Handbook of Amazonian Languages: Volume 4 HANDBOOK AMAZONIAN LANGUAGES 9783110822120, 9783110149913

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Handbook of Amazonian Languages

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Handbook of Amazonian Languages Volume 4 edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum

1998 Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid free paper which falls within the guideline of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data (Revised for vol. 4) Handbook of Amazonian languages. Includes bibliographies. 1. Indians of South America - Brazil - Languages. 2. Amazon River Region - Languages. I. Derbyshire, Desmond C. II. Pullum, Geoffrey K. PM5151.H36 1986 498 86-12692 ISBN 0-89925-124-2 (v. l : alk. paper) ISBN 0-89925-421-7 (v. 2 : alk. paper) ISBN 0-89925-813-1 (v. 3 : alk. paper)

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication-Data Handbook of Amazonian languages / ed. by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter Vol. 4(1998) ISBN 3-11-014991-5

© Copyright 1998 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printing: GerikeGmbH, Berlin. - Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer-GmbH, Berlin - Germany.

Preface This fourth volume of the Handbook of Amazonian Languages follows three earlier volumes published in 1986, 1990, and 1991 respectively. In addition to the linguistic contents of this volume—two grammatical descriptions of a Cariban and an Arawakan language, a typological study of a Panoan language, and a historical and comparative exploration of Tupian languages, all summarized and discussed in our editorial introduction—we include a cumulative index to all four volumes, subsuming the index that was included in volume 3. There is a sense in which it is an encouraging sign to us that the project continued by this volume should be so far from having succeeded in achieving complete coverage of its subject matter. The Handbook of Amazonian Languages has not surveyed all the languages of the Amazon basin, nor even a fair percentage of them. There is much more to be done than we have been able to do. The reason we see that as a very good sign is that it stems from the simple fact that the indigenous inhabitants of Amazonia, despite the sometimes genocidal ferocity of the five hundred years of assault on their very existence, are not extinct, nor close to being extinct. It is true that millions of Amerindian people in Amazonia have died unnecessarily, in a story of conquest, slavery, disease, displacement, and outright mass murder that brings great shame upon humankind. But it is nonetheless true that as the 20th century ends, the speakers of the hundreds of lowland South American languages (the Arawan, Arawakan, Cariban, Je, Jivaroan, Panoan, Tucanoan, Tupian, and many other language families) still thrive in many different regions, from Ecuador in the west to the mouth of the Amazon in the east, from Venezuela in the north to Paraguay in the south, and across much of the vast area of Brazil. Indigenous South Americans survived their migration to the Americas from Asia some forty thousand years ago, and have coped in the last five hundred years with violence and traumatic social change on a scale that is hard to conceive of. But down to the present day, in many parts of the region, they still pass on their ancient languages and traditions to their children, defend their own political interests with intelligence and skill, and make their own decisions about interacting with the complex web of modern social, political, religious, and economic life in South America. Down through the many millennia of human habitation of the Amazon basin, despite the gathering momentum of the wave of extinctions that is sweeping away so many of the world's languages today, many of the beautiful and intriguing aboriginal languages of the Amazon have persisted in use and not given way to Spanish or Portuguese. Indeed, one of the languages described in this volume is spoken by a tribe (the Wai Wai) who have been increasing their population steadily

vi Derbyshire and Pullum

in recent years rather than fading away. This book is a further expression of our admiration and wonder at the linguistic aspect of the many intellectual achievements of the Indians of the Amazonian area. We dedicate this volume to the memory of Grace Derbyshire, who died unexpectedly in 1997 as the manuscript was being readied for the press, and is missed by everyone who knew her. She was a participant from the start in the mission to the Hixkaryana people that began in the 1950s, residing among the Hixkaryana people on the Nhamundä river for many years and learning their language. She was Desmond Derbyshire's constant companion in his linguistic and bible translation work for forty years, and was constantly supportive of the work that led to this book.

Volume 4

South America

Atlantic Ocean

Pacific Ocean

See p. 226 for large scale map showing locations of Warekena and some neighboring language groups. See p. 492 for map showing locations of Tupi-Guarani language groups.

CONTENTS

Preface

v

Map of South America Introduction

viii 1

Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum Part I: Grammatical Sketches Outline of contents for grammatical sketches

21

Wai Wai

25

Robert E. Hawkins Warekena

225 Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

Part II: Typological Study: Amahuaca (Panoan) Margarethe W. Sparing-Chavez

441

Part III: Comparative Study: Tupi-Guarani Cheryl Jensen

487

Cumulative Index to Volumes 1-4

619

Introduction Desmond C. Derbyshire Summer Institute of Linguistics

and Geoffrey K. Pullum University of California, Santa Cruz

Introduction Background The primary intention that has guided us in compiling the Handbook of Amazonian Languages (HAL) has been to stimulate, encourage, and promulgate scholarly work on the grammatical structures of the languages of Amazonia. When we began working together on this project in the late 1970s, there was no one engaged in any such task in a general way. There were scattered individuals in a number of countries in South America, mostly members of Christian missions, who were studying individual Amazonian languages, but general linguistics was being practised almost entirely without reference to even the existence of Amazonian languages. This may sound like an overstatement,but it is not. For example, the much-respected MIT Press journal of generative grammar Linguistic Inquiry is unusual in that by the end of its first two years of publication it had published a full-length research article on an Amazonian language (Kaye 1971, on the phonology of nasal harmony in Desano); but a quarter of a century later there had been no other. Linguistic Inquiry has to the present day never again published a full-length research article on an Amazonian language. Derbyshire (1977), a short note on the Cariban language Hixkaryana in the Squibs and Discussion section, was the next piece of original research on an Amazonian language to appear in Linguistic Inquiry, and in subsequent years other squibs were published on Kamaiurä (Tupian), Piraha (Muran), and Sharanahua (Panoan). But that is the total. The point we are making is not about Linguistic Inquiry in particular; we choose it as our example simply because it publishes a good language index that permits the foregoing assertions to be easily checked. A similar picture would emerge if the back runs of almost any other journal of general linguistics were scanned (one exception, because of its specialized subject area, would be the International Journal of American Linguistics}. And it should be noted that in grammar the absence of Amazonian languages has been more extreme than in phonology. Two decades ago, essentially nothing at all was appearing in the linguistic literature about the grammar of any Amazonian languages, though various phonological studies had appeared, and today the situation is only very slightly better. It is satisfying to be able to record signs pointing to a distinct improvement in the situation. Since the last volume of the Handbook (HAL 3) was published in 1991, there has been a very encouraging flow of high-quality research, fieldwork, and publication on languages of Amazonia, and a number of scholars have commenced energetic research work and graduate training in the area. We cite four examples: (i) Professor Spike Gildea is now doing Amazonian linguistic research and training graduate students at Rice University. His fieldwork was done in Venezuela among the Panare, and his doctoral dissertation on Cariban morphosyntax was completed in 1992. Soon after that he went to Brazil for a more extended period

4 Derbyshire and Pullum

of fieldwork on Cariban languages. His main focus since his doctoral research has been on Kaxuyana, and he has a grammatical sketch in preparation. He has re-written his dissertation in the light of the vast amount of additional material he has gathered since it was written (Gildea 1998), and along the way has published several other papers. (ii) Dr Denny Moore, at the Museu Goeldi in Belem, was in part responsible for enabling Gildea to accomplish his work in Brazil. The collaboration between Moore and Gildea has resulted in two Brazilian students, Sergio Meira and Petronila da Silva Tavares, doing fieldwork on Cariban languages in Brazil (Meira on Trio (Tiriyo) and Bakairi, Tavares on Wayana) and graduate work in linguistics in the United States. As this volume goes to press they are graduate students at Rice University under Gildea's supervision. (iii) Professor Daniel L. Everett, chair of the Department of Linguistics at the University of Pittsburgh, whose first major publication was his sketch of Pirahä in HAL 1, has continued to be active in field research and publishing. A new book-length description of Wari* (or Pacaas Novos) has appeared (Everett and Kern 1997); he is currently writing grammars of Pirahä (Muran) and Banawä (Arawan); and he has founded a new journal, the Journal of Amazonian Languages, exclusively devoted to publishing work of the sort we have tried to stimulate and encourage through HAL. (iv) The distinguished expert on Australian languages Robert M. W. Dixon reports to us that on reading HAL 1 his interest was sparked and he made a decision to begin work on Amazonian languages. He made good on the pledge and has joined the ranks of productive Amazonianists. Having produced several articles on Jarawara and the Arawan language family he is now working on two books: Dixon and Vogel (forthcoming) and Dixon and Aikhenvald (forthcoming). We could add a number of other such examples, and are confident that much more is in prospect. We stress particularly the importance of the involvement of scholars from Brazil in this work. We believe that a large part of the future of Amazonian linguistics will rest on whether Brazilian linguists adopt with enthusiasm and commitment the scientific study of the indigenous languages of their country. It is a startling fact that at the time we write these words, there appear to be only two grammars of Brazilian Amazon indigenous languages—both now extinct—that have ever been written by Brazilians, and the two publications were separated by exactly four hundred years. The first was the pathbreaking Arte de grammatica da lingua mais usada na costa do Brasil (Anchieta 1595), a grammar of the once widely spoken but now extinct Tupinambä. Anchieta was born in the Canary Islands (Spanish territory), but he died in Brazil in 1597 and is seen today as a Brazilian hero, a founder of the national literary tradition of that country. His grammar was

Introduction 5

written in 1555 but not published until forty years later. The second grammar of a Brazilian language by a Brazilian was Aikhenvald (1995). Aikhenvald was not born in Brazil either, but was a Brazilian citizen by the time she did her work on the language. Just like Tupinambä, the language she described, Bare, is now extinct. As of the time of writing this, then, not a single book-length grammar of a Brazilian indigenous language by a Brazilian-bom linguist has yet been published, and no Brazilian has ever published a grammar of a language that is spoken in the region today. We are confident that the long period during which these things have been true is likely soon to end. There are now significant numbers of Brazilian linguists working on languages indigenous to Amazonia. To name just a few whose work we have encountered: Tania Clemente de Souza, Raquel Costa, Carmen Teresa Dorigo, Charlotte Emmerich, Bruna Franchetto, Nilson Gabas, Yonne Leite, Marcus Maia, Sergio Meira, Filomena Sandalo, Marilia Faco Soares, Luciana Storto, Petronila da Silva Tavares, and Marcia Maria Damaso Vieira. They are working at institutions spread from Rio de Janeiro (where an active group is centered at the Museu Nacional) to Cambridge, Massachusetts (where at least two Brazilian graduate students have been enrolled in the doctoral program at MIT's Department of Linguistics). The first three volumes of HAL included no work by Brazilians, though we had looked for and solicited such work. Everything published in HAL so far has been contributed by North American and British scholars who have developed lasting interests in the languages of Amazonia. The work of these foreign residents and visitors to Brazil has been of inestimable value, but it was never our wish to limit HAL to their work. We look forward to work by Brazilian and other South American scholars presenting original research, and criticizing and correcting the preliminary work on Amazonian languages that HAL has been able to make available so far. It is with pleasure that we greet the publication of Aikhenvald's chapter in this fourth volume (see our discussion below), which at last adds a Brazilian national to the list of those whose work has appeared in the series. We hope that in the near future we will see other South American linguists publishing full grammatical descriptions of the many fascinating languages still spoken in Amazonia. It seems to us from a review of the flow of recent nonlinguistic publications on Amazonia that it is perhaps an auspicious time for renewed attention to recording and analyzing the languages of the area, for there has recently been a very substantial increase in the rate of appearance of books about nonlinguistic aspects of the lives and the environment of Amazonian Indians, many of them aimed at quite a wide public. The vast area of the Amazon basin has always engaged the imagination of those who heard about it, ever since the first arrival of Europeans there at the beginning of the 16th century. It has perhaps provided more potent images of the original Edenic state of man and nature than any other place on earth. There is a generic vision of Amazonian Indians that has been put before the public through tales of

6 Derbyshire and Pullum

fierce and hostile tribes who make shrunken heads as mementos of their decapitated enemies (a practice associated with the tribes speaking Jivaroan languages). The title of Francis Huxley's Affable Savages (1956), about the Urubu (see HAL 1 for a description of their language), suggests a deliberate repudiation of that image. Huxley is at pains to have his reader understand that the Urubu were friendly and treated him well; but his book strongly suggests throughout that his experiences enable him to generalize about all the Indians of Brazil: they are all naked, all practice slash-and-burn shifting agriculture, are all for the most part innocent of science and technology, are all deeply absorbed in spiritual discussion and mythmaking, are all full of tales of past warfare and cannibalism. In truth, of course, the Amazon's people are highly diverse: some traditionally lived in hunter-gatherer bands of as few as a hundred people with a reputation for shunning contact with all outsiders and killing intruders who approach them (the Atroari; the Kren-Akorore); others live in large, fairly settled communities in which there may be tens of thousands of speakers of a single language (the Macushi; the Shuar Federation). Some have traditionally lived with little technology but arrows, darts, and spears, but many have amassed considerable stores of scientific knowledge about the environment and its products (e.g. the chemistry of dart-tip poisons, fish-stunning compounds, herbal medicines), and in some areas such arts as boatbuilding and pottery-making were developed to levels of accomplishment that astonished early European travellers. Naturally, many have been in continuous casual contact with Portuguese or Spanish speakers for hundreds of years. Amazonian Indians tend to be thought of as inhabiting primeval jungle, but hardly any of Amazonia is appropriately described in that way. The original inhabitants of the Amazon basin have constantly modified it and adapted it over millennia, harvesting its natural food products and planting gardens to grow more, burning patches to open up new space for growing food crops, and so on, over a period that is almost certainly to be measured in tens of millennia: human beings have certainly been in Amazonia for 10,000 years, and could have been there for more than 30,000 years (see Wolkomir 1991 for a survey of recent research on the antiquity of settlement sites such as Pedra Furada in Brazil). In recent years, the literature on such aspects of the lives of indigenous Amazonian people has been burgeoning. Even if we keep the task within bounds by restricting ourselves just to books in English published since we prepared HAL 3 (i.e. since about 1990), there is a veritable flood of new material to review, both popular and academic. The books that have appeared address numerous aspects of the cultures of aboriginal Amazonia: their art (Nugent and Coelho 1991; Verswijver 1992b); their oral literature (Wilbert and Simoneau 1990; Mindlin et al. 1995); their spirituality (Perkins 1994; Henley 1995); their science and natural history (Milliken et al. 1992; Descola 1994); and the linked topics of their internecine warfare (Verswijver 1992a; Hendricks 1993; Redmond 1994; Ferguson 1995) and the continuing genocidal attacks on them by others (Berwick 1992; Stannard 1992; Penglase 1994). In addition, popular works on the development of Amazonia containing generally

Introduction 7

sympathetic accounts of the negative effects on the Indians have continued to appear (see e.g. Kimerling 1991; Margolis 1992; Meunier and Savarin 1994; Kane 1995). It can hardly be said that there are general grounds for optimism about widespread improvement in the conditions under which Amazonian Indians live. In the north of Brazil, near the Venezuelan border, murderous attacks on the Yanomami Indians, carried out by illegal gold miners encroaching on their land, have continued without serious government hindrance, despite repeated coverage in the world's press. And throughout Amazonia, the appalling damage from large-scale burning of the rain forest—way beyond anything the aboriginal population could ever have conceived— has continued, and recently began to increase. On January 26, 1998, the Brazilian government issued statistics on the pace of environmental destruction (see Schemo 1998 for a news report). While deforestation had begun to tail off after 1988, falling to a low of a little over 4,000 square miles in 1991, it then rose again, and in the 1994-1995 burning season a staggering total of 11,196 square miles of rain forest was completely destroyed by fire. And that is the Brazilian government's figure, published after a delay while Brazil participated in the 1997 Kyoto world conference on global warming and the October 1997 meeting in Manaus at which Brazil asked the world's seven wealthiest countries for further environmental support. The total amount of forest destroyed may be higher. Taking into account logging and thinning of virgin rain forest under the canopy as well, a United States Congressional commission in 1997 claimed that the forest destruction was well above 22,000 square miles per year. These figures may be put in perspective by noting that the Amazon rain forest area is about the size of Western Europe. Destroying more than 11,000 square miles is comparable to burning off the whole of Belgium. Destroying over 22,000 square miles could be accomplished by deforestation of the whole of Denmark and the entire area of Northern Ireland. A continuation of annual figures like these will mean, clearly, that the Amazon rain forest is doomed. And far from taking steps to discourage these developments, the government has been (perhaps unwittingly) taking actions that encourage them. As of early 1998 its federal environmental agency still had no legal authority to enforce laws relating to the environment (though legislation to remedy this was under discussion), and a program of agrarian reform had put previously landless peasants in control of tracts of virgin rainforest (over 18,000 square miles of it). Clearing the land by burning in order to attempt agricultural production on it is really these peasant's only immediate option. Much of the recent deforestation has been not through massive clearings by agribusiness, but through relatively small fires—a third of a square mile or less—apparently set by smallholders. Events the other side of the Pacific in 1997 showed that land clearing through burning can get out of control on a multinational scale. The burning season in parts of Indonesia (partly through illegal bum-offs by large palm plantation operations, but also by small farmers) led to uncontrolled fires over such a gigantic area that a blanket of smoke and smoggy haze descended not just on much of Indonesia but also

8 Derbyshire and Pullum

over Singapore, parts of Malaysia and Thailand, and even the Philippines. Illnesses and deaths from respiratory ailments increased and airliners crashed in the murky air. Yet the fires raged on, rendered unstoppable by the unusual dryness attributable to a particularly strong El Nino ocean warming effect that year. A study by the Woods Hole Research Institute has reported signs of unusual dryness in the Amazon area (which normally contains some 20 percent of the fresh water in the world and continually recycles it through the process of evapotranspiration in the wet forests). The likelihood of out-of-control burning that would have consequences for the whole continent of South America thus cannot be dismissed. If environmental destruction on the kind of scale that is reported from Brazil continues, the effects on the remaining viable Indian communities will be severe. Their traditional life depends on being settled on land that is capable of sustaining them. If the land is taken over and changed beyond recognition, whether by gold miners, cattle ranchers, road gangs, or oil drilling crews, and the Indians become marginalized inhabitants in the way Australian Aborigines were turned into semi-legal squatters on their own traditional land in the past century, there is essentially no likelihood of their cultures and languages remaining intact. And without some recognition and enforcement of the rights of Indian groups to land on which they can subsist, the environmental destruction is very likely to continue. The fate of the Amazonian environment and the fate of the linguistic richness HAL has been attempting to document are thus to a considerable extent interlinked. Contents of this volume HAL 4 is divided into three parts and contains four chapters. The two chapters in Part I are grammatical descriptions of Amazonian languages that have not previously been described in this detail. Part II contains a typological study of the somewhat unusual and complex interclausal reference system found in Amahuaca (Panoan), and Part III is a historical and comparative study of the morphology and syntax of Tupi-Guarani languages. The two grammatical descriptions in Part I are of Wai Wai, a Cariban language, and Warekena, a Maipuran Arawakan language. Each has a narrative text appended. There is also a short text appended to the Amahuaca study in Part II. The map at the front of this volume indicates the general area where the Wai Wai, Warekena, and Amahuaca languages are spoken. On p. 226 there is a large scale map of the Warekena area, showing specific locations of speakers of the language and also the names and locations of other neighboring language groups referred to in the text. On p. 492 there is a map showing locations of Tupi-Guarani language groups. The contents of the grammatical descriptions follow the same outline as in the three previous volumes. (This outline is republished at the beginning of Part I of this volume.) As we have made clear in earlier volumes, we are under no illusions that these descriptions are anything like full reference grammars or complete descriptions of each language. They represent terse sketches summarizing the present state of knowledge of authors who continue with their research on the languages in question.

Introduction 9

However, we believe that they do provide a reliable description of the main characteristics of a wide range of phonological, morphological, semantic, and syntactic phenomena. Reviews of, citations from, and other reports we have received about earlier volumes indicate that they have proved of value to linguists specializing in various areas of research, including functional-typological, historical-comparative, and formal theoretical models. (See also, for their comments and citations, Dixon 1994, xv; Everett 1997; Gildea 1998.) We have some confidence that this fourth volume will also prove useful to scholars interested in these still very little-known languages.

Wai Wai Wai Wai is a member of the Cariban language family. Three Cariban languages have now been described in HAL volumes: Apalai is described in HAL 1 and Macushi in HAL 3. Putting these together with Derbyshire's detailed descriptions of Hixkaryana (e.g. Derbyshire 1979, 1985) and the recent work of Spike Gildea (see e.g. Gildea 1998), they begin to provide adequate materials available for serious and detailed comparative syntactic work on Cariban languages. Wai Wai is spoken by communities living on both sides of the Guyana-Brazil border, the main locations being on the Rivers Essequibo (Guyana)and Mapuera (Brazil). There are also Wai Wai speakers living among the Trio (Tiriyo) in Surinam, and others living with the Hixkaryana in Amazonas state in northern central Brazil. In contrast with some other Amazonian languages (see particularly Warekena, discussed below), the Wai Wai language and culture is very much alive and well. It is worth stressing this, for the Wai Wai offer an important illustration of why it would be a mistake to see indigenous people of South America as doomed to extinction. Despite the stark facts of population decline and ongoing assaults by modern Brazilian society on indigenous peoples that we have outlined in the introductions to previous volumes (see especially HAL 7.2-10, HAL 2.3-5, and HAL 3.4-8), it is worth noting that Amazonian indigenous people are not without the ability or resources to determine and improve their lives, and there is no reason at all why their overall decline in numbers since the sixteenth century should be seen as something inevitable. The Wai Wai population has been growing steadily for at least the last 40 years, both by natural reproduction within the group and also by absorption of remnants of other neighboring language groups who have learned to speak Wai Wai. There are now about 1,800 speakers, and the number is continuing to increase. There have been more anthropological and other studies of the lives of the Wai Wai than of many peoples of the Amazon area. For anthropological works, see e.g. Fock 1963 and Yde 1965; more general travel books about the Wai Wai include Guppy 1958 and Allen 1985; and there have also been two books on the Wai Wai Christian culture (Dowdy 1963, 1995). Thus the Wai Wai people and culture have become fairly widely known.

10 Derbyshire and Pullum

Their language also has a longer history of description than most Amazonian languages. There are descriptions of the phonology and nominal and verbal morphology of the language in a number of articles: W. N. Hawkins (1952, 1962); W. N. Hawkins and R. E. Hawkins (1953); R. E. Hawkins (1962). However, Robert Hawkins' grammatical sketch of Wai Wai in this volume is the first general and more complete description of the language, including its syntax. Robert Hawkins and his wife first began their missionary work among the Wai Wai people in 1950. This resulted in a Wai Wai translation of the New Testament in the early 1980s, and they are now completing the translation of the entire Bible. This work has given them a deep understanding of the semantics of the language, as will be evident in such sections as 18.1 on "tense, number and emotional involvement" distinctions. Grimes (1975) has coined the term 'pesky little particle' for uninflected words appearing to have a semantic or pragmatic function but one that is extraordinarily difficult for the linguistic investigator to identify. Wai Wai abounds in pesky little particles, and Hawkins' extended discussion of them in section 21 is remarkably rich in insight and detail concerning their contributions to utterance meaning. Hawkins also displays a thorough knowledge of the range of syntactic constructions and the complex morphology of Wai Wai. Section 23 is by far the most extensive and in-depth description of the morphological structures and the conditioning factors of the many allomorphic variants that has appeared in any of the ten grammatical sketches published in the four HAL volumes. Wai Wai is probably the most closely related Cariban language to Hixkaryana (Derbyshire 1979, 1985). There are many similarities of form and meaning in both the grammar and the lexicon. As is common in Cariban languages, in both Wai Wai and Hixkaryana subordinate constructions (i.e., the equivalent of complement, adverbial, and relative clauses) are expressed by nominalizations which are ergatively organized, with the notional intransitive subject and transitive object taking possessor marking and the notional transitive subject being marked by a postposition (wya in Hixkaryana and ya ~ wya in Wai Wai). The forms of the nominalizers and of verb derivational affixes are almost identical in the two languages. Nonetheless, these are not two dialects of a single language. There are notable grammatical differences between the two. For example: (i)

In Wai Wai main clauses (sect. 9.2), the sequencing of direct object before verb is less rigid than it is in Hixkaryana (and most other Cariban languages). Moreover, the subject can occur before or after the verb, apparently without any sort of conditioning factors. In Hixkaryana clear discourse-pragmatic conditions have to be met in order for a clause-initial subject to be permissible (Derbyshire 1986).

(ii) In Wai Wai there are only two basic past tense categories, one being 'today past' and the other 'any past time prior to today', and the latter category has two forms depending on whether the speaker is or is not 'emotionally involved'. The Hixkaryana tense system contrasts sharply. In Hixkaryana there

Introduction 11

are three basic categories: immediate past (earlier today), recent past (within the past few weeks or months), and distant past; and in the recent and distant categories there is an aspectual distinction between completive (including semelfactive and punctual) and continuative (including habitual and progressive), making five sets of past tense forms in all. The Wai Wai tense system is both simpler and organized by reference to rather different semantic categories. Warekena Warekena (frequently found in reference books under other spellings such as 'Guarequena') is a member of the Northern Branch of the Maipuran language family, which is the core of the Arawakan family. David Payne's chapter in HAL 5.355—499 may be consulted for a discussion of some languages which are certainly Arawakan (within the Maipuran subfamily) and some others which have been classified as Arawakan by earlier linguists but which may not be Arawakan at all. Warekena is the first grammatical description of a Maipuran Arawakan language to appear in HAL. In the introductions to earlier volumes we expressed our hope to include descriptions of two others, but these have not been forthcoming (though there are two comparative studies of the main morphosyntactic features of the Arawakan languages in HAL 1: Derbyshire's on Brazilian Arawakan, HAL 7.469566, and Wise's on the PreAndine Arawakan languages of Peru, HAL 7.567-642). There are several communities of Warekena speakers on the Xie river, a tributary of the Upper Negro in the extreme north of Brazil, very close to the Colombia and Venezuela borders. In contrast to Wai Wai, Warekena, which is a dialect of Baniwa of Guainia (spoken in Venezuela), appears to be in a situation likely to lead to language death, and many speakers no longer use the language for everyday communication (in Brazil, they all speak Nheengatu, once known as Lingua Geral, and the speakers in Venezuela all know Spanish). Alexandra Aikhenvald has done extensive fieldwork on several languages in the area where Warekena is spoken. She has worked on Bare (now extinct, the last fluent speaker having died in 1993; her description of the language was published as Aikhenvald 1995), Baniwa of I9ana, and Tariana. As Aikhenvald shows, there are many similarities between those three languages and Warekena (some are more general Northern Maipuran traits), although she also reports that the Baniwa of I9ana language is not mutually intelligible with Baniwa of Guainia, the language of which Warekena is a dialect. Basic constituent order in main clauses in Warekena is SVO, but in clauses with intransitive verbs there are two possibilities: those with active intransitives are SV and those with Stative intransitives are VS. Most of the ten morphosyntactic characteristics listed in our introduction to HAL 1 (see p. 19) are found in Warekena, including: verb agreement with both subject and object; subject and object NPs occurring infrequently and only to express new information or for pragmatic marking; no agentive passive construction; heavy reliance on direct speech rather than

12 Derbyshire and Pullum

indirect speech constructions; and lack of coordinating conjunctions, hence reliance on juxtaposition. Other characteristics common in Amazonian languages are lacking in Warekena. There are very few particles, and the few that do occur are mainly Portuguese loans. Phrase constituent orders do not always follow the more common Amazonian type, which is Noun-Adjective, Genitive-Noun, and NP-Postposition; in Warekena NounAdjective is the norm, but the unmarked order with genitives is Noun-Genitive, although Genitive-Noun also occurs, and both NP-Postposition and Preposition-NP occur, but it is Preposition-NP that is more common in adpositional phrases. There are some deverbal nominalizations (action, agentive, and object), but they seem to be not so common as they are in Cariban languages. Serial verb constructions occur in Warekena (and also in Tupi-Guarani languages). Warekena does not have ergative marking or any other case marking of subject or object. Amahuaca In our introduction to HAL 1, we stated our intention to include a description of a Panoan language. The complete grammatical sketch we had hoped for has not materialized, but the Amahuaca paper by Margarethe Sparing-Chavez in this volume helps to fill the gap. It provides a description of one of the more unique interclausal reference systems to be found anywhere in the world, and it is a system which is common to Panoan languages. It has the more general characteristics which are usually found in switch-reference systems (i.e., signalling whether the subject is "same or different" in a sequence of clauses), plus the feature of encoding coreference between subjects and objects. Switch-reference is, however, only one function of this system of morphological marking; other functions include the encoding of transitivity and of temporal and logical relations between events. The set of suffixes which compose the system is a combination of case markers (ergative, absolutive, and nominative) and tense-aspect marker, which in some cases include a person-marking component. Other parameters that are relevant to the system are constituent order in clauses, temporal adverbs, discourse-pragmatic factors, and verbal suffixes which encode motion/direction and potentiality of an event. Thus, a major part of the morphosyntax of the language enters into the description of this complex system. For other publications on Panoan languages see footnote 1 and the References in the Sparing-Chavez chapter. For a survey of the Panoan language family see the chapter by Eugene Loos in Dixon and Aikhenvald (forthcoming). Tupi-Guarani In HAL 1 there was a grammatical sketch of one Tupi-Guarani language (UrubuKaapor) and a typological study of certain morphological and syntactic traits in another (Guajajara). In this volume we present a comparative study of the TupiGuarani family by Cheryl Jensen, who has done in-depth research in one

Introduction 13

Tupi-Guarani language (Wayampi) and has already published historical and comparative studies on the family as a whole (see Jensen 1989, 1990, and other items listed under her name in the References of her chapter). Tupi-Guarani is the best documented family in lowland South America. There are descriptions of two (now extinct) languages that go back to the 16th and 17th centuries: Tupinambä (Anchieta 1595, mentioned above) and Old Guarani (Ruiz de Montoya 1639, 1640). In the past forty years, many more studies of the grammars (or parts thereof) of individual languages have been published or archived. This has led to increased interest in historical and comparative research, largely inspired by Aryon Rodrigues, and this has resulted in the publication of generally reliable reconstructions and internal classifications. It has also resulted, of course, in considerable debate and diverse analyses of certain phenomena, as will be noted by anyone who compares, for example, Lemle (1971), Rodrigues (1985a, 1985b), Dietrich (1990), and Jensen (1989, 1990). Jensen takes sixteen areas of morphosyntax and carefully traces the changes that have taken place from the Pro to-Tupi-Guarani forms and constructions to those found in the descendant languages. The proto-forms are based on the phonological (Lemle 1971) and morphological (Jensen 1989) reconstructions that have become generally accepted by Tupi-Guarani specialists. She relates these diachronic changes to the eight sub-groups of Tupi-Guarani languages which have been postulated by Rodrigues (1985a) on the grounds of closer affinities within each sub-group, and shows how these changes in the morphosyntax have developed in a systematic way at different historical stages, affecting some sub-groups and not others. In section 17, Jensen focuses on the verb agreement cross-referencing systems and presents a reasonable hypothesis on how these could have developed from an earlier (Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) ergative system, with consistent absolutive cross-referencing that applied to all independent verb and dependent verb constructions, through various stages in which some descendant languages lost the absolutive agreement patterns on independent verbs, and on to the sub-set of languages to-day (Chiriguano, Guarani Mbyä, Guarayu, Kaiwä, and Wayampi) in which absolutive cross-referencing has been lost in some of the dependent verb constructions as well as on all independent verbs, and finally to the case of Urubu-Kaapor (see HAL 1 for a description), which has lost all absolutive marking in all constructions. This Tupi-Guarani chapter is the second detailed historical and comparative work that has appeared in the Handbook series. David Payne's Maipuran (Arawakan) chapter in HAL 3 presents the phonological and lexical data which are the basis for his reconstructions and internal classification, with only a brief section on grammatical structures. Jensen, in contrast, begins with previously established reconstructed forms and internal classification (Rodrigues' sub-groups) and traces the developments in many areas of the morphosyntax of Tupi-Guarani languages.

14 Derbyshire and Pullum

Areal characteristics The papers in this volume tend to confirm some of the Amazonian typological similarities we noted in earlier volumes (HAL 7.16-20; HAL 3.9-12). Warekena is unusual with respect to one areal feature we noted in connection with basic constituent order, i.e., object preceding subject in main clauses. Warekena is SVO. SVO also appears to predominate in Tupi-Guarani languages (although each of the other possible orders, except VOS, occur as the basic order in at least one Tupi-Guarani language). Jensen reports, however, that dependent clauses are usually verb final and opts for SOV as the likely order in Pro to-Tupi-Guarani. In Wai Wai and Amahuaca SOV and OVS are the more common orders. These give further support to the hypothesis stated in HAL 1.20 that at an earlier stage in their history most Amazonian languages were fairly rigidly SOV. What is also characteristic of all the languages described in this volume is that the order of clausal constituents is greatly affected by discourse-pragmatic factors. Most clauses occurring in texts do not have noun phrase (or free pronoun) subjects and objects; noun phrases tend to be used only to express new information or for other such pragmatically-defined effects. Otherwise, person marking in the verb is sufficient to refer to subject and/or direct object (in Amahuaca the person marking is a component of some of the interclausal reference suffixes). Ergativity is clearly in evidence, to a greater or lesser degree, in the languages described here. In Warekena it has only a minor syntactic role relating to a constraint on coreferential deletion of a subject constituent in certain coordinate and subordinate constructions (see section 3.2 and footnote 3 of the Warekena chapter for details). In Wai Wai, as in many other Cariban languages, many of the nominalized subordinate constructions are ergatively organized in that the notional intransitive subject or transitive direct object surfaces as the possessor of the nominalized verb; the notional transitive subject is governed by the postposition (w)ya 'to, by', which is a cognate of the main clause ergative marker in a few other Cariban languages, e.g., Macushi, which is described in HAL 3. Amahuaca has main clause ergative marking, and the ergative marker is incorporated into some of the interclausal reference suffixes. Most of the Tupi-Guarani languages, as noted above, still have absolutive verb cross-referencing in at least some of their constructions and, as Jensen argues, it seems a reasonable hypothesis that this reflects a more complete ergative system in the earlier stages of the family history which led up to ProtoTupi-Guarani. Jensen's diachronic scenario for the loss of ergativity in the Tupi-Guarani family is convincing. It gives more substance to Harrison's (1986) hypothesis of the erosion of ergativity in Guajajara and other Central Brazil (Tupian and Je) languages. It may also be significant in suggesting a similar scenario for the direction of change in other Amazonian language families in which there are languages with varying degrees of ergativity. The Cariban family may or may not prove to be an exception. Derbyshire (1991, 1994) proposed a comparable hypothesis of progressive loss of ergativity for

Introduction 15

Cariban, but this faces a serious challenge mounted by Gildea (1998), who has accumulated a large amount of data unavailable to Derbyshire, taken from many Cariban languages. Gildea's conclusion is that main clause ergative marking is an innovation in a few languages since Proto-Carib. His argumentation bears very serious attention, though given the evidence of areal confluence of syntactic features in Amazonia, it could conceivably be put in doubt if the direction of change in other Amazonian language families proves to be gradual loss of ergativity since the proto-stages. There are a significant number of families in the area with languages that display varying degrees of ergativity, which suggests that ergativity has been around for a long time. These include the following languages that have been described in the Handbook series: Apalai, Macushi, Wai Wai (Cariban), CanelaKraho (Je), Guajajara (Tupi-Guarani), Sanuma (Yanomami), Paumari (Arawan), and Amahuaca (Panoan). Other families in the area reported to have ergativity are: Tacanan, and Tupi groups which are not part of the Tupi-Guarani family. Overview of the four volumes With the publication of the contents of this volume, we can now summarize the contents of the four volumes of HAL as follows: 10 grammatical sketches of languages from 8 different families (three Cariban, and one each from the Je, Mura, Tupi-Guarani, Peba-Yaguan, Yanomami, Arawan, and Arawakan families); 4 comparative studies (three on Arawakan and one on Tupi-Guarani); 3 typological studies on specific topics in languages from three different families (Tupi-Guarani, Peba-Yaguan, and Panoan). There is much more to be done. But we are confident that it is work that can be done. As we noted in the Preface, despite everything in the often horrific story of their treatment since 1500, the Indians of the vast Amazon basin are not extinct, and neither are their remarkable languages. The Handbook of Amazonian Languages is merely a beginning to the Amazonian linguistics that must be done over the coming decades.

16 Derbyshire and Pullum

REFERENCES Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 1995 Bare. Lincom Europe Materials: 100. Allen, Benedict 1985 Mad white giant (London: Macmillan). Anchieta, Joseph de 1595 Arte de grammatica da lingua mais usada na costa do Brasil (Coimbra: Antonio Mariz). Reproductions published by Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro (1933) and Editora Anchieta, Säo Paulo (1946). Berwick, Dennison 1992 Savages: the life and killing of the Yanomami (London: Hutchinson, 1992) Derbyshire, Desmond C. 1977 "Word order universale and the existence of OVS languages," Linguistic Inquiry 8.590-99. 1979 Hixkaryana. Lingua Descriptive Series, 1 (Amsterdam: North-Holland). 1985 Hixkaryana and linguistic typology (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics and University of Texas at Arlington). 1986 "Topic continuity and OVS order in Hixkaryana," Native South American discourse, edited by Joel Sherzer and Greg Urban (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter), 237-306. 1991 "Are Cariban languages moving away from or towards ergative systems?" Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session, 25:1-29. 1994 "Clause subordination and nominalization in Tupi-Guaranian and Cariban languages," Linguistica Tupi-Guarani/Caribe, edited by Mary R. Wise (Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolingisticos VIII, edited by Ignacio Prado Pastor), 179-98. Descola, Philippe 1994 In the society of nature: a native ecology in Amazonia. Cambridge studies in social and cultural anthropology; 93 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Dietrich, W. 1990 More evidence for an internal classification of Tupi-Guarani languages (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag). Dixon, Robert M. W. 1994 Ergativity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

Introduction 17

Dixon, Robert M. W., and Alexandra Aikhenvald, eds. Forthcoming Amazonian languages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Dixon, Robert M. W., and Alan R. Vogel Forthcoming The Jarawara language of southern Amazonia. Dowdy, Homer 1963 Christ's witchdoctor: from savage sorcerer to jungle missionary (New York: Harper and Row). 1995 Christ's jungle (Gresham, Oregon: Vision House Publishing). Everett, Daniel L. 1997 "Editor's introduction," (Journal of Amazonian Languages 1.1-2). Everett, Daniel L., and Barbara Kern 1997 Wari': The Pacaas Novos language of Western Brazil (London: Routledge). Ferguson, R. Brian. 1995 Yanomami warfare: a political history (Sante Fe, New Mexico: School of American Research Press). Fock, N. 1963 Waiwai: Religion and society of an Amazonian tribe (Nationalmuseets Skrifter, Etnografisk Roekke, Copenhagen). Gildea, Spike 1998 On reconstructing grammar: Comparative Cariban morphosyntax (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Grimes, Joseph 1975 The thread of discourse (The Hague: Mouton). Guppy, Nicholas 1958 Wai-Wai (London: John Murray). Harrison, Carl H. 1986 "Verb prominence, verb initialness, ergativity and typological disharmony in Guajajara," Handbook of Amazonian Languages 1, edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter), 407-39. Hawkins, Robert E. 1962 "Waiwai translation" (The Bible Translator 13:164-71). Hawkins, W. Neill 1952 "A fonologia da lingua Uaiuai, "Boletim 157, Etnografia e Linguistica Tupi-Guarani 25 (Säo Paulo: Universidade de Säo Paulo). 1962 "A morfologia do substantive na lingua Uaiuai," Publicagoes Avulsas 21, Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade do Brasil).

18 Derbyshire and Pullum

Hawkins, W. Neill, and Robert E. Hawkins 1953 "Verb inflections in Waiwai (Carib)," (International Journal of American Linguistics 19:201-11). Hendricks, Janet Wall 1993 To drink of death: the narrative of a Shuar warrior (Tucson: University of Arizona Press). Henley, Paul 1995 Yanomami: masters of the spirit world (San Francisco: Chronicle Books). Huxley, Francis 1956 Affable Savages: An Anthropologist Among the Urubu Indians of Brazil (London: Rupert Hart-Davis). Jensen, Cheryl 1989 Ο desenvolvimento historico da lingua Wayampi (Campinas: Editora da Universidade Estadual de Campinas). 1990 "Cross-referencing changes in some Tupi-Guarani languages," Amazonian Linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 117-58. Kane, Joe 1995 Savages (New York: Alfred Knopf). Kaye, Jonathan 1971 "Nasal harmony in Desano," Linguistic Inquiry 2.37-56. Kimerling, Judith 1991 Amazon Crude (New York: Natural Resources Defense Council). Lemle, Miriam 1971 "Internal classification of the Tupi-Guarani linguistic family," Tupi Studies I, edited by David Bendor-Samuel (Norman: Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Oklahoma), 107-29. Margolis, Mac 1992 The last new world (New York: W. W. Norton). Meunier, Jacques, and A. A. Savarin 1994 The Amazonian Chronicles (San Francisco: Mercury House). English translation of Le Chant du Silbaco: Chronique Amazonienne (Paris: Editions Phebus, 1991). William Milliken et al. 1992 The Ethnobotany of the Waimiri Atroari Indians of Brazil (Kew: Royal Botanic Gardens). Mindlin, Betty, and Surui narrators 1995 Unwritten stories of the Surui Indians of Rondonia (Austin: University of Texas Press).

Introduction 19

Nugent, Bob L., and Vera Penteado Coelho 1991 W aura: a selection of drawings by the W aura Indians of the Alto-Xingu, Mato Grosso, Brazil. University Art Gallery, Sonoma State University, 7 November-15 December, 1991. Rohnert Park, CA: The Gallery. Penglase, Ben. 1994 Brazil: violence against the Macuxi and Wapixana Indians in Raposa Serra do Sol and Northern Roraima from 1988 to 1994 (New York: Human Rights Watch/Americas). Perkins, John M. 1994 The -world is as you dream it: shamanic teachings from the Amazon and Andes (Rochester, VT: Destiny Books). Redmond, Elsa M. 1994 Tribal and chiefly warfare in South America (Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan). Rodrigues, Aryon 1985a "Redoes internas na famflia linguistica Tupi-Guarani," Revista de Antropologia (Säo Paulo), 27/28:33-53. 1985b "Evidence for Tupi-Carib relationships," South American Indian languages: retrospect and prospect, edited by Harriet E. Manelis-Klein and Louisa R. Stark (Austin: University of Texas Press), 371—404. Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio 1639 Tesoro de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez). 1640 Arte y Bocabulario de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez). Schemo, Diana Jean 1998 "Data show recent burning of Amazon is worst ever," New York Times, January 27, p. A3. Stannard, David 1992 American Holocaust (New York: Oxford University Press). Verswijver, Gustaaf 1992a The club-fighters of the Amazon: -warfare among the Kaiapo Indians of central Brazil (Gent: Rijksuniversiteit te Gent). Verswijver, Gustaaf (ed.) 1992b Kaiapo, Amazonia: the art of body decoration (Tervuren: Royal Museum for Central Africa; Gent: Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon). Wilbert, Johannes, and Karin Simoneau, editors 1990 Folk literature of the Yanomami Indians (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center). Wolkomir, Richard 1991 "New finds could rewrite the start of American history," Smithsonian 21 (March), 130-44.

20 Derbyshire and Pullum

Yde, J. 1965

Material culture of the Waiwai (Nationalmuseets Skrifter, Etnograflsk Roekke, Copenhagen).

Part I Grammatical Sketches

Outline of contents for grammatical sketches INTRODUCTION SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Word order Parataxis Ellipsis Reflexives, reciprocals, unspecified arguments Passives Causatives Comparatives, equatives Coordination Pragmatic and discourse characteristics Interrogatives Imperatives Negation Anaphora Subordinate clauses SYNTAX OF PHRASE TYPES

15 Noun phrase structure 15.1 Marking for case 15.2 Genitives 15.3 Modifiers 15.4 Nominalizations 16 Pronoun system 17 Adpositional phrase structure 18 Verb or verb phrase structure 18.1 Tense 18.2 Aspect 18.3 Mood/Modality 18.4 Person, number, gender 18.5 Voice 18.6 Other categories 18.7 Incorporation 18.8 Auxiliary verb system 19 Adjective phrase structure 20 Adverb phrase structure

24 Derbyshire and Pullum

21 PARTICLES 22 PHONOLOGY 23 MORPHOLOGY 24 IDEOPHONES NOTES REFERENCES APPENDIX: TEXT

WAI WAI Robert E. Hawkins Missäo Evang^lica da Amazonia

Introduction Wai Wai is a language of the Carib family spoken in a village on the Mapuera river of Para, Brazil, and in another village on the Jatapuzinho River of Roraima, Brazil, by a few people living among the Hixkaryana people on the Nhamundä River in Amazonas, Brazil, in another village near Gunn's Strip on the Upper Essequibo River in Guyana, and by a group living among the Trio Indians in Southern Surinam. At this writing there are about 1800 speakers of the language and the number is increasing each year. Actually, there are no people who call themselves Wai Wai alive at this time; the last member of the group who called themselves by this name died 20 years ago or more. The people who are now called Wai Wai by the outside world are remnants of the Mawayana, Hixkaryana, Katwena, Sherew, Karapaw Yana, Cikyana, Tuuna Yana, and Parkwoto peoples. There were two Taruma men who lived among them for some years, but they both died several years ago. Also, one man of the Atrowari tribe lives among the Wai Wai, and there are two Trio women who are married to Wai Wai men. All of these tribe remnants have their own language or dialect, some of which are quite close to Wai Wai and some quite different. The language of the true Wai Wai people was very close to that of the Parkwoto people. The language of these two groups combined to become the lingua franca of all these remnant groups, and nearly all who live among the Wai Wai speak the Wai Wai language fluently. Some of them, however, still speak their own language in their homes. It has been visitors from the outside world who have given the name Wai Wai to the whole group who speak this language. The Wai Wai who live in Guyana are learning English, those living in Surinam are learning Dutch, and those living in Brazil are learning Portuguese. A good number of the Wai Wai young men can do business in their respective trade languages, but there are very few who speak any of these trade languages fluently. All of the Wai Wai, however, are being acculturated at a fairly steady rate into the culture of the nations in which they live. The younger people are naturally acculturating faster than the older ones. About 85% of the Wai Wai can read the Wai Wai language. Many of the young people read and write their language fluently. My brother, W. Neill Hawkins, did nearly all of the work on the phonology of the Wai Wai language, as well as that of the description of the morphology of the nouns.

26 Hawkins

I did the greater part of the analysis of the verb morphology. I remained among the Wai Wai after my brother left and have added to some of his descriptions of the phonology and the morphology of the nouns. (See References at the end of this paper.) I have done most of the work on the syntax of the language. The semantics of a number of the particles was largely my work. It took many years to discover the full meaning of some of them. I was aided in this study by Marjorie Crofts and Margaret Sheffler of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.

SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE 1 Word order The basic clause types of Wai Wai, classified according to their nuclear constituents, are: transitive (1), intransitive (2), copular (3), equative (4), and quotative (5). All of these clauses have a predicate and a subject. After a participant is introduced, the name of this person or thing is most often omitted, and a verb prefix is the only indicator of the participant, whether he is the actor or recipient of the action. When the subject prefix is third person it quite often is zero. The following examples contain mostly nuclear constituents. (1)

Oy-ok pen ή-eska kamara. IPOSR-animal pity 3S-bite + TP wildcat 'The wildcat bit my pet.'

(2)

Tooto komo ni-win-tika-cow. people COLL 3S-sleep-COMPL-TP + COLL 'All the people went to sleep.'

(3)

O-pi-ci xe w-0-a-sl. IPOSR-wife-POSN wanting IS-be-SF-INP Ί want a wife.'

(4)

Wayway owl Wai. Wai 1PRO Ί am a Wai Wai.'

(5)

Es-etaka-xi 0-tom-o, kas-ko yi-wya. DETRANS-move-PM 3S-go-TP say-2IMP 3-to 'Say to him, "He went hunting." '

Wai Wai 27

1.1 Transitive clauses. The transitive clause has three essential constituents: direct object, a transitive verb, and subject. The normal position for a free form object is immediately before the verb. Variations from the normal position are considerable and are further discussed in sect. 9.2. There does not seem to be any normal position for a free form subject. It may be either before or after the verb. In this sect, we will only present independent transitive clauses. Dependent transitive clauses also occur and are discussed in sect. 14. (6)

Kimiya pen n-ahsi-ya-kne okoymo. (Name.of.man) PITY 3S-catch-SF-UP anaconda.snake 'The anaconda snake caught Kimiya.'

It is somewhat rare to have transitive verbs accompanied by both a free form object and a free form subject. Such free forms are usually only used when a new participant is being introduced. Usually only one participant is introduced at a time. Thus a clause with only one free form is the more common transitive clause. (7)

K-en-cow so yuruma. l+2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck 'The duck saw us.'

The free form subject may be placed before the verb to highlight the subject. (8)

Apapa n-aar-e ha-m. daddy 3S-take-IP RHY-DEDUCT 'Evidently daddy was the one who took him.'

Transitive verb person-marking prefixes show a split between subject and object person markers, which constitute two distinct sets. Only one set actually occurs in any given finite verb. There is a hierarchy of personal prefixes to transitive verbs, with first and second person indicators being more overt than third person indicators. There are no third person object prefixes, only first and second person object prefixes. When the verb has a first or second person subject and a third person object, only the subject prefix occurs, and the object has no indicator affixed to the verb (9). When the verb has a first or second person object the object prefixes occur and the subject, which again is always third person, has no indicator (11, 12). But the third person subject or object is very clear in the mind of speakers even though it is not overtly indicated. It is a significant absence, unless a third person free form subject or object occurs (10). Thus it seems logical to me to indicate such with a zero in the glosses of the prefixes. There is also a special portmanteau prefix form, ki-, which indicates that the subject is first person and object is second person (13). When the object-subject relation is reversed, the second person subject is indicated by the normal subject prefix while the first person object is indicated by the first person pronoun (14). See sect. 23.3 for paradigms of subject and object prefixes.

28 Hawkins

(9)

WT0-ahsi-ya-si lS-3O-hold-SF-INP Ί am holding it.'

(10)

Kanawa w-ahsi-ya-st canoe IS-hold-SF-INP Ί am holding the canoe.'

(11)

Oy^-enw-o okwe. lO-3S-see-TP alas 'He saw me alas.'

(12)

Aw-^-enw-o kamara. 2O-3S-see-TT jaguar "The jaguar saw you.'

(13)

K-enw-o. lS + 2O-see-TP Ί saw you.'

(14)

Ow m-etap-e-si. 1PRO 2S-hit-SF-INP 'You are hitting me.'

In second person imperative transitive clauses a third person object is again either zero or a free form pronoun. As to first person objects, there is a variation between positive and negative imperative forms. With positive commands first person object is always a free form. With negative commands it is usually a prefix, which is attached to the complement of the imperative form of the copula, (sect. 1.3, ex (33), and (16) below.) (15)

0-Ahsi-ko. 3O-catch-2IMP '(You) catch hold of it.'

(16)

Ow ahsi-ko. cf. Oy-ahsi-r es-ko. 1PRO hold-2IMP 1-hold-NEG be-2IMP '(You) Hold me.' 'Don't hold me.'

There is one transitive verb stem that commonly breaks the rule that a direct object is an essential part of the transitive clause, and only then when certain postpositional phrases occur with this verb (17). It is the stem of the verb 'to see.' Note in (18) that the object in the second sentence is indicated by zero.

Wai Wai 29

(17)

Noro wece w-een-a-si. him toward IS-look-SF-ESfP Ί am looking in his direction.'

(18)

Xirko w-eefi-a-si. cf. Ow marha wH0i-een-a-si. stars IS-look-SF-INP 1PRO also lS-3O-look-SF-INP Ί am looking at the stars.' Ί am also looking at them.'

There is one type of transitive verb phrase indicating transitive action with an unspecified personal object. It consists of the transitive verb stem nominalized by the suffix -no and obligatorily followed by a form of the transitive verb -iri- meaning 'to put it,' 'to make it,Or 'to do it.' The verb stem with the suffix -no becomes the direct object of the verb -iri-. The verb -iri- may be classed as an auxiliary verb since it carries person of the subject, tense, and mode components of the action of the nominalized verb which precedes it (19). Also when this verb is used as an auxiliary verb derived to attributive or nominalized forms (21, 22) the general prefix ci- is omitted (see sect. 23.4.5.1 (ii)). In example (20) the word ciiso is the main verb, not an auxiliary verb. (19)

Ehce-ma-no wi-if-a-si. medicine-VBZR-NOMZR + UNSP IS-do-SF-INP Ί am giving medicine to people.'

(20)

K-ehce-ma-cho ci-i-so 1 +2POSR-medicine-VBZR-NOMZR+CIRC GENL-make-PM la-wc-e-si. IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going to make a medicine dispensary (house).'

(21)

Anik-no ri-so ki-wc-e-sl call-NOMZR + UNSP do-PM IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going to call the people.'

(22)

Anik-no ri-topo min. call-NOMZR + UNSP do-CIRC 3PRO "That is what we use to call people.'

1.2 Intransitive clauses. The intransitive clause has two essential constituents, an intransitive verb and a subject. The subject may be a free form plus subject prefix or only a subject prefix.

30 Hawkins

(23)

Κί-wMk-ya-sl IS-sleep-SF-INP Ί am going to sleep.'

(24)

O-mxik-rf ni-wink-o. IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP 'My child went to sleep.'

1.3 Copular clauses. The copular clause has two essential elements, a form of the copula and a subject. There are two kinds of copular clauses, clauses of existence (26-28) and clauses of description (29-30). A copular clause of existence may include a postposition phrase or an adverb phrase indicating location and also descriptive nouns which modify the subject (27). But it does not include any adverbs describing attributes. The subject of existence clauses may follow or precede the copula (26-27). In interrogative clauses the normal order seems to be subject following the verb (26). Copular clauses of description include adverbs and adverbial constructions which tend to occur before the copula. A one word copular sentence may occur (25) but only in a response expression. A free form subject occurs with the copula if that subject has not already been introduced in the immediate context (26-27). (25)

N-0-a-y. 3S-be-SF-UNP 'It is.' (In response to the question, 'Is it there?')

(26)

N^0-a-y mariya a-hyaw? 3S-be-SF-UNP knife 2-in/with 'Do you have a knife?'

(27)

Mariya n-0-a-y o-hyaw wahra-yi-tho mak. knife 3S-be-SF-UNP 1-in/with small-NOMZR-DEV only 'There is a knife with me but only a small one.'

(28)

Meren 0-x-a-kne noro y-ewto-n. Belem 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO GEN-city-POSN 'Belem was his city (where he lived).'

(29)

Cu-cu-re xa n-0-a-s aw-ewna-ii. ADVZR-red-ADVZR SUP 3S-be-SF-INP 2POSR-nose-POSN 'Your nose is very red.'

(30)

Noro y-anto-n me w-0-a-si. 3PRO GEN-servant-POSN ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP Ί am his employee.'

Wai Wai 31

The copula almost always occurs following verb stems (31) and noun stems (32) having the negative suffix -hra. The negativized verb and noun stems are thus adverbialized. They may carry object prefixes (33) or the detransitive prefix (34), but they do not have subject or possessor prefixes or any suffixes of tense, mode or possession. The associated copula carries all such indicators. Note in (32) that the subject of the copula is clearly the possessor of the negativized noun 'throat.' (31)

To-hra w-0-a-si. go-ADVZR + NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί am not going.'

(32)

Exe-hra wi-x-a-kne throat-ADVZR+NEG 1 S-be-SF-UP Ί had a bad throat.' (Lit.: I was without a throat.)

(33)

Oy-etapa-r es-ko 1-hit-ADVZR+NEG be-2IMP 'Do not hit me.'

(34)

Et-atpo-ra w-0-a-si. DETRANS-pierce/apply .injection-ADVZR + NEG 1 S-be-SF-INP Ί cannot give myself an injection.'

1.4 Equative clauses. The equative clause is a clause that usually has no finite verb at all. The essential constituents of equative clauses in the present tense are a predicate nominal plus a pronoun subject. Such clauses are used for indicating description, identity, and pointing out. When the meaning is description or identity the predicate noun occurs first and the subject pronoun follows (35-36). When the meaning is deictic the subject pronoun occurs first followed by the predicate noun (37). Equative clauses are never used in logical discourse nor in time line expressions. They are commonly used in expressions of description and even more commonly when the descriptions are vivid or emotional. In descriptions of distant past time, equative clauses are usually followed by a form of the copula in the uninvolved mode of the past tense (40). For a fuller description of the deictic pronouns see sect. 16.1. (35)

ΧίρΜ mikro! howler.monkey 3PRO 'It's a howler monkey.'

(36)

Rikomo pana-ta-nmek-ne amoro. child ears-VBZR-CAUS-AG 2PRO 'You are a teacher of children.'

32 Hawkins

(37)

Moso wiifa. 3PRO type.of.rodent 'Here is a rodent!'

(38)

Way-pin mik xipM. die-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO howler.monkey 'Howler monkeys never die!' (The hunter had shot the monkey three or four times and it had not died.)

(39)

Cuure y-ayi-ne ro moso o-pi-ci. manioc.bread GEN-bake-AG often 3PRO IPOSR-wife-POSN "This one, my wife, can really bake manioc bread!'

(40)

Wo-ne-nhM mik 0-x-a-kne. shoot-AG-PAST 3PRO 3S-be-SF-UP 'He was a real hunter (shooter).'

1.5 Quotative clauses. Quotative clauses consist of any expression followed obligatorily by a form of the verb ka/kas 'say', 'think', or 'do'. No word ever comes between the quoted words and the verb ka/kas. (41)

Amfie mak k-mok-ya-si yamoro, 0-k-e-kne o-wya. later only IS-come-SF-INP slowly 3S-say-SF-UP 1-to 'He said to me, "I will just come later".'

(42)

K-wayh-ya-s okwe, ka-hr es-ko. IS-die-SF-INP alas say-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't say, "I am dying." '

When there is a long quote repeated by another person the verb ka/kas may not be repeated after each sentence, but only after the last sentence. (I have not analyzed the morphemes of this rather long example, but the quotation clause is bracketed.) (43)

[Oyakno komo, tahwore rma ehcoko, opona xa encoko. Ow xa akurun kom ha, ow xa awecet kom ha. Opona eefiataw awya so akurunu ro komo me wasi], kesi rma amna ya. ' "My brothers, be of good cheer. Trust in me. I am your protector, I am your supporter (or anchor man). If you trust in me I will be your protector," he still says to us.'

1.6 Peripheral constituents. Peripheral clauses may be added to a main clause of a sentence. These clauses may be coordinate (described below in this sect.) or subordinate (described in sect. 14). We know of no definite limit as to how many of

Wai Wai 33

each type of clause may occur in one sentence. The Wai Wai sometimes speak in very long sentences. In place of, or in addition to, peripheral clauses, phrases of all types may be added to the nuclear clause of the sentence. These may be noun, adverb or postposition phrases, and often in any of these types of phrases from one to four particles are added. 1.6.1 Modifying nominals. These are nouns (44), noun phrases (45), nominalized adverb phrases (46). There are no adjectives in Wai Wai. Only nouns and noun constructions modify nouns. Modifying nominals are common in all types of clauses. They normally occur at or near the end of the sentence. There is apparently no limit to how many modifying nominals can be added in coordination (48). Modifying nominals are added for identifying (44, 45, 46), clarifying (47), or expanding previous portions of the sentence (48). The modifying nominals in the following examples are bracketed. When such nominals occur with transitive verbs the nominals seem to refer only to the objects of the verbs (44, 48). At least, I have no record of such referring to the subject of a transitive verb. (44)

Ahto-xapu mak n-eef-a-tu [tuuna]. dig-PERF LIM 3S-drink-SF-UNP water 'They drink only water that has been dug (from a well).'

(45)

Kari-ti mikro [Caan y-akno]. strong-NOMZR 3PRO man's.name GEN-brother 'John's brother is strong.'

(46)

Tu-wuhre-ke-m komo kfwyam [tan ADVZR-weapon-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL 1+2PRO here to-no komo]. at-NOMLZR COLL 'We all who live here have weapons.'

(47)

Mariya xe w-a-0-si [o-nom-che-n a-wya.] knife wanting IS-be-SF-INP 1-leave-after-NOMZR 2-by Ί would like a knife for the time after you leave me.'

(48)

Tooto w-enek-e-s! tan [kicic-me people IS-accuse-SF-INP here bad-ADVZR ceh-so-m komo], [c-emaro-nta-x-mu be-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL ADVZR-lie-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR

34 Hawkins

komo], [c-enepa-ne-m], COLL ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR [c-es-eyi-so-m], ADVZR-DETRANS-scold-ADVZR-NOMZR [c-eti-xat-m-noka-x-mu ADVZR-DETRANS-DESE) + NOMZR-POSR-REV-ADVZR-NOMZR komo]. COLL Ί judge people here, those who are bad, liars, thieves, those who scold, those who come to hate each other.' In copular clauses of existence (49) and in intransitive clauses (50) the modifying nominal is related to the subject of the verb. (49)

N-0-a-si ro mak o-kuhyati-nmek-ne, 3S-be-SF-INP much just 1 -go. astray -C AUS -AG [o-mtapo-ta-rJ]. 1-words-VBZR-POSN "There is something to lead me astray, my words alas.'

(50)

Noro poyino komo 0-moh-ce, [tf-yiim 3PRO relatives COLL 3S-come-IP 3POSR-father komo], [0-akno komo marha]. COLL 3POSR-brother COLL also 'His relatives came recently, his parents and his brothers.'

On rare occasions the modifying nominal may occur before the main verb. In the following example, which illustrates this, the two noun phrases occurring together constitute a single direct object constituent, the second being a nominalized modifier of the first. (51)

[Ahce na poko oy-eh-topo-nho, whatever about lPOSR-be-NOMZR +CIRC-PAST wara mak oy-eh-topo-nho] careless 1 POSR-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST

Wai Wai 35

w-ahsi-pink-e-tik-e-si tak a-mahya-w rma. IS-hold-REV-SF-finish-SF-INP change 2-after-when immediately. 'All sorts of my former ways, my former ways of carelessness, I will abandon as soon as you are gone.' 1.6.2 Adverbiale. Adverbials that occur in copular clauses of description have been described above in sect. 1.3, as they are a basic part of such clauses. Here we will present adverbials that occur with verbs other than the copula. These include indicators of purpose of motion (52), manner of actions (53), purpose of other actions (54), postpositional phrases (55), and descriptions of any kind (56, 57). There are very few underived adverbs in Wai Wai. There are, however, many adverbialized verbs (52-54) and adverbialized nouns (56-57). See sect. 23.5 for a description of the morphology of derived adverbs. (52)

Eyeh-so ki-wc-e-si. bathe-PM IS-go-SF-ESTP Ί am going to bathe.'

(53)

En-po-ra ar-ko. see-CAUS-ADVZR+NEG carry-2IMP Take it without showing it.'

(54)

Ero w-ekatm-o a-wya yi-htino-tome a-wya. 3PRO IS-tell-TP 2-to 3-know-PURP 2-by Ί told you that in order that you would know it.'

(55)

Tuuna n-enahc-a-si erf-ro ya. water 3S-gives.out-SF-INP drink-NOMZR+time to/by 'The water gives out because of (people) drinking it all the time.'

(56)

C-erew-re aw-eska? ADVZR-hurt-ADVZR 2O-bite + TP 'Did he bite you painfully?'

(57)

Pooyo mka-ke xa 0-c-e-si. tarrapin back-having very.much 3S-go-SF-INP 'It (a VW car) is just like a tarrapin's back as it goes along.'

(58)

Cuure w-ermono-ya-si kapikara ya cassava.bread IS-shelter-SF-ENP chickens to

36 Hawkins

ah-rf pona. eat-NOMZR lest Ί will put the cassava bread in a shelter for fear the chickens might eat it.' See sect. 15.4 (i) for the ergative function of the postposition -(\v)ya 'to/by' when it co-occurs with a nominalized transitive verb, as in (54) and (58). When two or more adverbials are related to the same verb, the verb normally comes in between them. (59)

Kayka, yarf k-mok-ya-si yamoro. let's.go, (you first) in.your.direction IS-come-SF-INP slowly 'Let's go, I will come your way slowly.'

I include postpositional phrases with adverbials since they function in almost exactly the same way as adverbs. When one postpositional phrase follows another, and the second is an expansion or explanation of the first the postposition is normally repeated after each noun (60). There are, however, a few pronouns that can be joined to the noun that follows them making one noun phrase and thus the phrase only has one postposition (61). (60)

Amna ni-htino-ya-kfie t-pori-no poko, 1 + 3PRO 3S-know-SF-UP REFPOS-surface-NOMZR about t-pono-n poko. REFPOS-clothes-POSN about 'We thought about our covering, about our clothes.'

(61)

Ero kaamo po rma k-mok-ya-s hara. 3PRO day on itself IS-come-SF-INP back Ί will come back on that same day.'

2 Parataxis The juxtapositon of peripheral constituents in clauses has been described in sect. 1.6. Here we will describe the juxtapositon of clauses within a sentence and of phrases within a clause. There is usually a very distinct intonation pattern at clause boundaries within the sentence. The final syllable of a mid-sentence clause usually rises proportional to the amount of feeling being expressed. The final two or three syllables of a sentence drop increasingly. There is a longer pause between two separate sentences than there is between two clauses.

Wai Wai 37

2.1 Juxtaposition of clauses to introduce discourses and paragraphs. Here we present a few examples of sentences containing juxtaposed clauses that introduce paragraphs or entire discourses. In each of the three examples below, the first clause is an introductory copular clause. Copular clauses are commonly used as introductory clauses (62). In examples (62) and (63) the copular clauses also relate the following material to whatever preceded. The non-copular clauses that follow are expansions or explanations of the copular clauses. In example (64) the copular clause is introducing a new paragraph with no relation to whatever may have preceded it, this being signaled by the opening words, 'Taa, on wara. .. ' (62)

Ero wa na anart komo n-0-a-t okwe that like maybe another COLL 3S-be-SF-UNP + COLL alas Karaywa komo, Amefkan komo marha, Brazilian COLL American COLL likewise t-po-yi-no wayh-k-e-si puranta poyero. REFPOS-at-from-NOMZR die-CAUS-SF-ESTP money for.the.sake.of "That's the way, possibly, how others are, Brazilians, and Americans, they kill their own people for the sake of money.'

(63)

li-to c-enepa-ne-m n-0-a-y okwe, 3-at ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR 3S-be-SF-UNP alas tooto 0-wayh-k-e-s, chow, n-ahs-ya-s. people 3S-die-CAUS-SF-INP catch 3S-catch-SF-INP 'Thieves are there alas, they kill people, grab, they catch them.'

(64)

Taa, on wara mak ka xe w-0-a-s all.right this like only say.it wanting IS-be-SF-INP a-wya oy-akno, tan aw-exi-taw tooto che-ka 2-to IPOS-brother here 2-be-ADVZR + when people among-to ti-to-so-m komo 0-c-e-tkeAe. ADVZR-go-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL 3S-go-SF-UP 'All right, this is what I would like to say to you, my brother, when you were here a group went to contact other people.

Example (65) presents another common type of introductory clause shown in brackets. It is an oblique way of introducing a request which is contained in the nuclear clause of the sentence. This sentence is somewhat similar to the quotationembedded sentences described in sect. 1.5, only here the verb 'say/do' precedes the

38 Hawkins

main clause rather than following it. (The brackets within the brackets indicate a special two-word phrase.) (65)

[On wara [cma re] wrT-k-e-s a-wya,] this like please IS-say-SF-INP 2-to pahxaxa [cma re] mi-mok-ya-si o-kanawa-ri tomorrow please 2S-come-SF-INP IPOSR-canoe-POSN yi-hxi-so. 3-drag-PM 'This is what I would like to say to you, tomorrow please come drag my canoe.'

Two clauses with a finite verb in each may be juxtaposed in one sentence if the meanings are closely related. There is a slight intonation drop between the clauses, but there is no distinguishable pause like that occurring between sentences. Only clause groupings in which the second clause explains the first or identifies something in it are referred to here. Two clauses of similar structure in which the second refers to additional items or actions are discussed below under coordination in sect. 2.3. (66)

Cekyek-ye-m na n-ahsi-ya oko, thorn-ADVZR-NOMZR maybe 3S-hold-SF + UNP PAIN 0-amo-ii n-atp-e-s oko. 3POSR-hand-POSN 3S-pierce-SF-INP PAIN 'He might catch hold of a thorn bush, ouch, it would pierce his hand, ouch.'

2.2 Juxtaposition of equative clauses. An equative clause may be followed by one verbal clause of explanation. (67)

Yi-pi-ci mikro, pahxa n-et-ahsi-ya-tkene. 3-wife-POSN 3PRO long.ago 3S-DETRANS-take-SF-UP 'That's his wife, they were married long ago.'

(68)

Poritomo ow, en-ko xe o-hpo-ci. old.man 1PRO look-2IMPER PROOF IPOSR-hair-POSN Ί am an old man, look at my hair for proof.'

An equative clause may also be followed by one equative clause of explanation. (69)

Ci-i-ne ro moso, aaci 3-make-AG long-time 3PRO sister

Wai Wai 39

ηϊ-hcam-hoka-tho moso. NOMZR-ignorant-REV-POSN + PAST 3PRO 'She makes them all the time. Sister taught her how.' (Lit.: She (is) one who makes them all the time. She (is) one who was taught by sister.) Equative clauses in past time are often followed by the uninvolved past form of the copula. The equative clause itself is a complete clause. The copula in this case doesn't constitute a separate clause. It merely carries the regular affixes indicating person, tense and number. (70)

Ewka xik-rT mik 0-x-a-kne. man's.name child-POSN 3PRO 3S-be-SF-UP 'He was Ewka' s child.'

2.3 Juxtaposition for the purpose of coordination 2.3.1 Coordination of clauses. Coordinate clauses are somewhat rare in Wai Wai. Lists of conditions or actions that are related to each other may be spoken with pauses in between but having the intonation pattern of one sentence rather than multiple sentences. (71)

O-htipi-ii ή-ere-wa-si, k-ewkuymam-ya-si, IPOSR-head-POSN 3S-hurt-SF-INP lS-dizzy-SF-ΓΝΡ kaf-pe-ra ro mak strong-ADVZR-NEG very much IS-be-SF-INP 'My head hurts, I am dizzy, I am just very weak.'

Coordination of clauses can be within a quotative clause and the verbs of the two clauses may be different as in the following example. But as far as my information goes, the clitics following the verbs, if any, are always identical in such clauses. (72)

Ahce wa na η-ex hara, what like maybe 3S-be + TP next n-es-epefa-n-to ha na, 3S-DETRANS-injure-POSN-VBZR+TP RHY maybe n-et-wo ha na, 0-k-e-xe anarf komo. 3S-DETRANS-shoot + TP RHY maybe 3S-say-SF-INP others COLL 'Whatever happened to him, maybe he was injured, maybe he shot himself, is what some will say.'

