Pages 63-65
Racial Disparities in Pregnancy and Birth Outcomes (Lucia Ciciolla, Mira Armans, Samantha Addante, Amy Huffer)....Pages 67-97
Understanding the Implications of Systems of Privilege Within the Field of Early Childhood Education for American Indian and Alaska Native Children (Jessica V. Barnes-Najor, Nicole L. Thompson, Shawn Wilson)....Pages 99-114
Intergroup Relationships, Context, and Prejudice in Childhood (Amanda R. Burkholder, Alexander P. D’Esterre, Melanie Killen)....Pages 115-130
Ethnic-Racial Socialization in Early Childhood: The Implications of Color-Consciousness and Colorblindness for Prejudice Development (Flora Farago, Kimberly Leah Davidson, Christy M. Byrd)....Pages 131-145
An Ecological Approach to Childhood Prejudice: The Case of Arab Americans (Kristine J. Ajrouch, Germine H. Awad)....Pages 147-159
The Impact of US Sociopolitical Issues on the Prejudicial Treatment of Latino Children and Youth (Maria Espinola, Jenny Zhen-Duan, Gabriela Suarez-Cano, Ivana Mowry-Mora, James M. Shultz)....Pages 161-180
Implicit Bias and the “In/visible Indian” in the Classroom (Christie M. Poitra, John Norder)....Pages 181-191
In the Nyitting Time: The Journey of Identity Development for Western Australian Aboriginal Children and Youth and the Interplay of Racism (Cheryl Kickett-Tucker, Shaouli Shahid)....Pages 193-211
Front Matter ....Pages 213-215
Interrogating “Trouble”: An Ecologically Centered Approach to Race-Related Socialization Factors as Moderators of Disruptive Behaviors and Achievement Outcomes Among African American Boys (Deborah J. Johnson, Meeta Banerjee, Shondra L. Marshall)....Pages 217-232
Perceived Racial Discrimination as a Context for Parenting in African American and European American Youth (Meeta Banerjee, Jacquelynne S. Eccles)....Pages 233-247
Racial Discrimination and Adjustment Among Asian American Youth: Vulnerability and Protective Factors in the Face of “Chinks,” “Dog-Eaters,” and “Jackie Chan” (Linda P. Juang, Lisa Kiang)....Pages 249-268
When Things Go Viral: Youth’s Discrimination Exposure in the World of Social Media (Diamond Y. Bravo, Julia Jefferies, Avriel Epps, Nancy E. Hill)....Pages 269-287
Gender and Sexual Prejudice and Subsequent Development of Dating Violence: Intersectionality Among Youth (Sudha Sankar, Heather L. McCauley, Deborah J. Johnson, Barbara Thelamour)....Pages 289-302
LGBQ Youth and Sexual Minority-Related Prejudice: Expanding Our Conceptualization (Alison J. Chrisler, Elizabeth G. Holman)....Pages 303-313
(No) Space for Prejudice! Varied Forms of Negative Outgroup Attitudes and Ethnic Discrimination and How They Develop or Can Be Prevented in the Classroom (Alaina Brenick, Maja K. Schachner, Daniell Carvalheiro, Emily Karr)....Pages 315-330
Feelings of Being Caught Between Families and Peers: Linking Cultural Incongruence and Peer Ethnic/Racial Discrimination to Adolescent Well-Being (Yijie Wang, Aprile D. Benner, Su Yeong Kim)....Pages 331-347
Front Matter ....Pages 349-351
Youth of Color in Care: Intersecting Identities and Vulnerabilities (Ellen E. Pinderhughes, Judith C. Scott, Jessica A. K. Matthews)....Pages 353-373
Toward an Integrative Conceptual Model on the Relations Between Discrimination and Prosocial Behaviors in US Latino/Latina Youth (Alexandra N. Davis, Gustavo Carlo)....Pages 375-388
Experiences of Discrimination and Prejudice Among American Indian Youth: Links to Psychosocial Functioning (Amanda K. Blume, Melissa Tehee, Reneé V. Galliher)....Pages 389-404
Mistaken Identities, Discrimination, and Sikh Parents’ Ethnoreligious Socialization Strategies (Meenal Rana, Deborah J. Johnson, Desiree Baolian Qin)....Pages 405-420
Juvenile (In)justice: A System Developed to Facilitate Youth Development that Challenges Healthy Outcomes (Caitlin Cavanagh, Amie L. Nielsen, Francisco A. Villarruel)....Pages 421-446
A Developmental Perspective on Victimization Faced by Gender Nonconforming Youth (Maggi Price, Christy Olezeski, Thomas J. McMahon, Nancy E. Hill)....Pages 447-461
Front Matter ....Pages 463-466
You Sound White: The Emotional Impact of the Acting White Accusation (Martale J. Davis, Tiffany Rowell, Robert E. Stadulis, Angela Neal-Barnett)....Pages 467-476
Ethnic/Racial Identity as a Moderator of the Relationship Between Discrimination and Adolescent Outcomes (Sheena Mirpuri, Charles Ray, Amada Hassan, Meera Aladin, Yijie Wang, Tiffany Yip)....Pages 477-499
Online Racism: Adjustment and Protective Factors Among Adolescents of Color (Ashley Stewart, Joshua Schuschke, Brendesha Tynes)....Pages 501-513
Latino Adolescents’ Experiences with Ethnic Discrimination: Moderating Factors and Mediating Mechanisms (Melissa Y. Delgado, Rajni L. Nair, Katharine H. Zeiders, Samantha K. Jones)....Pages 515-531
African American Adolescents Speak: The Meaning of Racial Identity in the Relation Between Individual Race-Related Stress and Depressive Symptoms (Michael Cunningham, Rosa Maria Mulser, Kristin Scott, Ashlee Yates)....Pages 533-550
DREAMers: Growing Up Undocumented in the United States of America (Jaime Chahin, Juan R. Jaimes Costilla)....Pages 551-565
Sexual Stigma and Sexual Prejudice: Understanding the Unique Experiences of Sexual Minority Male Youth (Joshua G. Parmenter, Reneé V. Galliher)....Pages 567-581
Gender Nonconformity During Adolescence: Links with Stigma, Sexual Minority Status, and Psychosocial Outcomes (Alexa Martin-Storey, Laura Baams)....Pages 583-596
“I Can Feel That People Living Here Don’t Like Chinese Students”: Perceived Discrimination and Chinese International Student Adaptation (Mingjun Xie, Shizhu Liu, Yemo Duan, Desiree Baolian Qin)....Pages 597-614
Back Matter ....Pages 615-633

Citation preview

Hiram E. Fitzgerald · Deborah J. Johnson  Desiree Baolian Qin · Francisco A. Villarruel  John Norder Editors

Handbook of Children and Prejudice Integrating Research, Practice, and Policy

Handbook of Children and Prejudice

Hiram E. Fitzgerald Deborah J. Johnson Desiree Baolian Qin Francisco A. Villarruel John Norder Editors

Handbook of Children and Prejudice Integrating Research, Practice, and Policy

Editors Hiram E. Fitzgerald Department of Psychology Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA Desiree Baolian Qin Department of Human Development and Family Studies Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA John Norder Department of Anthropology Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA

Deborah J. Johnson Department of Human Development and Family Studies Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA Francisco A. Villarruel Department of Human Development and Family Studies Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-12227-0    ISBN 978-3-030-12228-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12228-7 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

In the summer of 2016, we met for lunch and discussed the virulent rise in explicit racism and discrimination in the United States and its extension to issues related to gender identity and sexual orientation. We were particularly concerned that social and behavioral science researchers were not explicitly tackling the negative impacts of racism on the development of children, documentation of which could lead to more effective social policies and practices. We were concerned that America was losing enormous talent and innovation by not investing significantly in the elimination of economic and social inequities that create barriers preventing especially low-income minorities from gaining access to the benefits of American society. Since we are university professors, and not politicians, we decided to kick off a project appropriate to our skills and talents and design a Handbook of Children and Prejudice that would approach issues of racism and discrimination from a life-span systems perspective. Our intent was to illustrate that the insidious claws of structural and personal racism begin to negatively impact developmental process from birth onward while simultaneously drawing attention to coping skills and resilience of racial minorities that has made it possible for them to survive hundreds of years of oppression, or contemporary implicit and explicit discrimination. We cover issues related to racism and discrimination within each of the major minority groups in the United States: African-American, American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian-American, and Latinx-American. We realize that just as there are multiple cultures subsumed within the category European-­ American (White), so too do each of the generic categories of minority groups in the United States subsume cultural diversity. We also were fortunate to be able to include chapters on Arab-American and Sikh-American children, perhaps signs that 10 years from now, a volume on children and prejudice will have to expand to multiple volumes to capture the rich and true diversity of the United States and the world at large. We also have five chapters addressing issues confronting LGBTQ youth and adolescents and hope that future volumes can include children of same-sex parents as research expands in that growing aspect of family life. The attached table, perhaps unusual for a preface, provides a guide for readers who may want to approach the chapters from a topical search strategy, rather than a sequential developmental age strategy, which is the organization of the volume. We assembled an amazing group of scholars, each of which crafted an offering contributing to a collective of knowledge never previously organized v

Preface

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so extensively around development and prejudice, all feeling the urgent need for the gathering of this work. Their collective efforts produced a handbook that we believe draws attention to the broad impacts of racism and discrimination over the first 20 years of life, as well as portraying the strengths of minority groups and societal programs designed to provide positive supports for individual and family development. Every chapter was revised at least once, consistent with our intent to have a peer-review orientation to the contents of the volume. We extend our thanks to Judy Jones and Michelle Tam at Springer for their editorial help throughout the production process, and all the copy- and production-editors who play such critical roles in moving manuscript text to elegant prose and far fewer split infinitives. East Lansing, MI, USA

Hiram E. Fitzgerald Deborah J. Johnson Desiree Baolian Qin Francisco A. Villarruel John Norder

Brief Guide to Cross Chapter Content Emphasizes

General topic American-Indian/Alaska Native African-American/Black Asian-American Arab-American Biological Identity Indigenous Knowledge Intergenerational Effects LGBTQ Latinx-American Media Sikh-American Socialization Schools System Approaches Teachers/Schools

Chapters 5, 10, 11, 22 3, 13, 26, 28, 30 14, 23, 34 9 3 11, 14, 16, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 30, 31 5, 10, 11, 12 3, 7, 20 6, 17, 25, 32, 33 8, 21, 24, 29, 31 15, 28 23 2, 7, 19, 20 12, 16, 18 1, 3, 9, 15, 23 5, 10, 12, 13, 16, 18, 19, 29, 31

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Contents

Part I Framing Life Course Impacts of Prejudice 1 Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice������������������������������������������������������������    3 Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Deborah J. Johnson, Desiree Baolian Qin, Francisco A. Villarruel, and John Norder 2 Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span ��������������������   23 Adam J. Hoffman, Deborah Rivas-Drake, Isis H. Settles, Shelia T. Brassel, and Bernardette J. Pinetta 3 The Intergenerational Transmission of Protective Parent Responses to Historical Trauma��������������������������������������   43 Marva L. Lewis Part II Infancy Through Childhood 4 Racial Disparities in Pregnancy and Birth Outcomes����������������   67 Lucia Ciciolla, Mira Armans, Samantha Addante, and Amy Huffer 5 Understanding the Implications of Systems of Privilege Within the Field of Early Childhood Education for American Indian and Alaska Native Children����������������������   99 Jessica V. Barnes-Najor, Nicole L. Thompson, and Shawn Wilson 6 Intergroup Relationships, Context, and Prejudice in Childhood ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  115 Amanda R. Burkholder, Alexander P. D’Esterre, and Melanie Killen 7 Ethnic-Racial Socialization in Early Childhood: The Implications of Color-Consciousness and Colorblindness for Prejudice Development��������������������������  131 Flora Farago, Kimberly Leah Davidson, and Christy M. Byrd 8 An Ecological Approach to Childhood Prejudice: The Case of Arab Americans��������������������������������������������������������  147 Kristine J. Ajrouch and Germine H. Awad ix

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9 The Impact of US Sociopolitical Issues on the Prejudicial Treatment of Latino Children and Youth������������������������������������  161 Maria Espinola, Jenny Zhen-Duan, Gabriela Suarez-Cano, Ivana Mowry-Mora, and James M. Shultz 10 Implicit Bias and the “In/visible Indian” in the Classroom��������� 181 Christie M. Poitra and John Norder 11 In the Nyitting Time: The Journey of Identity Development for Western Australian Aboriginal Children and Youth and the Interplay of Racism ����������������������  193 Cheryl Kickett-Tucker and Shaouli Shahid Part III Transition to Youth 12 Interrogating “Trouble”: An Ecologically Centered Approach to Race-Related Socialization Factors as Moderators of Disruptive Behaviors and Achievement Outcomes Among African American Boys����������������������������������  217 Deborah J. Johnson, Meeta Banerjee, and Shondra L. Marshall 13 Perceived Racial Discrimination as a Context for Parenting in African American and European American Youth����������������  233 Meeta Banerjee and Jacquelynne S. Eccles 14 Racial Discrimination and Adjustment Among Asian American Youth: Vulnerability and Protective Factors in the Face of “Chinks,” “Dog-Eaters,” and “Jackie Chan”������������������������������������������������������������������������  249 Linda P. Juang and Lisa Kiang 15 When Things Go Viral: Youth’s Discrimination Exposure in the World of Social Media��������������������������������������������������������  269 Diamond Y. Bravo, Julia Jefferies, Avriel Epps, and Nancy E. Hill 16 Gender and Sexual Prejudice and Subsequent Development of Dating Violence: Intersectionality Among Youth����������������������������������������������������������������������������������  289 Sudha Sankar, Heather L. McCauley, Deborah J. Johnson, and Barbara Thelamour 17 LGBQ Youth and Sexual Minority-­Related Prejudice: Expanding Our Conceptualization����������������������������������������������  303 Alison J. Chrisler and Elizabeth G. Holman 18 (No) Space for Prejudice! Varied Forms of Negative Outgroup Attitudes and Ethnic Discrimination and How They Develop or Can Be Prevented in the Classroom����������������������������������������������������������������������������  315 Alaina Brenick, Maja K. Schachner, Daniell Carvalheiro, and Emily Karr

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19 Feelings of Being Caught Between Families and Peers: Linking Cultural Incongruence and Peer Ethnic/Racial Discrimination to Adolescent Well-Being������������������������������������  331 Yijie Wang, Aprile D. Benner, and Su Yeong Kim Part IV Transitions from Youth to Adolescence 20 Youth of Color in Care: Intersecting Identities and Vulnerabilities ������������������������������������������������������������������������  353 Ellen E. Pinderhughes, Judith C. Scott, and Jessica A. K. Matthews 21 Toward an Integrative Conceptual Model on the Relations Between Discrimination and Prosocial Behaviors in US Latino/Latina Youth������������������������������������������  375 Alexandra N. Davis and Gustavo Carlo 22 Experiences of Discrimination and Prejudice Among American Indian Youth: Links to Psychosocial Functioning������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  389 Amanda K. Blume, Melissa Tehee, and Reneé V. Galliher 23 Mistaken Identities, Discrimination, and Sikh Parents’ Ethnoreligious Socialization Strategies����������������������������������������  405 Meenal Rana, Deborah J. Johnson, and Desiree Baolian Qin 24 Juvenile (In)justice: A System Developed to Facilitate Youth Development that Challenges Healthy Outcomes������������  421 Caitlin Cavanagh, Amie L. Nielsen, and Francisco A. Villarruel 25 A Developmental Perspective on Victimization Faced by Gender Nonconforming Youth������������������������������������������������  447 Maggi Price, Christy Olezeski, Thomas J. McMahon, and Nancy E. Hill Part V Transitions from Adolescence to Emergent Adulthood 26 You Sound White: The Emotional Impact of the Acting White Accusation ��������������������������������������������������������������������������  467 Martale J. Davis, Tiffany Rowell, Robert E. Stadulis, and Angela Neal-Barnett 27 Ethnic/Racial Identity as a Moderator of the Relationship Between Discrimination and Adolescent Outcomes��������������������  477 Sheena Mirpuri, Charles Ray, Amada Hassan, Meera Aladin, Yijie Wang, and Tiffany Yip 28 Online Racism: Adjustment and Protective Factors Among Adolescents of Color ��������������������������������������������������������  501 Ashley Stewart, Joshua Schuschke, and Brendesha Tynes

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29 Latino Adolescents’ Experiences with Ethnic Discrimination: Moderating Factors and Mediating Mechanisms������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  515 Melissa Y. Delgado, Rajni L. Nair, Katharine H. Zeiders, and Samantha K. Jones 30 African American Adolescents Speak: The Meaning of Racial Identity in the Relation Between Individual Race-Related Stress and Depressive Symptoms��������������������������  533 Michael Cunningham, Rosa Maria Mulser, Kristin Scott, and Ashlee Yates 31 DREAMers: Growing Up Undocumented in the United States of America����������������������������������������������������������������������������  551 Jaime Chahin and Juan R. Jaimes Costilla 32 Sexual Stigma and Sexual Prejudice: Understanding the Unique Experiences of Sexual Minority Male Youth ����������  567 Joshua G. Parmenter and Reneé V. Galliher 33 Gender Nonconformity During Adolescence: Links with Stigma, Sexual Minority Status, and Psychosocial Outcomes����������������������������������������������������������  583 Alexa Martin-Storey and Laura Baams 34 “I Can Feel That People Living Here Don’t Like Chinese Students”: Perceived Discrimination and Chinese International Student Adaptation������������������������������������������������  597 Mingjun Xie, Shizhu Liu, Yemo Duan, and Desiree Baolian Qin Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  615

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Contributors

Samantha Addante  Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA Kristine  J.  Ajrouch, PhD Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Criminology, Eastern Michigan University, Ypsilanti, MI, USA Meera Aladin, BA  Fordham University, New York, NY, USA Mira  Armans Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA Germine  H.  Awad, PhD Human Development, Culture and Learning, Sciences/Counseling Psychology, Department of Educational Psychology, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA Laura Baams, PhD  Pedagogy and Educational Sciences, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherland Meeta Banerjee, MSW, PhD  Department of Psychology, California State University, Northridge, Northridge, CA, USA Jessica  V.  Barnes-Najor, PhD  Community Evaluation Research Collaborative, University Outreach and Engagement, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Aprile  D.  Benner, PhD Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA Amanda K. Blume  Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA Shelia T. Brassel  Department of Psychology, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Diamond  Y.  Bravo Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA Alaina Brenick, PhD  Human Development and Family Studies, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA Amanda  R.  Burkholder Department of Human Development and Quantitative Methodology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA Christy M. Byrd  University of California Santa Cruz, Psychology Faculty Services, Santa Cruz, CA, USA

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Gustavo  Carlo Department of Human Development and Family Science, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO, USA Daniell  Carvalheiro, BA Human Development and Family Studies, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA Caitlin  Cavanagh, PhD Michigan State University, School of Criminal Justice, East Lansing, MI, USA Jaime  Chahin, PhD  College of Applied Arts, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX, USA Alison  J.  Chrisler, PhD Department of Health Studies, American University, Washington, DC, USA Lucia Ciciolla, PhD  Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA Juan R. Jaimes Costilla  Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Michael  Cunningham Department of Psychology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA Kimberly  Leah  Davidson Central Michigan University, Mount Pleasant, MI, USA Alexandra  N.  Davis, PhD Department of Individual, Family, and Community Education, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA Martale  J.  Davis Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA Melissa  Y.  Delgado Norton School of Family and Consumer Sciences,The University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA Alexander  P.  D’Esterre Department of Human Development and Quantitative Methodology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA Yemo Duan, MS  Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Jacquelynne S. Eccles, PhD  School of Education, University of CaliforniaIrvine, Irvine, CA, USA Avriel Epps  Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA Maria Espinola, PsyD  Department of Psychiatry & Behavioral Neuroscience, University of Cincinnati College of Medicine, Cincinnati, OH, USA Flora Farago, PhD  School of Human Sciences, Human Development and Family Studies, Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches, TX, USA Hiram  E.  Fitzgerald, PhD Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA

Contributors

Contributors

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Reneé V. Galliher, PhD  Department of Psychology, Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA Amada Hassan, BA  Fordham University, New York, NY, USA Nancy  E.  Hill, PhD Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA Adam J. Hoffman  Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Elizabeth  G.  Holman, PhD, LSW Human Development and Family Studies, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA Amy  Huffer Human Development and Family Science, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA Julia  Jefferies Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA Deborah  J.  Johnson, PhD Human Development and Family Studies, Diversity Research Network, Office for Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Samantha K. Jones  Human Development and Family Science, University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, MO, USA Linda  P.  Juang, PhD Department of Education, University of Potsdam, Potsdam, Germany Emily  Karr Human Development and Family Studies, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA Lisa  Kiang, PhD Department of Psychology, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC, USA Cheryl  Kickett-Tucker Koya Aboriginal Corporation, Pindi Pindi Ltd, Centre for Research Excellence in Aboriginal Wellbeing & School of Education, Faculty of Humanities, Curtin University, Midland, WA, Australia Melanie Killen, PhD  Department of Human Development and Quantitative Methodology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA Su Yeong Kim, PhD  Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA Marva  L.  Lewis, PhD School of Social Work, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA Shizhu Liu, MA  Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Shondra  L.  Marshall, MA Teacher Education Department, Eastern Michigan University, Ypsilanti, MI, USA Alexa Martin-Storey, PhD  Département de Psychoéducation, Université de Sherbrooke, Longueuil, QC, Canada

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Jessica  A.  K.  Matthews, PhD Rudd Adoption Research Program, Department of Psychology and Brain Sciences, University of Massachusetts— Amherst, Amherst, MA, USA Heather  L.  McCauley, ScD Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Thomas  J.  McMahon, PhD  Departments of Psychiatry and Child Study, Yale University School of Medicine, New Haven, CT, USA Sheena  Mirpuri, PhD  Immigrant Health and Cancer Disparities Service, Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, New York, NY, USA Ivana Mowry-Mora  Columbian School of Arts and Sciences, The George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA Rosa  Maria  Mulser, PhD  Department of Psychology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA Rajni  L.  Nair College of Integrative Arts and Sciences, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA Angela  Neal-Barnett Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA Amie  L.  Nielsen, PhD University of Miami, Department of Sociology, Coral Gables, FL, USA John Norder, PhD  Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Christy  Olezeski, PhD  Departments of Psychiatry and Child Study, Yale School of Medicine, Yale Gender Center, New Haven, CT, USA Joshua  G.  Parmenter  Department of Psychology, Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA Ellen E. Pinderhughes, PhD  Eliot-Pearson Department of Child Study and Human Development, Tufts University, Medford, MA, USA Bernardette J. Pinetta  Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Christie  M.  Poitra, PhD Native American Institute, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Maggi Price, MA  Department of Psychiatry, Yale School of Medicine, New Haven, CT, USA Desiree Baolian Qin, EdD  Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Meenal Rana, PhD  Humboldt State University, Arcata, CA, USA Charles Ray, MA  Fordham University, New York, NY, USA

Contributors

Contributors

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Deborah Rivas-Drake  Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Tiffany  Rowell Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA Sudha Sankar  Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Maja  K.  Schachner, PhD Inclusive Education, University of Potsdam, Potsdam, Germany Joshua  Schuschke University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education, Waite Phillips Hall, Los Angeles, CA, USA Judith  C.  Scott  School of Social Work, Boston University, Boston, MA, USA Kristin Scott  Children’s Health, Dallas, TX, USA Isis H. Settles  Department of Psychology, Department of Afroamerican and African Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA James M. Shultz, PhD  Center for Disaster and Extreme Event Preparedness (DEEP Center), Department of Public Health Sciences, University of Miami Miller School of Medicine, Miami, FL, USA Shaouli  Shahid Centre for Aboriginal Studies, Curtin University, Perth, WA, Australia Robert  E.  Stadulis Department of Psychological Sciences, Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA Gabriela  Suarez-Cano, MA Department of Psychology, University of Cincinnati College of Arts and Sciences, Cincinnati, OH, USA Melissa Tehee, JD, PhD  Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA Barbara  Thelamour, PhD College of Wooster, Psychology Department, Wooster, OH, USA Nicole  L.  Thompson, PhD Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College, Arizona State University, Glendale, AZ, USA Brendesha Tynes, PhD  University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education, Waite Phillips Hall, Los Angeles, CA, USA Francisco  A.  Villarruel, PhD Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Yijie Wang, PhD  Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Shawn  Wilson, PhD Gnibi College of Indigenous Australian Peoples, Southern Cross University, Lismore, NSW, Australia

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Mingjun Xie, MA  Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Ashlee Yates  Department of Psychology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA Tiffany Yip, PhD  Fordham University, New York, NY, USA Katharine  H.  Zeiders  Norton School of Family and Consumer Sciences, The University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA Jenny Zhen-Duan, MA  Department of Psychology, University of Cincinnati College of Arts and Sciences, Cincinnati, OH, USA

Contributors

About the Editors

Hiram  E.  Fitzgerald, Ph.D.  is University Distinguished Professor in the Department of Psychology at Michigan State University. His major areas of research include the study of infant and family development in community contexts, the impact of fathers on early child development, 0–5 age boys and risk, the etiology of alcoholism, and implementation of systemic community models of organizational process and change. He is a Member of the Native Children’s Research Exchange, the Tribal Research Center for American-­ Indian/Alaska Native Early Childhood Education, the National Advisory Board for the University of Nebraska Buffett Early Childhood Institute, and the External Advisory Board for the Oklahoma State University Center for Integrative Research on Childhood Adversity. He is a Fellow of the Association for Psychological Science and of five divisions of the American Psychological Association. Deborah  J.  Johnson, Ph.D.  is Professor of Human Development and Family Studies and is also Director of the Diversity Research Network, a faculty serving entity under the auspices of Michigan State University’s Office for Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives. Her research explores racially and culturally related development, parental racial socialization and coping, and cultural adjustment from early childhood through emerging adulthood, in both domestic and international children and youth. Current work focuses on the influence of early bias preparation and coping at the intersection of gender and race among African-American and Latina college women and the impact on their well-being and school performance. Recent books address the global rights of children and private/charter school experiences of African-American children. Additionally, she studies cultural adjustment and identity development among unaccompanied Sudanese refugee minors and majors and in international settings. Further explorations emphasize positive youth development and identity reformation of immigrant and refugee groups. Desiree  Baolian  Qin, Ed.D.  is an Associate Professor of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University. Her research, funded by the William T.  Grant Foundation and the Spencer Foundation, focuses on understanding how immigration, culture, gender, and ecological xix

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contexts, especially family, impact adolescent and emerging adult development. Drawing on mostly mixed-method, longitudinal data, her research has highlighted many nuanced, complex family processes that have been overlooked in Asian immigrant families, especially the struggle in parent-child relations, e.g., emotional alienation, parent-child conflicts, communication challenges, and parent-child separation. Her findings also point to negative effects of tiger parenting in child/adolescent development. Dr. Qin’s most recent project examines academic and psychosocial adaptation challenges of Chinese undergraduate students. Francisco  A.  Villarruel, Ph.D.  is Professor and Associate Chair for Education in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies and a University Outreach and Engagement Senior Fellow at Michigan State University. He is a founding Faculty Member of the GPI-Youth Development program – an online asynchronous master’s program for prospective youth professionals. Dr. Villarruel has worked with numerous communities, state, and federal agencies to address the involvement of Latino youth in juvenile justice systems programs. He serves on the Board of Directors for the Campaign for Youth Justice and is also working with colleagues across the nation to establish The Alianza for Latino Youth Justice – a consortium of practitioners, advocates, funders, families, and scholars that seek to engage in culturally relevant practices to address the needs of Latino youth secure placements. John Norder, Ph.D.  (Spirit Lake and Turtle Mountain), is the Director of the Michigan State University Native American Institute and an Associate Professor in Anthropology. His research and teaching interests include Native American and First Nations archaeology, ethnohistory, and anthropology, particularly in the Great Lakes region of North America. Current and ongoing work has focused on the ways in which traditional Indigenous knowledge is used as a tool of mediation between issues of identity, cultural and natural resource heritages, and economic development in the context of local- and state-level political negotiations.

About the Editors

About the Contributors

Samantha  Addante  is a doctoral student in the Clinical Psychology program at Oklahoma State University. Samantha earned her bachelor’s degree from the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, in Human Development and Family Studies, with a focus on child and adolescent development. Samantha is training as a Clinical Scientist with an emphasis on quantitative methods. Her research interests focus on intergenerational processes of trauma and family functioning. Kristine J. Ajrouch, Ph.D.  is Professor of Sociology at Eastern Michigan University (EMU) and Adjunct Research Professor at the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan. She received her doctorate in Sociology from Wayne State University in 1997 and was awarded a National Institute on Aging postdoctoral fellowship in aging at the University of Michigan. Her research has focused on Arab-Americans in the United States and more recently in the Middle East. Topics of inquiry include identity, social relations, gender, aging, and life course, as well as health/well-being. She received a Fulbright award to support her work in Lebanon during 2008 and is currently working on forgiveness and humility supported by a grant from the John Templeton Foundation. Dr. Ajrouch has published in numerous national and international journals including the Ethnic and Racial Studies, International Migration Review, and Sociological Perspectives. Meera  Aladin  is a graduate student at Fordham University pursuing her Ph.D. in Counseling Psychology. Meera received her bachelor’s degree in Psychology and Biology from Fordham University in 2015. After graduating, she worked as a Project Director for 2 years on Dr. Tiffany Yip’s NSF-funded study, examining the effects of ethnic/racial discrimination on minority youths’ sleep and academic outcomes. Meera’s current research and clinical interests focus on coping mechanisms in youth exposed to severe adversity and global mental health issues related to trauma. Mira Armans  is a doctoral student in the Clinical Psychology program at Oklahoma State University (OSU). Mira earned her master’s degree in Clinical Psychology at OSU, where she conducted research examining parenting stress among American-Indian families. Her research interests focus xxi

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on processes of risk and resilience associated with child development and family functioning, using a cross-cultural perspective. Germine H. Awad, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor of Psychology in the Department of Educational Psychology at the University of Texas at Austin. Dr. Awad received her master’s degree and doctorate in Applied Experimental Psychology from Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. She is the recipient of three teaching awards and the Emerging Scholar-Research Contribution Award from Division 45 (Society for the Psychological Study of Culture, Ethnicity and Race) of the American Psychological Association (APA). Her research primarily focuses on prejudice and discrimination as well as ethnic/ racial identity and acculturation in Arab-Americans and African-Americans. She has conducted research on predictors of perceived discrimination for Arab-Americans and predictors of prejudice toward this group. Dr. Awad is the Co-founder of the American Arab, Middle Eastern, and North African Psychological Association (AMENA-Psy) and currently serves as its treasurer. She also coedited the Handbook of Arab American Psychology. Laura  Baams, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor at the Pedagogy and Educational Sciences Department at the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. Her research addresses health disparities among LGBTQ youth and how these can be exacerbated or diminished by social/environmental factors. She focuses on addressing (1) whether the health and social development of LGBTQ youth is protected or harmed by school policies and programs; (2) what the mechanisms are that underlie the development of health disparities, such as depression and suicidality, among LGBTQ youth; and (3) how we can encourage social (structural) changes that foster a positive development for LGBTQ youth. Meeta Banerjee, Ph.D.  is currently an Assistant Professor in Psychology at California State University, Northridge. She received her doctorate in Ecological Community Psychology with a specialization in applied developmental science from Michigan State University in 2012. Her research employs both integrative and ecological frameworks to understand the influence of contextual factors on early and late adolescent developmental trajectories in ethnic minority families. Dr. Banerjee is especially interested in exploring the interaction between ecological contexts and race-related parenting practices. Jessica  V.  Barnes-Najor, Ph.D.  is a Developmental Psychologist with a specialization in applied developmental science. Dr. Barnes-Najor is a Co-investigator for the Tribal Early Childhood Research Center (TRC), partnering with American Indian and Alaska Native Head Start, Home Visitation, and Child Care grantees to promote community-engaged research and enhance early childhood program evaluation and research-to-practice activities across the nation. She is also a Co-investigator of Wiba Anung, a collaborative research with community partners representing nine Michigan tribes.

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Aprile D. Benner, Ph.D.  has substantive research interests focused on the development of low-income and race/ethnic minority youth, investigating how the everyday contexts of children and adolescents’ lives shape their developmental outcomes. As a Developmental Psychologist, the core of her research program is a fundamental developmental question  – what are the continuities and changes in the social, emotional, and cognitive growth and maturation of young people? Reflecting training in educational demography, she works to answer this question with an awareness of how such developmental patterns are embedded in the groups, contexts, and social structures of society. Amanda K. Blume  is a Native American graduate student in the Combined Clinical/Counseling doctoral program at Utah State University. Her research is focused on trauma, identity development, resilience, and educational and health disparities among ethnic minority young adults. Specifically, her research and clinical work emphasize resilience in the face of historical trauma and oppression, particularly with regard to substance use. Her other interests include exploring intersections between culture and ethics and improving university climate for diverse students. Additionally, she serves as student representative for the Society of Indian Psychologists. Shelia T. Brassel  is a Ph.D. candidate in Personality and Social Contexts Psychology at the University of Michigan. Her research uses intersectionality and social identity theories and employs a variety of methodologies – including qualitative, quantitative, survey, and experimental methods – to examine the expression and experience of gender-based mistreatment (e.g., sexual harassment, prejudice), with particular focus on the intersection of gender with sexuality and race. Diamond  Y.  Bravo, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Fellow and Lecturer at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. She received her doctorate from the program in Family and Human Development at Arizona State University. She received her B.A. in Psychology from the University of California, Riverside, and her M.A. in General Experimental Psychology from California State University, Northridge. Her research interests focus on the cultural mechanisms and constructs that contribute to the academic motivation, success, and well-being of immigrant students and students of color in the United States. Her work highlights the role of culturally salient risk and resiliency factors that inform health and education disparities among at-risk minority youth. Alaina  Brenick, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor of Human Development and Family Sciences at the University of Connecticut. She received a predoctoral traineeship from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development to obtain her doctorate at the University of Maryland prior to her postdoctoral fellowship at the Friedrich Schiller University, Germany. She analyzes how diverse groups of youth in the United States and other regions of the world  – sometimes with vastly different societal structures, norms, and expectations  – experience, reason about, and respond to inter-

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group peer relations and group-based victimization. This work is translated into contextually and developmentally appropriate intervention programs, designed to promote social equity and positive intergroup relations. Amanda R. Burkholder, B.A  University of Minnesota, is a doctoral student at the University of Maryland. Her research focuses on children’s developing moral and group knowledge, including children’s emerging conceptions and evaluations of social inequalities and social exclusion based on group membership. She is supported by a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship and received the Richard L.  Matteson Endowed Scholarship for her outstanding graduate research. Christy M. Byrd, Ph.D.  conducts research that examines how school climate for diversity promotes academic engagement, cultural competence, and psychological well-being in students. She uses quantitative and qualitative methods to explore topics such as intergroup interactions, multicultural education, and culturally relevant teaching. Her work has shown that when youth experience their schools as positive, identity-affirming spaces, they are more academically engaged and successful. Gustavo Carlo, Ph.D.  is Millsap Professor of Diversity and Multicultural Studies at the University of Missouri. He obtained his doctorate from Arizona State University. His main research interest is in culture, family, and personality correlates of prosocial and moral behaviors in children and adolescents. Dr. Carlo has authored many journal articles and has coedited several volumes on culture, health, and prosocial and moral development. He is a Fellow of the American Psychological Association and the Association for Psychological Science. Daniell  Carvalheiro  is a doctoral student in Human Development and Family Studies at the University of Connecticut. His research interests focus on children’s peer relations, temperament, parent-child relationships, and cultural variations in these components of development. He serves as a Research Assistant for the Center for the Study of Culture, Health, and Human Development (CHHD) and the Developmental Approaches to Identities, Inequalities, and Intergroup Relations Lab (DAIIIR). Several of the research projects he has worked on include an evaluation of a parenting education program in CT, a cross-cultural comparison of parents’ and teachers’ ideas about school involvement, and a study assessing how parents’ and peers’ influence on adolescents’ evaluations of intergroup relations varies by age and gender. Caitlin Cavanagh, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice and holds an adjunct appointment in the Department of Psychology at Michigan State University. She received her B.A. at the University of Rochester and her M.A. and doctorate at the University of California, Irvine. Broadly, her research focuses on the intersections of psychology and the law and how social contexts shape adolescent behavior. Her program of research seeks to

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produce developmentally sound research that can improve how the juvenile justice system interfaces with youth and their families. Jaime Chahin, Ph.D.  is Professor and Dean of the College of Applied Arts at Texas State University, San Marcos. He also served as Senior Policy Analyst for the Texas Select Committee for Higher Education and Dean of students at a community college. He received two graduate degrees from the University of Michigan, in Education (1977) and Social Work (1975), and his undergraduate degree in Sociology (1974) from Texas A&I University in Kingsville. He teaches graduate and undergraduate courses in administration supervision and social policy. His research interests involve migrants, college access, bridge programs, and public policy issues that impact funding and retention in higher education. Alison J. Chrisler, Ph.D.  is a Researcher at Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago. She earned her doctorate at Michigan State University. Dr. Chrisler’s work focuses on developing and implementing community change efforts that promote the healthy development of children and youth across systems, including juvenile justice, child welfare, and homelessness. Additionally, she is interested in using local data to direct research, policy, and change efforts to support the well-being of LGBTQ youth. Lucia Ciciolla, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in the College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University. Dr. Ciciolla earned her doctorate in Clinical Psychology with an emphasis on child and family science and quantitative science from Arizona State University (ASU) and completed an APA-accredited internship at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill School of Medicine. Dr. Ciciolla was trained as a Clinical Scientist with specializations in infancy and early childhood, perinatal and maternal mental health, parenting, trauma, and longitudinal methodology. Juan  R.  Jaimes  Costilla  graduated from Texas State University with degrees in Family and Consumer Sciences and a minor in Business Administration. He is currently a master’s student at the Gerald R.  Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan. At Texas State University, Juan founded a student organization to address the issues faced by undocumented students in achieving a college degree. He has worked with organizations such as College Forward, Upward Bound, and Catch the Next, whose mission is to improve college attainment for low-resourced students. While at the Ford School, Juan is interested in exploring education and immigration policies Michael  Cunningham, Ph.D.  holds the academic rank of Professor at Tulane University. He has a joint faculty appointment in the Department of Psychology and the undergraduate program in Africana Studies. He serves as an Associate Provost for Graduate Studies and Research in Tulane University’s Office of Academic Affairs. As a Developmental Psychologist, Dr.

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Cunningham has a program of research that focuses on racial, ethnic, psychosocial, and socioeconomic processes that affect psychological well-being, adjustment to chronic stressful events, and academic achievement among African-American adolescents and their families. Kimberly  Leah  Davidson, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor of Human Development and Family Studies at Central Michigan University. She holds a doctorate from Syracuse University and an M.S. degree from the University of Tennessee, both in Child and Family Studies. Her research interests include ethnic/racial socialization in early childhood settings and development of racial and ethnic identity during early childhood. Alexandra N. Davis, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor of Family and Child Studies in the Department of Individual, Family, and Community Education at the University of New Mexico. She received her doctorate in 2016 from the University of Missouri. Her research focuses on the links between cultural and contextual stressors and marginalized adolescents’ positive social adjustment. Martale J. Davis  is currently a Clinical Psychological Science doctoral student at Kent State University. His research examines the relationship between the acting White accusation, bullying, and social anxiety among Black adolescents. Davis also explores cultural factors that impact mental health among inner-city, Black adolescent girls. His work has been published in scholarly journals, presented at regional and national conferences and funded by Division 29 of the American Psychological Association. Melissa Y. Delgado, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor in Family Studies and Human Development at the University of Arizona. Taking a strengths-based approach, her collaborative program of research focuses on protective factors and mechanisms that reduce ethnic/racial inequality and promote Latino adolescents’ positive development across early to late adolescence. She also employs mixed-methods research (i.e., quantitative surveys and focus groups) to examine the roles of math and science academic identity and their links to family and school supports, culture, academic success, and overall well-being. Alexander P. D’Esterre, B.A  Rutgers University, is a doctoral student at the University of Maryland. His research is concerned with children’s developing understanding of intentions and of group identity and how these factors influence their moral judgments and decisions. His research is funded by the University of Maryland Graduate Recruitment Fellowship, and he has received the William C. Graham and William J. Graham Endowed Scholarship in Education based on his academic achievements in the graduate program. Yemo Duan  is a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University. His major research interests include parenting and adolescent development, grandparent-grandchild inter-

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action, and the intergenerational interaction within family systems. He is a Member of the Society for Research in Child Development and National Center for Faculty Development and Diversity. Jacquelynne  S.  Eccles, Ph.D.  is a Distinguished University Professor of Education at the University of California, Irvine. She is the Coeditor of the American Educational Research Association Open journal and Past Editor of Developmental Psychology and Journal of Research on Adolescence. She is past president of the Society for Research on Adolescence (SRA) and Divisions 7 and 35 of American Psychological Association. Over the past 40  years, Prof. Eccles has conducted research on a wide variety of topics including motivation and social development in the family and school ­context. Her work has been honored by several Lifetime Achievement Awards from major international research professional associations and universities. Avriel  Epps  is a PhD student and Presidential Scholar at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. She studies how adolescent development is influenced by interactions with digital products, environments, systems, and “autonomous” technologies (e.g., personalized recommenders and information filters) while taking into account adolescents’ experiences in homes, schools, and neighborhoods. Maria Espinola, Psy.D  is an Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychiatry at the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Neuroscience at the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine. She is a Licensed Clinical Psychologist, and her areas of clinical and research focus are multicultural psychology, women’s issues, and trauma psychology. Dr. Espinola was born in Argentina and immigrated to the United States in 2001. She completed her doctorate in Clinical Psychology at Nova Southeastern University, her predoctoral fellowship in Multicultural Psychology at Boston University Medical Center, and her postdoctoral fellowship in Trauma Psychology at McLean Hospital and Harvard Medical School. Flora Farago, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in Human Development and Family Studies at Stephen F. Austin State University. Flora has a background in developmental psychology and early childhood education. Flora’s teaching and research interests center around children’s prejudice and stereotype development, antibias curricula, inclusive early childhood education surrounding race and gender, and mixed-methods research. Flora is particularly interested in the link between research and community activism. She collaborates with colleagues and organizations nationally and internationally, including the Indigo Cultural Center in Phoenix, Arizona; the Girl Child Network in Nairobi, Kenya; and Local to Global Justice. Reneé  V.  Galliher, Ph.D.  is a Professor of Psychology at Utah State University. Her research is focused on identity development processes among adolescents and young adults. Specifically, her work emphasizes intersections of domains of identity within relational and cultural contexts. Using

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observational, self-report, and qualitative methodologies, Dr. Galliher assesses ethnic identity, sexual identity, religious identity, professional identity, and other forms of identity across developmental transitions. Her work examines patterns of risk and resilience related to important family and peer relationships, as well as cultural influences and the impact of prejudice and discrimination. Amada  Hassan  grew up in the Chicago area and now lives in New  York City. She is currently a Project Manager for the Adolescent Sleep Study of the Youth Development in Diverse Contexts Lab at Fordham University. Ms. Hassan attended Fordham College at Rose Hill. She received her B.S. in Psychology in 2017 from Fordham University. She is a Member of Phi Beta Kappa and Phi Kappa Phi. Nancy E. Hill, Ph.D.  is the Charles Bigelow Professor of Education at the Harvard University. She earned her doctorate in Developmental Psychology at Michigan State University in 1994. Professor Hill’s research focuses on ethnic, socioeconomic, and cultural contexts that shape parenting and family dynamics and also children’s and adolescents’ academic outcomes, mental health, and opportunities. In her focus on equity across demographic background, her research includes evaluating access to high-quality schools through school choice and other district-level policies, understanding ethnic variations in parenting and parental involvement in education during adolescence, and identifying relational and psychosocial resources that support adolescents as they navigate secondary and postsecondary transitions. Professor Hill was a recipient of the William T.  Grant Foundation’s Distinguished Faculty Fellowship for her work with the Massachusetts’ State Executive Office of Education. Adam  J.  Hoffman, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Department of Psychology at the University of Michigan. He earned his B.A. from Quinnipiac University and his M.A. and doctorate in Developmental Psychology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Dr. Hoffman investigates the development of social identities (e.g., ethnic/racial or gender) in adolescents and how socializing agents (e.g., peers and parents) can impact the development of these identities. He is also interested developing interventions to shape identities that are negatively stereotyped in academics to be congruent with academic success. Elizabeth  G.  Holman, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor of Human Development and Family Studies at Bowling Green State University (BGSU) in Ohio. She earned her doctorate at the University of Illinois at Urbana-­ Champaign. Dr. Holman’s work focuses on supporting gender and sexual minority populations in context. Specifically, she is interested in examining institutional and organizational contexts, as a means of addressing policies and practices which can affirm or oppress LGBTQ populations. She teaches Family Diversity and Human Sexuality at BGSU.

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Amy Huffer, Ph.D., L.C.S.W., IMH-E(IV-C)  graduated with her Masters in Social Work from the University of Oklahoma and earned her doctorate in Human Development and Family Science from Oklahoma State University. Dr. Huffer specializes in working with children under the age of 5 and is currently serving as Oklahoma’s Early Childhood Trainer and Consultant where she works to develop and strengthen the infant and early childhood workforce in Oklahoma. Dr. Huffer previously coordinated the state’s only Diagnostic Nursery, where psychiatry residents and fellows evaluated children under the age of 5, and additionally supported research efforts in the field of infant and early childhood mental health. Dr. Huffer has been endorsed by the Oklahoma Association for Infant Mental Health as an Infant Mental Health Mentor and is an Adjunct Professor at the University of Central Oklahoma. Julia Jefferies  is a Ph.D. candidate in Culture, Institutions, and Society at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Her research interests lie at the intersection of race and identity in K-12 classrooms in both students and teachers. She seeks to use sociological and cultural frameworks to understand how schools can foster student racial and ethnic identity development and the pivotal role that teachers and their own understandings of identity play in this process. Samantha  K.  Jones  is a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Science at the University of Missouri. Her research focuses on family relationship dynamics during adolescence and young adulthood, investigating cultural factors and daily experiences that impact relationship quality, adjustment, and academic outcomes of Latino adolescents and young adults. Linda P. Juang, Ph.D.  is a Professor at the University of Potsdam, Germany. Her research focuses on the social and emotional adjustment of adolescents and college students of immigrant families, with a focus on Asian-American families. She is interested in immigration-related issues such as acculturation, ethnic identity, family relations, and ethnic/racial discrimination. Emily Karr  is an honors student at the University of Connecticut majoring in Human Development and Family Studies with a minor in Political Science. Her research interests include the development of students in the LGBTQIA+ community and bullying in schools. She is working to translate her research interests into the field of family law and will pursue a Family Law degree. Lisa  Kiang, Ph.D.  is a Professor at Wake Forest University in North Carolina, USA. Her area of research is in self and cultural identity development, social relationships, and context. Her work emphasizes positive well-­ being and adjustment among adolescents from immigrant and ethnically diverse backgrounds.

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Cheryl  Kickett-Tucker, Ph.D.  is a Whadjuk Noongar Aboriginal from Western Australia. Professor Kickett-Tucker is currently a Research Fellow at Curtin University and the Founding Director of Pindi Pindi Pty Ltd., Centre for Research Excellence in Aboriginal Health and Wellbeing. Her research interests include sense of self, Aboriginal identity, and self-esteem of Aboriginal children, including the development of a series of culturally appropriate instruments for racial identity and self-esteem across the lifespan. Her research strength has been the translation of her research to Aboriginal community, most notably Kaat Koort n Hoops, a basketball lifestyle program for 4–16-year-old children. Cheryl is an emerging author of children’s fiction books and is the Chief Editor and coauthor of Mia Mia Aboriginal Community Development: Fostering Cultural Security. Other publications are Wind Spirit: Nanna’s Legacy and The Routledge Handbook of Community Development: Perspectives from Around the Globe. She is a very keen amateur photographer who likes to capture the strengths and positive elements of being Aboriginal. Melanie Killen, Ph.D.  is Professor of Human Development and Quantitative Methodology and Professor of Psychology (Affiliate) at the University of Maryland, College Park. She studies the origins of morality as well as the origins of prejudice and bias. Specific topics include social inclusion and exclusion in intergroup peer encounters, resource allocation among disadvantaged and advantaged groups, and the role of intentionality and bias in children’s judgments. She has been funded by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) for her research on children’s social exclusion and factors that contribute to prejudice. Su Yeong Kim, Ph.D.  studies the intersection of family and cultural contexts in understanding the development of children of immigrants in the United States, with a focus on children of Chinese and Mexican origin. She examines how culturally relevant developmental processes (acculturation), cognitive processes (executive functioning), and physiological (cortisol, inflammation) and social stressors (discrimination) directly, indirectly, or interactively influence parent-child relationships (parenting, tiger parenting, father-child relationships) and adjustment transitions and outcomes (academic achievement, depressive symptoms) in minority adolescents and young adults. She also develops and tests the measurement invariance of culturally relevant measures for use with ethnic minorities. Marva  L.  Lewis, Ph.D.  in Sociocultural Psychology, is an Associate Professor at Tulane University in New Orleans, Louisiana. She is Founder and Director of the Center for Natural Connections that conducts research translated into community-based interventions promoting hair combing interaction as a culturally valid opportunity to strengthen parent-child attachment. In 2011, she was commissioned by the National Zero to Three Safe Babies Court Teams to conduct training on historical trauma of slavery and racial

About the Contributors

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disparities in the child welfare system. She is currently a Consultant and Member of the National Advisory Board of the Quality Improvement Center for Research-Based Infant-Toddler Court Teams. Shizhu Liu  is a doctoral student in Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University. Her research focuses on cross-race/ethnic friendship and its effect on adolescents’ adjustment in multiracial or multiethnic school context. Shondra L. Marshall  is Assistant Director of undergraduate admissions at Central Michigan University and is a Ph.D. candidate in the Educational Studies, Urban Education doctoral program at Eastern Michigan University. Her research focuses on teacher preparation, exploring best practices and strategies to reach African-American students. Additionally, her research interests include examining pedagogy, academic performance, educational experiences, and literacy activities of African-American students. Current efforts also include racial socialization and parental influences of African-­ American students. Alexa Martin-Storey, Ph.D.  is the Canada Research Chair in Stigma and Psychosocial Development and is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychoéducation at the Université de Sherbrooke. Her work focuses on how stigma and stigma-based experiences are associated with adolescent health and mental health outcomes. Much of her more recent research has explored the factors that shape the impact of stigma associated with sexual minority status on youth outcomes, with a particular focus on gender nonconformity and gender identity. Jessica A. K. Matthews, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Research Scholar for the Rudd Adoption Research Program in the Department of Psychological & Brain Sciences at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. As a Developmental Scientist, she studies identity development, parenting, special needs, race and culture, child maltreatment, and youth and family outcomes in the contexts of adoption and foster care. Her work has focused on special needs and cultural-ethnic/racial socialization among international and domestic adoptive families and maltreatment of adoptees in foster care. Jessica is interested in outcomes for children experiencing disruptions in parental care, as well as adoption/child welfare policy and system evaluation and reform. Heather  L.  McCauley, Sc.D  is an Assistant Professor of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University. A Social Epidemiologist by training, Dr. McCauley’s research focuses on health impacts and intervention strategies to reduce intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and reproductive coercion, with emphasis on victimization among marginalized populations (e.g., sexual and gender minorities, foster youth, incarcerated women). Her work has been funded by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development

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and the National Institute on Drug Abuse. Dr. McCauley serves as Associate Editor of the multidisciplinary research journal Psychology of Violence. Dr. McCauley earned her Doctor of Science in Social and Behavioral Sciences and Master of Science in Global Health from Harvard University. Prior to joining Michigan State University in 2016, she served on the faculty at the University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine in the Division of Adolescent and Young Adult Medicine. Thomas J. McMahon, Ph.D.  is a Professor in the Departments of Psychiatry and Child Study at the Yale University School of Medicine. His research focuses on family systems affected by drug addiction, and male gender and male gender socialization have been key constructs in his effort to understand the sexual partnerships and parenting of men struggling with drug addiction. He has received several grants from the National Institute on Drug Abuse; and he has been invited to participate in national and international initiatives on addiction, family process, and child development. He is presently a Member of the Society for the Psychological Study of Men and Masculinity and a Member of the Editorial Board for the Psychology of Men and Masculinity. Sheena Mirpuri, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Faculty of Education at the University of Hong Kong. She obtained her undergraduate degree at Emory University and her M.A. and doctorate at Fordham University. She was a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Immigrant Health & Cancer Disparities Service at Memorial Sloan Kettering Center. She has used quantitative and qualitative methodologies to explore how socio-contextual experiences (e.g., discrimination, diversity) influence ethnic/racial identity, coping, and well-being (e.g., mental health, health behaviors) among ethnic/racial minority populations across the lifespan. Ivana Mowry-Mora  is an undergraduate sophomore majoring in Geography and minoring in Geographical Information Systems at the George Washington University Columbian School of Arts and Sciences. Her areas of focus are Latino issues, women’s rights, and environmental issues. Ivana is Venezuelan-­ American. She is a UWC-USA alum and is a Cisneros Scholar at GWU. She is part of GWU’s REMix (Racially and Ethnically Mixed Student Association) as Student Organization Liaison. She currently volunteers for the United We Dream Deportation Defense Hotline and works for the Eleanor Roosevelt Papers Project as a Research Assistant. Rosa Maria Mulser, Ph.D.  grew up in Voels am Schlern, Italy. She attended the University of Innsbruck, Austria, and the University of New Orleans, Louisiana, where she received a Bachelor of Science degree in Psychology in 2005. In 2006, she entered the doctoral program in School Psychology at Tulane University, which awarded her a doctoral degree in 2012. Dr. Mulser is currently working at a private group practice in Idaho Falls, Idaho, providing psychological services to adults, children and adolescents.

About the Contributors

About the Contributors

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Rajni L. Nair, Ph.D.  is a Senior Lecturer in the College of Integrative Arts and Sciences at Arizona State University. Her research with Latino youth focuses on understanding the experiences of ethnic/racial inequality (e.g., discrimination and educational inequality) and the processes within the family, school, and neighborhood settings that can buffer youth who experience inequality. She also utilizes advanced quantitative methods (i.e., multilevel modeling, latent class analysis, invariance testing) in the study of risk and resilience processes among Latino youth families. Angela  Neal-Barnett, Ph.D.  is a Professor in the Department of Psychological Science at Kent State University where she directs the Program for Research on Anxiety Disorders among African-Americans. Her work has been published in various academic journals, and she is the author of Soothe Your Nerves: The Black Woman’s Guide to Understanding and Overcoming Anxiety, Panic and Fear (Simon & Schuster). Dr. Neal-Barnett’s work is supported by numerous federal, state, and foundation grants including the National Institute of Mental Health, National Science Foundation, the Mount Sinai Health Care Foundation, and the Sisters of Charity. Amie  L.  Nielsen, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Miami. She received her B.A. at SUNY Geneseo and her M.A. and doctorate at the University of Delaware. Her research interests focus on race, ethnicity, immigration, and crime, both at the individual and community levels. Christy  Olezeski, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in the Departments of Psychiatry and Child Study. As a Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychologist, her expertise lies in the intersection between trauma, sexuality, and gender identity. She is the Director of the Yale Pediatric Gender Program, an interdisciplinary team that provides services for transgender and gender nonconforming youth in Connecticut. She is also a Member of the USA Volleyball Gender Committee and Member-at-Large for the American Psychological Association’s Division 37, Child and Family Policy and Practice. Joshua G. Parmenter  is currently a doctoral student at Utah State University in the Combined Clinical/Counseling Psychology program. Joshua’s research focuses primarily on sexual identity development, concealment of sexual identity, and LGBTQ+ psychosocial health  – with an emphasis on unique stressors that impact the health of sexual minority men. Joshua’s professional experiences, as well as his subjective experience as an openly gay man, fuel his passion for giving back to the LGBTQ+ community and his career to mend health disparities in LGBTQ+ populations. Ellen E. Pinderhughes, Ph.D.  is Professor in the Eliot-Pearson Department of Child Study and Human Development, Tufts University. A Developmental and Clinical Psychologist, she studies contextual influences on and cultural processes in parenting among families facing different challenges, including

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adoption, and raising children in high-risk, low-resource communities or as a sexual minority parent. Her individual and collaborative studies include cultural socialization and preparation for bias among transracial adoptive parents; Fast Track, a longitudinal RCT targeting youth at risk for conduct problems; the lives and pathways to fatherhood among gay fathers; and the role of race, ethnicity, and culture in parenting and youth outcomes. Bernardette J. Pinetta  is a doctoral student in the Combined Program in Education and Psychology at the University of Michigan. She graduated from UCLA with a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and a minor in Education Studies. As a Ronald E.  McNair Scholar, she conducted research with Dr. Carola Suárez-Orozco on how teachers’ interactions with students changed based on their race and gender. Currently, she works with Drs. Deborah Rivas-Drake and Matt Diemer. She is interested in investigating how teachers impact the racial development of their students and how critical consciousness can help serve as a protective factor. Christie  M.  Poitra, Ph.D.  (Latinx and Turtle Mountain), is the Assistant Director of the Michigan State University Native American Institute and a Scholar of K-12 Indigenous education policy and practice. Her research and service interests are defined by two interrelated ideas. First is how current state, federal, district, and tribal policy contexts affect Indigenous education experiences in K-12 schools. Dr. Poitra’s second area of inquiry looks at the efforts of institutional partnerships (i.e., tribal governments, tribal colleges, universities, and K-12 schools) to Indigenize K-12 curriculum, practices, and instructional leadership. Maggi Price  is a Psychology Fellow at the Yale School of Medicine and a doctoral candidate in Counseling Psychology at Boston College. Her major areas of research include the study of trauma-related outcomes in youth and the intersection of trauma and identity. Recently, Maggi has examined the effects of identity-based victimization, including discrimination and identity-­ based bullying, on youth mental health. Maggi will continue building her program of research as a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Harvard University Psychology Department. Meenal Rana, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Child Development at Humboldt State University. She teaches various courses including growth and development, parent-child relationships, professional development, and directed field experience classes. Her research areas include (1) examining Sikh immigrant parents’ socialization toward ethnoreligious identity formation of their boys and (2) engaging school youth in India, by using youth adult partnership model, to raise awareness around environmental and social justice issues in their communities. Built on her work on the second project, she recently received a federal grant of about $150,000 to take eight Humboldt State University students in the summer of 2018 for 10 weeks to work in two rural communities.