40 Hawkins

2.3.2 Coordination of phrases. Coordination of postpositional phrases occurs in Wai Wai. The second phrase may include the word mar ha 'also'. (73)

Erepo-ra w-eh-tik-e-s okwe apapa content-NEG IS-be-complete-SF-INP alas daddy yaw, yememe yaw marha. living. with mama living. with also Ί get increasingly discontented living with daddy, and with mama.'

Coordination of noun phrases commonly occurs also. The noun phrases may be objects of a finite verb (74) or subjects of such a verb (75), which in this case is the copula. (74)

M-enta-cow Kaan mi-η y-eni-fie 2S4iear-TP + COLL God house-POSN GEN-oversee-AG mtapota-rf, kayaritomo mtapota-ii, antoma-fie komo words-POSN chief words-POSN order-AG COLL mtapota-ιΐ. words-POSN 'You have heard the words of the church elders, the words of the chief, and the words of the captains.'

(75)

Ero wara-y me n-0-a-s oo-xati that like-NOMZR ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INPF 1-one.who.loves ρίηί rma ha tko, oy-ekani-ne rma. NEG yet RHY new.thought 1-accuse-AG yet. "That's how he is, but he hates me, he is (to be) my accuser.'

One word may be repeated several times to show repetition or continuity of the action: (76)

Ero yi-nhM ka-po-re, ka-po-re, that like-PAST say-good-ADVZR say-good-ADVZR ka-po-re, ati wicaki ro titi-mtapo-wa? say-good-ADVZR what quantity times l + 2S-say-VBZR+SF + UNP 'After that one should say it, should say it, should say it, how many times should we say it?'

Wai Wai 41

Coordinate opposite questions are often indicated by the particle kail which usually follows the second coordinate member (77). But in other cases, such coordinate questions in the form of adverbial phrases occur without kau (78). In the examples below the two coordinate phrases are bracketed. (77)

Ahce wa n-0-a-y a-wya, [a-n-im-rf what like 3S-be-SF-UNP 2-to 2POSR-NOMZR-give-POSN me, a-n-im-rf me-ra kati] ADVZR 2POSR-NOMZR-give-POSN ADVZR-NEG OPPINT n-0-a-y? 3S-be-SF-UNP 'How do you feel about it, is she one you will give, or is she one you will not give?' (Said about a potential bride).

(78)

Ahce wa na m-een-a, [anarimaw anato so, what like may 2S-see-SF + UNP maybe in.error COLL anarimaw iito cik,] yi-htmopi-ra n-#-a-s amna. maybe correct little.bit 3-know-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO Ί wonder how you may see them (our written exams), maybe with errors, maybe slightly correct, we don't know it.'

2A Juxtaposition for the purpose of subordination 2.4.1 Subordinate clauses. Subordinate clauses are constructions with nominalized or adverbialized verbs in Wai Wai. The subject of subordinate clauses is treated much more fully in sect. 14. The coordination of such clauses is not common. I give one example here. (79)

Roowo y-atumna-ka ki-wto-che meero, earth GEN-in. the.deep-to 1+2-go-after even k-es-«yam-che meero k-een-a-si rma Kaan. 1 + 2-DETRANS-hide-after even 1 + 2O-see-SF-INP still God. 'Even if we go into a deep place of the earth, even if we hide God still sees us.'

2.4.2 Subordinate phrases. Subordinate phrases are quite commonly juxtaposed in Wai Wai. The second explains or expands the first phrase. Here I give an example of postpositional phrases. The two phrases always have the same postposition.

42 Hawkins

(80)

T-akowe-ιΐ ni-if-a-si weewe po-na REFPOS-nest-POSN 3S-make-SF-INP tree on-to kaw-no po-na. tall-NOMZR on-to 'She makes her nest in a tall tree.'

A subordinate clause may be embedded within a postpositional phrase to modify a previous similarly embedded postpositional phrase, as in the example below: (81)

T-porin pen y-eh-topo-nho ya-w REFPOS-father deceased GEN-be-CIRC-PAST in-in roro rma 0-x-a-kne, KMyme pen continually same 3S-be-SF-UP man's.name deceased y-eh-topo-nho ya-w roro. GEN-be-CIRC-PAST in-in continually 'He was just like his deceased father had been, just like the late KMyme had been.'

3 Ellipsis In Wai Wai ellipsis is quite common in both response and non-response expressions. Note that in the following two response expressions there is no subject or verb in either. (i) Response expressions (82)

Onok y-akro mu-c-e? who GEN-with 2S-go-SF + UNP 'With whom are you going?' Cewne kyam. alone supposition 'Alone, I suppose.'

(83)

Atararo m-anm-o? how.many 2S -catch-TP 'How many (fish) did you catch?'

Wai Wai 43

Anmi-ra. catch-NEG 'Not catching any.' The Wai Wai have the word nhnk, meaning 'yes,' but only on rare occasions is it used alone as a response. Ellipsis of the main verb and other constituents might be expected after this word, but in Wai Wai it is more likely that the word nhnk will be elided and the main verb will be spoken either alone or with various other constituents. (84)

Ml-paka? 2S-wake.up + TP 'Did you wake up?' K-paka ha re. IS-wake.up + TP RHY somewhat. Ί woke up somewhat?'

(85)

Mi-mok-o? 2S-come-TP 'Did you come?' Nhnk, aw-en-so k-mok-o. Yes, 2O-see-TP IS-come-TP 'Yes, I came to see you.'

(ii) Non-response expressions. The copula is always understood following the derived adverbial composed of the verb stem plus the affix set ti-. . . -po + -re (ADVZR. . . good-ADVZR) (See sects. 11.5 and 23.5.1.1(iii)). But it is often omitted. In the following example it is included in the first sentence and omitted in the second. The missing word is in parentheses. (86)

Ero ke yaaro xa k-po-yi-no komo that because truly very.much 1 + 2POSR-at-from-NOMZR COLL xe c-ex-po-re n-0-a-y. Yaaro xa loving ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP truly very et-xe c-ex-po-re (n-0-a-y). DETRANS-loving ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP 'Thus we ought to love our fellow tribespeople truly. It is good to love each other truly.'

44 Hawkins

It is normal for a form of the copula to follow all negativized verb stems. Yet this form of the copula may be elided from the second clause, in which case that clause becomes a second adverbial phrase which clarifies the first adverbial phrase, Era wa. (87)

Ero wa n-0-a-xe anart komo, katpa-n that like 3S-be-SF-COLL + INP some people daylight-NOMZR y-eni-hra (nH0-a-xe). GEN-see-NEG 3S-be-SF-COLL + INP "That's how some people are, (they) never see daylight.'

The underlying subject of a derived transitive verb is usually omitted if the subject is clear from the context. When present, it is expressed by a -(w)ya postpositional phrase (see sects. 14.2 and 15.4(i)). (88)

Ow akih-re-co-ko. Ero wa oy-ak!h-re-che 1PRO wise-CAUS-COLL-2IMP that like 1-wise-CAUS-after (a-wya so) wi-htino-ya-si. 2-by COLL IS-know-SF-INP 'Instruct me. After (you) thus instruct me I will know it.'

Occasionally in interrogative expressions the main verb is elided, as in (89). (89)

Ahce wa nhe (n-0-a-y) ki-kamisa-n komo what like more 3S-be-SF-UNP 1 + 2POSR-pants-POSN COLL nhe ciki y-aponuk-ya-taw okwe? more little.bit GEN-ask.for-SF-if alas 'What about buying more pants for us (which we need)?'

When a begging attitude is expressed both the verb and other words may be elided. (90)

Ki-kamisa-n komo (xe) nhe thakwa (t-0-a-xe). 1 + 2POSR-pants-POSN COLL need more UNC l+2S-be-SF-INP 'We certainly need more pants' or 'Give us more pants.'

4 Reflexive, reciprocal, and detransitivizer Reflexive, reciprocal and passive meanings may be expressed in Wai Wai by one prefix to transitive verbs. Since in each use of this prefix the resulting verb form is intransitive I call the prefix detransitivizer. It has several variants ef-/es-/ec-/ex-/ese-

Wai Wai 45

/e-. I illustrate in sects. 4.1, 4.2, and 5.1 the three different meanings derived from this prefix. The particular meaning of each occurrence can usually be recovered from the context. For further discussion of this prefix see sect. 23.2.5. 4.1 Reflexive (91)

K-et-ama oko yawaka ke. IS-DETRANS-slash + TP ΡΑΓΝ axe by.means.of Ί slashed myself, ouch, with an axe.'

(92)

Caramca y-emsi-ii n-eti-yo. man's.name GEN-daughter-POSN 3S-DETRANS-scald+TP 'Charamcha's daughter scalded herself

Reflexivity of possession is expressed by the prefix ti- to the possessed noun (93, 94). The same prefix indicates reflexivity of possessor of nominalized or adverbialized intransitive verbs (95, 96, 98), and also on transitive verbs (99, 100). The same prefix also occurs as the object of postpositions (101). In each of these cases the prefix refers to third person or to the referents of the 1+3 pronoun amna (97). This reflexive possessor prefix must be coreferential with the subject of the same clause of which the possessed item is a part, or of the superordinate clause. (93)

Ti-kanawa-ri y-eh-so 0-tom-o. REFPOS-canoe-POSN GEN-bring-PM 3S-go-TP 'He went to bring his own canoe.'

(94)

Ti-mxik-ri xe-ra n-0-n-y okwe. REFPOS-child-POSN wanting-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP alas 'She doesn't love her own child.'

(95)

C-eh-topo-nhM tak n-ahsi-pinka-y. REFPOS-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST change 3S-hold-REV-IP 'He abandoned his former ways.'

(96)

Ti-to xe ti n-0-a-y ti-son ya-ka. REFPOS-go wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP REFPOS-mother to-to 'He wants to go to his mother.'

(97)

Τί-to xe n-0-a-s amna. REFPOS-go DESID 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO 'We want to go.'

46 Hawkins

(98)

Τϊ-c-e-taw ti-son n-een-a-si. REFPOS-go-SF-if REFPO S-mother 3S-see-SF-INP 'If he goes he will see his mother.'

(99)

Τϊ-n-akito-thM ρίηΐη yaw REFPOS-NOMZR-make-PAST strong.feeling in n-0-a-y oy-akno. 3S-be-SF-UNP IPOSR-brother 'My brother has strong feelings for what he has made.'

(100)

Tawake 0-x-a-kfie rikomo happy 3S-be-SF-UP child

t-akro-no-ma-ii REFPOS-with-NOMZR-VBZR-POSN

ke ti-im ya. because REFPOS-father by "The child was happy because his father helped him.' (101)

Τΐ-hya-ka rma fi-iif-a-kfie mariya. REFPOS-in/at-to same 3S-put-SF-UP knife 'He put the knife among his own possessions.'

(102)

Kanawa xe ti nd0-a-y eepu wato-topo canoe wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP river cross-NOMZR + CIRC ti-wya. REFPOS-by/to Ί heard she wants a canoe in which to cross the river.'

The clitic rma 'same' indicates something of an idea of reflexivity (see sect. 21.2 for other meanings). It has this meaning when referring to persons or objects. Compare example (101) above with the following example where the subject is first person. (103)

A-mumu-ru na m-enep-e ii-ka? Pira, 2POSR-son-POSN ESTTERR 2S-send-SF + UNP 3-for/get no owi rma ki-wc-e-sl 1PRO same IS-go-SF-INP 'Will you send your son to get him? No, I will go myself

Wai Wai 47

4.2 Reciprocal (104)

ft-es-ey-a-xe ci-pi-ci y-akro. 3S-DETRANS-scold-SF-INP REFPOS-wife-POSN GEN-with 'He and his wife scold each other.'

The detransitivizing prefix can also appear on postpositions to indicate reciprocity, as in examples (105) through (107). (105)

Et-po-na eni-hra c-ex-po-re n^-a-si. DETRANS-on-to see-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is good not to depend on each other.'

(106)

Eti-me re mak n-0-a-xe. DETRANS-similar all.alike just 3S-be-SF-INP "They are all the same.'

(107)

Eti-xe c-eh-ce-ii. DETRANS-wanting 1 + 2S-be-COLL-HORT 'Let us love one another' or 'Let us love people.'

With a few postpositions the detransitivized forms indicate reflexive action, but in such cases the resulting forms are obligatorily followed by the particle rma. (108)

Eti-xati me rma mak exi-hra DETRANS-one.who.loves ADVZR self only be-NEG c-eh-ce-ri 1 + 2S-be-COLL-l + 2ΓΜΡ 'Let's not love ourselves only.'

Reciprocity of possession is indicated by the same prefix on nouns. Apparently this meaning requires the noun to be followed by a postposition. (109)

Et-kuywa-n po n^-a-xe. DETRANS-hammock-POSN in 3S-be-SF-INP 'They are in each other's hammocks.'

5 Passives 5.1 The detransitivizing prefix. The detransitivizing prefix is commonly used in Wai Wai to express a passive meaning. The one receiving the action of the verb then

48 Hawkins

becomes the subject of the clause and the doer of the action is not in view. Here I give examples of this prefix with finite verbs (110, 111). (110)

ft-et-ahru-y esama-tho. 3S-DETRANS-close-IP path-PAST "The old path got closed up (with vines and bushes).'

(111)

ft-et-axikwo o-krapa-n-tho okwe. 3S-DETRANS-break + TP IPOSR-bow-POSN-PAST alas 'My bow got broken.'

5.2 The adverbializing affixes. The adverbializing affixes t-/c- plus -so/-xi on transitive verbs accompanied by the copula carry a passive-like meaning. They indicate that the subject receives the action (114, 115). It apppears that the ergative characteristics of the language are the source of these adverbializing constructions. The same adverbializing construction occurs with intransitive verb stems, and the subject is then the one who performs the action (112, 113). (112)

W-emanmeki c-erepota-xi ro. IS-play + TP ADVZR-become.content-ADVZR until Ί played until he became contented.'

(113)

c-emokoto-so n-0-a-si. ADVZR-fall.over-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is falling.'

(114)

T-ono-so nhe n^0i-a-si ADVZR-eat(meat)-ADVZR somewhat 3S-be-SF-INP yu-pun-thM okwe. 3-flesh-PAST alas. 'Its flesh is eaten away somewhat alas.'

(115)

T-apih-so n^-a-si, en-ko xe. ADVZR-step.on-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP see-IMP PROOF 'Look, it has been stepped on/

5.3 The nominalized form of adverbialized verb steins. The nominalized form of adverbialized verb stems described in sect. 5.2 also carries the idea of passivity. There is, however, a semantic difference in the nominalized form compared with the adverbial form, that is, the reference is always to a future action when it occurs on transitive verb stems. The nominalizer is the suffix -m/-mu.

Wai Wai 49

(116)

T-ama-x-mu tan weewe. ADVZR-fell-ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO tree 'This tree is to be felled.'

(117)

T-ar-po-so-m on karita. ADVZR-carry-CAUS-ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO book/letter "This letter is to be sent.'

5.4 The nominalizing suffix -xapu. The nominalizing suffix -xapu is also a passive-like form when occurring on transitive verb stems. It describes a referent as having received the action of the verb stem. It indicates the present perfect tense, that is, that the results of a past action continue to the time the speaker is speaking (118, 119). Or it may indicate past perfect tense when followed by the past tense noun suffix -nho/-nhiri (120). See also sects. 18.2(i) and 23.4.5.1(xi). This suffix may be followed by the suffix -tho 'DEVALUED' (121). (118)

ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka i-yo-hto-xapu. 3S-bite-SF-INP change axe 3-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR + PERF "The axe that has been sharpened cuts (well).'

(119)

Cii-xapu min mnmo. make-NOMZR + PERF 3PRO house 'That house has been made (finished).'

(120)

ft-et-ahk-e-kne kanawa-tho 3S-DETRANS-split-SF-UP canoe-DEV aka-xapu-nhM rma. dig.out-NOMZR + PERF-PAST right.away. 'The canoe split right after it had been dug out.'

(121)

afma-xapu-tho throw.away-PERF-DEV One that has been thrown away'

5.5 -hni Nominalized negation. This suffix is the negative of the perfect tense. With transitive verbs it indicates that the subject has not received the action up to the present time (122, 123), or that the subject can never receive the action at all (124). Again no indication is given about who has not done or cannot do the action. This suffix is often reduced by morphophonemic processes to -n(i) (123-124). (See sect. 22.6.)

50 Hawkins

(122)

Ama-hni ka min o-maraii-n. fell-NOMZR + NEG TEMP 3PRO IPOSR-field-POSN 'My field has not yet been cut.'

(123)

Koroka-ηί rma min o-pono-n. wash-NOMZR + NEG yet 3PRO IPOSR-clothes-POSN 'My clothes have not yet been washed.'

(124)

Anmi-n min toopu. lift.up-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO rock "That rock can never be lifted.'

6 Causatives 6.1 With intransitive verbs (i) hi Wai Wai intransitive verbs are made causative by the following suffixes: -re, -meki, -nmeki, -ka, -nopu. These suffixes transitivize the verb and a direct object is thus introduced. In the examples below I give the intransitive verb first then the transitivized form below it for each verb stem. (125) (a) Ni-wmk-o o-mxik-rt. 3S-sleep-TP IPOSR-child-POSN 'My child went to sleep.' (b) O-mxik-ri wi-winik-re-si. IPOSR-child-POSN 1 S-sleep-CAUS + SF-INP Ί am putting my child to sleep.' (126) (a) K-ewre-s a-poko. lS-laugh+SF-INP 2-about Ί am laughing at you.' (b) Ow m-ewre-mek-ya-si. 1PRO 2S-laugh-CAUS-SF-INP 'You make me laugh.' (127) (a) K-pana-ta tak. IS-ears-VSF + TP change Ί have now learned my lesson.'

Wai Wai 51

(b) Ow mi-pana-ta-nrnek-ya-si. 1PRO 2S-ears-VSF-CAUS-SF-INP 'You are teaching me.' (128) (a) K-wayh-ya-s okwe. IS-die-SF-INP alas Ί am dying alas!' (b) K-wayh-ka-ne min okwe. 1 + 2-die-CAUS-AG 3PRO alas 'It is one (disease) that kills us alas.' (129) (a) Ki-mxik-ii pof-mam-ya-si. 1 +2POSR-child-POSN large-VSF-SF-INP Our child is growing.' (b) O-pof-mam-no-ya-kne noro. lO-large-VSF-CAUS-SF-NEG 3PRO 'He raised me (caused me to become large).' A-pof-mam-nopi-ra 0-x-a-kne. 2O-large-VSF-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 'He did not raise you.' (ii) The suffix -porma indicates near negative causation, that is, that something cannot quite be done or is prevented from being done. It is not commonly heard, but it occurs with at least one intransitive verb and the resulting form is transitive (130). This suffix also occurs with at least one transitive verb and with such forms the negative causative agent is often not expressed (131). (130)

Masaki o-wmik-porma kica. mosquitoes lO-sleep-prevent + TP disgust 'Mosquitoes kept me from sleeping!'

(131)

Kas-ko xara. W-enta-porma kica. say-2IMP again IS-hear-not.quite + TP disgust 'Say it again. I did not quite hear it.'

(iii) Caused loss. The suffix -hka/-ka is a transitive verbalizer with nouns. The meaning is that something or someone has caused the loss of a possession or cessation of possession of an item. This suffix also occurs with verbs with the meaning of cessation ofthat action. That function is discussed in sect. 18.2(vi).

52 Hawkins

(132)

A-nah-ka xe-ra so w^0-a-si. 2O-food-LOSS want-NEG COLL IS-be-SF-INP Ί don't want to make you all run out of food.'

6.2 With transitive verbs. Transitive verbs take the causative-indicating suffixes -po and -mexpo. The causee is expressed by the indirect object postposition: ya when preceded by a noun/pronoun (133b, 134b) or -wya with a person-marking prefix (135b) (see sect. 17.2). (133) (a) Weewe n-aama pooco. tree 3S-fell + TP grandfather 'Grandfather felled the tree.' (b) Weewe n-ama-po kayaritomo apapa ya. tree 3S-fell-CAUS + TP chief daddy by 'The chief had daddy fell the tree.' (134) (a) Tororo 0-k-e-si muutu. pop-pop-pop 3S-say-SF-INP motor 'The motor sounds (is running).' (b) Tororo 0-ka-mexp-e-si muutu ya. pop-pop-pop 3S-say-CAUS-SF-INP motor by 'He will make the motor sound (run).' (135) (a) Oy-akno karita-n w-een-a-sl IPOSR-brother letter-POSN IS-see-SF-INP Ί am reading my brother's letter.' (b) En-po-ko o-wya. see-CAUS-2IMP 1-by 'Show it to me.' 6.3 With detransitivizing prefix. At times a transitive verb stem is causativized and then the detransitivizing prefix is also added to the verb stem. The resulting form indicates the ability of someone or anyone to do a task, or inability to do it if the negative suffix is used. The idea of permission may be involved in these constructions when the causing agent is a person (138). A causee agent may (136, 138) or may not (137) occur. (136)

Em-tho n-et-mi-p-e-si o-wya. ball-PAST 3S-DETRANS-tie-CAUSE-SF-INP 1-by Ί can sew the ball.' (The ball makes itself sewable by me.)

Wai Wai 53

(137)

Ese-htmo-mexpo-ra n-0-a-y DETRANS-know-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP c-efiepa-ne-m. ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR "The thief cannot be found out.' (He does not let himself be known.)

(138)

Et-ahsi-po-ra n-0-a-y o-wya okwe. DETRANS-catch-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP 1-by alas. Ί cannot catch him alas.' (He does not let himself be caught by me.)

7 Comparatives, equatives 7.1 Comparison is often expressed by the relators yopo 'larger than,' 'more than,' and xawyaka, 'smaller than,' 'less than'. The word yopo expresses comparison in main clauses (139) and in comparative subordinate clauses (141). The word xawyaka has only been observed in main clauses (140). The particle group ro maki 'very much' and the particle nhe 'somewhat' are often used to reinforce the idea of contrast in such sentences. (139)

Roowo yopo-no [ro mak] min kaamo. earth larger.than-NOMZR very much 3PRO sun "The sun is very much larger than the earth.'

(140)

Roowo xawyaka fine n^-a-si nuufii. earth smaller.than somewhat 3S-be-SF-INP moon. "The moon is smaller than the earth.'

(141)

Mefpora n-0-a.-si paayu koroka-ri yopo. many 3S-be-SF-INP dishes wash-NOMZR more.than 'There are many dishes, more than can be washed.'

7.2 Equatives (i) Equal size or strength may be expressed by the word ecenari 'equal to'. (142)

Oy-ecenart-no rma moso o-mumu-ru. 1-equal.to-NOMZR REF 3PRO IPOSR-son-POSN "This my son is as tall as I.'

(ii) The detransitivizing prefix is often used with the meaning of reciprocity to show equal size or age, and following this prefixed word the suffix -re 'equal, same' is often used to reinforce the meaning.

54 Hawkins

(143)

Ec-ecenarf-re n^0i-a-xe moxam rikomo komo. DETRANS-equal-same 3S-be-SF-INP these child COLL "These children are all the same size (or age).'

(iii) Various adverbs indicating size may be nominalized, then possessed, then adverbialized again to show equality of size. (144)

Ero kaw-no-n-ke rma n-0-a-s on weewe. that long-NOMZR-POSN-ADVZR REF 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO log 'This log is as long as that one.'

(iv) The relator wicaki 'size' is often used to express exactness of size. (145)

Ero wicak-no rma ee-ko. that.one size-NOMZR same bring-2IMP 'Bring one that same size.'

(v) The relator vwara/wa/like' is used to express any kind of similarity whatsoever. The meaning of this relator is often reinforced by various particles: rma, 'same,' xa marha, 'exactly.' (146)

Ero wara-yi rma ee-ko. that.one like-NOMZR same bring-2IMP 'Bring one like that one.'

(147)

Ero wa [xa marha] wu-k-e-s ow hara. that like exactly IS-say-SF-INP 1PRO in.turn "That's exactly what I say also.'

8 Coordination Coordination of words, phrases or clauses by juxtaposition is common in Wai Wai. These constructions are presented in sect. 2.3.

9 Pragmatic strategies and discourse characteristics 9.1 Topicality. There are a few things that I can say about topicality in Wai Wai, though more study on this subject is needed, hi narrative discourse, once a participant is introduced and the story continues about that one participant alone, he is not named again for a considerable space, at times only at the end of the section concerning him. With verbs the third person subject prefix and the number-indicating suffix seem to serve to make it clear that the speaker is talking about the same person or topic. With nouns, the same seems to be clear through the third person possessor prefix and

Wai Wai 55

possession suffix. Also at times, past tense indicators on nouns help to carry the thread of topicality. But the 3rd person pronoun noro, referring to people or animals, is used occasionally to make it clear that the participant previously referred to is still in view. Where there is a postposition referring to a previously identified participant (148) or a nominalized verb with a similar kind of referent (149), then noro is nearly always used. The pronoun emphasizes the sameness of the participant. (148)

Noro y-akro ki-wc-e-si. 3PRO GEN-with IS-go-SF-INP Ί will go with him.'

(149)

Yi-htinopi-ra w-eexi noro to-topo-nho. 3-know-NEG IS-be + TP 3PRO go -NOMZR + CIRC -PAST Ί did not know about his going.'

There is a counterpart to noro which refers to inanimate objects. It is ero and seems to be used similarly to noro. These pronouns are further described in sect. 13.1. When a complete sentence is needed to identify a person or object, noro or ero are normally used at the end ofthat sentence (150-151). At the end of equative sentences expressed as a response, one of these third person pronouns occurs following one of the deictic set of third person pronouns which occur as the subject of equative clauses, that is, miki or mini (152). Thus two third person pronouns occur together. (150)

Onok yaypi nii-wo? who tapir 3S-shoot + TP 'Who shot a tapir?' Kokonoro 0-mok-ya-kne noro. yesterday 3S-come-SF-UP 3PRO 'He came yesterday, that one.'

(151)

Kanawa pen ηί-hto-y okwe. Ahce wara-y? canoe missing 3S-descend-IP alas what like-NOMZR Kifpaka n-ak-e-kne ero. man's.name 3S-dig.out-SF-UP 3PRO Ά canoe went downstream.' 'Which one?' 'Kirifaka dug one out, that one.'

(152)

Onoke 0-mok-o? who 3S-come-TP 'Who came?'

56 Hawkins

K-yo-ιί mohka-ne mik noro. 1 + 2POSR-teeth-POSN pull.out-AG 3PRO 3PRO "The one who pulls teeth, that one.' 9.2 Focus. Fronting an item to clause-initial or sentence-initial position is the main means of focusing on it or of highlighting it. Such fronting is very common in Wai Wai. But to discuss fronting we need first to consider the normal positions of some constituents in the clause. The most common position of the free object of a transitive verb is before the verb (153). But quite often, possibly as much as one-third of the time, the object is shifted to a position immediately after the verb and the sentence or clause begins with the verb or other word, according to what the speaker is focusing upon (154). The subject seems to have no normal position in the sentence. It may be after the verb (155) or before the verb (156). This is true even of the 1 + 3 pronoun amna (157, 158). But in sentences containing quotations, amna follows the verb ka/kas 'say/do'(159). (153)

Ero ke okopu-thM mak n-ek-ya-tkene amna ya-ka. that because body-PAST only 3S-bring-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO to-to 'Therefore, they brought only the body to us.'

(154)

Kamara 0-mok-o kosope. ft-eska [ro mak] wildcat 3S-come-TP at.night 3S-bite + TP very much o-yok pen okwe. IPOSR-animal dead alas Ά wildcat came at night. He really bit my animal.'

(155)

Sekunta po 0-mok-ya-kne okopu-thiri. Monday on 3S-come-SF-UP body-PAST 'On Monday the body came.'

(156)

Ayrin marha amna m-hcam-hok-e-si. Irene also 1+3PRO 3S-ignorance-REV-SF-INP 'Irene also teaches us.'

(157)

Amna n-et-akro-no-nk-e-kne okwe. 1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-with-NOMZR-REV-SF-UP alas 'We lost our partner alas.'

(158)

Kicicme n^-a-s amna kica. bad 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO disgust 'We are very bad.'

Wai Wai 57

(159)

Ahce okwe, 0-k-e-kne amna. what alas 3S-say-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO ' "How sad," we said.'

When adverbs or verbs are fronted the object may be placed after the verb. (160)

Kifwanhe w-enta-y a-mtapota-rT. good IS-hear-IP 2POSR-talk-POSN Ί thought your words were good.'

At times, when the adverb occurs before the verb, the object of the transitive verb may even be fronted before the adverb, as it is in the following example, hi this example, there are two coordinate objects, both of which are left-dislocated in relation to the main clause. Such dislocated clauses are usually followed by a distinct pause. (161)

K-panata-nme-topo komo, k-akro-no-ma-cho l + 2O-learn-CAUS-CIRC COLL 1 + 2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-CIRC komo, c-enta-po-re c-enta-ce-rf. COLL ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR 1+2S-hear-COLL-HORT 'Teaching and instruction are what we should be glad to hear.'

Postpositional phrases are most often at or near the end of the clause (162). However, for emphasis (163), or for the sake of close relationship to the previous clause (164), they may occur at the beginning of the clause. (162)

Anari komo marha ή-ek-ya-tkene wooto kayaritomo ya-ka. others COLL also 3S-bring-SF-UP meat chief to-to Others also brought meat to the chief

(163)

Yaymo wara rma tt-hc-e-si comota y-epo-ri. eagle like same 1 +2S-go-SF-INP forest GEN-above-MOT 'Just like an eagle we go over the forest (in an airplane).'

(164)

Noro yaw ka w-0-a-sl 3PRO live.with TEMP lS-be-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί will live with him temporarily.' (referring to a person mentioned in the previous sentence)

58 Hawkins

10 Interrogatives All interrogative expressions are marked by a mid or high intonation on the last few syllables of the expression while declarative expressions have a falling intonation on the last one or two syllables. Interrogative expressions may also be marked by interrogative words in expression-initial position or by interrogative particles in expression-medial or final position. Responses to questions are most commonly brief one or two word expressions in which the main word or words of the question are repeated with only personal prefixes changed where necessary. There are the words nhnk 'yes', andpira, 'no'. The word for 'yes' is rather rare and seems to be used only when the speaker feels tired or uncommunicative. The word for 'no' is somewhat more common. The most common way to give a positive response to a question is to repeat the verb or other main word or phrase of the question. Likewise, the most common way to give a negative response is to negativize the main word of the question. These positive or negative brief responses are sometimes followed by a fuller answer to give explanation. 10.1 Greetings and good-byes are usually one-word questions with one-word responses, which word in each case is a finite verb. (165)

Mi-paka? K-paka. 2S-wake.up + TP IS-wake.up + TP 'Did you wake up?' Ί woke up.' (Equivalent of 'Good morning')

(166)

Μί-moko? 2S-come + TP 'Did you come?'

K-moko. 1 S-come + TP Ί came.' (Equivalent of 'Hello')

(167)

Μίί-c-e? 2S-go-SF + UNP 'Are you going?'

Ki-wc-e-sl lS-go-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί am going.' (Equivalent of 'Good-bye')

10.2 Question words are ahce 'what,' ati 'which,' ahto 'where,' ahna 'to where,' ahnixa 'from where,' ahtoxa 'through where,' ahcemaw 'when,' and onoke 'who.' The word ahto is often nominalized to use in interrogative equative clauses (170). (168)

Ah-to m-0-&-y? where-at 2S-be-SF-UNP 'Where are you?'

Tan w-0-a-si here IS-be-SF-INP Ί am here.'

(169)

Ah-na mii-c-e? where-to 2S-go-SF-UNP 'Where are you going?'

Eyeh-so. bathe-PM 'To take a bath.'

Wai Wai 59

(170)

Ah-to-no amoro? Meye-no ow ha. where-at-NOMZR you far.away-NOMZR 1PRO IRES 'Where do you live?' Ί live far away.'

Non-specific pronoun phrases are constructed with a number of these same interrogative pronouns plus the particle na 'UNCERTAINTY' and occasionally including the particle so 'COLLECTIVE' or/and a postposition. The meanings of these phrases are 'anyone/whoever,' 'anything/whatever,' or 'anywhere/wherever.' The same interrogative pronouns occur in postpositional phrases also with the same meaning (172-175). (171)

Onoke na een-a-taw a-wya yi-mtapo-ta-re-r who UNCER see-SF-INP 2-to/by 3-talk-VBZR-CAUSE-NEG es-ko. be-2IMP 'Do not greet anyone you meet.'

(172)

Ahce na poko aw-exi-taw twer es-ko. what UNCER occupied.with 2-be-if/when careful be-2IMP 'Whatever you do be careful.'

(173)

Ahto so na aw-exi-taw erasi-r es-ko. where COLL UNCER 2-be-when fear-NEG be-2IMP 'Wherever you may be don't be afraid.'

(174)

Ahce wa so na exi-hra w^0i-a-si. what like COLL UNCER be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP 'Nothing special is happening to me.'

(175)

Ahce ke na w-atp-e. what instrument UNCER l S -pierce -SF + UNP Ί don't know with what I can pierce it.'

10.3 Other questions are commonly expressed with a noun phrase (176) or postposition phrase (177, 178) of which the noun interrogative ahce is the head word. The copula is usually included in the question but rarely in the response. The postposition, however, is never elided in such response expressions. (176)

Ahce ka-cho to-hra 0-x-a-kne? what say/do-CIRC go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 'Why did he not go?'

60 Hawkins

(177)

Ahce poko m-0-a-y? Maraii poko. what occupied.with 2S-be-SF-UNP field occupied.with 'What are you doing?' 'Working on a field.'

(178)

Ahce ke m-anm-o? Kiiwi ke. what with 2S-catch(fish)-TP fishhook with 'With what did you catch it?' 'With a fishhook.'

Interrogative expressions that inquire about something that has been said rarely begin with ahce 'what' alone, but they begin with the postpositional phrase [ahce wa] 'how.' The response may be quite long or short. A form of the verb ka/kas'say/do' obligatorily follows the quotation (179). The same phrase is used to inquire how something was done. An explanation is usually the response (180). (179)

[Ahce wa] mii-ka yi-wya? . . ., wii-ka. how 2S-say + TP 3-to IS-say + TP ' "What did you say to him?" . . . , I said.'

(180)

[Ahce wa] m-akflito? On wara w-akihto . .. how 2S-build+TP this like IS-build + TP 'How did you build it?' 'This is how I built it. .. '

10.4 Three particles. There are three particles that indicate interrogation or at least some desire for a response. Kafi expresses interrogation of the opposite possibility (181). Ma indicates surprise with a desire for a response (182). Na indicates possibility (183). Sometimes it also indicates a desire for a response. This desire is reinforced by the interrogative intonation. (181)

Ero wa ka-cho rma re m-een-a that like say-NOMZR + CIRC itself FRUS 2S-see-SF + UNP a-karita-n yaw so. Exi-hra kati n^-a-y 2POSR-book-POSN in COLL be-NEG or 3S-be-SF-UP a-karita-n? 2POSR-book-POSN 'Possibly you read that in your book, or do you not have a book?'

(182)

To-hra ma m-ehx-e? go-NEG SUR 2S-be-IP Oh, you didn't go?'

Wai Wai 61

(183)

Aw-akno na mik n-eexi ii-to? 2POSR-brother maybe 3PRO 3S-be + TP 3-at 'Possibly that was your brother there?'

10.5 Interrogative expressed by intonation. Often questions which may be answered by 'yes' or 'no' use only intonation to indicate that an answer is desired. The intonation is mid-range gradually rising through the second or third syllable from the end of the expression. Then there is a radical drop in tone on the last one or two syllables. (184)

Pahxaxa mii-c-e? Pira, tehsa po mak ki-wc-e-si. tomorrow 2S-go-SF + UNP No, Tuesday on just IS-go-SF-INP 'Will you go tomorrow?' 'No, I will just go on Tuesday.'

11 Imperative, hortative, polite requests and obligation 11.1 Imperative expressions. Imperative sentences are marked by imperative suffixes to verbs. (See sect. 18.4.2.1 for the lists of suffixes.) I have made only a cursory study of the intonation patterns for imperative sentences. The patterns of commands are quite varied. Words that are emphasized usually have a higher tone, but usually the tone does not reach the high range, as it does in interrogatives. Most imperative sentences tend to be short. Pronouns rarely occur in imperative sentences unless there is a need to distinguish between commands for one person or group from those for another person or group. First and third person subjects are indicated by personal prefixes to verb stems as with other finite verbs. Second person subject prefixes occur with a few verb stems. Some examples are given in (191). Individual vs. collective action is indicated by suffixes, as is movement vs. non-movement to perform the action. We have recorded no occurrence of the imperative-of-movement suffix with the third person imperative, nor with the copula. Also we have never recorded an occurrence of an imperative with the 1 + 3 (amna) subject. The order of constituents in imperative sentences is, in general, the same as for other sentences. However, the order of the object preceding the transitive verb seems to be more fixed, with less variation than in other sentences. Imperative sentences are quite common in Wai Wai. Stems whose basic meaning involves motion from one place to another do not take the motion imperative suffixes (188). The particle ha, which indicates first person responsibility for an expression, commonly occurs with the second person imperative forms (186), (190). This is to be expected, since the imperative is often forceful and naturally tends to give the speaker's own thoughts and feelings. Compare Derbyshire's analysis of a similar particle (hak) in Hixkaryana (Derbyshire, 1985: 66). First, I present examples of second person imperative sentences:

62 Hawkins

11.1.1 Second person imperative. See sect. 23.3.1 for a description of the morphological variants of these imperative affixes. (185)

Tan ka es-ko. here TEMP be-2IMP 'Stay here for now.'

(186)

Okoyi etapa-k ha. snake hit-2IMP IRES 'Hit the snake, I say.'

(187)

O-wok-ru eh-ta. IPOSR-drink-POSN bring-2IMPMOT 'Go get me something to drink.'

(188)

Eto-ko eh-so. go-2IMP bring-PM 'Go bring it.'

(189)

Ahsi-tam-ko amne. take-come-2IMP later 'Come get it later.'

(190)

Emahci-co-ko ro mak ha. run-COLL-2IMP much just IRES 'Run hard, I say.'

Also in the second person imperative mode, a second person subject prefix occurs with intransitive verb stems which are consonant-initial. This, however, is not one of the regular subject indicators that occur with finite verbs. It is a- '2' of the personal prefixes indicating possession. I will list a number of such verbs in the 2 imperative to display this: (191)A-mokha. A-tit-mam-ko. A-win-co-ko. A-paka-ki. A-poro-ko. A-pere-nim-ko. A-way-ko. A-rwo-nim-ko. A-wrata-ki.

(2 S-come IRES) (2S-quiet-VSF-2IMP) (2S-sleep-COLL-2IMP) (2S-wake up-2IMP) (2S-turn back-2IMP) (2S-swim-VSF-2IMP) (2S-die-2IMP) (2S-anger-VSF-2IMP) (2S-cry-2IMP)

'Come.' 'Be quiet.' 'Go to sleep.' 'Wake up.' Turn back.' 'Swim.' 'Die.' 'Get angry.' 'Cry.'

Wai Wai 63

A-hto-co-ko. (2S-descend-COLL-2IMP) 'Come down.' A-tupe-n-ta-co-ko (2S-bow.head-POSN-VSF-COLL-2IMP) 'Bow your heads.' 11.1.2 First person non-collective imperative sentences are heard occasionally, but they are not common (192). The motion imperative for first person also is not common (193). (192)

Oy-anme ro mak w-eh-si. 1-at.orders much just IS-be-lIMP 'Let me do just what I want to do.'

(193)

Oy-uhre ka w-eh-tan. IPOSR-weapon now IS-bring-lIMPMOT 'Let me go get my arrow.'

11.1.3 Third person imperative sentences are quite common. The command is given to the hearer concerning a third person or group. There is no second person indicator in such commands even though they are made, of course, to a second person. These commands seem to have as much force as second person commands. (194)

li-to n-ex-pe. 3-at 3S-be-3IMP 'Let it remain where it is.'

(195)

0-to-cow-pe ka rikomo komo eskora ya-ka. 3S-go-COLL-3IMP now child COLL school to-to 'Let the children go for now to school.'

11.2 Hortative suffixes occur only on verbs referring to 1 + 2 persons together. Derbyshire includes forms of this class under imperatives (Derbyshire 1985: 63-65). He adds that some commands are more peremptory than others. I feel these 1 + 2 person forms are much less peremptory than the other imperative forms. Therefore, I call them hortative. These forms not only express a desire for an action in the future, but they may also express a disappointment at lack of an action in the past. The idea is that something that should have been done was not done (196). I still label the suffix as hortative for lack of a better gloss. The idea might be that the exhortation should have been made earlier. As to indications of number, it is clear that this 1+2 person prefix by its meaning does not refer to singular number. But the meaning of collectivity or lack of it is not a part of this prefix. That is indicated by the omission (197) or inclusion (198) of the collective suffixes. Lack of a collective suffix indicates non-collectivity. Often collectivity is not expressed in these forms when the number of people being exhorted is just two. It would seem that this small group might be considered

64 Hawkins

collective if both of them participate in the action. But possibly as much as half the time it is omitted in such forms. (196)

Ku-wuhre c-ek-rf ha-m. 1 + 2POSR-weapon 1 + 2S-bring-HORT + NCOLL RHY-DEDUCT 'We ought to have brought our gun.'

(197)

Paayu t-ackoroka-ii. dishes 1 +2S-wash-HORT + NCOLL 'Let's wash dishes.'

(198)

Paayu t-ackoroka-ce-ri. dishes 1+2S-wash-COLL-HORT 'Let's all wash dishes.'

There is a word, kayka, that means 'Let's go.' Often it has the added meaning 'You go first,' especially when going single file in a trail. But the meaning 'You go first' is often lost (199). It is quite a common word in Wai Wai. It occurs both in the singular (200) and collective (201) forms. (199)

Kayka k-ooti y-anim-so. let's.go l + 2POSR-meat GEN-catch(fish)-PM 'Let's go catch fish for us to eat.'

(200)

Kayka, yamoro k-mok-ya-si. let's.go slowly IS-come-SF-INP 'Let's go, you first. I will come slowly.'

(201)

Kayka-tko esetaka-xi. let's.go-all hunt-PM 'Let's all go hunting.'

11.3 Polite requests are expressed by the particle pair cma re, plus a verb in the non-past involvement mode. (202)

Oy-uhre cma re m-apo-hc-e-si. IPOSR-weapons wish somewhat 2S-feathers-VBZR-SF-INP 'Please tie feathers on my arrows.'

11.4 The negative imperative is expressed by the negativized verb stem plus the appropriate second person imperative form of the copula. I have no record of negative imperative with first or third person.

Wai Wai 65

(203)

Enepa-m-ra ro mak eh-co-ko. stealth-POSN-NEG time just be-COLL-2IMP 'Do not ever steal.'

11.5 Obligation. There is a set of three affixes which occur on any verb stem and indicate that the speaker feels there is an obligation to do an action or a value in doing it. These affixes are ίί- + verb stem + -po + -re. The resulting form is an adverb and may be followed by the copula in the third person singular, or it may be followed by the verb of hearing (207) or of seeing (208). The adverb may also occur without being followed by any verb at all (209). The copula is understood in such cases. Indication of the doer of the action is never a part of this construction. The third person subject prefix on the accompanying copula does not refer to the one who should do the action. The same third person prefix occurs whether the one who seems obligated to do the action is first, second, or third person. The subject prefix on the copula apparently refers to the action itself, thus: 'It is good that such be done by someone,' or 'Such ought to be done by someone.' According to my records, no free form subject or object ever occurs as a part of an obligation clause. The subject or object is clear from the context only. Thus in some of the examples below I have included the objects of the action in parentheses (204, 205, 206). I have included two examples which have the context included to show the object of the adverbialized verb stem (207), (209) The negation of this expression often requires three separate words: (i) the negativized verb stem of the action word, followed by (ii) the copula stem with the obligation-indicating affix set, and (iii) a finite copula form having the third person subject prefix and a non-collective suffix of time and mode (210, 211). For more on the morphology of this set of affixes, see sect. 23.5.1.1 (iii). (204)

C-eneka-po-re n-0-a.-y. ADVZR-accuse-ought-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He (your neighbor) should be accused openly (judged).'

(205)

C-etapa-po-re men n^-a-si. ADVZR-strike-ought-ADVZR warning 3S-be-SF-INP 'It (a snake) should surely be killed (by striking him).'

(206)

Ci-mi-po-re cma re 0-x-a-kne. ADVZR-tie-ought-ADVZR wish FRUS 3S-be-SF-UP 'It (your carrying basket) should have been tied.'

(207)

Kifwanhe w-enc-e-s a-mtapota-ιΐ. good IS-hear-SF-INP 2POSR-words-POSN C-enta-po-re w-enc-e-si. ADVZR-hear-ought-ADVZR IS-hear-SF-INP Ί am glad to hear your words. I think (hear) they are good.'

66 Hawkins

(208)

T-afma-po-re w-een-a-si. ADVZR-throw.away-ought-ADVZR 1 S-see-SF-INP Ί see it as one (thing) that should be thrown away.'

(209)

Ahce wa on w-iif-a? what like 3PRO IS-put-SF + UNP T-afma-po-re kfa? ADVZR-throw.away-ought-ADVZR worthless 'What shall I do with this? Should it be thrown away?'

(210)

To-hra c-ex-po-re n^-a-si. go-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is good not to go.'

(211)

Ama-hra c-ex-po-re 0-x-a-kne. cut.down-NEG ADVZR-be-ought-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UP 'It ought not to have been cut down.'

12 Negation (See also sect. 11.4 for the construction of negative imperative expressions.) 12.1 Negation of verbs. A common form of negation in Wai Wai is indicated by the suffix -hra. Verbs (212-213), and a limited number of postpositions (214) and adverbs (215) may be negativized thus, and the resulting forms are adverbs. These resulting forms are normally followed by the copula (213, 215) or a verb of motion (216) which carry the person of the subject, mode, and tense indicators. The negativized verb stem may carry the detransitivizing (217), general (212), or genitive (218) prefixes. In the case of transitive stems, object person-marking prefixes also occur (219-220) on the negativized verb stem, except when followed by the imperative form of the copula (221), in which case the object of the verb is indicated by a free pronoun preceding the negativized verb. Negativized verb stems take no suffix other than the negative indicators. The form of this negative suffix varies according to morphophonological rules (sect. 22.6.5). In negative second person commands, when the negativized verb is followed immediately by the the copula in the imperative mode, the /a/ of the negative suffix is obligatorily deleted (221). (212)

Τί-mi-hra w-0-a-si. 3-give-NEG IS-be-SF-BSfP Ί will not give it.'

Wai Wai 67

(213)

To-hra w^-a-si. go-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί am not going.'

(214)

Ero xe-ra w^0i-a-si. that wanting-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί do not want that.'

(215)

Kaw-ra n-0-a-s okwe. tall-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP alas 'He is not tall enough.'

(216)

En-po-ra ar-ko. see-CAUS-NEG cany-2IMP 'Carry it without showing it.'

(217)

Et-ama-ra w-eexi. DETRANS-slash-NEG IS-be + TP Ί did not slash myself

(218)

Kanapa y-ahka-ra w-eexi. mirror GEN-break-NEG IS-be + TP Ί did not break the mirror.'

(219)

K-eni-hra n-0-a-si. 1 + 2-see-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP 'He does not see us.'

(220)

Oy-etapa-ra m-eexi. 1-hit-NEG 2S-be + TT 'You did not hit me.'

(221)

Ow etapa-r es-ko. 1PRO hit-NEG be-2IMPER 'Don't hit me.'

(222)

Aw-eni-ra WT0-a-si 2-see-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί do not see you.'

(223)

Oy-«ni-ra m-0-a-y? 1-see-NEG 2S-be-SF-UNP 'Do you not see me?'

68 Hawkins

12.2 Negation of adverbs and postpositions. There are only a few underived adverbs that occur with the negative suffix -hra (see sect. 23.5.2(i)). A number of adverbs are not negativized, but the negative meaning is indicated by the use of the adverb of the contrary meaning (224, 225). A few adverbs and postpositions that indicate location in space are negativized by the negative of the copula which follows them (226, 227). (224)

Weyun-me n-0-a-y ii-to? depth-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP 3-at Hra, pana-pe n^-a-si. no shallow-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-FNP 'Is it deep there?' 'No, it is shallow.'

(225)

Kifwanhe nH0i-a-y aw-uhreH0T? good 3S-be-SF + UNP 2POSR-weapon-POSN Kicicme n-0-a-si kica. bad 3s-be-SF-INP disgust 'Is your gun in good shape?' 'It's bad (disgust).'

(226)

Tan exi-hra w-een-a-si. here be-NEG 1 S-see-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί do not see it here (I see it as not being here).'

(227)

Aapo kanah-ta-w exi-hra n^-a-s o-mariya-n. table top-LOC-on be-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-knife-POSN 'My knife is not on top of the table.'

12.3 Negation of noun possession. Nouns which occur with possession indicators other than -n are negativized by the suffix -hra to indicate negation of possession. The suffix -m replaces the h of the suffix with noun stems which take the -n positive possession suffix (231, 232), on noun stems which indicate categories of possession (233, 234), and on the word kanawa 'canoe'(235). I assume that the -m is an alternate form of possession indicator occurring only in these negative constructions. (See sect. 23.4.5. l(x).) The suffix -hra occurs alone on all other nouns which take possession suffixes. Again the resulting forms are adverbs and are usually followed by the copula or verbs of motion. See sect. 22.6.5. for loss of /h/ from the negative suffix. (228)

Υί-hpo-ra thakwa n^0-a-s o-yoku. 3-hair-NEG UNC 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-animal 'My animal has no hair.'

Wai Wai 69

(229)

Yi-pi-hra ki-wc-e-si. 3-wife-NEG 1 S-go-SF-ESfP Ί am going without my wife (not taking her along).'

(230)

Ewu-hra w-0-a-s okwe. eyes-NEG IS-be-SF-INP alas Ί have no eyes (blind, poor sight).'

(231)

Ato-m-ra tak w^-a-sl cough-POSN-NEG now IS-be-SF-INP Ί don't have a cough now.'

(oy-ato-n) IPOSR-cough-POSN 'my cough'

(232)

Yi-krapa-m-ra w-0-a-si. 3-bow-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί do not have a bow.'

(o-krapa-n) IPOSR-bow-POSN 'my bow'

(233)

Woku-m-ra ti drink-POSN-NEG 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He says he has nothing to drink.'

(o-wok-ru) IPOSR-drink-NEG 'my drink'

(234)

I-yuhre-m-ra w-0-a-si. 3-weapon-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί have no weapon.'

(o-yuhre) IPOSR-weapon 'my weapon'

(235)

Kanawa-m-ra 0-x-a-kne amna. canoe-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO 'We did not have a canoe.'

The suffix -hni also occurs with nouns that may be possessed to indicate that the referent is one who does not possess the item. The resulting form remains a noun. It is a correlative of the suffixes discussed above in that the nouns which take the suffix -m possession indicator before -ra also take the -m before suffix -rii. See sects. 22.6.1.(i) and 22.6.5 for the morphophonemic changes in this suffix. (236)

Awsi-m-ni w-aaf-a-si. weight-POSN-NEG 1 S-carry-SF-INP Ί will carry one that is not heavy.'

(awsi-n) weight-POSN 'its weight'

(237)

Ewu-hni mikro okwe. eyes-NEG 3PRO alas "That man is blind (without eyes) alas.'

(ew-ru) eyes-POSN 'his eyes'

70 Hawkins

12.4 Negation of noun identity. The word pini is a negative of nouns which indicates negation of identity. Further discussion of pini as a word is given in sect. 15.3.1. (238)

Meek pin mikro. brown.monkey NEG that.one 'That is not a brown monkey.'

(239)

Waiwai pin owi. name.of.tribe NEG 1PRO Ί am not a Wai Wai.'

(240)

Woo-ne pini [ro mak] owi. shoot-AG NEG at all 1PRO Ί cannot shoot at all.'

12.5 The suffix -hto. There is a nominalizing suffix hto which indicates negation, usually with strong feeling or a sense of permanent negation. This suffix occurs mostly with the copula in postpositional phrases of cause (241). The verb moku 'to come' has been heard on occasions with this same suffix (242). This suffix is always followed by the possession suffix -ri. See also sect. 15.4(iii). (241)

O-mi-n c-iri-hra IPOSR-house-POSN 3-make-NEG IS-be-SF-INP oy-akro-no exi-hto-ii ke. IPOSR-companion-NOMZR be-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because Ί will not build my house because I have no helper.'

(242)

To-hra thakwa t^0f-a-xe kanawa go-NEG UNC l+2S-be-SF-INP airplane moku-hto-ri ke. come-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because 'We cannot go because the plane is not coming.'

13 Anaphora Anaphora are strategies in the language for referencing individuals and items between phrases, clauses and sentences. 13.1 Three nondeictic third person pronouns occur in finite verb clauses to refer back to something or someone mentioned earlier: ero 'it/that', noro 'he,' 'she', and

Wai Wai 71

nexamro 'them. ' Any of these pronouns may be used after a finite verb clause to more clearly identify an item or action previously mentioned (243, 244). The phrase ero yimaw refers to a time previously mentioned. It follows an adverbialized verb stem indicating time (245). (243)

O-mtapo-ta-ri men eweti-co-ko, IPOSR-words-VBZR-POSN MON obey-COLL-2IMP wn-k-e-kne Moises ya ero. IS-say-SF-UP Moses to it 'Be sure to obey my words which I said to Moses.'

(244)

Karaywa y-akro mii-c-e-kne, woskara poko Brazilian GEN-with 2S-go-SF-UP airstrip occupied.with k-antom-e-tkene so noro y-akro? l+2O-give.orders-SF-UP COLL 3PRO GEN-with 'Did you go with the Brazilian, with the one who directed our work on the airstrip?'

(245)

Waiwai komo c-e-taw c-eken-hiri po-y Wai.Wai COLL go-SF-when REFPOS-home-PAST in-from ero yimaw ni-mtapo-wa-kne. that time 3S-talk-SF-UP 'He talked at the time the Wai Wais left their homes. '

The postposition phrase ero wara normally occurs at the end of a list of items (246). It also often occurs at the end of a paragraph or discourse and refers to all that has been said in the paragraph or discourse. (246)

Mariya, warapapoturu, kanapa, kiiwi, xapopo, ero wara knife spoon mirror fishhooks fishline that like

y-xe 3POSR-wanting IS-be-SF-INP Ά knife, a spoon, a mirror, some fishhooks, fishline, that's what I want. ' Any of these same pronouns are normally used with postpositions (247). Postpositions very rarely occur without an overt object either prefix or free form. If it is not necessary to rename a participant with a postposition then noro or ero are used as the object. The same pronouns occur with certain particles which indicate distinct iveness of the participant or an element of surprise concerning him or it (248). They

72 Hawkins

may also be used as direct objects and possessors (249) or as subjects of verbs (250), and again the idea of distinctiveness of the referent stands out in most cases. The antecedents in these examples are all in the first sentence, while the pronouns are in the following sentences. This usage is normal. (247)

Mararf poko ti n-0-a-y. Ero field occupied.with 3RES 3S-be-SF + UNP 3PRO poko xa marha wd0-a-s ow amne. occupied.with DBF likewise IS-be-SF-INP I later 'He says he is working on his field. I will work on that same thing later.'

(248)

Rikomo mak mexe mikro. Noro yipu rma 0-tom-o esama yaw. child just DISAG 3PRO 3PRO such REF 3S-go-TP path in 'He is just a child. Even so he went on the trail.'

(249)

Kafpe-ra n-0-a-si taam. Taa, noro strong-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP uncle all:right 3PRO y-akro-no-ma-xi ki-wc-e-s. GEN-with-NOMZR-VBZR-PM IS-go-SF-INP 'Uncle is not well. All right, I will go help him.'

(250)

K-ehce-ma-ne ti nH0-a-y Lethem po. 1+2-medicine-VBZR-AG 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP Lethem at Noro ti 0-mok-ya pahxaxa. 3PRO 3RES 3S-come-SF + UNP tomorrow 'They say the doctor is at Lethem and that he will come tomorrow.'

13.2 Deictic pronouns. There are three deictic pronouns referring to nearby objects, on, tan, moso. The first two refer to inanimate objects and the last refers usually to people. However, in recent years moso is being used increasingly for inanimate objects also. There are three deictic pronouns referring to distant objects or persons miki, mikro, and mini. The first two refer to animate objects and the last to inanimate objects. There are two collective deictic pronouns, moxam for near animate object and mikyam for distant animate objects. There are no collective deictic pronouns for inanimate objects. On may occur as the one-word object of a postposition (251), or part of a compound object of a postposition (252), or the object (253), or subject of a finite verb (254). It also may occur as the subject of an equative clause (255).

Wai Wai 73

(251)

On poko wH0-a-si. 3PRO occupied.with IS-be-SF-INP Ί am busy doing this.'

(252)

On kaamo po ki-wc-e-s. 3PRO day on IS-go-SF-INP Ί will go today.'

(253)

On w-aaf-a-s o-yoti. this IS-take-SF-INP IPOSR-meat Ί will take this meat to eat.'

(254)

C-et-ahka-xi n-0-a-s on okwe. ADVZR-DETRANS-break-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO alas 'Alas, this is broken.'

(255)

Kifwa-n on oy-uhre. good-NOMZR 3PRO IPOSR-weapon 'This gun of mine is good.'

Tan is a synonym of on used in the introduction to any discourse, or as the subject of an equative clause. Sometimes tan and on are used together with tan always occurring first (258). (256)

Ow-to-topo-nho tan w-ekatim-ya-s aw-ya so. IPOSR-go-CIRC-PAST 3PRO IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to COLL Ί will tell this to you, the story of my trip.'

(257)

Kifwa-n tan oy-uhre. (Compare (255) above.) good-NOMZR 3PRO IPOSR-weapon "This gun of mine is good.'

(258)

Oy-uhre tan on. IPOSR-weapon 3PRO this 'This is my gun.'

The deictic pronouns triik, mikro, and mikyam are almost never used anaphorically as the subject or object of a finite verb. With the anaphoric meaning they are used almost solely as the subject of equative clauses. When the pronoun is in the subject position (after the predicate) the clause indicates identity (263b) or gives description (259-261). When the pronoun occurs in the predicate position (before the subject) in an equative clause its meaning is purely deictic (263a). However, the word mikro may occur alone as an emotional expression, almost the same as an interjection (262).

74 Hawkins

(259)

Kayaritomo mikro. chief 3PRO "That man is the chief.'

(260)

Meye-no mikyam. far.away-NOMZR 3PRO "They live far away.'

(261)

Mehxa moh-xapu mikro. from.far come-PERF + NOMZR 3PRO "That man came from far away.'

(262)

Mikro. 3PRO "There he is!'

(263) (a) Mikro χίρΜ. 3PRO howler.monkey. "There is a howler monkey.' (b) ΧίρΜ mikro. howler.monkey 3PRO "That is a howler monkey.' 13.3 The verb ka/kas 'say/do' is often used to refer back to a previously mentioned action. (264)

Ahrika, moso wi-tw-e-si kuyuwi. Taa, kas-ko maki. wait 3PRO IS-shoot-SF-INP bush.chicken OK do-2EMP just 'Wait, I'm going to shoot this bush chicken.' OK, just do it.'

13.4 Third person possessor prefixes, which also have an anaphoric function, are: 0-, yi-, i-, and ti-. 0- occurs when there is no free form possessor, regularly with stem-initial verbs and, in some idiolects, with stems which begin with an unclustered relaxed consonant ((265); and see sects. 22.2 and 22.3 for relaxed consonants and consonant clusters.). Otherwise, one of the overt forms of the prefix occurs (266). See sect. 23.4.5.1 for further details and examples. (265)

Tani n-0-a-si 0-karita-n-thiri. here 3S-be-SF-INP 3POSR-book-POSN-PAST 'Here is his book.'

Wai Wai 75

(266)

Meye n-0-a-y yi-krapa-n-thM. far.away 3S-be-SF-UNP 3-bow-POSN-PAST 'His bow is far away.'

Third person subject prefixes are also anaphoric. They always refer to a participant, place, or condition previously named (267). The third person reflexive personal prefix is even more clearly anaphoric or cataphoric in that it refers to the third person subject of the associated finite verb (268), or the subject of the associated verb stem that has been derived to another word class (269). For other examples of third person reflexive possessor see sect. 4.1. (267)

O-mxik-ri ni-wink-o. 0-pak-e-s hara amne. IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP 3S-awake-SF-ENP again later 'My child went to sleep. He will wake up later.'

(268)

Ti-to-topo-nhM n-ekatm-o. REFPOS-go-CIRC-PAST 3-tell-TP 'He told about his trip.'

(269)

To-hra 0-x-a-kne kaf-pe-ra c-exi-ii go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP strong-ADVZR-NEG REFPOS-be-POSN ke. because 'He did not go becase he was weak/sick.'

A third person prefix occurs with postpositions when there is no free form object. This prefix may be zero (270) or yi- '3' (271). It is easily seen that such prefixes refer to a previously named person or object. (270)

0-yaw rma kayka. it-in still let's.go 'Let's continue on in it (the canoe).'

(271)

Υί-wya ti-m-ko. 3-to 3-give-2IMP 'Give it to him.'

13.5 Athematic focus. One of the three meanings of the particle ha (see sect. 21.2(ii)) is athematic focus, that is, it emphasizes or brings into special focus an item which is not a part of the action or main theme of the discourse. This emphasized part refers back to a previous word or phrase and explains or amplifies it. It does not carry forward the action of the story (272). It should also be noted that ha with this meaning always occurs at the end of the word group to which it refers. Thus

76 Hawkins

when any dangling phrase ends with this ha it means that that phrase refers to something that precedes it rather than what follows. Thus it acts something like a period or comma (273). With this meaning ha is not accented phonetically as it is with its other meanings. See sects. 21.2(iii) and 21.3(ii) for the other two meanings of this particle. (272)

Yi-mtapo-ta-ιΐ ti n-enc-e-kne apapa. 3POSR-talk-VBZR-POSN 3RES 3S-hear-SF-UP daddy Α-ρΐηί-η ya-w wd0T-a-si, ka-cho ha. 2POSR-lack-POSN in-in 2S-be-SF-INP say-CIRC AF 'Daddy heard his words, "I miss you," the thing (he) said.'

(273)

Anar-me ro mak 0-x-a-kfie noro, 4-nhM another-ADVZR much just 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO 4-PAST ha, yi-hcir-me moh-xapu wara-hra. AF 3-begin-ADVZR come-PERF like-NEG 'That one was very different, the fourth one, (he was) not like the one that came first.'

14 Subordinate clauses Most subordinate clauses in Wai Wai have a nominalized or adverbialized verb form as the main predication element. See sects. 23.4 and 23.5 for fuller descriptions of the morphology of these derived forms. All of the subordinate clauses in this sect, are bracketed for easy identification. 14.1 Nominalized verbs as subordinate clauses. The nominalized verb clause may function as a modifying noun related to the object (274) or to the subject (275). It may be the subject of the main verb (276), or it may be the object of the main verb (277). In equative clauses the nominalized verb may be a part of the predicate (278) or the complete predicate (279-280). (274)

Kacipara w-ahsi [marari y-acpo-topo machete IS-get + TP field GEN-underbrush-NOMZR + CIRC o-wya]. 1-by Ί got a machete with which to underbrush a field.'

Wai Wai 77

(275)

ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka [i-yo-hto-xapu]. 3S-bite(cut)-SF-INP now axe 3-edge-VBZR-NOMZR+PERF "The axe cuts now that it has been sharpened.'

(276)

Miya 0-to-cow [maraii y-ama-fte komo]. away 3 S-go-COLL 4-TP field GEN-fell.trees-AG COLL "The field cutters went away.'

(277)

[A-mok-ιί] w-enta. 2S-come-NOMZR IS-hear + TP Ί heard you coming.'

(278)

On o-karita-n [a-n-eni-ri]. 3PRO IPOSR-letter-POSN 2POSR-NOMZR-see-POSN "This is my letter for you to read.'

(279)

[Yu-kukno-ma-ri yopo-no] [ro mak] 3-number-VBZR-NOMZR more.than-NOMZR very much mikyam. 3PRO + COLL "They are more than can be numbered.'

(280)

[Waapa me aa-no ri-ne komo] mikyam. warriors ADVZR carry-NOMZR make-AG COLL 3PRO "They are the ones who lead men to war.'

At times verb stems are adverbialized first and then nominalized to form dependent clauses, as in the following examples: (281)

Roona w-aaf-a-si [tuuna moku-che-n]. tarpaulin 1 S-take-SF-ΓΝΡ rain come-ADVZR-NOMZR Ί am taking along a tarpaulin (to be used) after/if it rains.'

(282)

Oo-na c-ir-ko paayu [0-koroka-x-mu]. here-to 3-put-2IMP plates ADVZR-wash-ADVZR-NOMZR 'Put the plates here that are to be washed.'

14.2 Adverbialized verb forms may constitute subordinate clauses (283—284) or they may be the nuclear predicate element of such clauses (285). (283)

[T-anmi-ro] k-mok-o. ADVZR-catch.fish-ADVZR + TIME 1 S-come-TP Ί came catching fish all along the way.'

78 Hawkins

(284)

[Eyeh-so] ki-wc-e-si. take.a.bath-ADVZR+PM IS-go-SF-ENP Ί am going to take a bath.'

(285)

Yarf, kas-ko [oy-emaci-tome] miya peen che-ka. Timber, yell-2IMP IS-run-ADVZR+PURP away bushes among-to 'Yell, "Timber!," in order for me to run to the bushes/

There are two other constructions which are built on verb stems to produce adverbials indicating time or condition of an action. One of these is the suffix -ehe 'after', which is added to the otherwise unsuffixed verb stem. It mainly indicates that the action of the verb stem to which it is affixed is prior to the action of the main verb of the clause. It also indicates conditional action, but not so commonly as it indicates prior action. The suffix -taw 'if/while' is added to the verb stem plus the stem formative suffix, except with the copula. With the copula it is added to the unsuffixed stem (289). The resulting form indicates that an action is contemporaneous with another action. It may also indicate conditional action. The forms presented here are similar to postpositions, but I classify them as adverbials since they show some difference from postpositions. When the verb stem of derived adverbials is intransitive the prefix is the underlying subject of the action. When the verb stem is transitive the same prefix is the underlying object of the action, and the subject, if overt, occurs as a prefix to the postposition wya 'to/by' (288) and (291), or as a free form noun followed by ya 'to/by' (292). (286)

A-paka-che ti-hc-e-si. 2-wake.up-ADVZR + after 1 + 2S-go-SF-INP 'After you wake up we will go.'

(287)

On y-ert-che fit-wa-ya? 1 PRO GEN-drink-ADVZR+after/if 1 + 2S-die-SF + UNP 'After drinking/if we drink this will we die?'

(288)

A-wya ci-ri-che a-mo-k ha. 2-by 3-make-ADVZR+after 2S-come-2IMP IRES 'Come after you finish making it.'

(289)

Aw-to-0 xe-ra aw-exi-taw cewne ki-wc-e-s. 2-go-NOMZR DESID-NEG 2S-be-ADVZR+if alone IS-go-SF-INP 'If you do not want to go I will go alone.'

(290)

Tuuna mok-ya-taw to-hra t-0-a-si. rain come-SF-ADVZR+if go-NEG 1 + 2S-be-SF-INP 'If it rains we will not go.'

Wai Wai 79

(291)

O-wya k-e-taw rma 0-tom-o kica. 1-by do-SF-ADVZR +while still 3S-go-TP disgust. 'Just as I was doing it it went away.'

(292)

Ewto y-ayw-e-taw rikomo village GEN-sweep-SF-ADVZR+if child

komo ya COLL by

tawake w-0-a-si. glad IS-be-SF-INP 'If the children sweep the village (grounds) I will be glad.' In the following examples of subordinate clauses the verb is first nominalized, then a postposition is added. Postposition phrases always function as adverbials. (293)

[O-mok-rf me] mak noro wayh-topo 1-come-NOMZR ADVZR just 3PRO die-NOMZR+CIRC w-enta-y. IS-hear-IP 'Just as I came away I heard of his death.'

(294)

Moku-hra wi-x-a-kne [tuuna mok-rT ke]. come-NEG IS-be-SF-UP rain come-NOMZR because Ί did not come because it rained.'

In the following examples the adverbial clauses do not modify the verb directly, but are expansions of the adverb complements 'many,'and 'into it (water).' It is the adverbial counterpart of the discontinuous modifying nominal construction. See sect. 15.3.2. (295)

Mefpo-ra n^-a-si paayu, [koroka-ιί yopo]. few-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP dishes wash-NOMZR more.than "There are many dishes, more than can be washed.'

(296)

Yu-kwa-ka n-epirka muutu, weyun ya-ka [ro maki]. 3-in-to 3S-fall + TP motor depth in-to very "The motor fell into it (water), into the very deep place.'

There is another adverbial subordinate clause construction in which the nucleus of the clause is apparently an ancient form of the verb ka/kas 'say/do.' This word is ka-xi (say/do-ADVZR). It carries the meaning of the adverbialized copula, 'because he is,' or 'because of being.'

80 Hawkins

(297)

Oy-oti, ka-hra iH0-a-si xapari [tooto IPOSR-meat say-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP dog person pin kaxi]. not.one because.of.being "The dog does not say, "Give me meat," because he is not a person.'

14.3 Clauses of identification commonly occur in Wai Wai. These are subordinate to the preceding main clause. Both the main clause and the subordinate clause have finite verbs. But the subordinate clause functions as a modifier to a constituent of the preceding main clause. See also sect. 13.1. (298)

O-mtapota-ri men enta-co-ko, [kayaritomo ya IPOSR-words-POSN MON hear-COLL-2IMP chief to wii-k-e-kne] ero. IS-say-SF-UP that 'Listen carefully to my words, the thing I said to the chief

SYNTAX OF PHRASE TYPES 15 Noun phrase structure The noun is defined as a word which may occur as the subject or direct object of a verb, as the head of a postposition phrase or as the nucleus of the predicate of an equative clause. A pronoun is a word that represents a noun, and thus pronouns are included with the discussion of noun phrases. A noun phrase usually consists of one or two nouns, or one noun and one pronoun. Such phrases commonly have one or more particles. It is also quite common to have discontinuous noun phrases separated by a finite verb, or in equative clauses they may be separated by the subject of the clause, which is the second member of the clause, normally a pronoun. In such cases the second member of the noun phrase is a modifying noun. It may further identify the subject or modify the predicate. 15.1 Marking for case. Case markers indicate the relation of pronouns or nouns to verbs. Free form subjects and objects of verbs are not morphologically marked. Also word order does not seem to be a good criterion for determining subjects and objects of verbs, since subjects seem to vary freely between pre-verb and post-verb position. Direct objects also vary occasionally in the same way, though the more normal position for these is before the verb.

Wai Wai 81

But case is indicated in several of the personal prefixes to verbs. There are two sets of such prefixes, subject and object prefixes. Subject prefixes occur on finite verbs (299-300). They always occur on such verbs even with a free form subject (301). However, third person subject prefixes are 0- in some constructions (304). Object prefixes on finite verbs exist for first and second persons only (302-303). There are no overt forms for third person object prefixes to finite verbs (sect. 23.3.3). See also sect. 23.3.2 for the complete set of subject prefixes. (299)

Ewka komo ya-ka ki-wc-e-si. man's.name COLL to-to IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going to Ewka and to those with him.'

(300)

A-kanapa-n w-ahka. 2POSR-mirror-POSN 1 S-break + TP Ί broke your mirror.'

(301)

O-mxik-ri m-wmk-o. IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP 'My child went to sleep.'

(302)

Oy-eska okoyi. lO-bite + TP snake 'The snake bit me.'

(303)

K-en-cow so yuruma. l + 2O-see-COLL + TP COLL duck 'The duck saw us.'

(304)

O-hya-ka 0-mok-ya-kne. 1-to-to 3S-come-SF-UP 'He came to me.'

The indirect object postposition ya 'to', alternating with the bound form -wya (sect. 17.2), may also indicate the causee of a transitive verb (305, 309—310) or the addressee of any 'say' expression (306). It also occurs with the subject of nominalized (307) or adverbialized (308) transitive verbs. This reflects the ergatively organized character of these derived forms. The free form of the postposition occurs when the object is a free form (307). When no free form occurs, a prefix is attached to the postposition (308). (305)

O-kanawa-ri en-po-ko yi-wya. IPOSR-canoe-POSN see-CAUSE-2IMP 3-to/by 'Show him my canoe.'

82 Hawkins

(306)

Ero wa wii-k-e-s a-wya. 3PRO like IS-say-SF-INP 2-to Ί will say that to you.'

(307)

Yahya ka-ιί w-enc-e-si ama-ne yelping say/do-POSN + NOMZR IS-hear-SF-INP cut.down-AG komo ya. COLL to/by Ί hear the field cutters yelping.'

(308)

Yaypi w-e-taw o-wya a-woti tapir shoot-SF-ADVZR + if 1-to/by 2POSR-meat w-ek-ya-si. IS-bring-SF-INP 'If I shoot a tapir I will bring you some meat.'

(309)

Ti-mxik-ri ni-wMk-re-p-e-kne o-wya. REFPOS-child-POSN 3S-sleep-CAUS-CAUS-SF-UP 1-to/by 'She asked me to put her child to sleep.'

(310)

O-kanawa-ιί w-aka-p-e-si IPOSR-canoe-POSN 1 S-dig.out-CAUS-SF-INP o-woxi-n ya. lPOSR-in.law-POSN to/by Ί will get my in-law to make a canoe for me.'

15.2 Genitive constructions. There is a close connection between certain groups of words in Wai Wai which I list here: 1. Forms derived from a transitive verb and preceded by a free form direct object of the verb stem. 2. Forms derived from an intransitive verb and preceded by a free form subject. 3. A noun and its free form possessor. 4. A postposition and its free form object. There is no pause whatever in normal speech between the two items of these constructions. The order of such phrases is obligatory. The object, or subject, or possessor is first, followed directly by the head word of the phrase. Only the particles komo, 'collective' or ro, 'time' occur between the two words and that is rare. I call this relationship Genitive.

Wai Wai 83

If the head word begins with a vowel the prefix y- 'GEN' is always added to it (311, 312, 314a). If the head word begins with the third person prefix yi-, ti- or i-, that prefix usually remains in the genitive relationship (313). The exceptions are three verb stems which occur with the third person prefix ti- and begin with lol. When the third person prefix is omitted from these verbs in the genitive relationship the genitive prefix y- occurs (314 a, b.). See sect. 23.4.5.1 for a list of the ten verbs that take the ti- prefix. (i) Forms derived from a transitive verb stem and the genitive relationship to their underlying direct objects are illustrated below: (311)

Eey ka-cho y-enc-e-taw o-wya k-emahci-w Hay! say-NOMZR GEN-hear-SF-ADVZR+when 1-by IS-run-TP 'Upon hearing the yelling I ran.'

(312)

Kanawa y-anka-xi ki-wc-e-si. canoe GEN-spread.open-PM IS-go-SF-INP Ί will go to spread open the canoe.'

(313)

Xifko yi-htmo-ne komo Stars 3-know-AG COLL 'People who know the stars'

(314) (a) Kuum y-ow-so ki-wc-e-si. kind.of.palm.fruit GEN-take.out-PM lS-go-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί am going to take out (harvest) palm fruit.' (b) T-ow-so ki-wc-e-si. 3-take.out-PM IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going to take it out.' (ii) Forms derived from an intransitive verb stem and the genitive relationship with the underlying subject are illustrated below: (315)

O-mxik-ri y-eyeh-topo tan. IPOSR-child-POSN GEN-bathe-CIRC 3PRO "This is the bathtub of my child.' cf. eyehtopo 'his bathtub'

(316)

Kayaritomo mtapo-ta-cho w-ekatim-ya-s a-wya so. chief talk-VSF-CIRC IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to COLL Ί will tell the chiefs words to you all.'

84 Hawkins

cf. yi-mtapo-ta-cho 3POSR-talk-VSF-CIRC 'his words' (iii) Noun phrases of possession show the same close connection between the two nouns. Here again we see the prefix y- appearing when the possessed noun stem begins with a vowel (317). When it begins with a consonant, no prefix is attached (318 a, b). (317)

Rikomo y-ewna-ri ti 0-kamxuk-wa. child GEN-nose-POSN 3RES 3S-blood-VBZR+SF+UNP "The child's nose is bleeding.'

(318) (a) Noro krapa-n w-axikwo okwe. 3PRO bow-POSN IS-break + TP alas 'Alas, I broke his bow.' (b) yi-krapa-n 3-bow-POSN 'his bow' (iv) Postpositional phrases show the same close connection with their objects. (319)

Mmrio y-epo-ri afma-ki. house GEN-over-MOT throw-2IMP 'Throw it over the house.'

(320) (a) Mawayana che-ka kt-wc-e-si. name.of.Indian.tribe among-to IS-go-SF-INP 'I'm going (to live) among the Mawayana people.' (b) Yi-che-ka ki-wc-e-si. 3-among-to IS-go-SF-INP 'I'm going (to live) among them.' 15.3 Phrases of noun modifying noun. Again I include pronouns along with nouns. There are no adjectives in Wai Wai. Only nouns and a few pronouns modify nouns. 15.3.1 Continuous noun phrases. There are a few pronouns that occur immediately before nouns without intervening pause or word. The pronoun points out or distinguishes the noun from other items (321, 322). These noun phrases are bracketed below.

Wai Wai 85

(321)

[Anarf ewto] po-na kayka. another.one village on-to let's.go 'Let's go to another village.'

(322)

[Ero kaamo] po k-mok-ya-si. that day on IS-come-SF-INP Ί will come on that day.'

I postulate ρίηί 'NEG' as a noun since it may be separated from its head noun by either of the particles komo (326), maki (327), or ro (328). Also it does not undergo morphophonemic reduction to the form -hni as it would if it were a suffix But it always has a noun or pronoun as its head word, and thus constitutes a continuous noun or pronoun phrase. It indicates negation of the identity of the object or person. It occurs commonly in equative clauses (323) and in pronoun phrases. In such phrases it may occur as the subject of any verb (324) or as the object of a transitive verb (325). See sect. 12.4 for more examples of this word. (323)

Yaymo pin mikro. eagle NEG 3PRO "That's not an eagle.'

(324)

Ow pin ki-wtom-o. 1PRO NEG IS-go-TP 'It was not I who went.'

(325)

Ero ρίη-tho ee-ko. 3PRO NEG-DEV bring-2IMP 'Bring any old thing.'

(326)

A-kayaritomo-n komo pin ow. 2-chief-POSN COLL NEG 1PRO Ί am not your chief.'

(327)

Ow mak pin ki-wink-o. 1PRO just NEG IS-sleep-TP 'It was not only I who went to sleep.'

(328)

Poxu-m-ra n-0-a.-s o-wya ah-ne ro good.tasting-POSN-NEG 3-be-SF-INP 1-to eat-AG TIME pin kaxi. NEG because.of.being Ί don't like it because I'm not used to eating it.'

86 Hawkins

15.3.2 Discontinuous noun phrases. Nouns may also modify other nouns or noun phrases in a discontinuous sequence. In clauses having finite verbs the head noun and the modifying noun are often in a discontinuous sequence, being separated by the verb, and possibly also by postpositional phrases or adverbs related to the verb. Pause (indicated by comma) may also break the continuity of a noun phrase. An example of such modifying nouns in a discontinuous sequence is seen in possession indicators of certain nouns. With such nouns possession is not indicated by affixes to the name of the item, but by generic nouns which name categories of possession and take possessor prefixes. These generic nouns are most often in a discontinuous sequence. Possession of domestic animals, items of food, drink and shooting arms, is expressed in this way. The two nouns may occur in either order. (329)

Oy-oku xe w-0-a-si waaro. IPOSR-animal wanting IS-be-SF-INP green.parrot Ί want a green parrot for a pet.'

(330)

Tuxma xe w-0-a-si o-n-ah-rl banana wanting IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-NOMZR-eat-POSR Ί want a banana to eat.'

(331)

Nexamro wok-ru ar-ko yeemutu. 3PRO drink-POSN cany-2IMP starch.drink 'Carry starch drink for them to drink.'

Nouns of explanation, expansion, or limitation are common in Wai Wai and are used to modify either a subject or object in verbal clauses. Often these nouns are derived from verb stems or adverb stems. At times verb stems are adverbialized and then nominalized. Such derivational processes are fully described in sects. 15.4, 23.4 and 23.5, but I give some examples here. The modifying nouns may be juxtaposed either after the verb (332) or before the verb (333). When the nouns are adjacent to each other they are separated by pause, as indicated by the commas in the same two examples. The modifying noun may modify the subject of a clause when the subject follows the verb (332) or when it precedes the verb (334). Or it may modify the object of a transitive verb (335). The modifying noun may function as a relative clause (336). There may be 2 modifying nouns modifying the verb object (337). The modifying noun may modify the possessor of a noun phrase (338). Occasionally the normal modifying noun is dislocated to a position before the verb and even before the interrogative subject (339). In this same example a quotative clause functions as a second modifying nominal which modifies the first nominalized clause. Wai Wai speakers may pile up modifying nouns quite a bit. Usually each one modifies the first nominal, which is the head of the phrase. (332)

N-#-a-yi rma k-ewkukma-ne komo 3S-be-SF-UNP still 1 + 2-confuse-NOMZR+AG COLL

Wai Wai 87

wara-y, ki-mtapota-ri komo. like-NOMZR 1+ 2POSR-words-POSN COLL 'There is still that which confuses us, our words.' (333)

Ahce na poko oy-eh-topo-nho, [wara mak] what maybe about lPOSR-be-NOMZR +CIRC-PAST careless oy-eh-topo-nho w-ahsi-pink-e-tik-e-si IPOSR-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST 1 S-hold-REV-SF-finish-SF-INP tak a-mah-yaw rma. change 2-after-when immediately 'All sorts of my former ways, my former ways of carelessness, I will abandon after you are gone.'

(334)

Anarf ti 0-x-a-kne hara Tapi mumu-ru. another.one 3RES 3S-be-SF-UP in.turn David's son-POSN 'David had another son.'

(335)

On wara-y ti-mi-hr eh-co-ko aw-oh this like-NOMZR 3-give-NEG be-COLL-2IMP 2POSR-animal komo o-wya. COLL 1-to 'Don't give this sort of your domestic animals to me.'

(336)

Kifwa-ni rma tit-wMyak-e-si, good-NOMZR even 1 + 2S-despise-SF-INP k-wakre-ne-nhM rma. 1 + 2-be.kind.to-AG-PAST even 'We despise even good people, even those who have been kind to us.'

(337)

Apapa mak ni-htino-mexp-e-kne yi-n-ekatim-ri, daddy only 3S-know-CAUS-SF-UP 3-NOMZR-tell-NOMZR + POSN k-n-enta-rf komo oroto-no. H-2-NOMZR-hear-NOMZR+POSN COLL now-NOMZR 'It was only daddy who showed him what he should tell for us to hear.'

(338)

Tooto komo wayh-topo c-enta-ce, people COLL die-NOMZR+CIRC l+2S-hear-IP

88 Hawkins

k-poyino-nhM komo. 1 + 2POSR-fellow.tribesman-PAST COLL 'We heard of the death of some people, our own tribespeople.' (339)

Noro y-ehna-cho-nho ahce n^-a-y, okwe 3PRO GEN-fail-NOMZR+CIRC-PAST what 3S-be-SF-UNP alas camki on poko Wr0-a-y ha-m, n-ex-pe, ignorant 3PRO about IS-be-SF + UP IRES-evidently 3S-be-3MP ka-cho-nho? say-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST 'What is there that he cannot do, about which he says, Alas, apparently I don't know how to do it, let it be?'

Discontinuous noun phrases occur in equative clauses of description. The two nuclei of the clause are usually the noun predicate and a pronoun subject in that order. A second noun follows the subject and modifies the predicate. (340)

Kafpamxan mikro kari-ti. young.man 3PRO strong-NOMZR 'He's a young man, he's strong.'

The pronouns ero or noro occur as the predicate of some equative clauses. Thus the clause has two pronouns as its nuclei. Such a clause always refers back to the action of the previous sentence. In such a construction a nominalized verb or modifier often occurs after the pronoun subject and modifies the initial pronoun ero or noro. (341)

(Quotation), 0-k-e-xe. Ero rma min kayaritomo 3S-say-SF-INP that REF 3PRO chief wMhyaka-cho. despise-NOMZR+ CIRC 'They say this,.. . That talk is despiteful of the chief

15.4 Nominalizations. Following I list all the suffixes to verb stems that occur to indicate that the resulting forms are nouns. I assume that these suffixes indicate nominalization, though all of them have an additional meaning. I include notes about their occurrence with other classes of words. For the phonological variation of some of these affixes see sect. 22.6. (i) -ri Nominalization of possessed action. This suffix indicates nominalization of possessed action without any indication of the time of possession. Verb stems having this suffix may take any of the personal prefixes to indicate the possessor of the

Wai Wai 89

action (sect. 23.4.5.1). If the verb stem is transitive the personal prefix refers to the object of the action; with intransitive verb stems it refers to the subject of the action. With transitive verbs the subject or doer of the action, when expressed, is expressed by the ergative form, consisting of a personal prefix plus the postpositional suffix -wya, or by a free form plus the postposition ya. In any of the above situations, where the personal prefix can occur it may be replaced by a free form. When a free form object of the action occurs before a transitive verb stem beginning with a vowel the verb stem takes the genitive prefix y- (351). Forms having this suffix -ri may occur as the direct object of the verbs 'to hear'(342) and 'to see'(343). They occur most often as the object of postpositions as in (344) through (351). They also rarely occur in an expression without a finite verb as something of an exclamation (352). (342)

A-mok-rt w-enta. 2-come-NOMZR + POSN 1 S-hear + TP Ί heard you coming.'

(343)

Noro mok-rf w-enw-o. 3PRO come-NOMZR+ POSN IS-see-TP Ί saw him coming.'

(344)

Νί-rwo-n-a-kne ti-wMyaka-ri poyero. 3S-anger-POSN-SF-UP REFPOS-slander-NOMZR + POSN because.of 'He got angry because of his being slandered.'

(345)

Yohno tit-mok-o k-akro-no-ma-ri fast l+2S-come-TP 1+2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-NOMZR + POSN ke yi-wya. because 3-to/by 'We came fast because he helped us.'

(346)

o-mok-ii ke l-come-NOMZR+POSN because 'because of my coming.'

(347)

0-epirka-ri pona 3-fall-NOMZR + POSN for.fear.of 'for fear of his falling'

(348)

0-epirka-ri wara w-een-a-si. 3-fall-NOMZR + POSN like 1 S-see-SF-INP 'It looks to me like it might fall.'

90 Hawkins

(349)

0-ackoroka-ii yopo 3-wash-NOMZR + POSN more.than 'more than can be washed'

(350)

0-ah-ii ro ya 3-eat-NOMZR + POSN often to/because 'because of eating it often'

(351)

K-poka kica paayu y-ackoroka-ιί ke. IS-tired + TP disgust dishes GEN-wash-NOMZR+POSN because Ί am tired from washing dishes.'

(352)

Tan k-exi-rf ro. here 1+2-be-NOMZR+POSN permanently 'We will be here permanently!'

(ii) -ni- . . . -n/-tho/-thiri Object resulting from an action. This set of affixes occurs only with transitive verbs and the resulting form refers to an item which receives the action indicated by the verb stem. This is a possessed form which occurs with a personal possession prefix or a free form possessor that refers to the underlying subject of the action. The possession does not refer to the resulting item but to the action done to that item. Forms with these affixes seem to occur in any syntactic function where other nouns occur, but their most common use is as a modifier of another noun, functioning like a relative clause (354, 355). In the examples below they occur as the object of a postposition (353) and as modifiers of the predicate nominal of an equative clause (354), and of the object of a transitive verb (355). The suffix -ή indicates present or future possession of the action (353). The variant forms -tho/-thM indicate past tense possession and alternate as follows: -tho occurs when the form has a first person singular prefix, and also when the third person possessor of the action is indicated by a free form (355). The suffix -thiri occurs elsewhere (354). (353)

A-n-ah-ri xe m^-a-y? 2-NOMZR-eat-POSN DESID 2S-be-SF-UNP 'Do you want something to eat?' cf. Ah-ko. (eat-2EVIP) 'Eat it.'

(354)

On ha waywi a-n-afma-thM. 3PRO IRES arrow 2-NOMZR-throw/drop-PPOSN 'Here is the arrow you dropped.'

Wai Wai 91

cf. Afma-ki. (throw/drop-2IMP) 'Throw it.' (355)

Yaypi amna n-eeki apapa n-wo-tho. tapir 1 + 3PRO 3S-bring + TP daddy NOMZR-shoot-PPOSN 'We brought a tapir which daddy shot.' cf. wo-hra (shoot-NEG) 'not shooting'

(iii) -hto Negation of the action. This suffix is rarely used except with the two verb stems given below. I have no examples of it occurring with a transitive verb. It nominalizes and negativizes the verb stem and is obligatorily followed by the possession suffix -ri. It occurs with free form possessor indicators or with personal prefix markers of possessors. Tense is not indicated by this suffix. See also sect. 12.5. (356)

noro moku-hto-ii ke 3PRO come-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because 'because of his not coming'

(357)

tan aw-exi-hto-ri ke here 2POSR-be-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because 'because of your not being here'

(iv) -topo/-cho Circumstances of the action. There is free variation of the two forms of this suffix with most verb stems. The meaning of the suffix is very broad. It includes instrument of the action (358, 360), place of the action (359), time of the action (361), story of the action (362), and instructions about the action (363). Just like suffix (i) above, this suffix co-occurs with personal possessor prefixes with intransitive verb stems to indicate the subject of the verb stem (362) and with transitive verb stems to indicate the object (363). It also occurs preceded by a free form noun or pronoun and without a personal prefix to indicate the same possessor functions. The genitive indicator y- also occurs with the same paramaters as it does with the suffix -ri (361). The suffix -nhof-nhiri indicating past tense may occur following this suffix (362). (358)

Yawaka xe w^-a-si mararf axe wanting IS-be-SF-INP field

92 Hawkins

y-ama-cho o-wya. GEN-cut.down-NOMZR + CIRC 1-to/by Ί want an axe with which to cut down a field.' (359)

Et-afma-no ri-topo tan. DETRANS-throw-NOMZR make-NOMZR +CIRC this "This is the place where they fought.' (lit.: . . . where they do the fighting.)

(360)

Karita mewre-cho ee-ko. paper write-NOMZR+CIRC bring-2IMP 'Bring me a pencil.'

(361)

Marari y-ama-cho me tak n-0-a.-si. field GEN-cutdown-NOMZR+CIRC ADVZR now 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is time to cut a field.'

(362)

O-wto-topo-nho w-ekatim-ya-si. 1 -go-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST 1 S-tell-SF-INP Ί will tell the story of my trip.'

(363)

Aw-aki-re-topo tan w-ekatim-ya-s a-wya. 2-wise-CAUS-NOMZR + CIRC this IS-tell-SF-ENP 2-to Ί am telling you how to act wisely.' (lit.: . . . how to make you wise.)

(v) -xapu Object that has received or performed action in the past with enduring results. I label this suffix perfect aspect indicator (PERF). See sects. 5.4 and 18.2(i) and (ii) for full discussion and examples of this suffix. (vi) -yem Associate. This suffix occurs with the possessor prefixes and can occur with the detransitivizing prefix (365, 368). It also occurs with two generic nouns woosi (366) and kiin (367) to indicate an associate of the same sex. This suffix also occurs with the past tense suffix -nho/-nhiri (368). (364)

aw-exi-yem komo 2POSR-be-NOMZR + ASS COLL 'your fellow beings'

(365)

aw-es-emani-yem 2POSR-DETRANS-play-NOMZR+ASS 'your playmate'

Wai Wai 93

(366)

a-wosi-yem komo 2POSR-female-ASS COLL 'your fellow women'

(367)

M-kM-yem komo l + 2POSR-male-ASS COLL Our fellow men'

(368)

aw-es-emam-yemi-nhM 2POSR-DETRANS-play-NOMZR+ASS-PAST 'your former playmate'

(vii) -tamci Payment for work. This suffix is somewhat rare. It occurs only with transitive verbs (369) or with the copula (370). The combination of verb stem plus the suffix -topo ((iv) above) following the word epetho/epethiri 'payment' is more common (371). (369)

miimo c-ii-tamci house 3-make-payment 'payment for making a house'

(370)

noro y-akro-no me oy-eh-tamci 3PRO GEN-with-NOMZR ADVZR 1-be-payment 'my payment for helping him'

(371)

miimo c-ii-topo y-epe-tho house 3-make-NOMZR + CIRC GEN-payment-PAST 'payment for making a house'

(viii) -xan Subject of recent action. This suffix is only used with a few verbs as far as my records show. (372)

ewru-xan be.born-NOMZR+ RECENT 'a newborn baby'

(373)

moh-xan kaxi ka come-NOMZR +RECENT because.of.being for.now 'because he is one who has only recently come'

(374)

Ec-i-xan rnikro. DETRANS-make-NOMZR+RECENT 3PRO 'He has just been elected (made chief).'

94 Hawkins

(ix) -ne Doer/agent of the action. This suffix occurs only with transitive verb stems. It co-occurs with the personal prefixes which indicate the possessor as the underlying object of the action (375). When a verb having this suffix is preceded by a free form possessor, there is usually no prefix on the nominalized verb form (376). But when one of the ten verbs having the prefix if- occurs with a free form possessor this prefix occurs (377). When the free form possessor immediately precedes a nominalized verb stem beginning with a vowel the verb stem takes the y- genitive prefix (378). When the nominalized form occurs with the prefix yi-, this prefix may either remain or be elided, if it is immediately preceded by a free form object (379 a,b). This suffix -ne also may be followed by the past tense suffix -nho/-nhiri to indicate past action, that is, action which in the mind of the speaker occurred long before or which has little effect in the present (380). These forms not only indicate one who does the action, but they often carry the meaning of ability to do the action (381). (375)

K-wakre-ne mikro. 1 + 2-be.kind-NOMZR+AG 3PRO 'He is one who is kind to us.'

(376)

Wooto wo-ne mikro. wild.game shoot-NOMZR + AG 3PRO 'He can really shoot wild game.'

(377)

/•^^7^\

mumo ci-i-ne house 3-make-NOMZR+AG One who can make a house'

(378)

awci y-aa-ne back.pack GEN-carry-NOMZR+AG One carrying a back pack'

/ν*·

· ·

/ν

(379) (a) oy-uhre yi-wMma-ne 1 POSR-weapon 3-ruin-NOMZR + AG One who ruins my gun' (b) oy-uhre wMhma-ne 1 POSR-weapon ruin-NOMZR + AG One who ruins my gun' (380)

Ekatim-ra n-0-a-y aa-ne-nhM. tell-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP carry-NOMZR+AG-PAST 'The one who took it is not telling about it.'

Wai Wai 95

(381)

Paapa c-ii-ne mikro. Brazil.mitbread 3-make-NOMZR + AG 3PRO 'She is one who can make Brazil nut bread.'

(x) -no Unspecified personal doers or receivers of action. This suffix with intransitive verbs indicates the underlying subject of the action (382), and with transitive verbs indicates the underlying object of the action (383). It usually is used of groups of people. Nominalized verbs with this suffix are nearly always followed by a form of the verb ciri 'make.' (382)

To-no ri-ri w-een-a-si. go-people + NOMZR make-NOMZR IS-see-SF-INP Ί am watching the people going.'

(383)

Aa-no ni-if-a-kne. take-people + NOMZR 3S-make-SF-UP 'He took the people.'

(384)

anik-no ri-topo call-people + NOMZR make-CIRC 'an instrument for calling people (bell)'

(385)

[Wara hak] k-e-xe yaake exi-no ke. hubbub say-SF-INP many be-people + NOMZR because 'The people are making a hubbub because there are many.'

(xi) -hni Nominalized negation. This suffix again displays a difference in meaning when occurring with intransitive verbs and with transitive verbs. In the former case it means one who does not do the action, hi the latter case it means the one who does not receive the action. This form occurs in any of the five clause types presented in sect. 1. For the morphophonemic changes see sects. 22.6.1(i), and 22.6.5. (386)

Ahowoka-n me mak eh-co-ko. disheartened-NEG +NOMZR ADVZR just be-COLL-2IMP 'Don't be ones who are discouraged.'

(387)

Anmi-n mm toopu. lift.up-NEG +NOMZR 3PRO rock 'That rock cannot be lifted.'

(388)

C-iri-hni c-ii-ne mikro. GENL-put/make-NEG + NOMZR 3-put/make-AG 3PRO 'He makes that which cannot be made.'

96 Hawkins

(xii) -Si Nominalization before the postposition xe. The verb stem has no overt form of suffix in this construction. But the word xe functions as a postposition and thus must be preceded by a noun or pronoun. Thus I postulate -j^nominalizing suffix. The phrase including xe is collectivized, when appropriate, with the collective indicator word so. The phrase is almost always followed by the copula. The verb stem also occurs with personal possessor prefixes. If the verb stem is intransitive the prefix refers to the one to do the desired action. If the verb stem is transitive the prefix refers to the one to receive the desired action. The verb stem may occur with the detransitivizing prefix also (391). The same construction occurs before the nominalized form of xe, which is xati (392). (389)

T-moku^0i xe ti n-0-a-y. REFPOS-come-NOMZR DESID 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He says he wants to come.'

(390)

Aw-enta-0 xe w-#-a-si. 2-hear-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-DSfP Ί want to ask you a question (hear you).'

(391)

Oy-es-ekatrnrH0i xe w-a-0-si. 1-DETRANS-tell-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-INP Ί want to tell what happened to me.'

(392)

T-mokud0i xati komo mak REFPOS-come-NOMZR DESID + NOMZR COLL only 0-moh-cow-pe 3-come-COLL-3IMP 'Let only those come who want to come.'

For the derivation of nouns from adverbs and postpositions, see sects. 23.4.3 and 23.4.4.

16 Pronouns 16.1 Free pronoun forms. There is variation in pronouns to indicate number, and animate and inanimate categories.

Wai Wai 97

FREE FORM PERSONAL PRONOUNS

Person

ANIMATE Non-collective Collective

1 1+2 1+3 2

owi kiiwi amna amoro

INANIMATE

Mwyam amyamro ANAPHORIC PRONOUNS

3

noro

nexamro

ero

DEICTIC PRONOUNS 3 remote 3 not far 3 near

miki/mikro

mikyam

moso

moxam

mini moro on, tan

The upper first four rows of personal pronouns listed above are not so common in Wai Wai as they are in English, since in Wai Wai personal prefixes are very common. The free form pronouns are most often used when the person spoken to or about is considered special or distinctive from others of a group. (393)

To-hra m-0-a-y amoro? go-NEG 2s-be-SF-UNP 2PRO 'Are you not going to go?' (There were others who were going.)

(394)

Ow xa wi-tw-e-si. 1PRO DEF IS-shoot-SF-MP Ί am the one who will shoot him.' (Others had tried to shoot the bird and had missed.)

The 1-1-2 pronoun has a non-collective form kuwi and a collective form kswyam. The non-collective form indicates that only the speaker and hearer are involved in an action (395). The collective form indicates that there is more than one hearer (397). The noncollective form may also function as an indefinite pronoun meaning, 'people in general,' which, of course, would involve the speaker and the hearer(s) (396). (395)

Kiiw mak kayka. 1+2PRO only let's:go 'Let's go, just you and I.'

98 Hawkins

(396)

Awom-ra t-0-a-si kiiw ka-yi ro rise.up-NEG 1 + 2S-be-SF-INP 1 + 2PRO high-from very k-epirka-che. 1+2-fall-after Ά person does not rise again after falling from very high.'

(397)

Ahce poko tH0i-a-tu kiwyam what occupied:with 1 + 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL 1+2PRO + COLL tan-to-no komo? here-at-NOMZR COLL 'What shall all we who live here do?'

The pronoun amna indicates that the speaker and one or more persons other than the hearer are involved in an action. This pronoun has no collective form. It may occur with a transitive verb having a collective suffix, but only when amna functions as the object and the subject is collective. Possibly the component of collectivity is ruled out from use with this pronoun because the hearer is excluded by definition. As the subject of finite verbs this pronoun most commonly occurs before the verb (398) but may occur after it also (399). As indicator of the possessor of an object it always occurs before the possessed noun (400). (398)

Pahxaxa amna 0-c-e-si. tomorrow 1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP Tomorrow we (excluding addressee) will go.'

(399)

Kafpe-ra n-0-a-s amna. strong-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP 1+3PRO 'We (excluding addressee) are weak.'

(400)

Amna krapa-n tan. 1 + 3PRO + POSR bow-POSN 3PRO 'This is our (exclusive of addressee) bow.'

The pronouns noro and ero refer back to a previously identified person or thing, usually to one identified in a previous sentence (401, 402). They are usually non-deictic (401, 402), but when the speaker is pointing out something very excitedly he may use these pronouns (403). But even in such usage it is likely that the speaker is referring to a person or animal which is very much in the mind of both speaker and hearer because of earlier emphatic reference. These two pronouns are very common in Wai Wai.

Wai Wai 99

(401)

Noro y-eh-topo-nho rma w-ekatim-ya-s aw-ya 3PRO GEN-be-NOMZR + CIRC -PAST REF IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to Ί will tell his story to you (about a previously introduced person).'

(402)

Ero wara w-eexi. that like IS-be "That's how I was (that's what happened to me).'

(403)

Noro miya. 3PRO to.there 'There he goes (game to shoot)!'

The pronouns of the deictic list are also used as the subject or predicate of equative clauses. In most such clauses the predicate occurs before the subject, which is a pronoun (see sect. 2.2 for examples). When the order is reversed and the pronoun is the predicate of the equative clause, it has an emphatic deictic value (404-^05). (404)

Mkro χίρΜ. 3PRO + far howler.monkey 'There is a howler monkey!'

(405)

Moso koso. 3PRO + near deer 'Here is a deer!'

When the deictic pronouns are used as the subject of equative clauses, they also indicate that a distinction is made between one near the speaker and one near the listener or far from both. But the main idea of such clauses is emphatic description of the subject. (406)

Paapa y-ayi-ne mik a-pi-ci? brazilnut.bread GEN-bake-AG 3PRO + far 2POSR-wife-POSN 'Can your wife bake brazil nut bread?' (Subject near hearer).

(407)

Ka-ne ro moso. do-AG many.times 3PRO + near 'She is a pro at doing it.' (Subject near speaker).

There is an increasing mixing of the 2 near deictic pronouns moso and orii. Moso is used quite often by some speakers for both animate and inanimate. But the norm still seems to be the distinction given in the table above. Oni and tan have the same meaning and in some cases may be used interchangeably. Oni is used more for tangible objects, and tan, besides being used for such

100 Hawkins

objects, is also used in the introduction of discourses to refer to the subject of the discourse (409). Occasionally in formal speech both of them are used together (410). Tan, besides being a pronoun, is also a locative adverbial meaning 'here.' (408)

On ha a-nah-ri. 3PRO IRES 2POSR-food-POSN "This is your food.'

(409)

Amna 0-to-topo-nho tan w-ekatim-ya-si a-wya. 1 + 3PRO 3-go-NOMZR-PAST this IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to Ί will tell this to you, the story of our trip.'

(410)

Noro n-mewre-tho tan on. 3PRO NOMZR-write-PAST 3PRO 3PRO "This is what he wrote.'

More study is needed on the difference between mini and moro. It is possible that the former is used more often for objects (411) and the latter more often for concepts (412). (411)

Mini re a-kuywa-n. 3PRO FRUS 2POSR-hammock-POSN "That is your hammock.' (Frustration because the boy was in the wrong hammock.)

(412)

Kayaritomo wMhyaka-cho moro a-mtapo-ta-cho-nhM. chief slander-NOMZR 3PRO 2POSR-talk-VSF-NOMZR-PAST 'You slandered the chief by what you said.'

16.2 There are three question words which function like pronouns and thus may be considered to be pronouns. They are onoke 'who?', ahce 'what?', and ati 'which?' Question words usually occur as the first word of the sentence or clause of which they are a part. They also occur as a complete response expression. They occur as the predicate of equative clauses (413), as the object of postposition phrases (417), as the object of transitive verbs (414), and as the subject of transitive verbs (415) and intransitive verbs (416). (413)

Onok mikro? who 3PRO 'Who is that?'

(414)

Ati m-aaf-a? which 2S-carry-SF + UNP 'Which one will you carry?'

Wai Wai 101

(415)

Onoke n-aaf-a on? who 3S-carry-SF + UNP this 'Who will cany this?'

(416)

Onok 0-mok-o? who 3S-come-TP 'Who came?'

(417)

Ahce poko what busy .with 2S-be-SF + UNP 'What are you doing?'

16.3 There are also pronoun phrases which function as indefinite pronouns. There are two types of these phrases. These are illustrated below and each such phrase is bracketed. The first type includes a question word and the particle na 'POTENTIAL' plus at times the particle so 'COLL' and/or a postposition. The meanings of these phrases are 'anyone/whoever,' 'anything/whatever,' or 'anywhere/wherever,' and at least one of these constructions contains a negative word which results in the meaning 'nothing' (422). Such an indefinite phrase can also indicate uncertainty or lack of knowledge (418), (419), and (423). I bracket these phrases to show that the separate words do not have separate meanings. (418)

[Onok na] 0-mok-o, yi-htinopi-ra w-0-a-si. whoever 3S-come-TP 3-know-NEG IS-be-SF-INP 'Whoever came, I don't know it.'

(419)

[Ahce na] n-eeki. whatever 3 S -bring -I- TP 'Whatever did he bring?'

(420)

[Ahto so na] aw-exi-taw erasi-r es-ko. wherever 2 -be -when fear-NEG be-2IMP 'Wherever you may be, don't be afraid.'

(421)

[Ahce na poko] aw-exi-taw twer es-ko. Whatever occupied with 2-be-if/when careful be-2IMP 'Whatever you do, be careful.'

(422)

[Ahce wa so na] exi-hra w-0-a-s. anything be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP 'Nothing special is happening to me.'

102 Hawkins

(423)

[Ahce ke na] w-atp-e. with.whatever 1 S-pierce-SF + UNP Ί don't know with what I can pierce it.'

The other type of pronoun phrase which functions as an indefinite pronoun consists of either of the third person deictic pronouns which indicate a position removed from the speaker, plus the RHYTHM CARRIER ha, plus the particle k(i) EXACT MEASUREMENT (which I join as one word to avoid having a separate word of one letter). The meanings are 'all sorts of things' or 'anybody.' (424)

[Min hak] mak n-eeki. all sorts.of.things just 3S-bring4-TP 'He brought all sorts of things.'

(425)

[Mik hak] ya kas-ko. anybody to say-2IMP 'Say it to anybody.'

The suffix -no also indicates unspecified personal doers or receivers of action.. It is discussed in sect. 15.4(x). The suffix -nano indicates the unspecified possessor of a few nouns. It is discussed in sect. 23.4.5.1(xii). 16.4 Honorific. There are no gender or class distinctions indicated by Wai Wai pronouns. There is one relationship distinction practised by some of the older people, that is, men address their male relatives by marriage using the collective forms even when they are speaking to one person. It is, apparently, an honorific device bom of fear that the man's in-laws might take away his wife if he didn't treat them in this special way. (426)

Ahcemaw mi-moh-cow amyamro? when 2S-come-COLL + TP 2PRO + COLL 'When did you come?' (one person)

16.5 Pronominal prefixes. Subject, object and possessor prefixes are described in sects. 23.3.2; 23.3.3; and 23.4.5.1.

17 Adpositional phrase structure Only postpositions occur in Wai Wai. There are no prepositions. A postpositional phrase consists of either a noun phrase followed by a postposition or of a postposition with a pronominal prefix. The postposition phrase may also include one or more particles. Such particles mostly occur following the postposition. Only the particles

Wai Wai 103

komo 'collective' and ro 'permanently/much' occur between the free form noun and its postposition. 17.1 Space-indicating postpositions

'at, on' 'in, with' 'in' (liquid) 'among' 'by, at' 'above'

Static Place Motion To

Motion From

Motion By/Through

po yaw/hyaw kwaw chew to epoy

poy yay/hyay kway chey nixa/enexa —

pori yari/hyari — cheri — epori

pona yaka/hyaka kwaka cheka na epona

There are simple postpositions and those receiving suffixes to indicate static time or place or motion to, from, or by a place. The second set in the table above (yaw/hyaw 'in, with') has alternating stems. The first stems occur when there is a free form object, and the second stems occur when there is a personal prefix. Most of the forms listed here take any of the possessor prefixes, but the third set kwaw, 'in a liquid' only occurs with the third person non-reflexive prefixes. Dashes indicate we have no record of a postposition indicating that meaning. (427)

Marari po wasi. Marari pona kiwcesi. Marari poy kmoko. Marari pori kiwcesi. Anarf kaamo po kiwcesi.

Ί Ί Ί Ί Ί

am in the field.' am going to the field.' came from the field.' will go through the field.' will go on another day.'

In the following set (428) the postposition yaw has an idiomatic meaning when the free form noun or pronoun or when the prefix refers to a person. It means that the one person is living with the other person. (428)

Kanawa yaw nay. Kanawa yaka esenkaki. Kanawa yay nihto. Taam yaw kenmayasi. Ahyaka kmokyas amne. Yihyay mohxapu ow. Ahyari kmokyasi.

'He is in the canoe.' 'Get into the canoe.' 'He got out of the canoe.' Ί am living with my uncle.' Ί will come to your house later.' Ί have come from his house.' Ί will come by your house (on my way).'

(429)

Tuuna kwaw nas oponon. 'My clothes are in the water.' Yukwaka wafma. Ί threw it into the water.' Kati kwaka cirko. 'Put it in the oil.'

104 Hawkins

(430)

Wapishana Wapishana Wapishana Wapishana

chew nay. cheka kiwcesi. chey kmoko. cheri kiwcesi.

'He is among the Wapishana people.' Ί am going to the Wapishana people.' Ί came from the Wapishana people.' Ί will go through Wapishana country/people.'

The to set has several variations with complete stem changes. The form to 'by, at' does not take personal prefixes. It does take the prefix ii- which serves to refer to the place where a second or a third person is (iito 'in that place where you are or he/it is.') The stem-changed form na 'to' takes the first person prefix oo- (pona 'to where I am'), as well as the prefix ii- (Una 'to where you are or he/it is'). Neither of these postpositions takes the second person prefix or the 1+2 person prefix. Also they are never preceded by the 1 + 3 pronoun amna. The forms indicating motion from a place take no prefix. Rather the stem changes to nixa when it occurs with a free form noun object. The stem also changes to enexa when it occurs with no free form object. It means 'from that same place,' and I consider this an adverb (sect. 20). (431)

(432)

Weewe yeh to nay. Iito men nay toopu. Etafmano ritoponho na kayka. lina kmokyas awenso. Oona amok ha amne. Enexa mimoko? Ero wa nas esama yaw ewto nixa ro.

'It is by the tree trunk.' 'Be careful, a rock is there (in the place I described).' 'Let's go to the place where the wrestling match took place.' Ί will come there to see you.' 'Come here later.' 'Did you come from there?' 'That's how it is in the path all the way from the village.'

Awepoy nasi. Epona nhe arniaki. Miimo yepori wafma.

'It is above you.' 'Shoot more above it.' Ί threw it over the house.'

There are other postpositions which relate to place and space but which do not take motion-indicating suffixes. (433)

akro 'with'

Kiwcesi Ewka yakro. Ί am going with Elka.' Awakro kmokyas. Ί will come with you.'

(434)

ka

Tuuna ka kmoko. Aaka kmoko.

Ί came to get water.' Ί came to get you.'

(435)

wece 'toward, to get'

Noro wece enko. Owece nafma. Awece kmoko.

'Look toward him.' 'He threw it in my direction.' Ί came to get you.'

'to get'

Wai Wai 105

17.2 Non-space/time indicating postpositions. There are also words that function as postpositions which indicate nothing of position in space or time at all. All of the following postpositions may occur with the negative suffix -hra except (446) ya/ -wya. They all may occur with nominalizing suffixes also, these are quite irregular.

(436)

xe Tuuna xe was owokru. Aaxe wasi.

'wanting/loving' (see sect. 18.3.6) Ί want some water to drink.' Ί want (love) you.'

(437)

me

(nominalized form is men (v) below)

adverbializer

This form I usually write as a separate word because it occurs with prefixes (ii) & (iii) and suffixes (iv) & (v). Where it is used very commonly with certain words I have been in the habit of writing it as a suffix to those words (vi). (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)

Wai Wai me wasi. Oome mihtmopu? lime tan nay? Oomera nas owetho. Opici men mikro. Anarme nasi.

Ί have become a Wai Wai.' 'Did you know it was I?' 'Is it finished as it should be?' 'My stomach doesn't feel right.' 'She is my wife-to-be.' 'It is different.' (anari Other' + me)

(438)

wa/wara Kamara wara kesi kopi. Oowara may.

'like' 'It roars like a jaguar!' 'You are like me.'

(439)

ke 'with, by means of The negativized form of this postposition uses the postposition (440) below as its stem but retains the meaning of (439). Waywi ke witwo. Ί shot it with an arrow.' Takronoy nas ooke. 'He has me for a partner.' (He is partnered by me.) Kacoko yawaka kenehra rma. 'Do it without an axe.'

(440)

kene Yirniti kene nasi kica. Masah kene nay iito.

'having lots (of something)' 'It has salt in it (and thus tastes bad).' 'There are mosquitoes in that place.'

(441)

mexe Omin mexe nas okre.

'very desirable' Ί would like this very much for my house.' (The house is very desirable to me.) Ί like her very much.' ( She is very desirable to me.)

Oomexe nasi.

106 Hawkins

(442)

poko

(i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v)

This postposition has a positional meaning 'stuck to' (i), or 'holding on to'(ii). But it also has psychological meanings (iii), (iv), (v).

Mapata poko twoko. Peen poko etahsiko. Apoko keserepokesi. Ciino poko nirwonmo. Opoko mmtapowasi.

'Nail it to the house post.' 'Catch hold of the bushes.' Ί am surprised at you.' 'She got angry at her husband.' 'He is talking about me.'

(443)

This postposition, in addition to the locative meaning in the Table in sect. 17.1, has various other meanings when it co-occurs with certain words: Noro pona weenasi oyepemacho. Ί trust in him to pay me.' Noro pona weenasi. Ί blame him.' Noro pona amoro kasko. 'You do it next after him.'

(444)

ponaro 'mindful of Timxikri ponaro nay.

(445)

(446)

pona

wero 'in sight of Wanawa fie two Ewka wero.

'She is mindful of her child.' 'Ewka saw Wanawa shoot himself (Wanawa shot himself in sight of Ewka.)

ya/-wya 'to, by' The first form ya occurs when there is no prefix (447). Other wise -wya occurs (448). It takes the nominalizing suffix -n to indicate possession (449). It also occurs with the suffix -ro to indicate 'through' (450). Without a suffix it is also used as the subject indicator of an ergative construction, with the meaning 'by' (451).

(447)

Opici ya wrm.

Ί gave it to my wife.'

(448)

Ero wa wiikekne yiwya.

"That's what I said to him.'

(449)

Awyan tan ha.

'This is yours.'

(450)

Metata yaro newom.

'He entered through the door.'

(451)

Yawaka xe wasi marari yamacho owya.

Ί want an axe with which I can cut a field (with which a field may be cut by me).'

Wai Wai 107

17.3 Postpositions formed from nouns. There are suffixes added to noun stems to derive postpositions and to give a more specific indication of place. Most of the noun stems indicate parts of the body. For some of the stems no noun is known (456), but they have the form of postpositions formed from nouns. Thus I assume that in years past there were nouns that are no longer used, while the postpositions formed from them are still used. See sect. 23.6.1.1 for fuller details of the morphology. (452)

Kanawa mapi-ta-w erema-ki. canoe end-LOC-in sit-2FMP 'Sit in the end of the canoe.' cf. 0-mapi-ri 'his seat' (of his body)

(453)

Kaapu y-ereta-w tak n^0i-a-si kaamo. sky GEN-center-in now 3S-be-SF-INP sun 'The sun is in the middle of the sky.' cf. oy-ereta-ιΐ 'the upper part of my abdomen'

(454)

Υί-ropota-yi-no-nhM mikro. 3-abdomen/womb-from-NOMZR-PAST 3PRO 'He came from her womb (her child).' cf. o-ropota-rf 'my abdomen'

(455)

A-mka-y en-ko. cf. o-mka-ii 'my back' 2-upper.back-from see-2IMP 'Look behind you.' Kawaru mka-w k-mok-o. horse upper, back-on IS -come -TP Ί came on horseback.'

(456)

Murno maka-taka w-iiii. house (unknown stem)-to IS-put + TP Ί put it under the house.'

(457)

Mapata kanah-taka rma n-iirf. house.post head-onto exactly 3S-put + TP 'He put it on top of the house post.' cf. kanaswe 'head'

There are a few nouns that take different suffixes to derive postpositions, hi the set below these suffixes are in italics.

108 Hawkins

(458)

A-mit-wo k-enma-ya-sl 2-base-near IS-dawn-SF-INP Ί will live near you (your house).' O-nnt-koso c-ir-ko a-mi-n. 1-base-to.near 3-put-2MP 2POSR-house-POSN 'Build your house near me (my house).'

(459)

ίΐρί meret-wo n^-a-y. mountain horn-at 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He is on top of the mountain.' ίίρί meret-koso amna 0-mok-o. mountain horn-to .near 1 + 3 S 3 S-come-TP 'We came to the top of the mountain.' Mfimo mereti-ra ki-hto. house horn-from IS-come.down + TP Ί came down from the top of the house.'

(460)

Kahxi ret-wo amna n-enori-w. rapids upper.part-at 1 + 3S 3S-sink-TP 'We sank upstream from the rapids.' Ύϊ-Tct-koso nhe ar-ko. 3-upper.part-toward more take-2IMP 'Take it farther upstream.'

(461)

Yi-mka-w akri-ko. 3-upper.back-on.to put.up-2IMP 'Put it up on his back.'

17.4 Other observations about postpositions. There is another irregularly formed postposition meaning 'not knowing' or 'forgetful of.' It occurs as an adverb with the adverbializing prefix but with no suffix (462), and it also occurs as a postposition related to a free form noun or having a pronominal prefix (463). (462)

T-wenekarf w-eexi okwe. ADVZR-not.knowing IS-be + TP alas Ί did not know it alas.'

(463)

O-wenekarf 0-mok-o. 1-not.knowing 3S-come-TP Ί did not know when he came.' (He came without my knowing.)

Wai Wai 109

Postpositions also occur with the same prefix that we label as detransitivizer when it occurs with verbs. For the allomorphs of this prefix see sect. 23.2.5. It cannot, of course, function as detransitivizer with postpositions since they do not refer to actions at all. Its meaning with postpositions is clearly reciprocal. When this prefix occurs it may have a group of people as referent. Yet it never occurs with the collective indicator so. (464)

Eti-xe eh-co-ko. RECIP-love be-COLL-2IMP 'Love each other.'

(465)

Et-po-na enl-hra c-ex-po-re n-0-a-si. RECIPon-to look-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is good not to look to/depend on each other.'

Postposition phrases may also include various particles. I have not made a study of all the possible positions of the particles, but I list a few below. The particles or particle phrases are bracketed. (466)

Tuuna ka [cma re] k-mok-o. water to.get OPP FRUS IS-come-TP Ί came to get water but can't get any.'

(467)

O-hyaw [roro] 0-mok-o. 1-in straight.along 3S-come-TP 'He came straight at me.'

(468)

li-to [rma] n-0-a-s okwe. 3-at still 3S-be-SF-INP alas 'It is still there alas.'

(469)

Kuripara ke [ro mak] okoyi n-etapa. metal piece with extremely snake 3S-hit + TP 'He struck the snake with a metal tool!'

Collectivity of the objects of postpositions is indicated by the particle homo if the object is a free form noun (470). This particle occurs between the noun and the postposition. If the object is a prefix then collectivity is indicated by the particle so, which follows the postposition (471). (470)

Ewka komo yaw n-0-a-xe. man's.name COLL living.with 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL 'They are staying with Ewka and his people.'

110 Hawkins

(471)

Kl-chew so tak n-0-a-si noro. 1+2-among COLL now 3S-be-IS-INP 3PRO 'He is living among us now.'

At least one particle has been observed to occur between a postposition and the collectivizer of its object, that is, the particle roro. (472)

C-eepata-w roro so rma 0-c-e-tkefie. REFPOS-face-in along COLL still 3S-go-SF-UP + COLL "They went straight forward (along in front of their faces).'

18 Verb and verb phrase structure 18.1 Tense, number and emotional involvement. Tense and number marked on verbs are necessarily presented together as each suffix indicates both tense and number. Also, tense and emotional involvement of the speaker are closely related in Wai Wai. They are marked by suffixes. These suffixes are not affected by which personal prefix occurs with the verb. I here present these two categories together, as well as the component of number, which is marked by suffixes or by a particle. The complete paradigm sets for number are listed in sect. 18.4.2. 18.1.1 Past tenses 18.1.1.1 Today past tense. The today past tense is used for any action that has occurred on the day the speaker is speaking. It is quite rigid in its use. It does not depend on the attitude of the speaker. (i) Non-collective: -#/-o/-w/-u (473)

M-aama-0? 2S-cut.down-TP + NCOLL 'Did you cut it down?'

(474)

Oroto mak k-mok-o. now just lS-come-TP +NCOLL Ί came just now.'

(475)

Kumixi fti-mi-u. sack 3S-tie-TP +NCOLL Ί tied the sack.'

Wai Wai 111

(476)

K-emahci-w IS-run-TP+NCOLL Ί ran.'

(ii) Collective: Subject -cow; Object -cow followed by particle so. (477)

Maraii n-ama-tika-cow? field 3S-cut.down-fmish-TP + COLL 'Did they finish cutting the field?'

(478)

M-ama-cow? 2S-cut.down-TP + COLL 'Did you all cut it down?'

(479)

K-en-cow so yuruma. l+2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck 'The duck saw us.'

Involved/uninvolved aspect of tense. The form of the other tenses, both past and non-past, depends on the attitude of the speaker, that is, how emotionally involved he is with what he is saying. Thus we label two categories, involved aspect and uninvolved aspect. We give examples of them here along with the tenses associated with them. The involved and uninvolved past tenses refer to any time in the past prior to the day of the utterance. 18.1.1.2 Involved past tense (i) Non-collective: -ye/-y/-e (480)

Mararf w-ama-ye. field 1 S-cut.down-IP + NCOLL Ί cut a field.'

(481)

Okoyi n-etapa-y. snake 3 S-strike-EP + NCOLL 'He struck the snake.'

(482)

Tuuna mak w-eer-e. water just IS -drink-IP + NCOLL Ί just drank water.'

112 Hawkins

(ii) Collective: Subject -ce; Object -ce followed by particle so (483)

Kokonoro 0-moh-ce. yesterday 3S-come-IP + COLL "They came yesterday.'

(484)

Kifwanhe aw-a-ce so ha-m. well 20-take-IP + COLL COLL RHY-DEDUCT 'They took you (COLL) well (in a good manner).'

18.1.1.3 Uninvolved past tense. There is a stem formative suffix which has four allomorphs, -e/-ya/-wa/-a, and occurs in the uninvolved past tense, the uninvolved and the involved non-past tenses, and in the adverbialized verb form indicating conditional or contemporaneous action. For a further description of the alternation of these allomorphs see sect. 23.2.1. The allomorphs -wa and -a have the meaning of verbalization of nouns that results in verb stem formation. There are other suffixes which have the same two meanings of verbalization of nouns plus verb stem formation. (See sect. 18.2 (iv).) To distinguish between these two sets of allomorphs I label the first set (-e/-ya) stem formative (SF). The other set of allomorphs (-wa/-a) I label verbalizing stem formative (VSF). The variation in tense and number is indicated by other suffixes. (i) Non-collective: -kne (485)

Exi-hra 0-x-a-kne t-wo-so-m. be-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP + NCOLL ADVZR-shoot-ADVZR-NOMZR 'There was no game to shoot.' (Said about a hunting trip the previous day.)

(486)

Pahxa o-marari-n w-am-e-kne. long.ago IPOSR-field-POSN IS-cut.down-SF-UP + NCOLL Ί cut my field long ago.'

(ii) Collective: -tkene (487)

Caruma pen komo 0-wayih-tik-e -tkene okwe. Tamma deceased COLL 3S-die-finish-SF-UP + COLL alas "The Taruma people all died out alas.'

18.1.2 Nonpast tenses. In Wai Wai, action performed in the present is marked exactly the same way as action that is to be performed in the future. There is no difference in the verb. Therefore, I label these forms as one tense and call them nonpast tense (after Derbyshire 1985:96, who labels these forms as such for the Hixkaryana language, which is related to Wai Wai.) Future action is often distin-

Wai Wai 113

guished from present action by future time words, such as amne 'later/ Both the involved non-past suffixes and the uninvolved non-past suffixes always follow one of the allomorphs of the verb stem formative suffix mentioned above. 18.1.2.1 Involved nonpast tense. This tense is normally used in expressions of nonpast action that the speaker has feelings about. For expressing wishes, or anger, or definite purpose, or for any of his feelings about nonpast action in which he is emotionally involved, this tense is used. (i) Non-collective: -si (488)

Yart k-mok-ya-s amne. in.your.direction IS-come-SF-INP + NCOLL later Ί will come your way later.'

(489)

O-mi-n w-iif-a-si. IPOSR-house-POSN 1 S-put/make-SF-INP + NCOLL Ί am building my house.'

(ii) Collective: -xe (490)

M-epirk-e-xe men okwe. 2S-fall-SF-INP + COLL MON alas 'You all are liable to fall.'

18.1.2.2 Uninvolved nonpast tense. The uninvolved nonpast tense is always used for questions in present/future time, and in phrases containing the particles indicating speaker's attitude: ti, mi or na (see sect. 21.3). It is also commonly used when speaking of distant places or persons. The suffixes indicating this tense always occur following the stem formative suffix and carry the components of uninvolved nonpast tense and number. (i) Non-collective: -y/-0This tense indicator is -j^with every verb except the copula, in which case it is -y. (491)

Meye n-0-a-y aw-oku-thM. far.away 3S-be-SF-UNP +NCOLL 2POSR-animal-PAST 'Your animal is far away.'

(492)

li-na mu-c-e^0? 3-to 2S-go-SF-UNP +NCOLL 'Are you going there?'

114 Hawkins

(493)

Tuuna na 0-mok-ya-0. rain maybe 3S-come-SF-UNP+NCOLL 'It may rain.'

(ii) Collective: -tu (494)

Ahto n-0-a-tu pawana komo? where 3S-be-SF-UNP + COLL visitor COLL 'Where are the visitors?'

(495)

Pahxaxa tt 0-mok-ya-tu. tomorrow 3RES 3S-come-SF-UNP + COLL "They say they will come tomorrow.'

18.2 Aspect (i) The present perfect aspect of verbs indicates that an action occurred in the past with effects that have endured. This aspect is indicated by the suffix -xapu. This suffix nominalizes the verb stem. The resulting form is a non-possessed nominalization which does not have a personal prefix. With transitive verb stems it is the underlying receiver of the action that is the focus of the nominalization (496), and with intransitive stems the underlying doer of the action is in focus (497). Thus it is another construction that reflects the ergative characteristic of Wai Wai nominalizations. This nominalized form often modifies the subject or object of the verb, as in example (496). See sect. 5.4 for further discussion and examples of this suffix. (496)

ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka i-yoh-to-xapu. 3S-bite-SF-INP now axe GENL-tooth-VBZR-PERF 'The axe that has been sharpened now cuts well/

(497)

Emaraka-xapu mak ameh-co-ko. drop-PERF only pick.up-COLL-IMP 'Just pick up that which has dropped.'

(ii) The past perfect aspect of verbs indicates that the action occurred in the past with effects that continued for a while but then ceased. This aspect is indicated by the same suffix -xapu plus the suffix -nhM. See sect. 23.4.5. l(xi) for -nhiri 'PAST'. (498)

Eyeh-xapu-nhM cma re moso tu-smu-y bathe-PERF-PAST OPP FRUS 3PRO ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR

Wai Wai 115

n-0-a-s hara kica. 3S-be-SF-INP again disgust "This one who had taken a bath is dirty again (disgust).' (iii) Continuous, habitual, or repeated action is usually expressed by a finite verb in the appropriate tense plus the particle roro (499, 500). This meaning is sometimes enhanced by the addition of the adverb emapona before the particle roro (499). Certain nominalized verb forms indicate a similar aspect when followed by the particle ro (501). See sect. 21.1 for these particles. (499)

Emapona roro noro n-amoto-ya-si okwe. often repeatedly he 3S-sick-SF-INP alas 'He gets sick over and over again.'

(500)

0-Mok-ya-si roro moso 3S-come-SF-INP repeatedly 3PRO ti-nah-ii y-apon-so. REFPOS-food-POSN GEN-ask.for-PM "This one comes repeatedly to ask for food.'

(501)

Wooku c-ii-ne ro moso. drink 3-make-AG often 3PRO. 'This one is a pro at making drinks (does it often).'

(iv) Ingressive action is indicated by the suffixes -\va, -ta, -mam, -pam, which are described in sect.s 23.2.1 and 23.2.2 as verb stem formative suffixes which derive verbs from nouns. The resulting forms are intransitive verbs. One or the other of these suffixes remains in place throughout all tenses and derivations. The meaning is 'to become an owner of,' 'to become a producer of or 'to experience any change in circumstances.' The particle taki 'change of state' sometimes accompanies such verbs and adds to the idea of ingression or change of state (502). (502)

N-ew-ta tak xapari xik-ii. 3S-eyes-VSF + INGR + TP CHANGE dog child-POSN "The puppy's eyes are now open (he got eyes).'

(503)

Cewne ro mak ku-sunti-n-wa-si ii-to. one time only IS-sunday/week-POSN-VSF + INGR-INP 3-at Ί will spend just one week there.'

116 Hawkins

(504)

Pof-mam-ye xapari xik-rf. large-VSF-IP dog child-POSN "The pup grew large.'

(505)

Cerere-pam-ya-kne tak katayari. brittle-VSF-SF-UP CHANGE leaves "The leaves became brittle.'

(v) The verb stem -tihka may mean 'finish,' 'increasingly' or 'very much.' It occurs alone as a transitive verb (506) or it may be compounded with another verb stem (507). The compounded verb is either transitive (507) or intransitive (508), according to the transitiveness or intransitiveness of the verb stem to which -tihka is added. (506)

Ni-tihka-cow tak? Nhnk, ni-tihka-cow. 3S-fmish-TP + COLL CHANGE yes 3S-fmish-TP + COLL 'Did they finish it?' 'Yes, they finished it.'

(507)

Maraii n-ama-tika-cow. field 3S-cut.down-finish-TP + COLL "They finished cutting down (trees) in the field.'

(508)

Ni-mtapo-c-e-tik-e-si rikomo. 3S-talk-VSF-SF-completely-SF-INP child 'The child talks on and on (very much).'

Note: The c ' VSF' in (508) is what remains of the suffix -ta after the a is replaced by the stem formative suffix -e, the lit being replaced by Id according to the palatalization rule (sect. 22.6.3). (509)

Umawa m-etapa-tika-cow? fish.poison 2S-beat-finish-TP + COLL 'Did you all finish beating the fish poison?'

(vi) Cessation of action. The suffix indicating cessation of action is -hka/-ponka/-hoka/-mnoka. This suffix occurs with only a few intransitive stems, but with a larger number of transitive stems. The resulting forms remain unchanged as to their transitiveness or intransitiveness. The allomorph -mnoka occurs only with the nominalized form of the postposition xe (513). (510)

0-moku-hka-y tak kanawa okwe. 3S-come-CESS-IP change airplane alas "The airplane stopped coming alas.'

Wai Wai 117

(511)

K-ex-ponk-e-si tak okwe. IS-be-CESS-SF-INP CHANGE alas Ί will die (cease to exist) alas.'

(512)

Xapari yi-m-hoka-kl dog 3-tie-CESS-2IMP 'Untie the dog (make him cease to be tied).'

(513)

T-poyino komo xati-mnoka-fie mikro. REFPOS-fellow COLL love + NOMZR-CESS-AG 3PRO 'He is one who stops loving his fellow tribesmen.'

(vii) Loss. The suffix -ka occurs with nouns to derive verb stems, and it indicates the loss of an inner state (514), loss of an item (515), or loss of a food (516) or animal (517). It may be more exact to say that it indicates cessation of possession of the item. The resulting forms are transitive verbs and thus in the active voice imply that the loss had an outside cause. The same suffix often occurs in the reflexive/passive type of construction, that is, with the detransitivizing prefix (516, 517). It is used where the cause is unknown or where one is speaking carefully to avoid blaming someone. (514)

Ow m-ahwo-k-e-si. 1PRO 2S-joy-LOSS-SF-INP 'You are making me sad (taking away my joy).'

(515)

O-ehyu-n-ka-cow okwe. 10-transportation-POSN-LOSS-TP + COLL alas "They took away my means of transportation alas.'

(516)

Amna n-eti-na-k-e-s okwe. 1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-food-LOSS-SF-INP alas 'We are getting to be without food alas.'

(517)

K-et-oh-ka. 1 S-DETRANS-animal-LOSS + TP Ί lost my pet.'

18.3 Modality. Certain types of modality relating to emotional involvement are closely linked with tense and are dealt with in sect. 18.1. Interrogative and imperative modes are described in sects. 10 and 11. Other modes are now described.

118 Hawkins

18.3.1 Conditional expressions (i) Single conditions. There are two suffixes added to verb stems which are used in conditional expressions: -taw 'while' or 'if,' and -ehe 'after' or 'if. The resulting forms are adverbials. See sect. 14.2 for description of these forms and further examples. Verb stems with these suffixes are very common. (518)

A-mtapo-wa-taw noro y-akro ow ekatim-ko yi-wya. 2-talk-VSF-if 3PRO GEN-with 1PRO tell-2IMP 3-to 'If you talk to him tell him about me.'

(519)

Tan oy-exi-taw oy-epefa-n w-ehce-m-e-si. here 1-be-while IPOSR-sore-POSN IS -medicine -VBZR-SF-INP 'While I am here I will put medicine on my sore.'

(520)

Kaamo y-awom-che fihe a-mo-k ha. sun GEN-rise-after somewhat 2S-come-2IMP IRES 'Come after the sun rises somewhat.'

(ii) Multiple conditions for any result are expressed differently from a single condition. They do not occur with all the conditions having the suffix -taw 'if, but with the stem formative suffix in a finite verb form for each condition. This finite verb is in the uninvolved nonpast mode, and usually co-occurs with the particle na 'UNCER.' A summary of the conditions is then given using the copula with -taw once only in the protasis, which is then followed by the apodosis. (521)

Kaf-pe na nuti-a-tu, karita strong-ADVZR UNCER 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL book y-eni-ne me marha na m-0-a-tu, GEN-see-AG ADVZR also UNCER 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL a-marari-n komo pinin yaw-ra na 2POSR-field-POSN COLL deep.feeling in-NEG UNCER m-#-a-tu, ero wa aw-exi-taw so 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL that like 2-be-if COLL a-moh-co-ko tooto che-ka. 2IMP-come-COLL-2IMP people among-to 'You may be strong, maybe you can read books, maybe you are not too sad to leave your field, if you are that way, come to the other people.'

Wai Wai 119

18.3.2 Contrary-to-fact expressions. These expressions are also subordinate clauses based on the adverbial phrases of verb stem plus suffix -taw 'if There are usually two verb stems with this suffix in each such expression. The first verb stem may be that of any verb, the second verb stem is always a form of ka/kas 'say/do.' This in turn is obligatorily followed by the particle sequence ha re, or re alone. If the apodosis refers to a possible present or future action the verb is in the involved non-past tense (522). If the apodosis refers to the past the nominalized verb forms are used (523). The collective suffix, if applicable, is -ce preceding the possession suffix (523). (522)

Oy-uhre exi-taw k-e-taw re IPOSR-shooting.instrument be-if say/do-SF-if FRUS wi-tw-e-si. IS-shoot-SF-INP 'If I had my gun I would shoot it.'

(523)

li-to aw-exi-taw so k-e-taw ha re 3-at 2-be-if COLL say-SF-if RHY FRUS aw-etapa-ce-ri oko. 2-hit-COLL-NOMZR + CONTRAF pain 'If you all had been there, it would have struck you.'

18.3.3 Debitive mode. This mode is expressed by verbs with the affix set tf-. .. -po-re, which is described in sect. 11.5. 18.3.4 Potential mode. This mode is expressed by the uninvolved non-past tense. The component of potentiality may be heightened by the addition of the particle na 'UNCER'. The brackets mark off an idiomatic phrase. (524)

To-hra w^0i-a-si, caaca wayh-ya. go-NEG IS-be-SF-MP granny die-SF + UNP Ί will not go, granny might die.'

(525)

[Apo ha na], kanawa na mok-ya. who.knows airplane UNCER come-SF -(- ΓΝΡ Ί don't know, the airplane might come.'

18.3.5 Potentially opposite mode. Expressions of this mode occur only in the past tenses. The meaning is that something bad might have happened but did not happen because of something protective that occurred. The particle cma ΌΡΡ' not followed by another particle, indicates this mode when the verb is in one of the past tenses.

120 Hawkins

(526)

Sakmo cma n-ahsi. soap OPP 3S-catch + TP 'It was good that he caught the soap.' (It was very slippery; he might not have caught it.)

18.3.6 Desiderative mode. One way of expressing this mode is with the particle cma "WISH, OPPOSITE POSSIBILITY', which is fully described in sect. 21.3 (xv). A second way this mode is expressed is by using a nominalized verb plus the postposition xe 'wanting' (sect. 17.2), followed by the copula (527). The verb is nominalized by a zero suffix. This nominalized verb and postposition constitute a postposition phrase, which is functionally equivalent to a subordinate clause. Cma + re may occur with the subordinate desiderative clause to augment its force (528). (527)

Ow-to-0 xe w^0-a-s anim-so. IPOSR-go-NOMZR want IS-be-SF-INP to.fish-PM Ί want to go fishing.'

(528)

O-moku-0 xe cma re w-0-a-s aw-akro. IPOSR-come-NOMZR want OPP FRUS IS-be-SF-INP 2-with Ί would like to come with you.'

18.3.7 Monitory mode. This mode issues a warning or notice of an important matter. This is expressed by a verb in either the uninvolved (529) or the involved non-past tense (530) (sect. 18.1), plus the particle men 'MON'. This same particle can also occur with verbs in the imperative mode (531). (529)

li-to men n-0-a-y toopu eepu raka-taw. 3-at MON 3S-be-SF-UNP rocks river middle-in 'Be careful, there are rocks in the middle of the river.'

(530)

Tan men Wr0-a-s kokmam-so ro. here MON IS-be-SF-INP sunset-ADVZR until Ί will surely be here until sunset.'

(531)

li-to men ow momoh-ko. 3-at MON 1PRO wait.for-2IMP 'Be sure to wait for me there.'

18.4 Person, number, gender. Gender is not marked in verbs or in pronouns. 18.4.1 Person. The persons of the subject and the direct object are marked in the verb prefix. Each object prefix is a composite form that marks both third person subject and first or second person object, or first person subject and second person object. Collective number is marked by the verb suffix for the subject and by both

Wai Wai 121

the verb suffix and following particle so for the direct object. The 1 + 3 subject has two markers: the 1 + 3 person free pronoun amna, and the third person subject prefix to the verb. The 1 + 3 object is marked by the pronoun amna only. There is never a collective indicator for the 1 + 3 person. The paradigm of the person-marking subject prefixes in the finite verb is shown in sect. 23.3.2, and that of object prefixes in sect. 23.3.3. 18.4.2 Number 18.4.2.1 Collective and non-collective suffixes. These suffixes also indicate tense and occur with verbs only. The suffixes listed here have been presented with examples in sect. 18.1; here I present them together in 3 lists. LIST 1 NON-COLLECTIVE Involved nonpast tense -si Uninvolved nonpast tense -0/-y Today past tense -0/-w/-o Involved past tense -ye/-y/-e Uninvolved past tense -kne

COLLECTIVE -xe -tu -cow -ce -tkene

The collective suffixes of List 1 always refer to the person of the subject when they occur as the only marker of collective number. When the person of the object is collective, the same set of suffixes occurs, with the addition of the particle so 'COLL'. (See 18.4.2.2 below and sect. 21.1(v)).Verbs with 1 + 2 subjects or objects use the non-collective suffixes if only two people (speaker and hearer) are involved (532, 534), and the collective suffixes if more than two are involved (533, 535). (532)

Ci-mi-ya-si 1 + 2S-tie-SF-INP + NCOLL 'We (you and I) will tie it.'

(533)

Ci-mi-ya-xe 1 + 2S-tie-SF-INP + COLL 'We (all of us) will tie it.'

(534)

K-een-a-s 1 + 2O-see-SF-INP + NCOLL 'He sees us (you and me)!'

(535)

K-een-a-xe so 1 + 2O-see-SF-INP + COLL COLL 'He sees all of us.'

122 Hawkins

Here I list the first and third person imperative and hortative suffixes which indicate person and collectivity or non-collectivity. These suffixes have been presented with examples in sects. 11.1 and 11.2.