About the Contributors

About the Contributors

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Charles  Ray  is a current graduate student who graduated from Cornell University with his B.S. and from NYU with an M.A. in General Psychology. His NYU master’s thesis evaluated the impact of SES on socialization and is related to his interests in the development of stress and coping skills as a result of ethnic/racial, and socioeconomic identities during adolescence and young adulthood, and how these developments are affected by diversity and intergroup contact. He is also interested in preventable psychopathology as a coping mechanism for minority status stress. Deborah Rivas-Drake, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor of Psychology and Education at the University of Michigan. Together with the Contexts of Academic + Social Adjustment (CASA) Lab, she examines how adolescents navigate issues related to race and ethnicity in peer and family settings and how these experiences inform their academic and socioemotional ­development. Her work seeks to illuminate promising practices that help set diverse young people on trajectories of positive contribution to their schools and communities. Dr. Rivas-Drake recently completed a Midcareer Grant awarded by the Spencer Foundation and is PI of the NSF-funded Teen Identity Development and Education Study. Tiffany  Rowell  is currently a first-year graduate student in Clinical Psychological Science at Kent State University. Her research focuses on infant mortality, race, stress, and anxiety in African-American communities. Sudha  Sankar, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Scholar in the Department of Psychology and Evaluation Specialist for the Research Consortium of Gender-Based Violence at Michigan State University. Sudha is a Family Therapist by training and a Translational Researcher with expertise in leading the design, development, and evaluation of programs and trauma-informed services within health, mental health, and community agency settings. Sudha’s research explores the role of identity and cultural socialization on women’s partnering experiences and their agency in intimate and sexual relationships and culturally authentic ways to implement family- and community-­ based prevention efforts in South Asian communities. Sudha has set up and served as the Coordinator for the Interpersonal Conflict and Violence Initiative housed within the Couple and Family Therapy Clinic at Michigan State University. Maja  K.  Schachner, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Researcher in Inclusive Education at the University of Potsdam, Germany, a Fellow in the College for Interdisciplinary Educational Research, and President-Elect of the Early Researchers’ Union of the European Association for Developmental Psychology (EADP). Her main research interests include cultural diversity in schools, cross-ethnic friendships, acculturation, and school-related outcomes of adolescents of immigrant background. She is the recipient of the 2015 George Butterworth Young Scientist Award of the EADP as well as the 2017 Early Career Award of the International Academy for Intercultural Research.

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Joshua  Schuschke  a PhD Candidate in the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education’s Urban Education Policy Program. Josh’s background includes a Bachelors of Science and Masters of Arts in Pan African Studies from the University of Louisville. Currently, his research examines the process of identity construction for Black student within a learning ecology of media. Judith C. Scott, M.S.W., Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work at Boston University with practice experience in child trauma and mental health, youth violence prevention, and program evaluation. Using a clinical social work, developmental psychology, and public policy interdisciplinary approach, she studies family-based (e.g., physical maltreatment) and race-based trauma (e.g., racial discrimination) among children and families across cultures and effects on child mental health. Her individual and collaborative studies include physical discipline and physical maltreatment among ethnic minority parents of young children at risk for conduct problems and adolescents’ coping responses to racial discrimination. Kristin Scott, Ph.D.  is a Postdoctoral Fellow in Clinical Child Psychology at Children’s Medical Center of Dallas. She completed her undergraduate degree at Howard University and an M.S. and Ph.D. from Tulane University. As a School Psychologist, Dr. Scott focuses on translating basic research to applied settings. Isis  H.  Settles, Ph.D.  is Professor of Psychology and Afro-American and African Studies at the University of Michigan. She received her B.A. from Harvard College and her doctorate in Psychology from the University of Michigan. Using an interdisciplinary, intersectional framework, her research focuses on two related processes: (1) the experiences, perceptions, and consequences of unfair treatment directed at devalued social group members, especially Black people and women, and (2) protective factors and coping strategies used by members of devalued social groups to counteract experiences of mistreatment, especially those protective factors related to group identity (e.g., racial identity). Shaouli  Shahid, Ph.D.  is a Social Scientist and has been working in Indigenous health research in Western Australia for over a decade. She is currently employed as a Research and Teaching Academic at the Centre for Aboriginal Studies, Curtin University. She was awarded a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Early-Career Research Fellowship in 2012 for her work in the area of cancer in Aboriginal Australians. Her current work focuses on improving breast cancer survival for Aboriginal women and developing a supportive care needs tool for the carers of Aboriginal patients with cancer. Shaouli has been expanding her research in other areas and is committed to carry on translational research that would contribute to improve overall health and well-being of Aboriginal people. Her research

About the Contributors

About the Contributors

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interests include health and well-being of young people, health promotion, community development, health services research and evaluation, sexuality, and reproductive health. James M. Shultz, Ph.D.  is Director, Center for Disaster and Extreme Event Preparedness (DEEP Center), and Voluntary Associate Professor, Department of Public Health Sciences, University of Miami, Miller School of Medicine. Dr. Shultz is developing a seminal introduction to public health textbook and serves as Chief Editor for the Oxford Handbook of Complex Disaster Risks. He is conducting research and publishing on themes of disaster behavioral health, climate change impacts on public health, and complex disaster risks and resilience. Dr. Shultz received his M.S. in Health Behavior Research and his Ph.D. in Behavioral Epidemiology from the University of Minnesota. Robert  E.  Stadulis, Ph.D.  is an Emeritus Professor of Exercise, Leisure, and Sport at Kent State University. Dr. Stadulis is also the Director of Data Analysis for the Program for Research on Anxiety Disorders among African-­ Americans. Dr. Stadulis is the recipient of numerous federal and state grants. He currently serves as Editor of Future Focus: The Official Journal of the Ohio Association for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance. Ashley  Stewart  is a doctoral student in Educational Psychology at the University of Southern California. She earned a masters’ degree in Human Development and Applied Psychology at New York University and a bachelor’s degree in Psychology at Virginia Commonwealth University. She currently works as a Graduate Research Assistant at the Center for Empowered Learning and Development with Technology at USC. Her research uses qualitative and quantitative methods to examine the race-related experiences of ethnic minority youth. She is particularly interested in exploring how these experiences are shaped by various social contexts such as family, school, and online spaces and the impacts they have on learning and psychosocial well-being. Gabriela Suarez-Cano  is a doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology at the University of Cincinnati. She earned her undergraduate degree in Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Gabriela is dedicated to using community-­based participatory research methods to access hard-to-reach populations in collaboration with community members. Her research interests focus on better understanding and addressing health disparities among traditionally marginalized groups, particularly low-income Latino immigrants, and implementing interventions through community-engaged efforts to increase knowledge, awareness, and early detection of developmental disorders among Latino immigrant families in Cincinnati, Ohio. Melissa Tehee, J.D., Ph.D.  is a citizen of the Cherokee Nation. She is an Assistant Professor at Utah State University in the Department of Psychology and Director of the American Indian Support Project (AISP). Dr. Tehee’s clinical and research interests are in addressing trauma across the lifespan.

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Her research has focused on bias/prejudice/racism, health disparities, and domestic violence and other trauma experienced by ethnic and racial minorities, especially American-Indians. She earned dual degrees in Clinical Psychology, Policy, and Law (Ph.D./J.D.) with a certificate in Indigenous Peoples Law and Policy at the University of Arizona. Dr. Tehee has a Master of Science in Psychology from Western Washington University and a Bachelor of Arts in Psychology from the University of Nebraska. Her interdisciplinary training allows her to consider the convergence of these topics with law and policy. Her other interests include multicultural competence and mentoring ethnic minority students in higher education. Barbara  Thelamour, Ph.D.  is currently an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the College of Wooster in Wooster, OH. She received her doctorate in Educational Psychology from Michigan State University and her undergraduate degree in Psychology from Emory University. Her research is grounded in educational psychology, human development, and multicultural psychology. Within these related areas, she first focuses on the identity development of Black immigrant adolescents and emerging adults, particularly in relation to Black American culture as the receiving culture. In the second line of research, the emphasis is on the interplay between identity and educational experiences and outcomes of immigrants and other students of color. Across these research endeavors, she has highlighted how relationships with others, particularly parents, peers, and teachers, facilitate or hinder these identity, acculturation, and learning processes. Dr. Thelamour has published in the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Journal of Black Psychology, and Urban Education. Nicole L. Thompson, Ph.D.  (Menominee/Mohican), serves as the Associate Director of the Division of Teacher Preparation and Associate Professor in Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College. As a Qualitative Researcher, Thompson has three primary interests: teacher preparation transformation, middle-level education including preservice preparation as well as certification/licensure, and American-Indian education focusing on the professional preparation/ support of teachers. Her research interests incorporate honoring the voices of people who typically go unheard or unnoticed in the education world. Thompson is an appointed Member of the Professional Preparation Advisory Committee for the Association for Middle Level Education and Steering Committee Member for the Tribal Research Center at the University of Colorado, Denver. Brendesha  Tynes, Ph.D.  is an Associate Professor of Education and Psychology and Founding Director of the Center for Empowered Learning and Development with Technology at the University of Southern California, Rossier School of Education. Her research for the past 17 years has focused on the racial landscape adolescents navigate in online settings, online racial discrimination, and the design of digital tools that empower youth of color. Tynes is the recipient of numerous awards including the American Educational Research Association’s 2012 Early Career Contribution Award

About the Contributors

About the Contributors

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for scholars who have made significant scholarly contributions to communities of color. Inspired by findings from her research, Tynes created Rate My Media, the first crowdsourced rating app to promote equity and inclusion in educational technology and entertainment media. She has a master’s in Learning Sciences from Northwestern and a doctorate in Human Development and Psychology in Education from UCLA. Yijie Wang, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor at Michigan State University. Her research interests center on the development of adolescents, particularly those from ethnic/racial minority families. Her work investigates how sociocultural processes (e.g., ethnic/racial socialization, discrimination) in multiple developmental settings (e.g., family, peer, school) influence youth’s psychosocial and psychobiological adjustment. She is particularly interested in diversity in social settings and how such diversity impacts development and well-being. Her research employs developmental methodologies including longitudinal and experience sampling designs. Shawn  Wilson, Ph.D.  is Opaskwayak Cree from Northern Manitoba, Canada, and currently lives on Bundjalung land on the east coast of Australia. His research has helped to communicate the theories underlying Indigenous research methodologies to diverse audiences. Through working with Indigenous people internationally, Shawn has applied Indigenist philosophy within the contexts of Indigenous education, health, and counselor education. In addition to further articulating Indigenous philosophies and research paradigms, his research focuses on the interrelated concepts of identity, health and healing, culture, and well-being. His book, Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods, is often cited for bridging understanding between western academia and traditional Indigenous knowledges. Mingjun Xie  is a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University. Her research focuses on interpersonal relationships, cross-cultural adaptation, and psychological well-being of adolescents and emerging adults, with a special focus on Asian-­ American population. Her most recent research investigates peer relations and academic, psychological, and sociocultural adaptation challenges of Chinese international students. Ashlee Yates  is a doctoral student at Tulane University where she is pursuing a Ph.D. in School Psychology. She is interested in the identity development of adolescents of color, particularly those identifying as Black. Her research focuses on the impacts of social media, racial identity, and racial socialization in African-American adolescents. She is also interested in exploring narratives of former slaves to examine historical aspects of coping and resilience. Tiffany Yip, Ph.D.  is a Psychology Professor at Fordham University. She received her undergraduate degree at Cornell University, earned her M.A. and doctorate at NYU, and completed a NIMH- and NSF-funded postdoctoral

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fellowship at the University of Michigan. Her research on ethnic identity, discrimination, and sleep among ethnic/racial minority adolescents and young adults has been published in American Psychologist, Child Development, Developmental Psychology, and Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. Dr. Yip is an Associate Editor for Child Development and a Fellow of the American Psychological Association, Divisions 7 and 45. Her research is funded by NICHD, NIMHD, NIMH, and NSF. Katharine  H.  Zeiders, Ph.D.  is an Assistant Professor in Family Studies and Human Development at the University of Arizona. Her research, which has focused largely on Latino youth, is guided by stress process models and sociocultural ecological frameworks, with a particular emphasis on understanding the role of sociocultural stressors in ethnic and racial minority adolescents’ adjustment. She incorporates daily diary methods alongside more traditional developmental approaches to understand physiological and psychological processes underlying stressful events. Jenny Zhen-Duan, M.A  is a doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology at the University of Cincinnati. She received her undergraduate degree at the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras. Her research interest focuses on how cultural and contextual factors relate to physical and mental health outcomes among traditionally marginalized groups (e.g., low-income and Latinos). Her research efforts with Latino communities have yielded publications on topics of CBPR methodologies with Latino co-researchers, healthcare access, and substance use among Latino adolescents. She is committed to using community-­engaged research to access “hidden populations” while simultaneously empowering the community to become the principal drivers of social change.

About the Contributors

Part I Framing Life Course Impacts of Prejudice

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Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Deborah J. Johnson, Desiree Baolian Qin, Francisco A. Villarruel, and John Norder On Chicago’s south side in a poor community, a 10 year old Black boy sobs in the confines of his family home, recounting the recent violent loss of his brother on the street in front of his home. It was the second such death of a youth in this family. Responding to these tragedies, his parents have restricted the remaining children to indoor play fearing similar dangers for their remaining children and loved ones. (MSNBC, March 31, 2017, “Chicago Trauma”). Jazz is a 14 year old transgender female (I am Jazz, ABC June 10, 2016) She is a guest on a talk show to bring awareness to the issues of transgender youth. An older male audience member approaches the microphone and asks, Which bathroom do you use? Jazz replies, “I use the female restrooms because I am female.” The audience member responds, I think this is a sick thing, basically...” Jazz bites her lower lip as he speaks. We are now faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there “is” such a thing as being too late. This is no time for apathy or complacency. This is a time for rigorous and positive actions. –Martin Luther King, Jr

H. E. Fitzgerald (*) Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected] D. J. Johnson Human Development and Family Studies, Diversity Department of Research Network, Office for Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA D. B. Qin · F. A. Villarruel Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA J. Norder Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA

The paradigmatic shift in developmental sciences that began in the second half of the twentieth century combined with the emergence of empirical epigenetic research provides convincing evidence that the organization of behavior is emergent, epigenetic, systemic, constructive, and dynamic (Overton, 1994, 2015). Biopsychosocial systems frameworks, such as Spencer’s (1995) phenomenological variant ecological systems theory (PVEST), provide comprehensive models for conceptualizing multivariate research designs to test causal developmental pathways (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). In short, scientists, clinicians, and practitioners view development as a dynamic process that reflects the confluence of genetic,

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 H. E. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Handbook of Children and Prejudice, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12228-7_1

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epigenetic, and life-­ course experiences (Oken, Chamine, & Wakeland, 2015). In addition, there is concern that the vast majority of cultural research is based on cross-sectional studies and is conceived of and conducted by individuals who are not members of the culture being studied (Legare & Harris, 2016). Henrich, Hweine and Norenzajavi (2010) refer to these researchers as investigators from WEIRD (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, democratic) cultures, who study cultures that contain none of the components of WEIRD. Since the observer is always part of the observation, issues related to implicit bias are always of concern. Conception to age 5 is a period that is vital for the early organization of the neurobiological, social, and behavioral structures that facilitate brain organization and development. A dynamic and contextual approach to life-span development provides ample evidence that transitional periods in development can alter positive and negative life-course pathways. Throughout life, everyone experiences adverse events, many of which create set points for shifting individuals away from positive developmental pathways. Still, other experiences promote resilience, factors that buffer or protect against the effects of adversity (Luthar, 2003). Figure 1.1

illustrates this process and posits that racial and social inequalities are crosscutting factors that have direct and indirect effects on positive and negative pathways at various biopsychosocial levels and at different points in time. It also provides a frame for the organization of this volume. Figure 1.1 posits three major transitional periods during the early life-course, each dependent on prior organizations that affect ongoing efforts to build resilience or strong internal characteristics to optimize success as children expand their social worlds beyond home, neighborhoods, schools, and the broader world. Major aspects of these transitional periods are: Prenatal Through Early Childhood (0 to 5 years) Rapid physical, cognitive, and socio-­ emotional development Organization of neurobiological, behavioral, and mental networks Foundation established for transition from home to school Middle Childhood/Early Adolescence (10 to 15 years) Rapid neurobiological/biological and psychological changes at puberty. More autonomy and skill development but increased exposure to risk.

Transitional Influences

Transitional Influences

Early Adolescence Transition Period (10-14)

Poor peer group values Poor school experiences Violent neighborhoods Behavior problems Early onset of use of drugs

Transitional Influences

Early Childhood Transition Period (0-5)

Parental conflict Maternal stress Paternal antisocial behavior Poor family resources Expectancies of self Epigenetic processes Heritable characteristics

RISK

Late Adolescence Transition Period (18-25)

Antisocial behavior Depression Unstable work experiences Partner selection

Success in Early Childhood

Prenatal

Success in Elementary School

Success in High School

Higher education Internship programs Work force training Partner selection Creative enterprises

Quality afterschool programs Effective mentoring programs Safe environments Parent monitoring Positive peer relationships Good school experiences

Strong family support Quality afterschool activities Quality child care/development Positive father involvement Positive parental relationships Expectancies of self

Ongoing Life Course Resilience Influences

Ongoing Life Course Risk Influences (Racial and Social Inequalities)

Success in Adulthood

Epigenetic processes Heritable characteristics

RESILIENCE

Fig. 1.1  Transitional periods: dynamic factors affecting positioning on the risk-resilience continuum for substance use disorder from conception to adulthood. (Source: Adapted with permission from Fitzgerald, 2010)

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

Cultural identity sets trajectory for success in high school. Late Adolescence/Early Adulthood (18 to 25 years) Establishing identity as knower and fostering a growth mindset Transitioning from home and school to postsecondary education/training, employment, and self-sufficiency Acquiring skills and attitudes to be successful in rapidly changing workplace Six recurrent themes concerning ontogenetic development that heighten risk or resilience factors appear in the chapters of this volume. The six themes reflect key aspects of the developmental process such as heterogeneity, developmental phases, organizational processes, intergenerational/historical influences, and the critical role of gene-experience interplay in human development. The foundational themes are: 1. Systemic theories and methods are necessary for understanding the biopsychosocial organization of behavior. 2. Gene-experience interplay (epigenetics) influences developmental outcomes throughout life. 3. Cumulative adverse childhood experiences exacerbate risk for negative developmental outcomes and can lead to toxic stress. 4. The effects of adverse childhood experiences are embodied into neurobiological, behavioral, and representational systems. 5. Significant biopsychosocial changes during transitional periods can sustain or transform developmental pathways. 6. Longitudinal research designs and qualitative research methods are essential for understanding the effects of meaning making in human development. Human beings have a penchant for categorizing members of their species based on observable physical characteristics, such as skin color, facial features, or body types, and on attributions about personal characteristics, such as cultural practices, sexual orientations, intellectual competence, weight, income, or ability. The purpose of such categorizations is often well intentioned, for

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example, to provide needed services to specific targeted groups such as the disabled, the elderly, those with low incomes, or those with specific health or family support needs. Other times the purpose is nefarious, intentionally enacting policies that restrict or demean a particular group in order to enhance the political, social, or economic power of the ruling or dominant group. Whether well intended or nefarious, all socially constructed categorizations provide opportunities for discrimination and implementation of racist or exclusionary social policies and practices.

 isk and Adversity: ACEs R and the Case for Racism and Discrimination Table 1.1 summarizes many of the risks to which children are exposed from conception to emergent adulthood. Risks associated with family and individual characteristics and those of the social Table 1.1  Risk to resilience continuum: sources of risk from conception through emergent adulthood Through family characteristics  Children with poor prenatal and perinatal histories  Children of alcoholics and other drug-using parents  Children of parents with antisocial personality disorder  Children of parents with clinical depression  Children of parents in conflict  Children of parents with low family resources (poverty)  Institutional/structural racism Through individual characteristics  Externalizing behavior, aggression, behavioral undercontrol, oppositional defiant disorder  Negative emotionality, depression  Attention problems, ADHD  Shyness, social withdrawal, social phobias  Biological diathesis (genetic, congenital, perinatal)  Mental representations of self and identity Through social environments  High drug use environments  High stress environments (violence, poverty, unemployment)  High-risk peer groups  Chronic exposure to toxic risk  Implicit/explicit racism, discrimination  Risky neighborhoods and schools

6 Table 1.2  Prevalence of specific reported adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), total, and age. Percent of children nationally with 0 (54%), 1–2 (35%), or 3+ (11%) adverse experiences (ages, birth to 17)

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

and comprehensive changes in neurobiological development, organization of human stress regulatory systems, interpersonal dynamics, and the emergence of embodied mental National percentage of representations of self, children exposed to ACEs children are experiencing multiple forms of risk. Note that Adverse childhood 0–5 6–11 12– experiences All 17 childhood sexual abuse is not listed in Table 1.2, Low income 26 25 26 26 but estimates suggest that one in three girls and Separation/divorce 20 10 22 28 one in five boys experience some form of sexual Family alcohol/drug 11 6 12 15 abuse during childhood and, by age 18, 40% of problems females and 30% of males have experienced Family mental illness 9 6 8 12 sexual molestation. Note also that historical/ Witness neighborhood 3 8 14 intergenerational trauma nor implicit or explicit violence 9 Witness domestic 7 4 8 10 racism or discrimination is included as ACEs violence factors. The extraordinary pervasiveness of Parent incarcerated 7 5 8 8 childhood sexual abuse and its documented sometime traumatic life-course effects warrants inclusion Parent who died 3 1 3 5 as an independent ACEs factor. So too does the Adapted from Table  3: Sacks, Murphey, and Moore pervasiveness of discrimination and racism, both (2014). Childtrends.org with respect to the historical trauma of slavery and to explicit efforts to dehumanize and destroy environment interact synergistically to affect the cultures of various minority populations. child’s developmental status along the risk-­ From a risk-resilience continuum perspecresilience continuum. tive, racism and discrimination need to be viewed During the past two decades, considerable as independent adverse experiences, as well as attention has focused on experience-dependent crosscutting factors that interact synergistically factors that comprise adverse childhood experi- with other ACEs, mediating or moderating their ences (ACEs). Slightly more than 8 million negative consequences (Wade et al. 2014). While (11%) of 76 million children in the United States developmental scientists may disagree about experience three or more ACEs from infancy the processes contributing to the organization through adolescence. ACEs during the very early of problem behavior, few contest the hypothesis childhood can have profound effects on neurobi- that the origins are rooted in the prenatal-to-5 ological, behavioral, and cognitive/mental orga- age period. Moreover, because development is nizing systems (Weiss & Wagner, 1998). As dynamic and synergistically reflects the organizaindicated in Table 1.2, ACEs usually encompass tion of the individuals in their environmental consuch areas as low income, separation/divorce, text, a deeper understanding of the need for more family alcohol/drug problems, family mental ill- specialized prevention and intervention programs ness, exposure to neighborhood violence, expo- is emerging. Aspects of resilience within more sure to domestic violence, parental incarceration, communal, collaborative cultures are the impacts and parent loss through death. The negative of collective survival identity and positive coping impact of ACEs is predicated on the number of strategies such as commitment to helping others, such risks to which the child is exposed, when emotional attachments, and a focus on the future such exposure occurs over the life-course, and (Campbell & Evans-Campbell, 2011). the degree of exposure. This understanding is reflected in five consenData compiled by Child Trends (Table  1.2) sus views about persistent exposure to ACEs suggest that the number of children exposed to (National Symposium on Early Childhood multiple forms of ACEs increases over time. The Science and Policy) (www.developingchild.harnet result is that during the time of the most rapid vard.edu):

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

Early experiences influence the organization of the developing brain. Chronic stress can be toxic to the developing brain. ACEs have negative effects on life-course health and well-being. Early interventions can dampen or eliminate long-term effects of ACEs. Exposure to caring relationships provides resilience against factors detrimental to healthy well-being. The lack of knowledge about the early years of life for non-White very young children means that evaluators and practitioners cannot be fully informed about the significance of culture when evaluating parenting practices, school curricula, family structures, peer influences, or community support groups. The rapid increase in ethnic minority children is concentrated in the early years of life and the rich variety of early intervention programs targeting the birth to 5 population (Fitzgerald & McKelvey, 2008; Raikes & Love, 2002), reflecting societal awareness that much must be done to alter the developmental course for these children. However, societal awareness does not easily translate into minority cultural awareness because societal awareness is embedded in the mores, values, and beliefs of the White dominant group (Robinson & Fitzgerald, 2002). When those values and beliefs are embedded in racial and social histories, finding clear pathways to eliminate inequities in funding and overall program support is difficult. Moreover, until recently, little attention had been paid to the dominant culture aspects of teaching styles, race/ ethnicity of teachers, or curricular components that were not linked to children’s cultural context. African Americans  Readiness for academic success is a key marker of developmental competence related to success in school. Academic adjustment is associated with mental health and behavioral adjustment. For example, poor academic development is related to lower levels of engagement and attachment to school and increased levels of acting out (conduct prob-

7

lems), anxiety, and depression. Although these processes are largely universal, ethnic minority and low-income children are at increased risk for lack of readiness, underperformance at school, school failure, and school dropout, especially in poorly resourced schools and communities (Cross, 2011). For example, evidence suggests that coping is shaped to the ethnic configuration of the school, demonstrating the influence that the changing demography of the classroom can have on children’s coping and well-being outcomes (Banerjee, Harrell, & Johnson, 2011; Johnson, Slaughter-DeFoe, & Banerjee, 2011). Failure in academic domains is concomitant with the development of conduct problems and risky behavior. Among ethnic minorities, African Americans are at increased risk for each of these. African American children, especially African American males, are at higher risk for conduct problems, school dropout, academic disengagement and failure, under- and unemployment, and health problems and, as indicated in Table  1.3, are disproportionately represented in commission of violent crimes. Swanson and Spencer (1999) emphasize the importance of stress management strategies for African Americans in relation to their marginalized status. They point out that research approaches that do not assess meaning making through the use of qualitative methods fail to yield an authentic description of the lived experiences of minorities, especially to tap into their intersubjectivity. Spencer developed the PVEST to examine self-perceptions of experience to understand adolescent adaptive behaviors or coping skills (Spencer, 1995; Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann, 1997) in the face of persistent stress. PVEST enables the investigator to explore how the adolescent perceives and logs into memory events that become part of the individual’s identity-focused cultural stress management system. Starting with an analysis of risk appraisal, beginning with the individual’s characteristics (race, sex, social-economic status, and developmental stage), PVEST tracks reaction dynamics through coping methods (reactive, stable) and emergent identity (cultural/ethnic, sex

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

8

Table 1.3  Number of sentenced prisoners under the jurisdiction of federal correctional authority, by most serious offense, sex, race, and Hispanic origin (September 30, 2015) All violent crimes Percent Homicide Percent Robbery Percent Others Percent

All prisoners 13,700 100.00% 2800 100.00% 6900 100.00% 4000 100.00%

Male 13,200 96.35% 2600 92.86% 6700 97.10% 3800 95.00%

Female 500 3.65% 200 7.14% 200 2.90% 100 2.50%

White 3500 25.55% 400 14.29% 2400 34.78% 800 20.00%

Black 6900 50.36% 1700 60.71% 3900 56.52% 1400 35.00%

Hispanic 1300 9.49% 200 7.14% 600 8.70% 500 12.50%

Source: US Department of Justice. (2016b). Appendix Table 6. Numbers are rounded to the nearest 100 to accommodate differences in data collection techniques among jurisdictions. Adapted from Golding, P. & Fitzgerald, H. E. (2019)

role, self-efficacy, personal) through to life stage outcomes (adverse, protective). Thus, PVEST provides an authentic and systemic approach to assess the dynamics of coping processes that includes assessment of the individual’s phenomenological self-appraisals in addition to any quantitative measures of well-being.

families. Although there is some research that has begun to examine resiliency and positive pathways of success among minority children, research needs to intensify so that there is a better understanding of the familial and cultural factors that promote and sustain the well-being of minority children. Parents are one source of positive support and resilience, but it may be that Latinx-Americans  Although Latinx-Americans mothers and fathers may be effective at different represent 17.3 percent of the population of the developmental times. Studying ethnic identity in United States, Latinx-American children fifth to seventh grade children, Knight, Carlo, represent 25.7 percent of the children under age Streif, and White (2017) found that mothers’ 18. Despite this representation in the population, ethnic socialization was correlated with fifth studies that examine Latinx-American children’s graders’ ethnic identify resolution and developmental trajectories and the factors that exploration, whereas fathers’ was correlated with contribute to their success are disproportionately seventh graders’ ethnic exploration, which low. The extant studies suggest that although predicted their children’s continued exploration Latinx-American children are making progress at into the tenth grade. Overall, the greater parental school, preschool children continue to be at risk. effects on pubertal children were on ethnic Almost 50% do not have equal access to quality exploration, reflecting their continuing desire to early childhood education programs that can learn more about their ethnic history and identity. prepare them for the transition to school. Russell and Romero (2011) point to Latinx Consequently, the majority of Latinx-American cultural values that provide support and generate children enter kindergarten with inadequate resilience for Latinx children beginning at least school readiness skills. Older Latinx-American when the child is born. The Latinx emphasis on children do not fare much better. School failure, familism embeds the child into a collaborative, behavioral problems, and high school dropout are deeply interpersonal extended family set of highest among Latinx-American youth. relationships that provide positive support throughout life. The dynamic of familism is also While there is heterogeneity among Latinx-­ expressed through personalismo, which extends Americans, the majority in the United States are the collectivist dynamic to social interactions poor, have low literacy skills, and low human based on cooperation “rather than guided by the capital. Nevertheless, research has neglected the needs of the individual, couple, or nuclear family” strengths of Latinx-Americans, who despite their (p. 145). Finally, family structure (machismo) is language barriers work hard to provide for their anchored in male dominance in family and