1st person imperative 1+2 person imperative 3rd person imperative 1st imperative of going 'Let's go.' (kayka)

LIST 2 NON-COLLECTIVE -si -ri -pe -tan -0

COLLECTIVE -ceri -cowpe -tko

Here I list the second person imperative forms according to collectivity or noncollectivity and according to motion or non-motion. LISTS NON-COLLECTIVE 2nd person imperative -ko/-ki 2nd imperative of going -ta 2nd imperative of coming -tamko

COLLECTIVE -coko -tatko -tamcoko

The suffixes of List 3 co-occur in consonant-initial intransitive verbs with the prefix a-, apparently indicating 2 person subject (536). Imperative of motion suffixes are displayed in (537) and (538). (536) (a) A-wrata-ki. 2S-cry-2IMP 'Cry.' (b) A-wrata-coko 2S-cry-COLL 'You (COLL) cry.' (537) (a) Eh-ta. bring-2IMPMOT + NCOLL 'Go bring it.' (b) Eh-tatko bring-2IMPMOT + COLL 'You all go bring it.' (538) (a) En-tamko see-2IMPMOT + NCOLL 'Come see it.'

Wai Wai 123

(b) En-tamcoko see-2IMPMOT + COLL 'You all come see it.' (539) (a) Kayka en-so. let's.go + NCOLL see-PM 'Let's go see it.' (b) Kayka-tko en-so. let's.go-COLL see-PM 'Let us all go see it.' 18.4.2.2 Collective object particle. Collectivity of the object of transitive verbs is indicated by the particle so immediately following the verb. This is the case for all tenses. (540)

K-en-cow so yuruma. l + 2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck. "The duck saw us.'

(541)

Aw-etap-e-tkene so weewe? 2O-hit-SF-UP + COLL COLL tree 'Did the tree hit you (plural)?'

The collective particle so does not occur with any forms in List 2 (sect. 18.4.2.1). 18.5 Voice. This has been dealt with in sects. 4, 5 and 6 and 23.2.3-5. 18.6 Nonfinite verb forms. The only nonfinite verbal forms are the derived nominals (described in sect. 15.4) and derived adverbials (described in sect. 23.5.1). 18.7 Incorporation. Names of parts of the body are often incorporated into the verb. Many of such compound forms have to do with suffering or some sort of calamity (542, 543, 544). (542)

(543)

K-e-kana-katapa. 1 S-DETRANS-head-hit + TP Ί hit my head.' K-e-hre-xwo. 1 S-DETRANS-lower.leg-break + TP Ί broke my leg.'

124 Hawkins

(544)

Oy-ew-kraxi oko. lO-eye-stick.into + TP ouch 'It stuck into my eye ouch!'

(545)

ft-es-ewan-kari-c-e-si 3S-DETRANS-chest-strong-VBZR-SF-DSTP 'He is getting up his courage (strengthening his chest).'

(546)

Es-ew-y-ahru-ko. DETRANS-eyes-GEN-close-2IMP 'Close your eyes.'

There is one verb stem that can be incorporated into any other verb stem to make a compound verb, that is, the stem -tihka 'to finish doing it,' 'to become complete'. This is treated in sect. 18.2(v). There are a few other cases of compound forms, where the nucleus consists of either two nouns (547), or a noun and a postposition (548). In these cases a verb can be formed by the addition of a verbalizing suffix. (547)

Es-ewna-cu-ka-poro w^-a-si. DETRANS-nose-redness-VBZR + REV-almost 1 S-be-SF-ΓΝΡ 'My nose has almost lost its red color.'

(548)

Amna n-es-enho-yaka-m-e-si. 1 + 3PRO SS-DETRANS-former.position-into-VBZR-SF-INP 'We are taking turns, one after the other.'

18.8 Auxiliary verb system. There are no true auxiliary verb stems in Wai Wai. There is, however, one group of two verb stems in which the second, which is always the copula, seems to function as an auxiliary verb. The first word of such a group is a verb stem plus the negative suffix which derives an adverb (sect. 23.5.1.1 (ii)). The two words are closely related since the copula carries the affixes indicating tense, mode, person and number, which are normally carried by the verb that expresses the action. Also, when the copular form begins with a vowel, as in the imperative mode, the final vowel of the negativized verb is obligatorily elided (550). (549)

To-hra w^0-a-si. go-NEG + ADVZR 1 S-be-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί will not go.'

(550)

To-hr es-ko. go-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't go.'

Wai Wai 125

19 Adjective phrase structure There are no adjectives or adjectival phrases in Wai Wai. Nouns modify nouns. There are, however, two or three pronouns which can modify nouns. (See sect. 15.3.1.)

20 Adverb phrase structure I list a number of the non-derived adverbs here: (551)

emapona pahnoke kaw tuupe cewru yohno yamoro ceypu eftexa mehxa xehxa tayxa mooxe meye osopo piiri pataw cewne asaki osorwaw yaake camki crmiki

'repeatedly' 'near' 'tall, high, long' 'with head bowed down' 'facing (a certain direction)' 'quickly' 'slowly' 'hard' 'from there' (see sect. 17.1) On the other side' On this side' 'this many, this way' 'far away' 'far away' 'doubled thickness' 'upright' 'straight' One' 'two' 'three' 'several' 'ignorant' 'bitter'

Adverbs derived from nouns and verbs are more numerous. A good sampling of these is given in sect. 23.5. 20.1 Adverbs usually modify verbs, or function as the complement of the copula. They may consist of one adverb alone, or they may occur with one or more particles. Very often adverbs occur sentence initially (552, 553, 554).

126 Hawkins

(552)

Ahwo-ra w-0-a.-si. joy-NEG + ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP Ί am not happy. (I am sad.)'

(553)

Ahwo-ra ro mak w^-a-si. joy-NEG + ADVZR very just IS-be-SF-INP Ί am very sad.'

(554)

Ehcopo 0-x-a-kne noro y-apo-ii. unequal 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO GEN-arm-POSN 'His arms were unequal (in length).'

Adverb phrases also modify verbs other than the copula. (555)

Kafpe ahsi-ko. strong/firmly hold-2IMP 'Hold on tight.'

(556)

En-po-ra ar-ko. see-CAUS-NEG take-2IMP 'Take it without showing it.'

Adverbs are often modified by postpositional phrases. (557)

Kaf-pe eh-co-ko aw-et-apicka-cho strong-ADVZR be-COLL-2IMP 2POSR-DETRANS-work-CIRC komo poko. COLL occupied.with 'Do your work with strength.' (Lit.: Be strong in doing your work.)

20.2 Adverbs derived from verbs often occur with a derived adverb to make an adverb phrase. Such adverb phrases constitute subordinate clauses. They occur either before the verb (558) or after it (559). (558)

Kaf-pe oy-exi-taw k-mok-ya-si. strong-ADVZR 1-be-ADVZR + if IS-come-SF-INP 'If I am well I will come.'

(559)

Eseresma-co-ko ka kweykwey ka-cho-me eat-COLL-2IMP now paddle do-NOMZR+CIRC-ADVZR

Wai Wai 127

kaf-pe. strong-ADVZR 'Eat now in order to paddle with strength.' The suffix -aw follows the negative nominalizing suffix -pM to derive an adverbial form. The meaning is that an action occurs prior to another action. Such a form occurs with either a preceding noun or pronoun (560) or a person-marking prefix (561). (560)

Pahxa 0-x-a-kne noro amna long.ago 3S-be-SF-UP he 1 + 3PRO moku-hn-aw. come -NOMZR+NEG -ADVZR+when 'He lived long ago, before we came.'

(561)

Tan 0-x-a-tkene here 3S-be-SF-UP + COLL oy-ewru-n-aw ka. 1 -be.born-NOMZR+NEG-ADVZR+when TEMP 'They lived here before I was born.'

There is one postposition which takes the same form and appears to be in the same class as that described in the previous paragraph. Yet the stem seems not to be that of a verb but that of the noun meaning -ari- 'contents.' It is a little hard to make that meaning fit its use with these affixes. (562)

li-to wi-x-a-kne noro 3-at IS-be-SF-UP 3PRO y-arf-n-aw. GEN-contents-NOMZR+NEG-ADVZR + when Ί was there in his absence (when he was not contained in that place).'

20.3 Adverbializer me. The postposition me seems to function as an adverbializing suffix in a few words, but it more commonly functions as a postposition (563, 564). (Postpositional phrases function syntactically just like adverbs.) It can occur with a prefix (565) and with a nominalizing suffix (566). Its primary meaning seems to be adverbialization of the preceding noun. But it also includes the meaning of ingression into having an attribute or relationship (566, 567). It also has other meanings demonstrated in examples (564, 565). (See also sect. 17.2.)

128 Hawkins

(563)

WaiWai me exi-hra w-0-a-si, WaiWai wara tribe.name ADVZR be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP tribe.name like tko NT IS-be-SF-INP Ί am not a Wai Wai, but I am like a Wai Wai.'

(564)

O-mok-rf me ero wa ηίί-ka-y o-wya. 1-come-NOMZR ADVZR + time that like 3S-say-IP 1-to 'Just as I was coming he said it to me.'

(565)

Oo-me-ra n-0-a-s o-wetho. 1-ADVZR-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-stomach 'My stomach is not normal (not really me).'

(566)

yi-pi-ci me-n 3POSR-wife-POSN ADVZR-NOMZR 'the one who is to become his wife'

(567)

Noro ni-if-a-tkene kayaritomo me. 3PRO 3S-make-SF-UP chief ADVZR 'They made him to be the chief

20.4 Collective indicator. (See sects. 18.4.2.2 and 21.1(v).) The particle so indicates collectivity with adverbs. Note that, in the following examples, collectivity is indicated by the free form subject plus the collective particle homo (568), with the tense-number suffix to the copula, and with the particle so after the adverb (568, 569). Distribution of items throughout all the members of a group is also indicated by the same particle so following the adverb and following the indirect object (570). (568)

Kafpe-ra so n-0-a-xe o-poyino komo. strong-NEG COLL 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL IPOSR-relative COLL 'All of my relatives are sick.'

(569)

Tu-smu-y so nr0-a-xe. ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR COLL 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL "They are all dirty.'

(570)

Cewne so ti-m-ko yi-wya so. one COLL 3-give-2IMP 3-to COLL 'Give one to each of them. '

For a list of adverbializing affixes see sect. 23.5.1.

Wai Wai 129

Particles 21 Particles Particles (except taa, see sect. 21.2(i)) follow words of any class other than the ideophone. They never occur in isolation. I have examples of three particles that occur occasionally with nominalizing suffixes: roro, maki, and ki. See sects. 21.1(ix) and 21.2(viii and ix). In each case the focus of the nominalization is the adverb or postposition which precedes the particle. Particles are not derived from any other class of words. They may be divided into four classes according to their function: modifying particles, discourse particles, involvement particles, and interjections. 21.1 Modifying particles. These particles are all closely related to the word that precedes them. These also tend to occur alone in the phrase without any other particle. (i) pen is normally used only of persons. It means they are either dead, permanently gone from the speaker, or injured. (571)

o-nocwa-n pen IPOSR-mother-POSN dead 'my dead mother'

(572)

[Ahto na] n-0-a-y Raatu pen? wherever 3S-be-SF-UNP Rod gone 'Who knows where Rod (a friend) is?

(573)

Tuuna n-ekama rain 3S-to.receive.something.undesirable 4- TP oy-akno pen. IPOSR-brother pity 'My poor brother caught a lot of rain.'

(ii) pen also means 'a large group' of any item. It is often used in exclamations with no verb at all. (574)

Peen pen. bushes/weeds lots.of What a lot of bushes and weeds!'

(iii) homo 'COLLECTIVE' refers usually to complete groups of people. It is not used for a group of animals or inanimate objects (576-577). But it can refer to

130 Hawkins

categories of people, animals, or inanimate objects when a list of such categories is recited (578). It occurs also following a person's name who is the leader of the group. It is a device for identifying the group (579). (575)

rikomo komo children group 'a group of children'

(576)

Mefpora [ro mak] 0-mok-o pofiko. many very much 3S-come-TP wild.hogs 'Many wild hogs came.'

(577)

Yaake n-0-a-si noro mariya-n. several 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO knives-POSN 'He has several knives.'

(578)

weewe komo, toopu komo, paaka komo, kamara komo trees group rocks group cattle group wildcats group 'trees, rocks, cattle, wildcats'

(579)

Ahcemaw 0-c-e-tu Ewka komo? when 3S-go-SF-UNP man's.name COLL 'When will Elka and his group go?'

The word komo also is closely attached to the noun it modifies, as in the above examples. But there are three particles, pen, pin, and ro that occasionally occur between it and the noun komo modifies. (580)

k-porin pen komo 1 + 2POSR-ancestor deceased COLL Our ancestors'

(581)

aw-akno pin komo 2POSR-brother NEG COLL 'not your brothers'

(582)

Amna nu-kukno-m-e-si ti-n-aii-ri 1 + 3S 3S-point.out-VBZR-SF-INP REFPOS-NOMZR-carry-POSN ro komo. DISTRIBUTION COLL 'We will point out the loads for each one of us to carry.'

Wai Wai 131

(It should be noted in this example that the word komo does not refer to the subject of the verb, as amna is never modified by a collective. Komo refers to the multiple categories of items to be carried.) (iv) mko 'COLLECTIVE' refers to inanimate objects. It seems to be a loan word from the Katwena language, and is not used by all the Wai Wai. (583)

ewto mko villages group 'a group of villages'

(v) so 'COLLECTIVE' refers to objects of transitive verbs when those objects are indicated by personal prefixes (584). It does not occur when the object of the verb is a free form (585). It also occurs with objects of postpositions (586), or with adverbs (587) to indicate collectivity of the referents. (584)

K-akro-no-m-e-xe so. l S + 2O-with-NOMZR-VBZR-SF-INP COLL Ί will help you all.'

(585)

Nexamro w-akro-no-m-e-sl 3PRO + COLL IS-with-NOMZR-VBZR-SF-INP Ί will help them.'

(586)

Ero wara wli-k-e-s a-wya so. that like IS-say-SF-INP 2-to COLL 'That's what I will say to you all.'

(587)

Kafpe so n^0-a-xe o-mxik-ri komo. well COLL 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-child-POSN COLL 'My children are all well.'

(vi) ciki 'DIMINUTIVE, ENDEARMENT' refers to people, animals, or inanimate items. (588)

o-mxik-ii ciki IPOSR-child-POSN dear/little 'my dear little child'

(589)

o-nah-ii ciki IPOSR-food-POSN little.bit 'a little bit of food for me to eat'

132 Hawkins

(vii) ymo 'ENORMOUS, AWESOME' In the word okoymo 'anaconda snake' the letters ymo are not a particle but a part of the noun. Yet the meaning of the particle evidently stands out in that part of the word. (590)

xapari ymo

'big dog'

(591)

tuuna ymo

'big water, ocean'

(viii) ro 'PERMANENTLY, THROUGHOUT AN EXTENT OF TIME' This particle has a rather wide scope of meanings. The examples below illustrate this. (592)

A-wya-ni ro me ahsi-ko. 2-to-POSSN permanently ADVZR take-IMP 'Take it as your own permanently.'

(593)

Sahsa poko c-eh-ce-ιί ki-hyaw so saw use 1 + 2S-be-COLL-l + 2IMP 1+2-with COLL exi-taw ro. be -ADVZR + while as . long, as 'Let's use the saw as long as we have it.'

(594)

Υί-hsa-ki xukrape c-eh-so ro. 3-dilute-2IMP watery ADVZR-be-ADVZR until 'Dilute it until it is watery.'

(595)

Ahce ka-cho ero wa n-0-a-y? Noro ro what do/say-NOMZR that like 3S-be-SF-UNP 3PRO permanent

mak. just 'Why is he that way. It is just his nature.' (ix) roro 'CONTTNUATTVE,' 'REPETITIVE' This particle is one of three particles which occur with a nominalizing suffix (599). I list it as a particle rather than a suffix because it occurs in various types of phrases. It occurs following verbs, adverbs and postpositions as other particles do. (596)

li-to roro 3-at CONREP 3S-be-SF-INP 'He is there all the time.'

Wai Wai 133

(597)

Mok-ya-si roro kamara kapikara wapa-rf. come-SF-INP CONREP wildcat chickens killer-POSN "The wildcat comes again and again and kills chickens.'

(598)

Ero wara n^-a-xe 0-epam-thM miya roro. that like 3-be-SF-INP 3POSR-increase-PAST away.off CONREP 'His descendants will be like that on and on.'

(599)

Ero wara n^-a-xe miya roro-no komo. that like 3S-be-SF-INP away.off CONREP-NOMZR COLL "That's the way people who live from now on will be.'

21.2 Discourse particles. These particles occur following any part of speech and refer more to the whole clause or sentence than to the head word they follow. (i) tea 'Assent,' 'discourse introducer'. This particle is always followed by pause. It is the one particle that occurs expression initially and never occurs in any other position. (600)

Taa, ki-wc-e ha-m. all.right IS-go-SF-f UNP RHY-DEDUCT 'All right, I will go.'

(601)

Taa, on wara wii-k-e-s a-wya so. all.right this like IS-say/do-SF-INP 2-to COLL 'All right, this is what I will say to you all.'

(ii) ha 'Athematic focus'. It seems to occur only in narrative discourse. It is discussed also in sect. 13.5. It indicates that some information is being added to the narration which is not a part of the main action of the discourse. It might be translated, 'In passing note this.' It normally occurs at the end of the clause. Thus it divides the clause that precedes from the clause that follows. It is mutually exclusive with taki. (see (iv) below). But there are two homophones of this particle ha, either of which may occur with taki. One is described below (iii), and the other in sect. (602)

Tiriyo komo 0-moh-ce Kwaamara po-y, name.of.tribe COLL 3S-come-IP name.of.place at-from 42 yakenon moh-ce ha. 42 number come -IP AF Ά group of Trios came from Kwamala, 42 of them came.'

134 Hawkins

(iii) ha 'Rhythm carrier'. At times another ha occurs which seems to have no meaning at all. But the Wai Wai rhythm patterns (involving long vowels, short vowels, lost vowels and consonants) have led me to this meaning for some uses of ha. It occurs commonly at the end of sentences (603) or it may be followed by one of these particles, mi, ki, ti, ke, re and wa (604, 605). It is never followed by any word except a particle. (603)

Moso ti n-ekatim-ya a-n-eni-thM 3PRO 3RES 3S-tell-SF + UNP 2POSR-NOMZR-see-POSN + PAST ha. RHY 'This man says he will tell what you have seen.'

(604)

Kapikara 0-pah ha-m. chickens 3S-spilled + TP RHY-DEDUCT 'Evidently the chickens spill it.'

(605)

asak ha-k-no two RHY-exactly-NOMZR 'exactly two'

(iv) taki 'thematic focus, change'. This particle is the opposite of the particle ha 'athematic focus'. Taki indicates thematic focus, that is, it focuses attention on the next occurrence in the main line of action of narrative discourse. It seems not to be used with this meaning in any other type of discourse. This particle also calls attention to any change of state or action (606). (606)

Pahki to-hra 0-x-a-kfie amna. Oroto tak long-time go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO now for.a.change amna 0-c-e-s hara 1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP again 'We haven't gone for a long time. Now we're going again.'

(v) ka/kapu 'now,' 'for a limited time'. The longer form seems to be decreasing in use, but either form may be used. (607)

To-hra ka w^-a-si. Amne mak ki-wc-e-si. go-NEG fornow IS-be-SF-INP later just IS-go-SF-ENP Ί will not go now. I will just go later.'

Wai Wai 135

(608)

T-wo-co-ko ka. 3O-shoot-COLL-2IMP right.now 'Shoot it right now (before it escapes).'

(vi) cokori 'first in sequence'. An indication that this word is a particle and not an adverb is that it never occurs expression initially. It often occurs in conjunction with the particle ka described above. (609)

On cokori ka w-aaf-a-si o-pi-ci ya-ka. this first for.now IS-take-SF-MP IPOSR-wife-POSN to-MOT Ί will first take this to my wife.'

(vii) kati Opposite interrogation'. See sect. 10.4. (610)

Mii-c-e amoro? To-hra kati m-0-a-y? 2S-go-SF + UNP 2PRO go-NEG OPPINT 2S-be-SF-UNP 'Are you going? Or are you not going?'

(viii) maki 'limit of action or number','metaphor'. It can indicate that the preceding noun or verb is a metaphor (614, 615). One of its meanings is 'just so much.' My assumption is that etymologic ally the particle was simply ma and that the particle ki (see (ix) below) was added later to form one word. It is one of the three particles that occur with nominalizing suffixes (612). The nominalized form reverts to the original stem, producing the form man. (611)

Asak mak ee-ko. two just bring-2IMP 'Just bring a few.'

(612)

Asak ma-η me tak n-eh-tik-e-xe. two just-NOMZR ADVZR CHANGE 3S-be-COMPL-SF-INP 'They will become just a few (diminish in number).'

(613)

Amne mak ki-wc-e-si. later only IS-go-SF-INP Ί will just go later.'

(614)

N-awsi-na-si xa, toopu mak. 3S-be.heavy-SF-INP very rock just 'It is very heavy, just a rock.'

(615)

K-wayp-o mak. IS-die-TP just Ί just died (sound asleep).'

136 Hawkins

(ix) ki 'exact measurement'. It can occur with a nominalizing suffix. For a clear indication of the meaning compare examples (616 a,b). (616) (a) asak ha-k-no two RHY-EXACT-NOMZR 'exactly two (no more)' (b) asak mak two just 'just a few' (617)

roowo poko ha-k-no komo earth full.extent RHY-EXACT-NOMZR COLL 'all the people on the earth (on the full extent of the earth)'

(618)

Tayxa ki ee-ko. this.many EXACT bring-2IMP 'Bring just this many.'

(x) nhe 'comparative degree'. It may be translated 'somewhat' or 'more'. (619)

Wara nhe tak w^0-a-si. well more/somewhat CHANGE IS-be-SF-INP Ί am somewhat better (better than I was).'

(xi) rma 'continuative'(620), 'reflexive'(621), 'close proximity' (622), 'contrary to expectations'(623). This particle is very common in Wai Wai speech. Its basic meaning is 'still' or 'yet.' The other meanings seem to grow out of this meaning. When proximity is indicated, it may be proximity either in space or time. (620)

li-to rma nd0i-a-si. 3-at still 3S-be-SF-INP 'It is still there.'

(621)

Owi rma ki-wc-e-si. 1PRO self IS-go-SF-INP Ί myself will go.'

(622)

A-mah-yaka rma k-mok-o. 2-end-to PROX IS-come-TP Ί came just after you had left.'

Wai Wai 137

(623)

On wara rma k-mok-o. this like CONEX IS-come-TT Ί came just as I am (without any tools or weapons).'

(xii) re 'frustrative' (624), 'somewhat' (626). In its meaning of frustration it is used in most contrary-to-fact expressions (625). It is often preceded by ha 'rhythm carrier' (625-626). (624)

W-eporf re, eni-hra rma w-eexi. IS-look-for+TT FRUS see-NEG still IS-be + TP Ί looked for it but still I did not find it.'

(625)

li-to oy-exi-taw k-e-taw ha re wi-tw-e-si. 3-at IPOSR-be-if do-SF-if RHY FRUS 1 S-shoot-SF-ESfP 'If I were there I would shoot it.'

(626)

Cewne wi-x-a-kne kokonoro ha re. alone IS-be-SF-UP evening RHY somewhat Ί was alone rather recently.'

(xiii) reha 'contrast' (627), 'distinctiveness' (628) (627)

Noro c-e-si. Owi reha to-hra. 3PRO go-SF-INP 1PRO CON go-NEG 'He is going, I am not going.'

(628)

Pawru y-eh-topo-nho reha tan on. Paul GEN-be-NOMZR+CIRC-PAST DIST this this "This is the story of Paul.'

(xiv) xa 'uniqueness' (629), 'superlative degree' (630). In its meaning of uniqueness this particle sometimes amounts to the definite article 'the' in English. It seems these two meanings are related. (629)

Ow xa wi-tw-e-si. 1PRO UN IS-shoot-SF-INP Ί am the one to shoot it.'

(630)

Kifwanhe xa n-0-a-s okre. good very 3S-be-SF-INP delight 'It is very good.'

138 Hawkins

(xv) hara 'in turn' (631), 'back again' (632), 'argument' (633) (631)

Amoro hara kas-ko. 2PRO in.turn do-2IMP 'It is your turn to do it.'

(632)

Κί-wc-e-s hara. IS-go-SF-INP back.again Ί am going back home.'

(633)

Ka-hra w-eexi. Μϊϊ-ka hara re. say-NEG IS-be + TP 2S-say + TP ARG FRUS Ί didn't say it. You sure did say it.'

(xvi) makirha 'in turn'. I do not know any difference between the meaning of this particle and the first meaning of hara. (634)

Amoro makirha kweykwey kas-ko. 2PRO in.turn paddle do-2IMP 'You take a turn at paddling.'

(xvii) thakwa 'unchangeable'(635), 'nature'(636) (635)

Cewne thakwa mapata n-ek-ya-si. alone UNC house.posts 3S-bring-SF-INP 'He has to bring his house posts alone (no one else to help him).'

(636)

[Ahce ka-cho] ero wa n-0-a-y? Noro ro thakwa. why that like 3S-be-SF-UNP 3PRO PERM nature 'Why is he that way? It is his nature.'

(xviii) marha 'also' (637)

li-to oy-exi-taw marari w-acpok-ya-si, 3-at IPOSR-be-when field 1 S-cut.underbrush-SF-INP w-am-e-si marha. lS-fell.trees-SF-ΓΝΡ also 'While I am there I will cut underbrush for a field, I will also fell the trees.'

(638)

Ow marha k-mok-ya-si. 1PRO also lS-come-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί am coming also.'

Wai Wai 139

(xix) meero 'beyond expectations'. This particle may be translated 'even'. There is a slight difference of meaning between this particle and the particle rma in its meaning of 'contrary to expectations' (cf. (639) and (623)). (639)

Yaake 0-c-e-xe. Ow meero ki-wc-e-si. several 3S-go-SF-INP 1PRO even lS-go-SF-ΓΝΡ 'Several are going. Even I am going.'

21.3 Particles indicating the attitude of the speaker. A noteworthy item of syntax is that the particles na, ma, ti, and mi, when occurring with a nonpast verb only, occur with the uninvolved forms of that verb. (i) ti '3rd person responsibility'. The speaker uses this particle when he is reporting the words of another. He may be reporting an action told by another person or he may be reporting an opinion or a command of another person. He may be explaining what another person has just said, but in such a case the ti is preceded by the verb form kee 'he says.' I have been assured by Wai Wai speakers that the use of this particle does not necessarily cast doubt on what they are reporting. Most of the occurrences probably have the meaning of 'hearsay,' that is, mere reporting. But when a person is carrying a message or delivering a command from another person, the same particle is used with a somewhat different meaning. Ί am not responsible for what I am reporting,' is the meaning that becomes clear at times (641). Occasionally, when a person explains to another person what someone in the present company has just said for all to hear, the verb 'to say' is used followed by ti. If it were only hearsay reporting, that verb would be sufficient to indicate that. But the ti is often added, with the clear sense of 'It is not I who said this.' (640)

Ponko ti 0-wo-cow. wild.pigs 3RES 3S-shoot-TP + COLL Ί heard they shot wild pigs.'

(641)

A-mo-k ha ti Coy. 2S-come-2IMP RHY 3RES girl's.name 'Joy, she says, Come.'

(642)

K-e-kar-ka kica, kee ti. IS-DETRANS-strong-LOSS + TP disgust he.says 3RES 'He is saying he got very weak.'

(ii) ha '1st person responsibility'. A component of this particle is at times emphasis and the voice of the speaker may be raised. But the very common use of it with the first person pronoun and in sentences where the speaker is clearly giving his own opinion makes it clear that the main component of this particle is first person responsibility for what he is saying. This particle is often found in equative clauses,

140 Hawkins

but it is also found in verbal clauses. At times this ha may not be used when a person is narrating an event in an unemotional manner. But when emotion is aroused it very often occurs. This particle ha occurs with more stress than either of the other two particles ha (see sect. 21.2 (ii) and (iii)). (643)

Kmam ow ha. Bob 1PRO IRES Ί am Bob.'

(644)

Minto n-0-a-s ha ponko pen there.(medium.far) 3S-be-SF-INP IRES wild.pigs lots 'Lots of wild pigs are there (I saw them).'

(iii) mi 'evidently, agreement'. The basic idea of this particle seems to be: I am led to believe something because of the evidence or because of the words of another person. It is also used in expressions of obedience to commands. This particle nearly always cooccurs with the rhythm carrier particle ha, but the meaning of mi is unchanged. By morphophonemic rules the vowel of the mi is lost, leaving only one letter to the particle. We then join the two particles to avoid writing a one letter word. (645)

Kapikara 0-pah ha-m. chickens 3S-spill + TP RHY-evidently 'Evidently the chickens spilled it (com).'

(646)

Marari po-na kayka-tko. Taa, ero wa ha-m. field on-to let's.go-COLL OK that like RHY-agree 'Let's all go to the field. All right, I agree.'

(iv) na 'potential', 'uncertainty'. Potentiality in many cases is in the mind of the speaker, that is, he judges something to be potential. In some cases, of course, his judgment may be wrong, the action may not be potential at all. This particle can also have interrogative force incorporated into the idea of potentiality. (647)

Pahxaxa na c-epatak-e-tu ewto po-na. tomorrow POT 1 +2S-arrive-SF-COLL + UNP village in-to 'Maybe we will arrive at the village tomorrow.'

(648)

Μί-mok-ya ha na amna y-akro? 2S-come-SF + UNP RHY POT 1 + 3 GEN-with 'Will you possibly come with us?

Wai Wai 141

(649)

[Ahce kacho] ha na 0-wayp-o. why RHY UNCER 3S-die-TP Ί do not know why he died.'

(v) ma 'surprise'. At times there seems to be a slight element of interrogation expressed along with surprise. Yet I have not felt that interrogation is the main thought and thus have not written a question mark following the sentence which includes it. (650)

Ero wa ma 0-x-a-kne taam pen. that like SUR 3S-be-SF-UP uncle deceased 'Is that how my late uncle was.'

(651)

Aywa-ra rma ma m-eh-xe ke. sweep-NEG still SUR 2S-be-IP IGNORANCE 'I'm surprised, you have not yet swept it.'

(vi) ke 'ignorance, instruction, correction'. The speaker may believe his hearer is stupid or that he himself was not very wise. The instruction or correction one gives another often includes this particle. These words of wisdom often carry with them a note of some condescension in the speaker's voice. This particle often occurs in the same clause with either the particle ma (651, 652), or the particle w/(653), or it may occur alone without other particles (654). (652)

Ero wa ma n-0-a-y ke xapari. that like SUR 3S-be-SF-UNP IGNORANCE dogs 'Is that the way dogs are.'

(653)

Ero wa ha-m ke. that like RHY-agree INSTRUCTION Ί agree with you (you have instructed me correctly).'

(654)

On wara c-ir-po-re n-0-a-y ke. this like ADVZR-fix-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP CORRECTION "This is the right way to fix it.'

(vii) men 'warning, urgency'. As with all warnings, this particle carries the urgency for the listener to take careful note of what he is telling him. The speaker may be warning of a danger or merely pressing his desire for some action upon the listener, or he may be considering some danger to himself. The sequence of particles ha and men, which is quite common, reinforces the meaning of first person responsibility for an expression containing this ha. This is further supported by the fact that I have never heard men in the same phrase with ti.

142 Hawkins

(655)

Oy-ey-a cik men okwe. 10-scold-SF + UNP DIMIN MON alas 'She might scold little me alas.'

(656)

A-mo-k ha men amne. 2S-come-2IMP IRES MON later 'Be sure to come sometime later.'

(viii) wa/wara 'intention,' 'plan,' 'readiness'. It should be noted that the two allomorphs of this particle are homophonous with the two allomorphs of the postposition meaning 'like' (sect. 17.2). (657)

A-mo-ko yohno. K-mok-ya-si wara. 2S-come-2IMP soon IS-come-SF-INP INTENT 'Come soon.' Ί intend to come.'

(658)

Aw-akro rma wa k-wayh-ya-si. 2-with even ready 1 S-die-SF-INP Ί am ready to die with you.'

(ix) tko/matko 'new thought'. The particle may indicate a thought that is new to the listener or to the speaker himself. The speaker may be even trying to recall something he has heard in the past, that is, a new recollection of an old thought. Sometimes the insertion of a new thought into a conversation between two or more people may sound like a contrasting thought, and sometimes it is so. But the main idea of the particle is not contrast but newness. (659)

TT-to-so-m komo exi-hra n-0-a-s okwe. ADVZR-go-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL be-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP alas. Ow xa matko ki-wc-e-si. 1PRO UN NT IS-go-SF-INP 'There is no one who will go. I will go (had not thought of going before).'

(660)

Atararo tko 0-moh-cow pawana komo? how.many NT 3S-come-TP + COLL visitors COLL 'Let me think, how many visitors came?'

(x) ta 'reaffirmation of past action'. Such reaffirmation of an action is used when it seems that the stated action may never have occurred. Note again the particle sequence of ha 'IRES' and ta. I believe I have never heard ta used without ha preceding it.

Wai Wai 143

(661)

Oo-na w-ir ha ta. here-to IS-put + TP IRES reaffirmation 'I'm sure I put it here (but it is not here now).'

(xi) xe 'examine for proof. When the speaker is sure of something he has said, he may use an expression with this particle. It means roughly, 'Go see for yourself that I am right.' (662)

Asaki yaypi n-eh-cow okyo. En-ta xe. two tapir 3S-bring-COLL + TP SUR see-2IMPMOT for.proof "They brought two tapirs, wow! Go see for yourself

(663)

Ti-yo-ke [ro mak] n-0-&-si yawaka, ADVZR-teeth-ADVZR very 3S-be-SF-INP axe ape-ko xe. feel-2IMP for.proof "The axe is very sharp. Feel it for proof.'

(xii) yka 'inquiry'. It indicates that the speaker does not know how a matter is and seeks to find out. This particle most commonly occurs following the verb 'to see.' (664)

0-Moh-cow pawana komo? 3S-come-TP + COLL visitor COLL 'Did visitors come?' [Apo ha na.] En-ta yka. who knows see-2IMPMOT inquiry Ί don't know.' 'Go find out.'

(xiii) kfa 'spite,' 'worthlessness' (665)

Tani kfa n^-a-y? here worthless 3S-be-SF-UNP 'Shall we leave it here as a worthless thing?'

(666)

Aa-xe-ra kfa men w^-a-si. 2-like-NEG spite MON IS-be-SF-INP Ί sure do not like you at all.'

(xiv) kyam 'supposition,' 'unimportance'. It indicates that what the speaker is saying is said on the spur of the moment and unpremeditated, or that the results of an action are small.

144 Hawkins

(667)

Onoke waano n-aaf-a oroto? Ow kyam. who songs 3S-lead-SF + UNP today 1PRO supposition 'Who will lead the songs today? I suppose I will.'

(668)

O-mi-n w-iif-a-si wahra-y IPOSR-house-POSN IS-make-SF-INP small-NOMZR kyam mak. unimportance only Ί will build my house, just a small one.'

(xv) cma 'wish,' Opposite possibility'. When occurring without another particle in the phrase, it indicates a wish for the opposite circumstance, which may be only implied (669), or gratitude that the opposite circumstance did not occur. This particle followed by the particle re 'frustrative' and a verb in the involved nonpast tense is used to say 'please' (671). The idea is that if you please you will do what I say, but if not it will be OK. This particle pair is never accompanied by an imperative form of the verb. The particle cma, either alone or followed by re, and having the meaning of Opposite possibility', can occur following a verb in any tense (670), (672). (669)

Amoro cma t-ur-ke mr0-a-si. 2PRO wish ADVZR-bread-ADVZR 2S-be-SF-INP 'You have bread to eat (I wish I did).'

(670)

Moso cma n-ece-hto. 3PRO OPP 3S-support-VBZR+TP "This one held it up (otherwise it would have fallen).'

(671)

Pahxaxa [cma re] mi-mok-ya-si o-kanawa-ii xih-so. tomorrow please 2S-come-SF-INP IPOSR-canoe-POSN drag-PM 'Please come tomorrow to drag my canoe.'

(672)

Tu-wuhre-ke cma re 0-x-a-kne. T-wo-hra ADVZR-weapon-ADVZR OPP FRUS 3S-be-SF-UP 3-shoot-NEG rma 0-x-a-kne okwe. still 3S-be-SF-UP alas 'He had a gun, but he still did not shoot it.'

(xvi) mexe 'contradiction' (673)

Anmi-ra mexe m-0-a-si. lift-NEG contradiction 2S-be-SF-INP 'You cannot lift it (you're too weak).'

Wai Wai 145

(xvii) nero 'boasting'

(674)

Owi reha nero kifwafthe w^0i-a-si. 1PRO CON boasting good IS-be-SF-INP Ί am better than others.'

(xviii) yu 'failure,' 'near failure'. The vowel of this particle is often dropped. When it is, I write it as a suffix to the previous word to avoid a one-letter word. This particle is often followed by the particle re 'frustrative'. (675)

Αιΐ-hra c-ex ha-y okwe. carry-NEG l+2S-be + TP RHY-failure alas 'Alas, we could not carry it.'

(676)

ίϊρΐ amna n-awnuk-ye thakwa yu re. mountain 1 + 3S 3S-climb-IP UNC near.failure FRUS 'We finally succeeded in climbing the mountain.'

21.4 Particle pairs. Besides the particle sequences mentioned in paragraphs above, there are certain particles that often occur in pairs and result in a special meaning that might not be evident from the sum of the two meanings. I have already mentioned the particles cma + re as being a special pair. A list of other pairs follows: xa hara - 'again' (Alt. form of above pair xara) ro maki - 'extremely' xa marha = 'in the same way' Illustrations of most of these pairs have appeared in the examples given above. 21.5 Interjections. Interjections are also particles in that they are not inflected. But they are different from the preceding particles in that they may occur alone or expression initially. In this way they are similar to ideophones. But interjections are different from ideophones in that, although members of either class may be followed by a form of the verb ka/kas 'do/say', following interjections this verb means 'say' and following ideophones it often means 'do.' Also interjections express feelings, whereas ideophones express actions. (i) okre 'delight'. Intonation is an important part of this word to distinguish it from the homophonous form described in the next paragraph. This word has a low tone on the first syllable and a mid to high tone on the final syllable. (677)

Oy-oti xe wd0i-a-s okre. IPOSR-meat DESID IS-be-SF-INP delight Ί really want some meat to eat.'

146 Hawkins

(678)

Okre, kifwa-n aafiapotu. delight good-NOMZR belt 'What a beautiful belt!'

(ii) okre 'doubt'. This particle has low intonation on both syllables. (679)

Yaypi wi-two asaki. Okre. tapir IS-shoot + TP two doubt Ί shot two tapirs.' Ί don't believe you.'

(iii) kica 'disgust, discomfort' (680)

T-amo-smu-y wd0-a-si kica. ADVZR-hands-dirt-ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP disgust 'My hands are very dirty.'

(681)

Tuuna mok-ya-si kica. rain come-SF-INP DISCOMFORT 'It's raining (and I'm getting very wet).'

(iv) okwe 'loss,' 'endearment' (682)

Okwe, Ewka y-uhre-tho w-afma okwe Alas, man's.name GEN-weapon-PAST+POSN IS-drop + TP LOSS kahxi che-ka. rapids among-to 'Alas, I dropped Ewka's gun into the rapids, alas.'

(683)

Ti-yo-ke cik n-0-a-si okwe. ADVZR-teeth-ADVZR DIMIN 3S-be-SF-INP endearment 'The dear little one has teeth.'

(v) oko/aka 'deep pain'. The word oko may occur alone or in a sentence. The word aka which refers to the same kind of pain is only a one-word cry. It never occurs in a sentence. The meaning of the two seems to be identical. (684)

O-htipi-ii ή-erew-a-s oko. IPOSR-head-POSN 3S-hurt-SF-INP PAIN Ί have a bad headache.'

(vi) oco/aca 'burning pain,' 'brilliant light'. Here again the first word may occur alone or in a sentence while the second only occurs alone. The meanings of these two are approximately the same, although the first word here has the broader

Wai Wai 147

meaning indicating either burning pain or brilliant light. The second indicates only a burning pain. (685)

Ocoro n-0-a-si kaamo oco. hot 3S-be-SF-INP sun PAIN "The sun is very hot.'

(686)

Nfikro okomo oco. 3PRO wasps PAIN 'Be careful, there are wasps.'

(687)

ft-ett-yo oco rikomo ciki. 3S-DETRANS-scald + TP PAIN child DIMIN "The child scalded himself

(vii) kopi 'fear,' 'weird actions or words' (688)

Ihih 0-k-e-si kopi kamara. growl 3S-say-SF-INP FEAR jaguar "The jaguar growling makes me afraid.'

(689)

Ahce wa nn0-a-y kopi? what like 2S-be-SF-UNP weird 'What are you doing, you're weird?'

(viii) kn 'awe' (690)

Kit, kamara ymo k-een-a-xe so. awe jaguar giant 1 + 2O-look-SF-INP COLL 'Wow, a big jaguar is looking at us.'

(ix) kuu 'remembering something forgotten' (691)

Kuu, meye [ro mak] o-mariya-n oh, I remember faraway very.much IPOSR-knife-POSN wi-nom okwe. IS-leave + TP alas Oh, I left my knife very far away alas.'

148 Hawkins

Phonology 22 Phonology The phonemes are listed in sect. 22.1 and 22.2. The orthographic symbol used throughout this paper is given first. This is followed by the corresponding standard phonetic representation when this differs significantly from the orthographic symbol, except for r and f, which do not correspond closely with any standard phonetic symbol). 22.1 Vowels. There are six vowels in Wai Wai. lil is a high front unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants. /e/ is a mid front unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants. l\] [i] is a high central unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants. /u/ is a high back vowel and is rounded. It has no significant variants. lot is a mid back vowel and is rounded. It has the central unrounded [Λ] allophone following the alveopalatal consonants Id and /x/. [c/\mota] [oyamoxAXAn]

comota oyamoxoxon

'forest' 'my fingernail'

/a/ is a low front unrounded vowel. It has the less open and less low allophone [a;] when it is short and when it is preceded by /y/ or Id and followed by /w/, /m/, or /s/. [kanaawa ya?w] [yajwaaka] [yasmaata] [kmokyassi] [nenahcaesi]

kanawa yaw yawaka yamata kmokyasi nenahcasi

'in the canoe' 'axe' 'box' Ί am coming' 'It will run out (be insufficient).'

Vowel length, written as double vowels, is described in sect. 22.4. 22.2 Consonants. There are fourteen consonants. For purposes of description we divide them into two groups, alveolar and alveopalatal consonants are one group.

Wai Wai 149

They are /t/, /s/, /x/, Id, /n/, /ft/, /r/, /f/, and /y/. I call these the Tense group, since the articulation of each one is more tense than those of the next group. The rest of the consonants make up the other group. They are /k/, /m/, /p/, /w/, and /h/. I call these the Relaxed group. Generally speaking, relaxed consonants form clusters with tense consonants and with other relaxed consonants much more than tense consonants do with other tense consonants. /t/ is a voiceless unaspirated alveolar stop, as the /t/ in Portuguese. It clusters in word-medial position before and after each of the relaxed consonants and before /y/. /s/ is a voiceless alveolar grooved fricative, as the /ss/ in Portuguese. In word-medial position it clusters before and after each of the relaxed consonants except /p/. It does not cluster at all with any of the other tense consonants. /x/ [j] is a voiceless alveopalatal grooved fricative, as /x/ in Portuguese. It clusters word medially before and after all the relaxed consonants, but not with any of the tense consonants. Id [tf] is a voiceless unaspirated alveopalatal affricate. It clusters word medially before all the relaxed consonants and after the same consonants except /k/ and /p/. /n/ is an alveolar nasal continuant, as /n/ in Portuguese. It clusters word medially before each of the relaxed consonants and after each of them except /p/. It also clusters before /t/, /s/, and Id of the tense consonants but not after them. It has an allophone [d] following /k/. [ekdari] eknari - 'crotch (of a tree)', [oyekdu] oyeknu - 'my hip' /n/ [n] is an alveopalatal nasal continuant as /nh/ in Portuguese. It clusters word medially before the relaxed consonants /k/, /p/, /h/ and /w/ and after /m/, /w/, and /h/. It does not cluster with any of the other tense consonants. /r/ is an alveolar with popped lateral release. It is somewhat similar to /!/ in Portuguese except that the release is not gradual but popped. It clusters in word-medial position before all the relaxed consonants and after all of them except /p/. It does not cluster with any of the tense consonants. /f/ is formed with the blade of the tongue and is an alveopalatal with popped lateral release. It clusters in word-medial position before all the relaxed consonants except /h/ and after all of the same consonants except /p/.

150 Hawkins

lyl is a high front semivowel, the same as a quick /i/ in Portuguese. It clusters in word-medial position before any relaxed consonant and after all the same consonants except /p/. It does not cluster with any of the tense consonants. The following are the relaxed consonants: /k/ is a voiceless unaspirated velar stop, as the Id in 'casa' in Portuguese. It clusters word medially before the other consonants except before /t/, /h/, /c/, /x/, and /s/. In word-medial position it occurs following all the other consonants except /p/ and /f/. /m/ is a bilabial nasal continuant as /m/ in Portuguese. In word-medial position it clusters before and after most other consonants, but following /k/ or /t/ its allophone [b] occurs. [ekbaki] [apikboko] [watba]

ekmaki apikmoko watma

'twist it' 'crush it' 'club'

/p/ [p] is a bilabial voiceless fricative. There is no exactly similar sound in Portuguese, though it sounds somewhat similar to /f/. It clusters before /r/ and before lyl when the cluster is preceded by /u/. It clusters after any other consonant except that with some speakers it is replaced by /h/ after /m/. [apupra] [wapupya] [atpoko] [yispora] [timpore] or [timhore]

not eating it wild banana plant pierce it. not making him cry good to give it

/w/ is a high back semivowel, the same as a quick /u/ in Portuguese. It clusters before any other consonant and after any other consonant except for /m/, /p/, or lyl. /h/ is a central unarticulated aspiration. It clusters before all the other consonants and after the consonants /t/, /n/, /c/, /r/ and /m/. It does not occur word initially except in free variation with zero before vowel-initial words and in the particle ha. There are no long consonants in Wai Wai. Examples of all word-initial consonant clusters are given in 22.3 below. 22.3 Syllables. There are five syllable patterns in Wai Wai, V, CV, CVC, CCV, and CCVC. Examples follow in the first syllable of each of the following words:

Wai Wai 151

(692)

V CV CVC CCV CCVC

a-pa ye-me yim-ta-r kma-xmi-ta kway-hya-s

'daddy' 'mama' 'his mouth' 'I am over full of food.' Ί will die.'

The syllable division presented here is based on the phonemes which occur in word-final position. All vowels occur in word-final position and also the consonants /m, /n/, /w/ and /y/. No other consonants occur word finally. Thus the phonemes that occur word finally can be expected to occur in syllable-final position also. All other consonants are put with the vowel following them. There are only four triple consonant clusters in Wai Wai. They are -nth-, -mth-, -mch-, and -yhy-. It can be seen that they all include /h/ and none of them occur at word boundaries. In slow speech all three of these clusters have unstable vowels after the first consonant (included in parentheses). In normal speech those vowels are not heard. (693)

anen(i)thiri perem(u)thM pofmam(i)che way(i)hyasi

'that which you saw' 'a tree branch that has been cut off 'after he grows up' 'He is dying.'

There are nine consonant clusters involving /k/ that occur word initially: (694)

kwahsi krapa kmariyan knenithiri knariri kfa kpari kyamatan tkaritan

'mandioca squeezer' 'bow' Our knives' 'that which we saw' 'that which we will carry' 'despise as worthless' Our grandchild' Our box' 'his own book' (This sometimes occurs as tikaritan.)

There are three consonant clusters beginning with /x/ that occur word initally: (695)

xpaari xwaraxwarape xmaari

'sting ray' 'having many fine holes' 'grater board'

There are several other consonant clusters occurring word initially. Of these the first two (in 696) do not occur following pause. The third only occurs following pause in the ideophone cmow 'kiss'.

152 Hawkins

(696)

rma mko cma tmaxmitaxi twarawan tpapakye

'still, yet' 'collectivity of inanimate objects' Opposite situation possible' 'in a state of having one's stomach painfully full' 'his own trading partner' 'flat'

22.4 Long vowels. A prominent feature of Wai Wai speech is vowel length. Long vowels usually occur only in repeating CV patterns. They occur only in the first or second syllables of words. They do not occur adjacent to consonant clusters except in the one word taamci 'uncle'. When the first vowel of the word is long it is written as a double vowel. When the second vowel of the word is long it is not written as long, since it is predictable in that position. It is normal for the Wai Wai in CV patterns to pronounce the first vowel of a word as short and the second vowel as long. There is only one long vowel per word. There are quite a few monosyllabic words in Wai Wai. But I know of only three that have long vowels. They are all particles: (697)

Taa Kuu KSi

Assent, Paragraph Intro Remembering Something Forgotten Awe

As for two-syllable words with the CVCV pattern the first syllable is usually long but not always. Thus we write double vowels where the vowel has length (698). The second vowel in such words is never long. Example (699) shows some two-syllable words of CVCV pattern without long vowels. (698)

mfimo saama kaamo nuuni

'house' 'flint rock' 'sun' 'moon'

(699)

kati mutu yari apa

Oil, fat' 'a species of bird' 'in your direction' 'daddy'

Following are words of three or more syllables with normal length on the second syllable:

Wai Wai 153

(700) [mawaaxa] [okoomo] [yemeeme] [tamaatama] [kiriicici] [akaanakatapa]

man's name 'wasp' 'mama' 'butterfly' 'glass beads' 'He hit you on the head.'

written Mawaxa okomo yememe tamatama kiricici akanakatapa

Some three syllable words, however, that have a basic CV repeating pattern occur with length on the first vowel. We then write that vowel as a double vowel. (701)

Maanata eepota ciixapu

man's name 'Go threaten it with a stick.' (in contrast with epota 'Go search for it.') 'that which has been placed, made'

When postpositions take a one-syllable prefix resulting in VCV + or CVCV + pattern, that prefix, which is normally short, becomes long at times, and thus it is written with overt length, since it is unpredictable. (702)

o- + po = oopo a- + ka = aaka ki- + ka = knka yi- + xe = yiixe i- + to = iito

'striking me' 'in order to fetch you' 'in order to fetch us' 'wanting it, him, her' 'in that place'

But there are at least two postpositions of two short syllables each which take prefixes producing a VCVCV pattern and the vowel of the second syllable becomes long as is normal, and is thus not written. (703)

o- + pona = [opoona) opona a- + poko = [apooko] apoko

'my turn' 'stuck to you'

There are, however, at least two postpositions having two syllables that do not follow the previous rule. When they receive a prefix the prefix becomes long. (704)

o- + xati = ooxat One who wants, loves me' o- + mexe = oomexe 'desirable to me'

The word xati One who desires' may receive a verbalizing suffix and verb suffixes in addition to the personal prefix. In such forms the personal prefix remains long.

154 Hawkins

(705)

Oo-xati-mnok-e-si. 10-one. who.desires-CESS-SF-IN? 'He will stop loving me.'

When, however, nouns and verbs receive personal prefixes resulting in a CVCV+ or VCV + pattern, the prefix remains short (706). If the second syllable of the stem had a long vowel in its unprefixed form, it now becomes short, and the first vowel of the stem becomes long. Long vowels do not occur after the second syllable of the word (707, 708). (706)

[Aw-aaii] Await? 2O-carry + TP 'Did it choke you (carry you away)?'

(707)

[o-pooyi-no] opoyino (The unprefixed word is [poyiino]. IPOSR-fellow.tribesman-NOMZR 'my fellow tribesman'

(708)

[kanaawa] [akaanawart] akanawari

'canoe' 'your canoe'

When the personal prefix loses its vowel and thus does not constitute a separate syllable, the vowel length remains on the second syllable of the stem. (709)

[k-poyii-no] kpoyino l + 2POSR-fellow tribesman-NOMZR Our fellow tribesman'

When two-syllable words which have no long vowels are followed by certain particles, the last syllable of the first word becomes long. Phonologically, they act as one word in which the second syllable is long according to the normal pattern. (710)

Pira. 'No.'

[Piraa ha] (Written Pira ha.) 'No, I say.'

(711)

0-Moko-O. [0-Mok-oo ti] (Written Moko ti) 3S-come-TP 3S-come-TP 3RES 'He came.' 'He came, they say.'

(712)

mini [minii re] (Written mini re) thatone that, one CON 'that one' 'that one (contrast)'

Wai Wai 155

22.5 Word stress. The word stress on two-syllable words in Wai Wai normally occurs on the last syllable of the word. (713)

pi'ra Mo'ko. mTki kra'pa sTpi aa'ka

'no' 'He came.' 'that one (far)' 'bow' 'to get dark' 'to fetch you'

But if such words are followed by certain particles (I am not sure if the rule holds for all particles or not), not only does length develop on the last syllable of the first word, but the stress moves from the first word to the particle. The first word then has no stress at all. (714)

[Piraa'ha]

Pira ha.

'No, I say.'

(715)

[Mokoo 'ti]

Moko li. "They say he came.'

(716)

[mini re]

mini re

'that one (not another one)'

In nouns or adverbs having three syllables and having a CV pattern stress normally occurs on the last syllable. If they have four syllables, the stress falls on the penultimate syllable. In either case stress falls on the syllable following the syllable having the long vowel. (717)

o-ko-'mo

'wasp'

(718)

ta-ma-'ta-ma

'butterfly'

(719)

o-co-'ro

'hot'

(720)

xa-ma-'pe

'pale'

(721)

pu-ru-'pu-rpe 'floating'

In finite verbs and in words derived from verb stems the stress occurs usually on the penultimate or final syllable. First, we give examples with stress on the penultimate: (722)

Tarn 'wa-si.

Ί am here.'

(723)

Ki-mta-po-'wa-si.

Ί will talk, am talking.'

156 Hawkins

(724)

yi-mta-po-'ta-ra wasi.

Ί will not talk.'

(725)

o-ye-ta-pi-'cka-cho 'my time of working'

(726)

o-ye-ta-pi-cka-'to-po

'my time of working' (alternate form)

Next, we give examples of verbal words with stress on the final syllable. More study is needed to define the rules of such stress. (727)

to-'hra

'not going'

(728)

Ke-re-'ma.

Ί sat down.'

(729)

E-to-'ko.

'Go.'

(730)

Man-'mo?

'Did you catch any (fish)?'

(731)

Ke-ta-pi-'cka.

Ί worked.'

(732)

Ke-ta-pi-'cka-y.

Ί worked.'

Finally, we give examples of verbal words with stress on the antepenultimate syllable. The only examples we have of stress in this position occur with verbs in the uninvolved past tense collective number. (733)

ne-re-'me-tke-fte. "They all sat down.' (UP)

(734)

Mo-'kya-tke-ne.

'They all came.' (UP)

22.6 Morphophonemic processes 22.6.1 Vowel loss. For convenience of description I have categorized the phonemes of Wai Wai as follows: Stable Vowels: Usually Stable Vowel: Unstable Vowels: Relaxed Consonants: Tense Consonants:

e, o, and a i ί and u k, m, p, w, and h t, s, x, c, n, n, r, f, and y

(i) Unstable vowels are lost in word-final position after the nasal consonants /n/ (735) and /m/ (736) unless the word is followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster (737).

Wai Wai 157

(735)

noro pin ρίηί > pin 3PRO NEG 'not he/him'

(736)

Kuum min ha Kuumu > Kuum a.palm.fruit 3PRO IRES Ί say that's palm fruit.'

(737)

Kuumu rma min. a.palm.fruit itself 3PRO 'It really is palm fruit.'

(ii) Unstable vowels are also lost from morpheme-final position when occurring between /k/ and a morpheme beginning with a single continuant consonant (738, 739) other than /s/ (740), unless that consonant is followed by another unstable vowel (741, 742). Unstable vowels in morpheme-final position are never lost before a consonant cluster (743). (738)

Ki- + mata + -0 = Kmata.

Ί got wet.'

(739)

Ki- -I- pohci + -w = Kpohciw.

Ί missed you.'

(740)

ki- + saya + n = kisayan

Our dresses'

(741)

Ki- + winiki + -o = Kiwinko.

Ί went to sleep.'

(742)

ku- + mumu + -ru komo = kumumuru komo

Our sons'

(743)

ki- mxiki + -ri = kimxikri

Our children'

(iii) Unstable vowels are lost from a morpheme when it occurs before a vowel-initial morpheme. (744)

Wi- -f ahka 4- -0 = Wahka.

Ί broke it (pottery, glass).'

(745)

Ni- + ono + -0 = Noono.

'He ate it (meat).'

(746)

Ti- + erema + -ce + -ii = Ceremacert

'Let's all sit down.'

(747)

Manmi + -o = Manmo?

'Did you catch any (fish)?'

(748)

Naponuku + -o = Naponko.

'He asked for, bought it.'

158 Hawkins

(iv) Unstable vowels are also lost from word-medial syllables at morpheme boundaries under any of the following types of environments: (a) They are lost between a relaxed consonant and a tense consonant in either order. See examples below; also (747-748) above. (749)

Ekposi + -ko = Ekposko.

'Spin it (thread).'

(750)

Art + -ko = Arko.

'Carry it.'

(751)

Titi- + wato + -0 = Titwato.

'We passed by it.'

(752)

Akpotu + -ko = Akpotko.

'Butcher it (meat).'

(b) They are lost between two unclustered relaxed consonants. (753)

Nawomu + -pe = Nawomhe.

'Let him arise.'

(754)

newku + -wa = newkwa.

'It is seeping out (liquid).'

(c) They are lost when /n/, /m/ or /p/ is followed by /t/, /s/, Id, or /y/. (755)

Eni + -ta = Enta.

'Go find it.'

(756)

Eni + -so = Enso kiwcesi.

Ί will go find it.'

(757)

Eni + -cow = iSiencow.

"They found it.'

(758)

Eni + -ya =

'He sees it.'

(759)

Pofmami + -ya = Pofmamya.

(760)

Eyepu + -so > Eyepso > Eyehso Eyehso kiwcesi. Ί am going to take a bath.' (For change of/p/ to /h/ see sect. 22.6.4.)

fteena.

'He is growing.'

(d) They are lost between unclustered /r/, /t/, /s/ and /x/, and /y/. (For loss of /y/ and for change of/r/ to /f/ see sect. 22.6.9.) (761)

Waaii + -ya = Waafa?

'Shall I carry it?'

(762)

Mekposi + -ya = Mekposa? 'Will you spin it (thread)?'

(e) They are lost from the utterance-final position when they are unstressed and when they follow an unclustered nasal consonant.

Wai Wai 159

(763)

Nawomu > Nawom.

'He rose up.'

(764)

oyehyunu > oyehyun

'my bridge, transportation'

(765)

kuumu > kuum

'a species of palm tree'

(f) Unclustered III, which is normally stable, is lost from a stem-final position between an alveopalatal consonant and lyl or /k/. (766)

Oyamokraxi + -ya = Oyamokraxiya > Oyamokraxa 'It might stick in my hand.'

(767)

Kitaci + -ya = Kitaciya > Kitacya > Kitaca > Kitahca Ί might get lost.' (For insertion of /h/ see sect. 22.6.9.)

(768)

Etaci + -ko = etaciko > etacko.

'Call his name.'

I have not labeled Id and lol unstable because they are rarely lost. Yet they are lost in certain situations described in the next two paragraphs. (v) Word-final /e/ is lost from the suffix -pe before the suffix -no, and it is also lost from the word onoke before words beginning with a vowel or with an unclustered consonant other than /t/, Id, /r/, or /x/. It is also lost from the involved past tense singular suffix -ye when it is preceded in the word by more than two syllables or by a consonant cluster. (769)

panape + -no > panahno 'shallow one, thin one' (Id is lost and /p/ changes to /h/. (See sect. 22.6.4.)

(770)

kawawape -I- -no > kawawano 'sour one' (Id is lost and /p/ changes to /h/ and then is lost. (See sect. 22.6.5 for loss of /h/.)

(771)

Onoke tomo?

'Who went away?' (Id not lost)

(772)

Onoke krapan on?

'Whose bow is this?' (Id not lost)

(773)

Onok mariyan tan?

'Whose knife is this?' (Id is lost)

(774)

Onok yoku mikro?

'Whose animal is that?' (Id is lost)

(775)

Wi-mi-ye. IS-tie-IP Ί tied it.'

160 Hawkins

(776)

W-afma-y. IS-throw-IP Ί threw it.'

(777)

ft-erema-y. 3S-sit-IP 'He sat down.'

(vi) Word-final /o/ is lost from the word kofpo when the suffix -no is added, and is also lost from the word-final position in the four other words mentioned below when they are followed by the particle ha. (778)

etoko + ha > etok ha

'go'

(779)

tomo + ha > torn ha

'he went'

(780)

amoko + ha > amok ha 'come'

(781)

eeko + ha > ek ha

'bring it.'

22.6.2 Harmonizing of /i/. Morpheme-final til is replaced by /u/ before a syllable containing /u/ or in a syllable after /u/. It is replaced by lit before a syllable containing /i/ unless a consonant cluster other than one containing /h/ intervenes. (782)

Mi- + puru

> Mupuru?

'Did you roast it?'

(783)

Ki- 4- wunwasi > Kuwuftwasi.

'lam lazy.'

(784)

omumu + -ri > omumuru

'my son'

(785)

Υί- + miko > Yimiko.

Tie it.'

(786)

Wi- + hxik > Wihxik.

Ί dragged it.'

22.6.3 Palatalization. The consonants /t/ and /n/ are replaced by Id and /ή/ respectively when they occur before /i/, /e/, or /y/. (787)

Ti- + irko > Cirko. 'Fix, make it.' (The prefix-final /i/ drops by vowel loss. Then the lit is replaced by Id by palatalization.)

(788)

TTti- + ifa > Cicifa? 'Shall we fix, make it?' (The final l\l of titi- is lost. Then the /t/ occurs before HI of the stem and becomes Id by palatalization. Then

Wai Wai 161

the IM before that is replaced by /i/ by vowel harmony. Then the /t/ before that is replaced by Id by palatalization.)

(789)

Ni- + eni + -ye > fteefte. 'He saw it.' (The IM of the prefix is lost by vowel loss. Then the /n/ of the prefix becomes /n/ by palatalization. Also the IM of the stem is lost by vowel loss. Then the /n/ of the stem also becomes /ft/ by palatalization.)

22.6.4 Reduction of /k/ and /p/ to /h/. The consonant /k/ is replaced by /h/ before a morpheme beginning with /t/, /k/, /s/, or Id (790-793). The consonant /p/ is usually replaced by /h/ when it becomes part of a consonant cluster (794—796). (790)

Eki + -ta = Ekita > Ekta > Ehta. 'Go get it.'

(791)

Momoku + -ko = Momokuko > Momokko > Momohko. 'Wait for it.'

(792)

Wameki + -si = Wamekisi > Wameksi > Wamehsi. 'Let me pick it up.'

(793)

Maftiki + -cow = Manikfcow > Manikcow > Manihcow? 'Did you all call him?'

(794)

Wapu + yasi = Wapuyasi > Wapyasi > Wahyasi. Ί will eat it.' (First, the /u/ is lost by vowel loss. Then /p/ is reduced to/h/.)

(795)

panape + -no = panapeno > panapno > panahno Ά shallow, thin one'

(796)

Nawomu + -pe = Nawomupe > Nawompe > Nawomhe. 'Let him rise up.'

22.6.5 Loss of /h/. When /h/ occurs at morpheme boundaries the /h/ is usually lost if it is preceded in the word by more than two syllables (797), by a long vowel (798), by a consonant cluster (799-802), or by the letter /m/ (804). /h/ is also lost from stem-medial positions when it is preceded in the word by a long vowel (805). (797)

Apomriki + -ko = ApomriMko > Apomrikko> Apomrihko > Apomriko 'Spin it.'

162 Hawkins

(798)

Eemipu + -ko = Eemipuko > Eemipko > Eemihko > Eemiko 'Patch it.'

(799)

Wamnonopu + yasi > Wamnonopyas > Wamnonohyasi > Wamnonoyasi Ί am making lumps, balls, bricks.'

(800)

xwaraxwarape + -no = xwaraxwarapeno > xwaraxwarapno > xwaraxwarahno > xwaraxwarano 'a thing with tiny holes in it such as a screen or vail.'

(801)

cukmape 4- -no = cukmapeno > cukmapno > cukmahno > cukmano 'a soft thing'

(802)

akri 4- -hra = akrihra > akrira 'not putting it up'

(803)

erema + -hra = eremahra > eremara 'not sitting down'

(804)

perem + hra = peremhra > peremra 'not swimming'

(805)

Wi- + ii + tihka = Wiiitihka > Wiitihka > Wiitika Ί finished making it.'

22.6.6 Loss of prefix tf-. The prefix ii-. marking adverbialization of a verb (sect. 23.5.1.1) or noun (sect. 23.5.1.2) is lost before word-initial /k/ and before the stems cemaro,. 'lie,' and sahsa 'saw', and the resulting forms have zero prefix. But the prefix ti- meaning third person reflexive possessor (sect. 4.1) is not lost in a similar environment (811-813). (806)

ti- + korokaxi > 0-korokaxi 'washed'

(807)

ti- + kararakaxmu > 0-kararakaxmu One to be split'

(808)

ti- + kotoporem > 0-kotoporem One that smells good'

(809)

ti- + cemarontaxmu > 0-cemarontaxmu One who tells lies'

(810)

ti- + sahsamaxmu > 0-sahsamaxmu One to be sawn'

Wai Wai 163

(811)

ti-

+ kanawart naarf > Tikanawari naaii. 'He took his own canoe.'

(812)

ti- + cemaron > Ticemaron yafmara xakne. Ήβ did not throw away his lying.'

(813)

ti- 4- sahsan > Tisahsan nahsiye. 'He got a saw to be his own.'

22.6.7 Loss of the word-final syllable η from verb stems. Verb stems that have ri as their final syllable lose that syllable before a suffix that begins with an unclustered tense consonant, except before the tense consonant lyl (814—816). (814)

art-hra carry-NEC 'not carrying it'

aa-co-ko carry-COLL-2IMP 'You all carry it.'

aa-ta carry-IMPMOT 'Go carry it.'

art + -ya-taw = artyataw > aryataw > aaf-a-taw carry-SF-when 'while carrying it' (815)

epor-ko look.for-2IMP 'Look for it.'

epo-ne look.for-AG One who looks for it'

epo-rt-che look.for-SF-after 'after looking for it.'

(816)

yu-pur-ko 3 -roast-2IMP 'Roast it.'

yu-pu-xapu GENL-roast-NOMZR + PERF One that has been roasted'

22.6.8 Change of /u/ and l\l to their respective semivowels. The vowels /u/ and /i/ remain vowels when they are stressed, and when they are followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster. Unstressed, and occurring after other vowels, they are changed to semivowels. The stress patterns vary, as is shown below, and that affects the form of these two vowels. The vowel Ν remains the same before /t/ (820). These vowels are changed to semivowels in other positions. (817)

Wo'u.

Ί took it out.'

(818)

Wow'ya?

'Shall I take it out?'

(819)

Ey'ko.

'Scold him.'

(820)

Ei'ta. 'Go scold him.'

164 Hawkins

(821)

Kew'rew.

Ί laughed.'

(822)

Newre'u rma. 'He laughed in spite of everything.'

(823)

Wimi'u.

«I tied it/

(824)

Wimiw "ha.

Ί say I tied it.'

22.6.9 Loss of /y/ and insertion of /h/. When a morpheme beginning with lyl occurs following Id, /n/, /r/, or /s/ the lyl is lost. In such cases the /r/ and /n/ are replaced by the palatalized forms /f/ (825) and /nV (826). When a long vowel should normally occur before Id the vowel remains short and /h/ is inserted before the Id (828-829). (825)

Weerf + -ya >Weerya >Weefya >Weefa? 'Shall I drink it?'

(826)

Weeni + -ya > Weenya > Weenya > Weena? 'Shall I look at it?'

(827)

Mekposi + -ya > Mekposya > Mekposa? 'Will you spin it?'

(828)

Kemici + -ye > Kemicye > Kemice > Kemihce. Ί submerged.'

(829)

enati + -ye > Nenatye > Nenacye > Nenace > Nenahce. 'It ran out, finished.'

22.6.10 Replacing of /u/ by l\l. Verb stems which end with the syllable pu occur with the /u/ replaced by N when followed by the allomorph -ra of the suffix -hra 'NEGATIVE + ADVERBIALIZER,' and the allomorph -n of the suffix -hni 'NEGATIVE + NOMINALIZER.' (830)

waypu + -ra > waypura > waypira 'not dying'

(831)

eyepu + -ra > eyepura > eyepfra 'not bathing'

(832)

enmapu + -ra > enmapura > enmapira 'not dawning'

Wai Wai 165

(833)

waypu + -n > waypun > waypin One that is not dead, one that does not die'

Morphology 23 Morphology Some of the morphemes have been described elsewhere in this paper and some lists have been given. I will here seek to discuss the morphemes that have not been previously discussed or that have only been partially discussed. 23.1 Verb stem variations. There are a few verbs that have variant stems beyond the range of morphological rules. We list these here.

(834)

Eni-hra w^0-a-sl W-enw-o. see-NEG IS-be-SF-INP IS-see-TP Ί do not see it.' Ί saw it.'

(835)

wo-hra shoot-NEG 'not shooting it'

Wi-two. IS-shoot + TP Ί shot it.'

(836)

to-hra go-NEG 'not going'

Ki-wtom-o. IS-go-TP Ί went.'

o-wto-che 1 -go-after 'after I went'

Eto-ko. to-2EMP 'Go.'

(837)

Ka-hra w-eexi. say/do-NEG IS-be + TP Ί did not say it.'

Kas-ko. say/do-2IMP 'Say it.'

(838)

Eyam-ko. cover/hide-2IMP 'Cover/hide it.'

Eyamos-ka-ki. cover/hide-REV-2IMP 'Uncover it.'

There are several verbs which have stem variation depending on transitiveness or intransitiveness:

166 Hawkins

(839)

yi-hto-ra GENL-descend-NEG 'not descending'

enihto-ra let.down-NEG 'not letting it down'

(840)

yi-wrata-ra GENL-cry-NEG 'not crying'

yi-spe-ra 3-cause, to. cry-NEG 'not causing him to cry'

(841)

K-epataka. IS-go.out + TP Ί went out.'

W-enemhataka. 1 S-let.him.go.out + TP Ί let him go out.'

(842)

Awom-ko. rise.up-2IMP 'Stand up'

Anim-ko. lift.it.up-2IMP 'Lift it up'

(843)

Ewom-ko enter-2IMP 'Go inside.'

Eremun-ko put.it.inside-2IMP 'Put it inside.'

(844)

K-eyepu IS-bathe + TP Ί took a bath.'

Τίρί-hr es-ko. bathe-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't bathe him.'

(845)

K-eseresma. lS-have:a:meal + TP Ί had a meal.'

W-erewus-ma. IS-food-VBZR+TP Ί fed them.'

(846)

Ki-wc-e-si. IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going.'

W-enep-e-si. 1 S-let.go/send-SF-MP Ί will let him go.'

There is one verb stem that may be either transitive or intransitive according to the context (847). Another verb stem may be either positive or negative according to the context (848). (847)

K-ahwo-ka

(IS-happy-REV + TP) Ί became unhappy'or (1 + 2O-happy-REV + TP) 'He made us unhappy.'

(848)

Metata ew-ka-k.

(door eye-REV-2IMP) (door eye-REV-2IMP)

'Lock the door' or 'Unlock the door.'

The stem of the copula is, of course, the most varied stem in the language. I list its variant forms here:

Wai Wai 167

(849)

exi-hra es-ko eh-topo n-0-a-s 0-x-a-kne n-eexi

(be-NEG) (be-2IMP) (be-CIRC) (3S-be-SF-INP) (3S-be-SF-UP) (3S-be + TP)

'not being' 'be' 'circumstances of being' 'he is' 'he was' 'he was'

23.2 Verb stem formative and derivational affixes 23.2.1 Stem formative suffix. The meaning of this suffix and its variation according to tense or derivation has already been presented in sect. 18.1.1.3. I discuss here the alternation of its allomorphs more fully. The allomorphs are -e/-ya/-wa/-a. The first two allomorphs are non-derivational, that is, only stem formative. The final two allomorphs are both stem formative and derivational, deriving nouns into verb stems. (i) Allomorph -e occurs on verb stems that end with /a/, /o/ or /e/ and it replaces the /a/, /o/ or /e/. (850) (a) W-aama. IS -cut. down + TP Ί cut it down.' (b) W-aam-e? 1 S-cut.down-SF + UNP 'Shall I cut it down?' (851) (a) li-na ki-wto-y. 3-to IS-go-IP Ί went to that place.' (b) li-na ki-wc-e? 3-to IS-go-SF + UNP 'Shall I go there?' (852) (a) Enepe-ko. send-2IMP 'Send him.' (b) W-enep-e-si. IS-send-SF-INP Ί will send him.' (ii) Allomorph -a occurs with a limited number of noun stems which occur with the possession suffix -n. I label the suffix -a as the stem formative suffix, but it also

168 Hawkins

seems to function as the derivational suffix deriving the nouns into verbs. To demonstrate this I give the underived noun form with its possession indicator following each verbal example. (853)

N-awsi-n-a-si. 3S-weight-POSN-VSF-INP 'It is heavy.'

awsi-n weight-POSN 'its weight'

(854)

Ni-si-n-a-si. 3S-smoke-POSN-VSF-INP 'It is smoking.'

yi-si-n 3POSR-smoke-POSN 'its smoke'

(855)

K-roma-n-a-si. 1 S-hunger-POSN-VSF-INP Ί am hungry.'

o-roma-n IPOSR-hunger-POSN 'my hunger'

(856)

Ni-rwo-n-a-si 3S-anger-POSN-VSF-INP 'He is angry.'

yi-rwo-n 3POSR-anger-POSN 'his anger'

(iii) The copula also takes the allomorph -a as a stem formative (857). hi such cases the stem of the copula is zero or the one phoneme /x/. This suffix, which is derivational with all other verbs, is not derivational with the copula. When the copula occurs with the adverbializing suffix -taw 'if/when,' the stem formative suffix which is normal for this construction does not occur (858). (857)

w^-a-s n-0-a-y 0-x-a-kne

(IS-be-SF-INP) (3S-be-SF-UNP) (3S-be-SF-UP)

Ί am/will be' 'he is/will be' 'he was'

(858)

exi-taw

(be-ADVZR+if/when)

'if he is'

(iv) Allomorph -wa occurs mostly on noun stems. It serves the double function of deriving a verb stem from a noun stem, as well as being a stem formative for a set of tense suffixes. It also usually has the meaning of ingressive action, or change of state (sect. 18.2(iv)), but in (859) that meaning is difficult to see. Allomorph -wa occurs following the possession suffix -n with nouns which take that suffix (859, 860). Noun stems that occur with other possession suffixes take the suffix -wa without any possession indicator before it (861, 862). The examples marked (b) are the underived nouns showing their possession indicating suffixes. (859) (a) K-warawa-n-wa-si. 1 S-trading.partner-POSN-VSF-INP Ί am buying/trading.'

Wai Wai 169

(b) o-warawa-n 1 POSR-trading.partner-POSN 'my trading partner' (860) (a) K-epefa-n-wa-kne. 1 S-sickness-POSN-VSF + INGR-INP Ί got sick.' (b) aw-epera-n 2POSR-sickness-POSN 'your sickness' (861) (a) N-ee-wa-si xapari xik-rl 3S-eyes-VSF + INGR-INP dog child-POSN "The pup's eyes are opening.' (b) oy-ew-ru IPOSR-eyes-POSN 'my eyes' (862) (a) Ni-pi-wa-si. 3S-wife-VSF + INGR-INP 'He will get married.' (b) noro pi-ci 3PRO wife-POSN 'his wife' (v) Allomorph -ya occurs with all other stems (863-866). In (865) the /y/ of this suffix does not appear because it coalesces with the /r/ of the stem to become /f/ according to the rule in sect. 22.6.9. This allomorph does not have the components of ingressive action or derivation. But it occurs following certain derivational suffixes (864, 866). It is thus an outer layer stem formative suffix. (863)

K-mok-ya-si. IS-come-SF-INP Ί will come.'

(864)

0-Pof-mam-ya-si. 3S-large-INGR+VSF-SF-INP 'He is growing.'

170 Hawkins

(865)

W-aaf-a-kne. IS-cany-SF-UP Ί carried it.'

(866)

Ki-hya-pam-ya-si. 1 S-shame-INGR+VSF-SF-INP Ί am ashamed.'

23.2.2 Derivational stem formative suffixes. There are other derivational suffixes besides -wa discussed in the previous paragraph. These discussed below derive other word classes into intransitive verbs. (i) The two verbalizing suffixes mentioned above (864, 866) derive verbs from nouns (867, 868), or from adverbs (870-871). They are similar in form. They are the suffixes -mam and -pam. They also have the meaning of ingressive action related to the noun root (sect. 18.2(iv)). It can be translated 'become' or any similar word. (867)

Ki-tit-mam. IS-still-VSF + INGR + TP Ί became still (made no answer).' (Tit seems to be a noun in the word tit-pe (stillness- ADVZR) 'calm (wind)'

(868)

Ku-wun-pam. 1 S-laziness-VSF + INGR + TP Ί got lazy.'

(869)

0-Cey-pam. 3S-hardness?-VSF + INGR + TP 'It got hard.'

(870)

0-Pof-mam-ye. 3S-large-VSF + INGR-IP 'It grew large.'

(871)

0-Cerere-pam-ya-kne. 3S-brittle-VSF 4- INGR-SF-UP 'It became brittle.'

(ii) Several verbs that occur with the stem formative suffix -a in certain forms occur with -n, which seems to be a possession indicator before that stem formative suffix. But in other forms of the same verb root there is considerable variation in what seem to be merely verbalizing stem formatives. There are three such forms: -m, -nm, or mm.

Wai Wai 171

(872)

K-pere-n-a-si. pere-m-ra 0-Pere-nim-ye. 0-Pere-nm-o. T-pere-mm-po-re. o-pere-nimi-che

(IS-swim-POSN-VBZR+SF-INP) (swim-VSF-NEG) (3S-swim-VSF-IP) (3S-swim-VSF-TP) (ADVZR-swim-VSF-good-ADVZR) (1-swim-VBZR-after)

Ί am swimming.' 'not swimming.' 'He swam.' 'He swam today.' 'good to swim' 'after I swim'

(873)

N-enepa-n-a-si. N-enepa-mm-ye N-enepa-nm-o. enepa-m-ra 0-enepa-mm-topo

(3S-steal-POSN-VBZR + SF-INP) (3S-steal-VBZR+SF-IP) (3S-steal-VBZR+SF-TP) (steal-VBZR-NEG) (3S-steal-VBZR-NOMZR + CIRC)

'He is stealing.' 'He stole earlier.' 'He stole today.' 'not stealing' '(something) concerning his stealing'

(iii) Verb stems that occur with the stem formative suffix -wa in certain forms (sect. 23.2.1(iv)) occur with the verb stem formative suffix -ta in all other forms. Most of these suffixes are added to nouns, but in one case the stem formative suffixes are added to variants of the noun stems, as in the verb 'to talk.' In the noun iapoia/talk' these verbalizing and stem formative suffixes replace the last syllable of the noun (874). Nouns which take the possession suffix -n also take it before the suffix -ta as well as before the suffix -wa (875). Nouns which occur with other possession-indicating suffixes drop the possession indicator before taking the ingressive verbalizing suffixes (874, 876). Some verbs occurring with these suffixes have the meaning of ingressive action (876). But in others this meaning is hard to find, as in the verb 'talk' displayed below (874). (874)

tapota o-mtapoia-ri Ki-mtapo-wa-si. yi-mtapo-wa-taw Ki-mtapo-ta. yi-mtapo-ta-ra yi-mtapo-ta-che

'talk' 'my words, language.' (1 S-talk-VSF-INP) Ί am talking.' (3-talk-VSF-ADVZR +while) 'if/while he is talking (1 S-talk-VSF + TP) Ί talked (today).' (GENL-talk-VSF-NEG) 'not talking' (3-talk-VSF-ADVZR +after) 'after he talked' (IPOSR-talk-POSN)

172 Hawkins

(875)

(876)

o-warawa-n

(IPOSR-trade-POSN)

K-warawa-n-wa-si.

(1 S-buy-POSN-VSF-INP)

K-warawa-n-ta.

(1 S-buy-POSN-VSF -I- TP)

warawa-n -ta-ra ο -warawa-n-wa-taw

(buy-POSN-VSF-NEG) (1 -buy-POSN-VSF-ADVZR)

o-\varawa-n-ta-che

(1 -buy-POSN-VSF-after)

oy-ew-ru (IPOSR-eye-POSN) Xapari xikri n-ee-wa-si. (dog child 3S-eyesVSF + INGR-INP) Xapari xikri n-ew-ta. (dog child 3S-eyes-VSF + INGR+TP)

'my trading partner' Ί am buying something.' Ί bought something today.' 'not buying' 'while I was buying things' 'after I bought things'

'my eye' "The pup's eyes are opening.' "The pup's eyes opened.'

(iv) A limited number of verb stems occur with stem formative suffix set -wa and -timi instead of the set -wa and -ta discussed in the previous paragraph. All these variant forms have the double function of stem formative and verb derivational suffix indicating ingression. The suffix -timi when preceded and followed by a vowel is shortened to -tm.

(877)

K-woso-wa-si. K-\voso-tm-o.

(IS-dream-VSF + INGR-INP) (IS-dream-VSF + INGR-TP)

(878)

M-eras-wa?

(2S-afraid-VSF + INGR + UNP)

'Are you afraid?'

M-erah-tim ?

(2S-afraid-VSF + INGR + TP)

'Were you afraid (today)?'

Ί dream.' Ί dreamed (today).' o-woso-tim-topo (IPOSR-dream-VSF + INGR-CIRC) 'my dream' K-woso-tim-ye (lS-dream-VSF + iNGR-ΓΡ) Ί dreamed (before today).' o-woso-timi-che (IPOSR-dream-VSF + INGR-ADVZR) 'after I dreamed.'

K-emahci-w oy-erah-tim-ri ke. IS-run-TP l-afraid-VSF + INGR-NOMZR because Ί ran because I was afraid.'

Wai Wai 173

There is one verb that occurs with the suffix set -wa and -im with the same components of meaning and same positions as the sets described above. Note that in the first example below with the suffix -wa the /w/ of the suffix is elided following the /w/ of the verb stem. (879)

N-erew-a-s oko. 3S-hurt-VSF + INGR-rNP ΡΑΓΝ 'It hurts!' N-erew-im-ye 3S-hurt-VSF + INGR-rP 'It hurt (before today.'

cf. erew-ru hurt-POSN 'his pain'

23.2.3 Other stem formative suffixes to nouns. There are five verb formative suffixes occurring with nouns which seem to have a causative meaning. The resulting verb stems are all transitive. (i) The suffix -ma (880)

Ow akro-no-ma-ki. 1O with-NMZR-VBZR-2IMP 'Help me.'

cf. akro-no with-NMZR 'helper, companion'

(881)

Ow epe-ma-ki 1PRO pay-VBZR-2IMP 'Pay me.'

cf. epe-thiri pay-PAST + POSN 'payment'

(ii) The suffix -hto (for loss of initial h in (882), see sect.22.6.5) (882)

(883)

K-es-epefa-n-to. 1 S-DETRANS-injury-POSN-VBZR + TP Ί hurt myself

cf. epefa

I-yo-hto-ko 3-edge/tooth-VBZR-2IMP 'Sharpen it.'

cf. i-yo-ii 3POSR-edge/tooth-POSN 'his tooth'

'injury'

(iii) The suffix -ka (884)

I-yor-ka-ki 3-sound-VBZR-2IMP 'Make it sound.'

cf. tT-yoii-re ADVZR-sound-ADVZR 'making a sound'

174 Hawkins

(885)

Erem-ka-r es-ko. spell-VBZR-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't cast a spell/curse on him.'

cf. erem 'spell, curse'

(iv) The suffix -pa (886)

(887)

Wok-pa-kl drink-VBZR-2IMP 'Give him a drink.'

cf. wooku

Man-pa-ki. black.resin-VBZR-2IMP 'Rub black resin on it.'

cf. maani

'drink'

'black resin'

(v) The suffix -pe (888)

Ayi-n-pe-ko. pepper-POSN-VBZR-2IMP 'Add pepper to it.'

cf. wooto y-ayi-n meat GEN-pepper-POSN 'pepper for meat'

(889)

yi-si-n-pe-ko 3-smoke-POSN-VBZR-2IMP 'Send smoke to them.'

cf. yt-si-n 3POSR-smoke-POSN 'its smoke'

23.2.4 Causation-indicating suffixes to verbs. Following are the suffixes occurring on intransitive verb stems to indicate causation: -re, -nmeki, -meki, -nopu, and -ka. The resulting forms are transitive. There are two causation-indicating suffixes occurring with transitive verb stems: -po and -mexpo. The resulting forms remain transitive. The causation indicating suffixes to verbs are discussed in sect. 6. 23.2.5 Detransitivizing prefix. The detransitivizing prefix occurs on transitive verbs, whether they are formed from basically transitive stems or derived transitive stems. The resulting forms are intransitive. This prefix occurs between the subject prefix, if any, and the verb stem. The functions of this prefix are discussed in sects. 4 and 5. There are six variant forms and I list them with examples below: (i) Allomorph es- occurs with stems beginning with /e/ followed by a consonant other than /x/ or Id. (890)

K-es-ehce-m-e-si. 1 S-DETRANS-medicine-VBZR-SF-INP Ί am putting medicine on myself

Wai Wai 175

(ii) Allomorph ex- occurs with stems beginning with /ex/. (891)

K-ex-exewmik-ya-sl 1 S-DETRANS-choke-SF-INP Ί am choking myself. '

(iii) Allomorph ec- occurs with stems beginning with /ec/. (892)

Ec-eceto-ko. DETRANS-hold:steady-2IMP 'Steady yourself.'

(iv) Allomorph et- occurs with stems beginning with /a/, lot, /i/, or with a consonant followed by l\l or /u/, or with a stem that takes the prefix t- '3' or 'GENL' (sect. (893)

K-et-ama oko. IS-DETRANS-slash + TP PAIN Ί slashed myself. '

(894)

ft-et-on-e-si. 3S-DETRANS-eat-SF-INP 'It gets worn (is eaten).'

(895)

ft-et-wMma. 3S-DETRANS-ruin + TP 'It was ruined. '

(896)

ft-et-puru. 3S-DETRANS-roast + TP 'It is (became) roasted.'

(897)

ft-et-iyo oco. 3S-DETRANS-scald + TP PAIN 'She scalded herself

cf. Ti-yo-ko. 3-scald-2IMP 'Scald it.'

(v) Allomorph ese- occurs with a few verb stems. (898)

K-ese-htmo-ya-si kapu. 1 S-DETRANS-know-SF-INP for.the.time.being Ί will think about it for now.'

176 Hawkins

(899)

N-ese-wakr-e-si. 3S-DETRANS-be.kind.to-SF-INP 'He is being kind to himself (buying lots of goods).'

(vi) Allomorph e- occurs with all other consonant-initial stems. (900)

N-e-hkoto. 3S-DETRANS-cut.in.two + TT 'It got cut in two.'

(901)

N-e-macaka. 3S-DETRANS-push.over + TP 'It fell (got pushed) over.'

23.3 Verb inflection affixes 23.3.1 Imperative affixes 23.3.1.1 Second person imperative affixes. These are listed in sect. 18.4.2.1. They are discussed in sect. 11. Two items of morphophonemic variation remain to be mentioned: the second person static imperative suffix -ki occurs with stems that end with /a/ (902). The form -ko occurs with all other stems. Intransitive verbs that begin with a consonant take the second person subject prefix a- (907) except the verb stem to 'go' (908) which takes an alternate stem in the second person imperative forms. Some consonant-initial transitive verb stems take the GENERAL PREFIX, functioning as a third person object marker (905). (See sect. 23.4.5.1 (ii) for the variant forms and the phonological conditioning factors of the GENERAL PREFIX.) Other consonant-initial transitive stems (e.g., 904) and all vowel-initial transitive stems (903) have no prefix, but reference to third person object is still part of the meaning of the transitive stems. (902)

Erema-ki. sit-2EMP 'Be seated.'

(903)

0-en-ko 3O-see-2IMP 'Look at it.'

(904)

0-mam-to-co-ko. 3O-circumference-VBZR-COLL-2IMP 'Surround him.'

Wai Wai 177

(905)

Υί-hkoto-ko. 3O-cut.in.two-2IMP 'Cut it in two.'

(906)

Ero yi-hkoto-ko. 3PRO 3O-cut.in.two-2IMP 'Cut that in two.'

(907)

A-mo-ko 2IMP-come-2IMP 'Come.'

(908)

Eto-ko. cf. to-hra go-2IMP go-NEG 'Go.' 'not going'

23.3.1.2 First and third person imperative affixes. Subject prefixes occur on first and third person imperative verbs, and they are the same as on first and third person finite verbs (909, 910). The collective-indicating suffix on verbs having a third person subject is the same as for collective-indicating suffixes on finite verbs (911). I have no record of object prefixes occurring on first or third person imperative verbs. There are different first and third person imperative-marking suffixes for such verbs, and the prefix and suffix always agree in person. (See sect. 18.4.2.1 (List 2) for suffixes and sects. 11.1.2 and 11.1.3 for other examples.) (909)

Oy-anme [ro mak] w-eh-si. 1-orders.of very.much lS-be-ΙΓΜΡ 'Let me do just what I want to do.'

(910)

li-to wa n-ex-pe. 3-at on.purpose 3S-be-3IMP 'Let it stay there where it is supposed to be.'

(911)

Rikomo komo ka 0-to-cow-pe. child COLL now 3S-go-COLL-3IMP 'Let the children go first.'

Hortative (1 + 2S) suffixes are given in sect. 18.4.2.1 (List 2) and are described and illustrated in sect. 11.2. 23.3.2 Verb subject prefixes have been referred to several times. Below I present a table of these prefixes, followed by a description of the morphologically determined alternation. For morphophonemic alternation see sect. 22.6.1(iii), 22.6.2 and 22.6.3.

178 Hawkins

Finite Verb Subject Prefixes Person Transitive Intransitive

2 3 1+2 1+3

m(i)m(i)η(ί)-/0η(ί)/0t(l)-/tit(i)t(i)/tit(i)(amna + n(i)/0-) (amna + n(i)/0-)

The transitive set of subject prefixes given above occurs only when the object is third person. For all other object persons the transitive set of object prefixes occurs (see sect. 23.3.3 below). (i) The above two columns of prefixes are indentical except that the 1 person prefix for transitive verbs is wi-/0- (912), while that for intransitive verbs is ld-/0- (913). In this group of examples I illustrate all the subject prefixes except the 1 + 2 prefixes which are described in (ii) below. (912)

W-aaf-a-si. IS-carry-SF-INP Ί will carry it. '

(913)

K-erem-e-sL IS-sit-SF-INP Ί will sit down.'

(914)

Mi-hkoto? 2S-cut.in.two + TP 'Did you cut it in two?'

(915)

M-epirk-e-si. 2S-fall-SF-INP 'You will fall.'

(916)

N-on-e-si. 3S-eat(meat)-SF-INP 'He is eating it (meat).'

(917)

Ni-wmk-o. 3S-sleep-TP 'He went to sleep.'

Wai Wai 179

(918)

Amna nu-puru. 1 + 3PRO 3S-roast + TP 'We (excl.) roasted it.'

(919)

Amna 0-c-e-si. 1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP 'We (excl.) will go.'

(ii) Of the two forms of the 1+2 person prefix, tit(i)- occurs before stems that begin with a single consonant (926), and before all stems that in other forms occur with the prefix tf-GENL (928) and (929). (See sect. 23.4.5.l(ii) for verbs which take the tf-GENL prefix; and sect. 22.6.3 for palatalization of/t/ to Id.) The form t(i)- Ί +2' occurs before all other stems. (920)

Marart t-ama-ce-ii. field 1 + 2-cut.down-COLL-HORT 'Let's cut a field.'

(921)

Ti-htino-ya-si amne. 1 + 2S-know-SF-INP later 'We will know it later.'

(922)

Rikomo tu-kuknon-ka-ii child 1+2-picture-VBZR-HORT 'Let's take a picture of the child.'

(923)

C-erema-rf ka. 1 + 2S-sit.down-HORT now 'Let's sit down for now.'

(924)

C-imi-ya-si. l + 2S-tie-SF-INP 'We are tying it.'

(925)

Ti-hc-e? l + 2S-go-SF-l-UNP 'Shall we go?'

(926)

Tayxa tit-mok-o. this.way 1 + 2S-come-TP 'We came this way.'

180 Hawkins

(927)

Τϊ-mtapo-ta-ce-rf l + 2S-talk-VBZR-COLL-HORT 'Let us talk.'

(928)

Tit-on-e-si. 1 + 2S-eat(meat)-SF-INP 'We are eating it.'

(929)

Tani kfa titi-nom-ya? here worthless 1 + 2S-leave-SF + UNP 'Shall we leave the worthless thing here?"

(930)

Tit-wo-rl l+2S-shoot-HORT Let's shoot it.'

(931)

Titi-m-ya yi-wya? l + 2S-give-SF + UNP 3-to 'Shall we give it to him?'

(932)

Titi-raka-ce-rl 1 + 2S-split-COLL-HORT 'Let's split it.'

(933)

Cici-f-a-si. 1 + 2S-put/fix-SF-INP 'We are fixing it.'

23.3.3 Verb object prefixes occur with transitive verbs. Almost the same set of prefixes occurs as possessor prefixes with nouns, and with possessed nominalized and some adverbialized forms that are derived from verbs (sects. 23.4.5.1 and 23.5.1). The set is also used to indicate person of the object of postpositions (sect. 17). The set consists of: Verb Object Prefixes Person With vowel-initial stems 1 2 3

oyaw0-

1+2 1+3

k—

With consonant-initial stems oa0-; also the general prefix yi-, i-, tiin certain constructions ki—

Wai Wai 181

The above set of object prefixes occurs only when the subject is third person or 1+3 person. When the subject is first person and the object second person, the prefix is k-M- (the same form as 1 + 2O when the subject is third person, see table above). The free form amna is the only marker of 1 + 3 object. (934)

Oy-etapa moso. 3S+lO-hit + TP 3PRO 'He hit me.'

(935)

A-wakre-w moso. 3S + 20-be.kind.to-TP 3PRO 'He was kind to you.'

(936)

Amna aw-akro-no-ma. 1 + 3PRO 20-with-NOMZR-VBZR+TP 'We helped you.'

(937)

isT^-etap-e-si. 3S-30-hit-SF-INP 'He will hit him.'

(938)

K-een-a-si. lS + 2O-see-SF-INP Ί see you.'

(939)

K-en-cow so yuruma. l + 2O-see-COLL + TP COLL duck "The duck saw us.'

(940)

Amna m-een-a? 1 + 3O 2S-see-SF + UNP 'Do you see us?'

(941)

Amna n-een-a? 1 + 3O 3S-see-SF + UNP 'Does he see us?'

In the case of the second person subject acting on the first person object the object is indicated by the appropriate free form pronoun: owi T, and knwi Ί +2', or kiwyam '1+2 COLLECTIVE'. (942)

Ow m-etapa oko. 1PRO 2S-hit + TP ouch 'You hit me.'

182 Hawkins

(943)

Kiw mi-hyapam-no-ya-si kopi. 1 + 2PRO 2S-shame-CAUS-SF-INP shame 'You are putting us to shame.'

The set of prefixes which I have called the "general prefix" functioning as a third person object marker occurs on transitive imperative verbs when the phonological conditions are met for those prefixes (944-945). Otherwise there is no overt form of prefix for third person object. A third person possessor prefix that is identical to this general prefix occurs quite commonly with non-derived nouns and with nominalized verb stems. For a discussion of this see sect. 23.4.5.1. (944)

O-wehto-ιί yi-raka-ki. IPOSR-firewood-POSN 3O-split-2IMP 'Cut firewood for me.'

(945)

Κί-mi-n c-ir-ko. 1 + 2POSR-house-POSN 3O-make/put-2IMP 'Make a house for us.'

Consonant-initial intransitive imperative verbs have the subject prefix a- '2' (the same form as the second person object prefix described above). (946)

Enma-poro men a-paka-co-ko. dawn-almost MON 2-awake-COLL-2IMP 'Be sure to wake up before dawn.'

23.4 Noun morphology 23.4.1 Noun stem variation. There are at least six nouns that have variant stems beyond the range of the morphological rules. (947)

rmtmo 'house'

o-mi-n IPOSR-house-POSN 'my house'

(948)

yi-son 3POSR-mother 'his/her/its mother'

(949)

aa-mo 2POSR-father 'your father'

ki-mi-n 1 + 2POSR-house-POSN Our house'

o/a/yi-nocwa-n l/2/3POSR-mother-POSN 'my/your/his mother'

yi-im 3POSR-father 'his/her father'

ki-im 1 + 2POSR-father Our father'

Wai Wai 183

(950)

aa-fio 2POSR-husband 'your husband'

oy-ino IPOSR-husband 'my husband'

noro niyo 3PRO husband 'her husband'

or

i-ino SPOSR-husband 'her husband'

noro y-ino 3PRO GEN-husband 'her husband'

(951)

o-mxik-rt IPOSR-child-POSN 'my child'

cf. noro xik-rf 3PRO child-POSN 'his child'

(952)

yi-hcipi-rf 3POSR-skin-POSN 'his skin'

cf. kooso pi-cho deer skin-POSN 'deer skin'

23.4.2 Noun stem formation from verb stems. There are 12 processes of nominalization which are fully described in sect. 15.4. 23.4.3 Derivation of nouns from adverbs (i) The suffix ~mu/-m derives nouns from adverbialized verb stems and from many adverbialized noun stems. Forms with this suffix refer to persons or items that have the attribute indicated (953, 954), or that are doing or receiving the action indicated. If the root of the word is an intransitive verb, the referent is doing the action (955). If the root is transitive, the referent is receiving the action (956). The longer variant of the suffix occurs when preceded in the word by a consonant (955), or when followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster (957). The shorter variant occurs elsewhere. Verb stems that are nominalized with this suffix also may occur with the past tense indicator -nhiri 'PAST', which in this construction never occurs with the -nho variant (958). (See sect. 23.4.5. l(xi).) (953)

ti-kpo-re-m ADVZR-sweet-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a sweet one'

(954)

ti-swa-ye-m ADVZR-blue-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a blue one'

(955)

c-erema-x-mu ADVZR-sit-ADVZR-NOMZR One who is seated'

184 Hawkins

(956)

t-aa-so-m ADVZR-take-ADVZR-NOMZR One that is to be taken'

(957)

C-enepa-n-e-mu rma mikro. ADVZR-steal-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR still 3PRO 'But he still is a thief

(958)

c-enepa-n-e-mu-nhM ADVZR-steal-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR-PAST One who has been a thief

(ii) The suffix -no derives nouns from various underived adverbs. This suffix has no variant forms and is suffixed to the otherwise unaffixed stem. See sect. 22.6.1(v) for the phonological changes in the syllable pe when followed by the suffix -no. It should be noted that this is a different suffix from the suffix -no which nominalizes verbs with the meaning of unspecified object. See sect. 15.4(x) for a discussion of that suffix. (959)

cirniki 'bitter'

cimik-no 'a bitter one'

(960)

cukmape 'soft'

cukma-no 'a soft one'

(961)

kaw 'tall/long'

kaw-no 'a tall/long one'

(iii) The suffix -n derives nouns from a few adverbs: (962)

ececoka 'having two edges'

ececoka-n One having two edges'

(963)

anarmerpa Of different kinds'

anarmerpa-n 'those of different kinds'

(964)

enexa 'from there'

enexa-n One who is from there'

(965)

katpa-pe 'bright with daylight'

katpa-n 'daylight'

(iv) There are a few adverbial words that are based on noun forms and thus do not take nominalizing suffixes. The basic noun form may be adverbialized with a suffix

Wai Wai 185

(966) or with the adverbializing postposition me (967-968) (for the postposition me, see sect. 17.2).

(966)

kifwan 'a good one'

kifwan-he 'good'

(967)

porin 'a large one'

porin me 'large'

(968)

kicici-tho 'a bad one'

kicic-me 'bad'

(v) There are three adverbs which take irregular nominalizing suffixes: (969)

ceypu 'hard'

ceypu-ru 'a hard one'

(970)

kaf-pe 'strong'

kari-ti 'a strong one'

(971)

wahra 'small'

wahra-y 'a small one'

23.4.4 Derivation of nouns from postpositions (i) Postpositions that end with lol or /w/ are nominalized by the suffix -no, as with some underived adverbs (sect. 23.4.3(ii)). (972)

miimo ya-w-no house in-in-NOMZR 'the one in the house'

(973)

mararf po-no field in-NOMZR 'the one in the field'

(974)

Wapixana che-w-no name.of.tribe among-in-NOMZR One living among the Wapishanas'

(975)

yi-ret-wo-no 3-upstream-at-NOMZR 'the one that is upstream'

186 Hawkins

(ii) Some postpositions are nominalized by the suffix -n. (976)

a-wya-n 2-to-NOMZR One that belongs to you'

(977)

Aa-ka-n komo owi 2-to.get-NOMZR COLL 1PRO Ί (came) to get you all.'

(978)

Po-na-n amoro. at-to-NOMZR 2PRO 'You are next.'

(979)

O-pi-ci me-n mikro. IPOSR-wife-POSN ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO 'She is my fiance.'

(980)

Ti-im y-ew-ke-n mikro. REFPOS-father GEN-eyes-having-NOMZR 3PRO 'He has his father's face.'

(981)

O-mariya-n ti-m-ko a-wto-che-n. IPOSR-knife-POSN 3O-give-2IMP 2-go-after-NOMZR 'Give me a knife, thing to use after you go away.'

(iii) Other postpositions are nominalized by irregular suffixes. (982)

peen kene 'having lots of weeds'

peen kefiari 'place having lots of weeds'

(983)

ero wara 'like that'

ero waray One like that'

(984)

ero xe 'wanting that'

ero xati One who wants that'

Wai Wai 187

23.4.5 Noun inflection 23.4.5.1 Inflection for possession Possessor Prefixes 1 Person 1 + 2 Person 2 Person 3 Person 3 Person reflexive Free form possessor

oy-/ok(i)aw-/a0-/i-/yi-/ti- (see (ii) below) t(i)+ vowel-initial possessed item: y- 'GEN'

(i) Possessors are indicated by prefixes listed above in the following examples:

(985)

oy-amo-rf IPOSR-hand-POSN 'my hand'

o-pana-rf IPOSR-ear-POSN 'my ear'

o-hta-rf IPOSR-foot-POSN 'my foot'

(986)

aw-ew-ru 2POSR-eyes-POSN 'your eyes'

a-kanawa-ii 2POSR-canoe-POSN 'your canoe'

a-mta-rf 2POSR-mouth-POSN 'your mouth'

(987)

k-ew-ru 1 + 2POSR-eyes-POSN Our eyes'

ki-kanawa-rf 1 + 2POSR-canoe-POSN our canoe

kT-mxik-ii l+2POSR-child-POSN Our child'

k-mariya-n l+2POSR-knife-POSN Our knife'

(988)

ti-mxik-ri REFPOS-child-POSN 'his own child'

t-mariya-n REFPOS-knife-POSN 'his own knife'

(989)

0-amo-ii 3POSR-hand-POSN 'his hand'

pawxi y-apo-rf wild.turkey GEN-wing.feather-POSN 'wild turkey's wing feathers'

The third person 0- variant occurs with stem-initial vowels (989). Examples and discussion of third person variants /-, yi- and ti- are given in (ii) below. Transitive verb stems that have been derived into nouns take the same possessor prefixes to express the underlying object (990) or, in the construction described in sect. 15.4(ii), the underlying subject (353, 354). Intransitive stems take the same set of prefixes to express the underlying subject (992). These prefixes include the third

188 Hawkins

person reflexive prefix (991). With the exception of the one transitive verb nominalization noted above, underlying subjects of nouns derived from transitive verb stems are expressed with the postposition form -wya 'by' (993). See also sect. 15.4. (990)

Aw-akro-no-ma-0 xe ti n-0-a-y. 2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-NOMZR wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He says he wants to help you.'

(991)

Ahwo-ra n-J0-a-y ti-mtapo-ta-cho-nhM poko. happy-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP REFPOS-words-VBZR-CIRC-PAST about 'He is not happy about what he said.'

(992)

Tawake wd0i-a-si a-mok-ri ke. happy IS-be-SF-INP 2S-come-POSN because.of Ί am happy because you came.'

(993)

Oy-aki-reH0i xe w-0-a-s a-wya. 1-wise-CAUS-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-INP 2-by Ί would like for you to instruct me.'

(ii) The third person prefix forms /-, yi- and ti- have a more general usage, when no third person is involved. (See below for the discussion of the GENERAL PREFIX and the phonological conditioning factors which determine the use of these forms.) As third person possessor marker, they occur with underived possessed nouns only when there is no free form possessor (994-997). (994)

yi-nakwa-rT 3POSR-landing-POSN 'his river landing'

wayawaya nakwa-rf otter river.landing-POSN 'the otter's river landing'

(995)

yi-krapa-n 3-bow-POSN 'his bow'

taam krapa-n uncle bow-POSN 'uncle's bow'

(996)

i-yo-rf 3POSR-tooth-POSN 'his tooth'

kamara yo-ri wildcat tooth-POSN 'a wildcat's tooth'

(997)

yu-mu-n 3POSR-tuber-POSN 'its tuber'

xeere mu-n manioc tuber-POSN 'a manioc tuber'

This prefix also occurs on derived possessed nouns (1001) and with nominalized postpositions when they are not preceded by a free form possessor (1000). With

Wai Wai 189

nominalized verb stems preceded by a free form possessor there is alternation; sometimes this suffix occurs and sometimes it does not. With certain stems there seems to be free alternation (998, 999) and with other stems it occurs regularly even with a free form possessor (1002). The alternate prefix ti- usually occurs on the 10 verb stems listed below when they are nominalized or adverbialized and when they are not preceded by a free form possessor (1003), but in some cases it also occurs when following a free form possessor (1004). (998)

Oy-uhre wMhma-ne mikro. IPOSR-weapon ruin-NOMZR + AG 3PRO 'He is the one who ruins my gun.' or: Oy-uhre yt-wMma-ne mikro IPOSR-weapon 3-ruin-NOMZR 3PRO 'He is the one who ruins my gun.'

(999)

paari pu-topo sweet.potatoes roast-NOMZR+CIRC 'instrument to roast sweet potatoes' or: paari yu-pu-topo sweet.potatoes 3-roast-NOMZR 'instrument to roast sweet potatoes'

(1000)

Yi-chew-no komo me wT-x-a-kne, parankari komo 3-among-NOMZR COLL ADVZR IS-be-SF-UP white.man COLL chew-no me. among-NOMZR ADVZR Ί lived among them, among the white people.'

(1001)

I-yo-hra n-0-a-s o-mariya-n. Kuwikuwi GENL-tooth-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-knife-POSN file xe w-0-a-si i-yo-hto-topo. DESID lS-be-SF-ΓΝΡ 3-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR + CIRC 'My knife is dull. I want a file with which to sharpen it.'

(1002)

xifko yi-htino-ne komo stars 3-know-AG COLL 'people who know the stars'

(1003)

Siiko kene w^-a-si. Piini ee-ko burrowing.flea having IS-be-SF-INP pin bring-2IMP

190 Hawkins t-ow-topo.

3-take.out-CIRC Ί have a burrowing flea (in my foot). Bring me a pin with which to take it out.' (1004)

Kuum t-ow-so ki-wc-e-si. palm.fruit 3-take.out-PM IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going to take out palm fruit.'

The non-third person uses of yi- and i-, and the phonological configurations of the stems that constrain their use, are now described. In these usages the forms are glossed 'GENL'. There are ten verbs (listed below) in which the prefix ti- replaces yi-/i-, in both the third person and non-third person usages. This set of 'GENL' prefixes co-occurs with the nominalizing suffixes -xapu and -hni on transitive stems of the configuration mentioned above. (1005)

Yi-hkoto-xapu ee-ko GENL-cut.in.two-NOMZR+PERF bring-2IMP 'Bring one that has been cut in two.'

(1006)

I-yo-hto-xapu ee-ko. GENL-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR+PERF bring-2IMP 'Bring the one that has been sharpened.'

(1007)

C-iri-hni min ha. GENL-make/fix-NOMZR + NEG 3PRO IRES 'It is one that has not been fixed.'

(1008)

Ti-pi-hni mikro. GENL-bathe-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO 'He is the one who has not been bathed.'

The same set of prefixes occurs in the following constructions: (a) as a third person marker, with transitive stems in the second person imperative mode: (1009)

C-ir-ko

'Fix it.'

(1010)

Ero yi-hkoto-ko

'Cut that in two.'

(b) as a third person marker, with transitive stems in the adverbial negative construction:

Wai Wai 191

(1011)

Τϊ-mi-hra wasi

Ί will not give it.'

(1012)

Yi-wMma-ra esko

'Don't ruin it.'

(c) as the GENERAL prefix, with intransitive stems in the adverbial negative construction: (1013)

Yi-wrata-ra

'not crying'

(1014)

Yi-krfpi-ra

'not hesitating'

(d) as the GENERAL prefix, with intransitive stems in the purpose of motion construction: (1015)

Υΐ-wm-so kiwcesi

Ί am going to sleep.'

The configurations of the stems that take this prefix are as follows: yi- occurs before stems that begin with a consonant cluster (1016), or that begin with a single consonant followed by /i/ or /u/ (1017, 1018), or that begin with a tense consonant (1019). i- occurs with stems that begin with /y/ (1020). ti- occurs with the 10 verb stems listed below (1021). The same parameters hold for both underived noun stems and derived noun stems. See sect. 22.6 for phonological variation of this prefix. (1016)

Yi-krapa-m-ni ow. GENL-bow-POSN-NEG 1PRO Ί have no bow.'

(1017)

Υί-min-thM n-e-macak-e-kne okwe. 3-house-PAST 3S-DETRANS-push.down-SF-UP alas 'Alas, his house fell down.'

(1018)

Yu-mumu-ru mikro. 3-son-POSN 3PRO "That is his son.'

(1019)

Υί-n-ah-ii mm. 3-NOMZR-food-POSN 3PRO "That is his food.'

(1020)

I-yo-ιί ka J0f-mohka-xi. 3-tooth-POSN now 3 S-pull, out-1 IMP 'Let me pull out his tooth.'

192 Hawkins

(1021)

Mumo c-ii-ne ro ntikro. house 3-make-AG PERM 3PRO 'He is a pro at building houses.'

(Following are the 10 verb stems that take the prefix t(i)- '3' or 'GENL': (see sect. 22.6.3 for the palatization rule.) (1022)

c-ir-ko ti-nom-ra ti-mi-hra c-ih-ko ti-pi-hra t-oh-ko t-ono-ko ti-yo-hra t-wo-ko t-ow-ko

(3-fix-2IMP) (3-leave-NEG) (3-give-NEG) (3-grate-2IMP) (3-bathe-NEG) (3-eat {bread}-2IMP) (3-eat {meat}-2IMP) (3-boil-NEG) (3-shoot-2IMP) (3-take out-2IMP)

'Fix it.' 'not leaving it' 'not giving it' 'grate it' 'not bathing him.' 'Eat it (bread).' 'Eat it (meat).' 'not boiling it' 'Shoot it.' Take it out.'

Following are some examples of these same stems in the indicative mode to show that they take the normal prefixes in such cases. (1023)

wi-if-a-si k-nom-ya-si ηΐ-m-ye \vi-k-ya-si titi'h-ya n-ok-ya-si m-oon-e wi-y-e-si aa-wo tit-ow-ya

(IS-fix-SF-INP) Ί will fix it.' (lS + 2O-leave-SF-UNP) Ί will leave you.' (3S-give-EP) 'He gave it.' (IS-grate-SF-INP) Ί will grate it.' (1 + 2S-bathe-SF + UNP) 'Shall we bathe him?' (3S-eat(bread)-SF-INP) 'He is eating it (bread).' (2S-eat(meat)-SF + UNP) 'Will you eat it?' (lS-boil-SF-ΓΝΡ) Ί will boil it.' (2S-shoot + TP) 'Did he shoot you?' (1 + 2S-take out-SF + UNP) 'Shall we take it out?'

(iii) The genitive prefix y- occurs between a free form third person possessor noun and the possessed noun when the possessed noun begins with a vowel. The same prefix also occurs with vowel-initial postpositions when they are preceded by a free form object. (1024)

caaca y-efpo-ri granny GEN-baking.plate-POSN 'granny's baking plate'

0-efpo-ri 3POSR-baking.plate-POSN 'his baking.plate'

Wai Wai 193

(1025)

Ewka y-akno mikro. man's.name GEN-brother 3PRO "That man is Ewka's brother.'

0-akno 3POSR-brother 'his brother'

(1026)

Noro y-ew-ru n-ere-wa. 3PRON GEN-eye-POSN 3S-hurt-VSF 'His eye hurts.'

0-ew-ru 3POSR-eye-POSN 'his eye'

(1027)

Apapa y-akro 0-mok-o. father GEN-with 3S-come-TP 'He came with father.'

0-akro 3-with 'with him'

(1028)

Weewe y-apomyaw erema-ki. tree GEN-under sit.down-2IMP 'Sit down under the tree.'

0-apomyaw 3-under 'under it'

The same prefix y- is also added to derived transitive verb stems which begin with a vowel when they are preceded by a free form possessor that refers to the underlying object. In the case of derived intransitive verb stems that begin with a vowel this prefix refers to the underlying free form subject. See sect. 15.2 for examples. There is another position in which -y- occurs as an infix, and that is where two noun stems, the first of which refers to a body part, are incorporated into one word and the second stem begins with a vowel. This use of -y- seems similar to the genitive prefix described above. Therefore, I give it the same label. The resulting form may be simply a compound noun (1029), or it may be verbalized (1031, 1032), renominalized from the verb stem (1030), or adverbialized (1033). (1029)

ta-y-ereki mouth-GEN-sore 'mouth sore'

(1030)

ew-y-ahwo-re-cho eye-GEN-happiness-CAUS-CIRC 'a means of comforting someone'

(1031)

Onoke miimo pe-y-ece-c-e-kne? who house forehead-GEN-support-VBZR-SF-UP 'Who braced the front of the house?'

(1032)

Es-ew-y-ahru-ko. DETRANS-eyes-GEN-close-2IMP 'Close your eyes.'

yi-mta-ri (3-mouth-POSN) 'his mouth'

194 Hawkins

(1033)

ti-pimi-y-ewax-ke ADVZR-neck-GEN-stiflhess-ADVZR 'having a stiff neck'

(iv) With many nouns present possession is indicated by the suffix -rf, -ru. I list just a few examples of this suffix here: oyewnari oropotari oyori

'my nose' 'my abdomen' 'my tooth'

awesaman anakwari atutumru

'your path' 'your river landing' 'your bowl'

ahruru ewtari wayahru

'its cover' 'its hole' 'his paddle'

kwehtori kimxikri amna wokru

Our(l + 2)fire' Our(l + 2)child' Our(l + 3) drink'

(v) A small number of nouns take the suffix -ti to indicate possession. (1035)

kati osoti yimsoti mosutu

'its fat' 'his name' 'his hair queue' 'its handle'

ka-hra oso-hra mnso mosu-hra

'without fat' 'without a name' 'hair queue' 'without a handle'

(vi) Another small group of nouns takes the suffix -ci to indicate possession. (1036)

yihpoci yipici yimici

'his hair' 'his wife' 'its tie'

yihpo-ra yipi-hra yimi-hra

'without hair' 'without a wife' 'without a tie'

(vii) I have recorded 23 possessed nouns which are not overtly marked with a possession-indicating suffix in the positive form. Most of these do not take a possession-indicating suffix in the negative form. The last in the list below does take a possession indicator (-m-) in the negative form. I list a few of these here: (1037)

oyexe exe-hra

'my throat' 'without a voice (throat)'

yupme

'its eggs'

kapikara pwne

'hen eggs'

opefi peti-hra

'my thigh' 'without a (good) thigh'

awam

'your blanket'

Wai Wai 195

amu-hra

'without a blanket'

kakno

Our(l +2) brother'

akno-m-ra

'without a brother'

(viii) A large group of nouns takes the suffix -rii to indicate possession. Any possessible loan word taken into the language takes this suffix to indicate possession. (1038)

omariya-n amarari-n okrapa-ni rma oxapika-n

'my knife' 'your field' 'still my bow' 'my hat' (probably a loan word from Portuguese)

(ix) Negation of possession and identity is described in sects. 12.3 and 12.4. (x) Categories of possession. A considerable number of nouns do not occur with possessor-marking prefixes or possession-indicating suffixes. Possession of many of these items is indicated by the name of the category to which they belong. These category words take the possessor prefixes and some of them take a possessionindicating suffix (o-wok-ru IPOSR-drink-POSN 'my drink'), (yi-nah-ri 3POSR-food-POSN 'his food') (1039). All of them take possession-indicating suffixes in the negative forms (1040). I list most of these categories here. (1039)

oy-oku xapari aw-oti yaypi iy-uru cuure ku-uhre waywT o-wok-ru kurayi yi-nahri paari k-nati-ri o-ypo-ri a-neme-ri

'my animal, dog' 'your meat, tapir' 'his bread, manioc bread' Our weapons, arrows' 'my drink, curay' 'his vegetable food, sweet potatoes' Our non-cassava crops' 'my crop of cassava plants' 'your special tasty food'

(1040)

Iy-oku-m-ra wast Iy-oti-m-ra wasi. Iy-uru-m-ra wast Iy-uhre-m-ra wasi. Woku-m-ra wasi. Yi-napu-m-ra wasi.

(GENL-animal-POSN-NEG) (GENL-meat-POSN-NEG) (GENL-bread-POSN-NEG) (GENL-weapon-POSN-NEG) (drink-POSN-NEG) (GENL-veg. food-POSN-NEG)

Ί have no pet.' Ί have no meat.' Ί have no bread.' Ί have no weapon.' Ί have no drink.' Ί have no vegetable food.'

In the examples in (1040), the iy- prefix appears to be another variant of the yi'GENL' prefix. In all the cases I have observed it occurs before stem-initial ο or u.

196 Hawkins

(xi) -nho/-nhin 'Past tense indicator on nominalized verbs'. This suffix indicates past tense on most nominalized verbs, on all nominalized postpositions, and on all nominalized adverbs. It occurs with five of the derived forms described in sect. 15.4: -xapu, -yem, -ne, -hrii, and -topof-cho. There are two meanings for this past tense suffix on nouns derived from verbs. It indicates change of action or state (1045, 1046), or it indicates action performed in the distant past (1041-1044). There is variation among speakers as to what one may feel is the distant past. There is morphologically conditioned variation between the different forms of this suffix as follows: -nho occurs when the word has a first person singular prefix (1041) or a free form possessor (1042), -nhiri occurs in all other cases. (1041)

oy-es-emani-yemi-nho IPOSR-DETRANS-play-ASS-PAST 'the one I formerly played with.'

(1042)

ft-ekaf-ka-y tak Ewka y-aa-fie-nho. 3S-strong-REV-IP change man's.name GEN-take-AG-PAST 'The one who took Ewka became weak.'

(1043)

Tooto pen y-et-afma-topo-nho tan. people dead GEN-DETRANS-throw-CIRC-PAST this 'This is the place of the people who are now dead.'

(1044)

Noro rma aw-es-emani-yemi-nhM. 3PRO still 2POSR-DETRANS-play-ASS-PAST 'He is the one you used to play with.'

(1045)

Karpe tak wdft-a-si amoto-xapu-nhM. strong change IS-be-SF-INP sick-NOMZR + PERF-PAST Ί am strong now after having been sick.'

(1046)

ft-ek hara aa-ne-nhM. 3S-bring + TP back.again take-AG-PAST 'The one who took it brought it back again.'

The suffix -nho/-nhiri also indicates past possession on a few nouns which describe a relationship. It indicates that the relationship has ceased. (1047)

o-h-ci-nho noro 0-ci-nho yi-h-ci-nhM

(IPOSR-wife-POSN-PAST) (3PRON wife-POSN-PAST) (3POSR-wife-POSN-PAST)

'my former wife' 'his former wife' 'his former wife'

(1048)

i-yimi-nhiri

(3POSR-father-PAST)

'the father of him, the deceased'

Wai Wai 197

(1049)

0-akno-nhM

(3POSR-brother-PAST)

(1050)

a-kayaritomo-ni-nhM komo 2POSR-chief-POSN-PAST COLL 'the one who was your chief

(1051)

a-poyino-nhM komo 2POSR-relative-PAST COLL 'your deceased relative'

'the brother of him, the deceased'

A past state of existence of underived nouns can also be indicated by this same suffix. (1052)

Tooto-nhtrf amna n-een-e. person-PAST 1 + 3PRO 3S-see-IP 'We saw someone who had been a person (who had been an Indian).'

The suffix -thof-thin occurs on the majority of possessible nouns to indicate past possession. Nouns that take the present possession suffix -ri lose this suffix before this past possession indicator. Nouns that take the possession indicator -rii retain this suffix before the past possession indicator. For this reason I do not label the syllable ri of the allomorph -thin as a distinct possession indicator. The morphologically conditioned variation of this suffix is exactly the same as for the suffix -nho/-nhiri described above. (1053)

0-apo-thM 3POSR-front.leg-PAST + POSN 'its front leg (cut off)'

Yaypi y-apo-ri tapir GEN-front.leg-POSN 'the tapir's front leg'

(1054)

o-kanawa-tho lPOSR-canoe-PAST + POSN 'my former canoe'

o-kanawa-ri IPOSR-canoe-POSN 'my canoe'

(1055)

o-krapa-n-tho IPOSR-bow-POSN-PAST 'my former bow'

o-krapa-n IPOSR-bow-POSN 'my bow'

(1056)

a-mariya-n-thM 2POSR-knife-POSN-PAST 'your former knife'

a-mariya-n 2POSR-knife-POSN 'your knife'

(xii) The suffix -nano indicates unspecified possessor on a very few nouns. It only refers to persons other than the speaker or hearer. There is one noun which takes the

198 Hawkins

suffix -no to indicate the same thing. I have no record of either of these suffixes being used in the past tense. (1057)

Pi-nano poko-hr es-ko. wife-UNSP + POSN occupied.with-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't have an affair with someone else's wife.'

(1058)

Ok-no wo-hr es-ko. animal-UNSP + POSN shoot-NEG be-2IMP 'Don't shoot someone else's animal.'

23.4.5.2 Other noun inflections (i) Devaluation and endearment. The suffix -tho occurs with unprefixed noun stems and indicates low estimated value of the item if the item is impersonal (1059). Old age is implied in many cases. If the noun refers to a person, especially to a relative, the same suffix indicates endearment (1060). (1059)

kicici-tho mnmo-tho kanawa-tho mariya-tho

(bad one-DEV) (house-old and bad) (canoe-old and bad) (knife-old and worthless)

'a very bad one' 'an old and bad house' 'an old and bad canoe' 'an old and bad knife'

(1060)

apapa-tho yememe-tho o-pi-ci-tho Yakuta-tho

(dad-dear) (mama-dear) (1 POSR-wife-POSN-dear) (boy's name-dear)

'dear daddy' 'dear mama' 'my dear wife' 'dear Yakuta'

(ii) Diminutive indicator. The suffix -ci occurs on nouns and indicates that the item is small. A noun with this suffix may be used as an apellation for a person. Such a noun may be followed by the adverbializer me as a description of a person or item. This suffix has a counterpart, the particle ciki, which has the same meaning plus the component of endearment. The suffix and the particle do not occur together in the same phrase. (1061)

parakwe-ci e\vna-ci amta-ci me omxikri ciki

'small drinking bowl' 'little nose (apellation)' 'small width, narrow' 'my dear little child'

Wai Wai 199

23.5 Adverb morphology 23.5.1 Derivation of adverbs 23.5.1.1 Derivation of adverbs from verb stems (i) The affix set ti-. . . -so/-xi averbializes verb stems. The suffix variant -xi normally occurs following stem-final /a/ (1062) and -so follows all other stems (1063). There are a few stems which occur with -so following the phoneme /a/ (1064). The underlying stem of such verbs ends with pu, which is lost through the morphophonemic processes of vowel loss, conversion of /p/ to /h/ and loss of /h/. See sects. 22.6.1, 22.6.4, and 22.6.5. (1062)

T-ama-xi n-0-a-s on weewe. ADVZR-slash-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO tree "This tree is slashed.'

(1063)

T-apih-so w-een-a-s on. ADVZR-step.on-ADVZR lS-see-SF-ΓΝΡ this 'It looks to me like this has been stepped on.'

(1064)

T-akpa-so n-0-a-si tuuna y-epu. ADVZR-separate-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP water GEN-tmnk 'The river is divided.'

(1065)

Tan w-0-a-si t-wayih-so ro. here IS-be-SF-INP ADVZR-die-ADVZR until Ί will stay here until I die.'

A variation of the above forms occurs when the verb root begins with Id, /s/, /t/, or /k/. In such cases the prefix is elided but the suffixes are unchanged. The adverbialized forms rarely occur, the renominalized forms occurring much more often. Therefore, I list only the renominalized forms below. The nominalizing suffixes are discussed in sect. 23.4.3(i). The same elision of prefix rule holds for all the adverbialized forms described below, whether formed from noun roots or verb roots. (1066)

cemaro-n-ta-x-mu lie-POSN-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a liar'

o-cemaro-n 1 POSR-lie-POSN 'my lying'

200 Hawkins

(1067)

sahsa-ma-x-mu saw-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR 'logs to be sawn'

o-sahsa-n IPOSR-saw-POSN 'my saw'

(1068)

tawa-re-so-m smear-CAUS + VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR One to be smeared with something'

(1069)

koroka-x-mu wash-ADVZR-NOMZR 'the ones to be washed'

(No known noun root)

koroka VERB ROOT 'wash'

(ii) The suffix -hra is the negative adverbializer of verb stems (1070, 1071). Before the imperative of the copula the /a/ of the suffix is regularly lost (1072). See sect. 12.1, and also 22.6.5 for loss of initial /h/ when the suffix follows certain configurations. (1070)

Eki-hra w-eexi. bring-NEG + ADVZR IS-be + TP Ί did not bring it.'

(1071)

Waypi-ra 0-x-a-kne. die-NEG + ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UP 'He did not die.'

(1072)

Ewre-r es-ko. laugh-NEG + ADVZR be-2IMP 'Don't laugh.'

(iii) A set of three affixes, ti-. . . -po + -re, indicates obligation to do an action, or that the speaker feels it would be good to do an action. (See also sect. 11.5.) (Cf. the same set of affixes with noun stems, sect. 23.5.1.2(xv)). These affixes occur on either transitive (1073) or intransitive (1074) verb stems. The resulting form is an adverbial and may be followed by the copula, in the third person singular form, or the verb eni 'see' (1073) or the verb enta 'hear'. The copula varies in tense according to the time of the obligation and the mood of the speaker. The nominalization of the adverbialized forms are heard only occasionally (1075). (1073)

T-atka-po-re w-een-a-si marari. ADVZR-clean.of.weeds-good-ADVZR IS-see-SF-INP field Ί believe the field should have the weeds cleaned out of it.'

Wai Wai 201

(1074)

Τϊ-to-po-re n-0-a-si. ADVZR-go-good-ADVZR 3s-be-SF-INP 'It would be good to go.'

(1075)

C-enta-po-re-m okre. ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR-NOMZR delight 'How beautiful to hear!'

Negativization of this obligation construction is described in sect. 11.5. But there is another use of this affix set which includes both positive and negative constructions. These constructions do not refer to obligation but to good or bad feelings. They occur only on the copula. The positive form is the same as that with the other verb stems shown above (1077, 1079). The negative forms take the adverbializing negative suffix -ra or the nominalizing negative suffix -n with the unprefixed stem (1076, 1078). The suffix -re ADVZR is lost before both of these negativizers. (1076)

Ex-po-ra wH0f-a-si tan. be-good-NEG + ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP here Ί am bored here.'

(1077)

C-ex-po-re w-0-a-si tan. ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP here Ί am contented here.'

(1078)

ex-po-n komo be-good-NEG + NOMZR COLL 'the ones who are bored'

(1079)

c-ex-po-re-m komo ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL 'the contented ones'

Another negativized form of this adverbial includes the full set of affixes, both the prefix and the two suffixes, and the negative adverbializer suffix is then added. The meaning includes personal feelings, as the above constructions do. I have recorded this on only the two verbs given below, and in each case the adverbial is followed by the positive finite form of the same verb. (1080)

C-enta-po-re-ra w-enc-e-si. ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR-NEG IS-hear-SF-ENP Ί don't like to hear that.'

202 Hawkins

(1081)

C-en-po-re-ra w-een-a-si. ADVZR-see-good-ADVZR-NEG 1 S-see-SF-INP Ί don't like to see that.'

(iv) The suffix -poro indicates that an action is about to be done. It should be noted that this form does not include the adverbializer prefix ti- which most derived adverbs take. I have no record of this suffix with transitive verbs. (1082)

Enof-poro n-0-a-si kanawa. sink-almost + ADVZR SS-be-SF-INP canoe "The canoe is about to sink.'

(1083)

Enma-poro kayka-tko. dawn-almost + ADVZR let's.go-COLL 'Let us all go just before dawn.'

(1084)

Mok-poro tak n-0-a-sl come-almost+ ADVZR CHANGE 3S-be-SF-INP 'It (airplane) is about to come.'

(v) The affix set ti-. .. -ro indicates that the action occurred repeatedly or continually during the time another action was occurring. I have only heard this adverbial used as the adjunct of verbs of coming or going. It is clear that the prefix is the adverbializer and the suffix carries lexical meaning, that is, time of the action. We may say that the suffix also carries the component of adverbialization to conform to other adverbializing affix sets. (1085)

Mehxa k-mok-o t-arani-ro. from.far IS-come-TP ADVZR-catch.fish-ADVZR + time Ί came from far, catching fish as I came.'

(1086)

TT-titmam-ro ki-wc-e-si. ADVZR-stop-ADVZR + time IS-go-SF-INP Ί will go, stopping occasionally as I go.'

(vi) The suffix -so/-xi indicates action that is the purpose or goal of going or coming. The allomorph -xi occurs following stems ending with /a/ (1087). The allomorph -so occurs with all other stems. Verb stems having the purpose of motion suffix occur either before or after the head verb (1088), but they most commonly occur before the head verb. The adverbializing prefix never occurs with these forms. Possessor and genitive prefixes occur with transitive stems, and the general prefix with intransitive stems (1087, 1090, 1091).

Wai Wai 203

(1087)

Maraii y-ama-xi ki-wc-e-si. field GEN-cut.down-PM IS-go-SF-MP Ί am going to cut a field.'

(1088)

Eyeh-so mii-c-e? or Miice eyehso? bathe-PM 2S-go-UNP 'Are you going to take a bath?'

(1089)

Enma-so ki-wc-e-si. Verb Stem: enmapu dawn-PM IS-go-SF-INP dawn Ί am going to dawn (spend several nights in the forest).'

(1090)

Aw-akro-no-ma-xi k-mok-ya-s amne. 2POSR-with-NOMZR-VBZR-PM IS-come-SF-INP later 'Later I will come to help you.'

(1091)

Yi-win-so ki-wc-e-si. GENL-sleep-PM IS-go-SF-INP Ί am going (away) to sleep.'

(vii) The suffix -tome/-chome indicates that the action is the purpose or goal of another action. There is free variation between the variants of this suffix following many verb stems (1093), but with a few verb stems, including the copula, there is no variation (1092, 1095). Possessor-marking prefixes occur with verb stems having this suffix (see sect. 23.4.5.1). See sect. 15.4(iv) for the similar forms -cho/-topo 'CIRC' which function as nominalizing suffixes. (1092)

Rikomo akri-ko yi-wm-tome. child put.up-2IMP 3POSR-sleep-PURP 'Put the child in the hammock so he can go to sleep.'

(1093)

Katpa-n-a-w amna ni-winik-ya-si outdoors-NOMZR-LOC-in 1 + 3PRO 3S-sleep-SF-FNP pahxaxaro amna paka-chome/tome. early .morning 1 + 3PRO awake-PURP 'We sleep outdoors in order to wake up very early.'

(1094)

Kanaperi po k-enma-ya-si wooto y-en-tome. stand on lS-to.dawn-SF-ΓΝΡ wild.game GEN-see-PURP Ί will remain on the stand until dawn to see wild game.'

(1095)

O-karita-n w-ermono-ya-si mata-hr IPOSR-book-POSN IS-put.under.cover-SF-INP get.wet-NEG

204 Hawkins

eh-tome. be-PURP Ί will put my book under cover so it won't get wet.' (1096)

Cuure enka-ki ki-wto-tome. manioc.bread put.into-2IMP 1 + 2POSR-go-PURP 'Put the bread in (sack) in order for us to go.'

(1097)

Rikomo wano-ma-ki pahki yi-win-tome. child song-VBZR-2IMP long-time 3POSR-sleep-PURP 'Sing to the child so he will sleep a long time.'

(viii) The suffixes -taw and -ehe. Adverbials formed by these suffixes are fully discussed in sect. 14.2. 23.5.1.2 Derivation of adverbs from noun stems and renominalization of the same. A large number of adverbs are derived from noun stems. Noun stems that occur with one derivational affix or affix set do not occur with any other derivational affixes. I have not discovered a rule by which to predict which suffix will occur with which noun stem. I can merely list them and give examples. In the examples below the adverbializing affixes are first shown, and then followed by the basic noun forms. Following that, examples of the renominalizing suffixes are given in each paragraph for the sake of comparison. The meaning of the adverbializing affixes is that the referent has the attribute expressed by the noun stem. (i) The affix set ti-. . . -re. Adverbialization: (1098)

c-erew-re cu-cu-re tu-wunu-re ti-kpo-re kamxuk-re

'painful' 'red/yellow' 'lazy' 'sweet' 'bloody'

cf. cf. cf. cf. cf.

erewru yucuru wuunu yikpori kamxukru

'its pain' 'its redness' 'laziness' 'its sweetness' 'his blood'

(Note variation in and loss of prefix ti- according to morphophonemic rules. See sects. 22.6.2, 22.6.3, and 22.6.6.) Nominalization (1099)

c-erew-re-m (ADVZR-pain-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a painful one' cu-cu-re-m (ADVZR-redness-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a red one'

Wai Wai 205

(ii) The affix set / / - . . . -ye/-y. The allomorph -ye occurs when it is preceded in the word by only two CV syllables and is not preceded by a word-medial consonant cluster, or when the word is followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster, or by the nominalizing suffix -m. Adverbialization: (1100)

ci-cwi-y tu-smu-ye t-pono-ye ti-mi-ye tu-smu-ye rma ί,Λ

,Λ

'black' 'dirty' 'clothed' 'housed' 'still dirty'

cf. yicwin cf. yusmun cf. ponon cf. yimin

'its blackness' 'its dirt' 'his clothes' 'his house'

Nominalization: (1101)

ci-cwi-ye-m tu-smu-ye-m

(ADVZR-blackness-ADVZR-NOMZR) (ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR-NOMZR)

'a black one' 'a dirty one'

(iii) The affix set ti-... -n + -ye is a variation of the previous affix set. I interpret the suffix -n as the possession indicator (see sect. 23.2.1(ii)). The /y/ of the following suffix coalesces with the /-n/ to form /-n/, and thus the /y/ does not appear. However, the adverbialized form only rarely occurs. The forms that are nominalized from the adverbialized forms are very much more common. Therefore, I list only those in the examples below: Adverbializaton plus Nominalization: (1102)

t-awsi-n-e-m ADVZR-weight-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR One that is heavy'

awsi-re-ko weight-CAUS-2IMP 'Weight it down'

(1103)

t-maya-n-e-m ADVZR-wildness-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR One that is wild' (No noun root known for this word.)

(1104)

c-enepa-n-e-m ADVZR-stealth-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a thief

(1105)

ti-rwo-n-e-m ADVZR-anger-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR One who is angry'

enepa me kas-ko stealth ADVZR say/do-2IMP 'Do it secretly.' rfiwo-xe anger-ADVZR 'angry'

206 Hawkins

(iv) The affix set ti-. .. -ke has the same meaning as the previous sets. Adverbialization: (1106)

t-pot-ke tu-hme-ke c-epethi-ke t-ar-ke

'pointed' 'having eggs' 'costly' 'pregnant'

cf. poturu cf. yuhme cf. epethiri ct. yanri

'its 'its 'its 'its

point' eggs' payment' contents'

Nominalization: (1107)

c-epethi-ke-m ADVZR-payment-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a costly one' t-ar-ke-m ADVZR-pregnant-ADVZR-NOMZR 'a pregnant woman'

(v) The affix set ti-. .. -pe has the same meaning as the previous sets. I have only two adverbs of this set recorded. Adverbialization: (1108)

ti-kris-pe t-macka-pe

'having a rash' 'leaning'

cf. kirisi 'a rash' no related noun known

Nominalization: (Only one known) (1109)

t-macka-no

(ADVZR-leaning-NOMZR)

One that is leaning'

(vi) The suffix -pe occurs without a prefix on several stems. They are apparently not noun stems, since they take nominalizing suffixes. But I have included them along with noun stems, thinking possibly they were either nouns or particles at some time in history. See sect. 22.6.4-5 for the reduction of /p/ to /h/ and loss of /h/ in ex. (1111). Adverbialization: (1110)

pana-pe cukma-pe xwaraxwara-pe kwacakwaca-pe poror-pe

'thin, shallow' 'soft' 'with many tiny holes' 'spotted' 'numb'

Wai Wai 207

pupya-pe won-pe

'sloped downhill' 'causing people to itch'

Nominalization: (1111)

pana-hno cukma-no

(thin, shallow-NOMZR) (soft-NOMZR)

'a thin, shallow one' 'a soft one'

(vii) The suffix -me also occurs without an accompanying prefix. Compare the postposition me 'ADVZR' (sect. 17.2). I have postulated this syllable -me as a suffix on a few nouns and one pronoun because it occurs very often with them and it is pronounced without any intervening pause between so that it seems to be one word. Adverbialization: (1112)

anar-me kicic-me weyun-me potur-me

'different' 'bad' 'deep (water)' 'first in line'

cf. anari cf. kicici cf. weyun cf. potu-ru

'another one' 'a bad one' 'a deep place' 'its point, the first in line'

Nominalization: (1113)

anar-me-n (another-ADVZR-NOMZR) One who is different' (The other three examples do not occur with a nominalizing suffix, but lose the suffix -me, leaving the original noun form.)

(viii) The affix set ti-. .. -xe also adverbializes noun stems. Adverbialization: (1114)

ti-hpo-xe c-etpo-xe ti-krewe-xe

'hairy' cf. yihpoci 'his hair' 'having a beard' cf. etpoci 'his beard' 'slimy' cf. the form n-e-krewe-re-w (3S-DETRANS-algae??-CAUS-TP) 'It got slimy.'

Nominalization: (1115)

ti-hpo-xe-m c-etpo-xe-m

(ADVZR-hair-ADVZR-NOMZR) (ADVZR-beard-ADVZR-NOMZR)

One that is hairy' One that has a beard'

(ix) The affix set ti-. .. -we also adverbializes noun stems. I know of no pure nouns with which to compare some of these stems. But there is a negativized form and a verb form in which the basic stem functions like a noun stem by virtue of the derivational suffixes that co-occur (see the first two examples in (1116)).