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

community and gives women prominence with respect to care and responsibility of family members. These cultural codes, rules, and practices provide support and coping skills to the child throughout the process of identity formation. However, the strong connection between Latinx families and the doctrines of the Catholic faith may generate adversity for LBGTQ children and adolescents, wherein family dynamics and beliefs designed to provide coping skills turn into sources of adversity and lead to humiliation, degradation, and complete rejection of the child by members of the family social network (Russell & Romero, 2011). American Indians/Alaska Natives  Estimates of the population of American Indians/Alaska Natives range from 2.5 to 18 million prior to the arrival of settlers from European countries, although, because no one was actually keeping records, the actual population is difficult to know. The population was devastated by diseases, for which Native Americans had no immunity, and by war as the Native Americans were defeated, driven from their lands, and located on reservations which, for the most part, resigned them to subsistence living. Nearly 140 years ago, Richard Henry Pratt promoted an approach to acculturation he referred to as “kill the Indian and save the man” (Marr, 2011). Pratt established the first boarding school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and attempted to achieve his goal by removing Native children from their families and culture and forcing them to attend residential boarding schools where they were not allowed to speak their language, wear their regalia, share their stories, or engage in tribal religious practices. Over a 94-year period, an estimated 100,000 Native children were enrolled in non-reservation and reservation-based boarding schools (Colmant, 2000). Boarding schools also removed children from tribal kinship networks (Allen, Mohartt, Markstrom, Byers, & Novins, 2011) and the social structures that ordinarily would have fostered strong intergenerational connections to tribal elders and supported their emersion into tribal culture. Among the many factors contributing to

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historical trauma (Galligher, Atsethlikai, & Stolle, 2012), boarding schools evoked a particular aspect of trauma that was “inflicted upon a group of people that share a specific group identity or affiliation such as ethnicity, nationality, or religious affiliation” (Campbell & EvansCampbell, 2011). As Campbell and EvansCampbell (2011) note, “In AI/AN communities it is not only the individual that is traumatized, in many cases it is the whole family, the entire community, or even the society.” They add that all American Indians/Alaska Natives share a history of “violence of massacres, pandemic, forced relocation, and genocidal policies, as well as the most subtle, but equally destructive practices of spiritual and cultural prohibition and the removal of children to Indian boarding schools” (Campbell & Evans-Campbell, p. 1). It is precisely family codes, rituals, and myths that were both denigrated and denied to Native children reared in boarding schools, in effect, stripping children of their language, customs, and life-course experiences that ordinarily would have rooted them in their culture and fostered a positive phenomenological answer to the question “Who am I?” (Tsethlikai, 2011). Markstrom, Whitesell, and Galliher (2011) suggest that living in two worlds (Native and non-Native) combined with the effects of intergenerational trauma and poverty contributes to poor identity development in Native adolescents and contributes to high rates of school dropout, poor academic performance, alcohol and other drug abuse, suicide, obesity, and other health problems (Gonzales, Fabrett, & Knight, 2009; Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 2003). However, adolescents and adults, whose identities are bicultural, have better physical and psychological health, positive life expectancies, and stronger feelings of self-­worth (Gonzales et  al., 2009; Gutierrez & Sameroff, 1990). Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders  According to the US Census (2018 estimates), the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) population is the fastest-growing population in the United States, and it is clearly the youngest with about 24 percent of the AAPI population under 18 years

10

of age. The changing landscape of the AAPI population includes increasing immigration, increasing rates of interracial marriage, and shifts in settlement areas (from urban to suburban), resulting in a vast diversity of experiences for AAPI children and youth. Traditionally, psychological literature including AAPI children has narrowly focused on the educational achievements of some of the subgroups. Far fewer have addressed other aspects of development such as social and emotional development. Studies that account for contextual variations in development (e.g., geographic, family, neighborhood, and school) also are needed. For instance, in New York City, 24% of Asian children live in poverty compared to the national figure of 14%.

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

American families may create stress for children as they adapt to living in cultures with alternative values. Many Asian American children develop bicultural identities, but many also become marginalized, separated, or acculturated, the latter three of which generally generate additional stress. For example, Qin et al. note that American culture values autonomy as a measure of selfworth, whereas Asian American culture stresses connectedness and communal indicators of selfworth. Hwang’s (2011) concept of acculturative family distancing (AFD) draws attention to the extent to which acculturation produces stress, family discord, social isolation, and psychopathology (depression) among many immigrants, especially children and adolescents: “Increased acculturation leads to the acquisition of the dominant groups cultural beliefs, behaviors, values, According to Knight, Berkel, Carlo, and and potential relinquishment of multicultural Basilo (2011), enculturation of very young origins” (p. 48). Efforts to remedy the effects of children produces a cultural identity (self-­ AFD center on efforts to enhance communication identity) that is lifelong (ethnic identity), that and to help children achieve bicultural identity. comprises behaviors and events specific to the Programs, such as what Hwang has developed, ethnic group (ethnic knowledge), and that binds are as important because too often the effects of individuals to that ethnic group historically acculturation have stronger impacts on second(ethnic preference). Just as forced relocation and and third-generation children, with maladaptive family dissolution under slavery are part of the reactions to stress often leading to high risk for American Indian/Alaska Native and African increased violence, delinquency, and substance American ethnic knowledge, so too are the abuse and difficulty establishing peer relationexperiences of Chinese Americans (brought to ships (Qin et al., 2011). the United States to help build the railroad system of the West) and Japanese Americans (relocated LBGTQ  According to Gates (2013), there are to internment camps and deprived of their over 6 million children and adults in the United property and freedoms during the Second World States with an LBGT parent and over a quarter War). Yet Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders million children in same-sex couple households. logged military service through each of America’s Children of LBGTQ parents may experience wars, 24 of whom received the Congressional discrimination, isolation, or bullying from their peers because of their parents’ sexual orientation Medal of Honor for their bravery. Asian Americans comprise many cultural tra- (Anderson & Blosnich, 2013). Self-identified ditions, religious beliefs, and histories but share, LBGTQ children may also experience to one extent or another, a number of cultural discrimination from peers and other adults, but values: family cohesion and interdependence, unlike most racial groups, they are also likely to group orientation, self-control and discipline, experience rejection and discrimination from educational achievement, respect for author- family members, kinship members, and the ity and elders, and the use of shame to control general community. Nearly half of LBGTQ behavior. Qin, Han, and Chang (2011) note that children are also members of racial groups and so traditional family/cultural values within Asian experience the double impact of racial and sexual

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

discrimination and harassment. This is especially true of males who are more likely to be rejected by parents and peers and to experience psychological problems such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders, as well as health problems (HIV, substance use/abuse). LGB high school students have significantly higher rates of suicide than do their straight peers. When gender-­ nonconforming males have strong support from LGBTQ groups, they often are supported by a collective sexual identity that serves as a strong resilience factor to help them cope through societal victimization or rejection. Nevertheless, LBGTQ children and adolescents are exposed to daily discrimination and vilification from religious and political groups. The Pride movement represents a national effort to assist LBGTQ individuals to promote positive self-­ identity, create a social group identity, and celebrate and affirm gender diversity.

Identity: Transition and Integration of Categorical to Existential Self Ethnicity refers to groups that share history, a sense of identity, and place, whereas culture refers to the shared language, values, norms, traditions, customs, history, arts, folklore, and institutions of a specific population deme. Culture incorporates race and ethnicity in much the same way that gene-environment interplay incorporates the synergistic relationship between organism and environment. However, “culture” also refers to “Education, training; development of mental and bodily faculties and qualities” (Wyld, 1938, p. 266), that is, to socialization. Therefore, culture, ethnicity, and categorizations affect the development of self, other, and self-other relationships (Atran, Medino, & Ross, 2005; Fitzgerald, Mann, Cabrera, Sarche, & Qin, 2009; West, 1967), via socialization practices based on one’s ethno-racial family values, stories, and rituals (parenting and kinship) and those of broader society (community and institutional policies and practices) Harkness and Super (1996).

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 arly Origins of Identity: E Categorical Self Lewis and Brooks-Gunn (1979) posit that self as identity first emerges during very early childhood when children come to know the categories that define them to themselves and to others (categorical self), which during adolescence becomes incorporated into a more reflective existential self (Erikson, 1959). Greenwald and Pratkanis (1984) refer to these emergent but coexisting aspects of self as the Me-Self (self as object, self as known) and the I-Self (self as subject, self as knower). Each is an aspect of intersubjectivity, the bidirectional process of cognitive and emotional meaning making through social interaction (Ammaniti & Gallese, 2014; Swanson & Spencer, 1999). Cimpian, Hammond, Mazza, and Corry (2017) draw attention to the mental representations that children development about themselves, their self-beliefs, and evaluative contexts that they use to reason about themselves. Cimpian et al. suggest that over time the individual begins to aggregate or generalize across experiences and creates a mental representation of a global self. Haimovitz and Dweck (2017) note that as soon as children develop language skills, conversations with parents increasingly contain information about past events. The meaning making that ensues from such conversations contributes to the child’s development of a self-schema or global self that may lead to what Haimovitz and Dweck refer to as a mindset or self-schema about one’s abilities or competencies. Children with a fixed mindset believe that they are not capable of enabling significant changes in their current abilities, whereas children with growth mindsets believe that their efforts, advice from others, and planning can lead to meaning changes in their abilities. Thus, a 5-year-old’s categorical self (me-self, known) may consist of understanding that she is a girl, an African American, smart, tall, and very active. These categories provide the first internalized representation of her identity within defined categories that become embodied into aspects of her intersubjective self (Ammaniti &

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

12 Self Reflections on Experience

Self Representation

Information Processing Parental & Family Characteristics

Self-Other Differentiation and Relationships

Internal Working Models

Expectancies

Intergenerational Family History

Affective Load

Other Representation

Embodied BioBehavioral and Emotion Regulation Set Points

CoConstructed Reflections on Experience

Fig. 1.2  Development of internal working models of self and self-other relationships and the organization of set points for embodied biobehavioral and emotion regulation. (Adapted from Fitzgerald, Wong, and Zucker, 2013b)

Gallese, 2014). As she transitions to childhood and to adolescence, changes in the way she reflects upon her experience lay the groundwork for constructing a more existential self (I-self, knower), one that transforms her sense of who she is through self-reflection and interactions with social networks. James (1890) contended that self-identity was the agent of action or inaction, depending on the individual’s life-­ course pathway, anticipating contemporary concepts of fixed and growth mindsets (Haimovitz & Dweck, 2017). Action schemas originate from the infant’s experiential world, and they reflect both the infant’s reaction and the co-constructions that others press into memory as they repeat and embellish stories about remembered events (Harley & Reese, 1999). Figure 1.2 illustrates the early organization of the child’s categorical self and the development of expectancies or action schemas related to mental representations of self, other, and self-other relationships (Fitzgerald, Mann, Cabrera, Sarche, & Qin, 2010). Mental representations include cognitions and effects first known categorically and reinforced by the cultural context provided by family and community. Mental models or schemas incorporate expectancies about events, trigger decision processes, and affect the way that we process information, accommodate to novel events, and reconstruct (change) familiar events. The parent-infant relationship is the foundation for constructing the young child’s autobiographical memory of early experience (Howe & Courage, 1997). The weight of this lit-

erature suggests that children as young as 3 years of age already have working models or expectancies about familiar events. An important point to remember is that children are able to recall unpleasant events as well as they are able to recall pleasant ones (Merritt, Ornstein, & Spiker, 1994), unless they are sufficiently traumatic events that they are repressed. It is equally important to remember that infants are tasting, smelling, listening, looking, feeling, and thinking from the moment of birth and they are doing so whether in dyadic (or more) interactions or when they are solitary observers. Tomasello (2016) notes that much of cultural learning occurs through direct transactions between child and parent and that often this is collaborative or reciprocal. Other learning occurs in a more didactic, instructional way where the child is more a recipient of a lecture than an active participant in the learning process (instructed learning). The third way that children learn is by watching and listening to the events in their environment, including the actions of others (imitative learning). Each of these forms of learning has correlates in the neurobiological organization of the brain, the child’s stress regulatory system, and the emergent mental representations that eventually become part of self and identity development. Sameroff’s (1995) transactional model posits that cultural codes, family codes, family rituals, and family myths influence identity formation. He notes that “cultural codes ‘organize a society’s child rearing system and . . . incorporate elements of socialization and education’; family

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

codes ‘organize individuals within family systems’; family rituals range from ‘ritualized religious observances’ to the ‘type of greeting mode when someone returns home’; and family myths include ‘beliefs that go unchallenged in spite of reality.’” Sameroff also notes that “myths may have a traumatic origin and frequently have a strong affective component” (pp.  668–669). He asserts that family codes, rituals, and myths are the essence of “the beliefs, values, and practices that have shaped us and that we take for granted as just being the ways things are and should be” (Sanchez & Thorp, 2010, P 45). In this regard, Lynch and Hanson (1992) concluded that (a) cultural understanding occurs by age 5, (b) new cultural patterns are learned easier by young children than older children, (c) values are determined by the family of origin, (d) understanding one’s culture of origin interferes with the acculturation process, and (e) old habits are not changed easily. Thus, according to Lynch and Hanson’s analysis, things that we take for granted and that are the way they should be are determined by the family of origin (enculturation). But the dominant culture may present a different version of the ways that things should be, creating a dilemma between the child’s enculturation and the dominant culture’s pressures for acculturation. Addressing this dilemma within the content of immigrant families, Berry, Phinney, Sam and Vedder (2006) note that individuals caught between these two worlds have four possible solutions: they can identify with the dominant group (assimilate), identify with the minority group (separate), identify with neither group (marginalize), or identity with the two cultures (integrate). Most evidence suggests that the integrated or bicultural approach has the most positive developmental outcomes: being firmly anchored in one’s culture of origin enables one to also have a foothold in the dominant culture.

Existential Self Substantial evidence now exists to indicate that identity issues of adolescents can be traced to identity formation in early childhood. Early childhood is the time when children and adults

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co-construct the child’s intersubjective world of shared meaning (Trevarthen, 1980). It is the time when autobiographical narratives (Harley & Reese, 1999) and autobiographical reasoning (Habermas & Bluck, 2000) emerge. Early relationship disorders and traumatic events, including historical trauma, influence the narratives that children and adults co-construct over time. Trauma, including historical trauma, spans the range of acute to chronic stress and affects the individual holistically (Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 2003). Within this context, mental representations are not just “intrapsychic entities”; they are cognitive and affective structures that linked to neurobiological organizing and regulatory systems and to mental representations about self and others. Therefore, it is conceivable that the forced removal of children from their families during slavery or incarceration of Native and Indigenous children in boarding schools exacerbated the negative impacts of such trauma on behavioral and neurobiological development with intergenerational consequences (Nicdao, 2005; Roche, Vaguera, White, & Rivera, 2018; Tsethlikai, 2011). The negative effects were augmented since children were deprived of the codes, rituals, and myths posited by Sameroff (1995) to be essential aspects of identity formation during infancy and early childhood, which become a core component of the adolescent’s existential identity, global self, and type of mindset. Fathers and Sons  Historically, the study of the father’s impact on his children’s development has focused on the effects of father absence, not on the effects of father presence. One perspective on parenting behavior views fathers as insensitive, non-nurturant caregivers. An alternative perspective is that fathers demand children to self-regulate affective states in much the same way that they demand children to self-­ regulate their behavior. Whether these characteristics are broadly descriptive of fathers or whether they reflect culturally defined role attributes is not known. What is clear in both perspectives of the effects of father absence and father presence is that neither body of literature

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

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represents systematic and direct observations of fathers but primarily is based on maternal reports of father involvement. Moreover, maternal report studies typically use survey tools to gather information about fathers, rather than more open-­ ended narrative inquiries. This literature consistently has linked father psychological and physical absence to negative child outcomes: higher incidence of school dropout, earlier onset of substance abuse and sexual activity, greater likelihood of suicide and of being a victim of abuse or neglect, and higher incidence of poor emotion regulation and behavioral control (Fig.  4). For most of these negative outcomes, the prevalence rates are higher for boys than for girls, especially with respect to the rates of conduct disorder and behavior problems. In effect, father absence is treated as a proxy cause of negative child outcomes. Children reared in fatherless families have few opportunities to participate in co-construction of what it means to be a boy, from both categorical and existential aspects of identify, particularly with respect to the cultural and family aspects of identity (Hunter, Pearson,

Ialongo, & Kellem, 1998; Hunter et al., 2006). As indicated in Table  1.4, nearly one-third of all children of color are reared in maternal-headed single-parent families. More than 50% of American Indian/Alaska Native and Black/ African American children live in single-parent homes, perhaps reflecting residual effects of the historic trauma to which these families were exposed through forced acculturation (boarding schools) and slavery, respectively. Negative impacts on children’s cognitive, social-emotional-­ moral, and risk for psychopathology when reared in homes where fathers are psychologically or physically absent are summarized in Table  1.5. As noted in several chapters of the current volume, adolescence often presents significant challenges to boys of color, many of whom have been reared in father-absent homes, experience poverty, and reside in stressful neighborhoods (see Cabrera, Karberg, & Kuhns, 2017). On the other hand, literature on father presence is related to a host of child outcomes that are positive (see Table 1.6; also Cabrera, 2013), particularly with respect to behavior regulation for boys (Bocknek, Brophy-Herb, Fitzgerald,

Table 1.4  Children in single-parent families by race. National Kids Count data Location United States

Race

Date type 2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

American Indian

Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent

355,000 53% 559,000 17% 6,509,000 67% 6,890,000 42% 9,466,000 25% 1,655,000 42% 24,718,000 35%

345,000 53% 579,000 17% 6,493,000 67% 7,008,000 42% 9,358,000 25% 1,703,000 43% 24,725,000 35%

329,000 52% 557,000 16% 6,427,000 67% 7,044,000 42% 9,289,000 25% 1,758,000 43% 24,647,000 35%

341,000 53% 578,000 17% 6,382,000 66% 7,190,000 42% 9,181,000 25% 1,797,000 42% 24,689,000 35%

Asian and Pacific Islander Black or African American Hispanic or Latino Non-Hispanic White Two or more Races Total

350,000 52% 539,000 16% 6,533,000 66% 6,674,000 41% 9,329,000 24% 1,586,000 42% 24,297,000 34%

Definitions: Children under age 18 who live with their own single parent either in a family or subfamily. In this definition, single-parent families may include cohabitating couples but do not include children living with married stepparents. Children who live in group quarters (e.g., institutions, dormitories, or group homes) are not included in this calculation. © 2016 The Annie E. Casey Foundation. With permission according to web-based use description

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice Table 1.5  Impacts of psychological and physical father absence on child development Cognitive development  Lower: scores on intelligence tests, grade point averages, advanced education attainment  Trouble with mathematical and puzzle tasks  Difficulty paying attention  Higher likelihood of being expelled or dropping out  Poor school achievement Social, emotional, and moral development  Poor social and emotional regulation’  Difficulty delaying gratification  More impulsive  A weaker sense of right and wrong Developmental psychopathology  Higher rates of suicide, aggression, bullying, antisocial behavior, physical and sexual abuse, alcohol use disorders, illicit drug use, possession of weapons, conduct and anxiety disorders, involvement with crimination justice system  Deviant peer group selections  Earlier onset of sexual intercourse, smoking, alcohol abuse Adapted from Fitzgerald (2017) Table 1.6  Correlates of positive father involvement with their children Cognitive and language development  More use of 5-W questions in language interactions  Higher school attendance and less problems  More likely to enjoy school  Higher academic achievement, GPA, test scores  Better problem-solving skills  More self-direction and initiative Social, emotional, and moral development  High life satisfaction  More playful, socially competent, and socially mature, positive peer relations, tolerant and understanding  Better capacity for relatedness, sibling relationships  Stronger moral values Developmental psychopathology  Less depression, stress, frustration, antisocial behavior, bullying, involvement with criminal justice system  Fewer behavior problems Adapted from Fitzgerald (2017)

Schiffman, & Vogal, 2014). However, when one factors in the impact of historical events on the structure of families, particularly those with poor economic and social support networks, a

15

different narrative emerges with respect to father involvement, a narrative that contextualizes nonresidential or “living away” fathers. For African American fathers, Hamer (2001) draws attention to the historical effects of slavery on family structure. Hamer points out that during slavery, although slaves were encouraged to marry and produce children, that encouragement was primarily in service of increasing the slave owners’ workforce. Often husbands and wives were separated when sold to another slave owner, causing them to “live apart” with only infrequent opportunities to visit and/or the father to engage with his children. In other instances, men were encourage or forced to have sexual relations outside of a marital relationship, with little or no opportunity to ever re-engage with the offspring. Thus, according to Hamer, nonresidential or “living apart” fatherhood was a formal characteristic and result of American slavery. Although nonresidential status continues to be high in African American parenthood, contemporary studies of low-income African American nonresidential men indicate that they are much more involved with the lives of their children than is generally believed to be the case (Amato, Meyers, & Emery, 2009). Studies of low-income fathers of children participating in the national evaluation of Early Head Start provide evidence that residential and nonresidential fathers actively participated in the lives of their very young children, including participation in basic care activities (Boller et al., 2006; Cabrera et al., 2004). Most activities, however, focused on rough and tumble play activities, interactions that positively affect the development of selfregulation and behavioral control in young children, especially for boys (Dumont & Paquette, 2013; Flanders et  al., 2010). Using a grounded theory approach to analyze narrative interviews of the low-income fathers in the Early Head Start sample, Summers, Boller, Schiffman and Raikes (2006) identified four broad roles low-income residential and nonresidential fathers identified with respect to their influence in the early lives of their children: providing a stable environment (being there, providing financial resources), teaching (guidance, exploring the out-of-home

16

environment), physical interaction (play, caregiving), and emotional support (love, building self-esteem). It should be noted that although consistent father presence is associated with widespread positive outcomes for their children, children reared by fathers who are high in antisocial behavior and/or other forms of psychopathology frequently fall into very negative life-course pathways (Fitzgerald, Wong, & Zucker, 2013a; Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt, Taylor, & Dickson, 2003), creating endemic stress with little paternal support (see Table  1.6). Frequently, such children, especially boys, develop mental representations of self, other, and self-other relationships that mirror the negative life-course pathways of their fathers (Fitzgerald et al., 2013a). Efforts to intervene in the lives of older children are less well studied. Caldwell, Ward, Reischl, and De Loney (2011) developed an intervention to affect changes in the life-course pathway of boys right at the onset of puberty. The father and son project focused on nonresidential fathers and their 8–12-year-old sons with heavy program emphasis on nurturance and guidance, role modeling, emotion regulation, cognitive development and competence, and cultural orienting, many of the developmental areas researchers identify to be particularly negatively affected by marginalization or acculturation. To anchor boys to cultural heritage, Caldwell et  al. drew upon Adinkra, African proverbs reflecting positive outcomes related to wisdom and guidance. One symbol, Sankofa, particularly draws attention to understanding

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

the past in order to conceptualize a future. They also drew upon contemporary efforts to connect African Americans with their historical cultural values in order to strengthen their contemporary sense of ethnic identity. The values of Kwanzaa and the celebration of the emancipation of slaves in Texas (Juneteenth (1865)), as well as the values of the Seven Grandfathers in Ojibwe culture provide anchors to draw children into an ethnic identity through ethnic knowledge in order to help them build an ethnic preference (Table 1.7). In the United States, increasing numbers of children are reared in multicultural, multiracial, multiethnic, and LGBTQ families. We know little about how categorical self-identify and existential self-identity (Erikson, 1959) might be affected in children rearing in multiracial, multicultural, multiethnic (Garcia-Coll et  al., 1996), or LGBTQ families (Manning, Fettro, & Lamidi, 2014). How is the child’s construction of mental representations of self, others, and self-other relationships affected when reared in a multi- or LGBTQ family, embedded within a dominant culture society that overly demeans such families? There are no consensus answers to this question because systematic study of the impact of dominant culture values on early mental representations of self, of others, and of relationships in minority groups has yet to be launched. Nevertheless, it is clear that by age 3–5 children are aware of their original culture as well as the categories that shape their first sense of identity.

Table 1.7  Examples of cultural values, beliefs, and ceremonies that contribute to identity development within two minority groups Kwanzaa (African American) Umoja Unity Kujichagulia Self-determination Ujima Collective work and responsibility Nia Purpose Kuumba Creativity Imani Faith Mazao Crops

Seven Grandfathers (Ojibwe) Dbaadendiziwin Humility Aakwa’ode’ewin Bravery Debwewin Truth Mnaadendimowin Respect Zaagidwin Love Gwekwaadziwin Honesty Nbwaakaawin Wisdom

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1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

The Diversity of One The population of sub-Saharan Africa is the most genetically diverse of all human population demes. As Homo sapiens began to migrate from Africa, epigenetic adaptations and adaptive mutations enabled the species to survive worldwide. Diversification in phenotypes, cultures, religions, and languages prompted categorizations of subpopulations based on such social constructions as race. For at least the past 500 years, “race” has been used to oppress people on the basis of culture, skin color, religion, language, or other categorizations, thereby creating a dominant culture hierarchy of human values (Author, 2016) as well as policies and practices that fuel systemic racism (Killen, Rutland, & Buck, 2011; Powell, Heller, & Bundalli, 2011; Raikes, Britto, Yoshikawa & Iruka, 2017). Events related to war and oppression over the past 50  years have spurred the migration of millions of individuals from the Southern to the Northern Hemisphere, perhaps laying the groundwork for another species transformation (Krogstad & Radford, 2017). For example, since 1980, three million refugees have resettled in the United States and many millions more in the various countries of the European Union. Currently, there are approximately 44 million foreign-born people living in the United States. Because birth rates among the White population have steadily declined, whereas those of non-­ White groups have not, the majority of babies born in the United States today are minority children of color. According to the Pew Research Center (Bialik, 2017), in 2015, 17 percent of all marriages in the United States were biracial or biethnic. One result of intermarriages is that 14% of all babies born in 2015 were multiracial or multiethnic, a threefold increase since 1980. In 2017, the population of children less than 10 years of age became a minority-majority in 6 states, a number estimated to increase to 12 states and the District of Columbia by 2020. Data summarized in Table 1.8, based on 2015 population estimates, indicate that the White population of the United States is roughly 64.7 percent of the total population. Current estimates also suggest that by 2044 the entire population of the United States will be

Table 1.8  Racial population of the United States, 2020 estimates Race White Hispanic/Latino Black/African American Asiana American Indian/Alaska Native Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander Other races Two or more racesb  White and Black/ African American  White and American Indian/Alaska Native.6%  White and Asian  Black/African American  American Indian/ Alaska Native

Percent 62% 17.3% 12.6% 5.2% 0.87%

Estimated population 197,362,672 55,199,107 40,241,818 14,614,625 2,577,817

0.2%

560,021

4.8%

15,133,856

0.8%

2,525,659

1,884,407

0.6%

1,956,740

0.1%

318,302

Child Trends Data Base (2015) a Fastest-growing racial group in the United States b Second fastest group

minority-majority; that is, the combined minority population will be larger than the White population alone. Asian Americans have been the fastest-growing segment of the population throughout the current century, whereas two or more race marriages have been the fastest-growing change in composition of married couples, particularly among millennials. How will population changes affect the social construction of race? How will it affect the economic power imbalance between Whites and non-Whites in the United States? How will it affect the development of children’s identity? How will it affect discrimination against individuals based on their gender identity, immigrant status, religious beliefs, or sexual orientation? How will it affect the ways that human beings categorize others in relation to the long-standing tendency for humans to create hierarchies of human value based on race, ethnicity, culture, gender, sexual preference, or other phenotypes? How might it alter current status of risk factors for children and adolescents in general and for

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people of color or LBGTQ sexual orientations? The extent of diversity of the American family anticipated by McAdoo (1998) and the extraordinary diversity of the children those families will produce far exceed her analysis just two decades ago. The challenge to society is to find solutions to racism, discrimination, and dehumanization of people so that our democratic society can survive.

H. E. Fitzgerald et al.

rience interactions, particularly with respect to behavior and emotion regulation, cognitive development, and aspects of self-identity. Poverty, poor educational opportunities, and inadequate social resources increase the complexity of adverse childhood experiences and promote systems approaches for preventive interventions for children, especially those exposed to racism and institutionalized racist social policies. Conversely, researchers need to be strongly attuned to the individual, family, and community Summary and Key Points strengths and resilience factors that have enabled minority populations to persist and thrive in the Discrimination and racist views of one people face of dominant culture efforts to force assimilatoward another are part of the fabric of human tion by aggressively acting to destroy minority history and clearly part of the history of American culture, family codes, rituals, myths, and stories. society. Racism and sexism are pervasive Second, while recognizing the early impacts throughout society, whether implicit or explicit of racism and discrimination, the chapters in this or embedded in institutional policies and prac- volume also address the ongoing impacts through tices that were formulated over several hundred childhood, adolescence, and emergent adulthood. years by the dominant White majority population The transition from categorical self-identity to of the United States. The population composition existential self-identity is of special concern has been steadily changing, and within the next because as adolescents and emerging adults generation, the United States will be a minority-­ begin to think about who they are, it can have majority. The critical question is whether we will profound impacts on who they will be with achieve that status through reasoned or planned respect to success and positive involvement in change or whether racist and discriminatory broader society. Indeed, for children who recogunrest and violence will pave a more troubled nize that gender categorization does not align pathway causing the concept of America as a with their emergent intersubjective sense of genmelting pot to be more a myth than a reality. der or sexual orientation, the impact of family, Although our introduction to the detailed spe- peer, and community rejection can be life cialized chapters in this volume has been rela- threatening. tively brief, several key points may serve as a Third, at the same time that the population of guide for assembling an aggregate view of the the United States (and the world) shifts to minorextent to which minority children are dispropor- ity-majority composition, it is imperative that tionately exposed to multiple adverse childhood American society addresses contemporary issues experiences, many of which are strongly linked related to its current hierarchy of human values. to poverty and lack of individual and family This requires acknowledging the racist practices resources. and policies of its historical past and to begin creFirst, racism and discrimination serve as inde- ating the multicultural society of the future that pendent sources of adverse childhood experi- will bring reality to the idea of justice and equity ences as well as exacerbate the effects of other for everyone, in essence, destroying the concept adverse childhood experiences. Exposure to mul- of a hierarchy of human values. The chapters in tiple adverse experiences increases the probabil- Children and Prejudice draw attention not only ity that many minority children fall into toxic to the negative impacts of racism and discriminastress levels of ACEs, known to have significant tion over the first 25 years of life but also draw negative impacts on the early organization of attention to strengths and resiliencies that have neurobiological systems mediating person-expe- enabled many members of minority groups to

1  Introduction: A Developmental Systems Perspective on Children and Prejudice

construct positive and successful developmental pathways. It is only though having a deep appreciation for and living in the richness of diversity and cultural complexity can we collectively confront and resolve our greatest weaknesses. While advocating for science to play a leading role in detailing the negative impacts of racism and discrimination, as well as designing successful interventions, we recognize that resolution of the social cancers of racism and discrimination will require moral resolve from society in general.

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22 Spencer, M. B., Dupree, D., & Hartman, T. (1997). A phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory (PVEST): A self-organization perspective in context. Development and Psychopathology, 9, 817–833. Summers, J. A., Boller, K., Schiffman, R. F., & Raikes, H.  H. (2006). The meaning of “good fatherhood”: Low-income fathers’ social constructions of their roles. Parenting: Science and Practice, 6(203), 145–166. Swanson, D. P., & Spencer, M. B. (1999). Developmental and cultural research on African American adolescents. In H. E. Fitzgerald, B. M. Lester, & B. S. Zuckerman (Eds.), Children of color: Research, health and policy issues (pp. 53–72). New York, NY: Garland. Tomasello, M. (2016). Cultural learning redux. Child Development, 87, 64–653. Trevarthen, C. (1980). The foundations of intersubjectivity: Development of interpersonal and cooperative understanding in infants. In D. Olson (Ed.), The social foundation s of language and thought (pp. 316–142). New York, NY: Norton.

H. E. Fitzgerald et al. Tsethlikai, M. (2011). An explanatory analysis of American Indian children's cultural engagement, fluid cognitive skills, and standardized verbal IQ scores. Developmental Psychology, 47, 192–202. Wade, R., Jr., Sheam, J. A., Rubin, D., & Wood, J. (2014). Adverse childhood experiences of low-income urban youth. Pediatrics, 124(1), e13–e20. Weiss, M. J. S., & Wagner, S. H. (1998). What explains the negative consequences of adverse childhood experiences on adult health? Insights from cognitive and neuroscience research. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 14(4), 356–360. West, J.  (1967). How culture shapes the way we think. Observer, 20, 25–26. Wyld, H. C. (Ed.). (1938). The universal dictionary of the English language. Chicago, IL: Standard American Corporation. Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35, 7–13.

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Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span Adam J. Hoffman, Deborah Rivas-Drake, Isis H. Settles, Shelia T. Brassel, and Bernardette J. Pinetta

If current projections are realized, in less than three decades, the USA will become a “minority-­ majority” nation (Census, 2014). Meaning that for the first time in US history, the number of non-White individuals will be greater than the number of White individuals in the US population. Although many individuals deny that ethnic and racial prejudice exists and uses a number of strategies to rationalize unfair treatment that could be attributed to racism or xenophobia (Bonilla-Silva, 2014), examination of the educational, social, and occupational outcomes of ethnic-­ racial minority groups tells a different story. Anecdotally, a cursory review of one’s newsfeed in any given week can provide evidence that prejudice is a very real threat to the

A. J. Hoffman · S. T. Brassel Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] D. Rivas-Drake (*) · B. J. Pinetta Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA School of Education, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] I. H. Settles Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Department of Afroamerican and African Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected]

well-being of communities of color in the USA. Indeed, ethnic and racial prejudice plays a role in inequalities in education, health, and life chances of youth of color in the USA and thus threatens the nation’s capacity to fully realize the promise of its ever-increasing diversity. Although disparities in the life outcomes of ethnic-racial minority groups are a global concern, we focus in the USA because the largest body of ethnic-racial prejudice research focuses on this context. Race and ethnicity are factors that inform individuals’ social and psychological experiences across the life span. Yet, issues related to ethnic or racial prejudice may manifest in qualitatively distinct ways in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. In this chapter, we first provide an overview and conceptualization of prejudice and how it is related to attitudes and behaviors. We then review five ways in which ethnic and racial prejudice can be expressed: dehumanization, stereotypes, stereotype threat, discrimination and microaggressions, and skin colorism  – focusing on how these experiences negatively impact ethnically and racially marginalized individuals from childhood through adulthood. In doing so, we explicitly note the ages or developmental periods represented in the studies reviewed throughout this chapter. We then briefly discuss two key promotive and protective mechanisms that have been a focus of studies in multiple developmental periods: ethnic-racial coping and ethnic-racial identity. We conclude with notes

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 H. E. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Handbook of Children and Prejudice, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12228-7_2

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regarding areas of the literature in need of clarification or extension.

The Psychology of Prejudice Prejudice is part of a complex system of phenomena, including social categorization and stereotyping, that are related to how an individual categorizes and evaluates members of different social groups. The process of social categorization, or seeing other people as group members instead of unique persons, is thought to be one of the starting places from which prejudice can develop (Stangor, 2000). Social categorization occurs easily and frequently, often without one’s awareness (Stangor, 2000). Stereotypes are mental representations of these social categories, including beliefs or expectations about people based upon their social group memberships. Stereotypes guide how an individual perceives others  – what one notices about members of a social group, how others’ behavior is interpreted, and how this information is organized in one’s memory (Biernat, Manis, & Nelson, 1991; Fiske & Neuberg, 1990; Jones, 2002; Jussim, Nelson, Manis, & Soffin, 1995). However, stereotyping is not inevitable, as a perceiver’s own motivations and the ease with which an individual can be sorted into one’s existing mental representations influence engagement in stereotyping (Jones, 2002). Stereotype awareness or the knowledge and understanding of stereotypes is a developmental phenomenon. The development of stereotype awareness, as it relates to ethnic-racial stereotypes, is theorized to begin to emerge by middle childhood. By early childhood, youth have an understanding of group categorization on the basis of ethnic-racial groups (Aboud, 2003). And by middle childhood, youth begin to develop more advanced social cognition like perspective taking, abstract thinking, and awareness of racial groups (Quintana, 2008). From the awareness of groups and more sophisticated cognition, youth begin to understand widely held beliefs about various ethnic-racial groups and how these beliefs can then be applied to individuals of a

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given ethnic-racial groups (Copping, Kurtz-­ Costes, Rowley, Wood, 2013; McKown & Weinstein, 2003). Indeed, empirical evidence has emerged to support the notion that middle to late childhood represents a time-increasing awareness of stereotypes (Pauker, Ambady, & Apfelbaum, 2010; Williams & Davidson, 2009). Whereas stereotypes are mental shortcuts, prejudice is characterized by affect and emotional responses. Specifically, prejudice involves negative feelings or attitudes toward members of a given social group, such as dislike, discomfort, hatred, disgust, and fear that is directed toward people because of their social group memberships (Allport, 1954; Jones, 2002; Stangor, 2000). However, like stereotypes, prejudice often occurs quickly and unconsciously. Stereotypes do not always lead to prejudice, but they are often part of the process. For example, believing that people from given social group are unintelligent or lazy (a stereotype), may lead to a general dislike of members of that social group (prejudice). When applied to a specific group, prejudices often take on more exact forms and definitions (e.g. racism refers to race-based prejudice, sexism refers to gender-based prejudice). People rapidly form emotional and evaluative appraisals (e.g., good-bad, positive-negative) of other people and objects, often without conscious awareness (Fiske, 2014). These rapid appraisals serve as subliminal cues, building implicit attitudes and biases. Implicit attitudes toward others involve “affect-laden associations” that people may or may not consciously endorse but nonetheless possess because of cultural or personal experiences (Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006; Fiske, 2014, pp. 239). For example, studies have found that people who are White more quickly identify positive words and attributes (e.g., “smart”) after seeing White faces and negative words after seeing Black faces; people who are Black more quickly identify positive words after seeing Black faces and negative words after seeing White faces (Dovidio, Evans, & Tyler, 1986; Fazio, Jackson, Dunton, & Williams, 1995; Perdue, Dovidio, Gurtman, & Typer, 1990). However, people’s motivation to control their prejudice reactions influences whether or not

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these associations become explicit attitudes, which involve more overt, conscious evaluations that people believe to be true, regardless of their actual accuracy (Fiske, 2014; Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006). In recent decades, there has been an increased interest in examining how prejudice has shifted across time. Social norms have increasingly deemed prejudicial attitudes as inappropriate (Costa-Lopes, Dovidio, Pereira, & Jost, 2013; Monteith, Arthur, & Flynn, 2010) and modern forms of racism have become increasingly subtle and covert but are still strikingly prevalent: most estimates posit that 70–80% of Whites would score relatively high on modern racism (Fiske, 2014). Modern racism is largely characterized by the belief that racial discrimination is no longer a major issue in contemporary society, that racial and ethnic minorities are given special treatment by the government and other organizations, that they demand too much, and that they should try harder (McConahay, 1986; Poteat & Spanierman, 2012; Sears, Hetts, Sidanius, & Bobo, 2000). Moreover, Norton and Sommers (2011) recently found that many Whites view racism as a zero-­ sum game, believing that decreases in bias against Blacks over time have been associated with increases in bias against Whites. This modern form of racism is now more prevalent in America than traditional forms of racism (Fiske, 2014), underlining how modern-day, insidious racism may be less blatant than decades ago, but is still a pervasive issue. Perhaps the greatest negative impact of prejudice lies in its behavioral enactment – discrimination. Researchers have noted that prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination are interrelated in how group attitudes function, with each representing affective, cognitive, and behavioral components, respectively (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). Discrimination refers to negative behavior toward members of a social group because of their group membership and often involves acting upon one’s stereotypes and prejudices (Allport, 1954; Fiske, 2014). Prejudice toward a given social group may also create a stigma against them, whereby people from a devalued social group are discredited and rejected (Link & Phelan, 2001), and is asso-

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ciated with a host of negative outcomes, such as decreased well-being and self-esteem; increased depression, psychological distress, and blood pressure; and shortened life span (Allison, 1998; Chae et  al., 2014; DeBlaere & Bertsch, 2013; Kelleher, 2009). Thus, prejudice is part of a system that devalues and rejects members of certain social groups and is linked with a number of social and health disparities. In the following section, we provide an overview of manifestations of prejudice through dehumanization, stereotypes, stereotype threat, discrimination and microaggressions, and skin colorism.

Manifestations of Prejudice Dehumanization Dehumanization refers to “perceiving or treating people as if they are less than fully human” (Haslam & Stratemeyer, 2016, p. 25). Individuals are more likely to dehumanize outgroup members, lower-status groups, and the less powerful (Capozza, Andrighetto, Di Bernardo, & Falvo, 2012; Gwinn, Judd, & Park, 2013; Haslam & Loughnan, 2014). Once dehumanization takes place, individuals are less likely to feel empathy or offer help to targets (Cuddy, Rock, & Norton, 2007; Haslam & Loughnan, 2014; Haslam & Stratemeyer, 2016) and more likely to engage in violence and punitive behavior because it loosens the perpetrators’ moral constraints (Goff, Eberhardt, Williams, & Jackson, 2008; Obermann, 2011). Childhood and Adolescence  Recent findings suggest that Black people in the USA are not regarded as having the same level of humanity as Whites. In one study, Goff and his colleagues (2014) examined the level of innocence ascribed by a predominantly White sample of participants to Black and White children. They found that Black and White children ages 0–9 were rated as similarly innocent  – that is, needing of protection and deserving of care – regardless of racial group. However, Black children were rated as significantly less innocent than White 10-year-

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olds; this pattern was found through every age thereafter up through age 25 (the last age specified). These authors further found evidence in a series of subsequent studies that Black boys are differentially perceived: participants viewed them as older, more culpable for their actions, and more likely to be a target of use of force by law enforcement. Thus, Black boys were ascribed characteristics that made them less likely to be protected by their childhood status, as compared to their same-age White counterparts. Another related study revealed that with age, White children perceive Black children as experiencing less pain than White children. Dore and her colleagues (2014) asked a predominately White sample of 5-, 7-, and 10-year-olds to rate their own pain and the pain of Black and White target children. Five-­year-­olds rated the pain of Black and White targets similarly, but the 10-year-olds rated the pain of Black targets as lower than White targets in response to the same events. Thus, young Black children are less likely to be afforded the protection of characteristics ascribed to Whites – to be seen as less than children – which has profound implications for how they grow up in this society.

Adulthood  Research suggests that ethnic-racial minority adults also experience dehumanization. Most studies have focused on Black Americans, although immigrants and refugees are also common targets of dehumanization (Esses, Medianu, & Lawson, 2013). Dehumanization has been proposed as an explanation for police bias in shooting ethnic-racial minority individuals. For example, Mekawi, Bresin, and Hunter (2016) found that White adults higher in fear of Blacks and higher in the tendency to dehumanize Black people demonstrated a shooting bias toward Black targets as compared to White targets (Mekawi et  al., 2016). Research around dehumanizing has revealed that individuals have made associations that Black individuals are less human than their White counterparts; however research has also revealed that dehumanizing can extend as far as making comparisons or associations between Black people and other species of nonhuman animals (Kteily & Bruneau, 2017).

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For example, Goff et  al. (2008) examined the priming of historical Black and ape associations on performance in cognitive tasks and decision-­ making. Results revealed that implicit historical associations of Blacks and apes impaired basic, cognitive processes and altered judgment in criminal justice contexts for both White and ethnic-­ racial minority individuals, suggesting that these persistent historical associations between Blacks and apes likely contribute to the dehumanization of Black Americans. Dehumanization has also been implicated in individuals’ attitudes about social groups and interpersonal relationships. For example, examinations of individuals’ mental representations of social class groups indicate that the poor are perceived as Blacker than the middle class or wealthy and that they are also perceived as having less human traits, suggesting interrelated attitudes about the poor, Blacks, and possession of human qualities and emotions (Lei & Bodenhausen, 2017). In terms of interracial relationships, Skinner and Hudac (2017) found that Black-White interracial couples were dehumanized compared to same-­ race Black or White couples, and this was partially due to greater feelings of disgust toward the interracial vs. the same race couples. Notably, these studies suggest that fear and disgust are emotions associated with the dehumanization of outgroup members. Waytz, Hoffman, and Trawalter (2015) proposed that some groups are perceived as superhuman; rather than perceiving groups as nonhuman because they are associated with animals or objects (i.e., dehumanization), they are instead perceived as nonhuman because they are associated with the possession of qualities that are perceived as supernatural, extrasensory, or magical. Yet, like dehumanization, superhumanization is proposed to be associated with negative outcomes; because they do not experience normal human emotions and sensations, superhuman groups are not subject to usual human consideration and treatment. Consistent with this, research has found that greater perceptions of Blacks as subhuman or superhuman are associated with White people’s perceptions that Black people are more tolerant of pain (Trawalter, Hoffman, &

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Waytz, 2012; Waytz et al., 2015). Thus, consistent with the research on children, Black adults are perceived to experience less pain than Whites, and this belief is tied to seeing Black people as something other than human.

Stereotypes As described previously, stereotypes have been defined as shared knowledge structures about specific groups on the basis of social categories (Devine, 1989). The awareness of ethnic-racial stereotypes has been shown to impact individuals of color in many different domains, starting as early as childhood and moving through adulthood (Steele, 1997).

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well as effeminate (Ghavami & Peplau, 2013). Further, they found that stereotypes of Blacks, Latinos, Middle Eastern Americans, and Whites better represented stereotypes of the men rather than the women from that group  – one notable exception to this phenomenon was for stereotypes of Asian Americans, who were stereotyped as effeminate.

Stereotype Threat

Stereotype threat was first identified by Steele and Aronson (1995) as occurring when an individual experiences fear or anxiety about confirming a negative stereotype about a social group to which they belong (Inzlicht & Schmader, 2012). This anxiety or fear depletes cognitive resources Childhood and Adolescence  In a cross-­ as the individual works to avoid confirming the sectional study with Black and White American stereotype which, in turn, can result in learning youth in grades 4, 6, and 8, researchers asked decrements and performance declines. Scores of youth about their perceptions of adults’ beliefs empirical research have provided evidence of about Black and White people with regard to aca- these phenomena across the life span and social demic and athletic ability. Results revealed that identities (e.g., ethnicity and race, gender, age, perceptions of adults’ stereotypes became religion; Inzlicht & Schmader, 2012). increasingly stereotypical (where Blacks are less intelligent and more athletic than Whites) across Childhood and Adolescence  Effects of racial the three age groups, thus demonstrating youth’s stereotype threat and racial priming on task perincreasing awareness of stereotypes and the formance have been observed as early as middle belief that others are likely to endorse these ste- childhood. In a study with Asian American youth, reotypes (Copping et al., 2013). researchers primed youth with their Asian American identity before taking a math test. Results revealed that children in lower elementary Adulthood  In their sample of more than 600 school and middle school who were primed with ethnically diverse adults, Ghavami and Peplau their Asian identity scored higher on the math test (2013) found that American adults’ stereotypes than youth whose identity was not primed before of ethnic-racial minorities tend to be overtly neg- taking test (Ambady, Shih, Kim, & Pittinsky, ative. Middle Easterners are stereotyped as ter- 2001). In a similar study, African American and olds were rorists and dangerous (Ghavami & Peplau, 2013). European American 7- to 9-year-­ American Indians are stereotyped as lazy and racially primed by coloring a picture of either two alcoholics (Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, 1997). African African American children, two European Americans are stereotyped as unintelligent and American children, or two animals (control conliving off of welfare (Chang & Kleiner, 2003). dition) playing outdoors. After coloring the picLatino/Latina individuals are stereotyped as ture, children then completed a test of verbal likely illegal immigrants and criminal or lacking ability administered by two European American ambition (Feagin & Feagin, 1996). Asian experimenters. Children, regardless of their race, Americans often encounter the perpetual for- performed better when given the White prime and eigner stereotype (Kim, Wang, Deng, Alvarez, & performed worst when given the African American Li, 2011) and are stereotyped as bad drivers as prime, compared to the control condition (Steele,

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Bianchi, & Ambady, 2014). Finally, in a study of 10- to 12-year-old Black children, results indicated that those who express awareness of racebased intelligence stereotypes (e.g., Black people are less intelligent than White people) performed worse on a verbal task (suggesting greater stereotype threat) compared to children unaware of race-based intelligence stereotypes (Shelvin, Rivadeneyra, & Zimmerman, 2014).

Adulthood  An immense body of research has found that stereotype threat has a number of negative consequences for adults, and most of these studies have focused on tests of intellectual ability. In their meta-analysis of 39 psychological studies on stereotype threat across the life span, spanning five countries and over 3000 participants, Walton and Spencer (2009) found that under conditions of stereotype threat, stereotyped students (e.g., African Americans, Hispanic Americans, women, etc.) performed worse than non-stereotyped students on tests of intellectual performance. However, when there was no stereotype threat, stereotyped students performed better than non-stereotyped students. These results suggest that stereotype threat has a significant impact on group differences in test scores. Walton, Spencer, and Erman (2013) conservatively estimate that stereotype threat is responsible for as much as 29% of the gap between Black and White students on the SAT.  As described by Spencer, Logel, and Davies (2016), “it is as if the members of stereotyped groups were running all of their heats at a track meet into a stiff headwind. Although they had times similar to the members of non-stereotyped groups, when they all ran the final without a headwind, the members of the stereotype group sprinted to the head of the pack” (p. 422).

Discrimination and Microaggressions Ethnic-racial discrimination refers to the exclusion or negative treatment of individuals from a particular ethnic-racial group (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Discrimination has been suggested as both a behavioral expression of preju-

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dice and an attempt for majority group members to maintain their greater power by denying resources and opportunities to others (Fiske, 2014). Ethnic-racial microaggressions are brief and often subtle verbal, behavioral, or environmental insults and slights that target individuals because of their race or ethnicity (Sue Capodilupo et al., 2007) and might be categorized as “small” acts of ethnic-racial discrimination or harassment. Whereas racial microaggressions refer to experiences of “everyday discrimination” that take place in interpersonal interactions, formal ethnic-racial discrimination also includes structural and institutional forms of unfair treatment, such as racial preferences in hiring and racial bias in criminal justice sentencing. Both of these types of ethnic-racial mistreatment are considered to be stressors associated with significant negative outcomes (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Childhood and Adolescence  One key stressor that is too often a fact of life for youth of color is discriminatory treatment that is unfair or meant to subordinate them due to their ethnicity or race (Brown, Alabi, Huynh, & Masten, 2011; Huynh, Guan, Almeida, McCreath, & Fuligni, 2016; Neblett, Rivas-Drake, & Umaña-Taylor, 2012; Umaña-Taylor, 2016). Experiences of everyday discrimination can occur in myriad behaviors and situations, such as being treated rudely, disrespectfully, or suspiciously, being called names or harassed, being treated as though one is threatening, and being condescended to (e.g., Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Sellers, Copeland-­ Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006). Such exposure manifests at multiple levels. At one level, youth can experience interpersonal discrimination during their interactions with other individuals; at another level, as members of marginalized groups, they may also have unequal access to resources in schools and disproportionate contact with law enforcement (Fisher et al., 2000; Ramey, 2015; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Moreover, a number of studies have shown that during adolescence, interpersonal discrimination is not only perpetrated by adults but also other youth (e.g., Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Niwa et  al., 2016; Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2008).

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In a recent review, Umaña-Taylor (2016) noted that ethnic-racial discrimination becomes more prevalent in adolescence relative to childhood. Many groups  – including African American, Latino, Asian American, and Native American youth across the USA – experience this increase in discrimination from childhood to adolescence (Behnke, Plunkett, Sands, & Bámaca-Colbert, 2011; Benner & Graham, 2011; Benner & Kim, 2009; Niwa, Way, & Hughes, 2014; Rivas-Drake et al., 2008; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2008). Thus, it is not surprising that adolescence is a time of increased salience of discrimination (Benner, 2017). Some empirical evidence, albeit mixed, also suggests that exposure to persistent or increasing levels of discrimination between adolescence and young adulthood (i.e., 11–21 years of age) has long-­term implications for youths’ well-being and adjustment (Brody et  al., 2014; Greene et  al., 2006; Witherspoon, Seaton, & Rivas-Drake, 2016). In adolescence, discrimination experiences are linked to negative socioemotional and physical health outcomes, including lower self-esteem and more anger, depression, perceived stress, delinquency, conduct problems, substance use, and poorer sleep (Fuller-Rowell et  al., 2012; Gibbons et  al., 2007; Greene et  al. 2006; Niwa et  al., 2016; Rivas-Drake et  al., 2008; Sellers et  al., 2006; Simons, Chen, Stewart, & Brody, 2003; Wong et  al., 2003; Yip, 2015; Zeiders, Umaña-Taylor, Jahromi, Updegraff, & White, 2016). Moreover, this may be due to increases in activity from the hypothalamic pituitary adrenal axis (the stress response system in the brain) as measured by cortisol (the stress hormone) levels (Huynh et al., 2016). The sequelae of exposure to discrimination extend to the academic domain as well (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2011; Benner & Kim, 2009; Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, & Cogburn, 2008; Neblett, Chavous, Nguyên, & Sellers, 2009). More discrimination exposure prospectively predicted lower academic engagement among Chinese American adolescents (Benner & Kim, 2009) and grades in school among Chinese American (Benner & Kim, 2009) and Asian, Latino, and European American adolescents (Huynh & Fuligni, 2010). Benner and Graham (2011) found that increases in discrimi-

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nation from fall of ninth grade and spring of tenth grade were associated with less positive school climate perceptions and, in turn, lower grades and more absences in tenth grade. Adulthood  As with children and adolescents, adult experiences of ethnic-racial discrimination or microaggressions are associated with poor psychological and physical health outcomes across ethnic-racial groups, including hypertension, less energy, more pain, more anxiety and depression, and sleep problems (Ayalon & Gum, 2011; Dolezsar, McGrath, Herzig, & Miller, 2014; Fuller-Rowell et  al., 2017; Gee, Spencer, Chen, Yip, & Takeuchi, 2007; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Lee & Ahn, 2011, 2012; Lewis, Cogburn, & Williams, 2015; Nadal, Griffin, Wong, Davidoff, & Davis, 2017; Nadal, Wong, Sriken, Griffin, Fujii-Doe, 2015; Sanchez, Smith, & Adams, 2018; Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003). Among ethnic-racial minority women in the USA, racial discrimination is related to adverse childbirth outcomes (e.g., low birth weight, preterm birth), suggesting that racial discrimination can have a significant intergenerational impact (Alhusen, Bower, Epstein, & Sharps, 2016). Ethnic-racial discrimination in the workplace is a form of mistreatment unique to adults (and working teens). Studies indicate that 40–76% of ethnicracial minority employees report at least one negative race-related experience at work within a 12–24-month period (Harrell, 2000; Schneider, Hitlan, & Radhakrishnan, 2000). Indeed, racial discrimination is pervasive in the workplace, and discriminatory hiring practices frequently exclude racial and ethnic minorities from even entering it. Using identical resumes that differed only in whether the potential employee had a Black sounding name or a White sounding name, Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) found that applicants with a White sounding name were 50% more likely to receive a callback. Examining decades of hiring practices, Quillian, Pager, Hexel, and Midbøen (2017) conducted a meta-analysis of hiring discrimination based on studies using this type of resume comparison or those in which confederates trained to have similar job-related char-

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acteristics but differ in race apply for the same jobs. They found that since 1989, Whites receive an average of 36% more callbacks than Blacks and 24% more callbacks than Latinos, evidence of persistent racial discrimination in hiring practices. Further, they found that there has been no change in the level of hiring discrimination toward Blacks compared to Whites but a small decline in discrimination toward Latinos compared to Whites. Racial discrimination also occurs in promotion practices. For example, both Black and White supervisors give White workers higher performance ratings than Black workers, although this bias is greater for White supervisors (Stauffer & Buckley, 2005). As with general assessments of ethnic-­racial discrimination, another meta-analysis indicated that perceived racial discrimination in the workplace is related to more negative job attitudes and worse physical and psychological health (del Carmen Triana, Jayasinghe, & Pieper, 2015).

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stereotypic stories (i.e., light-skinned person in a low-status occupation and dark-skinned person in a high-status occupation; Averhart & Bigler, 1997). A more recent study of 7- and 9-year-old African American children found that children were more likely to assign positive traits to lighter-skinned children and negative traits darker-skinned children (Williams & Davidson, 2009). Further, among 123 African American adolescents ranging in age from 11 to 19 (M  =  15  years), youth who rated themselves as having dark skin were less likely to report satisfaction with their skin tone compared to adolescents with light skin. Further, over 50% of dark-skinned adolescents reported wishing their skin tone was lighter (Robinson & Ward, 1995).