208 Hawkins

Adverbialization: (1116)

t-apes-we c-eket-we tu-mut-we

'slick' 'flexible' 'white'

cf. n-apesi-re cf. eketu-m-ra cf. yu-mutu-n

(3S-slick-CAUS + UNP) (flexible-POSN-NEG) (3POSR-white-POSN)

'It makes it slick.' 'not flexible' 'its white spot'

Nominalization: (1117)

t-apes-we-m tu-mut-we-m

(ADVZR-slick-ADVZR-NOMZR) (ADVZR-white-ADVZR-NOMZR)

'a slick one' 'a white one'

(x) The suffix -ka\v adverbializes a few nouns, mostly parts of the body. (Cf. the adverb kaw 'tall, high, long', sect. 20.) I postulate these examples as one compound word rather than two separate words because in the third example in (1118) the suffix of the noun is lost when followed by the adverb kaw. Adverbialization: (1118)

apor-kaw ehyat-kaw yihre-kaw

cf. apo-ri cf. ehyati cf. yihrepu

'having long arms' 'being long' 'having long legs'

'his arms' 'his spine' 'his legs'

Nominalization: (1119)

apor-ka\v-no (arm-long-NOMZR) yi-hre-kaw-no (3-leg-long-NOMZR)

One having long arms' One having long legs'

(xi) The affix set /-. .. -kaw adverbializes stems which are based on noun stems. The meaning is 'stretched out/up.' Adverbialization: (1120)

t-apo-rara-kaw cf. apo-ri 'having arms/wings outstretched'

(1121)

t-pana-caf-kaw 'having ears pricked up'

cf. pana-ri

'his arms/wings'

'his ears'

Wai Wai 209

(1122)

ti-h-kaw 'having head raised up'

cf. noro ρί-tho

'its skull'

Nominalization: (1123)

t-pana-caf-kaw-no ADVZR-ears-?-long-NOMZR One having long ears'

(1124)

ti-h-kaw-no ADVZR-head-high-NOMZR One having his head raised'

(xii) The suffix -pene also derives adverbs from nouns. It indicates that a person or animal possesses an item that is very large, or possesses a large quantity of an item. It does not occur with the adverbializing prefix if-, but it does take the general prefix yi- when the phonemic structure is right (sect. 23.4.5.1(ii)). Note that the nominalizing suffix requires a change in the final vowel of the adverbializing suffix. Adverbialization: (1125)

ew-pene yi-nah-pene

'having large eyes' 'having much food'

cf. ew-ru 'his eyes' cf. yi-nah-ri 'his food'

Nominalization: (1126)

ew-penan (eyes-large+ NOMZR) One having large eyes' yi-nah-penan (GENL-food-large + NOMZR) One having much food'

(xiii) The suffix -ciciy/-ciciye indicates that a body part, or part of any item, is prominent. These forms also occur without the u- adverbializing prefix. The longer variant occurs before the nominalizing suffix. Adverbialization: (1127)

ewna-ciciy potu-ciciy

'having a prominent nose' 'having a prominent point'

Nominalization: (1128)

ewna-cici-ye-m

(nose-prominent-ADVZR-NOMZR)

One having a prominent nose'

210 Hawkins

potu-cici-ye-m

(point-prominent-ADVZR-NOMZR)

One having a prominent point'

(xiv) The possession-indicating suffix -m/-0 occurs before the negative-indicating suffixes -hra and -hni in a number of words. The former derives adverbs from nouns. The latter retains the stem in the noun word class. The /h/ of both these negative suffixes is always lost following the -m variant. Usually the -m variant occurs following stems that take the possession indicator -ni (exception (1129)). Other noun stems take the zero variant. See also sect. 12.3. (1129)

Υϊ-napu-m-ra n^-a-y. GENL-food-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP 'He has no food.'

o-nah-ri IPOSR-food-POSN 'my food'

(1130)

Ato-m-ra Wr0-a-si cough-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP Ί am not coughing.'

oy-ato-n IPOSR-cough-POSN 'my cough'

(1131)

Yi-mxiki^-ra 0-x-a-tkene o-mxik-rt GENL-child-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP + COLL IPOSR-child-POSN 'They had no children.' 'my child'

(xv) The affix set ti-. .. -po + -re indicates that an item or person that one possesses is good. (Cf. the same set of adverbializing suffixes with verb stems, sect. 23.5.1.1(iii). This form is often nominalized by the suffix -mu/-m. (1132)

Ci-pi-po-re n-0-a-si. ADVZR-wife-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 'He has a good (beautiful) wife.'

(1133)

Ci-pi-po-re-m y-etapa-xi 0-c-e-xe. ADVZR-wife-good-ADVZR-NOMZR GEN-club-PM 3S-go-SF-INP 'They are going to club those who have good (beautiful) wives.'

(1134)

Τϊ-mm-po-re m-0-a-s okre. ADVZR-house-good-ADVZR 2S-be-SF-INP delight 'You have a nice house.'

(1135)

Ti-min-po-re-mu rma ow. ADVZR-house-good-ADVZR-NOMZR still 1PRO Ί am one who still has a good house.'

Wai Wai 211

(xvi) The negative of the above forms is formed by the suffix set -po + -ra for the adverbialized forms and by the suffix set -po + -n for the nominalized forms. It should be noted that the possession suffix -n also occurs preceding these suffixes with the set of nouns that take that suffix in the positive forms (1 1 36, 11 37). Nouns that take the possession indicator -rf do not occur with a possession suffix before this suffix (1138). (1136)

Pono-n-po-ra clothes-POSN-good-NEG + ADVZR 1 S-be-SF-ΓΝΡ Ί have clothes that are not good.'

(1137)

Pono-n-po-n owi. clothes-POSN-good-NEG + NOMZR 1PRO Ί am the one who has clothes that are not good. ' o-pono-n (IPOSR-clothes-POSN) 'my clothes'

(1138)

Kanawa-po-ra w-0-a-s okwe. canoe-good-NEG IS-be-SF-INP alas 'Alas, I have a bad canoe. ' o-kanawa-ri (lPOSR morphophonemic change in a word Single quotation mark ( ' ) marks stress on the following syllable. indicates that another + component of meaning is indicated by the same morpheme. first person 1 2 second person 3 third person

UNP

A component of meaning of a given morpheme may not be included in the glosses if that component is not in focus.

220 Hawkins

References Derbyshire, Desmond C. 1985 Hixkaryana and linguistic typology, Summer Institute of Linguistics Publications in Linguistics 76 (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics and University of Texas at Arlington). Hawkins, W. Neill 1952 A fonologia da lingua Uaiuai, Boletim 157, Emografia e Tupi-Guarani 25 (Säo Paulo: Universidade de Säo Paulo). 1962 A morfologia do substantivo na lingua Uaiuai, Publica^oes Avulsas 21, Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade do Brasil). Hawkins, W. Neill, and Robert E. Hawkins 1953 "Verb inflections in Waiwai (Carib)," International Journal of American Linguistics 19:201-211.

Wai Wai 221

APPENDIX WAI WAI TEXT KERIYME PEN WAYHTOPONHO The story of Kiriyme's death Told by Forosha (1)

Taa, on wara mak ka xe w-0-a-s a-wya all.right this like just say DESID IS-be-SF-INP 2-to oy-akno, tan aw-exi-taw cuh-wa-ka-n komo IPOSR-brother here 2-be-while grass(forest)-LOC-to-NOMZR COLL 0-c-e-tkene. 3S-go-SF-UP + COLL 'All right, this is what I will say to you my brother, while you were here people went to the forest.'

(2)

Ero wara 0-c-e-tkene a-weroro rma. 3PRO like 3S-go-SF-UP + COLL 2-in.view self 'That's how they went, you saw them yourself

(3)

ftexamro-nhM 0-mok-ya-tkene hara. 3PRO +COLL-PAST 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL again "They who went came back again.'

(4)

Kifwanhe so rma 0-mok-ya-tkene. good COLL CONREP 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL 'They were well when they came.'

(5)

Yihci-ιΐ me ka 0-mok-ya-kne KMyme. begin-NOMZR ADVZR TEMP 3S-come-SF-UP KMyme. 'First, KMyme came.'

(6)

Taa, pona [xa hara] Pooto tak 0-mok-ya-kne all.right, next again man's.name next 3S-come-SF-UP okomni nhe tak ha. last somewhat next RHY

222 Hawkins

'All right, next Pooto came somewhat later.' (7)

Ero wara 0-mok-ya-tkene hara kirwanhe rma. that like 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL again well CONREP "That's how they returned, (they were) still well.'

(8)

Taa, on wara tko wii-k-e-s oy-akno, AlLright, this like NT IS-say-SF-INP IPOSR-brother k-akno-nhM poko tak ha. l+lPOSR-brother-PAST about next RHY 'All right, this is what I will say, my brother, about our deceased brother.'

(9)

On wara 0-x-a-kne KMyme pen, 0-wayh-ya-kne okwe this like 3S-be-SF-UP man's.name deceased 3S-die-SF-UP alas k-akno-nhM pen komo. 1 + 2POSR-brother-PAST deceased COLL 'This is what happened to our deceased brother, KMyme, our brother died, alas!'

(10)

[Ahce kacho] ha na? Camki xa w-0-a-s ow. why RHY UNCER ignorant SUP IS-be-SF-INP 1PRO 'Why did he die? I do not know at all.'

(11)

On wara 0-mok-ya-kne cuh-wa-w-no-nho, this like 3S-come-SF-UP forest-LOC-in-NOMZR-PAST 0-moku-che n-enma-y, n-enma-y, n-okoh-wa-kne tak 3-come-after 3S-dawn-IP 3S-dawn-IP 3S-corpse-VSF-UP CHANGE noro pen. 3PRO deceased 'This is how he was when he came from the forest, after he came, he dawned (passed the night), he dawned, then he got sick (like a corpse).'

(12)

Taa, amne n-ocoro-n-wa-kne ha na. AlLright, later 3S-fever-POSN-VSF-UP RHY UNCER 'All right, later he developed a fever possibly.'

(13)

Taa, yi-hta-rf poko 0-x-a-kfie ereki, AlLright, 3POSR-feet-POSN on 3S-be-SF-UP sores

Wai Wai 223

0-amo-rf poko marha, 0-ew-ru kwaw marha. 3POSR-hands-POSN on also 3POSR-eyes-POSN in also 'All right, there were sores on his feet, also on his hands and in his eyes.' (14)

0-Ew-ru picho yay ha re, 3POSR-eyes-POSN lids under RHY somewhat yaw 0-x-a-kne ha ti oko. LOG + in 3S-be-SF-UP RHY 3RES PAIN 'Somewhat under his eyelids, he said it was in them, ouch.'

(15)

Ero n-ahsi-ya-kne epefa noro pen. 3PRO 3S-catch-SF-UP disease 3PRO deceased 'He caught that disease (Lit.: The disease caught him).'

(16)

Ero yi-nhM kaf-pe-ra 0-x-a-kne okwe 3PRO like-PAST strength-ADVZR-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP alas enexa-nT-nho rma. from.there-NOMZR-PAST PROX 'Afterwards he was weak (sick) alas right after he came back from there.'

(17)

Moh-xapu-nhM rma ero wa 0-x-a-kne okwe. come-PERF-PAST PROX 3PRO like 3S-be-SF-UP alas "That's how he was right after he came back.' Amna y-akro cik n-es-enta-y yohno mak. 1 + 3PRO GEN-with little 3S-DETRANS-hear-IP quickly just. 'He discussed with us a little bit, just briefly.'

(18)

Kaf-pe-ra men w-0-a-s oy-akno komo, strength-ADVZR-NEG MON IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-brother COLL 0-k-e-kne rma amna ya. Ahce okwe, 0-k-e-kne 3S-say-SF-UP CONEX 1+3PRO to what alas, 3S-say-SF-UP amna. 1 + 3PRO '"I sure am weak my brothers," he said to us. "Alas," we said.'

(19)

[Ero ke] noro pen exi-hra tak n-0-a-s therefore 3PRO deceased be-NEG CHANGE 3S-be-SF-INP

224 Hawkins

oroto amna y-akro-no-nho. now 1 + 3PRO GEN-with-NOMZR-PAST "Therefore, our late brother is no longer with us.' (20)

Amna n-et-akro-no-nk-e-kfte. tak 1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-with-NOMZR-LOSS-SF-UP CHANGE okwe. alas 'We lost our helper alas.'

(21)

[Ero ke] ahwo-ra rma na m-0-a-y therefore happy-NEG CONEX maybe 2S-be-SF-UNP noro pen y-ekaci-tho y-enc-e-taw. 3PRO deceased GEN-news-PAST GEN-hear-SF-when "Therefore, maybe you are sad when you hear this news of him.'

(22)

Poyino-nhM marha ahwo-ra n-0-a.-xe tan. fellows-PAST also happy-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP here 'His fellow tribesmen here are also sad.'

(23)

Taa, 0-akno-nhM komo, taa, yu-mumu-thiri All.right, 3-brother-PAST COLL all.right 3-son-PAST komo, yi-hci-nhM, emsi-thM komo cik marha, ahwo-ra COLL 3-wife-PAST daughter-PAST COLL dear also happy-NEG [ro mak] n-#-a-xe. very much3S-be SF-INP OK, his brothers, his sons, his wife, his daughters are also very sad.'

(24)

Ero wa n-0-a-si noro pen wayh-topo-nho. 3PRO like 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO deceased die-CIRC-PAST "That's how he died.'

Warekena Alexandra

. Aikhenvald

Australian National University

Introduction 0.1 General data. Warekena belongs to the Northern subgroup of Maipuran1. It is spoken in nine communities on the Xie river (a tributary of Upper Rio Negro, Brazil) - Vila Nova, Campinas, Yuku, Nazar6, Kumati-cachoeira, Tonu, Umaritiwa, Tokana, Anamoim - by a few dozen people, most of them over fifty (see Map). All the speakers of Warekena are bilingual in Nheengatu (Lingua Geral), and no longer use Warekena for everyday communication (in spite of its having been their first language). Many of them also speak Spanish, Portuguese and Baniwa of Ic,ana or Kurripako. The linguistic status of Warekena can be characterized as a typical language death situation. Linguistically, Warekena of Xie is a dialect of Baniwa of Guainia spoken in Venezuela. Minor dialectal differences exist between different Warekena-speaking communities. Warekena of Anamoim is closer to Baniwa of Guainia than are the dialects of other communities of the Xie river. The communities upstream on the Xie river were founded by Baniwa-speaking migrants from Venezuela in the early twentieth century. The present study is based on the materials collected during three fieldtrips to the Upper Rio Negro region in 1991, 1994 and 1995 from speakers of three communities: Nazaro, Anamoim, Campinas. My corpus contains approximately 200 pp. of texts, including traditional stories, life stories of the consultants, and gospel stories volunteered by the consultants, besides word lists and transcripts of conversations with consultants. The Warekena language (phonologically: Wale:k£na) is also known by the names Uarequena, Uerekena, Werikena, Warikena, Ariquena, Guarequena (see Anonymous 1933: 29; Loukotka 1968: 132; Galväo 1979: 146; Payne 1991: 364). The translation of the name is 'star people' (cf. waJi- 'star' in Baniwa of I9ana, Tariana; -kena 'people' in names of clans in Baniwa of Igana from Proto-Maipuran *kakin[thi] (Payne 1991); cf., among others, Bare khinene 'people'). There is strong evidence in favor of a fairly recent appearance of the present day Warekena language on the Xie river which ousted the "old", or "real" Warekena. The latter belongs to the I9ana-Vaupes subgroup of Northern Maipuran. It is still spoken by several old people on the Xie river in Brazil and by

226 Aikhenvald

Locations of Warekena and some neighboring language groups

COLOMBIA V χ·

San Carlos de Rio Negro

Santa Rosa de Amanadona

Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira

Tariana East-Tucanoan

VENEZUELA

Warekena 227

around 338 people in the region of Guzman Blanco in Venezuela (GonzalezNanez 1970; Grimes 1996). The presence of the Warekena was attested on the Igana river and on the mouth of the Xie in 1759 (Briizzi 1977: 20-23). According to Wallace (1853), Warekena lived on the Vaupes. The contacts between Warekena and Tariana are reflected in myths and legends of the Tariana, according to which "cannibal" Warekena used to be Tariana slaves, and accompanied the Tariana when the latter moved from the region of the I$ana river to the Vaupes. Later, as the result of some sort of "disagreement" with the Tariana, the Warekena were expelled from the Vaupes and found refuge on the Xie. There is, however, a certain discord in the existing literature concerning the status, migrations and origins of the present-day Warekena and their language in Brazil. Koch-Griinberg (1911:38-39) points out that the "old" Warekena used to be spoken on the rivers Igana and Xie. The first evidence of the speakers' migration to Venezuela (San Miguel, Tiriquin) and to upper Orinoco goes back to Spruce, in 1854 (see Martius 1867:619) and Schomburgk in 1839 (see Schomburgk 1841). Warekenas had been displaced from their habitat several times since late eighteenth century (see Aikhenvald and Amorim 1995), so that Heute findet man Uarekona in spärlichen Resten hauptsächlich am Guainia, wo sie die Dörfer Tomo und Guzman Blanco, das alte San Miguel de Däbipe, bewohnen, ferner neben Bar6 in den Ortschaften Tiriquin und am Atabapo in den Dörfern Baltazar und Corona. Man begegnet ihnen auch noch am , in ihrer alten Heimat, wo aber sie bereits mit Indianern von I$ana (Karutana) stark gemischt sind. [Now just a few Warekenas are found mainly on the Guainia River, where they live in the villages Tomo and Guzman Blanco, former San Miguel de Däbipe, and also near Bare in the regions of Tiriquin and in the villages of Baltazar and Corona on Atabapo. They are also still found on the Xie river, their old homeland, where they are already strongly mixed with the Indians of Igana (Karutana)](Koch-Griinberg 1911:39). It is noteworthy that Koch-Griinberg says nothing about the presence of today's Warekena - a dialect of Baniwa of Guainia - on the Xie river. This may mean that the migration of Baniwa-speaking Warekena back to Xie must have taken place later. Nimuendaju (1982: 175-176) says: Uarequona - Esta lingua estä hoje quase extinta, pois os poucos sobreviventes desta tribo habitam esparsos na maioria em territorio venezuelano, na Guainia (Gusman Blanco e vizinhangas) e adotaram a lingua Baniua verdadeira [i.e., Baniwa of Guainia - A.A.] dessa regiäo ou a castelhana. No rio Igana näo existe nenhum representante

228 Aikhenvald

e no rio Χίέ, sua patria primitiva, so habita uma famflia vinda ja da Venezuela. Uarequ6na έ um membro proprio da famflia Aruak. Ela assemelha-se mais ao Carutana, mas n o έ um dialeto do baniua do I9ana." [Uarequena - This language is now almost extinct, since the few survivors of this tribe mostly live scattered on the territory of Venezuela (Guzman Blanco and vicinities) and took over the real Baniwa language [i.e., Baniwa of Guainia - A.A.] of the region or Spanish. There are no representatives of this tribe on the I$ana river, and there is only one family which had come from Venezuela that lives on Xie, their former home. Uarequena is a typical member of the Arawak family. It is similar to Carutana, but is not a dialect of Baniwa of Ic.ana]. Galv o (1979: 146) points out: "Uma lingua e tribo atualmente extinta 6 a Warikena, antigamente localizada no Xie" [A language and tribe, Warikena, formerly located on the Xie, is now extinct.] It can be inferred from what has been said above that both Nimuendaju and Galv o are referring to the presence of speakers of "old" Warekena on the Xie. No mention of modern Warekena on the Xie is made (though it is not clear which language is spoken by the only Warekena family from Venezuela mentioned by Nimuendaju). A brief sketch of Warekena customs is given in a kind of "encyclopedia" for Salesian catholic missions (Anonymous 1933). Warekena are reported to live on the Igana and Xie rivers, and considered completely "civilized" speakers of Nheengatu (Lingua Geral) and Portuguese. Loukotka (1968) gives Guainia river (Vaupes territory of Colombia) as the present day habitat of Warekenas, without mentioning their presence in Venezuela or in Brazil. The location of Warekena on the Xie is also pointed out in Rodrigues (1986) and Voegelin and Voegelin (1977); no mention is made as to which one of the two Warekena groups is discussed. Br zzi (1961) provides a word-list in Warekena of Xie, along with other languages of the Upper Rio Negro region. To my knowledge, this is the first mention of the present day Warekena (and not the "old" Warekena) on the Xie. It is evident that, unfortunately, the distinction between the two languages which use the same name, Warekena, is not sufficiently followed in the existing literature (Grimes 1996, Loukotka 1968, Rodrigues 1986, Voegelin and Voegelin 1977), thus provoking a certain misunderstanding as far as the status of Warekena is concerned. Though both Baniwa of Guainia (i.e., the present Warekena of Xie) and the languages of the Igana-Vaupes subgroup (to which the old Warekena belongs) are members of the Northern Maipuran branch, they are very distant from each other and far from being mutually intelligible. In accordance with the existing sources, the migration of Warekena from the Xie river in Brazil to the adjacent regions of Venezuela started as early as the

Warekena 229

beginning of the last century. Towards the beginning of the twentieth century the majority of Warekena had moved to Venezuela, where they switched to a different language - Baniwa of Guainia. In spite of having changed their language, these Warekena preserved their ethnic name and the story of their origins from Xie. Some of them moved back to their "proto-home" on the Xie river in the early 1920s. The only previous work on Baniwa of Guainia (which displays minor dialectal differences from Warekena of Xie) is: (a) short word lists in Cr6vaux et al. (1882), Grasserie (1892), Civrieux and Lichy (1950); (b) a short grammatical sketch in Grasserie (1892) and a little morphological data in Mosonyi (1968). 0.2 Typological characteristics. Similar to the vast majority of Maipuran languages, Warekena is head-marking, agglutinating, with a few elements of fusion, mainly suffixing, with a few prefixes. Since it is a language in a language death situation, there must be a huge degree of morphological reduction, which accounts for the relative simplicity of its morphology as compared to Baniwa of I9ana. Warekena shows great structural similarity to Bare (see Aikhenvald 1995a), which may be due to long-term contacts between these two languages.

SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE 1 Constituent order The syntactically distinct clause types depend on the following classes of predicates (following the terms of Dixon 1994): transitive (with two arguments: A and O), intransitive active (with the only argument: Sa), intransitive stative (with the only argument So), intransitive of state/condition (with the only argument Sio), and verbless (sect. 7). As I show in sect. 18.4, the majority of predicates are assigned to one class. There is a certain overlap between the class of transitive verbs and intransitive, due to the existence of A = S and S = O ambitransitives (see sect. 18.4.1). Intransitive verbs which denote state/condition may be treated as intransitive stative, with a semantic difference explicated in sect. 18.4.1. The unmarked constituent order in Warekena is AVO, VS0, SaV, Sj0V, illustrated below (see sect. 22.4.5 on the syntactic function of the pausal marker -hv). Characteristics of constituent order in subordinate clauses are described in sect. 14.2

AVO: (1) wa-hä waji yutfia-ha ema then-PAUS jaguar kill-PAUS tapir 'Then the jaguar killed the tapir.'

230 Aikhenvald

VS0: (2)

SaV: (3)

jupe-he Jiani-pe many-PAUS child-PL 'Children are many.' peya nu-yalitua wiyua one Isg-brother die One of my brothers dies.'

SioV: (4) nu-yue mawaJi Isg-for hungry Ί am hungry (Lit.: For me-hungry).' The placement of obliques and indirect objects is relatively free. In transitive and intransitive active clauses and intransitive clauses of state/condition, indirect objects tend to be placed immediately after the predicate, as illustrated in (5) (transitive clause) and (6) (intransitive clause). (5)

nu-yutjm pijiwa mawaya Isg-kill 2sg + from snake Ί shall kill the snake from you.'

(6)

ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitfi NEG-PERF for-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC 'He (the old man) had nothing to eat with them (his children).'

No oblique arguments were found in intransitive stative clauses. Locative constituents tend to be placed at the end of a clause, as in (7). (7)

yue jupe-he Jiani-pe nawalewe-he for.him many-PAUS child-PL village + LOG-PAUS 'He (the old man) has many children in his place.'

Demonstrative adverb ale 'so, thus' is always placed before the predicate, e.g., (8). It behaves as an independent proclitic (see sect. 22.4.1) and may form a single phonological word with the following predicate. (8)

ale-wayata thus-speak 'Thus he spoke.'

Warekena 231

An oblique argument can follow the or S0 argument in the case of a repetition for clarification, as in (9). The oblique argument always follows the or S0 constituent (see (33) and examples in sect. 15.1). (9)

wa-hä yu-wiya-mia-hä i-jumiawa then-PAUS 3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM yu-wiya-mia-ha i-Jumiawa ijiwa 3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM from.him 'Then his wife died, his wife died from him.'

Usually a clause contains only one oblique argument or indirect object. In the rare examples of two oblique arguments in one clause the locative one, as in (10), or the temporal one, as in (11), always follows the other oblique. (10)

ni-weye-he ni-ja-palu ima-ha ima Diutsu enu-waba 3pl-want-PAUS 3pl-go-PURP with-PAUS with God sky-DIR 'They wanted to go with him, with God to heaven.'

(11)

wa-Jia yuma umina-lu then-live 3sgf+with long.time-EMPH 'And then he lived with her a long time.'

In verbless clauses, the locative or temporal oblique argument can occupy clause-initial position if it is emphasized, as in (64) (sect. 7.1); otherwise it is used clause-finally, as in (12): (12)

niya-ha nu-yanene-pe yaliwa 2pl-PAUS lsg-child-PL now ' "You are my children now" (said the witch to the abandoned children).'

Left dislocation of arguments into the pre-predicate position is discussed in sect. 9.1. 2 Parataxis Juxtaposition of verbs linked by a non-final intonation is quite common. It must be distinguished from serial verb constructions and repetition (see criteria in sect. 9.3 and sect. 18.8). (13)

wa-nede-he yamadu wa-wene-he then-lsg + perceive-PAUS Yamadu there-EL-PAUS

232 Aikhenvald

nu-miJiuta ijiwa Isg-hide from.him saw Yamadu (evil spirit), I hid from him.' A serial verb construction and a simple verb can be juxtaposed: (14)

ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-hä 3pl-arrive 3pl+perceive-PAUS 3pl +perceive die-PERF-PAUS They (turtles) arrived to see, they saw him (the deer) dead.'

Juxtaposition of clauses is sometimes used instead of relativization: (15)

yaliwa wa-ja we-he eni malayu wiyua-mia-ha now lpl-go Ipl + eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer die-PERF-PAUS 'Now let's eat the deer who died (lit.: the dead deer).'

(16)

wa: Ja-mia-wa epuna-wa ema then go-PERF-NONACC road-PERL tapir epuna numa-wa ema Ja-wa road mouth-PERL tapir go-NONACC 'Then he (the turtle) went after the tapir, he went by the road (by which) the tapir went.'

Juxtaposition is sometimes used to indicate causal, temporal, or locative relations between two clauses, especially when this relation is clear from the context of the narrative. (17)

nu-yutsihi, ipeta-mia-na Jut^i ipeta-na Isg-kill + PAUS beat-PERF-lsg big beat-lsg " will kill him (rabbit), (because) he beat me (much), he beat me much" (said the jaguar).'

(18)

kiüua namali, kulua payalu miajl wa-hä drink people drink all blood then-PAUS yutjla-ha namali i-yue-he tale balede kill-PAUS people 3sgnf-for-PAUS tongue be.long '(When) he (Evil spirit) sucks people, he sucks all the blood, so he kills people, (because) he has a long tongue (lit.: to him a tongue, it is long).'

(19)

wa yu-ma yue-he ya-pi-be-pia pi-yutj"ia then 3sgf-say to-PAUS NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg-kill

Warekena 233

mawaya Jutfi-li yue-he syete ibu-hu snake big-ADJ to-PAUS seven head-PAUS Then she said to him, "You cannot kill the big snake, (because) he has seven heads."' (20)

wa peya laguna ni-kulua-lji weni then one lake 3pl-drink-REP water paya:lu-ni kueji-nawi wall ni-kulua-ha weni all-3pl game-PL where 3pl-drink-PAUS water 'There was a lake (where) all of them, the animals frequently drank water, where they drank water.'

Juxtaposition is the most frequent way of coordinating noun phrases (see sect. 8).

3 Ellipsis 3.1 Ellipsis in discourse. Warekena discourse is highly elliptical. Transitive clauses with two full NPs as arguments are rare. Pivot restrictions and ellipsis are considered in sect. 3.2. The following arguments can be elided, if they are recoverable from the previous text: (i) indirect objects: (21)

wayata puatfi ya-pida-pia-na speak monkey NEG-2sg + see-NEG-lsg 'The monkey spoke (to the jaguar), "Do not eat me".'

(ii) the second component of a serial verb construction: (22)

wa-atulapi-miM ya-mia-be-pia-wa then-full-PERF + PAUS NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC 'He (jaguar) is full, he cannot (eat) more.'

(23)

daJina-mia ya-mia-be-pia-wa faint-PERF NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC ya-mia-be-pia-wa malayu NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC deer 'He (deer) fainted, he could no more, the deer could (run) no more.'

234 Aikhenvald

(iii) part of a predicate of a verbless clause: (24)

peya-ha awakaiuna-ha one-PAUS the.wild.one-PAUS 'Another one (evil spirit), (his name is) Awakaruna (lit.: the wild one).'

Usually, a participant is introduced with a noun phrase and wa-hä, wa 'presentative' (see sect. 9.2), and then referred to only by cross-referencing affixes, unless the fuller form is needed for the sake of disambiguating the referent. Usually, the participants are recoverable due to pivot restrictions within a clause (see sect. 3.2). (25) illustrates the elliptic character of Warekena narrative, fianipe 'children' has been introduced earlier, and so is referred to in (25) by the 3pl cross-referencing prefix. Then wUubeJu '(male) child' (italic) has to be reintroduced, since the narrative focuses on his actions, and then he is referred to by a 0 cross-referencing prefix. (25)

ni-Ja-wa ni-ja-wa ate 3pl-go-NONACC 3spl-go-NONACC until ni-yeleta-ha tawape tawape minaji uwa-ha wiJubeJu 3pl-come-PAUS jungle jungle on climb-PAUS child uwa-ha atapi minaji atapi minaji-hi uwa-ha climb-PAUS tree on tree on-PAUS climb-PAUS eda-paJu daba-ha yapa uwa-ha perceive-PURP where-PAUS mountain climb-PAUS ya-eda-pia-ha beneji wa Juduna-ha NEG-perceive-NEG-PAUS NEG + what then come.down-PAUS Juduna wa ni-ja-tj"i-wa come.down then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 'They (the abandoned children) went until they arrived in the jungle. The (male) child climbed on the tree to see where is the hill. He climbed and saw nothing. Then he came down, he came down, they went again.'

3.2 Ellipsis and pivot restrictions. Warekena has a mixed pivot (Dixon 1994) which combines the properties of an S/O and an S/A type. The Equi-NP deletion in clause coordination (or predicate coordination: see sect. 8) tends to operate in terms of an S/O pivot, if the two coreferential constituents are 3rd person singular (both either feminine, or non-feminine), or both plural. There are no pivot restrictions for the 1st and 2nd person subject, as in (26). This can be accounted for by the fact that a 1st or 2nd subject cannot be omitted, in the sense that it is

Warekena 235

obligatorily cross-referenced on the predicate anyway, unlike third person singular subjects which often have a null realization (see sect. 18.4.1). (26)

wa-h wa-Jiani Jutfi-li then-PAUS then-lake big-ADJ wa-nu-ja nu-pie-he peya duwili JulJ'i-li nu-muduka then-lsg-go Isg-find-PAUS one crocodile big-ADJ Isg-shoot e-he nu-yutfiehe nu-Ja nu-weya-ha DEM-PAUS Isg-kill + PAUS lsg-go Isg-want-PAUS nu-yamaJa-wa ya:me-Ju wabupi numa-wa Isg-hunt-NONACC far-EMPH spring mouth-PERL 'And then there was a big lake, I went, I found a big crocodile, I shot and killed him, I went, I intended to hunt, far away by the mouth of a spring.'

The S/O pivot can be illustrated with the following examples: Ο of the first clause = S of the second clause: (27)

enami eda waji pala-mia man perceive jaguar run-PERF Ά man saw a jaguar and (jaguar) ran.'

(28)

ema pauta-ha kulimalu ilike-na-mia-wa tapir step-PAUS turtle bury-REFL-PERF-NONACC 'Tapir stepped on the turtle, and it (the turtle) sank (into the mud).'

Ο of the first clause = Ο of the second clause: (29)

nu-yutjia-li inamalu napi-palu-hi Isg-kill-REL stingray Isg + take-PURP-PAUS nu-mana-li-wa nu-pata-palu puli nu-we-he Isg-bait-POSS-PERL Isg-get-PURP game Isg-leave-PAUS piwape-he wabupi nu-we-he shore-PAUS spring Isg-leave-PAUS 'When I killed the stingray to take it as bait, to get game, I left (it) on the shore, I left.'

236 Aikhenvald

S of the first clause =

of the second clause:

(30)

wa-hä wayulu ema tsuwala abi:da wa-yutfia-palu then-PAUS agouti tapir caititu pig Ipl-kill-PURP 'Here is all the game, agouti, tapir, caititu (kind of pig), pig, it is for us to kill.'

(31)

wa ma-kale-mia-hä ema waji mutfita-mia-ha then NEG-breath-PERF-PAUS tapir jaguar bite -P ERF -PAUS 'Then the tapir grew tired, (and) the jaguar bit (him).'

The omission of the coreferential constituent is not obligatory, cf (115) and (273). The coreferential constituents are not omitted when the identity of the participants has to be emphasized. (32) shows how the language tends to avoid Equi-NP deletion of A = S type in coordination (cf. (27) above): (32)

enami eda-ha waji pala-mia enami man perceive-PAUS jaguar run-PERF man 'The man saw a jaguar, and the man ran. '

S0 behaves similarly to Sa in the way it undergoes coreferential deletion (31). The S/O pivot is also found in Bare (Aikhenvald 1995a). The pivot in Warekena is mixed, because in a number of syntactic contexts, there are either no pivot restrictions for coreferential deletion at all, or S/A pivot operates. The following constructions operate in terms of S/A pivot in Warekena: (i) purposive clauses (sect. 14.2), temporal clauses (sect. 14.4), locative clauses (sect. 14.5); (ii) serial verb constructions operate in terms of the same subject constraint Among subordinate clauses, S = O coreferential deletion is obligatory only in complement clauses (sect. 14.1) and coreferential relative clauses (sect. 14.3.1). In the following constructions there appear to be no pivot restrictions at all: (i) syntactic causatives (sect. 6); (ii) non-coreferential relative (converbal) clauses (sect. 14.3.2). In coordination, when the presentative conjunction wa (pausal wa-hä) is used, S/A pivot operates in clause coordination. Thus, wa, wa-hä can be considered as a kind of pivot-changing marker, e.g., Ai = S2 (18); Si=A2 (33):

Warekena 237

(33)

wa-hä Ja wa neta-hä peya neyawa then-PAUS go then ask-P AUS one woman i-Jumiawa wa: apinaya-yu pane-waba 3sgf-wife + FEM then bring-3sgf house-DIR 'Then he went, then he asked another woman to be his wife, then he brought her home.'

4 Reflexives, reciprocals, unspecified arguments Reflexives, reciprocals, and other voice distinctions in Warekena are discussed in sect. 18.5. Warekena has the following ways of indicating impersonal arguments. The fourth person prefix ba-/pa- 'impersonal' is used on prefixed verbs to indicate a generalized, or impersonal A/Sa, as in the following examples. There is no special marking for impersonal O/S0, since there is no corresponding impersonal pronominal clitic. (34)

yanetua-pia-ha pa-ma-ha bitsa-ha NEG + good-NEG-PAUS IMP-do-PAUS hammock-PAUS kalana tepa-ba-mia-lehe caranlpalm hard-AUG-PERF-ADJ + PAUS 'Caranä palm is not good to make hammock; (it) is too hard.'

Impersonal is often used in serial constructions of the modal type (sect. 18.8). (35)

ya-ba-be-pia-ha pa-ma-ha NEG-IMP-can-NEG-PAUS IMP-do-PAUS kalana-tua-li bitsa-ha carana-made.of-ADJ hammock-PAUS One cannot make a hammock of carana-palm.'

In serial constructions of modal type, if ba- is used on the first predicate, Ipl wacan be used on the second one, since the impersonal marking is often understood as close to the first person, as is the case in many other Maipuran languages. (36)

ba-be-he wa-ma-ha bitsa-ha dumeje-tua-li IMP-can-PAUS lpl-do-PAUS hammock-PAUS tucum-made.of-ADJ One/we can make a hammock of tucum.'

238 Aikhenvald

Impersonal marking is often used with the verb eda 'perceive, see/hear,' similarly to a negative existential (see sect. 12.3): (37)

ya-beda-pia-ha mina-liana pani-Ji NEG-IMP + see-NEG-PAUS body-MASC house-NPOSS The house owner was not there (lit.: was not to be seen).'

3rd person sgMASC can have an impersonal reference, as illustrated in (38) below. The jaguar was looking for someone to do the cooking for her, and so 3sgMASC cross-referencing is used in the second clause, to indicate an impersonal (indefinite) referent (see note 2): (38)

anetua nu-ja pima pi-pane-waba good lsg-go 2sg + with 2sg-house-DIR wala-paJu pe-pitj"i cook-PURP 2sg + eat-OBJ.FOC ' "Good (said the rabbit), I shall go with you to your house, to cook your food (as someone to cook your food)" (said the rabbit to the jaguar).'

Warekena has a number of morphologically S0 verbs, which refer to natural phenomena, such as time, weather etc. and physical states. They may take S0 = O clitics, and then a participant is implied. Otherwise, they behave as zero-place, or impersonal predicates. (39), (41) and (42) show the use of yawa 'be late', fibuma '(spend) night', aJiwa 'wake up, be early' with a personal argument (the verbs are in italic). The impersonal use of the same verbs is illustrated in (40) and (43). (39)

wa yawa-mia-ni ni-tsima-mia-ha then late-PERF-3pl 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS 'Then they were late, they slept.'

(40)

wa ni-jia-wa ni-j"ia-wa ate yawa-mia then 3pl-stay-NONACC 3pl-stay-NONACC until late-PERF Then they stayed until it was late.'

(41)

yawa-mia-ha fibuma:-mia-ni late-PERF-PAUS night-PERF-3pl 'It was late, they spent the night.'

(42)

aJi\va-mia-ni aJiwa-mia-ni wake.up-PERF-3pl wake.up-PERF-3pl They woke up, they woke up.'

Warekena 239

(43)

yawa-mia-hä wa-hä, fibuma-mia-hä late-PERF-PAUS then-PAUS night-PERF-PAUS wa:, wa-hä aJiwa-mia-hä then then-PAUS dawn-PERF-PAUS 'It was late then, it was night then, then it dawned.'

Intransitive verbs which refer to physical states usually do not take cross-referencing affixes, and can only be used impersonally: (44)

akawi-mia-ha nu-numewene bubble-PERF-PAUS 1 sg-mouth + EL was bubbling, bubble came out of my mouth' (Lit.: 'It bubbled from my mouth).'

5 Passives As will be shown in sect. 18.5, Warekena has no passive. Reflexive-reciprocal derivation in -na can be sometimes used as agentless passive (see sect. 18.5.2); however, this use may be the result of some sort of influence of Portuguese.

6 Causatives Warekena has morphological causatives (see sect. 18.5.1) and syntactic causatives discussed here. Syntactic causatives in Warekena are formed with the help of verbs we 'to leave, to let', wanuta 'to order', ta 'give' and a second verb. The A of we, wanuta or ta is cross-referenced on this verb, and the A or Sa of the second verb is cross-referenced on the second verb4. The difference between syntactic causatives and serial verb constructions is that, in the syntactic causative construction, there is no same subject constraint (45-49); both verbs can receive an independent aspectual marking (46); no other constituents may intervene between the verb of causation and the second verb, except clitical pronouns (48). If a syntactic causative is formed on an intransitive verb, the S constituent of the second verb is placed after the verb (48). (45)

wa-hä ni-we Jia-wa ba-buya yajapua then-PAUS 3pl-leave stay-NONACC one-CL.TIME night wa eta-mia-wa payalu wa-hä ni-we-mia-hä then burn-PERF-NONACC all then-PAUS 3pl-let-PERF-PAUS

240 Aikhenvald

mawa-h aji go.out-PAUS fire "Then they (Yanomami) let it (a corpse) stay one night (in the fire), then all is burnt, then they let the fire go out.' (46)

we-mia alita-mia waji leave-PERF tie-PERF jaguar 'He (the rabbit) left the jaguar tied up.'

(47)

wa-ja wa-we-he awini-ni weni lpl-go Ipl-leave-PAUS cold-ADJ water 'Let's make the water cool.'

(48)

wa-h we-mi-ni we-mi ni-Jia-wa Jiani-pe then-PAUS leave-PERF-3pl leave-PERF 3pl-stay-NONACC child-PL 'Then he let them stay, his children.'

If a syntactic causative is formed on a transitive verb, and both arguments are present in the surface structure, there are two possibilities of marking them: (a) The order Vi-V2-O-(underlying) A, and no marking on either nominal constituent: (49)

nu-ta-ha kulua weni nu-tani Isg-give-PAUS drink water Isg-child Ί gave water for my son to drink,' or Ί made my son drink water.'

(b) The order Vi-V2-O-(underlying) A, and the A constituent is marked as an indirect object by the preposition yue 'for, to': (50)

nu-ta-ha kulua weni nu-tani yue Isg-give-PAUS drink water Isg-child for Ί gave water for my son to drink,' or Ί made my son drink water.'

Both orders seem to be in free variation, and are rather rare, since Warekena, similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, avoids expressing overtly two arguments of a transitive verb in one clause. The underlying A is very frequently omitted (51, 52). (51)

mi-Ja nu-yutfia Jiani-pe waji lsg-go Isg-kill child-PL jaguar

Warekena 241

nu-wala-palu nu-ta-palu e-he Jiani-pe Isg-cook-PURP Isg-give-PURP eat-PAUS child-PL Ί am going to kill jaguar's children, by cooking (them), by giving the children (to the jaguar) to eat the children (i.e., by letting the jaguar eat her own children).' (52)

wa-h yalanawi wanuta ni-Ja ni-yanita enaba kavayu then-PAUS white.man order 3pl-go 3pl-bring two horses 'Then the white man ordered (his soldiers) to bring two horses.'

In a syntactic causative, either verb can be a part of a serial verb construction: (53)

wa Ja we ni-yuluta-wa then go leave 3pl-lie-NONACC 'He (deer) was going to leave them (turtles) to lie.'

(54)

wa-h wanuta ni-Ja ni-muta ni-muta enami then-PAUS order 3pl-go 3pl-call 3pl-call man da:tj"ibule yutfia-li yujiwa mawaya the.one.who kill-REL 3sgf+from snake 'Then he ordered them to go and call the one who killed the snake from her.'

Syntactic causatives can be formed with Sa verbs (45, 48), S0 verbs (47), and transitive verbs (49), unlike morphological causatives which cannot be formed on transitive verbs. The main semantic difference between syntactic and morphological causatives of intransitive verbs is that the morphological causative implies direct causation, and the syntactic causative implies indirect causation: (55)

nu-yapa-ta tjmu Isg-enter-CAUS dog Ί made the dog come in.'

(56)

nu-we-he yapa-wa tjinu pani-jlwe Isg-let-PAUS enter-NONACC dog house-NPOSS + LOC Ί let the dog come into the house.'

An interesting property of syntactic causatives, which makes them different from serial constructions and complement clauses, is the greater degree of phonological cohesion between the second verb and its argument(s). In all the examples of syntactic causatives, only the first verb can take a pausal form, whereas the second verb never takes it and the stress on it is weakened; this is not the case in serial constructions.

242 Aikhenvald

7 Copular clauses, including comparatives and equatives 7.1 Existential/locative and equational copular clauses. There is no special copular verb in Warekena. Warekena uses verbless clauses to express the following meanings: existential/ locative and equational. Positive locative/existential clauses may consist of just one word, as is the case of the main clause in (57) (italic). They frequently contain the presentative wa- (58). (58) is also an example of two juxtaposed verbless clauses. To indicate the temporal/aspectual reference, aspectual clitics are used, and they undergo attraction to the presentative wa 'then' (60, 63). In (60) the verbless clause is part of a subordinate clause. Locative clauses may contain an indication of spatial or temporal location (61). (57)

alipe-he wali yulua a:tapi thick .jungle-PAUS where fall tree 'It is thick jungle where the tree fell.'

(58)

wa peya a:tapi peya a:tapi dilibe-li then one tree one tree curved-ADJ 'Then there is a tree, a curved tree.'

(59)

wa-ja-wa uyuba-lu ate wa-bitsika buapaniwe lpl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH until Ipl-go mouth + LOG wabupi buapani wabupi wa namali spring mouth spring then people 'We went slowly until we went out to the mouth of a spring, and there were people.'

(60)

ni-yeleta-ha iwapi Jibuduli wali wa-mia-ha atapi 3pl-arrive-PAUS edge field where then-PERF-PAUS tree 'They arrived to the edge of a field where there are trees.'

(61)

yaliwa e-ba-mia-lu now DEM-AUG-PERF-EMPH 'Now it is finished, this is just that.' (a typical end of a narrative)

(62)

yulua-wa a:tapi wa alipe alipe fall-NONACC tree then thick.jungle thick.jungle 'The tree fell, and there is thick jungle.'

The verbless locative clauses can have the meaning of 'appearance' (63):

Warekena 243

(63)

pi-Ja nufiwa wa-mia mawaya 2sg-go Isg + from then-PERF snake 'Go away from me, the snake sucuruju has appeared already.'

As is shown in sect. 12.3, Warekena has a special negative locative/existential predicate ya-beda-pia 'there is not' (NEG-IMP + perceive, see/hear-NEG), i.e., with an impersonal form of eda 'perceive'. (64)

wani-M ya-beda-pia-ha umeni here-PAUS NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS snake 'There are no snakes here.'

An opposition between an affirmative and a negative locational clause is illustrated with (65): (65)

ya-mia-beda-pia e-pi NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG eat-OBJ.FOC wa Jimapie-pe-mi ema then bone-PL-PEJ tapir There is no food, there are tapir's bones.'

Equational verbless clauses, also used for pointing, consist of two juxtaposed NPs. The first of them occupies the subject slot, and the aspect clitics can occur with it if the clause has a non-present reference. This is illustrated with the following examples: (66)

teta wilubelu DEM child 'This is a child.'

(67)

waya-ha crenti we-PAUS evangelical 'We are evangelicals.'

In (68), the first constituent occupies the predicate slot: (68)

wa-hä beneji wa-tse-li wani munduwe then-PAUS NEG + what Ipl-know-REL here world + LOG Our knowledge (what we know) is nothing here in the world.'

Attributive clauses have an S0 verb in the predicate slot. S0 verbs are italicized in (69):

244 Aikhenvald

(69)

crenti ya-aJe-pia crenti ya-afeni-piehe evangelical NEG-so-NEG evangelical NEG-angry-NEG + PAUS crenti afuru-ni payalu nima ni-jabine crente happy-3pl all 3pl+with 3pl-family 'Evangelicals are not this way, they are all happy with their family.'

Comparatives are a subtype of attributive clauses. They can be formed in two ways: (i) by juxtaposing two attributive sentences: (70)

waji Jutfi puatfi pulapiami jaguar big monkey thin The jaguar is bigger than the monkey.' (Lit.: Jaguar is big, monkey is thin.)

(ii) by using a serial verb construction: (7la) wa-ja weda damaJi yutji-li pala-ha lpl-go 1 pi + perceive who strong-ADJ run-PAUS 'Let's see who is stronger in running (lit.: who is strong to run).' Attributive clauses with the So predicate papeya 'similar, another' are used to express similarity: (71b) nu-tani papeya numa Isg-child similar lsg-1-with 'My child is similar to me.' 7.2 Possessive clauses. Possessives sentences can be marked in three ways: (a) possessive verb deka 'to have' is used when possession is in focus: (72)

neyawa ma-Ji tupe yu-deka tupe woman make-REL mat 3sgf-have mat 'The woman made a mat, it is hers.'

(b) preposition -yue 'for, to' is the most frequent means: (73)

piji i-yue-he piji i-yue-he talu tail 3sgnf-for-PAUS tail 3sgnf-for-PAUS tongue

Warekena 245

kulua-palu namali suck-PURP people 'He (the Evil spirit) has a tail, he has a tongue to suck people.' (74)

wa-hä peya ete-ne yue Jupe-he jiani-pe then-PAUS one old-MASC to many-PAUS child-PL 'There was an old man, he has many children.'

(c) double subject construction, when the possessor constituent is the topic of the discourse. There are two types of double subject construction, illustrated below. The one contains an attributive type clause, with an So predicate (75). The other contains an existential (verbless) clause (76). This construction is preferred with inalienably possessed nouns in the possessee function. Cf. (75), which comes from a story about different types of evil spirits. (75)

biyuli balede i-yapa evil.spirit be.long 3sgnf-nose 'Evil spirit called Biyuli has a long nose (Lit.: Biyuli, his nose is long).'

Clauses of the existential type are widely used in descriptions of animals: (76)

atfili ibu-hu ila-li type.of.snake head-PAUS red-ADJ 'This type of snake has a red head (lit.: snake, red head).'

This type can also be used to express a part-whole relationship: (77)

eni kopu weni paniwe DEM.PR glass water half + LOG 'This glass is half full of water' (lit.: this glass, water to the middle).'

8 Coordination 8.1 Coordination of NPs. Warekena usually has no special morphological marking for coordinated NPs or coordinated modifiers, e.g., (78). Coordination is characterized by a special enumerating intonation (rising of the last word of each phrase, as in (79)) and, unlike repetition, no component except for the very last one can take a pausal form: (78)

jutj"i-li niwe-li a:tapi big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree 'a big and lofty tree'

246 Aikhenvald

(79)

wa: ni-Jla-wa peya amuji-ami peya weni-ami then 3pl-stay-NONACC one sun-AFF one water-AFF 'Then they stayed a summer and a winter.'

(80)

tsiliüa kamitsa alake-na-wa trousers shirt put.on-REFL-NONACC 'He put on trousers and shirt.'

Occasionally, the coordinating conjunction e (a loan from Portuguese) is used: (81)

i-Jumiawa e teletji Jiani-pe 3sgnf-wife + FEM and three child-PL ni-ja-wa ni-Ja ni-tsunua-ha 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go 3pl-tear-PAUS 'His wife and three children went to tear (manioc).'

8.2 Clause coordination. There is no special device for marking clause or verbal phrase coordination (see sect. 2 on parataxis), and it occurs mainly by juxtaposition. The following examples (82, 83) illustrate coordination of two final subordinate clauses by juxtaposition: (82)

piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi pi-ma-palu you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree 2sg-do-PURP walya wa-kawyu-ta-palu wa-du:le smoking.grid Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP Ipl-prey 'You, brother, go and cut tree to make a smoking grid, to smoke our stock.'

(83)

nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-ja I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother 1 pi-go wa-tana-hä wa-tana-hä wa-du:Je wa-butsuka-palu Ipl-cook-PAUS Ipl-cook-PAUS Ipl-prey Ipl-take-PURP wa-yanta-palu tjiapi wa-kawyu-ta-palu Ipl-take-PURP belly Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP shall go with one of our brothers to treat the game to take the insides, to smoke (them).'

A juxtaposition of two verbless existential/locative clauses is illustrated in (84):

Warekena 247

(84)

waniwa-hä jupe kueji here-PAUS then-PAUS much game wa-wayidu ema payalu kueji wa-hä then-agouti tapir all game then-PAUS 'Here is much game, there is agouti, tapir, all the game.'

A juxtaposition of several main clauses is illustrated below: (85)

nu-pie-he duwili nu-muduka e-he Isg-fmd-PAUS crocodile Isg-kill DEM-PAUS nu-yutjm e-he wa-nu-Ja-wa wabupi numa-wa Isg-kill DEM-PAUS then-lsg-go-NONACC spring mouth-PERL found a crocodile, I killed him, I killed him and went by the mouth of the spring.'

The adversative relationship between two clauses is occasionally marked with the help of a loan conjunction ma 'but' (Portuguese mäs): (86)

wa-hä papeya namali ni-weya then-PAUS some people 3pl-want ma Jupe namaJi ya-ni-weya-piehe but many people NEG-3pl-want-NEG + PAUS 'Then some people wanted (Jesus Christ), but many people did not.'

9 Pragmatic and discourse characteristics 9.1 Discourse organization. Warekena discourse is highly elliptical (see sect. 3). Future topic of the narrative is introduced in the first sentence in or S function, or as a copula complement of a presentative wa-hä 'then'. A newly introduced topic in Sfo (87) or in Sa (88) function occupies a preverbal position. (87) comes from a story which resembles the story of Hansel and Gretel. (87)

wa-hä peya ete-ne yue Jupe-he Jiani-pe then-PAUS one old-MASC to many-PAUS child-PL 'There was an old man, he had (lit.: to him) many children.'

(88) is the beginning of the story about traditional burials of Warekenas.

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(88)

peya nu-yalitua wiyua one Isg-brother die One of my brothers dies.'

The participants of a story can be introduced in an oblique function: (89)

yaliwa nu-ja nu-tsina isturia-ne now lsg-go Isg-tell story-POSS kulimalu epi ema waji turtle with tapir jaguar 'Now I will tell a story about a turtle with a tapir and a jaguar.'

When a topically established participant has to be reintroduced, for the sake of identification of referents, A is usually reintroduced in preverbal position, and S and O in postverbal position. This is illustrated by sentences from a continuation of (89): A: (90)

S: (91)

O: (92)

wa-ha waji weya yutjia-ha ema then-PAUS jaguar want kill-PAUS tapir 'Then the jaguar wanted to kill the tapir.' wa: pala-mia-ha ema then run-PERF-PAUS tapir 'Then the tapir was running.' wa: pala-mia ema pauta-ha napitu kulimalu then run-PERF tapir step-PAUS back turtle ilike-na-mia-wa be.buried-REFL-PERF-NONACC 'Then the tapir was running, he stepped on the turtle's back, and (it) was buried.'

A constituent which is either topicalized or becomes a new focus of attention undergoes left dislocation. A dislocated constituent is separated from the rest of a clause by a pause, as is Yamado below. (93) is the beginning of a story about different kinds of evil spirits. It contains preverbal fronting of a subject (yamadu: italicized) accompanied by a pause, and of a direct object in the last clause (italicized).

Warekena 249

(93)

Wa-hä teletj"i biyiüi. Peya-hä, ijina-hä then-PAUS three evil.spirit one-PAUS his.name-PAUS yamadu. Peya, ijina-hä biynli. Peya-hä, awakaluna-hä. Yamado one his.name-PAUS Biyuli one-PAUS Awakaruna-PAUS Yamadu, ya-be-pia-hä eda namali. Eda-li-bena namali Yamado NEG-can-NEG-PAUS see person see-REL-WHEN person yutjm-hä, afeni-hi yamadu. PayaJu enami-nawi payaJu kill-PAUS angry-PAUS Yamado all man-PL all neyawa-nawi payaJu wiJubeJu-pe payaJu tfinu woman-PL all child-PL all dog ya-be-pia-wa eda beneji. NEG-can-NEG-NONACC see NEG + what 'There are three kinds of evil spirits. The name of one is Yamado, the name of another is Biyuli, the name of another is Awakaruna. Yamado, he cannot see a person, when he sees a person, he kills (him). Yamado is angry. All men, all women, all children, all dogs, he cannot see any (of them).'

(94) comes from the story similar to the one about Hansel and Gretel. A snake had come up to the boy (already a grown-up man); man is the topic and left-dislocated: (94)

eya enami, yue peya matseta DEM man to one knife 'The man, he had a knife.'

When a left-dislocated constituent occupies a peripheral role, it is marked for peripheral case (see sect. 15.1): (95)

nu-mina-wa-ha, bitfika myaji Isg-body-PERL-PAUS go.out blood 'My body is covered with blood (Lit.: By my body, blood goes out).'

Warekena narratives are repetitive (sect. 9.3). Repetition is frequently used to convey the duration of an action. Left dislocation is widely used in repetitions. (96) is a typical example. Left-dislocated constituents are italicized. (96)

wa: ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa, then 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL

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tenepu numa-wa, ni-Ja-wa ya:me-lu, tawapetfi-waba-ha, road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC far-EMPH jungle-DER-P AUS ya:me, ni-Ja-wa far 3pl-go-NONACC 'Then they(the old man and his children) went by the road, by the road, they went, far into the jungle, far, they went.' 9.2 Presentative wa(-hä). Presentative wa(-hä) is used in a number of functions, and is very frequent in narratives; it is seldom used in conversations. It usually occupies sentence-initial position (see below for an exception). The properties of wa as an independent clitic are discussed in sect. 22.4.1. wa(-hä) is used to start a narrative, introducing the theme of the future narrative: (97)

wa-hä teletj"i biyuli then-PAUS three evil.spirit 'There are three evil spirits.'

wa(-hä) is used to introduce a new participant of some importance for the future narrative, as in (98), or a new and important characteristic of a participant just introduced, as in (99). (98)

wa-peya tsuludawa udjudelnami wanuta-ha ja yanita weni then-one soldier ugly order-PAUS go take water 'Then (there was) an ugly soldier, (the white man) ordered him to go and bring water.'

(99)

wa neyawa yu-yuleta-mia-wa yuwaba yuluami, then woman 3sgf-return-PERF-NONACC towards 3sgf+father wa-yuiuami yalanawi, yalanawi yuluami then-3sgf+father white.man white.man 3sgf + father 'Then the woman returned to her father, her father is a white man, her father is a white man.'

wa(-hä) can be used to mark the important result of an action, as in (100), which follows the description of how the two dogs and a man with a knife were attacking the snake (from the same story as (99)). (100) wa ni-yutfia-mia-ha mawaya JutJ"i-li then 3pl-kill-PERF-PAUS snake big-ADJ 'So they (the dogs) killed the big snake.'

Warekena 251

wa('hä) can be used to mark an unexpected and important action, as in (101); or to attract the hearer's attention to the sequencing of actions (102). (101) akune nedehe te wa-hä Ja-mia-wa fear 1 sg +see + PAUS until then-PAUS go-PERF-NONACC ya-eda-pia-na NEG-see-NEG-lsg am afraid of him (the evil spirit) until when he has gone, he did not see me.' (102) wa: yeleta-mia-hä wali ema wa Jupe kuluwitu then arrive-PERF-PAUS where tapir then many vulture Then (the turtle) arrived where the tapir was, then (there were) many vultures.' When wa(-hä) is used to resume a completed stretch of the text, it can appear in a sentence-final position. This occurs frequently in repetition. (103) kulimalu nupa-mia-wa wali yutsia ema turtle arrive-PERF-NONACC where kill tapir nupa-mia-ha kulimalu wali yutsia ema yeleta-mia-ha arrive-PERF-PAUS turtle where kill tapir arrive-PERF-PAUS kulimalu wa-hä turtle then-PAUS 'Turtle arrived to where (he) killed the tapir, turtle arrived to where (he) killed the tapir, so the turtle arrived.' 9.3 Repetition in discourse. Warekena discourse is highly repetitive. When two verbs are repeated, the subject (A or S) is usually not repeated: (104) kulimalu ya-be-pia Ja-wa turtle NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC ya-be-pia Ja-wa alebuta-wa NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC quickly-NON AC C 'The turtle could not go, he could not go quickly.' Repetition has several discourse functions. One of these is clarification, for the sake of more accuracy:

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(105) wa ni-yutfia ema ni-yutfia peya ema peya malayu then 3pl-kill tapir 3pl-kill one tapir one deer Then they killed a tapir, they killed a tapir and a deer.' (106) wa-tsapia-mia wa:Ji napitu-hu napitu ema then-jump-PERF jaguar back-PAUS back tapir 'Then the jaguar jumped on its back, on the tapir's back.' Verb phrases or other items may be repeated to emphasize the prolonged character of the action/state: (107) wa ni-Ja-tfi-wa ni-J'a-tJ'i-wa ni-ja-wa then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC yam:e-lu yanre-Iu ni-Ja-wa far-EMPH far-EMPH 3pl-go-NONACC 'Then they (the abandoned children) went again, they went again, they went far, far they went.' (108) yawaputa kulimalu yame yame answer turtle far far Turtle answered very far away.' Clauses are frequently repeated to emphasize the gravity of the situation. (109) is a continuation of (107): (109) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia daba nepuna-hä NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG where 3pl+road-PAUS ya-mia-ni-tse-pia daba-ha nepuna-ha NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG where-PAUS 3pl + road-PAUS ni-Ja-tfi-wa yame-he ya:me ni-ja-wa 3pl-go-REP-NONACC far-PAUS far 3pl-go-NONACC They (the abandoned children) did not know where their road is, they did not know where their road is, they went again far, far they went.' Repetition in Warekena has the following grammatical and phonological properties. In repetition of verbs, aspectual clitics and affixes usually appear on every verb, if the prolonged character of an action is emphasized, as in (107) above and (110):

Warekena 253

(110) wa-tjmia-mia-hä tj"ima-mia-hä atulapi-miehe then-sleep-PERF-PAUS sleep-PERF-PAUS full-PERF + PAUS 'Then he (Jaguar) slept, he slept (for a long time), he was full.' Clitics -wa 'non-accomplished' and -mia 'perfective' appear also on one of the repeated phrases, if the repetition is done for clarification (111)-(116). (111) eputa-wa juduna-ha yapi-tj"i-waba wake.up-NONACC go.down-PAUS ground-AFF-DIR Ja-wa ja-mia-tfi-wa go-NONACC go-PERF-REP-NONACC 'He (the jaguar) woke up, and came down (the tree); he started going, he went again.' (112) wa-wayata yalitua ete-ne-Ju ete-ne-li then-speak brother old-MASC-EMPH old-MASC-ADJ Then spoke the really older, the older brother.' (113) ma-kale-miehe ema-t^i ema NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS cry-REP cry 'He (the deer) was tired, he cried again, he cried.' (114) wa-hä wa-tsima-mia-ha ate aJiwa-tsi then-PAUS 1 pi-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-REP aliwa-mia-wi wa wa-Ja-mia-wa dawn-PERF-lpl then lpl-go-PERF-NONACC 'Then we slept until it dawned, it dawned on us, then we went.' Phonologically, the repeated phrases are independent. The following tendencies can be observed with respect to the way pausal forms are used in repetition. Usually, if the repetition is used to mark a prolonged character of the action, the first occurrence of the verb has no pausal marking, and the second (and third etc., if it is the case) has. In (115), repetition of the first clause means that the jaguar bit the tapir several times; the repetition of jump means that the tapir was jumping away repeatedly, and the repetition of "follow" means the emphasis of the action: (115) wa mutj"ita-mia ema ibu-petfi, mutfita-mia-ha ema then bite-PERF tapir head-LOC bite-PERF-PAUS tapir ibu-petfi, wa tsapia ema tsapia-ha tsapia-hä waji head-LOC then jump tapir jump-PAUS jump-PAUS jaguar

254 Aikhenvald

tsipina-hä tsipina ema follow-PAUS follow tapir 'He (jaguar) bit the tapir on the head; bit the tapir on the head, then the tapir jumped, jumped, jumped, the jaguar was (really) following, following the tapir.' In the repetition for clarification, or elaboration, the pausal form is used on the first occurrence of the item, e.g., (106) above and (116). (116) uwa-ha ya-eda-pia-ha beneji wa climb-PAUS NEG-perceive-NEG-PAUS NEG+what then Juduna-ha Juduna wa ni-ja-tj"i-wa come.down-PAUS come.down then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC ni-ja-tfi-wa ni-ja-wa yam:e-lu 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC far-EMPH 'He (the abandoned boy) climbed and saw nothing; then he came down; he came down, they went again, they went again, they went far.' In (117) the repetition of ema-tfi-wa and ema is used to indicate the prolonged action. The pausal form is used on the last occurrence ema 'he cried', to sum up what was happening. (117) wa-hä ema-tfi-wa ema-tfi-wa then-PAUS cry-REP-NONACC cry-REP-NONACC ema-ha ema ema-ha cry-PAUS cry cry-PAUS 'Then he(deer) cried again, cried again, cried, cried, cried.' 9.4 Cleft construction, left and right dislocation. Warekena uses a number of different devices to mark discourse prominence. Among them is the positioning of verbal aspectual markers, which depends on the focus of the narrative (see sect. 18.8.1), and cross-referencing, which is used to signal the cleft construction (also see sect. 18.4.2). The most frequently used devices are left dislocation and cleft construction. Left dislocation of a constituent is used to attract the hearer's attention. The left dislocated constituent may take a pausal form and is followed by a pause: (118) eya-ha, awakaluna, yajene-pia e-he DEM-PAUS Awakaruna NEC + angry-NEG DEM-PAUS 'This (one), Awakaruna, he is not angry.'

Warekena 255

A left dislocated constituent can be repeated in the clause, and then the left dislocation is used as a kind of a stronger reminder, as is the case with tsinu 'dog(s)' in (119). (119) wa: ni-ja-mia-tsi-wa wa-wene. Teta tsinu, then 3pl-go-PERF-REP-NONACC then-EL DEM dog ni-api-mia-ha tsinu 3pl-take-PERF-PAUS dog 'Then they (the abandoned children) went again. The dog(s), they took the dogs.' Warekena has a cleft construction characterized by: (i) left dislocation of the subject; (ii) -Ji 'relative' marker on the verb; (iii) suppression of A/Sa cross-referencing prefixes on the verb. A cleft construction is used to mark subject (A/Sa) in a contrastive focus. Independent personal pronouns most often occur in this function. No other constituent can be inserted between the subject and the verb, as shown in (120), where the cross-referencing prefix of 2nd person sg is absent from the verb -tse- 'to know', since the subject piya 'you' is topicalized and fronted. The left-dislocated subject can attract the aspectual clitics, as is the case in (120). (120) yaliwa piya-mia-ha, tse-Ji ijalema-ha now you-PERF-PAUS know-REL how-PAUS pi-ma-ha nepi wa-jabine 2sg-do-PAUS 3pl + with Ipl-family 'Now it is you who knows what you will do with the family.' (121) wa-hä enami, yutj"ia-li mawaya then-PAUS man kill-REL snake 'This is the man who killed the snake.' (122) malieli, yutfia-li wiyua-li iyu shaman kill-REL die-NOM with 'It is the shaman who kills with poison.' Left-dislocation of the subject marked with the help of a personal pronoun can co-occur with right-dislocation for clarification, if the referent of the personal pronoun may not be clear from the previous narrative: (123) eni-hl epalu yutjia-li mawaya eni enami DEM.PR-PAUS he kill-REL snake DEM.PR man 'It is this one who killed the snake, this man (did).'

256 Aikhenvald

The use of S0/O enclitics for cross-referencing an antitopicalized constituent is discussed in sect. 18.4.2. Negation (see sect. 12) can go either on the left-dislocated constituent, or on the verb, depending on the semantics. In (124), the identity of the subject (T) is negated, and in (125) the action is negated. (124) ya-nuya-pia, ma-li NEG-I-NEG do-REL 'It was not me who did it'. (125) Afonsu, ya-li nupa-pia-ha Afonso NEG-REL come-NEG-PAUS 'It is Afonso who did not come.' Several cleft constructions can follow each other in a text: (126) ya-e-pia yutjia-li mawaya peya enami yutfia-li mawaya NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake one man kill-REL snake 'It was not he who killed a snake, it was another man who killed a snake.' (127) follows (126). It shows the optional character of the pausal form: (127) ya-e-pia-ha yutjla-li mawaya NEG-DEM-NEG-PAUS kill-REL snake 'It was not he who killed a snake.' In conversations, there are a few examples of left-dislocation of a locative constituent. The locative case-marking is then omitted: (128) eni atapi nu-jia-li-wa-ha DEM:PR tree Isg-sit-REL-NONACC-PAUS 'This bench (lit.: tree), I am sitting (on).' The subject in cleft constructions can be occasionally shifted to the right: (129) wa: ma-li, wilubelu-pe, ya:wa-mia-ha then say-REL child-PL afternoon-PERF-PAUS 'Then it was the children who spoke, in the afternoon.' Relative marker -Ji is also used in interrogative clauses and complement clauses, where it does not trigger suppression of cross-referencing markers (see sects. 10, 14). Thus, the contrastive focus of the A/Sa constituent in Warekena is associated with suppression of cross-referencing prefixes.

Warekena 257

Cross-referencing enclitics can co-occur with a full NP in O/S0 function, when the latter undergoes a right-dislocation (see sect. 18.4.2; Aikhenvald 1995b). Both (130) and (131) come from the story about the abandoned children. The brother had killed a huge snake, and saved the life of a white man's daughter; the white man summoned his daughter to ask her who had killed the snake. Tani 'his child (daughter)' is right-dislocated in a clarifying function, something referred to as an 'antitopic'. (130) wa-hä muta-yu yalanawi muta-yu tani yata-palu-yu then-PAUS call-3sgf white.man call-3sgf child ask-PURP-3sgf 'Then the white man called her, he called her, his daughter, to ask her (who had killed the snake).' The cross-referencing S0 enclitic also occurs when the S0 constituent is left-dislocated. Thus, both left- and right-dislocated constituents are treated as not properly belonging to the clause. (131) wa namali, ya Jupe-ni then people DEM many-3pl Then the people, they were many.' The neutral sentence, where namaJi 'people' is part of the main predication, would be: (132) wa jupe namali then many people 'Then there were many people.' 9.5 Emphatic -Ju 9.5.1 Emphasis. The clitic -Ju is used to mark a very strong emphasis. It can occur on any word class. -Ju on a verb may mean intensifying the action expressed by the verb. It can be used with an S0 verb, as in (133); an Sa verb as in (134); a transitive verb as in (135). In (134) 'emphatic' means shall indeed go'. This example comes from the story about the abandoned children; the sister expressed her definite decision to go and see the witch. (133) wani ni-Ja ni-wayata-ta ate umina-ma-mia-Ju here 3pl-go 3pl-speak-RED until long.time-DEL-PERF-EMPH yajapua night 'Here they went to talk until it was late at night.'

258 Aikhenvald

(134) nu-Ja nu-Ja-lu pima ya-pajia-ha lsg-go lsg-go-EMPH 2sg + with NEG-FUT-PAUS nu-yenita-pia-ha nu-Ja-lu pima neda-palu Isg-laugh-NEG-PAUS lsg-go-EMPH 2sg + with Isg + perceive-PURP Ί shall indeed go with you, I shall not laugh, I shall go with you for me to see (her).' If -Ju occurs on a verb, as in (135), it follows the aspectual clitic -mia. (135) waya-ne tjma ni-yue-he jutji-lu speak-POSS tell 3pl-for-PAUS much-EMPH waya-ne Diutsu ijialema-ha wa-Jia-wa wani-hi speak-POSS God how-PAUS Ipl-live-NONACC here-PAUS munduwe-he payalu iji wa-ni-tse-mia-lu world+ LOC-PAUS all what then-3pl-know-PERF-EMPH ni-tse-mia-h waya-ne Diutsu ni-tse-mia-h 3pl-know-PERF-PAUS speak-POSS God 3pl-know-PERF-PAUS waya-ne Diutsu peya-pe peya-pe enami tse-mia-lu speak-POSS God one-PL one-PL person know-PERF-EMPH waya-ne Diutsu neyawa peya-pe tse-mia-lu speak-POSS God woman one-PL know-PERF-EMPH waya-ne Diutsu speak-POSS God 'He (Jesus Christ) told them the word of God, really much, how we live here in the world, all what they really knew, they knew of the word of God, they knew the word of God, some (of them), some men really knew the word of God, some women really knew the word of God.' In serial verb constructions, -Ju goes on the first component: (136) yaliwa wa-maya-lu wa-tjmia pima pi-paniwe now lpl-want-ΕΜΡΗ Ipl-sleep 2sg + with 2sg-house+LOC 'Now we very much want to sleep in your house.' -Ju can have a meaning which is close to perfective:

Warekena 259

(137) wa-hä wa-ma-lu inapa-wa istoria then-PAUS 1 pi-tell-EMPH finish-NONACC story 'Then we really told (the story), the story is over.' -Ju can occur on a nominal modifier, as in (138), (139), and it can co-occur with -Ji 'relativizer/adjectivizer', in which case it precedes -Ji: (138) wa ni-wende wa-yue-he aweni-mia aweni-hi then 3pl-sell lpl-to-PAUS dear-PERF dear-PAUS ni-wende wa-yue-he wa waya-ha ya-wa-yue-pia-ha Jutfi 3pl-sell lpl-to-PAUS then we-PAUS NEG-lpl-to-NEG-PAUS big palata wa-wenita-palu aweni-ba-mia-lu-li money Ipl-buy-PURP dear-AUG-PERF-EMPH-ADJ aweni-ba-mia-li-hl ya-mia wa-be-pia dear-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG wa-wenita-wa Ipl-buy-NONACC 'Then they (rich white people) sell (things) to us, it is expensive, they sell to us expensively, and we do not have much money to buy very expensive (things), we cannot buy very expensive (things).' (139) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-Ju atapi all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree ' "Only one single tree (very one) (will not fall)," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' (140) enaba-Ju-ni ni-ya:ya-ha two-EMPH-3pl 3pl-cry-PAUS 'Then they cried, just the two of them.' -Ju can go on an adverbial modifier, and it can be repeated twice. (141) ube-ma-Ju-lu nu-tfina-Ii teta all-DEL-EMPH-EMPH Isg-tell-REL this 'Now I have told all (Lit.: My telling is just only this).' (142) wa: ni-tfita-mia-hä jutfi-lu then 3pl-fat-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH 'Then they (the abandoned children) became very fat.'