Adulthood  For adults, lighter skin tone is associated with more favorable outcomes across a number of domains (Adams, Kurtz-Costes, & Hoffman, 2016), including educational and occupational outcomes. For example, Latinos with Skin Colorism lighter skin tone are rated as more intelligent than Another form of prejudice experienced by people those with darker skin tones, controlling for eduof color in the USA is colorism. Colorism can be cational attainment and vocabulary test scores defined as “the allocation of privilege and disad- (Hannon, 2014). Lighter skin tone Asian vantage according to the lightness or darkness of Americans are more likely to get a Bachelor’s one’s skin tone” (Burke, 2008, p. 17). Typically, degree than those with a dark brown skin tone privileges are afforded individuals with lighter (Ryabov, 2016). In terms of employment, skin tones over those with darker skin tones. This Harrison and Thomas (2009) conducted an is a phenomenon that occurs both within and experiment of hiring decisions and found that between ethnic-racial minority groups in the lighter-skinned Black applicants received more positive ratings than darker-skinned Blacks. They USA (Hunter, 2007). also found that lighter-skinned Blacks with more Childhood and Adolescence  Preferences for qualifications for the position received more poslighter skin tones can be observed as early as itive ratings than darker-skinned Blacks with childhood. One study of African American chil- fewer qualifications, and this effect was particudren enrolled in kindergarten assessed attitudes larly strong for ratings of Black men. In real-­ and stereotypes through storytelling (Averhart & world settings, research finds that African Bigler, 1997). Results revealed that children American males with the lightest skin tone are showed better memory when the darker-skinned more likely to find a job and be in college and character was paired with the negative traits and African American females with the lightest skin the lighter-skinned character was paired with the tone are more likely to find a full-time job positive traits (Averhart & Bigler, 1997). Results (Ryabov, 2013). Further, among Latinos, those also showed that children had better memory of with darker skin are more likely to be employed stereotypic stories (i.e., dark-skinned person in a in ethnic niches (i.e., in sectors with same-race low-status occupation and light-skinned person co-workers) compared to those with lighter skin, in a high-status occupation) than counter-­ controlling for demographic factors such as edu-

2  Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span

cation and language ability (Morales, 2008). Colorism has also been examined in the criminal justice system. For example, King and Johnson (2016) found that defendants with darker skin tone and more Afrocentric features were more likely to be sentenced to prison (vs. given a stay), and this finding was present for both Black and White individuals. Despite the consensus of lighter skin tone being associated with more positive outcomes, some studies have examined differences in colorism between ingroup (i.e., same race) and outgroup members. Among African American women, those with a light skin tone were judged as more attractive and reported the least colorism (i.e., poor treatment) from outgroup members (Uzogara & Jackson, 2016). However, from ingroup members, African American women with average or medium skin tone reported receiving the best treatment. In a qualitative study of African American women, Hall (2017) similarly found that medium-skinned women reported the positive treatment and acceptance from other ingroup members, whereas darker-skinned women were perceived most negatively and light-­skinned women most positively, by outgroup members. Among African American men, light-­ skinned men reported less outgroup discrimination than dark-skinned men. Further, compared to light- and dark-skinned men, medium-skinned men perceived the least discrimination from ingroup members (Uzogara, Lee, Abdou, & Jackson, 2014).

 ome Ethnic-Racial Promotive S and Protective Mechanisms Given the various forms of ethnic-racial prejudice and discrimination outlined above, we briefly discuss ethnic-racial coping strategies and ethnic-racial identity as resiliency factors in the face of adversity. Ethnic-Racial Coping  With increased understanding and ability to perceive ethnic-racial prejudice in childhood and adolescence, researchers have begun to investigate both the strategies

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that individuals use to cope with prejudice and discrimination and how those strategies may change in a given context (Richardson et  al., 2015). In general, research has revealed that engaging in approach strategies (i.e., attempts to improve a situation through cognitive or behavioral actions; Ayers, Sandier, West, & Roosa, 1996) are often related to more positive and adaptive outcomes for adolescents and adults of color (e.g., greater feelings of self-efficacy and lower levels of psychological distress; Krieger, 1990; Noh & Kaspar, 2003; Polanco-Roman, Danies, & Anglin, 2016). Additionally, confronting discrimination may be associated with higher psychological well-being via greater feelings of autonomy (Sanchez, Himmelstein, Young, Albuja, & Garcia, 2016). Support-seeking coping strategies (i.e., obtaining emotional or behavioral support from others) have yielded inconsistent relations for youth of color (Brondolo, Brady, Pencille, Beatty, & Contrada, 2009; Noh & Kaspar, 2003), although Kim (2013) found that emotion-focused coping lessened depressive symptoms associated with racial discrimination among Asian Americans and peer support was found to be protective among a multiracial sample of college students (Juang, Ittel, Hoferichter, & Gallarin, 2016). In contrast to approach coping strategies, avoidance coping strategies (i.e., not thinking about or ignoring a problem) are often related to negative or less adaptive outcomes for adolescents and adults of color (e.g., Sanchez et  al., 2018; Seaton, Upton, Gilbert, & Volpe, 2014; Utsey, Ponterotto, Reynolds, & Cancelli, 2000). However, the efficacy of coping strategies in their protection against the deleterious effects of discrimination appears to be sensitive to the context and the other factors within the individual (Seaton et al., 2014).

Ethnic-Racial Identity  Ethnic-racial identity (ERI) refers to the significance and importance individuals attach to their ethnic-racial group affiliation. Some studies have found that the importance one places on race and positive feelings toward one’s ethnic-racial group can lessen the negative effect of racial discrimination

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(Rivas-Drake et  al., 2008; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, & Zimmerman, 2003). Further, Umaña-Taylor, Tynes, Toomey, Williams, and Mitchell (2015) found that Latino youth who experienced more peer discrimination evinced more externalizing problems when they had less clarity about their ethnic identity (lower ERI resolution) or felt more negatively about it (lower affirmation). The results of the protective vs. risk role of public regard, or the belief that others view your ethnic-racial group positively, is unclear, as a study of Chinese American early adolescents (sixth graders) who experienced high levels of peer discrimination reported fewer depressive symptoms when they perceived more favorable public regard (Rivas-Drake et  al., 2008). In contrast, a study of African American youth indicated that racial discrimination was more weakly related to depression and stress for those low public regard (i.e., those who perceived others view African Americans unfavorably; Sellers et al., 2006). In terms of physical health, research has found that positive ERI reduces physiological stress responses, negative health behaviors, and poor health outcomes associated with ethnic-racial discrimination in ethnic-racial minority individuals (Lucas et al., 2017; Neblett & Carter, 2012; Neblett & Roberts, 2013; Richman, Boynton, Costanzo, & Banas, 2013). Further, racial identity can be important for academic outcomes. For example, among Latino third and fourth grade children attending schools where they were not the majority group, teacher discrimination was associated with less positive academic attitudes and school belonging. By contrast, teacher discrimination was not associated with academic attitudes or belonging among children with more positive ethnic identities (Brown & Chu, 2012).

Areas in Need of Clarification Understanding Impact of Prejudice at the Tails of the Life Span  The majority of theory and empirical research regarding prejudice comes from social psychology. Therefore, much of the

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work to date has been theorized for adults and examines prejudice in young to middle-aged adult samples. Less research can be found exploring prejudice and its impacts in the early and late years of life. Much of the literature regarding children and prejudice merely assesses children’s awareness of prejudice and rarely assesses its relation or impact on psychosocial, academic, and mental health outcomes. Among older adult samples, even less literature could be found examining the relation and impact of ethnic-­ racial prejudice on important outcomes. Research on prejudice toward ethnic-racial minority youth may be particularly needed if it is the case that children and adolescents are more vulnerable to the effects given that they may have had fewer prejudice experiences and may be less well-­ equipped with protective factors, compared to adults. Indeed, research has begun to reveal differences in perceptions of discrimination among children and older adults, compared to younger adult samples, on other forms of prejudice (Garstka, Schmitt, Branscombe, & Hummert, 2004; North & Fiske, 2012).

Understanding Prejudice Across Different Countries and Groups  Much of our understanding of prejudice is derived from American theories and typically has focused on the experiences of Black Americans. However, experiences of prejudice on the basis of ethnicity or race have been documented in countries across the globe (e.g., Hansen, 2015; Mobius, Rosenblat, & Wang, 2016), although who is the target of mistreatment and its implications may vary. Having a more comprehensive insight of the manifestations and experiences of prejudice across other countries can aid in the understanding of what aspects of prejudice are universal across nations and cultures and what aspects of prejudice are uniquely American. Research has also revealed that prejudice and its manifestations occur across various ethnic and racial minority groups (e.g., Mossakowski, Wongkaren, & Uperesa, 2017; Romero, Edwards, Fryberg, & Orduña, 2014). Within the USA, Black samples have dominated

2  Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span

the extant prejudice research. Although research on prejudice manifestations among Asian/Asian Americans and Latina/Latino populations is increasing, very little exists for American Indian/ Native American or Middle Eastern/North African individuals. More research is needed to understand how prejudice manifests in the lives of individuals of other ethnic-racial minority groups in the USA. Perhaps it is the case, there are nuances in the expression of prejudice that are different for individuals of ethnic-racial groups who are perceived as immigrants (e.g., Asians or Latina/Latinos) compared to those who are not perceived as immigrants (e.g., American Indian/Native Americans or African Americans). Thus, future research should aim to develop a more international perspective and explore experiences of prejudice in an array of ethnic and racial minority groups to develop a more comprehensive and robust understanding of the prejudice experienced by ethnic and racial minority individuals.

Measurement Issues  In order for future research to better articulate the impact of ethnic-­racial prejudice on the lives and conceptualization of the self across the life span and across ethnically and racially diverse populations, measures should be sensitive to the ways in which prejudice may manifest among different groups. For instance, Armenta et al. (2013) report on a measure developed to assess “foreigner objectification,” which refers to actions that convey or perpetuate the stereotype that ethnic minorities are foreigners or perpetual foreigners. Their measure was designed to capture experiences such as being asked “where are you from?” by strangers; being spoken to in “an unnecessarily slow or loud way”; having someone “comment on or be surprised by” one’s English language ability; and having had one’s American citizenship or residency questioned. Although the authors argued and demonstrated empirically that the measure was psychometrically invariant between Asian American and Latino samples, the implications

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of such objectification varied by foreign-born status. In particular, among US-born individuals, perceived foreigner objectification was directly linked to less life satisfaction and more depressive symptoms; among foreign-born participants, such objectification was linked to a greater perception of being viewed as less American, and this in turn was associated with lower life satisfaction. This is just one example of how measurement issues can be addressed in the study of ethnic-racial prejudice but one that underscores the conceptual (i.e., qualitative nature of prejudice) and empirical implications of attending to such issues (i.e., invariance in psychometric properties and differential links to psychosocial outcomes across populations).

Intersectionality  More research on prejudice and its manifestations should employ an intersectional perspective. Intersectionality theory takes into account that individuals hold multiple social identities that together shape their lived experience (Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1993; Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2017). The meaning of one social identity, such as race/ethnicity, therefore depends on the other identities one holds. As a result, prejudice toward ethnic-racial minority individuals is likely to be experienced and manifests differently depending on their sex, gender identity, social class, nationality, sexual orientation, etc. Additionally, intersectionality focuses on the relative power, privilege, and access to resources (or lack thereof) afforded to individuals based on the status of their multiple social ­identities and also brings attention to the social context and structural forces (Else-Quest & Hyde, 2016; Moradi & Grzanka, 2017). Thus, an intersectional perspective on prejudice would grapple with not only prejudice experienced at the interpersonal level (e.g., through rude treatment or being stereotyped as unintelligent) but also how it is manifested in biased social systems and social structures (e.g., how immigration laws and rhetoric institutionalize racial profiling of Latinos or how zero tolerance policies in schools allow teachers’ racial and ethnic prejudices to

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disproportionately negatively affect students of color).

Summary and Key Points

This chapter offers a broad overview of the psychology of ethnic and racial prejudice across the Implications for Public Policy life span. From this review, it is clear that prejudice manifests in a number of ways that contribGiven the prejudice that ethnic-racial minority ute to negative life outcomes and limited individuals are likely to experience over the opportunities for ethnic-racial minority individucourse of their lifetimes, scholars have sought to als in the USA.  Underlying these adverse outexplain how prejudice may contribute to the comes are negative feelings, attitudes, and beliefs inequalities that exist across various domains of about ethnic-racial minorities that have often life between ethnic-racial majority and ethnic-­ developed as a means of justifying the greater racial minority groups. The empirical evidence status and privilege afforded to White people in indicates that developing policies to reduce prej- the USA.  The manifestations of prejudice may udice across various segments of society is para- also occur simultaneously or work in concert. For mount. For example, efforts to reduce bias among example, the dehumanization of Black people school teachers and administrators and law may contribute to discrimination toward them. enforcement and judicial officials are of particu- Further, research suggests that the negative lar importance, as they may serve as authorities effects of ethnic-racial prejudice on ethnic-racial of discipline for youth at an early age. School minorities begin early and persist into adulthood teacher and administrator training about preju- (Sanders-Phillips, Settles-Reaves, Walker, & dice and prejudice reduction should be addressed Brownlow, 2009). In fact, some effects may be in coursework for new teachers and administra- intergenerational (Hartmann & Gone, 2016). tors as well as continued education/training in Because of the negative effect of prejudice on professional development workshops for teach- ethnic-racial minority individuals, and because ers and administrators. Similarly, education about we live in an increasingly globalized and diverse prejudice and prejudice reduction should be world where intergroup contact is common, it is required in the training of law enforcement and paramount to investigate and understand the judicial officials, both in initial and continued ways which individuals may encounter and expeeducation. These individuals should be able to rience prejudice throughout the course of their understand and identify prejudice and its mani- lives. Indeed, research surrounding prejudice has festations, along with how prejudice can broadly flourished and proven to be a topic of importance impact their profession and personally influence and interest among scholars; however, continued the decisions they make for individuals of color. research in this field is warranted to develop more To further mitigate prejudice within these fields, nuanced and complex understandings of prejuincreased regulations and vigilance could be dice and how it manifests and unfolds in the lives enacted to provide transparency about the status of ethnic and racial minority individuals. of prejudice in the field both in terms of events related to prejudice and efforts made to reduce bias. Further, stricter sanctions for transgressions References related to prejudice could be instilled. In conclusion, it critical that public policy-makers are Aboud, F. E. (2003). The formation of in-group favoritism and out-group prejudice in young children: Are they aware of and understand the impact of prejudice distinct attitudes? Developmental Psychology, 39(1), in the lives of individuals of color and should 48–60. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.39.1.48 make marked steps in mitigating the deleterious Adams, E. A., Kurtz-Costes, B., & Hoffman, A. J. (2016). Skin tone bias among African Americans: Antecedents effects of ethnic-racial prejudice through the alloand consequences across the lifespan. Developmental cation of resources toward awareness of and Review, 40, 93–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. training in anti-bias strategies. dr.2016.03.002

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A. J. Hoffman et al. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797–811. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.69.5.797 Steele, J. R., Bianchi, E. C., & Ambady, N. (2014). The effect of racial primes on the test performance of African-American and European-American children. Revue Internationale de Psychologie Sociale, 27(3), 161–174. Sue, D.  W., Capodilupo, C.  M., Torino, G.  C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A. M. B., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial micro-aggressions in everyday life. American Psychologist, 62, 271–286. https://doi. org/10.1037/0003-066X.62.4.271 Tan, A., Fujioka, Y., & Lucht, N. (1997). Native American stereotypes, TV portrayals, and personal contact. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 74(2), 265–284. https://doi. org/10.1177/107769909707400203 Trawalter, S., Hoffman, K. M., & Waytz, A. (2012). Racial bias in perceptions of others’ pain. PLpS One, 7(11), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0048546 U.S.  Census Bureau. (2014). 2014 National Population Projections – People and Households. Retrieved from: http://www.census.gov/population/projections/data/ national/2014.html Umaña-Taylor, A. J. (2016). A post-racial society in which ethnic-racial discrimination still exists and has significant consequences for youths’ adjustment. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 25, 111–118. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721415627858 Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Tynes, B., Toomey, R. B., Williams, D., & Mitchell, K. (2015). Latino adolescents’ perceived discrimination in online and off-line settings: An examination of cultural risk and protective factors. Developmental Psychology, 51, 87–100. https://doi. org/10.1037/a0038432 Utsey, S.  O., Ponterotto, J.  G., Reynolds, A.  L., & Cancelli, A.  A. (2000). Racial discrimination, coping, life satisfaction, and self-esteem among African Americans. Journal of Counseling & Development, 78, 72–80. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1556-6676.2000. tb02562.x Uzogara, E.  E., & Jackson, J.  S. (2016). Perceived skin tone discrimination across contexts: African American women’s reports. Race and Social Problems, 8, 147– 159. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12552-016-9172-y Uzogara, E.  E., Lee, H., Abdou, C.  M., & Jackson, J.  S. (2014). A comparison of skin tone discrimination among African American men: 1995 and 2003. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 15, 201–212. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033479 Walton, G.  M., & Spencer, S.  J. (2009). Latent ability: Grades and test scores systematically underestimate the intellectual ability of negatively stereotyped students. Psychological Science, 20, 1132–1139. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02417.x Walton, G.  M., Spencer, S.  J., & Erman, S. (2013). Affirmative meritocracy. Social Issues and Policy Review, 7, 1–35. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.1751-2409.2012.01041.x

2  Ethnic and Racial Prejudice Across the Life Span Warner, L.  R., Settles, I.  R., & Shields, S.  A. (2017). Intersectionality theory in the psychology of women. In C. Travis & J. White (Eds.), The handbook on the psychology of women. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Waytz, A., Hoffman, K. M., & Trawalter, S. (2015). A superhumanization bias in Whites’ perceptions of Blacks. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 6, 352–259. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550614553642 Williams, D.  R., Neighbors, H.  W., & Jackson, J.  S. (2003). Racial/Ethnic discrimination and health: Findings from community studies. American Journal of Public Health, 93, 200–208. https://doi.org/10.2105/ AJPH.93.2.200 Williams, T., & Davidson, D. (2009). Interracial and intra-­ racial stereotypes and constructive memory in 7- and 9-year-old African-American children. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 30(3), 366–377. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appdev.2009.02.002 Witherspoon, D.  P., Seaton, E.  K., & Rivas-Drake, D. (2016). Neighborhood characteristics and expecta-

41 tions of racially discriminatory experiences among African American adolescents. Child Development, 87(5), 1367–1378. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12595 Wong, C.  A., Eccles, J.  S., & Sameroff, A. (2003). The influence of ethnic discrimination and ethnic identification on African American adolescents’ school and socioemotional adjustment. Journal of Personality, 71(6), 1197–1232. https://doi. org/10.1111/1467-6494.7106012 Yip, T. (2015). The effects of ethnic/racial discrimination and sleep quality on depressive symptoms and self-esteem trajectories among diverse adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 44(2), 419–430. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-014-0123-x Zeiders, K.  H., Umaña-Taylor, A.  J., Jahromi, L.  B., Updegraff, K.  A., & White, R.  M. (2016). Discrimination and acculturation stress: A longitudinal study of children’s well-being from prenatal development to 5 years of age. Journal of Developmental & Behavioral Pediatrics, 37(7), 557–564. https://doi. org/10.1097/DBP.0000000000000321

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The Intergenerational Transmission of Protective Parent Responses to Historical Trauma Marva L. Lewis The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. Stephen Biko (1978), South African anti-apartheid activist

Selma Fraiberg coined the phrase “ghosts in the nursery” to refer to the mental and behavioral residue of a parent’s early traumatic experiences that may manifest in the everyday interactions of parents with their infants and young children (Fraiberg, Adelson, & Shapiro, 1975). These “ghosts” in parenting practices may also include the intergenerational legacies of the parent’s ­ethnic, racial, or cultural group’s responses to historical trauma (Danieli, 1998; Wilkins, Tsao, Hertz, Davis, & Klevens, 2014). Parenting practices exist within developmental contexts that include individual and sociocultural determinants (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Lewis, 2000b; Spicer, 2010; Super & Harkness, 1997). Family therapists, researchers in attachment, and child maltreatment have long recognized the risk factors posed by parents’ individual trauma histories and how this trauma may impact their parenting behavior with their child (Boszormenyi-Nagy & Spark, 1973; Kaufman & Zigler, 1989; Lieberman, 2007; Main & Hesse, 1990). For example, findings from some research suggest that there was no evidence of secondary traumatization in children of the Holocaust survivors (van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & M. L. Lewis (*) School of Social Work, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Sagi-Schwartz 2003) conducted a meta-analysis of 32 nonclinical studies of this population with 4418 participants, and they found no evidence of secondary traumatization. Yet, the findings from other clinical studies suggest children of parents who survived the historical trauma of the Holocaust experienced secondary traumatization when additional stressors were also present. There is a growing body of clinical research that examines how these traumagenic parental responses show up in a third generation within a context of historical trauma (Lev-Wiesel, 2007). The transmission of historical trauma by parents to children is also recognized as a cultural risk factor (Brave Heart, 2000; Fogelman, 1988; Lewis & Ghosh-Ippen, 2004; Nagata, 1991; van der Kolk, 1987).

Historical Trauma Historical trauma  – defined as “a cumulative emotional and psychological wounding over the lifespan and across generations emanating from massive group trauma experiences” (Brave Heart, 2000, p. 243) – has occurred throughout recorded history and around the world (Sotero, 2006). Internationally, indigenous groups have experienced violence and profound disruption and destruction of their traditional ways of life through cultural contact and colonization

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p­ ractices of dominant western forces, i.e., settler governments (Duran, 2006). Parents and children in families of Aboriginal people of Australia, Native Americans, Hawaiian, and African Americans in the United States, descendants of East European Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, and warring ethnic tribal members from Rwanda in East Africa have experienced historical trauma. Genocides, civil wars, murder, slavery, rape, and systematic pillaging of land and resources of one group of people by a dominant oppressor can produce traumatic effects that reverberate for several generations within families. In the past few decades, clinical practitioners and researchers report how family members coped or did not cope with the effects of the trauma experienced by their oppressed group, describing how families passed on lessons about their lives and survival, consciously and unconsciously (Brave Heart, 1998; DeGruy, 2005; Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008; Fromm, 2012; Noyes, 2003). In her clinical work with members of the Lakota Indians, social worker Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart (2000) noticed a distinct pattern of behavioral responses in a group of clients. Their behaviors fit the clinical pattern of unresolved grief responses. She finally made the connection that all the symptomatic people were from families whose ancestors experienced the massive group violence of historical trauma of genocide by the US military after an uprising led by her ancestor, Chief Sitting Bull at Wounded Knee (Brave Heart, 2000). These clients’ symptoms were psychological wounding and emotional legacies of the sustained traumas of genocide, colonization, terrorism, relocation, and assimilation. She recognized their responses as a type of living memorial of the original historical trauma of the massacre of an entire community of Lakota men, women, and children at Wounded Knee in 1890.

Historical Trauma Response Five generations after the original trauma, these descendants continued to display the same array of modern-day clinical symptoms of unresolved

M. L. Lewis

grief and loss. She proposed that when an oppressed group has been targeted for consistent violence that lasts over generations, the behaviors of the first targeted generation are termed historic responses. She diagnosed this response as Wakiksuyapi (Memorial People), for those carrying the Lakota historical trauma response of coping with massive group trauma across generations. These initial behavioral responses to trauma are then transferred from the first generation of trauma survivors to the second and subsequent generations of children of the survivors via complex post-traumatic stress disorder mechanisms (van der Kolk, 2014). Yet, these categories of coping and surviving may in part lead to daily group survival but may not tell the whole story.

Protective Parent Cultural Responses I propose that in the first generation of groups targeted for violence or genocide, the historic response by the parents in that group develops into a protective parent response to the historical trauma. These parenting responses and socialization practices become part of that groups’ cultural traditions, beliefs, and values to protect the group’s children. These specific protective parent responses help the children to make meaning of their traumatized realities of oppression and discrimination (Cooper, Smalls-Glover, Metzger, & Griffin, 2015; Domenech Rodriguez, Donovick & Crowley 2009; Murry, Berkel, Brody, Miller, & Chen, 2009). There have long been anecdotal headlines of a parent saving their child’s life with what appears to be superhuman strength. Hysterical strength is defined as “a display of extreme strength by humans, beyond what is believed to be normal, usually occurring when people are in life-and-­ death situations. Common anecdotal examples include parents lifting vehicles to rescue their children. The extra strength is commonly attributed to increased adrenaline production, though supporting evidence is scarce, and inconclusive when available” (Hysterical Strength, n.d.). In a similar manner in the face of overwhelming trauma and imminent death of their children, and cultural group, parents may respond with a

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warrior-­ like protective parenting response to fight for their child’s life, safety, and well-being. Domenech Rodriguez et al. (2009) studied the traditional parenting styles of authoritarian, and authoritative, parenting styles first identified by Baumrind (1971) in a Latino population. Their findings suggest a distinctive third dimension that must be added to the traditional dimensions of warmth and control that must be added to the parenting styles of Latino populations. This third dimension, autonomy granting, they argue reflects cultural criteria of allowing children autonomy of individual expression with the context of the family by the first generation of Latino immigrant parents. With this third dimension, they identified eight different parenting styles. One of these three-dimensional parenting styles they termed protective parenting style. They defined this style as being composed of high warmth, high control, and low autonomy granting. This criterion defines what I propose are the warrior-like protective parenting responses to historical trauma required to insure the survival of children. There are biopsychosocial factors that may serve as triggers for a protective parental response. These fiercely protective parenting behaviors may become intertwined with the cultural groups’ collective memory and transmission of that trauma in subsequent generations. Fundamentally, the biological catalyst for this response is the evolutionary survival response for the species. Parents operate on an unconscious mandate that recognizes that their group will literally die out without the survival of their children. This biological mandate also reflects the evolutionary basis of the attachment response of parents to provide safety and protection to children (Bowlby, 1969). At the psychological level  – in addition to other individual psychological factors such as personality, resilience, or depression – the factors include the parent’s ethnic identity with the group and the level of assimilation and acculturation into the dominant group. At the societal or social level, the warrior parenting response in an oppressed group will be triggered by the level of structural oppression (laws, policies, practices)

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that define the sociocultural context within which parents rear their children to survive historical trauma. The transmission of trauma from a parent to child has been most widely studied from a perspective of the transmission of individual clinical pathology, such as domestic violence, sexual abuse, torture, or of Jewish survivors of genocide (Danieli, 1998; Daud, Skoglund, & Rydelius, 2005; DeGruy, 2005; Duran, 2006; Egeland & Susman-Stillman, 1996; Fogelman, 1988; Fossion et al. 2003; Haag, 2007; Herman, 1997). These important studies focus on the manner that the trauma has disabled or interferes with healthy individual behaviors and may create psychopathology in subsequent generations. Other studies focus on the resilience of individuals in the face of adversity and how they may have coped with trauma (Bar-On et  al., 1998; Salloum & Lewis, 2010; van der Kolk, Roth, Pelcovitz, Sunday, & Spinazzola, 2005). I propose that these findings support an individual victim perspective and interpretation of parenting practices. For example, a focus on the depressed mood of the parent experiencing domestic violence and subsequent emotional neglect of her child is a victim perspective. In this paper, I argue that children of parents who are survivors of historical trauma such as genocide, slavery, and separation of boarding schools must include a strength-based perspective to address the following question: What did parents do to insure the survival of their children in the face of the sustained horrors of the historical trauma their group experienced? I will argue that in the face of the sustained traumas that occurred over generations of different ethnic, cultural, or religious groups, these parents had to create effective parenting strategies to fight for their child’s survival. They had to respond as a warrior in the midst of a life or death battle to protect their children. Further, they had to protect their children to insure the survival of their family and their cultural group. Using a strength-­ based lens, these nascent questions bubble to the surface: What are parental protective responses? How were these responses transmitted from generation to generation?

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I discuss evidence of possible interacting biopsychosocial mechanisms that may contribute to the intergenerational transmission of historical trauma in parent-child relationships. I begin this discussion with a brief review of research on biopsychosocial mechanisms of transmission. The biological mechanisms include the physiological systems that begin in pregnancy that contribute to human survival. The psychological mechanisms include the lifetime memories originating from the quality of the first relationship that insures human survival  – the attachment relationship between an infant and primary caregiver. Bowlby (1969) identified the concept of internal working model to describe the mental representation formed in the minds of young children based on the emotional quality of their everyday interactions with their primary attachment figure. This mental representation forms the basis of a child’s feeling that they have a protective secure base in the world to protect them from all danger (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991). They feel secure. I use the concept of internal working model to describe the psychological mechanism for intergenerational transmission of the parental messages, behaviors, and beliefs that have their roots in their group’s experience of historical trauma. Finally, there are broader elements within the social context that serve as triggers for the use of traumagenic parenting practices that originated in the groups’ history. These triggers for protective parenting practices include stereotypes and biases, practices, policies, and norms that serve to remind – albeit invisibly – the targeted group of the original trauma and their status in the eyes of the oppressor. I conclude the chapter with a personal response to the topic and suggestions for future research.

Biopsychosocial Mechanisms and the Historical Trauma Response in Parenting Practices Trauma can be transmitted through physiological, environmental, and social pathways (Danieli, 1998). Beginning in utero during pregnancy, specific biopsychosocial mechanisms may be

involved in the intergenerational transmission of historical trauma. These mechanisms have been identified and studied separately but not as interdependent systems. As components of a well-run system with their roots in historical trauma of an oppressed group, these biopsychosocial elements may then shape the day-to-day interactions of parents with their children  – and the quality of their relationships (Fig. 3.1).