260 Aikhenvald

In repetition, forms with -Ju and without it can follow each other: (143) Ja-wa yame:-lu yame: Ja-wa ema go-NONACC far-EMPH far go-NONACC tapir 'The tapir went really far, he went far.' -Ju can be used with presentative wa: (144) mutj"ita-pi umeni pule-li puie-li umeni bite-2sg snake green-ADJ green-ADJ snake wa-Ju umeni eta ya-yue-pia pina-ji then-EMPH snake DEM:DIST NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM 'If a green snake, a green snake bites you, just then (in this case) there is no antidote.' -Ju can be used on a locative constituent. (145) comes from a text given by the speaker in response to my insistent questions about whether his family originated from the Xie, or they had come from Venezuela. The use of -Ju bears a distinct nuance of contrast: (145) nuluami weneji-wene wiyua-ha wenejiwe-lu lsg +father Xie-EL die-PAUS Xie + LOC-EMPH nu-juluami weneji-mina-li yu-wiyua-ha wenejiwe-lu Isg-mother Xie-body-REL 3sgf-die-PAUS Xie + LOC-EMPH 'My father is from Xie, he died exactly on Xie, my mother is from Xie, she died exactly on Xie.' The following example illustrates the clitic character of -Ju, since it undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya- (see sect. 22.4.1): (146) ya-Ju jutfi-piehe NEG-EMPH big-NEG + PAUS 'biggish, not excessively big' 9.5.2 Cleft constructions. -Ju can be used on a clefted constituent. This kind of cleft means emphasis 'just and only' (unlike cleft with relative forms in -Ji, which implies contrastive focus). The cross-referencing prefixes are then suppressed from the predicate, but the relative -Ji marking on the verb is not used:

Warekena 261

(147) piya-mia-lu-pajia tse-he ijalema pi-wala-ha you-PERF-EMPH-FUT know-PAUS how 2sg-cook-PAUS ' "You are just the one who knows how to cook," (said the jaguar to the rabbit, after she employed him as a cook).' (148) nuya-Ju we-he yulua-ha I-EMPH let-PAUS fall-PAUS 'It is just me who let (the child) fall down.' (149) nuya-lu tujaua I-EMPH tuchaua Ί am the chief

10 Interrogatives Warekena has no special segmental marker for polar (yes/no) questions. They are marked with a special rising intonation, and the verb occupies the sentence-initial position: (150) aJiwa-pi? a wake-2 sg 'Are you awake?' (a morning greeting) (151) ya-nupa-pia-ha pi-yue-he mawaya? NEG-come-NEG-PAUS 2sg-to-PAUS snake 'Did the snake not come to you?' In content questions, the question word (interrogative pronoun; see sect. 16) occupies the sentence-initial position. Relative -Ji marks the predicate when the question constituent is the subject (//>' 'what, who', damaM 'who, which one'), or the object (ifi 'what'), in the same way that it does for subject or object relativization (sect. 14.3). (152) ifi ma-li ni-kanatu? who do-REL DEM:PR-basket 'Who made this basket?' (153) ifi pi-yutfia-li? what 2sg-kill-REL 'What did you kill?'

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(154) ifi pi-puleta-li? what 2sg-cry-REL 'What is it with you?' (Lit.: What are you crying?) Interrogative existential clauses follow the general principles of organization of copular clauses: (155) iji teta? what this 'What is this?' (156) iji pijina? what 2sg + name 'What is your name?' The relative form -Ji can occur with the predicate of a complement clause which contains an oblique question to the subject constituent: (157) wa-Ja wa-pala-ha ma yue kulimalu lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS say to turtle weda-paiu damali yutj"i-li pala-ha Ipl + see-PURP who strong-ADJ run-PAUS ' "Let's run", he (the deer) said to the turtle, "to see who is stronger in running".' In other questions, no relative form is used: (158) wa: ma ni-yue-he da-wene ni-nupa? then say 3pl-to-PAUS where-EL 2pl-come 'Then he said to them, "From where did you come?" ' (159) wa-ni-ma-ha yue namali-nawi anetua then-3pl-say-PAUS for people-PL good pi-atseta-wi wa-tse-palu weda daba Jia-wa 2sg-teach-lpl Ipl-know-PURP Ipl + see where live-NONACC weluami Diutsu 1 pi + father God 'Then the people said to him (Jesus Christ), "Good, teach us, we want to know where our father God lives".'

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11 Imperatives Imperative in Warekena is most frequently the verb stem without aspectual or modal marking. There are both imperatives of transitive, Sa and So verbs, as illustrated below in (160) - (162) respectively. No imperatives of Sio verbs are attested. In imperative sentences, the predicate occupies the first place. (160) piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree 'You, brother, go and cut tree!' (161) ni-Jia nu-pie-he wani-hi 2pl-stay 1 sg-find-PAUS here-PAUS 'You stay here, for me to find (you) here!' (162) manuma-pi be. silent-2sg 'Be silent!' Aspect marker -wa 'unaccomplished, continuative action' can be used in commands with an inchoative meaning (163, 166). (163) pi-manuta-wa 2sg-stop-NONACC 'Stop (start stopping)!' Second person imperatives are the most frequent ones; the examples of third person imperatives are shown below. The predicate is in the clause-initial position. It can take an aspectual clitic, e.g., -yaJu 'yet'. (164) wa-Jia yaliwa weluami then-live now 1 pi + father 'Then long live our father!' (165) wa-Jia-yaJu anetua-li then-live-YET good-ADJ 'Let all stay well!' A serial construction with a motion verb -fa 'go' can be used in a cohortative sense: (166) wa-ja-wa ni-nawale-waba wa wa-hä wa-Ja lpl-go-NONACC 3pl-village-DIR then then-PAUS Ipl-go

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watseta-ni ni-tse-paiu daba jia-wa Diutsu lpl + teach-3pl 3pl-know-PURP where stay-NONACC God 'Let's go to their village, then let's teach them where God is.'

12 Negation 12.1 Predicative negation. Usually predicative negation is expressed by the proclitic ya-, which immediately precedes the verb, and enclitic -pia. The proclitic yaattracts the clitics, e.g., aspectual -mia 'perfective', -pafia 'future', -paJu 'purposive', -Ji 'relative, cleft' (see sect. 18). The proclitic ya- precedes the prefixes. The following examples illustrate predicative negation: transitive verb in (167)(169), Sa in (169)-(170), S0 in (171)-(172), and Sio in (173H174). (167) ya-mia ni-piepe wabupi NEG-PERF 3pl-fmd + NEG spring 'They did not find a spring.' (168) awakaluna-ha, awakaluna ya-yutfia-pia namali Awakaruna-PAUS Awakaruna NEG-kill-NEG people (169) kunehu ya-nupa-pia-ha ya-nupa-pia rabbit NEG-come-NEG-PAUS NEG-come-NEG kunehu wa-hä ya-kulua-pia weni wa-hä rabbit then-PAUS NEG-drink-NEG water then-PAUS 'The rabbit did not come, the rabbit did not come, he does not drink water there.' (170) ya-pajia yulua-pia-ni atapi NEG-FUT fall-NEG-DEM:PR tree Only this tree will not fall.' (171) wa: ya-atulapi-pehe ya-atulapi-pehe waji then NEG-full-NEG +PAUS NEG-full-NEG + PAUS jaguar 'Then the jaguar was not full, was not full.' (172) ya-mia-ha yutfi-pia-yu yu-ma-palu matsuka NEG-PERF-PAUS strong-NEG-3sgf 3sgf-do-PURP flour 'She (my wife) is not strong enough to make flour.' (173) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-palu NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle+ NOM Ipl-paddle-PURP 'We had no (real) paddle, for us to paddle.'

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(174) ya-mia yue-pia-hä nima-hä e-pitj"i NEG-PERF for-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC 'He had little to eat.' In equative clauses (sect. 7), the negation ya-. . . -pia occurs on the predicate: (175) eni nu-tjma-li ni-yue-he ya-nu-waya-ne-pia DEM:PR Isg-tell-REL 2pl-to-PAUS NEG-lsg-tell-POSS-NEG 'This what I am telling you is not my word.' Occasionally, the proclitic ya- can be omitted, especially in repetition: (176) pi-alita-na (ya-)nu-weya-pia-hä nu-wiyua 2sg-tie-lsg NEG-lsg-want-NEG-PAUS Isg-die 'Tie me, I don't want to die (said the jaguar to the rabbit).' In syntactic causatives and serial verb constructions, there is only one negation, which goes on the first component and negates the whole verbal phrase, e.g., (177) (syntactic causative), (178) (serial verb construction). This is one of the criteria for analyzing serial verb constructions as one predicate (sect. 8.8.1). (177) ya-mia ni-we-pia-ha pe-he pi-tsumeni NEG-PERF 3pl-let-NEG-PAUS 2sg + eat-PAUS 2sg-food 'They do not let you eat your food any more (or, they let you not eat your food any more).' (178) yamadu ya-be-pia-ha eda namali Yamadu NEG-can-NEG-PAUS perceive people 'Yamado cannot see people.' 12.2 Emphatic negation (negation in cleft). In cleft constructions, the negation occurs on the left-dislocated constituent, e.g., (179), from the story about the abandoned children. The woman saved by the boy from the snake insists that it was not the ugly soldier who killed the snake: (179) ya-e-pia-ha yutfia-li mawaya NEG-DEM-NEG-PAUS kill-REL snake peya enami yutfia-li nujiwa mawaya ya-tsuludawa-pia-ha one man kill-REL Isg + from snake NEG-soldier-NEG-PAUS

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yutjia-li mawaya kill-REL snake 'It was not he who killed a snake, another man killed the snake from me, it was not the soldier who killed a snake.' The sentential negation (sect. 12.5) can be used for more emphasis, cf. (180) from the same story: (180) ya-hä tsiüudawa udjudelnami yutfia-li mawaya NEG-PAUS soldier ugly kill-REL snake 'It was not the ugly soldier who killed a snake.' 12.3 Negative existential, beda (ba- 'impersonal' + -eda 'perceive, see/hear') is used as a negative existential (see sect. 7.1 on copular clauses) with the negative ya-. . . -pia. Then it takes one NP in the function of a copular complement. (181) ya-beda-pia wabupi wa-kulua-palu weni NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG spring Ipl-drink-PURP water 'There is no spring for us to drink water.' (182) ya-mia-beda-pia-ha a:mani yaliwa NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS sap now 'Now there is no sap any more.' (183) ya-beda-pia-ha mina-liana pani-j! NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS body-MASC house-NPOSS 'The owner of the house was not there.' (184) ya-mia-beda-pia e-pitfi NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG eat-OBJ.FOC 'There is nothing left to eat (for him).' 12.4 Non-predicative negation: other negative words. Benefi (bena-ifi) is used as a negative pronoun, 'nothing, nobody', only if the sentence contains a negative predicate. Benefi can be used as a noun (185,186) or as a modifier (187). Very often it is used to recapitulate, as in (93, 190). It is pronounced as benaifi in a very slow register, as in (188). Benefi can have animate (188) or inanimate reference (185). (185) uwa-ha ya-eda-pia-ha beneji climb-PAUS NEG-see-NEG-PAUS NEG + what 'He (the abandoned boy) climbed and saw nothing.'

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(186) ya-wa-tse-pia beneji NEG-lpl-know-NEG NEG + what 'We don't know anything.' (187) nu-Jla-wa-ha yele-mia-na ya-neda-pia Isg-stay-NONACC-PAUS tired-PERF-lsg NEG-lsg + see-NEG benejl mawaya NEG + what snake Ί stayed (there), I got tired, I did not see any snake.' (188) weluami Diutsu ya-depresia-pia-ha bena-iji 1 pi + father God NEG-despise-NEG-PAUS NEG-what iji weya-Ji-M walamatfie walamatfiehe what want-REL-PAUS save save + PAUS Our father God does not despise anybody who wants to be saved.' Negative particle ne is used for emphatic negation; it is preposed to the negated noun phrase, and the verb is negated. A series of nouns preceded by ne is usually followed by a recapitulating benefi 'nothing, nobody'. This particle may be borrowed from Portuguese nem 'neither . . . nor'; however, a negative particle with a nasal alveolar n is also present in the neighbouring Northern Maipuran languages, e.g., Bare ne, Baniwa name. (189) ya-nu-yue-pia ne ka:ka ne-matsuka NEG-lsg-to-NEG NEG manioc.bread NEG-flour bena-iji nu-yue-he NEG-what lsg-to-PAUS Ί did not have either manioc bread or flour, I had nothing.' (190) ya-nupa-pia ne enami ne neyawa beneji NEG-come-NEG NEG man NEG woman NEG + what 'Neither man nor woman came, nobody.' Warekena also has a negative prefix ma, which is not productive, and is attested in the following cases: two S0 verbs ma-kale 'be out of breath, breathless', ma-numa (NEG-mouth) 'to be silent, mouthless', and one Sa verb ma-kuta 'disappear' (cf. Tariana -kuda 'appear, put on light', ma-kuda 'disappear, switch off light').

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(191) wa ma-kale-mia-ha ema then NEG-breath-PERF-PAUS tapir 'Then the tapir was out of breath.' Possibly, this is the same prefix which appears in the preventive (warning) mood marker ma-tse 'lest', discussed in sect. 18.3. 12.5 Sentential negation. Negative word yahä 'no' etymologically is a pausal form of the negative proclitic ya- (sect. 22.4.1). It is used as a negative answer: (192) yawaputa waji ya-hä pi-alita-na dabana-wa answer jaguar NEG-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg first-PERL pi-alita-na nu-weya-pia-ha nu-wiyua 2sg-tie-lsg Isg-want-NEG-PAUS Isg-die 'The jaguar answered, "No, you tie me first, I don't want to die".' (193) yawaputa kuiimalu yaliwa ya-hä answer turtle now NEG-PAUS yaliwa ya-hä ya-wa-Ja-pia wa-pala now NEG-PAUS NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run 'The turtle answered, "Not now, now no, we will not run".' If the question contains a negation, the negative answer contains a negative yahä:

(194) ya-nupa-pia-hä pi-yue-he mawaya NEG-come-NEG-PAUS 2sg-to-PAUS snake wa yu-ma-hä ya-hä then 3sgf-say-PAUS NEG-PAUS ' "Did the snake not come?" (asked the father). Then she said, "No (it did not)." ' Yahä can be used as a recapitulating word in texts, especially in repetition. (195) comes from the story about various kinds of evil spirits, and it follows the description of how an evil spirit called Yamado does not kill people, he only frightens them. (196) comes from the same text. The variants yahä and yehe are discussed in sect. 22.4.5. (195) ya-hä ya-yutj"ia-pia namali NEG-PAUS NEG-kill-NEG people 'No, he does not kill people.'

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(196) eya-hä ale-he eya-hä awakaluna DEM-PAUS so-PAUS DEM-PAUS Awakaruna y aJene -pi a yehe NEG +angry-NEG NEG + PAUS 'Such is Awakaruna. He is not angry, no.' 12.6 Prohibition (negative command). Negative command is expressed by the construction: personal form of the verb -eda 'perceive, see/hear' 4- the verb + -pia. The verb 'to perceive' is used here as an auxiliary verb (see sect. 18.8.2): (197) yawaputa kunehu pida pi-yutfia-pia-na answer rabbit 2sg 4-perceive 2sg-kill-NEG-lsg The rabbit answered (the jaguar), "Don't kill me".' (198) neda ne-pia-na 2pl +perceive 2pl + eat-NEG-lsg 'Don't you (pi) eat me.' In emphatic commands, negative proclitic ya- can be used on the negated verb: (199) wayata puatfi ya-pida-pe-pia-na speak monkey NEG-2sg + perceive-2sg + eat-NEG-lsg 'The monkey said to the jaguar, "Please, do not eat me!" '

13 Anaphora The most frequent form of anaphora is the omission of a noun phrase, which is retrievable from the context and the pivot restrictions (sect. 3). The A/Sa and O/So cross-referencing markers have anaphoric functions. (200) wa ni-ja ni-yeluta nepuna-ha maJayu maJayu then 3pl-go 3pl-clear 3p + road-PAUS deer deer kulimalu wa ni-yeluta nepuna-ha ya:me-lu turtle then 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS far-EMPH 'Then they went to clear the road, deer and turtle, then they cleared their road a long way.' Demonstrative and third person pronouns also can have anaphoric functions:

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(201) eni-M epalu yutjia-li mawaya eni enami DEM.PR-PAUS he kill-REL snake DEM.PR man 'This is the man who killed the snake, this man.' (202) eya-h§ ale-he DEM-PAUS so-PAUS 'He is this way.' As is shown in sect. 18.4.2, when the A/Sa constituent is focused and omitted from the surface structure, the cross-referencing prefix /- '3sgnf is used anaphorically.

14 Subordinate clauses Warekena has the following types of subordinate clauses: (i) complement clauses (sect. 14.1). Complement clauses occupy the Ο slot of a verbal argument. The predicate does not have any special marker. The Ο complement clause immediately follows the predicate of the main clause, (ii) purposive clauses (sect. 14.2). The predicate of purposive clauses takes purposive mood -paJu. Purposive clauses usually follow the main clause, (iii) relative clauses (sect. 14.3). Warekena has two types of relative clause: a coreferential type (sect. 14.3.1) and a non-coreferential, or converbal, type (sect. 14.3.2). The predicate of a relative clause has relativizer -Ji. A coreferential relative clause usually comes immediately after the coreferential NP it qualifies. A converbal relative clause can occupy any position in the clause, (iv) temporal clauses (sect. 14.4). The predicate of a temporal clause is marked by the clitic -Ji-bena. The subordinate clause has a temporal meaning and can be either pre- or postposed to the main clause, with an accompanying change in meaning, (v) locative clauses (sect. 14.5). The predicate of a locative subordinate clause has no special marker. Locative clauses are introduced with a subordinator waJi 'where', followed by the predicate of the subordinate clause. An S/A pivot operates in coreferential deletion, (vi) terminative clauses (sect. 14.6). The predicate of a terminative subordinate clause has no special marker. Terminative clauses are introduced with a subordinator ate 'until, up to', followed by the predicate of the subordinate clause. The coreferential deletion operates in terms of an S/O pivot.

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(vii) oblique questions (sect. 14.7). Oblique questions usually follow the predicate of the main clause, like complement clauses. Unlike the latter, they contain an interrogative pronoun in clause-initial position. 14.1 Complement clauses. In Warekena, complement clauses can only occupy the Ο slot. The most frequent type of complement clauses are with verbs of perception, verbs of wanting, and verbs of letting/permitting. The main difference between serial verb constructions and complement clauses is that in the latter there is no same subject constraint, and each predicate can have its own aspect marking. A complement clause can be occasionally introduced with aJema 'how' (587).The constituent order in the complement clause is free. Consider examples below (complement clauses are marked with [ ]). (203) eda [yuluta-wa] see lie-NONACC 'He (turtle) saw him lie (deer).' (204) wa-ja weda [wiyua-mia-ni malayu] lpl-go Ipl + see die-PERF-DEM.PR deer 'Let us go and see how the deer died.' (205) eda ibu mawaya [yuluta-wa] ibu-mi mawaya see head snake lie-NONACC head-PEJ snake 'He saw heads of the snake, which were lying down, the (cut) heads of the snake.' (206) ya-nu-weya-pia [pe-na] NEG-lsg-want-NEC 2sg + eat-lsg Ί don't want you to eat me.' (207) nu-meta-h tjmu [yapa-wa pani-Jiwe] Isg-forbid-PAUS dog enter-NONACC house-NPOSS + LOC Ί forbid the dog to enter the house.' The predicate of a complement clause can be a serial verb construction: (208) neda [i-tapa-ha kejuka wabupi] Isg + see 3sgnf-go-PAUS cross spring Ί saw him go across the spring.' The A constituent of the main clause may follow the complement clause.

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(209) wa-hä eda [yu-puwini] yuluami then-PAUS see [3sgf-arrive] 3sgf+ father 'Then her father saw her coming.' A subordinate clause in S function is treated as a headless relative clause, and the predicate has -Ji marker (sect. 14.3): (210) wa-tse-li wa-hä beneji wa-tse-li wani Ipl-know-REL then-PAUS NEG + what Ipl-know-REL here munduwe world + LOG Our knowledge is nothing here in the world.' 14.2 Purposive clauses. Purposive clauses are characterized by the predicate in purposive mood (sect. 18.3). They usually follow the main clause (see examples in sect. 18.3 and below), coreferential Equi-NP deletion operates in terms of an S/A pivot. There can be several consecutive final clauses. They may be subordinated, as in (211), or coordinated, as in (212): (211) nu-ja nu-yutj"ia jiani-pe waji lsg-go Isg-kill child-PL jaguar nu-wala-palu nu-ta-palu e-he Jiani-pe Isg-cook-PURP Isg-give-PURP eat-PAUS child-PL shall kill jaguar's child to cook, to give her the children to eat'. (212) ni-weya idolu ni-weya idolu-nawi ni-ma-palu festa payaJu 3pl-want idol 3pl-want idol-PL 3pl-do-PURP feast all ifi ni-ma-palu ni-tama-palu ni-kulua-palu yalaki what 3pl-do-PURP 3pl-dance-PURP 3pl-drink-PURP vodka 'They (non-evangelicals) want idols, they want idols to do feasts, all they (want) to do, to dance, to drink vodka.' Coreferential NP deletion operating with an S/A pivot is illustrated with (213): (213) wa Ja jia-wa waji then go sit-NONACC jaguar ulunia-palu ema yutjia-palihi wait-PURP tapir kill-PURP + PAUS 'The jaguar was going to sit there to wait for the tapir to kill (him).'

Warekena 273 -paJu is often used to mark a complement clause after an imperative: (214) pi-ja pi-yanta nu-yue nu-Jiani-pe 2sg-go 2sg-take lsg-to lsg-child-PL nu-ta-palu ni-kulua tjmi Isg-give-PURP 3pl-drink breast 'Go and bring my children to me, for me to give them my breast.' 14.3 Relative clauses 14.3.1 Coreferential relative clauses. A coreferential relative clause usually comes immediately after the coreferential NP it qualifies. Clitic -Ji marks the predicate of a relative clause. It is the same -Ji which is used on stative verbs as an adjectivizer (sect. 15). Only S (Sa, S0, Sj0) and Ο constituents can be relativized. Common arguments between the complement clause and the main clause can be: main clause S O Ο Locative Instrumental

complement clause S S Ο S O

The coreferential constituent can be the S of the main clause and the S of the relative clause. This type is comparatively rare. In (215) the shared constituent is the Sio of the main clause and the Sa of the relative clause. The predicate -yue 'to, for; to belong' is of an Si0 type. (215) eya enami yue peya matseta Ju^i-li DEM man to one knife big-ADJ enaba tjmu [ayuza-li-hi] two dog help-REL-PAUS 'The man has a big knife (lit.: to him a big knife) (and) two dogs which are being helpful.' The coreferential constituent can be the Ο of the main clause and the S of the relative clause. It is S0 in (216) and (217): (216) ni:da yujana niwaba [u:le:-Ji u:Je:-Ji] 3pl +perceive voice high + LOG sound-REL sound-REL 'They heard (perceived the voice) (of a cup) high up.'

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(217) nu-beda-da-h mitji [ula-mia-li-hi] Isg-try-RED-PAUS meat soft-PERF-REL-PAUS Ί am trying the meat (several times) to see if it is soft (lit.: meat which is soft).' The coreferential constituent is the Ο of the main clause and the Sa of the embedded relative clause in (218) and (219): (218) ale ni-ma yue-he wa-weya weda-ha thus 3pl-say to.him-PAUS Ipl-want Ipl + see-PAUS weluami [jia-li enu-waba-ha] lpl +father stay-REL sky-DIR-PAUS 'So they said to him, we want to see our father who lives in the sky.' (219) wa-h ni-ma-ha jutj"i aji ni-wepehe aji-waba then-PAUS 3pl-do-PAUS big fire 3pl -throw -l- P AUS fire-DER ni-yalitua-mia-h [wiyua-mia-li] 3pl-brother-PERF-PAUS die-PERF-REL 'Then they make much fire, they throw him into the fire, their brother who died.' The coreferential constituent can be the only constituent of a verbless main clause and the Ο of the relative clause: (220) wa abi:da [abida yutjia-li] nuluami then pig pig kill-REL lsg +father wepa-miehe tawape-tfiwe ya-mia-be-pia a:pi leave-PERF + PAUS jungle-LOG? + LOG NEG-PERF-can-NEG take 'And the pig, the pig he killed, my father left (it) in the jungle, he could not take (it).' (221) may also be interpreted as an equative clause with a headless relative clause as a predicate: (221) eni kansau [kanita-li] nuluami-mine DEM:PR song sing-REL lsg + father-DEC:nf 'This song is the one sung by my father.' The coreferential constituent can be in the Ο function in both clauses. This is the most frequent type in my corpus.

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(222) wa-ja weda-hä [nu-yanata-li] lpl-go Ipl + see-PAUS Isg-write-REL 'Let's go and see what I wrote.' (223) wa: bida eni papera-je-mi then 2sg + see DEM:PR paper-PIECE-PEJ eni [wa-nuta-li] nu-yue-he diutsu DEM.PR then-send-REL lsg-to-PAUS God ' "See this piece of paper which the (traditional) god sent to me?" (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' (224) nu-Ja nu-kanita-ha [kanita-li nuluami-mine] lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS song-REL lsg + father -DEC :nf shall sing a song which my father sang.' (225) is very often used in a kind of a story-final speech formula. It is unusual in that the predicate of the main clause follows the subordinate clause. (225) ube-ma-lu [nu-tjma-li] nu-tjma all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-REL Isg-tell 'Here ends the story (Lit.: I told all I had to tell).' Relative clauses are frequently used as attributes. Adjectival modifiers in Warekena are coreferential relative clauses in an attributive function, with relative forms of stative (S0) in (226) and yue 'to, for' in (227, 228): (226) atapi niwe-li jutfi-li tree high-REL big-REL 'a high and big tree (or, a tree which is high and big)' (227) yalanawi yue-li jutfi deka-Ji white.man for-REL much have-NOM 'a rich white man, a white man who has (lit.: to whom) many belongings' (228) enami yue-li jutj"i nenituana man to-REL much liver 'a courageous man (lit.: to whom much liver)' Relative clauses may also be used headlessly (see sect. 15.4 on the headless use of modifiers). In negative clauses, -Ji is attracted to the negative proclitic ya-, in agreement with the clitic character of -Ji.

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(229) ya-li-be-pia NEG-REL-can-NEG 'a weakling, a coward (lit.: the one who cannot (do things)' Relative verbal forms are close to object nominalization when used headlessly: (230) Ja pie-he peya ni-yanata-li-mi go fmd-PAUS one 3pl-write-REL-PERF ni-yanata-li yalanawi-nawi peya papela 3pl-write-REL white-PL one paper 'Then (the rabbit) found a written one, written by white men, a paper.' Headless uses of -Ji relative forms are also considered in sect. 18.6. (231) is frequently used at the end of stories. (231) eni-hi nu-tjma-li ube-ma-mia-lu teta-ha DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-tell-REL all-DEL-PERF-EMPH DEM-PAUS This is all I tell (Lit.: This is my telling, only that it is).' The coreferent NP may be a locative constituent of the main clause and of the relative clause, as in (232). (232) uwa-ha minaji-ta ata:pi yulute-li-wa climb-PAUS on-DEM:DIST tree lie-REL-NONACC 'He (jaguar) climbed on the tree where (on which) he lay.' In this case the subordinate clause may be introduced by the locative subordinate conjunction waJi 'where': (233) wa-yuleta-mia-wa ja-wa uwa-ha then-come-PERF-NONACC go-NONACC climb-PAUS minajl atapi wali yulute-li-wa wa yuluta-wa on tree where lie-REL-NONACC then lie-NONACC 'Then he (the jaguar) went and climbed on a tree where he lay, and he was lying there.' In a few cases, the predicate of a relative clause of this type has a case marker, as in (234). It is not a locative subordinate clause, since the predicate of locative subordinate clauses (see sect. 14.5) is not marked with -Ji.

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(234) wani pani-Ji nu-Jia-liwe-he here house-NPOSS lsg-live-REL +LOG-PAUS 'Here is the house in which I live.' The coreferent NP may be an instrumental constituent of the main clause and the Ο of the relative clause, as in (235). The personal cross-referencing can be omitted, when the A of the embedded clause is either not important, or is understood from the context. A postposition (e.g., an instrumental in (235)) always follows the relative clause. (235) wa-wa-ja-mia-wa wa-wene-ta-ha then-lpl-go-PERF-NONACC then-from-DEM:DIST-PAUS mulupewe-mia-ha peya neyupa miyapa-li ima canoe+ LOC-PERF-PAUS one paddle borrow-REL with mina-liana pani-Ji body-MASC house-NPOSS 'Then we went away from there on the boat (and with) a paddle borrowed from the owner of the house.' Interrogative pronouns can be used as relative pronouns in relative clauses when preceded by payalu 'all'. They then provide a restrictive meaning to "all" (236-239). The only example of a relative-like use of an interrogative pronoun da:tfibuJe 'who' following its head (enami 'man') is (54). The use of interrogative pronouns in relative clauses may be influenced by Portuguese. (236) payaJu ij! ni-ma-li Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha all what 3pl-do-REL God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS 'Whatever they are doing, God does not like (it) this way.' (237) nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha payalu ij! wa-patata-li wa-h lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS all what Ipl-work-REL then-PAUS Ί shall tell all, whatever we then worked.' (238) atseta-mia-ni payalu enami atseta teach-PERF-3pl all man teach neyawa payalu ifi damali weya-li woman all what who want-REL 'He taught them, all the men, taught all the women, (all) who wanted (to learn).'

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(239) payalu iji weda-li wani-hl ma:-pifi all what Ipl + see-REL here-PAUS do-OBJ.FOC nuluami Diutsu lsg + father God 'All we see is the creation of my father, God.' 14.3.2 Non-coreferential (converbal) clauses. Converbal clauses usually refer to an action which precedes (240, 241) or accompanies (242) the action of the main clause. The predicate of a converbal clause is marked by the relativizer -Ji. Converbal clauses can either precede or follow the main clause. There appear to be no pivot restrictions. (240) [nuluami wanuta-li] nu-nupa wani-M lsg + father order-REL Isg-come here-PAUS 'After my father having ordered, I came here.' (241) [peya ema peya malayu ni-yutfia-li] one tapir one deer 3pl-kill-REL wani ni-yuleta-mia-wa here 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC 'Having killed one tapir and one deer, they returned here.' (242) wa ni-Ja-mia-ha ni-yeleta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha then 3pl-go-PERF-PAUS 3pl-arrive-PAUS 3 s gf-to wards-P AU S etyawa [yu-puii-tsu-mata ilika-li payalu yu-puli-M] old + FEM 3sgf-eye-?-skin close-REL all 3sgf-eye-PAUS 'Then they went, they arrived at the old woman, her eyelid closing her whole eye.' (243) is an example of a converbal clause with an Si0 predicate: (243) [ne ka:ka ne-matsuka bena-iji NEG manioc.bread NEG-flour NEG-what nu-yue-li] ya-mia-yutjl-pia-na lsg-to-REL NEG-PERF-strong-NEG-lsg 'Having no manioc bread, no flour, nothing, I am not strong.' The predicate of a converbal clause can have an aspect marker -wa, which follows -Ji:

Warekena 279

(244) wani pe-pitj"i [pi-ja-li-wa] here 2sg + eat-OBJ.FOC 2sg-go-REL-NONACC 'Here is the food for you to eat while you are going.' Converbal clauses may be used to emphasize the action expressed by the verb in the main clause: (245) wa-hä wayata [ma-Ji] yu-yue-he mawelite then-PAUS speak say-REL 3sgf-to-PAUS sister 'Then he (the brother) spoke, saying to his sister.' A converbal clause may have a concessional meaning: (246) [papeya namali nu-yue-he ma-li] other person lsg-to-PAUS say-REL ya-yue-pia pina-Ji NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM 'Whatever another person may say to me, there is no antidote (against snake bite).' A converbal clause can contain a purposive clause (247, 248). (247) [nu-yutj'ia-le inamaiu napi-palu-M Isg-kill-REL stingray Isg + take-PURP-PAUS nu-mana-li-wa nu-pata-palu puli] Isg-bait-POSS-PERL Isg-get-PURP game 'when I killed the stingray to take (it) as bait, to get game' (248) [wa-nuta-li-wa wa-yutJia-paJu kueji] yaliwa then-call-REL-NONACC Ipl-kill-PURP game now wa-yutjia-mia-ha wa-yutfia-mia-ha jutjl-lu Ipl-kill-PERF-PAUS Ipl-kill-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH 'He (our cousin) having ordered to kill the game, now we killed (game), we killed a lot'. 14.4 Temporal clauses. The predicate of a temporal clause is marked with the clitic -Ji-bena (see sect. 18.6.2). Coreferential deletion operates in terms of an S/A pivot. The order of subordinate and main clause depends on the meaning of the predicate of the subordinate verb. When the subordinate clause is postposed to the main, the action of the subordinate clause precedes the action of the main

280 Aikhenvald

clause (249-253). When the subordinate clause is preposed, it has a temporal meaning, and indicates a simultaneous state or action, as in (254) and (255). (249) ne-he payalu aya-Ji kawyu-Ji matsuka 3pl + eat-PAUS all lack-NOM smoke-NOM flour ne-he payalu ni-bitfika-li-bena-mia-ha 3pl + eat-PAUS all 3sg-go.out-REL-when-PERF-PAUS ukapi-wene-he room-EL-PAUS 'They (the menstruating girls) eat all, smoked meat, flour, manioc bread, they eat all, as soon as/after they come out of their room (ritual seclusion).' (250) eni kansau kanita-Ji nuluami-mine DEM.PR song sing-REL Isg + father-DEC.nf ni-kompleta-li-bena ni-akayu-ne neye-pe 3pl-complete-REL-when 3pl-year-PL woman-PL 'This is the song my late father sang after women came of age (lit.: completed their years).' (251) ale neda benamitfi ni-wiyua-li-bena-ha thus 3pl + see long.ago 3pl-die-REL-when-PAUS yanumami-nawi Yanomami-PL 'So they did (performed) long ago, after Yanomami people had died.' A postposed subordinate clause marked with -Ji-bena can have a causal nuance of meaning: (252) nu-yubua-hä yame:-lu ja bitfika jibuduliwe Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH go go.out field + LOG nu-mitfiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji nu-yutfia-li-bena-hä Isg-hide/escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar Isg-kill-REL-when-PAUS jiani-pe child-PL ' "I am digging (a hole) far away, it will go out far away, for me to escape from the jaguar, after/because I killed her children," (said the rabbit).'

Warekena 281

(253) ni-Ja ni-tsunua-hä a:Ji ni-ma-palu 3pl-go 3pl-tear-PAUS manioc 3pl-make-PURP ka:ka ne-pitji ni-ma-palu ka:ka manioc.bread 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 3pl-make-PURP manioc.bread matsuka jiweji ne-palu kawyu-Ji manioc.flour tapioca 3pl + eat-PURP smoke-NOM ni-yeleta-li-bena-ha nelima-pe 3pl-arrive-REL-when-PAUS cousin-PL 'They went to tear manioc to make manioc bread to eat, to make manioc bread, manioc flour, tapioca to eat, smoked meat, after the cousins come.' (254) uwa-li-bena-ha namaii ya-be-pia-ha yutfie climb-REL-when-PAUS people NEG-can-NEG-PAUS kill 'When (a person) climbs a tree, he (evil spirit) cannot kill (a person).' (255) elita-li-bena-ha ya-bajaka-pia-ha nibble-REL-when-PAUS NEG-tear-NEG-PAUS 'When he (evil spirit) nibbles (at cattle), he does not tear (it).' The -Ji-bena construction is rarely used when the complement clause has an inanimate S, and the main clause has an animate A/S. Then parataxis is used, as in (256). An example of -Ji-bena is (257). (256) niwe-mia amufi ni-Ja-tfi-wa tenepu numa-wa high-PERF sun 3pl-go-REP-NONACC road mouth-PERL 'When the sun was high they went by the road.' (257) ni-yeleta wa-hä meluIia-Ji-bena-ha amuji 3pl-arrive then-PAUS midday-REL-when-PAUS sun They arrived after it was midday.' -Ji-bena can be used with designations of time: (258) wa-yue-he melikana yu-yeleta wa-nawaJewe-he lpl-to-PAUS American 3sgf-come 1 pi-village + LOG-PAUS wa-yue-he em 1950-li-bena em 1950 wa-hä yu-nupa lpl-to-PAUS in 1950-REL-when in 1950 then-PAUS 3sgf-arrive

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yu-tsina-h waya-ne Diutsu 3sgf-tell-PAUS say-POSS God 'The American (woman) arrived among us in our village in 1950, she came to tell the word of God.' 14.5 Locative clauses. Locative subordinate clauses are expressed by the subordinating marker waJi 'where' (which etymologically may go back to \va 'presentative' and -Ji ' relativized). They can refer to either location or direction. Locative subordinate clauses follow the main clause, and the head is usually omitted from the main clause. The constituent order is waJi V Sa (259, 260), waJi VS0 (261), waJi V Ο (262, 263), and waJi VOA (264). In coreferential deletion, an S/A pivot operates (263). (259) wa yeleta-ha wali inapa-wa tenepu then arrive-PAUS where finish-NONACC road 'Then he came to where the road finished.' (260) peya puatfi nepuna-wa yeleta wali jia waji one monkey 3pl + road-PERL arrive where stay jaguar Ά monkey arrived at their road where the jaguar was staying.' (261) yeleta-mia-ha wali mala-mia wabupi arrive-PERF-PAUS where shallow-PERF spring 'He arrived where the spring is shallow.' (262) peya laguna wali ni-kulua-ha weni one lake where 3pl-drink-PAUS water paya:lu kueji-nawi ni-kulua-ha weni all game-PL 3 pi-drink-PAUS water '(There is) a lake where all the animals drink water, they drink water.' (263) kulimalu nupa-mia-wa wali yutsia ema turtle amve-PERF-NONACC where kill tapir 'Turtle arrived to where (he) killed the tapir.' (264) prontu-mia-ha wali yubua yatfipe kunehu ready-PERF-PAUS where dig ground rabbit 'It is ready, where the rabbit was digging the ground.' The A constituent of the locative clause can undergo left dislocation if it is the focus of attention (sect. 9), and then it can be proposed to the predicate. However, these cases are rare and very marked; their marked character is

Warekena 283

corroborated by the fact that they are found only in repetition, as in (265). The left dislocated A constituent is italicized. (265) peya tsemana Ja-wa iwapiwe wabupi one week go-NONACC shore + LOG spring te yeleta walu yutfia waji ema wali wafi yutfia ema until arrive where kill jaguar tapir where jaguar kill tapir 'He went for a week on the shore of the spring until he arrived to where the jaguar killed the tapir, to where the jaguar killed the tapir. ' In one case a coreferent locative constituent atapi 'tree' was not omitted from the main clause: (266) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-lu atapi eni-M wali all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree DEM.PR-PAUS where ulupe-tfi natj"ia-wa ya-pajia yulua-pia-ha foot-LOC? Isg + stand-NONACC NEG-FUT fall-NEG-PAUS Only one tree, the one near which I am (lit.: where at its foot I am) will not fall.' Wali may take a perlative case-marker -wa, as in (267). This example is also unusual because the predicate of the locative clause precedes the subordinator wali. (267) wa-hä wa ni-teyata-mia-(ha)-yu then-PAUS then 3pl-push-PERF-(PAUS)-3sgf yu-yawaluta wali-wa-ha 3sgf-go.round where -PERL -PAUS 'Then they (the abandoned children) pushed her (the witch) where she was going around (the pan with boiling water).' 14.6 Terminative clauses. Terminative clauses are marked with the loan subordinate conjunction ate, te 'until' (used with a temporal or spatial meaning). They usually follow the main clause. Coreferential deletion in terminative clauses functions in terms of an S/O pivot (268-271). (268) Jmua-mia puatjl niwaba ate yuiua throw-PERF monkey high + DIR until fall 'He(jaguar) threw the monkey high, until he (the monkey) fell.'

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(269) ni-wapeta ni-ya:ma-te te pelu pelu jutj"i yama:-tji 3pl-arrange 3pl-bag-POSS until full full big bag-NOM 'Then they arranged the bag until it is full, a big bag is full.' (270) e-mia pane ema ate inapa inapehe eat-PERF liver tapir until finish finish + PAUS Then he (jaguar) ate tapir's liver until it finished, finished.' (271) wa-Jia waj! ate yele-mia then-sit jaguar until tired-PERF 'The jaguar sat until he became tired. ' The Sa, So and Ο constituent always follows the predicate in a terminative clause: O: (272) wani ni-mutjita-mehe ni-mutjlta-mehe here 3 pi -bite -PERT + PAUS 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS

ate ni-bujuka tfiapi until 3pl-burst belly 'They (turtles) bit him (the tapir), until they burst his belly.' S0: (273) kunehu ipeta-ha waj! ate ya-mia-yutji-pie waji rabbit beat-PAUS jaguar until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG jaguar 'The rabbit beat the jaguar until the jaguar had no more strength'.

(274) wa-jm-wa wa-Jia-wa ate niwe-mia-ha then-stay-NONACC then-stay-NONACC until high -PERF -PAUS amuji sun 'Then he stayed until the sun was high.' Sa: (275) kunehu ipeta-mia ipeta ipeta ipeta ate dalina-mia waji rabbit beat-PERF beat beat beat until faint-PERF jaguar 'The rabbit beat the jaguar until the jaguar fainted. '

(276) mutfita puatfi ate baJika-mia-wa a:ta bite monkey until tear-PERF-NONACC rope

Warekena 285

wakwena-mia-wa wakwena-mia-wa untie-PERF-NONACC untie-PERF-NONACC 'The monkey bit it (the rope) until the rope tore, it (the rope) got untied.' A left-dislocated constituent which constitutes a focus of attention can be placed in front of the predicate of a terminative clause. Such an example is (277), in which the left-dislocated constituent Sa, mawaya 'snake'marked with emphatic intonation, is italicized. (277) wa-hä wa-Jia-wa yuma neyawa then-PAUS then-stay-NONACC 3sgf+with woman te mawaya Jut^i-li nupa-mia-ha until snake big-ADJ arrive-PERF-PAUS 'And so then he stayed with the woman until the big snake came.' te, ate 'until, up to' can also be used as a preposition, possibly under Portuguese influence: (278) wa-hä nuya crenti ate yaliwa nu-Jia-wa then-PAUS I evangelical until now Isg-stay-NONACC anetua-li good-ADJ 'So I am evangelical, until now I live well.' (279) ate wa nu-t^ina-hä isturia-ne kunehu epi waji until then Isg-tell-PAUS story-POSS rabbit with jaguar 'Up to here I tell the story of a rabbit with a jaguar.' The sequence ate datfi can also be used to introduce terminative-locative clauses (280, 281). It is very similar to ate waJi (see below). (280) wa nu-ja nu-kanita-ha ate datfi nu-tse then lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS until where Isg-know will sing until where I know (the song).' (281) wa-hä wayata kulimalu yaliwa nu-Ja epuna-wa then-PAUS speak turtle now lsg-go road-PERL ema ate datji nu-pie-he nu-mutfita-palihi tapir until where Isg-fmd-PAUS Isg-bite-PURP + PAUS Then the turtle spoke, "I shall go by the tapir's road, until I find (him, i.e., the tapir) to bite (him)".'

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Terminative clauses may be preceded (282) or followed (283) by locative clauses introduced by waM 'where'. (282) ale wa-Jia-wa waya-ha so Ipl-live-NONACC we-PAUS waya wali wa-Jia-wa ate nu-tsina we where Ipl-stay-NONACC until Isg-tell 'We lived this way where we are staying now, until the moment of my speech.' (283) wa-ja-wa yame:-lu ate wa-yeleta-mia-ha lpl-go-NONACC far-EMPH until Ipl-arrive-PERF-PAUS wali Jutfi-mia wabupi where big-PERF spring 'We went far until we arrived (to the place) where the spring was big.' Ate and waJi can co-occur forming a compound conjunction 'until where'. (284) ninapa-wa kulimalu 3pl + fmish-NONACC turtle ate wali inapa-mia-wa tenepu until where finish-PERF-NONACC road 'The turtles were spread (lit.: the turtles were finishing) until where the road ended.' A locative clause may be embedded in a terminative clause: (285) wa pala-ha ate yeleta-mia wabupi wali then mn-PAUS until arrive-PERF spring where tsapia-mia ema wabupi-waba-ha unita-palu jump-PERF tapir spring-DIR-PAUS swim-PURP Then he (jaguar) ran until he arrived at the spring, where the tapir jumped, to swim into the spring.' 14.7 Oblique questions. Oblique questions (also sect. 16.5) are introduced with the help of interrogative pronouns. They usually follow the main clause, like complement clauses. The predicate has no special marker. (286) peya namali Jupe-li ni-jia-wa mana Diutsu other people many-REL 3pl-stay-NONACC near God

Warekena 287

nida-palu ijalema waya-ne 3pl + see how say-POSS 'Many other people stayed near God to see how his word was.' (287) atapi minaji-M uwa-ha eda-palu daba-ha yapa tree on-PAUS climb-PAUS see-PURP where-PAUS hill '(The child) climbed on the tree to see where the hill is.' (288) yaliwa nu-ja nu-tjma-ha now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS ijalema neda-ha eni-hl kiüupira how Isg+perceive-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS evil.spirit 'Now I shall tell how I saw the evil spirit.'

SYNTAX OF PHRASE TYPES 15 Noun phrase structure 15.1 Marking for case. Similarly to the vast majority of Maipuran languages, Warekena does not have any case marking on core constituents (i.e., A, S or in terms of Dixon 1994), but has a number of cases used to mark peripheral constituents. This is also characteristic for other Northern Maipuran languages of the region, e.g., Bare, which is structurally very close to Warekena, and Baniwa of Igana. Peripheral case markers usually occur on the head of possessive, adpositional or adjectival NPs. Warekena has the following peripheral cases. Locative is marked with the suffix -iwe. Its locative meaning is illustrated with (289, 290). (289) shows an opposition between elative and locative. (289) Pedru nupa-ha venesuela-wene ma-ha Pedro arrive-PAUS Venezuela-EL do-PAUS pani-Ji wenejewe-he house-NPOSS Xie +LOG-PAUS 'Pedro arrived from Venezuela (and) made a house on the Xie river.' (290) datsi mutsita-pi umeni pi-apiwe-he where bite-2sg snake 2sg-hand +LOG-PAUS

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pi-teya minaji wa-Ju awini-ni 2sg-pee on then-EMPH cold-ADJ 'Where a snake bit you on your hand, pee on (it) where it feels cold.' Locative case can mean direction and location: (291) nu-nupa numewe tenepu Isg-arrive mouth + LOG road Ί arrived at the beginning of a road.' Locative case can have causal meaning, as shown in (292), instrumental meaning, as in (293), (294), and comitative meaning, as in (295). (292) yu-wiyu-yua-ha neyawa yalakiwe 3sgf-faint-RED-PAUS woman whisky + LOG Ά woman is drunk because of whisky.' (293) atseta-ni waya-newe-he Diutsu teach-3pl say-POSS + LOC-PAUS God 'He taught them with his word, God's.' (294) nu-yanata-na-wa kerawiwe 1 sg-paint-REFL-NONACC achiote + LOG Ί painted myself with achiote.' (295) nu-wajata kafe leitiwe Isg-mix coffee milk + LOG Ί mixed coffee with milk.' There is, possibly, another locative affix, -tfi/fi (on the variability of tf and J in Warekena see sect. 22) On', which has restricted occurrence . It occurs with body parts, e.g., nawa 'my leg', nawa-fi On my leg'; i-tfipaJa 'his foot', itfipaJa-fi On his foot'; certain nouns referring to location, e.g., uJupe 'foot' (of a mountain), fawape 'jungle', aJipeJi 'cerrado; dense jungle', and interrogative da-tfi 'where?'. Possibly, this affix is also present in the adposition mina-fi On' (290), cf. mina 'body'. These nouns, illustrated in (296)-(299), usually do not take locative case suffix -iwe; tawape-ffiwe in (220) is an exception. Directional case marker -waba and perlative/transformative case marker -wa can go either on the noun stem, as in (297), or on the noun stem which contains -tfi, as in (299). The occurrence of different vowels in two otherwise identical forms containing -tfi + -wa in (299) is explained in sect. 22.4.5. (296) ni-Ja-mia-wa yame-lu tawape-tji 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC far-EMPH jungle-LOC?

Warekena 289

tawape numa-wa ni-Ja-wa jungle mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC 'They went far in the jungle, they went by the edge of the jungle.' (297) ni-yuleta-mia-ha ulupe-waba ya:pa 3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill 'They (turtles) returned to the foot of a hill.' (298) yaliwa wa-yeleta-mia-ha wani-M ulupe-^i yapa now Ipl-arrive-PERF-PAUS here-PAUS foot-LOC? hill 'Now we arrived here, at the foot of the hill.' (299) wa nupa kulimalu yapa-wa then come turtle hill-PERL aJipe-li-tJ"i-wa-ha ya:me-lu thick.jungle-NOM-LOC?-PERL-PAUS far-EMPH tawape -tj"i -waba -ha alipe -li -tj"i -wehe jungle-LOC7-DIR-P AUS thick. jungle-NOM-LOC7-PERL + PAUS 'Then the turtle came by a hill, by a thick jungle far into the jungle, by thick jungle.' It is difficult to decide about the synchronic status of the suffix -tfi/fi as a location marker, in the context of language obsolescence. Directional is marked with suffix -waba (300, 301). (300) wa-nu-ja-tji-wa awipemi-waba-ha wabupi then-lsg-go-REP-NONACC headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring 'And then I went on, towards the headwaters of a spring.' (301) peya-ha pala:-ha anepili-waba peya pala:-ha ganu-waba one-PAUS run-PAUS right-DIR one run-PAUS left-DIR One (horse) ran to the right, the other one ran to the left.' The difference between directional case and locative which combines directional and locative meaning, as in (291), is that the latter means 'go towards a location and stay there', whereas the former means 'go towards a location'. Elative is marked with suffix -wene. It means both 'from', as in (302), and 'from out of, as in (303).

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(302) wa: ni-bajaka-mihi ni-yapi-M utsu-mi peya-ha then 3pl-tear-PERF + PAUS 3pl-take-PAUS leg-PEJ one-PAUS peya kawayu api ganu-wene-he peya utsu peya kavayu api-M one horse take left-EL-PAUS one leg one horse take-PAUS anepili-wene-he right-EL-PAUS 'Then they tore him (the bad soldier) apart, one horse took one leg from the left, another horse took another leg from the right.' (303) kulimalu ya-be-pia bitsika yatsipe-wene turtle NEG-can-NEG go.out ground-EL The turtle could not come out of the ground.' (304) wa-hä wepa Jutji aji numewene eta-ha then-PAUS let big fire mouth + EL DEM:DIST-PAUS yenapemi tfiapuli-wene wepa-ha Jutfi iJa-Ji devil behind-EL let-PAUS big red-ADJ 'Then the devil let big fire come from out of his mouth and big red (fire) from inside his behind.' Occasionally the vowel a of the noun root becomes e before -wene 'elative', as in numewene 'from the mouth', cf. numa 'mouth'. This phonological process (see sect. 22.5) could indicate that the underlying form for the elative suffix is -iwene. However, the form numa-wene 'from the mouth' and such forms as wa-wene 'from there', da-wene 'from where?' indicate that -wene is the underlying form. The variation of numewene and numa-wene may be due to an analogy with locative -iwe, cf. numewe (numa-iwe) 'in the mouth'. Perlative/transformative is marked with suffix -wa. It has the following meanings: (a) With nouns denoting location -wa means 'along' with motion verbs and 'near, at' with stance and posture verbs (305, 306). With terminative motion verbs, the -wa case means 'near' (307). (305) pala-ha waji iwapi-wa wabupi run-PAUS jaguar shore-PERL spring awipemi-waba-ha wabupi headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring 'The jaguar ran by the shore of the spring to the headwaters of the spring.'

Warekena 291

(306) yaliwa nu-ja nu-we pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa now lsg-go Isg-leave 2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL 'Now I shall leave you to lie near the mouth of the road.' (307) ni-yeleta yapa-wa 3pl-arrive hill-PERL 'They (children) were coming near the hill.' -Wa may also mean 'until' with a terminative verb, or a verb marked with perfective aspect. (308) wa ni-Jia-wa ni-tsipulya-ta-mia-ha ni-kawyu then 3pl-sit-NONACC 3pl-turn-CAUS-PERF-PAUS 3pl-smoked.meat pani-wa ya:japua mid-PERL night 'Then they sat down to turn the smoked meat until midnight.' (299) illustrates a combination of -tfi 'locative' and -wa 'perlative'. (b) With time nouns, -wa means 'during, by'. (309) yu-Ja-wa pepuji-wa 3sgf-go-NONACC day-PERL 'She traveled during the day.' (c) Other meanings of -wa are: 'for' (310, 311); and 'as, in order to acquire a quality of (312-314). (310) nu-yutjia-wa inamaiu nu-mana-le-wa Isg-kill-NONACC stingray Isg-bait-POSS-PERL nu-pata-palu puli Isg-get-PURP game 'Then I killed the stingray for my bait to get game.' (311) na kaka yawaya-pe-li-wa 3pl + eat manioc.bread early-NOM-REL-PERL 'They eat manioc bread for breakfast.' (312) wa ma yue kunehu nuya nu-weya peya enami then say to rabbit I Isg-want one man

292 Aikhenvald

nu-yalitua-wa wala-palu nu-yue-he na-pitji Isg-companion-PERL cook-PURP Isg-for-PAUS Isg + eat-OBJ.FOC Then she (the jaguar) said to the rabbit, "I want a man as a companion to cook food for me." ' (313) nalake-na-wa kosinera-wa lsg +dress-Isg-NONACC cook-PERL Ί dressed myself as a cook.' -Wa case is used to mark the second argument (a copular complement) of verbs of becoming, transforming, etc. (314) maJieli weta-ta-wa enami yenapemi-wa shaman transform-CAUS-NONACC man devil-PERL The shaman transformed the man into an evil spirit.' -Wa case is not used to mark essive constituents; the unmarked form of the noun is used : (315) patata teyatena mulupa work guide+ AG canoe 'He works as a guide of a boat.' Unlike neighbouring Northern Maipuran languages, Warekena does not have double case marking. Unmarked forms of nouns which prototypically denote location, e.g., wabupi 'spring', panifi 'house' can be used in the locative meaning without any special marking (316). In (106) and (92) the unmarked form of a body part, napitu 'back', is used in a directional or locative sense. (316) bukukuli jia-wa pani-Ji owl sit-NONACC house-NPOSS 'An owl sat on the house.' panifi 'house' is used with the locative case marker when it has a more specific meaning, as in (317), where panifiwe means 'at home'. (317) nuya-ha nu-jia-wa wani-hT I-PAUS Isg-stay-NONACC here-PAUS pani-Jiwe nu-ja-palu-pajla-ha miyuli-waba house-NPOSS + LOG lsg-go-PURP-FUT-PAUS garden-DIR Ί shall stay at home to go to the garden'.

Warekena 293

Nouns unmarked for case can be used in the corresponding meaning if the NP has already been marked with a case in the preceding clause (318), or if the meaning is clear from the context e.g., i-fuumiawa 'his wife' in (319). (318) wa-nupa-ha mana-wa ni-nupa-ha abida-nawi then-arrive-PAUS near-PERL 3pl-arrive-PAUS pig-PL ni-tapa-ha mana 3pl-walk-PAUS near 'Then they (pigs) arrived near him (the jaguar), the pigs arrived, they walked near (him).' (319) wa api-mia-yu i-Jumiawa pane-waba then take-PERF-3sgf 3sgnf-spouse + f his.house-DIR 'Then he took her as his wife to his house.' 15.2 Possession (genitives), gender, classifiers and number 15.2.1 Possession (genitives). Similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, Warekena has an opposition between inalienably and alienably possessed nouns, cross-referencing prefixes (see Table 1) are used to mark possessor on a noun. As shown in sect. 18.4.1, cross-referencing prefixes are also used to cross-reference A and Sa on verbs, and cross-referencing enclitics cross-reference Ο and So. The set of cross-referencing prefixes is identical for all nouns, all adpositions and verbs, cross-referencing enclitics are used exclusively with verbs. Table 1. Cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics sg pi prefixes enclitics prefixes enclitics 1 nu-na wa-wi 2 pi-pi ni-ni 3f yu-yu ni-ni 3nf 0/i0 ni-ni IMP baInalienable possession is marked by the possessive cross-referencing prefixes (see examples below) without any suffixed marker of possession. Inalienably possessed nouns have no unpossessed form. Inalienably possessed nouns constitute a closed grammatical class, and include all body parts, e.g., pi-nenituana (2sg-belly)'your belly', napi (Isg + hand) 'my hand'; 0-yufana (3sgnf-voice) 'his voice, language, word', nu-yufana 'my voice, my language, my word'; all kinship nouns, e.g., nu-fuJuami 'my mother'; 0-fabine 'his family, household', nu-fabine 'my household'; 0-fiani 'his child', nu-fiani 'my child', and a few other nouns; e.g., epuna 'road, path'. This is a very small class of items, all,

294 Aikhenvald

apparently, of Proto-Maipuran origin, most of which contain a fossilized derivational affix; e.g., 0-ma:ka-pe 'his nest', nu-ma:ka-pe 'my nest', 0-fiyu-Ji, 0-fiJi 'his pan', nu-fiyuJi, nu-fiJi 'my pan'. (See also sect. 15.4.1.) Alienable possession is marked by the possessive cross-referencing prefixes and a suffixed marker of possession. Some of the alienably possessed nouns have a non-possessed form. Alienably possessed nouns fall into three subclasses (i-iii below) which are partly semantically motivated. They reflect definite traces of Proto-Maipuran heritage (see Payne 1991). The distribution of alienably possessed nouns in different groups may be explained (at least partly) as a subcategorization device, similar to possessive classifiers (see Aikhenvald 1994-a), at least in the proto-language. (i) Non-possessed form -/;, possessed -0. This is a closed class, in the sense that no new members are accepted. Deverbal nominalizations belong here, e.g., pina-fi 'medicine', nu-pina 'my medicine'; nawaJe-fi 'village, community', nu-nawale 'my village'; tsumeni-fi 'lunch, food', nu-tsumeni 'my food'; deka-fi 'possession', nu-deka 'my possession, mine' (see sect. 15.4.1, on - as a marker of deverbal nominalizations); and a few cultural items, e.g., enuna-ß 'wall', nenuna 'my wall'; tsawituJe-fi 'bow', nu-isawituJe 'my bow'; taJamaJe-fi 'a traditional head cover', nutaJamaJe 'my traditional head cover'. The word pani-fi 'house' displays vowel alternation in the second syllable of the root: nu-pana 'my house' . (ii) Non-possessed form -0, possessed -Je. This is a closed class which includes the majority of artifacts; e.g., neyupa 'paddle', nu-neyupa-Je 'my paddle'; muJupa 'canoe', nu-muJupa-Je 'my canoe'; yu:wita 'firestick', nu-yu:wita-Je 'my firestick'; bitsa 'hammock', nu-bitsa-Je 'my hammock'. (iii) Non-possessed form -0, possessed -ne or -te. This is an open class, because it can accept new members e.g., loan-words, such as mukawa 'rifle', kanatu 'basket' (loans from Nheengatu), bala 'bullet' and tsapewa 'hat' (loans from Portuguese) belong here. This class comprises a wide range of semantic groups of nouns, including some artifacts; e.g., yafita 'bench', waifi 'straw door'; natural phenomena and substances; e.g., aß 'fire', pe:pufi 'day', miyuM 'garden', nune 'honey'; animals and birds; e.g., tsinu 'dog', wafi 'jaguar', kuefi 'game', utfipie 'bird'. Nouns belonging to this class can take either possessive marker -ne or -te. These are portmanteau morphemes which combine a function of possessive marker with deictic reference. The suffix -ne is used when the object is closer to the speaker, and the suffix -te is used when it is at a certain distance from the speaker and is closer to the hearer. Consider the examples below: \vaJu

'parrot'

nu-waJu-ne pi-waJu-ie

'my parrot'(right here) 'your parrot' (over there)

Warekena 295

mukawa

'rifle'

nu-mukawa-ne 'my rifle' (right here) pi-mukawa-te 'your rifle' (over there)

Occasionally, nouns which form their possessed forms with -Je, also have a form in -te, and the semantics of the opposition of the two is similar to that of -ne vs -te; e.g., nu-muJupa-Je 'my boat, my boat right here', pi-muJupa-te 'your boat over there'. This is rare, and it looks like a regularization, probably to be interpreted as a language death phenomenon8. The semantics of possessive suffixes in Warekena may shed some light upon the semantics of noun grouping in accordance with the possessive suffixes they combine with in Maipuran languages in general (see Payne 1991:378). Possessive NPs in Warekena are formed by juxtaposition of the components and display the constituent order Possessed-Possessor which is highly unusual for Maipuran languages. This is the unmarked order in 'part-whole' constructions, as shown in (320)-(323) . The inherent gender and number of the possessor are marked on the possessed noun, as illustrated in (322): (320) napitu kiüimalu back turtle 'turtle's back' (321) isturia-ne kuJimalu ema waji story-POSS:PR turtle tapir jaguar 'a story of a turtle, a tapir and a jaguar' (322) kulukena yatsipe yujina tjmu break+ AG ground 3sgf+name dog 'The name of the female dog was "Break-ground". ' An example of a chain of possessive NPs where one of the possessor constituents is a possessive NP is (323). Yufana 'voice, language, word' is an inalienably possessed noun, and the marking for 3sgnf possessor is 0. (323) wa-weya weda yujana waya-ne weluami Diutsu Ipl-want 1 pi + perceive voice say-POSS 1 pi + father God 'We want to hear the sound of the words of our father God.' When a genitive construction bears the meaning of 'made out of, the inverse order Possessor-Possessed is preferred, as illustrated in (324, 325) below. (324) mawilu weni pineapple water 'pineapple juice'

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(325) duwili kawyu-ji crocodile smoked.meat-NOM 'smoked meat of crocodile' Usually an adjectival NP is used to convey the meaning 'made out of, and the compound suffix -tua-Ji is used on the noun: (326) kajiri a:Ji-tua-li drink manioc-MADE. OF-ADJ 'manioc drink' (327) weni mawilu-tua-li water pineapple-MADE.OF-ADJ 'pineapple water, water made with pineapple flavour' The order Possessor-Possessed for part-whole relationship regularly occurs with the inalienably possessed noun numa 'mouth, beginning of, in a locational sense, as illustrated below in fibuduJi numa-wa 'beginning, entrance of the field' (328). The usual order Possessed-Possessor is preserved in iwapiwe fibuduJi 'the edge of the field' (edge + LOG field) from the same text. Apparently, this exception may reflect an archaic feature (see below, on the order in adpositional phrases), and it also indicates the possibility of a flexible constituent order in possessive NPs in the earlier stages of the language (as is the case in Baniwa of Ic,ana: see Aikhenvald 1995b). (328) ni-yeleta-ha Jibuduliwe-he iwapiwe Jibuduli 3pl-arrive-PAUS field + LOG-P AUS edge+LOC field ni-ja-wa Jibuduli numa-wa 3pl-go-NONACC field mouth-PERL 'They arrived to the field to the border of a field, they went by the entrance of the field.' In conversations, numa can also be used in the genitive constructions with the order Possessed-Possessor: (329) nu-nupa numewe tenepu Isg-arrive mouth + LOG road 'I arrived at the edge of the road.' (330) is a rather rare example of a complex genitive construction which contains both orders: Possessed-Possessor (epuna ema 'the road of the tapir') and Possessor-Possessed (epuna numa 'the mouth of the road').

Warekena 297

(330) ja-wa teletj"i ajita J"a-wa epuna numa-wa ema go-NONACC three month go-NONACC road mouth-PERL tapir 'He (the turtle) went for three months, he went by the edge of the road of the tapir.' Modifiers can refer to any part of the genitive construction. They are adjacent to the constituent to which they refer. (331) yuluta-wa ibu-mi mawaya jutfi-li lie-NONACC head-PEJ snake big-ADJ 'The cut head of a big snake was lying (there).' (332) wa-hä yanita peya ibu mawaya then-PAUS take one head snake 'Then he took one head of the snake.' Discontinuous possessive NPs are comparatively rare in discourse. They usually occur when the possessor constituent undergoes a left-dislocation as a contrastive focus: (333) peya-ha ijma-ha biyuli other-PAUS name-PAUS Biyuli The other one (evil spirit), (his) name is Biyuli.' Examples like (334) can also be considered as cases of discontinuous possessive NPs. The possessor constituent is proposed to the possessee: (334) mutfita-mia-hä ema ibu petfi bite-PERF-PAUS tapir head on 'He (turtle) bit the tapir on the head.' The structure of possessive sentences is discussed in sect. 7.2. 15.2.2 Gender. Warekena, like most other Maipuran languages, has two genders, feminine and non-feminine (or masculine). Gender is marked in cross-referencing prefixes, enclitics and independent pronouns of the third person singular (see Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1 and Table 3 in sect. 15.3.4). The gender opposition in singular demonstratives is maintained only in the Anamoim dialect. There are no gender distinctions in plural. For animate beings, masculine and feminine genders relate to sex distinctions. Nouns with an inanimate referent are treated as belonging to masculine gender. Thus, masculine gender can be considered as unmarked. The opposition of two genders is maintained in a few nouns, and the derivational affix -yawa or -wa is used to mark feminine; e.g., ete-ne Old man',

298 Aikhenvald

et-yawa Old woman'; yaMtua, yaJitua-na 'male companion', yaJitua-wa 'female companion'; patru 'master, paträo', patru-wa 'female master, patroa'; neya-wa 'woman'; i-fu-mi-yawa, ifumyawa 'female spouse, wife'. The gender opposition is also maintained in the suffix masc. -mi-ne 'deceased', as in nuJuami-mine 'my late father', fern -myawa (underlying form mi-yawa), as in nu-fuJuamimiawa 'my late mother'. However, the language death phenomena result in a certain degree of morphological variation, and regularization of some morphological phenomena. As shown below, the comparatively regular adjectival feminine marker is -yawa added to the masculine form; so occasionally the speakers would treat the suffix -mine in the same way, and form the feminine -min-yawa instead of -mia-wa. Gender agreement with demonstratives and predicates in predicate-argument constructions is obligatory: (335) ayuta neyawa yu-tapa-pa DEM.DIST.FEM woman 3sgf-come-RED 'This woman is coming.' (336) eta enami tapa-pa DEM. DI ST. MASC man come-RED 'This man is coming.' The agreement in gender with adjectives in attributive NPs is marked with -yawa 'feminine', 0 'masculine'. The agreement in feminine gender is optional, as shown in (337) and (338). The masculine form of the adjective is used as the unmarked one. (337) neyawa weduana-Ji(-yawa) woman good-ADJ(-FEM) 'a good woman' (338) enami weduana-li man good-ADJ 'a good man' 15.2.3 Classifiers. Warekena has a system of six numeral classifiers. This system is best preserved in the dialect of Anamoim where the use of classifiers appears to be obligatory. It is also the case in Baniwa of Guainia spoken in Venezuela. Classifiers are used only with numerals one and two, which are of Maipuran origin. Numerals from three onwards are loan words from Portuguese: teJetfi, kwatru, sinku etc. The system is based upon the following semantic characteristics: human feminine, human masculine, animals, fish, curvilinear objects, periods of time (day, night) (Table 2).

Warekena 299 Table 2. Numeral classifiers (Anamoim dialect) semantics human masculine human feminine animals fish curvilinear objects periods of time

One' peya peya pamina peleyalu papulialuni babuya

'two' enaba tuwanaba paminanaba elenaba enaba bunaba

Classifiers are difficult to analyze. We can separate pe/pa(ba)- as the stem for One', and -naba, for 'two'. Classifiers, then, are suffixed to One' and prefixed to 'two', which is very unusual for a Maipuran language. When the classifiers are lost, the human masculine form of the numbers one and two is used for all the nouns. The loss of classifiers in the Nazaro dialect of Warekena is shown in (339), (340) and (341). In (339) and (340) the numeral classifier for period of time is used with the numeral One'. In (341) the human masculine form of the numeral One' is used in the same context. Both examples are taken from different texts told by the same speaker. (339) ni-jitua-ha ba-buya pepuji ninapa-mia 3pl-cut-PAUS one-CL:TIME day 3pl + finish-PERF 'They cut (the trees) during one day, and stopped.' (340) wa-hä ni-we Jia-wa ba-buya yajapua then-PAUS 3pl-leave stay-NONACC one-CL:TIME night 'Then they let him stay one night.' (341) wa jia-wa peya pepuji so stay-NONACC one.CL.MASC day 'He stayed (there) one day.' Some of the classifiers can be used similarly to derivational affixes, e.g., pa-buya-pe (one-CL:TIME-PL) 'several times'. The loss of gender and classifiers is a typical language death phenomenon. The process of the loss of gender is also attested in Bare (my field data; Aikhenvald 1995a). The loss of gender agreement and numeral classifiers can also be partly due to the influence of Nheengatu, which is actually the most widely spoken language on the Xie river. Thus, Warekena is an example of a language which combines numeral classifiers with gender opposition and gender agreement, and thus has two agreement systems within NPs (a situation of this kind is labeled 'split agreement' in Aikhenvald 1994a).