Biological Mechanisms Trauma can be passed on from parent to child through genetic damage and prenatal malnutrition (Kim & Strathearn, 2017; Rodriguez, 2015). Much of the early research on transmission of trauma from generation focused on a parent’s child-rearing behavior (Small, 1998; van der Kolk et al., 2005). Recent research suggests there may be an epigenetic transference process as well (Schechter & Rusconi-Serpa, 2011). A parent’s experience of trauma may change a child’s stress hormone profiles (Kellermann, 2013). The oxytocin system (OS) and its role in the transmission of trauma. In a comprehensive review, Kim and Strathearn (2017) identify a specific biological factor that may be involved in the transmission of trauma from mother to infant. In their comprehensive review of studies of parenting behavior and methods of intergenerational transmission of trauma, Kim and Strathearn (2017) proposed a potential neurobiological mechanism. They build their hypothesis from research on oxytocin, a neuropeptide hormone involved in the regulation of social behavior, maternal behaviors, and stress- and fear-related hormonal systems and behavior. They asked: How does maternal trauma modify caregiving? How does this altered caregiving disrupt the normal development of children? The oxytocin system is a key system contributing to social affiliation and bond formation in humans and other species. The critical feature of oxytocin for understanding a warrior parenting response is that it is involved in affiliative functions, bond formation, and critical aspects of the parent’s social cognition, recognition of emotion,

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma Fig. 3.1 Biopsychosocial mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of relationship dynamics as legacies of historical trauma

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Oxytocin system Neurobiology of attachment

Biological

Psychological

Social

and feelings of empathy and trust. The authors summarize a series of studies demonstrating that the intranasal injection of oxytocin leads to a variety of positive prosocial behaviors in humans and reduction of social emotional dysfunction including autism spectrum disorder (Kim & Strathearn, 2017). Beginning prenatally and through the postpartum period, the release of estrogen and proges­terone facilitates the mother’s neurobiological adaptation to pregnancy. Postnatally, the release of oxytocin continues to shape the mother’s bonding interactions with her infant including breastfeeding, olfactory awareness, and maternal behaviors such as holding and response to the infant’s cues (Small, 1998). Emotions such as social anxiety and fear response are further regulated by this hormonal system (Kim & Strathearn, 2017).

Psychological terrorism by oppressor Internalized trauma Internal working models of attachment Cultural/ethnic/group identification

Oppressive laws, policies & practices Reinforcement through social media Cultural group norms and intergroup relations Assimilation and acculturation into dominant group

In contrast to the role of biological transmission of trauma that may support a protective parenting response, Kim and Strathearn (2017) also discussed how the oxytocin may be the basis of psychopathological transmission of trauma. The findings of their analysis suggest that b­ ehaviorally, mothers with unresolved trauma histories are likely to have insecure attachment history and a history of childhood abuse. This group of parents with this type of unresolved trauma in oppressed groups might be less likely to respond to their child’s danger with a protective response. Instead, they may be subject to a form of learned helplessness in the face of overwhelming task of survival. The role of physical touch in the survival of infants. The need for human touch for the growth and development of humans throughout the life  course is well established (Montagu, 1971;

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Fields, 1998). A common protective child-­rearing practice that Aboriginal, Hawaiians, and enslaved Africans had in common was the high amount of physical touch their children experienced during infancy. Despite the outer macro-level environment of trauma to the group, or the individual responses of parents grieving the loss of loved ones, family, and freedom, the cultural practices of carrying, holding, and touching infants and young children may have served as a protective feature that contributed to the survival of the group. Cultural practices of carrying young infants close to the body immediately after birth through toddlerhood began the emotional connection of the infant to the mother as secure base. Psychological mechanisms and protective parenting responses. Mussell, Nichols, and Adler (1993) noted that the Brazilian educator and philosopher, Paulo Freire, proposed that the social mechanisms used to maintain an oppressive hierarchical social structure include the continued psychological oppression and terrorism of the targeted group by the dominant group. Thus, parenting practices that may on the surface appear to be the acts of a defeated, and conquered people, may be the creative response of people determined to keep their children alive. For example, parents from groups who are newly freed from oppression, war, or slavery, or new immigrant parents, often fervently want better life outcomes for their children. They may embrace the opportunity for their children to participate in the educational systems of their former oppressors, with a fervent hope that their children will have increased resources for successful life. They may voluntarily enroll their children in the available educational systems they previously were barred from despite continued oppressive practices such as segregation (Anderson et  al., 2015; Coles, 1964). Paradoxically, the processes of assimilation and acculturation into the dominant mainstream by members of minority groups may hasten the elimination of their unique cultural practices and cultural identity processes in their children (Breeland-Noble, 2013). Elimination of an oppressed group’s cultural identity typically begins with the elimination of their language (Noyes, 2003; Piccard, 2013).

M. L. Lewis

Immigrants to a new host country must learn the language of the dominant group. Typically, the dominant group holds the valued resources necessary for survival of children  – employment, education, medical care, and housing. Parents may continue to experience discrimination in these vital resources based on the visible characteristics, as a legacy of the historical trauma experienced by their cultural group, (Hagelskamp & Hughes, 2014; Fegley, Spencer, Goss, Harpalani, & Charles, 2008). To succeed in school, children must learn the language of the dominant social group. So the newcomer families work hard to assimilate. Their children begin to “forget” the language of their ancestors and cultural practices that led to survival in their homeland (Egeland & Susman-Stillman, 1996). With each succeeding generation, the memories of their group’s initial experiences may fade to caricatures presented in the wider social media and passed down over generation embellished memories. Subsequently, these emotionally-charged memories of historical trauma then fuel culturally endorsed parenting practices designed to protect and keep children safe. Without cultural socialization by their elders, many of the children or a group formally targeted for violence may resist stereotypes with fading memories of their cultural group and simply see themselves as “people.” Their groups are emotionally diminished through a forced identification into an artificial social-political racial category and not by their multiple ethnic or nationality identities such as the Jena Band of Choctaw Indian, or Irish Americans, or Mexican American. These multiethnic groups with rich cultural traditions are politically reduced to be racially identified solely by their skin color as “Black” (for all people of African descent), “Brown” (Hispanic or Latino), “Yellow” (Asian), or “Red” (Native American) and “White” (subsuming any non-colored group regardless of their original national heritage such as English, French, or Irish). The modern-day social remnants of a targeted group’s cultural heritage may include forms of cultural pride and the practice of fading cultural traditions. Without an explicit experience of

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma

c­ ultural socialization, some parents who are in the third or fourth generation after the experience of historical trauma of the group may only be conscious of vague unintelligible phrases of “pigeon” English that they cling to as proof of their cultural heritage. Without daily cultural socialization and transmission of protective parenting practices based on the history of their group’s interaction with a dominant group, children in later generations may be unprepared. They may not have the emotional skills to protect them from the toxic stereotypes of their cultural group and discrimination that may lurk in modern social systems structured in a racially stratified society where their group is at the bottom. They may respond to unrecognized stereotypes about their groups with internalized feelings of responsibility and self-blame (“I just can’t get a job in this economy”) and not recognize the larger, systemic forces that are legacies of the historical trauma (Hagelskamp & Hughes, 2014). One of the most powerful forms of protective parenting practices will grow out of the quality of the early parent-child attachment relationship that forms between a parent and child.

Parent-Child Attachment and Historical Trauma Attachment researchers have identified the cognitive, affective, and behavioral characteristics that structure the attachment relationship that forms over the first 2  years of an infant’s life (Bowlby, 1969; Bretherton, 1990). The caregiver response to the events of historical trauma of their group may be expressed differently in each of these domains. The cognitive domain includes the mental representation of the stored history of interactions with each other (Zeanah & Anders, 1987). These mental representations create what Bowlby (1969) termed the “internal working models of the relationship.” Based on the everyday interactions between a parent and the child, the child learns how to expect their caregiver to respond to their cues of hunger or needs for comfort and holding. Simultaneously, children begin to form a mental representation of themselves

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based on the quality of their parents’ response to their cues. These working models form the basis of personality and provide a blueprint for behavior of the child in future adult relationships. In addition, each generation of mothers and fathers will have different memories of the historical trauma event and the impact on their early relationships. These trauma-based internal working models of parent-child relationships set the stage for continued use of protective parenting responses. The protective responses that helped them cope with the initial trauma and continued trauma over generations insured the survival of the group (Schechter, 2003; Schechter et  al., 2005).

Establishing Cultural Norms The child-rearing practices, values, and expectations for role performance of a cultural group create broad social mechanisms of transmission of historical trauma in targeted groups of parents with their children (Cooper et al., 2015). The cultural transmission process incorporates the biopsychosocial mechanisms into generational cohort practices, expectations, and eventually ritualized cultural norms. For example, parents who are the descendants of enslaved Africans may unconsciously value lighter skin colors over darker skin in children. This practice, known as colorism, is a direct legacy of a trauma-based child-rearing belief that can be directly tied to the period of enslavement (Landor et  al., 2013; Lewis, Noroña, McConnico, & Thomas, 2013). The generations of parents who survived slavery daily saw the preferential treatment, access to resources, and opportunities for escaping death for the lighter-skinned children. This recognition became incorporated into a cultural norm where parents were complimented and praised for their  lighter-skinned children  (Norwood, 2014). Women would intentionally seek to become impregnated by a lighter-skinned man to increase the chances of giving birth to a lighter-skinned infant (DeGruy, 2005). African American leaders and political champions during the post-slavery reconstruction, and civil rights eras, often had

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very light-skinned or biracial skin tones, such as Frederick Douglass, W.E. B. DuBois, and, more recently, the first African American president, Barack Obama. This value became incorporated into a trauma-­ based child-rearing practice in parents in the form of acceptance or rejection of children based on their light or dark skin tone (Lewis et  al., 2013). In modern-day communities of descendants of enslaved Africans and other ethnic communities where colorism is part of social fabric of relationships, implicit bias toward the range of skin tones reflecting African heritage may be an unrecognized factor in parent-child relationships. To form healthy parent-child attachment, parents must be sensitive, accepting, and emotionally available (Bretherton, 1990). Acceptance or rejection of children based on an unrecognized bias that values one skin tone over others may interfere with the quality of the attachment relationship (Lewis, 2000a).

M. L. Lewis

These widespread cultural practices, the innate desire to protect children and keep them safe, coupled with the unconscious norms passed down through the memories of the parent’s childhood experiences of racial or cultural acceptance and rejection, become folded into the everyday practices of parenting responses. These cultural norms may create a ritualized psychological framework for the continuation of what I propose are historical traumagenic, protective parental responses that were created in the midst of the original traumatic event that may be maintained across generations of targeted people. Based on the findings from research by family therapists conducted with the children of the survivors of trauma, several methods of generational transmission of trauma have been identified:

1. The vicarious identification of children with their parents’ suffering (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 2017; Lev-Wiesel, 2007). 2. The intuitive responsibility assumed by children to compensate in various ways for their Cross-Generation Transmission parents’ suffering. This response in children may be misdiagnosed and pathologized as of Historical Trauma and Protective role reversal (Bellow, Boris, Larrieu, Lewis, Parenting Practices & Elliot, 2005). The experience of trauma reverberates through- 3. Specific child-rearing practices used by parout the caregiving environments of young chilents for survival for the children and their dren, their caregivers, families, communities, and group. For example, a parent’s perception of cultural groups (Lewis, 1999; Lewis & Ghosh-­ racial danger in the larger community may Ippen, 2004; Schwab, 2010). Within these enviexplain the over-endorsement of corporal punronments, the attachment relationships that form ishment methods by African American parents between parents and children are created within during the era of Jim Crow lynching of Black the developmental niche of their culture and males in the south and modern-day fear of social groups (Bretherton, 1990; Coles, 1964; authority-­ based violence directed toward Danieli, 1998; Lewis 2000b). For example, the Black males (Ashing, Lewis, & Walker, 2017; caregiver’s socialization into the grieving pracLiu & Lau, 2013; McAdoo, 2002; Taylor, tices of their cultural group may have been passed Moeller, Hamvas, & Rice, 2013). down in response to unresolved historical trauma 4. The styles of family communication patterns (Brave Heart, 2000). This caregiver may have between parents and their children regarding the grown up with a modeled response to grieving parent’s trauma history and experiences. These the loss of a family member with a ritualized or styles of communication may range from a prescribed manner of behavior and specific repressed silence and refusal to discuss the expressions and duration of emotions. In turn, experiences of their group (“nobody want to these practices are passed down to some memkeep talking about slavery!”) to an angry, vigibers of a family group, and then to some memlant militancy (Bretherton, 1990; Daud et  al., bers of the cultural group. 2005; Lev-Wiesel, 2007; Schechter, 2003).

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma

Each of these methods of transmission may ­create family legacies that then become folded into the cultural identity of the parent, child, and family. These protective parental responses (PPR) practices help children and family members make meaning of their daily lives. The child’s allegiance and identity with their family of origin serves to strengthen their cultural identity and preserves the historical reflexive parental responses to the original traumatic event. The goal of these protective parental responses and socialization practices are performed as survival reflexes to trauma experienced by the parents in the first generation of the historical traumatic event. These parents were direct targets of the violence or terrorism of historical trauma. An example of a reflexive protective child-­rearing practice created by African Americans is the strict enforcement of obedience during the historical trauma of enslavement in the United States. The first generations of parents knew that to survive the harsh realities of chattel slavery and the unpredictable whims of their slave owners and oppressor, children must immediately obey all directives without question. Children were then taught to obey the slave master with no “back talk” or discussion. No matter how unreasonable the demand. Post-emancipation, in subsequent generations of African American families, there continues to be a strong value for “obedience” in children. This value for obedience in modern times may be viewed as a harsh, no nonsense style of parenting. The continued use of these authoritarian parenting practices with roots in the harsh crucible of slavery may now reflect a new source of trauma, community violence. Black parents now have the challenge to rear their children to survive the modern urban stressors of community violence and authority-based violence by police officers (Ashing et al., 2017). Without conscious recognition of the historical context of the creation of the initial reflexive protective parenting practice, it may become incorporated into the child-rearing norms of the group. Figure  3.2 illustrates the emotion-driven types of unconscious goals of reflexive protective parenting practices that may be transmitted from

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a target generation to the next in a context of continued trauma. There are vertical and horizontal generational mechanisms of transmission of trauma in families. The vertical transmission process is the biopsychosocial factors developed in response to the original historical trauma event, which may be passed down through epigenetic transmission from one generation to the next (Kim & Strathearn, 2017). The vertical transmission of protective parenting responses is also illustrated by the changing parenting practices that continue to achieve the original protective goals for children’s survival in each subsequent generation of parents from groups targeted for violence or abuse. At the horizontal generational level, these reflexive protective parenting practices are expressed at the individual level intertwined with the unique psychology of the caregiver and then transmitted person to person within the same generation. For example, the community of members of a group targeted for violence will directly communicate to their parent peers their direct and indirect experiences of the trauma and violence committed against their group. This communication among peers reinforces the realities of the known mechanisms of oppression experienced by different members. As a targeted ethnic, racial, cultural, or religious community, they will make plans and share practices with children designed for children in the community to keep them as safe as possible from the known danger. Also at the horizontal level of trans­ mission, members within the same family of that generation repeat and reinforce, sanction, and condemn extreme protective child-rearing practices. In the first generation of parents – those parents and children directly exposed to the traumatic events  – the group will respond with protective parenting responses to insure their children’s survival. The love they have for their children is infused with their adult understanding of the dangers and violence their group is targeted for by the oppressor. The internal working models of the children of those first targeted group of parents may be filled with memories of

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Targeted Parenng Generaon: 'Protect the children, keep them safe!' – Reflexive creation of Trauma-based Parenng Pracces

2nd Generaon of Parents 'The way we were raised' - Conscious use of TPPP

3rd Generaon - A Parent's Role & Expectaons for Children ‘The way Mom & Dad were raised’ - Memories & Rituals: Reinforcement of Internal Working Models

4th Generaon - Expected Paerns of Family Interacon Unrecognized legacies: Learned pa†erns of group paren‡ng prac‡ces including TPPP

5th Generaon - Cultural Norms Norma‡ve cultural iden‡ty of paren‡ng role that includes standards of unrecognized TPPP

6th Generaon of Parent-Child Aachment Relaonships Individual differences in paren‡ng prac‡ces with Internal Working Models shaped by TPPP Fig. 3.2  Cross-Generation Transmission of Historical Trauma-Based Protective Parenting Practices (TPPP)

feelings of safety and security. “My parent protected me and kept me safe” may be the unconscious emotional response of the first generations of children in the midst of an historical trauma event such as war, genocide, or slavery. Subse­ quently, when that child grows up and enacts the parent role, the emotional foundation is now laid for them to repeat the protective parenting practice to “protect and keep the children safe.” In studies of African American youth, there is evidence of this protective parenting practice that had its origins in the historical trauma of slavery. Neblett, Rivas-Drake, and Umaña-Taylor (2012) highlight ethnic/racial identity, socialization, and cultural orientation as protective factors that are interrelated to help youth develop self-concept, cognitive appraisal skills, and coping skills for psychological wellness. Cultural socialization has also been associated with greater optimism and less depressive symptoms (Liu & Lau, 2013)

and indirectly associated with fewer depressive symptoms through racial pride. In the second generation after the ending of the historical trauma, these parents, who were the children and grandchildren of the direct survivors of the trauma, now have vivid internal working models of the traumagenic protective parental responses. They have been directly socialized to cope with or recognize any residual legacies of the historical trauma in their family or community. They consciously understand the values and need for continued hypervigilance and other post-traumatic behavioral responses to the collective trauma experienced by their group. In the third, fourth, and fifth generations of parents who are now the descendants of trauma survivors, the memories and rituals associated with protective parental responses become blurred with a loyal vision of “the way mom and dad” were raised by beloved grandparents. There

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma

is less conscious awareness of the specifics of the original historical trauma experience as the original trauma begins to fade. The area of research on intergenerational transmission of trauma beyond the second generation is sparse. In their study of the third generation of descendants of families who had survived group trauma, Lev-Wiesel (2007) noted specific clinical behavioral patterns similar to the original generation. They conducted a qualitative analysis of three different groups of traumatized families – survivors of the Holocaust, families forced by war to immigrate from their home country, and families living in a relocation center. Their preliminary findings suggest that group trauma experienced by the older generation of the group is likely to be transmitted to successive generations, influencing their psychological well-being.

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lands across the country and forced Native Americans onto designated reservations. The shared memories of the descendants of this historical trauma include images of ancestors who woke up to watch their frightened children removed from their home, community, and land to be taken to  boarding schools to be “educated” (Quinn, 2004). The stated goal of the oppressor was to systematically “kill the Indian” to erase any recognition of their nation of origin. The collective memories of trauma passed on by subsequent generations of the descendants of children at American Indian boarding schools included being punished for speaking their native language. They were forbidden from practicing any of their traditional cultural rituals. These practices had a traumatic effect on many students, and child abuse was rampant in the schools. Consequently, many of the The Boarding School “Solution” American Indian children who were removed from their parents and extended family experito Canadian Aboriginal and Native enced not only the loss of their culture and American Cultural Identity identity but lacked models for parenting as a The historical trauma experienced across genera- result (Haag, 2007). tions of Aboriginal people in Canada and Native Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart (2000) Americans in the United States was the forced developed a 4-day clinical intervention she separation of children from their families and termed a return to the sacred path, as a method of communities. “Indigenous” is a general term healing individuals from the legacies of historical used to describe members of four distinct trauma of their group. Her goal was to restore the Aboriginal cultural groups in Canada: non-status cultural identity to the descendants of the Lakota Indian, First Nations, Métis people, and Inuit ancestors whose culture had been viciously (Assembly of First Nations, 2002). Based on the stripped away by a dominant oppressor. assumption that Aboriginal cultural beliefs and “To the five thousand piha Kanaka maoli spirituality were inferior and unequal to Euro-­ who remain.” This quote is the dedication used Canadian Christian ones, a residential school sys- by Noyes (2003) to recount the experiences of tem was set up by the Canadian government and historical trauma of Hawaiian natives. She has administered by local churches. The primary made it her life’s work to remember and give objectives of the school “curriculum” were to voice to the Kupuna – the Hawaiian people who remove and isolate children from the cultural experienced the historical trauma of colonizainfluence of their homes, families, and cultures tion and theft of their land and culture. Her goal and to assimilate them into the dominant culture. is to tell their stories so that future generations The goal was to erase their identity as an will know who they are and from where they Aboriginal cultural group member. come. Her mission is to elevate the voices of the In a similar process, the colonizing, oppres- Kupum as an integral part of Hawaii’s history. sor Europeans in the Americas stole the home- Noyes (2003) notes:

M. L. Lewis

54 … if the heart’s wound, the spirit’s ache are laid bare, healing balm can reach the injury and ease the pain. There is no blame, no guilt. There is only the responsibility each of us chooses to recognize the pain and heal the wound. We are all in this together. We share the legacy and we share the present. And we share the shaping of our children’s future. (p. vii)

Directions for Future Research There is growing recognition of the need to understand the intergenerational transmission of trauma experienced collectively by a group targeted for violence or genocide. The importance of the subject of the impact of historical trauma has been recognized by the International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies (ISTSS), with the founding and maintaining of a Special Interest Area Group on Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma and Resiliency. At the annual ISTSS meetings, there are an increasing number of presentations on intergenerational transmission (e.g., see www.istss.org). To understand the impact of historical trauma and the processes that might contribute to the intergenerational transmission of that trauma, history should be studied as a collective (Fitzgerald & Farrell, 2012). Conducting a social power analysis of the groups involved during the historical traumatic event will help address the following questions: 1 . Who played a dominant role? 2. What social factors elevated them to power? 3. What social factors maintained the power? 4. What psychological strategies were used to otherize oppressed groups? 5. What parental responses in the generation the trauma occurred fit the definition of reflexive parenting practices? What protective socialization practices emerged from the time of oppression? Future researchers must focus on the triadic family relationships of co-parents and child. Using a cultural practices approach to healing from ­historical trauma in groups is a new area for

researchers (Miller & Goodnow). The research by Lewis (1999, 2015, 2016) illustrates this approach.

 Cultural Practices Research A Approach Studying Hair Combing Interaction Lewis (2000a) argues that what Selma Fraiberg et al. (1975) identify as the “ghosts in the nursery” that later influences their interactions with their developing infants and toddlers must also include the ethnobiographies of parents who are members of their cultural group. A parent’s individual ethnobiography includes how he or she was socialized into their culture of origin, their current racial and ethnic identity, and the amount of internalized stereotypes they believe about their group (Lewis, 2000b). African American parents’ ethnobiographies include a legacy of historical trauma of slavery and the unconscious valuing of children based on their skin color and hair texture (Lewis, Diaz, Taylor, & Turnage, 1999, Lewis et al., 2013). The internal emotional representation of a parent’s childhood experiences of racial acceptance and rejection includes not only their responses to them by primary attachment figures but from all the members of their developmental niche. The destructive shared legacies of historical trauma slavery in the form of stereotypes about Blacks are enacted and reinforced by extended family, teachers, peers, or strangers in the grocery store. The protective responses that have been transmitted intergenerationally, such as cultural pride and healthy self-esteem, that teach young African American children to recognize the larger system of structural racism that children must negotiate are constantly challenged by images in the social media. Attachment researchers have established that the proximity and emotional availability of the primary caregiver contributes to the feelings of security of the developing young child (Nicholls & Kirkland, 1996). The warmth and acceptance communicated through adequate care and affection as well as the emotional availability of the

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma

caregiver provides the foundation for the partnership that is created between the infant and ­caregiver (Bowlby, 1969). We propose that multisensory stimulation occurs during the hair-­ combing task and significantly contributes to the overall affective quality of the parent-child relationship. I propose that this daily interaction may be a protective parenting practice that contributed to the health and well-being of African American children who survived the historical trauma of slavery. During the period of enslavement, adult women were forced to wear coverings on their head in part to reduce the possibility of recognition of different tribal affiliations from their original home countries in Africa (Lewis, 1999). The pragmatic reality of the “sunup to sundown” demands of the forced plantation labor left little time for the hair care of young children. Post-­ emancipation the newly freed slaves embraced the American dream of education, building a home and the benefits of hard work. Mothers were free to turn their attention to the physical appearance of their child and everyday childcare routines such as combing hair. In the context of the sustained trauma of enforced racial segregation and psychological terrorism of lynching and violence that continued to be directed toward African Americans, I speculate that the ritual and routine of combing hair became a protective parenting practice within families. The daily interactions afforded the child and mother the opportunity to talk, touch, and listen with each other.

Hair Combing Interaction A Protective Parenting Practice. In our research, we argue that the proximity to the mother during the hair-combing task serves a dual role as a “secure base” for the infant to explore their environment. Olfactory awareness and auditory and sensory stimulation are primary factors during this close intimate task. Further, these processes occur during the critical years to the formation of attachment in young children, ages 0 to 3. The ritual and routine of everyday hair-combing interaction (HCI) offers a naturalistic, cultural

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practices approach to study African American mother-child relationships (Lewis, 1999; Miller & Goodnow, 1995). This task is especially well suited for evaluating the emotional quality of the interactions between African American mothers with their infants and young children. Although both mothers and fathers participate in the daily hair-combing task, mothers are typically the primary hair comber (Lewis, 2015). African American infant boys’ hair is not typically cut until approximately age 12  months. Until that time it may be braided, brushed, and combed as would a girl’s hair. Thus, the hair-combing task is appropriate for study of interactions of African American parents with girls and boys. In addition, many African American infants’ hair texture may change during these early years from straight or wavy and easy to manage to a coarser, kinky, and tightly curled texture that requires more attention, time, and patience to style. The HCI provides the parent and child with an opportunity for touch, verbal interaction, affect exchange, and maternal sensitivity to the child’s cues. The task often elicits intense emotions that may influence the evolving parent-child relationship. These intense emotions may contribute in important ways to the internal working models of current and future attachment relationships. Further, issues of self-efficacy and self-esteem may be developmental outcomes for the ­daughters that are reinforced during the daily ritual of hair combing. The significance of African American hair types includes intense negative, positive, or ambivalent emotions. I propose these emotions represent the internal working models of the quality of the women’s attachment relationships with their mothers. Their mother’s behaviors may have been influenced by unrecognized intergenerational transmission of trauma. Anthropologist and journalist Harris and Johnson (2001) compiled an entire book of essays by diverse African American women recalling their early experiences getting their hair combed. The relationship-­ based emotions they recalled spanned the continuum from anxiousness to anger. These emotions may be important determinants of the general quality of the evolving parent-child

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r­elationship. The mother may operate from a highly reified internal working model of parentchild attachment relationships triggered by the specific racial phenotype of her child. Our research using the HCT has established that a number of significant activities occur during this task: verbal exchanges and negotiation between the mother and child, physical touch, and caregiver responsiveness to the nonverbal gestures and cues of the infant. The time spent together during the HCT may range from a few minutes to hours depending on the style the mother has selected. The infant must sit compliantly for the mother to accomplish this task. The wide range of African origin physical features presented by the infant -- skin color, hair texture, nose and lip size – are all associated with a complex, multi-layered social legacy of racism and stereotypes about Black people (Russell, Wilson, & Hall, 1992). The preliminary evidence from research on the everyday task of combing hair where verbal interaction, physical touching, and listening occur – all parental behaviors that contribute to strong attachment – may be directly influenced by unconscious legacies of the historical trauma of slavery. Consequently, this daily routine might be a valuable context for assessment and intervention to strengthen parent-child attachment (Lewis, 2015, 2016). Dating back to the early work conducted by Rene Spitz (1945), who found that institutionalized infants require the physical touch from a primary caregiver to survive and thrive, touch is recognized as core component of healthy child development (Fields, 1998). Our research on hair-combing interaction suggests that there may be influences on a parent’s behaviors during the task originating from a number of social determinants, including legacies of historical trauma of slavery. During the daily routine of combing hair, the caregiver physically positions the child so that there are varying degrees of physical access. The position the child is held during the task determines the amount of touch they have with their caregiver. We named this new variable proximity for touch of the child to the caregiver during the hair-combing task.

 roximity for Touch During the P Hair-Combing Task Based on ratings of videotapes of over 65 mothers1 combing their child’s hair, we have identified a continuum of different positions that allow physical closeness that the mother may place herself and the infant as she combs the child’s hair. Two trained coders established that the proximity variable can be reliably coded from videotaped interactions during the hair-combing task with reliability established at a kappa of 0.81. One end of this proximity continuum represents the maximum amount of physical contact the infant can have with the mother during the hair-combing task. In the position labeled close proximity for touch, the infant sits on the mother’s lap, sometimes faced away and sometimes faced toward her. In this position the infant may have the optimal opportunity for multisensory stimulation with the mother during this task. In this close proximity, the child sits or lies on her mother’s lap throughout the entire hair-combing task. The child is comfortable and almost molded to the mother’s body. The mother and child are both relaxed and move easily with each other throughout the interaction. At the mid-range or moderate proximity for touch, the mother may position the infant or older child to sit between her legs for a maximum amount of opportunity for both control and touch. In this position the mother may hold the young infant or toddler firmly yet comfortably between her legs. The child easily moves around in the fulcrum of the mother’s legs, physically touching the mother’s body. Or the child may lean against the mother’s knee in a relaxed fashion. The opposite end of the continuum of proximity for touch is labeled functional proximity.’ In this position there is the least amount of contact between the mother and child. The child sits on a chair, and the mother stands or sits on a separate The combined sample came from three different studies of Black mothers including a nonclinical sample of adult, low-risk mothers from Michigan and Louisiana, and a sample of adolescent mothers in a shelter for homeless teens.

1 

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma

chair. The only type of touch available to the child is the contact with the hard, inanimate comb or brush or, infrequently, a brief touch of the mother’s hand to the child’s scalp. We also created a “mixed” category where the child begins the session sitting on the mother’s lap but, through the child’s initiation, ends up on the floor. The degree of proximity the mother holds her infant during the hair-combing task may have determinants in both the mother and the developing child. These determinants may include the mother’s daily mood or level of daily stressors. Managing an active 2-year-old long enough to accomplish the task of hair combing by require the control of the child held firmly between the mother’s legs. In the analysis of the mothers who held their child in the first position, where the child had the most opportunity for touch, it was clear that the mothers enjoyed their interactions with their child. They often verbally interacted with the child, asking about her day or the cartoon that was on the television during the hair-­combing task. Some mother would keep up a running conversation with their daughters. Some would only verbalize instructions to their child as they gave their full attention to the task of combing hair. The mothers rated as functional fell into two groups: functional with warm verbal interaction and functional, silent. This last category of mother, functional but silent, is the group most likely to also experienced depressed mood. More research is needed to determine the correlates of the material selection of the position the mother selects to allow her child a degree of proximity for physical touch during this daily task. Further, determining the role of legacies of historical trauma of slavery, specific internalized stereotypes about the perception of the type of hair or skin color the mother holds may influence her behavior during the hair-combing task. Do mothers who hold high numbers of stereotypes that African textured hair is coarse and hard to manage, “nappy” hair is bad, or darker skin tones ugly more likely to hold her child at a distance as she combs her hair?

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Summary and Key Points The triggering experience of writing about intergenerational historical trauma. I am a direct descendant of the enslaved Africans who endured centuries of historic systematic torture and trauma of chattel slavery in the United States. While writing this chapter, I had a revealing emotional experience. My search with the keywords – historical trauma, intergenerational transmission of trauma, racial, cultural socialization, and child-rearing practices – brought up hundreds of articles. What surprised and then shocked me as I scrolled through the most recent literature was the explosion of titles, abstracts, and authors available now through the vast network of the Internet. What took my breath away in response to the black and white words that crawled across my computer screen was the overwhelming ­reality of the sheer amount of historical trauma experienced by groups around the world. My emotional responses were first sadness then rage. I read through these scholarly articles that described the psychological tactics of systematic cultural stripping of identity of children placed in residential facilities by Canadian church leaders with the stated goal of “kill the Indian.” Tears came to my eyes. That same day I participated in a Webinar led by Native American child welfare attorney Victoria Sweet as she related the experiences of genocide of children from hundreds of tribes of Natives at the hands of the US army. She described the boarding school experiences of those children who survived the intentional genocide of their families to be removed and placed in unfamiliar and hostile boarding schools. The systematic means of “anglicizing” these children started with the removal of any identification of their Indian heritage, culture, language, and even the cut of their hair. Yet another article catalogued the systematic abuses of children of Aboriginal peoples in the country of Australia. I became overwhelmed with the enormity of the implications of this brief review. Had every group of people of color around the world been targeted for violence, genocide, that became part of the fabric of child-­ rearing practices in later generations?

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In response to my intense emotional reaction of rage and the questions generated by it, I realized I needed some time to reflect and integrate this information into a coherent contribution to the topic of this edited volume, children and prejudice. Thinking back to my prior direct practice psychologist, I recalled the concept of secondary traumatic stress response. I remembered that there will be a need for self-care for mental health practitioners in their work with traumatized clients. I discovered a new facet to add to clinician Joy deGrury’s (2005) diagnosis of post-traumatic slave syndrome. I call my intense emotional response secondary traumatic writing response for authors who are descendants of historically traumatized groups. I realized that the need for self-care includes writing about historical trauma of your identity group. The result of this introspective process, and translation of my intense emotions into constructive behavior, was to create a chapter that not only informs clinicians and researchers but humanizes the experience of children and parents who have been targeted for centuries or generations of historical trauma. Understanding the vicissitudes and subtle presence of legacies of historical trauma in individual and group relationships will provide a context for healing, hope, and joy in parent-child relationships.

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M. L. Lewis Bar-On, D., Eland, J., Kleber, R.  J., Krell, R., Moore, Y., Sagi, A., & van IJzendoorn, M.  H. (1998). Multigenerational perspectives on coping with the Holocaust experience: An attachment perspective for understanding the developmental sequelae of trauma across generations. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 22(2), 315–338. Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental Psychology Monographs, 41(1, Pt. 2), 1–103. Bellow, S., Boris, N., Larrieu, J., Lewis, M. L., & Elliot, A. (2005). Conceptual and clinical dilemmas in defining and assessing role reversal in young child-­ caregiver relationships. Journal of Emotional Abuse, 5(2–3), 43–66. Biko, S. (1978). I write what I like: Selected writings by Steve Biko. Johannesburg, SA: Heinemann Educational Publishers. Boszormenyi-Nagy, I., & Spark, G. (1973). Invisible loyalties: Reciprocity in intergenerational family therapy. New York, NY: Harper & Row. Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment: Attachment and loss, volume one (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Basic Books. Brave Heart, M.  Y. H. (1998). The return to the sacred path: Healing the history trauma and historical unresolved grief response among the Lakota through a psych-educational group intervention. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 68(3), 287–304. Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2000). Wakiksuyapi: Carrying the historical trauma of the Lakota. In M. J. Zakour (Ed.), Disaster and traumatic stress research and intervention (pp. 21–22, 245–266). New Orleans, LA: Tulane University, School of Social Work. Brave Heart, M.  Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. Brave Heart, M.  Y. H., & DeBruyn, L.  M. (2017). The American Indian Holocaust: Healing historical unresolved grief. American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research, 8(2), 60–82. Breeland-Noble, A. (2013). The impact of skin color on mental and behavioral health in African American and Latina adolescent girls: A review of the literature. In R. E. Hall (Ed.), The melanin millennium: Skin color as 21st century international discourse (pp. 219–229). New York, NY: Springer. Bretherton, I. (1990). Communication patterns, internal working models, and the intergenerational transmission of attachment relationships. Infant Mental Health Journal, 11(3), 237–251. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Coles, R. (1964). Children of crisis: A study of courage and fear. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company. Cooper, S. M., Smalls-Glover, C., Metzger, I., & Griffin, C. (2015). African American fathers’ racial socialization patterns: Associations with racial identity beliefs

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma and discrimination experiences. Family Relations, 64(2), 278–290. Danieli, Y. (Ed.). (1998). International handbook of multigenerational legacies of trauma. New  York, NY: Plenum. Daud, A., Skoglund, E., & Rydelius, P. (2005). Children in families of torture victims: Transgenerational transmission of parents’ traumatic experiences to their children. International Journal of Social Welfare, 14, 23–32. DeGruy, J.  (2005). Post traumatic slave syndrome: America’s legacy of enduring injury and healing. Milwaukie, OR: Uptone Press. Domenech Rodriguez, M., Donovick, M., & Crowley, S. (2009). Parenting styles in a cultural context: Observations of “protective parenting” in first-­ generation Latinos. Family Process, 48(2), 195–210. Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound. New  York, NY: Teachers College, Columbia University. Duran, E., Firehammer, J., & Gonzalez, J.  (2008). Liberation psychology as the path toward healing cultural soul wounds. Journal of Counseling and Development, 86(3), 288–295. Egeland, B., & Susman-Stillman, A. (1996). Dissociation as a mediator of child abuse across generations. Child Abuse Neglect, 20(11), 1123–1132. Fegley, S.  G., Spencer, M.  B., Goss, T.  N., Harpalani, V., & Charles, N. (2008). Colorism embodied: Skin tone and psychosocial well-being in adolescence. In W.  Overton, U.  Mueller, & J.  Newman (Eds.), Developmental perspectives on embodiment and consciousness (pp. 281–311). Mahwah, NJ: LEA. Fields, T.  M. (1998). Touch therapy effects on development. International Journal of Behavioral Therapy, 22(4), 779–797. Fitzgerald, H. E., & Farrell, P. (2012). Fulfilling the promise: Creating a child development research agenda with Native communities. Child Development Perspectives, 6(1), 75–78. Fogelman, E. (1988). Therapeutic alternatives for Holocaust survivors and the second generation. In R.  L. Braham (Ed.), The psychological perspectives of the Holocaust and of its aftermath (pp.  79–108). New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Fossion, P., Rejas, M., Servais, L., Pelc, I., & Hirsch, S. (2003). Family approach with grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 57(4), 519–527. Fraiberg, S., Adelson, E., & Shapiro, V. (1975). Ghosts in the nursery: A psychoanalytic approach to the problems of impaired infant-mother relationships. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 14(3), 387–421. Fromm, M.  G. (Ed.). (2012). Lost in transmission: Studies of trauma across generations. London, UK: Karnac. Haag, A. M. (2007). The Indian boarding school era and its continuing impact on tribal families and the provision of government services. Tulsa Law Review, 43(1), 149–168.

59 Hagelskamp, C., & Hughes, D.  L. (2014). Workplace discrimination predicting racial/ethnic socialization across African American, Latino, and Chinese families. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 20(4), 550–560. Harris, J., & Johnson, P. (Eds.). (2001). Tenderheaded: A comb-bending collection of hair stories. New  York, NY: Washington Square Press. Herman, J.  L. (1997). Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence from domestic abuse to political terror. New York, NY: Basic Books. Hysterical Strength. (n.d.). Retrieved March 7, 2018 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hysterical_strength Kaufman, J., & Zigler, E.  F. (1989). The intergenerational transmission of child abuse. In D. Cicchetti & V.  Carlson (Eds.), Child maltreatment: Theory and research on the causes and consequences of child abuse and neglect (pp.  129–150). New  York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Kellermann, N. (2013). Epigenetic transmission of Holocaust trauma: Can nightmares be inherited? Israel Journal of Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 50(1), 33–39. Kim, S., & Strathearn, L. (2017). Trauma, mothering, and intergenerational transmission: A synthesis of behavioral and oxytocin research. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 70(1), 200–223. Landor, A., Simons, L. G., Simons, R. L., Brody, G. H., Bryant, C., Gibbons, F., … Melby, J.  N. (2013). Exploring the impact of skin tone on family dynamics and race-related outcomes. Journal of Family Psychology, 27(5), 817–826. Lev-Wiesel, R. (2007). Intergenerational transmission of trauma across three generations: A preliminary study. Qualitative Social Work, 6(1), 75–94. Lewis, M. L. (1999). The hair-combing task: A new paradigm for research on African-American mother-child interaction. The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 69, 504–514. Lewis, M. L. (2000a). African American parents and their interpretations of emotions of infants. In J. D. Osofsky & H. E. Fitzgerald (Eds.), WAIMH handbook of infant mental health (Vol. 1, pp.  59–63). New  York, NY: Wiley. Lewis, M. L. (2000b). The cultural context of infant mental health: The developmental niche of infant-caregiver relationships. In C.  H. Zeanah (Ed.), Handbook of infant mental health (2nd ed., pp. 91–107). New York, NY: Guilford Press. Lewis, M.  L. (2015). Getting the parts straight: The psychology of hair combing interaction and African-American mother-daughter relationships. In K.  Craddock (Ed.), Black motherhood contours, contexts and considerations (pp. 204–220). Bradford, ON: Demeter Press. Lewis, M.  L. (2016). For African-American families, a daily task to combat negative stereotypes about hair. The Conversation. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/for-african-american-families-a-daily-taskto-combat-negative-stereotypes-about-hair-60154

60 Lewis, M. L., Diaz, L., Taylor, S., & Turnage, B. (1999, April). Ethnicity predicts parenting styles in African American mothers. Poster session presented at the Biennial Meeting for the Society for Research in Child Development, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Lewis, M.  L., & Ghosh-Ippen, C. (2004). Rainbows of tears, souls full of hope: Cultural issues related to young children and trauma. In J.  D. Osofsky (Ed.), Young children and trauma: Intervention and treatment (pp. 11–46). New York, NY: Guilford. Lewis, M. L., Noroña, C. R., McConnico, N., & Thomas, K. (2013). Colorism, a legacy of historical trauma in parent-child relationships: Clinical, research, and personal perspectives. Zero to Three Journal, 34(2), 11–23. Lieberman, A.  F. (2007). Ghosts and angels: Intergenerational patterns in the transmission and treatment of the traumatic sequelae of domestic violence. Infant Mental Health Journal, 28(4), 422–439. Liu, L.  L., & Lau, A.  S. (2013). Teaching about race/ ethnicity and racism matters: An examination of how perceived ethnic racial socialization processes are associated with depression symptoms. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 19(4), 383–394. Main, M., & Hesse, E. (1990). Parents’ unresolved traumatic experiences are related to infant disorganized attachment status: Is frightened and/or frightening parental behavior the linking mechanism? In M.  T. Greenberg, D.  Cicchetti, & E.  M. Cummings (Eds.), In attachment in the preschool years: Theory, research, and intervention (pp.  161–182). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. McAdoo, H.  P. (2002). The village talks: Racial socialization of our children. In H. P. McAdoo (Ed.), Black children: Social educational, and parental environments (2nd ed., pp. 47–56). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Miller, P. J., & Goodnow, J. J. (1995). Cultural practices: Toward an integration of culture and development. New Directions for Child Development, 1995(67), 5–16. Montagu, A. (1971). Touching: The human significance of the skin. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. Murry, V.  M., Berkel, C., Brody, G.  H., Miller, S.  J., & Chen, Y. (2009). Linking parental socialization to interpersonal protective processes, academic self-­ presentation, and expectations among rural African American youth. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15(1), 1–10. Mussell, W.  J., Nichols, W.  M., & Adler, M.  T. (1993). Meaning making of mental health challenges in First Nations: A Freirean perspective (2nd ed.). Chilliwack, BC: Saltshan Institute Society. Nagata, D. (1991). Transgenerational impact of the Japanese-American internment: Clinical issues in working with children of former internees. Psychotherapy, 28(1), 121–138. Neblett, E.  W., Jr., Rivas-Drake, D., & Umaña-Taylor, A.  J. (2012). The promise of racial and ethnic pro-

M. L. Lewis tective factors in promoting ethnic minority youth development. Child Development Perspectives, 6(3), 295–303. Nicholls, A., & Kirkland, J. (1996). Maternal sensitivity: A review of attachment literature definitions. Early Child Development and Care, 120, 55–65. Norwood, K.  J. (Ed.). (2014). Color matters: Skin tone bias and the myth of a post-racial America. New York, NY: Routledge. Noyes, M.  H. (2003). Then there were none. Honolulu, HI: Bess Press, Inc. Piccard, A. (2013). Death by boarding school: “The last acceptable racism” and the United States’ Genocide of Native Americans. Gonzaga Law Review, 49(1), 161. Quinn, A. (2004). Reflections on intergenerational trauma: Healing as a critical intervention. First Peoples Child & Family Review, 3(4), 72–82. Rodriguez, T. (2015). Descendants of Holocaust survivors have altered stress hormones. Scientific American. Retrieved from https://www.scientificamerican.com/ article/descendants-of-holocaust-survivors-havealtered-stress-hormones/ Russell, K., Wilson, M., & Hall, R. E. (1992). The color complex: Last taboo among African Americans. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Salloum, A., & Lewis, M.  L. (2010). An exploratory study of African American parent-child coping strategies post-hurricane Katrina. Traumatology, 16(1), 31–41. Schechter, D., & Rusconi-Serpa, S. (2011). Applying clinically-­ relevant developmental neuroscience towards interventions that better target intergenerational transmission of violent trauma. The Signal: Newsletter of the World Association of Infant Mental Health, 19(3), 9–16. Schechter, D.  S. (2003). Intergenerational communication of maternal violent trauma: Understanding the interplay of reflective functioning and posttraumatic psychopathology. In S.  W. Coates, J.  L. Rosenthal, & D. S. Schechter (Eds.), September 11: Trauma and human bonds (pp.  115–142). New  York, NY: Taylor & Francis, Inc. Schechter, D.  S., Coots, T., Zeanah, C.  H., Davies, M., Coates, S. W., Trabka, K. A., … Myers, M. M. (2005). Maternal mental representations of the child in an inner-city clinical sample: Violence-related posttraumatic stress and reflective functioning. Attachment and Human Development, 7(3), 313–331. Schwab, G. (2010). Haunting legacies: Violent histories and transgenerational trauma. New  York, NY: Columbia University Press. Small, M. F. (1998). Our babies, ourselves: How biology and culture shape the way we parent. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Sotero, M. (2006). A conceptual model of historical trauma: Implications for public health practice and research. Journal of Health Disparities Research, 1(1), 93–108. Spicer, P. (2010). Cultural influences on parenting. Zero to Three Journal, 30(4), 28–32.

3  Transmission of Historical Trauma Spitz, R. (1945). Hospitalism: An inquiry into the genesis of psychiatric conditions in early childhood. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child., 1, 53–74. Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis. Super, C. M., & Harkness, S. (1997). The cultural structuring of child development. In J.  W. Berry, P.  R. Dasen, & T. S. Saraswathi (Eds.), Handbook of cross-­ cultural psychology, volume 2: Basic processes and human development (2nd ed., pp. 1–39). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Taylor, C.  A., Moeller, W., Hamvas, L., & Rice, J.  C. (2013). Parents’ professional sources of advice regarding child discipline and their use of corporal punishment. Clinical Pediatrics, 52(2), 147–155. van der Kolk, B.  A. (1987). Psychological trauma. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press. van der Kolk, B.  A. (2014). The body keeps the score: Brain, mind, and body in the healing of trauma. New York, NY: Viking.

61 van der Kolk, B. A., Roth, S., Pelcovitz, D., Sunday, S., & Spinazzola, J. (2005). Disorders of extreme stress: The empirical foundation of a complex adaptation to trauma. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 18(5), 389–399. Van IJzendoorn, M. H., Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. J., & Sagi-Schwartz, A. (2003). Are children of Holocaust survivors less well-adapted? A meta-analytic investigation of secondary traumatization. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(5), 459–469. Wilkins, N., Tsao, B., Hertz, M., Davis, R., & Klevens, J.  (2014). Connecting the dots: An overview of the links among multiple forms of violence. Atlanta, GA/ Oakland, CA: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention/Prevention Institute. Zeanah, C.  H., & Anders, T.  E. (1987). Subjectivity in parent-­infant relationships: A discussion of internal working models. Infant Mental Health Journal, 8, 237–250.

Part II Infancy Through Childhood

Overview The framing chapters to this volume set the stage for continuing themes of systems, socialization, and intergeneration, throughout the entire volume, but especially for Part One. The insidious duo of individual and structural racism and discrimination not only influences the daily lives of all children and families, they especially have negative impacts on children and families of color, and LBGTQ children during the foundational years of development. The effects are systemic, involve powerful challenges to socialization and identity formation, and reflect the lingering effects of historical trauma. As a result, our “nation’s history and identity have set and reinforced the ideology of white supremacy year after year for five centuries, often by making invisible the profound role racist systems have played in establishing the nation we live in now” (Author, 2016, p. 7). Johnson (2013) notes “a system of privilege—a family, a workplace, a society—is organized around three basic principles; dominance, identification, and centeredness.” The pervasiveness of systems of privilege is that they support a hierarchy of human values (Author, 2016) with the dominant culture defining the hierarchy such that racism and discrimination become structural aspects of the social and public polies enacted by societal institutions.

Reality Check The information provided about the diversity of the American population in Prelude Chap. 1 vastly underestimates the linguistic and cultural diversity of the United States. The diversity that folks may encounter in everyday life, particularly those who work in social service agencies, schools, and public-­ local government is far more demanding. For example, a casual scan of the Internet reveals that there are Americans from every one of the 191 recognized countries of the world. These people speak one of at least 350 languages (including indigenous languages); 1 in 5 residents speak non-English at home (including 45% of the residents of California, 27% of the residents of Florida, and 12% of Texans, just to provide examples from some of

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America’s most populous states). In many states Tagalog is one of the top five non-English languages spoken at home; we suspect that relatively few Americans know the origin of Tagalog. In Michigan, there are 127 languages spoken at home in Metropolitan Detroit among residents older than 5 years of age. In the Lansing Michigan Public Schools, students represent 50 different linguistic/cultural traditions, with varying degrees of competence in English language skills. Few institutions (hospitals, local clinics, emergency rooms, fire departments) are staffed with individuals with sufficient language skills to deal with such linguistic and cultural diversity hampering their efforts to provide effective services. Interactions often lead to frustration, anxiety, and anger for all, and ideas that all of these foreigners ought to speak English if they are to “belong” in this country are easily fermented. Part One of the volume opens with an overview of how all forms of structural racism reach into aspects of the country’s social healthcare system and the extent to which disparities become evident from the earliest moments of the life span. From preterm through pregnancy and birth and into the infancy years. Maternal and infancy morbidity and mortality rates are higher for minority groups and for immigrants, their poor health outcomes related to pregnancy and birth often become worse in second- and third-generation families (Chap. 4). As is the case throughout the volume, sources of intervention, prevention, and resilience are noted. In the case of healthcare, even with social support availability access to that support is often challenging for families living in poverty, particularly those for whom English is not a native language. Education provides another major institution with policies reflecting structural racism, but one that also blends implicit or explicit racism from teachers, administrators, and counselors. Students of color often are presumed “guilty until proven innocent,” while White students are presumed the opposite when confrontational or behavior problems arise. Many teachers lack sufficient education in the cultural histories of minority populations, including historic trauma, but equally important in the cultural family codes, rituals, and practices that may be profoundly different from those of White dominant culture. Moreover, many teachers also have little to no professional development related to impacts of systems of privilege (Chap. 5) implicit bias (Chap. 6), explicit bias (Chaps. 7 and 8), or micro-aggressions that may interfere with the development of appropriate teacher-student relationships centered on the student’s educational experience. The struggles of identity development throughout the life span are especially difficult for indigenous students (Chaps. 5, 10, and 11) and for children who begin to question their gender identity and sexual orientation. As minority children and adolescents struggle to copy with living in two worlds, they often have little familial or social support to also deal with the many facets of racism and discrimination they experience and how they affect children’s perceptions and cognitions about themselves and others (Chap. 6). For children who are members of racial/ ethnic groups that are vilified in the news and by national/local politicians, little happens to prevent them from becoming marginalized or separated from the dominant culture (Chaps. 8 and 9).

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The chapters in Part One provide a great detail about experiences that push children away from skills that would prepare them to develop bicultural identities during youth and adolescence. But they also detail the strengths, support networks, and coping strategies that minority groups have evolved through generations of oppression that enable many minority children to develop strong self-concepts, identity with their ethnic culture, and success in negotiating their way through the dominant culture of American society. The push and pull to deal with racism and discrimination moves children along the risk-resilience continuum and plays a key role in the development of the categorical self, which may often contrast with their mental representations of ethnic identity. The extent to which children can resolve these conflicts will influence their transition to youth and adolescence and the emergence of their reflective existential self-identity.

References Author. (2016). Truth, racial healing, transformation: Design team recommendations (p. 7). Battle Creek, MI: W.W. Kellogg Foundation. Johnson, A. G. (2013). What is a ‘system of privilege?’ www.agjohnson, copyright © Allen G. Johnson.

4

Racial Disparities in Pregnancy and Birth Outcomes Lucia Ciciolla, Mira Armans, Samantha Addante, and Amy Huffer

Introduction Adverse pregnancy and birth outcomes, including infant and maternal mortality, are important indicators of population health that reflect the social and economic conditions of a nation (Kim & Saada, 2013). Despite being one of the top ranking world economies, the United States (US) ranks 32nd out of the 35 countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in infant mortality rate at 5.6 deaths per 1000 live births (OECD, 2018; World Health Organization (WHO), 2017) and 30th in maternal mortality rate at 14–21 deaths per 100,000 live births (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics [CDC, NCHS], 2017b; Kim & Saada, 2013; OECD, 2014). These numbers provide an unsettling snapshot of a US public health crisis, and yet, a closer look at these data reveals an even more disturbing reality afflicting the nation. These poor national trends mask alarming variability in the rates of L. Ciciolla (*) · M. Armans · S. Addante Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA e-mail: [email protected]; mira.atia@ okstate.edu; [email protected] A. Huffer Human Development and Family Science, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA e-mail: [email protected]

infant and maternal morbidity and mortality by race/ethnicity, with non-Hispanic Black Americans and American Indians/Alaska Natives carrying an excessive burden of morbidity and mortality relative to other racial groups (MacDorman & Mathews, 2011; National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion [NCCDP], 2015). This disparity begins before birth and is starkly reflected in the disproportionate occurrence of adverse pregnancy and birth outcomes and the loss of life among women and infants of color. Today in 2018, recognition of this crisis is slowly growing, with medical providers, lawmakers, and national media beginning to demand answers about why these atrocious health disparities exist and what can be done to reduce inequalities in health outcomes (Montagne, 2018; National Public Radio [NPR], 2017a, 2017b; Oparah, Arega, Hudson, Jones, & Oseguera, 2016; Smith, Bentley-Edwards, El-Amin, & Darity Jr., 2018; Villarosa, 2018).

Disparities in Perinatal Health The dangers of childbirth were well known throughout history, and prior to the twentieth century, women routinely prepared themselves for death and the deaths of their infants upon learning of their pregnancy (Helmuth, 2013). Infection was the most common cause of maternal and infant deaths, as well as birth injuries

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from prolonged and obstructed labor. With the turn of the twentieth century came major advancements in medicine that reduced the risk of death during childbirth, including changes in nutrition and hygiene, access to healthcare, improved living conditions, the use of antimicrobial agents and antibiotics, the introduction of vaccines, and the use of blood products. As a result, infant deaths declined 90%, and maternal deaths declined 99% in the USA from the early 1900s to the 1990s (CDC, 1999). Along with several Scandinavian nations, the USA was a global leader in reductions in infant and maternal mortality for much of the twentieth century. After 1950 and with the recovery from WWII, other wealthy countries saw similarly steady improvements in maternal and infant health, and by the 1990s, most OECD nations reported mortality rates that were consistent with or lower than rates in the USA. Unfortunately, these remarkable improvements have not continued for the USA in the twenty-­first century, as trends have reversed to show an almost 17% increase in maternal mortality since 1990 and a slowed decline in the infant mortality rate at 39% since 1990 (2015 data; United Nations Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation [UN IGME], 2017; WHO, 2015). In 2015 the maternal and infant mortality rates in the USA were more than double the rates found in approximately half of the other OECD nations, including Finland, Iceland, Italy, Japan, and Sweden (Our World in Data, 2018). Notably, the high rates in the USA appear to be driven by stark disparities in mortality according to race/ ethnicity. US data by race on infant and maternal mortality are presented in Figs.  4.1 and 4.2, respectively. Compared to non-Hispanic White Americans, who still had high infant and maternal mortality rates relative to most OECD nations, non-Hispanic Black Americans and American Indians/Alaska Natives had rates that were markedly higher. In fact, mortality rates for non-­ Hispanic Black Americans and American Indians/ Alaska Natives in 2015 were much closer to those found for White Americans in the USA during the 1930s and 1940s (Linder & Grove, 1947) and to those in much poorer nations today,

L. Ciciolla et al.

such as Brazil (infant/maternal), Iraq (maternal), Libya (infant), and Uzbekistan (maternal) (Our World in Data, 2018; WHO, 2017). In comparison, Hispanic Americans, representing the largest minority and immigrant group in the USA (United States Census Bureau, 2017), appear to have infant and maternal mortality rates that are comparable to those of non-Hispanic White Americans, whereas Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders have the lowest mortality rates of all groups (Figs. 4.1 and 4.2). However, examinations of Hispanic and Pacific Islander subgroups indicate great variability in perinatal outcomes, with greater infant and maternal mortality among Puerto Ricans, Black Hispanics, Native Hawaiians, and other Pacific Islanders (original peoples of Guam, Samoa, or other Pacific Islands including Fiji, Tonga, Micronesia, Melanesia, French Polynesia, Palau, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the Marshall Islands), as well as later generation (US-born) Hispanic and Asian/Pacific Islander immigrants (CDC, 2017a, 2017b; Fox, Entringer, Buss, DeHaene, & Wadhwa, 2015; Landale, Oropesa, & Gorman, 1999; Rice, Goldfarb, Brisendine, Burrows, & Wingate, 2017; Singh, Rodriguez-­ Lainz, & Kogan, 2013; Sørbye, Wanigaratne, & Urquia, 2016). These data suggest that racial disparities in health go beyond broad risks associated with minority status and may reflect granular distinctions regarding race, ancestry, nativity, language, and ancestral history of trauma or oppression (Chinn & Hummer, 2016; Henry-­ Sanchez & Geronimus, 2013). The pregnancy and birth complications that underlie such high mortality rates are numerous. Tables 4.1 and 4.2 list the rates of the most common adverse perinatal outcomes that contribute to infant and maternal morbidity and mortality according to race and ethnicity (data compiled from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, Division of Vital Statistics [CDC, NCHS, 2017a, 2017b]). These data again demonstrate insidious health disparities, as non-­ Hispanic Black Americans and American Indians/Alaska Natives are disproportionately affected by almost every perinatal complication compared to other racial

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Fig. 4.1  Infant mortality rates by nation and by race for the USA only (2000–2015). National data (including the US average) accessed from United Nations Inter-Agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (UN IGME),

“Estimates of under-five, infant, and neonatal mortality” (2017). Race data accessed from the CDC Wonder online database (CDC, NCHS, 2017b)

Fig. 4.2  Maternal mortality rates by nation and by race for the USA only (1990–2015). National data (including the US average) accessed from OurWorldInData.org.

Race data accessed from the CDC Wonder online database (CDC, NCHS, 2017b)

groups. The adverse pregnancy outcomes associated with the greatest mortality among infants and mothers include preterm birth, low birthweight, hypertensive disorders, and cardiovascular disease.

Preterm birth and low birthweight  Infants born preterm (