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15.2.4 Number. Number is not obligatory in Warekena. Warekena distinguishes between unmarked and plural (optionally marked) forms. Different plural affixes are used depending on the semantics of the noun (countable/uncountable, animate/inanimate). There are three subgroups of plural meanings: simple plural, emphatic plural, and collective. (a) Simple plural denotes more than one thing, and is marked with one of the following affixes: (i) -pe, used with names for artifacts, e.g., muJupa-pe 'canoes', pani-fi-pe 'houses'; nominalizations, e.g., deka-fi 'belonging'; also with nouns with human referents, e.g., 'man', 'woman', 'child'; and all kinship nouns, as illustrated below. (342) wa-hä nelima-pe ni-Ja-mia-wa then-PAUS cousin-PL 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL 'Then the cousins (of the toad) went by edge of the road.' (343) Ja muta j"a:bine-pe go call family-PL 'He called the members of his household.' In (344), deka-pe is a possessed form of deka-fi 'belonging', and this accounts for the absence of the suffix -fi (see sect. 15.2.1, type (i) of alienably possessed nouns). (344) yue Jutji deka-pe to.him big possession-PL 'He has many things.' Plural suffix -pe can have collective meaning, e.g., fiani 'child', fiani-pe 'children, family'; fabine 'family, household', fabine-pe 'all the members of a household'. If the noun contains either of the following two homophonous suffixes, the plural suffix -pe precedes -mi: -mi 'human' (non-productive): ena-mi 'man, person', pi. 'men, persons' enape-mi, nuJua-mi 'my father', my father's brother', pi. nuJua-pe-mi 'my father's family; my father's brothers'; -mi 'pejorative' (productive): fimapie-mi 'a thrown away or left over bone', pi. fimapie-pe-mi 'thrown away bones' (345).

Warekena 301

(345) wa-hä Jimapie-pe-mi ema then-PAUS bone-PL-PEJ tapir 'There were (only) (left over) tapir's bones.' neyawa 'woman' has a semi-suppletive plural formation: neye-pe 'women'. (ii) Plural marker -ne is used with nouns with animate non-human referents, e.g., tfinu 'dog', tfinu-ne 'dogs', and a few other nouns, e.g., akayu 'year', akayu-ne 'years' (250). (b) Emphatic plural is marked with -nawi, used with countables (human as well as non-human) and uncountables. It denotes 'very many indeed, a whole group of, as in (346), (347) or 'many members of different groups', as in (348), and can be used with animate and inanimate nouns. -Nawi may be related to Baniwa and Tariana nawiki 'people'. (346) ni-Juduna-mia-ha kuluwitu-nawi 3pl-come.down-PERF-PAUS vultures-PL group of vultures came down (to eat the body of a dead tapir).' (347) wa Ja teluka teluka atapi-nawi then go cut cut tree-PL 'Then he (the rabbit) went to cut (a great many) trees.' (348) paya:Ju kueji-nawi ni-kulua-ha weni all game-PL 3pl-drink-PAUS water 'All different animals went to drink (there).' (c) Collective plural is marked with -natfi ' collective inanimate', e.g., ipana$i 'a lot of stones, a set of stones'; minapi 'banana tree', minapi-natfi 'a bush of banana trees'. -Natfi can also have a locative meaning, e.g., weni 'water', weni-natfi 'much water, a place with much water'; witfi 'wind', witfi-natfi 'a windy place' (see sect. 15.4.1). -peJi is used to mark collective plural on nouns with an animate non-human referent: (349) tfinu-peli ni-yutfia dog-PL 3pl-kill The dogs (a group of dogs) killed (him, i.e., the snake).' Warekena has double plural marking, when the plurality of a referent has to be particularly emphasized, as seen in the forms for 'women' and 'men' (in italics) in (350).

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(350) wa-atseta-ni ni-na wale we-he anetua ajulu then-teach-3pl 3pl-village + LOC-PAUS good happy eda-ni namali-nawi payalu neyepe-nawi payalu payalu see-3pl people-PL all woman:PL-PL all all ena-pe-mi-nawi payalu ete-ne payalu etyawa ajulu eda-ni Jesu man-PL-nf-PL all old-nf all old + f happy see-3pl Jesus Kritu eni namali-nawi Christ DEM people-PL 'Then he (Jesus) taught them in their village, he saw them well and happy, all the people, all the women, all the men, all the old men, all the old women, Jesus Christ saw these people happy.' One of the speakers gave the following 'hierarchy' with respect to the meaning of simple plural, emphatic plural and double plural: abida-pe (pig-PL) 'many abida-nawi 'very many pigs, about 2-6' pigs, about 40-50'

abida-pe-navci 'very many pigs indeed, so many one cannot count them'

When a plural referent has once been introduced, the plural marker is not repeated on further occurrences of the same referent: (351) ni-ja ni-pie abida-nawi abida ni-yutjm-hä 3pl-go 3pl-fmd pig-PL pig 3pl-kill-PAUS teletfi abida ni-tsawita three pig 3pl-shoot.arrow 'Then they went, they found pigs, they killed three pigs with arrows.' A few nouns, e.g., namaJi 'people, person', and names of tribes, usually do not take a plural marker (352). (352) ya-be-pia-ha eda namali NEG-can-NEG-PAUS see people 'He (the evil spirit) cannot see people.' A noun marked with -nawi triggers plural agreement on the verb when it is in A/Sa function (353). The plural marker -nawi is used if the plurality of referents has to be stressed. NamaJi-nawi means 'very many people', as in (353), or 'very many different people, peoples', as in (354).

Warekena 303

(353) Ja muta-hä namali-nawi ni-nupa-palu go call-PAUS people-PL 3pl-come-PURP yuwaba-hä ne-palu ne-palu-pajia ima to-PAUS 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl +eat-PURP-FUT with.him 'He will call many people to eat with him.' (354) ale-wayata ni-yue-he Jesu Kritu eni namali-nawi so-speak 3pl-to-PAUS Jesus Christ DEM.PR people-PL 'Thus Jesus Christ spoke to them, these many different people.' (355) ale neda benamüji ni-wiyua-li-bena-ha thus 3pl+perceive long.ago 3pl-die-REL-when-PAUS y anumami -na wi Yanomami-PL 'So they behaved long ago, when the Yanomami people died.' Plural agreement with quantifier fupe 'many' is more frequent with nouns with human referents; cf. (356) with (357) and (358). (356) tsuludawa-ne Jupe soldier-PL many 'many soldiers' (357) wa Jupe kuluwitu then many vulture 'There were many vultures.' (358) wa yue-he Jupe anu atapi then to.him-PAUS many arm/branch tree 'Then he (the boy) had many twigs.' Nouns with a collective meaning, e.g., namaJi 'people',/yaw-/?e'children', do not usually take a plural marker if accompanied by the quantifier fupe, unless an exceptionally big quantity is implied, e.g., fupe namaJi 'many people'; fupe fiani-pe 'many children'. Uncountable nouns never take a plural marker if accompanied by the quantifier futfi 'much': (359) wa: ni-yanita Julji palata then 3pl-take much money 'Then they (white people) get much money.'

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Plural agreement is optional with the quantifier payaJu 'all' (see sect. 15.3.2). If it is introduced once, it is not repeated (93, 350). Plural is generally not used with the interrogative quantifier ipeJi 'how many, how much': ipcj.i jji-iaiii-iii (360) ipeli pi-tani-hi how.many 2sg-child-PAUS 'How many are your children?'

Nouns in NPs composed of a non-personal noun with a numeral usually have no plural marking, e.g., teJetfi ibu 'three heads'. Nouns with personal reference are usually marked for plural, e.g., (361, 362), but not always (363). (361) eni wamala yue-he kwatru nelima-pe DEM.PR toad to-PAUS four cousin-PL 'This toad had four cousins.' (362) eni kwatru kulimalu-nawi kwatru kulimalu-nawi DEM.PR four turtle-PL four turtle-PL ni-Ja-wa a:wipemi-waba wabupi 3pl-go-NONACC headwaters-DIR spring 'The four turtles went to the headwaters of a spring.' (363) wa eni teletj"i kulimalu ni-Ja-wa then DEM.PR three turtle 3pl-go-NONACC Then the three turtles went'. 15.3 Modifiers. Warekena has the following classes of modifiers: adjectives (sect. 15.3.1), quantifiers (sect. 15.3.2), numerals (sect. 15.3.3) and demonstratives (sect. 15.3.4). 15.3.1 Adjectives. There are no underived adjectives in Warekena. Adjectives are derived from stative (S0) verbs with the addition of the adjectivizing morpheme -Ji, which is also used to form deverbal relative forms and nominalizing constructions (see sect. 15.4.1 and 18.3), or -ni. A list of stative verbs is given in sect. 18.4.1. Examples of adjectives derived from stative verbs: Ua 'to be red', Ua-Ji 'red'; aJi 'to be white', aJi-Ji 'white'; anetua 'to be good', anetua-Ji 'good'; akune 'to be afraid', akune-Ji 'fearful';fupe 'to be numerous',fupe-Ji 'numerous'. Some adjectives are derived from nouns: akunena 'the frightening one' (to fear+AG. NOM), akunena-li 'being frightening'; etene Old (man)', etene-li Old'. Adjectivizer -ni is not productive, but is found in a few adjectives formed on stative verbs: awini 'to be cold', awini-ni 'cold'; afe 'be angry', afe-ni 'angry'; and one adjective is formed on an inalienably possessed noun: -tfiabu 'belly',

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a-tfiabu-ni 'big-bellied' (see sect. 15.4.1, on the prefix a-}. A few adjectives contain a non-productive suffix -mi and no other adjectivizer; they also do not distinguish between attributive (365) and predicative (364) use. These adjectives are: awaJapefia-mi 'poor', Uua-mi 'big', puJapia-mi 'thin'. (364) waya awalapejia-mi we poor-AFF 'We are poor.' (365) waluti ilua-mi sloth big-AFF 'a big sloth' In addition to the regular adjectivizer -Ji, adjectives in Warekena have the following derivational suffixes: -tui 'diminutive, used in the sense of 'very' with respect to reducing a quality and a quantity' (also used with nouns): (366) napi kalewi-tui-li Isg + hand thin-DIM-ADJ 'my very thin hand' (367) enami buwa-tui-Ji man low-DIM-ADJ 'a small man' -ba-mia- 'augmentative, used in the sense of 'very' with respect to augmenting a quality and a quantity' (also used with nouns and verbs, see sect. 18.6.3). -tua-Ji 'made of: (368) pani-ji tsape-tua-li house-NPOSS straw-MADE. OF-ADJ 'a house made of straw' Gender agreement in adjectival NPs is optional (see examples in sect. 15.2.2); feminine suffix -yawa follows -Ji. If, however, an adjective is formed on a noun which already contains -yawa as a derivational affix, it is followed by -Ji, as in the following examples: (369) yaJitua ete-ne-Ji brother old-nf-ADJ 'his elder brother'

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(370) yaliya etyawa-Ji sister old + f-ADJ 'his elder sister' The same root may be used as an adjectival modifier and as an S0 verb. In the former case it will have the adjectivizer -Ji, and in the latter case the adjectivizer will be omitted. (371) illustrates the opposition between adjectival modifiers and stative predicates. (371) yeleta ulupe-tji peya a:tapi anetua-li a:tapi anetua-li arrive foot-LOC? one tree good-ADJ tree good-ADJ anetua a:tapi niwe niwe-li a:tapi be.good tree be.high high-ADJ tree 'He (the rabbit) arrived at the foot of a good tree, a good tree. The tree was good. High (it was), a high tree.' There is a tendency to distinguish between adjectival modifiers and stative and non-verbal predicates by constituent order. Adjectival modifiers would usually follow the head, and stative and non-verbal predicates usually precede the subject (S0), in agreement with the tendency for unmarked constituent order stated in sect. 1. This is illustrated in (371) with the phrases a:tapi anetua-Ji 'a good tree' vs anetua a:tapi 'the tree was good'. However, this is only a tendency, since adjectival modifiers can be fronted and consequently preposed to the head of the NP, if they are emphasized. This is also illustrated in (371), with the final phrase niwe-Ji atapi 'a high tree', and again in (372), where the particular qualities of the tree are important for the further development of the story, and the adjectives futfi-Ji 'big', niwe-Ji 'lofty' are preposed to the head noun atapi 'tree'. There is a pause between the two adjectives. (372) Ja-wa nupa-ha-Ji atapi jutfi-li go-NONACC come-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ jutfi-li niwe-li a:tapi big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree 'He went, having arrived at a big tree, a big and lofty tree.' Adjectives can be used headlessly (373). (373) aweni-ba-mia-li-M ya-mia wa-be-pia dear-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG

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wa-wenita-wa Ipl-buy-NONACC 'We cannot buy expensive (things).' An NP can contain more than one adjectival modifier. Usually both follow the head noun, and only the last one is marked with the adjectivizer -li. Dimension adjectives tend to be placed closer to the head (374). (374) nu-teluka nu-teluka inupi duwili Jutfi mia-li Isg-cut Isg-cut neck crocodile big old-ADJ cut the neck of the big old crocodile.' Examples of this type are rather rare. All the speakers seemed to prefer to repeat the head noun (375). (375) wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha ni-Ja-wa then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS 3pl-go-NONACC waliya-wabehe ni-kawyu-ta-paJu peya e:ma peya smoking.grid-DIR + PAUS 3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP one tapir one maJayu malayu jutfi-li malayu malayu ila-li deer deer big-ADJ deer deer red-ADJ 'Then they arrived (to a spring), to put on smoking grid and smoke a tapir and a deer, a big deer, a red deer.' If the adjectivizer -Ji is omitted from a value or physical property adjective, the root is used adverbially; e.g., the final anetua 'good' in (376), and tepa 'tight' in (377) (in italics). (376) wa-hä nuya crenti ate yaliwa nu-Jia-wa then-PAUS I evangelical until now 1 sg-stay-NONACC anetua-li anetua-li nu-Jia-wa anetua nu-Jia-wa good-ADJ good-ADJ 1 sg-stay-NONACC good 1 sg-stay-NONACC ate yaliwa until now 'Now I am evangelical until now, I live as a good (man), as a good (man) I live, well I live up to now.' (377) kunehu alita-mia waji payalu rabbit tie-PERF jaguar all

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anu i-tfipala alitarmia-wa tepa arm 3sgnf-leg tie-PERF-NONACC tight 'The rabbit tied the whole jaguar (to the tree), he tied his arms and his legs tightly.' Dimension adjectives futfi-Ji 'big', aJetfi-Ji 'small' can be used as quantifiers 'much' and 'little', but in this usage -Ji is omitted. Quantifiers are usually preposed to the head (see sect. 15.3.2 for examples). Adjectivizer -Ji behaves as a clitic (see sect. 22.4.1 for a classification of morphemes in Warekena). It follows tense/aspect-marking clitics, as illustrated in (378), and undergoes attraction to the negative particle ya, as illustrated in (379). Another piece of evidence in favour of the clitical character of -Ji is that the pausal marker -hv (see sect. 22.4.4) can be inserted before it, as shown in (372). (378) ate wa-bitjika-ha peya wabupi-waba until Ipl-go.out-PAUS one spring-DIR wabupi jutji-mia-li wabupi spring big-PERF-ADJ spring '(We walked) until we came out to a spring, to a spring which was big.' (379) eni enami ya-Ji anetua-pia-ha DEM.PR man NEG-REL good-NEG-PAUS 'This man was not good.' Nouns can be occasionally used as modifiers. Then they follow the head. The only nouns which have been attested in this function are the nouns with reference to gender: neyawa 'woman' and enami 'man', mainly used with kinship nouns. I suspect this is an innovation, and these nouns are used as modifiers when the actual gender form of a corresponding kinship term has been lost, e.g., nu-matuimihe enami 'father-in-law', nu-matuimihe neyawa 'mother-in-law'; nutani enami 'a son' (lit.: child-man), nutani neyawa 'daughter' (lit. child-woman). The modifier follows the head noun, and if it refers to the possessee of a genitive NP, it follows the whole NP: tani nuku enami 'nephew' (child uncle man, i.e., a male child of an uncle). 15.3.2 Quantifiers. Quantifiers constitute a closed class of modifiers denoting quantity. Unlike adjectival modifiers, quantifiers usually precede the head of the NP (they may occasionally follow it, under conditions described below). They do not contain the adjectivizing morpheme and do not take classifiers or agree in gender. The use of quantifiers meaning 'much, many' tends to depend upon countability/non-countability of the referent. Quantifiers in Warekena are listed below:

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futfi 'much, large quantity' (also an adjective: 'big') is used with uncountable nouns; e.g., futfi 'much', as in futfi dineiru 'much money', futfi afi 'much fire', futfi weni 'much water': (380) ni-Ja ηί-wenita jutfi deka-Ji payalu 3pl-go 3pl-buy much have-NOM all ni -wenta -li -wa -ha 3pl -buy -REL-NON ACC -PAUS 'They (rich white people) go and buy a large quantity of goods, all is what they buy.' fupe ' many, much' is used with countables, as in fupe namaJi 'many people': (381) wani-hi wa-h jupe kueji here-PAUS then-PAUS many game 'Here are many animals.' (382) yue Jupe-he jlani-pe for.him many-PAUS child-PL 'He (the old man) had many children.' The use of plural with quantifiers is outlined in sect. 15.2.4. fupe and futfi can be used with the same nouns, and then the semantics is different: fupe ipa 'many (single) stones', futfi ipa 'large quantity of stones'. fuwa 'much' is also used with uncountable nouns, mainly with substances:fuwa kafe 'much coffee', fuwa weni 'much water'. Akunena 'many' is used with countable nouns. It is the only quantifier derived from a stative verb, akune 'to be numerous' with the addition of the suffix -ina used to form agent nominalizations: akunena matfeJu 'many bananas'. tsui, tsui-tui 'little' and aJetfi, aJetfi-tui 'little, not sufficient' (also an adjective: 'little') are used with countables; ya-fupe 'little, few, not many' can be used both with countables and uncountables. Quantifiers meaning 'a little' can contain diminutive -tui. As I noted above, quantifiers are formed on adjectival roots without the adjectivizing morpheme. (383) and (384) illustrate the opposition between an adjectival modifier tsui-tui Ji 'being little' and quantifier tsui-tui 'a little'. The use of aJetfi is illustrated in (385). (383) wa-wenita tsui-tui Ipl-buy little-DIM 'We buy just a little.'

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(384) yu-yanita weni tsuitui-li 3sgf-take water little-ADJ 'She (wife) takes a little water.' (385) nuya-ha nu-yue aletji palata I-PAUS Isg-for little money Ί have little of money.' ipeM 'how much, how many' can have a rhetorical use meaning 'every' with countables and uncountables. (386) ipeli pepuj! nu-neta ima ima Diutsu every day Isg-pray with with God Ί pray to him, I pray to God every day.' PayaJu 'all' also belongs to quantifiers. It can be used with countable nouns, as in (387), and uncountables, as in (388). In the latter case and in (389) it is used in the sense of 'whole'. (387) ni-tsie-ta payalu simapie-pe-mi 3pl-join-CAUS all bone-PL-PEJ 'They put together all the bones (of a dead man).' (388) ube-ma-lu kulua namali kulua payalu miaji all-DEL-EMPH drink people drink all blood 'Every time he (evil spirit) sucks people, he sucks all the blood.' (389) wa-h yanta-mia Jajapali ema payaJu nenituana then-PAUS take-PERF lungs tapir all heart 'Then he (the jaguar) took the lungs of the tapir, the whole heart.' PayaJu differs from other quantifiers in that it can take cross-referencing O/S0 clitics in a non-predicative function, as shown in (390). Other quantifiers take cross-referencing clitics only when used as predicates and treated as stative verbs (see sect. 18.4.1). PayaJu is used with cross-referencing clitics in the following cases, which agree with general rules of the use of cross-referencing clitics in O/So function outlined in sect. 18.4.2. A cross-referencing clitic is never used in repetition (392). Clitics can refer to A (390), Ο (391) or S (392). In (390), the head noun has an animate referent and is omitted (-ni '3ρΓ refers to A). (390) ne-mia ne-mia-ha payalu-ni eni maJayu 3pl + eat-PERF 3pl + eat-PERF-PAUS all-3pl DEM.PR deer 'They (turtles) ate, all of them ate the deer.'

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(391) teletjl nu-muduka nu-yutfia payalu-ni three Isg-shoot Isg-kill all-3pl shot three (birds), I killed them all.' The head noun may undergo right dislocation (392). (392) ni-yulua-paj'ia paya:alu-ni a:tapi, paya:lu a:tapi, 3pl-fall-FUT all-3pl tree all tree payailu ni-yulua-pajia-ha all 3pl-fall-FUT-PAUS 'They will fall all (of them), all the trees, all will fall.' PayaJu can be used headlessly (391, 393), especially to recapitulate the enumerated referents (394, 395). (393) e-mia-ha payalu inapa-mia e-he eat-PERF-PAUS all fmish-PERF eat-PAUS 'Then he (jaguar) ate all, he finished eating.' (394) nu-alita pi-anu pi-awa payalu Isg-tie 2sg-arm 2sg-leg all have tied your arms and legs - all.' (395) wa yalanawi ni-api-mia-hä maJama a:ta-hä then white.people 3pl-take-PERF-PAUS piafaba cipo. vine-PAUS payalu all 'Then the white people take piagaba, cipo-vine - everything.' PayaJu is also used as the head of a relative clause (see sect. 14.3): (396) payalu iji ni-ma-li Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha all what 3pl-do-REL God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS 'All that they do, God does not want (it).' The head noun of the NP with a quantifier as a modifier can be omitted. (397) contains an example of a headless NP with a quantifier and adjective, the sentence-final fatfi Ua-Ji 'big red'. (397) wa-hä wepa Jutfi aji numewene eta-ha then-PAUS let big fire mouth + EL DEM.DIST-PAUS

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yenapemi tfiapuli-wene wepa-ha Jutfi ua-Ji devil behind-EL let-PAUS big red-ADJ 'Then the devil let big fire come from out of his mouth and big red (fire) from inside his behind.' A discontinuous NP with a quantifier as a modifier is illustrated below. The quantifier precedes the head: (398) Jutfi yu-ta ne-pitfi big 3sgf-give 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 'She (the witch) gave (the children) much to eat.' A quantifier may follow the head noun if the latter undergoes right dislocation as a part of an antitopic, for clarification purposes. (399) wa-hä eya yalanawi yue-he Jupe ya-namali then-PAUS DEM white.man to-PAUS many DEM-person tsuludawa-ne Jupe soldier-PL many 'Then this white man had many men, many soldiers.' Adjectival roots such as isui, futfi without an adjectivizer can be used adverbially (see sect. 15.3.1 (examples 376, 377) and sect. 20), and sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between a quantifier and an adverb: (400) wa kuJua weni kulu-lua weni Jutfi kulua then drink water drink-RED water much drink 'Then he (jaguar) drank water, drank much.' 15.3.3 Numerals. Numerals can be considered a subtype of quantifiers, the main difference being that numerals One' and 'two' still use classifiers (see sect. 15.2.3). Numerals usually precede the head noun: (401) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-lu atapi all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree 'There will remain only one tree.' The numeral one is often used to introduce a new participant in discourse, similarly to an indefinite article: (402) wa-hä peya enami then-PAUS one man 'There was a man.'

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It can be used with countable and uncountable nouns; this use may be a caique from Portuguese (403). (403) wa uwa:-ha eda-ha peya Jialili then climb-PAUS see-PAUS one smoke 'He (the boy) climbed and saw smoke.' 15.3.4 Demonstratives. Warekena has a two-term opposition of proximate and distant spatial demonstratives. Some demonstratives distinguish between feminine and masculine forms in the singular and have special plural forms. The system of demonstratives is given in Table 3. Table 3. Demonstratives Anaphoric just previously mentioned mentioned

Spatial near

distant

sg

pi

sg

pi

neni, naita

eta

anita

nf/f

e

eya, em

eni

fern

e

eya, em

ayupalu neni, naita

ayuta anita

Special feminine forms of demonstratives and the plural forms naita, anita are used only in elicitation or when, in conversation, the speaker has been reminded of them. Masculine (non-feminine) is used for feminine as the unmarked form in texts and spontaneous speech: eni neyawa 'this woman', eta neyawa 'that woman'; but in elicitation feminine forms are used: ayupaJu neyawa 'this woman', ayuta neyawa 'that woman'. This agrees with a general tendency of losing gender agreement in head-modifier constructions in Warekena. E, e-he is an anaphoric pronoun which is used to indicate a referent just mentioned in the text and to emphasize its identity. The referent can be animate or inanimate. This pronoun can be used both as a modifier and headlessly. (404) e-he jutji jipana Jutfi he-PAUS big hair big 'This very one (evil spirit), (his hair) is long, his hair is long.' (405) wa-hä nu-pie-he waluti then-PAUS Isg-find-PAUS sloth

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nuwa-hä nu-teluka e-he yiüua-hä ai Isg + climb-PAUS Isg-cut DEM-PAUS fall-PAUS then nu-yutjia-wa e-he waluti Isg-kill-NONACC DEM-PAUS sloth Then I found a sloth, I climbed, I cut him, he fell, then I killed this very sloth.' (406) ya-e-pia yutfia-li mawaya NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake 'It was not this one who killed a snake.' (407) ya-mia-e-pia-ha NEG-PERF-he-NEG-PAUS 'It is not this one (not the same pen).' When demonstrative pronouns eni, eta, and eya are cliticized (see sect. 22.4.1), they lose the first syllable. Eya is an anaphoric pronoun which means 'the one mentioned in the previous text'. It is generally used after a long stretch of a text has passed without mentioning this particular referent, as a way of 'reintroducing' the referent. In (408), the white man has been introduced earlier, and eya is used to draw attention to him again. (408) wa-hä eya yalanawi yue-he Jupe ya-namali then-PAUS DEM white.man to-PAUS many DEM-people 'Then this white man had many men of this (previously mentioned) sort.' (409) ale-he yu-ma yue-he eya enami so-PAUS 3sgf-say to-PAUS DEM man 'Thus she spoke to this man.' (410) illustrates the opposition between eya and e. Eya is used in the first sentence because the evil spirit has not been mentioned in the immediately preceding text. (410) eya-ha ale-he eya-ha awakaluna DEM-PAUS so-PAUS DEM-PAUS Awakaruna yajene-pia e-he NEG +angry-NEG DEM-PAUS 'He is like this, this Awakaruna (an evil spirit). He is not angry.'

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Spatial demonstratives are eni 'proximate: the one just here (frequently accompanied by pointing)' and eta 'distal, that one over there', often accompanied by the adverb yame 'far away'. Both are independent clitics (see sect. 22.4.1). Their use as clitics (enclitics or proclitics) or as independent phonological words depends on the emphasis they receive in discourse. They are also used as anaphoric pronouns in texts (411, 412). Eni is used similarly to a definite article and is also used to mark the topic of the discourse, in the meaning 'this very one just mentioned, the one we are talking about'. The article-like uses of eni are illustrated with (416) and (417). (411) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tjma-ha now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS ijalema neda-ha eni-hi kiüupira how Isg + see-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS curupira 'Now I shall tell how I saw this evil spirit.' (412) wa-hä pala-wa pala-mia-wa nijiwa then-PAUS run-NONACC run-PERF-NONACC 3pl + from eni-hi enami udjlubalu-Ii pala-mia nijiwa DEM.PR-PAUS man bad-ADJ run-PERF 3pl + from namali-nawi yame-waba-ha ya-weya-pia-ha eda-ha people-PL far-DIR-PAUS NEG-want-NEG-PAUS see-PAUS eni-hi Diutsu DEM.PR-PAUS God 'Then the bad man (just mentioned) ran from them, he ran from the people far away, he did not want to see this God.' This use of a demonstrative may be influenced by Portuguese. The proximate spatial use of eni is illustrated by (413) and (414). In (413) eni is used headlessly. (413) nupa-mia waji yuwaba wa: bida eni come-PERF jaguar towards then 2sg + see DEM.PR papera-Je-mi eni wa-mita-li nu-yue-he diutsu paper-PIECE-PEJ DEM.PR then-send-REL lsg-to-PAUS God 'He (the rabbit) came up to the jaguar. "Do you see this piece of paper. This (piece of paper) is the one God sent to me".'

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(414) wa-hä pi-alita-na wani-hi minaji-ni a:tapi then-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg here-PAUS on-DEM.PR tree 'Tie me here, on this very tree.' The following examples illustrate how the proximate demonstrative eni is used to mark the topic of the discourse. (415) and (416) come from the text about a running competition between a deer and a turtle. MaJayu 'deer' is specified by the proximate demonstrative when he is the main participant: (415) wa-hä wiyua-mia-ni-M malayu wiyua-mia-ni then-PAUS die-PERF-DEM.PR-PAUS deer die-PERF-DEM.PR malayu deer 'Then the deer died, the deer died.' When the turtle becomes the main participant, it is marked with the proximate demonstrative: (416) ema-ni kulimalu wa yawaputehe peya kulimalu cry-DEM.PR turtle then answer + PAUS one turtle 'The turtle cried, then another turtle answered.' In (417) 'deer' has the proximate demonstrative, and this is appropriate within the direct quote context, even though the turtle is still the topic of that part of the discourse. (417) yaJiwa wa-Ja wa-e-he eni malayu now lpl-go Ipl-eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer wiyua-mia-ha wayata ni-yue-he eni jabine die-PERF-PAUS speak 3pl-to-PAUS DEM.PR family ' "Now let's eat the dead deer", he (the turtle) spoke to the (turtle's) family.' Eni has a plural form neni, which is occasionally used: (418) ni-yue-he payaJu neni-hi Jesu Kritu 3pl-to-PAUS all DEM.PR.PL-PAUS Jesus Christ wayata ni-yue-he atseta-li ima eni payalu speak 3pl-to-PAUS study-REL with DEM all

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neni-hi apostulu-nawi DEM.PR.PL-PAUS apostles-PL 'Jesus Christ spoke to them all, to them who were learning from him, all of them, the apostles.' As is shown in (419), the use of neni is not obligatory: (419) wa-ni-ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM. PR-turtle-PL 'Then the turtles went away.' Two demonstratives, the spatial eni and the anaphoric e, can co-occur in the same phonological word: (420) yaliwa e-mia-ni-hi nu-ta-mia pi-yue-he now DEM-PERF-DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-give-PERF 2sg-to-PAUS 'Now this one here (i.e., the catch of game), I give (it) to you.' The use of eta 'that' as a deictic pronoun is illustrated in (421). (421) wali umeni eta ya-yue-pia pina-Ji where snake DEM.DIST NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM 'That snake over there, there is no antidote for it'. Eta can also be used anaphoric ally, and then it means 'that one, already mentioned (distantly)': (422) jutji madaka mawaya nupa-mia-ha mawaya big wave snake arrive-PERF-PAUS snake yeJeta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha eta neyawa arrive-PAUS 3sgf-towards-PAUS DEM.DIST woman uleta-pitj"i swallow-OBJ.FOC Ά wave was big, the snake was coming, he arrived near that woman to swallow her.' (423) wa-ha eta enami yue-he matseta-ne then-PAUS DEM.DIST man to-PAUS knife-POSS Jutfi-li yue big-ADJ to 'Then that man has a big knife.'

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Eta can also be used to mark the head of a relative clause ("the one that"). In (424), eta is encliticized to the preposition minafi On' (see sect. 22.4.1). (424) wa: ja-wa Ja-wa ja-wa then go-NONACC go-NONACC uwa-ha minaji-ta atarpi yulute-li-wa climb-PAUS on-DEM.DIST tree lie-REL-NONACC 'Then he (the jaguar) went, he climbed on the tree where he stayed.' Teta 'that' is used as an anaphoric pronoun headlessly, and it refers to the immediately preceding stretch of text. It does not have any spatial reference. (425) wa-hä wa-ma-lu inapa-wa istoria then-PAUS then-tell-EMPH fmish-NONACC story eni-M nu-tjma-li ube-ma-mia-lu teta-ha DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-tell-REL all-DEL-PERF-EMPH that-PAUS 'And so then the story is finished, this is what I told, that is all.' (426) Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS 'God does not want it that way (i.e., the way non-evangelicals behave).' Demonstratives tend to precede the head noun in the NP. In NPs which contain a demonstrative and another modifier the following rules apply. The demonstrative precedes a numeral (427, 431). (427) wa-hä nelima-pe ni-Ja-mia-wa then-PAUS cousin-PL 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa eni-hi 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL DEM.PR-PAUS neJima-pe kwatru-ni cousin-PL four-3PL 'Then the cousins went by the road, the four cousins.' If an NP contains a quantifier and a demonstrative as modifiers, the demonstrative is placed closer to the head noun (408). Demonstrative pronouns eni, eta, teta , eya and e are independent clitics. If they do not require any special emphasis, they may form a single phonological word with either the preceding phonological word (428, 429), or the following one (430). Their behaviour is described in sect. 22.4.1.

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(428) ninapa-mia-nehe malayu 3pl + fmish-PERF-DEM.PR + PAUS deer 'They (the turtles) finished this deer.' (429) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha minaji-ni kansau nu-kanita-li now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS on-DEM.PR song Isg-sing-REL 'Now I am going to tell (you) about the song I am singing.' (430) wa eda yujana ni-peya kulimaJu then perceive voice DEM.PR-one turtle 'Then one turtle heard the voice.' They are not cliticized if they require a special emphasis, as in eni kansau 'this song' in (250) (which follows (429) in the narrative), or in very slow, paused speech, as in (431). (431) nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-ja I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother lpl-go Ί went with one of our brothers.' 15.4 Nominalizations 15.4.1 Deverbal nominalizations. Action and object nominalizations in Warekena are formed by means of the following productive affixes: -fi: puJyuta 'think', nu-puJyute-fi 'thought, thinking'; yanata 'write', nuyanata-fi 'my writing'; paJen(i)ta 'suffer', nu-paJen(i)ta-fi 'my suffering'; anuana 'be ill', anuana-fi 'illness'; -pitfi: e 'eat', e-pitfi 'food'; patata 'work', patata-pitfi 'work'; tapapa 'go', tapapa-pitfi 'going, movement' (see sect. 18.5.3.1, for -pitfi as the object focus marker in verbs); -0 suffix: waya 'say, speak', waya 'speech'; tsumeni 'eat', tsumeni 'food'. Suffix -pe is used to derive object and action nominalizations from a few intransitive verbs: dabana 'be first', dabana-pe 'beginning'; yawaya 'early, be early', yawaya-pe 'early time'. It is sometimes used to derive nouns from nouns: ipa 'stone', ipa-pe 'a plain big stone; the surface of a stone'. The nominalization of the verb inapa 'finish' is apparently a combination of agentive -ina and -pe: inapena-pe 'end'. A non-productive way of forming object and agentive nominalizations is with the help of the prefix a-. It can co-occur with -Ji 'relative' and -fi Object/action nominalizations'. It can be used with transitive, Sa and S0 verb roots. The following formations with this prefix have been attested: a-deka-Ji 'the person with many possessions' (deka 'possess'); a:ya-fi 'food, what is lacking' (aya 'lack'), a-kune 'fear' (kune 'scare'); a-weni 'expensive thing' (weni 'buy'). It can be used with the preposition -yue 'for', as in (432):

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(432) nu-Ja-peta: wa-nu-tsawita a-yue-he wa:-paJu lsg-go-IMM then-lsg-shoot.arrow NOM-for-PAUS Ipl + eat-PURP Ί shall immediately go and shoot an arrow at what she has, for us to eat (it).' Suffix -Ji is used to form instrument and object nominalizations: miwata 'play', miwata-Ji 'a plaything'; neta 'pray', neta-Ji 'prayer' (cf. neta-fi 'praying'); mutUeta 'to steal', mutUeta-Ji 'stolen object'; wiyua 'die', wiyua-M 'poison'; fina 'tell', fina-Ji 'story'. Nominalizations in -fi and -Ji may have a close meaning, e.g., awata 'believe', awata-fi, awata-Ji 'religion, belief. An unproductive suffix used for object nominalizations is -uJe , found in tsawituJe-fi 'bow', nu-isawituJe 'my bow', cf. tsawita 'shoot arrow'. Locative nominalizations are formed with the suffix -tfi: waJuta 'plant', waJuta-tfi 'plantation' (also see note 5). Agent nominalizations are formed with the suffix -ina (see sect. 22.5 on phonological processes at morpheme boundaries): miwata 'play', miwatena 'player'; waJa 'cook', waJena 'cook'; tfina 'tell', tfinena 'story teller'. A few agent nominalizations are formed with a 0 suffix: puteta 'fish', puteta 'fisherman'. Unlike other Northern Maipuran languages, nominalizations in Warekena are alienably possessed. They are used as heads of NPs: (433) ni-wala-ha ne-pitfi anetua-mia-ha ni-wala-pe 3pl-cook-PAUS 3pl + eat-NOM good-PERF-PAUS 3pl-cook-NOM 'They cooked food, their cooking is good.' The agent in action nominalizations is treated as the possessor in genitive NPs: (434) ma-pitfi nuluami Diutsu do-NOM lsg +father God 'deeds of our father God' Agentive nominalizations retain the syntax of underlying verbs. Ο of a nominalized transitive verb (435) or an adverbial (436) follow the nominalization: (435) miwatena tjl.lue.li play + AG ball 'the one who plays football' (436) ena Jutfi eat + AG be.big 'the one who eats much'

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15.4.2 Other nominal derivational devices. Warekena has two productive derivational devices (nouns from nouns): -mi 'pejorative, wasted': ibu 'head', ibu-mi 'cut off head'; fimapie 'bone', fimapie-mi 'thrown away bone'. -tui 'diminutive': atapi-iui 'a small tree', neyawa-tui 'small woman'. -Mi always is the word-final morpheme and it follows even the inflectional affixes (e.g., plural). The pejorative and diminutive devices are also used with adjectives (see sect. 15.3.1). There are a number of non-productive suffixes in Warekena which are used to derive nouns from nouns: -ami 'season, time of the year': amufi-ami 'summer, the season of the sun', weni-ami 'winter, the season of water, flood'; -bumi 'pejorative (used with humans)': etyawa-bumi 'an ugly old woman'; -Je Object': fikaJi-Je 'wall'; taJamaJe-fi 'a traditional head cover', nu-taJamaJe 'my traditional head cover' (cf. Tariana taJama 'traditional head cover with feathers'); -Ji Object': aJipe-Ji 'thick jungle' (cf. aJipe 'thick jungle'), fiyu-Ji 'pan'; -Jiana 'masculine': mina-Jiana Owner, master' (cf. mina 'body'; this affix may consist of two morphemes: -Ji and -ana); -mi 'human': ena-mi 'man, person', fuJua-mi 'mother', iJua-mi 'father'; naJu 'spirit', naJu-mi 'ghost'; -na 'human': nu-yaJi-tua -na 'male companion' (cf. nu-yaJi-tua 'brother'); -nana: nuJuami 'my father', nuJuami-nana 'my step-father'; nu-fuJuami 'my mother', nu-fuJuami-nana 'my step-mother' (possibly cognate to Tariana -yäna 'pejorative'); -ne 'masculine': ete-ne (old-MASC) Old man'; -fe 'piece': papera-fe 'a piece of paper'; -tua 'masculine': nu-yaJi-tua 'my brother'; -ya 'feminine': nu-yaJi-ya 'my sister'; -yawa 'feminine' (also used as an optional gender marker on adjectives, see sect. 15.2.2): neyawa 'woman', etyawa Old woman';fumi-yawa 'wife'. Suffix -daJu is occasionally used to form adjectives from verbs: wiyu-yua 'faint, get drunk', wiyua-yua-daJu 'drunk'. Two affixes can co-occur, e.g., wiyua-yua-daJu-mi 'drunk and useless', papera-fe-mi ' piece of paper thrown away'. Possibly, Warekena has a prefix fu- 'feminine' used in two kinship nouns: fuJuami 'mother' (from/«- + -iJuami 'father'; for boundary processes see sect. 22.5), fumi-yawa 'female spouse' (from/w- + -imi ' husband, male spouse' + -yawa 'feminine'). 15.4.3 Nominal compounding. Nominal compounding in Warekena is not very productive. There are two types of nominal compounds: (i) possessive type: two nouns in a genitive relation, which directly corresponds to a possessive NP; the difference between a compound and an NP is that the

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compound is a single phonological word and no other constituent can be inserted between its components: pana-taJi (house:POSS-oven) 'kitchen; house of oven'. (ii) deverbal type, which consists of a verbal root and an S or constituent preposed to it, e.g., S: mawaJi-fia (snake-live) 'the place where the snake lives' (a traditional name of Säo Gabriel da Cachoeira); O: pana-tama-Ji (house. POS S-dance-REL) 'house of dance, longhouse'. There is a certain variation as to whether these constructions are treated as compounds or as two independent words; the pausal form of pana-tamaJi can be either pana-tama-Ji-hl, or pana-ha tama-Ji. In the latter case, it is not treated as a compound.

16 Pronoun system 16.1 Independent personal pronouns. Personal pronouns of the 1st and 2nd person and 3rd person plural pronouns in Warekena are formed with the help of an emphatic suffix -ya attached to the cross-referencing prefix: nu-ya T, pi-ya 'you sg', wa-ya 'we', ni-ya 'you pi, they' (see sect. 18.4.1 on verbal cross-referencing). The use of the same form for the 2nd and 3rd person plural is an innovation of Warekena. Third person singular pronouns are cognate to demonstrative pronouns and contain the suffix -paJu: e-paJu 'he', ayu-paJu 'she'. Since the pronominal constituents are expressed by cross-referencing on the verb, independent personal pronouns are rarely used, and only under the following conditions: (a) When the constituent expressed by a personal pronoun is in a contrastive focus, as in (437) (in italics), or defied, as in (438) (see sect. 9.4 for cleft constructions). (437) wa-nuta-ni ni-Ja-palu ni-yamula-wa then-call-3pl 3pl-go-PURP 3pl-hunt-NONACC ni-yutfia-palu wa-yue-he kueji nuya-hä nu-Jia-wa 2pl-kill-PURP Ipl-for-PAUS game I-PAUS Isg-stay-NONACC wani-M pani-Jiwe here-PAUS house-NPOSS+LOC 'He (the toad) called them (his cousins) to go, "You hunt, to kill game for us, I shall stay at home".' (438) wa-hä nuya-ha Humberto nuya nu-tani then-PAUS Isg-PAUS Humberto I Isg-child

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Armindu Judilson Bernadete Lindino waya eda-li Armindo Judilson Bernadete Lindino we see-REL 'Then I, Humberto, I, my child (daughter), Armindo, Judilson, Bernadete, Lindino, it was we who saw him (the evil spirit).' (b) when the participant expressed with the personal pronoun is one of several that are enumerated: (439) watulapi-mia-wa-wi nuluami-mine then + full-PERF-NONACC-lpl 1 sg + father-DEC.nf nu-yalitua-ha nuya-ha teletj"i-wi Isg-brother-PAUS I-PAUS three-lpl 'We have become full, my late father, my brother, me, the three of us.' (c) in equational verbless clauses (see sect. 7): (440) wa-hä nuya crenti then-PAUS I evangelical 'So I am evangelical.' (d) in command sentences: (441) piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree 'You, brother, go and cut a tree.' Warekena has no independent possessive pronouns. 16.2 Indefinite pronouns. Numeral One' is used in the sense of an indefinite pronoun 'another', as illustrated below: (442) ya-e-pia yutfia-Ii mawaya peya enami yutfia-Ji mawaya NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake one man kill-REL snake 'It was not he who killed a snake, it was another man who killed a snake.' (443) peya-ha ijina-ha yamadu peya ijina-ha biyuli one-PAUS name-PAUS Yamado one name-PAUS evil.spirit One (evil spirit), his name is Yamado, another one, his name is Biyuli.'

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Numeral One' in this use can take plural marker -pe, and then it means 'some': (444) peya-pe namali namali-nawi ni-yuleta-mia-wa ijlwa some people people-PL 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC from.him 'Some people went away from him.' Indefinite pronoun peya-pe is usually proposed to the head noun, but can also be postposed, in repetition: (445) peya-pe enami tse-mia-Ju waya-ne Diutsu one-pi person know-PERF-EMPH speak-POSS God neyawa peya-pe tse-mia-lu waya-ne Diutsu woman one-pi know-PERF-EMPH speak-POSS God 'Some people do know the word of God, some women do know the word of God.' Papeya means 'somebody, some people'. It can be analyzed as containing a prefix pa- '?' and peya One'. This pronoun does not show number or gender agreement: (446) papeya namali nu-yue-he ma-Ji some people lsg-to-PAUS say-REL 'Somebody told me (about the medicine).' (447) wa-hä papeya namali ni-weya then-PAUS some people 3pl-want 'Then some people wanted (to become Christians).' Pronoun imaJu 'the other one of a set of similar objects' is illustrated below: (448) nupa-ha imalu-ta enami arrive-PAUS other-DEM.DIST man 'The other man (of the same family, or kind) is coming.' 16.3 Negative pronouns. Negative pronoun benefi 'nothing, nobody' is composed of bena 'negation' and interrogative ifi 'what' (see sect. 12.4). It can be used as the head of an NP (185), and as a modifier in an NP, both with an animate referent (187), and an inanimate referent (189). The negative marking on the predicate is obligatory. 16.4 Demonstrative pronouns. Demonstratives are discussed in sect. 15.3.4. Demonstrative locative adverbs are formed by joining spatial demonstratives to

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the preservative wa 'then': wani 'here', wata 'there'. Allative adverbs contain the directional suffix -ba (cf. nominal allative -waba): wa-ba 'to here' (also: winf), wata-ba 'to there'. We hypothesize that the nominal directional marking -waba goes back to double case marking (-wa 'perlative' 4- -ba 'directional'). Elative adverbs contain the elative suffix -\vene: wa-wene 'from here, from there'. 16.5 Interrogative pronouns. Interrogative pronouns are used in direct question constructions. Interrogative pronouns are: ifi 'what, who, why?' ifi-ni-daJu 'why, for what reason?' ifaJema, ifi-aJema 'how?' (composed of ifi 'what?' and aJema 'how' (rarely used)) da-ma-Ji 'who?' (composed of da- 'interrogative' and a relative form of the verb ma 'do') datfibuJe 'who?' da-ba 'where to?' da-tfi 'where (location)?' da-wene 'where from?' ipeJi 'how many, how much?' yumUehe 'when?' The stem da- which can be separated in most interrogatives may be cognate to demonstrative da- in Bare. Interrogatives can also be used in embedded indirect question clauses, as illustrated below. In (449-452) an interrogative pronoun is first shown as an interrogative and then as an indirect question. The compound interrogative pronoun ifiaJema in an indirect question is illustrated in (453). (449) daba-ha yu-Jia-wa pi-tani? to.where-PAUS 3sgf-stay-NONACC 2sg-child 'Where is your child going to to stay?' (450) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia-ha daba Ja-wa NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where go-NONACC 'They did not know where to go.' (451) datfi pi-jia-wa? where 2sg-stay-NONACC 'Where do you live?' (452) wa mi-Ja nu-kanita-ha ate datj"i nu-tse then lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS until where Isg-know 'Then I shall sing until where I know.'

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(453) ate wa-ma-tju nu-tjma-ha ijialema until then-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-PAUS how wa-pipi-nia-wa epi nuluami-mine-he Ipl-lost-INCH-NONACC with Isg + father-DEC.nf-PAUS 'Just up to here I am telling how we got lost with my late father.' (238) is an example of the use of an interrogative pronoun as the head of a relative clause; the predicate is then marked with relative -Ji. Sometimes in spontaneous speech and in texts interrogative pronouns are used to introduce embedded clauses, probably under the influence of Portuguese, as in (454), a variant of (290). Here the interrogative datfi 'where' is used instead of subordinate waJi (see sect. 14.5) in the first embedded clause, and waJi is used in the second one. This syntactic variation may be a symptom of language obsolescence. (454) datsi mutsita-pi umeni pi-apiwe-he where bite-2sg snake 2sg-hand + LOC-PAUS pi-teya minaj! wali awini-ni 2sg-pee on where cold-ADJ 'Where the snake bit you on the hand, pee on (the spot), where it feels cold.' ifi 'what?' is used as an interrogative pronoun in (155) and (156) and as a relative pronoun in (236)-(239). (455) and (456) illustrate similar uses of damaJi 'who': (455) damali yapa-li? who enter-REL 'Who is coming in?' (456) weluami Diutsu payalu damali weya-li-hi Ipl-I-father God all who want-REL-PAUS 'all who want our father God' Interrogative pronouns always occupy the clause-initial position, both in interrogative sentences and in indirect question clauses. The structure of interrogative clauses is discussed more fully in sect. 10.

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17 Adpositional phrase structure The adposition is the head of the NP. Person, number and gender are cross-referenced on the adposition with prefixes (see Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1). Most adpositions can be used both as prepositions and postpositions. Prepositions in Warekena are statistically more frequent than postpositions in elicitation, conversation and texts. The placement of adpositions depends on several factors, which will be listed below. Adpositions are used to express peripheral roles, such as: (a) instrumental, comitative: epi 'with (comitative)', ima 'with' (comitative, instrumental); and (b) spatial: minafi On, on top of, piatu 'in front', epuna 'after (space)'. The only exception is yue 'for, to' which is used to mark a core constituent. It is used to mark possessive relationship in possessive sentences (see sect. 7.2), and to mark an Sj0 constituent, functioning as a dative subject (see sect. 18.4.1): (457) yu-yue neyawa tele^i Jiani-pe 3sgf-to woman three child-PL The woman has three children (Lit.: To the woman three children).' (458) nu-yue mawali lsg-to hungry Ί am hungry.' Occasionally, the locative case marker -iwe can be used as a postposition, with a cross-referencing prefix. (459) yaliwa Jeje-ta-wa kopu ya-mia beda-pia now dry-CAUS-NONACC glass NEG-PERF IMP + perceive-NEG weni iwe water LOG 'Now the glass is dried, there is no water in it.' The following adpositions can be used both as prepositions and postpositions: ima 'with , by'; epi 'with'; yue ' to, for'; yuwaba 'towards'; puJi-waba Out of; minafi On'; ifiwa 'from'. In (460) yue is used as a postposition: (460) yamadu Ja-wa neda-ha i-tapa-ha Yamadu go-NONACC lsg +perceive-PAUS 3sgnf-come-PAUS

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wabupi yue-he neda i-tapa-ha spring for-PAUS Isg + see 3sgnf-come-PAUS saw Yamadu go, I saw him come towards a spring.' The use of the same adposition as a preposition and a postposition is linked to the status of a non-pronominal argument in discourse: a newly introduced, or a focused participant is likelier to occur with a postposition. This is illustrated with the adposition minafi On'. Minafi is used as a postposition if its argument is in focus. In (461), atapi 'tree' is focused, since it plays an important role in the narrative: (461) Ja-wa nupa-ha-Ji atapi jutfi-li go-NONACC fmd-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ Jutji-li niwe-li a:tapi wa-hä uwa-ha uwa-ha big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree then-PAUS climb-PAUS climb-PAUS api-hi matu-Je matu-le uwa-ha a:tapi minaji take-PAUS cup-POSS cup-POSS climb-PAUS tree on 'He (the old man) went and found a big tree, a big lofty tree, then he climbed (it), he climbed, he took his cup, his cup, he climbed on (this very) tree.' Minafi is used as a postposition in (462), where tawape 'jungle' is contrasted to other localities where the abandoned children subsequently arrived. (462) ni-Ja-wa ni-ja-wa ate ni-yeleta-ha tawape 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC until Spl-arrive-PAUS jungle tawape minaj! jungle on 'They went until they arrived in the jungle.' Minafi is used as a preposition if the argument is not in focus: (463) wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha tawa:pe wa: uwa-ha minaji a:tapi then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS jungle then climb-PAUS on tree 'Then they came to the jungle, then he climbed on a tree.' Epi and ima 'comitative' are mainly used as prepositions. Epi means 'together with, with the full participation of.

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(464) ema mai-na-wa epi epi waji tapir fight-REFL-NONACC with with jaguar 'The tapir fought with him, with jaguar.' (465) yaliwa piya-mia-ha tse-li now you-PERF-PAUS know-REL ijalema-ha pi-ma-ha nepi wa-jabine how-PAUS 2sg-do-PAUS 3pl + with Ipl-family 'Now it is you who knows how to do together with our family.' This adposition is also used in a sense close to that of a coordinate conjunction 'and, with': (466) inapa-wa istoria-ne kulimalu epi ema finish-NONACC story-POSS turtle with tapir 'The story of the turtle and tapir ends.' Ima means 'with, with the help of, with a partial participation of: (467) ja muta-hä namali-nawi ni-nupa-paiu go call-PAUS people-PL 3pl-come-PURP yuwaba-ha ne-palu ne-palu-pajm ima to-PAUS 3pl+eat-PURP 3pl + eat-PURP-FUT with 'He will call many people to eat with him.' In (468), ima means 'with', but without the implication of 'together with, in the same house': (468) niya-ha nu-yanene-pe yaliwa wa ni-Jia-wa numa 2pl-PAUS lsg-child-PL now then 2pl-live-NONACC Isg + with 'You are my children, now you will live with me.' Ima and epi are sometimes interchangeable: (469) ni-Ja-wa ni-katsa-palu yuma eta-ha 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-marry-PURP 3sgf+with DEM:DIST-PAUS neyawa ni-katsa-hä ni-katsa-hä epi yu-katsa-palu woman 3pl-marry-PAUS 3pl-marry-PAUS with 3sgf-marry-PURP

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e:pi-ta enami wa-ni-katsa-mia-ha with-DEM.DIST man then-3pl-marry-PERF-PAUS 'They (man and woman) went to marry, with this woman they went to marry, (for her) to marry him, that man, then they married.' Ima tends to have comitative meaning when used as a preposition (470, 471), and instrumental meaning when used as a postposition (472, 473). (470) ni-weyehe ni-Ja-palu ima-ha ima Diutsu enu-waba 3pl-want + PAUS 3pl-go-PURP with-PAUS with God sky-DIR 'They want to go with God to heaven.' (471) crenti ajuru-ni payalu nima ni-Jabine evangelical happy-3pl all 3pl+with 3pl-family 'Evangelicals are happy with their families.' (472) wa-uwa aparelju ima then-climb machine with 'Then he (a worker) climbs (a tree) with a machine (to extract sap).' (473) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-palu NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle Ipl-paddle-PURP neyupa nuluami-mine a:tapi ima paddle Isg + father-DEC.nf stick with 'We had no paddle to paddle, my late father paddled with a stick' The apparent closeness in meaning and almost interchangeability of ima and epi in Warekena is hard to account for. It may be partly due to language death phenomena which provoke a higher degree of variability, especially since the main contact languages, Portuguese and Nheengatu, mark comitative and instrumental in the same way. Warekena epi has cognates such as Tariana api 'with: comitative', Bare abi 'with: comitative, (rarely) instrumental'. Warekena ima is cognate to Bare ima 'instrumental, (rarely) comitative'. Bare displays a similar tendency to Warekena in that abi and ima show a large degree of interchangeability in texts. This isogloss is interesting for two reasons: Bare and Warekena share a number of structural features and cultural isoglosses, possibly due to prolonged contacts. Both languages have been in the same kind of contact situation, i.e., under strong pressure of Nheengatu and Portuguese, for a longish period of time. This isogloss may either show a convergent phenomenon in two genetically close languages under the same kind of contact pressure of other languages and in the process of language death, or be the result of a shared structural feature. Another postposition used with instrumental meaning is iyu:

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(474) malieli wiyua-ta-mia-hä wiyua-li iyu shaman die-CAUS-PERF-PAUS die-NOM with 'The shaman killed (someone) with poison.' The following adpositions are used only as prepositions or with person-marking prefixes (475—480): piatu(-waba) 'in/to front, before'; epine 'under'; amagudua 'in the middle'; putewe Over'; niwe 'up'; epine 'under, below'; wenapa 'after (reference to time)'; epuna 'after (reference to space)'; aJe 'like, as'; ifiwa 'from'. (475) amani ale leiti wa walehe wa tepa-miehe sap like milk then cook + PAUS then hard-P ERF + PAUS Jia-wa ale tjikali-le stay-NONACC like wall-AFF 'Sap is like milk, one cooks (it), and it will become hard like a wall.' (476) nu-ja nawina-ta nu-tsaia-ne piyatu weni lsg-go Isg + get-CAUS Isg-clothing-POSS before rain shall go and get my clothing before it rains.' (477) wa-hä nyuwita-mia a:Ji epine-he waliya then-PAUS 3pl + blow-PERF fire under-PAUS smoking.grid 'Then they blew the fire under the smoking grid.' Ifiwa 'from, away from' has the primary meaning 'away from' implying movement away, abandoning (478). It can have a malefactive nuance (479, 480). (478) payalu-ni wa ni-yuleta-mia all-3pl then 3pl-return-PERF ijiwa mina-Jiana pani-Ji ni-pane-waba from body-MASC house-NPOSS 3pl-house-DIR 'Then all returned, they returned away from the house of the owner to their houses.' (479) yu-wiya-mia-ha i-Jumiawa ijiwa 3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM from 'His wife died (lit.: from him).' (480) tepa-ba-mia-Ju ijiwa hard-AUG-PERF-EMPH from 'It is too hard for him.'

332 Aikhenvald

The main difference between elative case -wene and preposition ifiwa in their spatial uses is that the basic meaning of the former is 'from inside of, and of the latter 'away from'. Petfi On' is used only as a postposition: (481) wa mutfita-mia ema ibu petji then bite-PERF tapir head upon 'The he (the turtle) bit the tapir on the head.' The semantics of some adpositions seems to be influenced by Portuguese. In (482), miapa 'borrow' is used with ima 'with' (cf. emprestar com 'borrow with' in Portuguese), and in (483) the use of ima 'comitative, instrumental' with the verb 'to get used to' may be influenced by Portuguese acostumar com. (482) wayate nuluami-mine yue mina-Jiana speak Isg + father-DEC.nf to body-nf pani-Ji miapa ima mulupa house-NPOSS borrow with canoe 'My late father spoke with the owner of the house, he borrowed a canoe from him.' (483) yupukua-wa numa get.used.to-NONACC Isg + with 'He (the dog) is getting used to me.' The use of minafi On, over' with the verb tfina 'to tell' is also influenced by Portuguese contar sobre 'tell about (lit.: tell on)' (429). Most adpositions have a nominal origin. They have special spatial forms, similar to locative cases formed on nouns. Unlike nouns, adpositions do not have a locative case formed in -iwe (however, some adpositions contain -iwe as a fossilized marker). Directional case is expressed by the suffix -waba, e.g., nu-piatuaba 'towards in front of me (direction)', nu-piatu 'in front of me (location)'. Piatu 'front' can be used as a noun. Elative case is formed by the addition of -wene to the adposition: (484) Duminitsiu Ja-wa minaji-wene mesa Dominicio go-NONACC on-EL table 'Dominicio went away from on the table (describing a child getting off a table).'

Warekena 333

Body parts are often used as spatial adpositions. They are preposed to the argument, in agreement with the constituent order in possessive NPs: (485) wa ni-yuluta-wa mana-ha malayu then 3pl-lie-NONACC near-PAUS deer Then they (turtles) lay down near the deer (lit.: at deer's side).' (486) nu-tani nupa-ha nu-napi-wene Isg-child come-PAUS lsg-back-EL 'My son comes from behind me.' It is not easy to distinguish a bodypart from a 'true' adposition, e.g., mana 'side; near': (487) nu-tani nupa pi-mana-waba Isg-child come 2sg-side-DIR 'My child came near you (or: to your side).' Adpositions which have their source in alienably (optionally) possessed nouns do not always require pronominal prefixes. They take the cross-referencing prefix only if they have a pronominal argument, e.g., nu-minafi On me'; nu-piatu 'in front of me'. When there is an NP argument either preceding or following, they do not take the prefix. See (462, 463) for these cases of minafi On'. Adpositions which have their source in inalienable (obligatorily) possessed nouns take the cross-referencing prefix if they have a pronominal argument (487), (488), or are preposed to a non-pronominal argument (490). The argument has usually already been introduced in the previous discourse. The crossreferencing prefixes usually mark the number/gender/person agreement with a non-pronominal argument. (488) Jutfi Julawi i-yue-he big claw 3sgnf-to-PAUS 'He has big claws (Lit.: To him big claws).' If the argument is new, the adposition is postposed to it, and no cross-referencing prefixes are used. (489) and (490) illustrate the contrast between a preposition and a postposition. (489) is the first sentence of the story about the abandoned children, and all the participants are being introduced. The postposition yue is used with etene Old man', and it has no agreement markers: (489) wa-hä peya ete-ne yue jupe-he Jiani-pe then-PAUS one old-MASC to many-PAUS child-PL 'Then an old man had many children (Lit.: To an old man many children).'

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(490) is the second sentence of the same story. Epi 'with' is preposed to its argument, fianipe 'children', and it has the cross-referencing prefix: (490) wa-hä jia-wa nepi jiani-pe then-PAUS live-NONACC 3pl + with child-PL 'So he lived with children.' Plural agreement with prefixed prepositions is optional with collective nouns, e.g., fianipe 'children': (491) ja-mia-wa epi Jiani-pe enaba go-PERF-NONACC with child-PL two.nf 'He (the old man) went with two children.' The interrelation between cross-referencing of the argument on the adposition and its position with respect to the NP is reminiscent of Baniwa of Ic.ana. Baniwa of I9ana (see Aikhenvald 1995b) uses a special indefinite person-marker i-, with neutralization of person/number/gender opposition, which is otherwise obligatory in cross-referencing prefixes, on the arguments of adpositions under conditions similar to those of Warekena. Unlike Warekena, Baniwa uses the same cross-referencing i- on the head noun in a possessive NP and predicates, if the Agent (A/Sa constituent) or Possessed noun has to be focused. Warekena shows only traces of this system (see sect. 18.4.2 for further details), possibly due to language obsolescence phenomena.

18 Verb and verb phrase structure 18.1 Tense. Similarly to other Maipuran languages, Warekena has no obligatory tense markers. Usually, the unmarked verbal form is used, with obligatory cross-referencing morphemes (see sect. 18.4), and adverbial phrases and time expressions are used to specify the time reference if necessary, as in (492, 493). (492) yajia nu-tapa-pa yele-mia-na yesterday Isg-walk-RED tired-PERF-lsg 'Yesterday I walked, I am tired.' (493) benamitji wa-patata amani siringa wa-patata payalu long.ago Ipl-work sap rubber Ipl-work all jupe wa-patata ni-yue yalanawi-nawi many Ipl-work 3pl-for white.man-PL 'Long ago we worked on sap and rubber, we all, many of us worked, we worked for the white people.'

Warekena 335 The unmarked form is widely used in conversations and narratives: (494) wa-hä maJayu wayata yue-he kulimalu then-PAUS deer speak to-PAUS turtle ma wayata malayu yue-he kulimalu say speak deer to-PAUS turtle 'Then the deer spoke to the turtle, he spoke, said the deer to the turtle.' A number of optional enclitics are used for tense reference when it has to be stressed. Criteria for clitics are given in sect. 22.4.1. The tense enclitics are used when the tense reference has a particular importance, for example, in sequencing of events, as in (496), or it has to be underlined that the action refers to a particular period, as in (495). These clitics are: -yaJe 'remote past', -pafia 'future'. -YaJe 'remote past'. This clitic does not co-occur with other aspect markers (see sect. 18.2), and can only be used once in a clause (495, 496). (495) wa-patata-yale benamitj'i amani Ipl-work-REM.P long.ago sap 'Long ago we worked on sap (we are not doing it now any more).' (496) nu-jia-yale Barewe wenapa nu-ja weneji-waba Isg-live-REM.P Manaus + LOC after Isg-go Xie-DIR lived in Manaus long ago, after that I went to Xie.' -Pafia 'future' is used to emphasize a general future reference (see below on -peta for immediate future). -Pafia is used with reference to a future action, as in (497, 498). -Pafia can be used more than once in a clause, as illustrated in (497), if the future happenings have to be emphasized. This example comes from the story about a jaguar and a rabbit, where the rabbit is foretelling the future. It can co-occur with perfective aspect -mia and inchoative -wa. (497, 498) illustrate the clitical character of pafia, which may undergo movement to the clause-initial stressed word, e.g., yaJiwa 'now' (497), or to the negative proclitic ya- (498). (497) yaliwa-pajia-hä inapa-mia-wa mundu now-FUT-PAUS fmish-PERF-NONACC world ni-yulua-pajia paya:lu-ni a:tapi paya:lu a:tapi paya:lu 3pl-fall-FUT all-3pl tree all tree all ni-yulua-pajia-ha ube-ma-iu-pajia peya-lu atapi 3pl-fall-FUT-PAUS all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree

336 Aikhenvald

eni-hi wali uIupe-ήΊ natjia-wa ya-pajia one-PAUS where foot-LOG? Isg + stand-NONACC NEG-FUT yulua-pia-ha fall-NEG-PAUS ' "Now the world will start ending, all the trees will fall, all the trees, all will fall, only one tree, only one tree, the one near which (lit.: at the foot of which) I am standing, will not fall," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' (498)

ya-pajia-ha nu-yenita-pia-ha NEG-FUT-PAUS Isg-laugh-NEG-PAUS Ί shall not laugh.'

-pafia follows the purposive -paJu. (499) Ja muta-h namali-nawi ni-nupa-palu go call-PAUS people-PL 3pl-come-PURP yuwaba-ha ne-palu ne-palu-pajia ima towards-PAUS 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl + eat-PURP-FUT with 'He called many people to eat, to eat (in future) with him.' -pafia follows -wa 'non-accomplished', if the two co-occur in the same word: (500) yaliwa inapa-wa-pajia-ha mundu guwadjata yue wa:ji now finish-NONACC-FUT-PAUS world lie/deceive to jaguar ' "Now the world will start coming to an end", lied (the rabbit) to the jaguar.' In serial verb constructions, -pafia attaches to the second verb: (501) wa-Ja wa-pala-pajia-ha lpl-go Ipl-run-FUT-PAUS 'Let's run later.' 18.2 Aspect. Warekena has eight aspectual enclitics and suffixes, all optional. They are: -mia 'perfective', -wa 'nonaccomplished, continuative', -nia 'change of state', -peta 'intensive or immediate action', -yaJu 'yet, more', -dekana 'going back and forth', -tfiJi 'habitual', -tfi 'repetitive'. Aspectual meanings can also be expressed by serial verb constructions (see sect. 18.8.1). 18.2.1 -mia 'perfective aspect'. It is used with the following meanings, (a) to mark the result of an action, as in (492) and (502).

Warekena 337

(502) Ja:bine-pe Ja muta-ni wa ni-nupa-mia-ha family-PL go call-3pl then 3pl-come-PERF-PAUS ja:bine-pe yuwaba-ha family-PL towards-PAUS 'He (the turtle) called his family, then his family came to him (as the result of his calling).' -mia is often used with this meaning in embedded clauses which contain the conjunction ate 'until': (503) piyatu-waba pala maJayu pala in.front-DIR run deer run pala pala ate ya-mia-yutj'i-pihi malayu run run until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer 'He (the deer) ran in front, he ran, ran, until the deer had no strength.' (b) -mia may mean simply an accomplished action, or state: (504) wa yawa-mia-ni ni-tsima-mia-ha then late-PERF-3pl 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS ni-tsima-mia-ha ate aliwa-mia-ni aliwa-mia-ni wayata 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-PEKF-3pl dawn-PERF-3pl speak malayu deer 'Then they were late, they slept, they slept until they woke up, they woke up, (then) the deer spoke.' (505) wa pala malayu pala malayu wiya-mia dalina-ha then run deer run deer die-PERF faint-PAUS malayu ya-mia yutj"i-pihi deer NEG-PERF strong-NEG + PAUS ya-mia-yutfi-piehe malayu NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer 'The deer ran, he died, he fainted, the deer, the deer had no more strength'. -mia means something like 'already' in (506), or 'any more' if used with negation (507).

338 Aikhenvald

(506) yawaputa kulimalu piatu-waba-mia answer turtle in. front-DER-PERF 'The turtle answered, he (the turtle) was already in front (of the deer).' (507) yaliwa ya-mia-ha yue-pia pi-Jiani-pe now NEG-PERF-PAUS to-NEG 2sg-child-PL 'Now he (the rabbit) does not have your children any more (since the jaguar has eaten them).' (c) -mia is used to mark first plural imperative which refers to an action that has already started, or has been planned in advance. (508) comes from the story about a running competition between a cunning turtle and a naive deer. The deer is urging the turtle to start the competition which has already been planned. (508) wa-ja-mia wa wa-paJa-ha 1 pi-go-PERF then Ipl-run-PAUS ' "Let's go, let's run," (said the deer).' The command in (509) refers to a series of actions three turtles have to undertake to prepare the food: (509) wa-hä wa-Ja-mia wa-teluka a:tapi ma-palu waJiya then-PAUS lpl-go-PERF Ipl-cut tree do-PURP smoking grid 'Then let's go and cut trees to make a smoking.grid.' (d) with the verb of perception eda 'perceive, see/hear,' -mia means 'a sudden result, unexpectedly': (510) wa tsawita-mia wa yu-yenita-wa mawilite then shoot.arrow-PERF then 3sgf-laugh-NONACC sister wa: yaita-mia yu-pu:li-hi etyawa then 3sgf+open-PERF 3sgf-eye-PAUS old + FEM yeda-mia-ni wa-yu-ma-ha ni-yue-he 3sgf+see-PERF-3pl then-3sgf-say-PAUS 3pl-for-PAUS 'He (the boy) shot an arrow, the sister laughed, then the old woman opened her eyes, and saw them (unexpectedly), and she said to them . . .' (511) waji eda-mia kunehu Ja yuwaba waji jaguar see-PERF rabbit go to jaguar 'The jaguar (all of a sudden) saw the rabbit, he (the rabbit) was going to the jaguar.'

Warekena 339

-Mia is not used with the verb of perception eda 'perceive/see/hear, understand' if there is no implication of 'unexpectedness' (512). It is also not used with verbs of speaking, such as "say", "speak", "answer" (see 504, 506, 510). (512) ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-ha Spl-arrive 3pl+perceive-PAUS 3pl+perceive die-PERF-PAUS 'The turtles arrived, they saw him (deer) dead.' Examples such as (507) show the clitic character of -mia; it always undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-. 18.2.2 -wa 'non-accomplished action', -wa is a suffix, since it does not undergo attraction to the negative proclitic ya (521). It follows the negative -pia in (22), (23). It is used with (ya-) in the following meanings: (a) unfinished action: either inchoative, i.e., the beginning of an action (513-515), or continued action (516-518): (513) atulapi-mia-ni wa ni-yuluta-wa mana-ha malayu full-PERF-3pl then 3pl-lie-NONACC near-PAUS deer 'They (the turtles) were already full (as the result of having eaten the dead deer), they lay down near the deer.' (514) wa-hä atfia-wa ulupe-tfi-ta atapi then-PAUS stand-NONACC foot-LOC?-DEM.DIST tree 'Then he (the rabbit) stood (quietly) at the foot of the tree.' -wa in this inchoative meaning is very often used with motion verbs. It can also co-occur with -pafia 'future'. (515) nu-ja nu-yubua ya:tj"ipe nu-yapa-wa-palu-pajia-ha lsg-go Isg-dig ground Isg-enter-NONACC-PURP-FUT-PAUS shall go and start digging the ground for me to enter.' The following examples illustrate the continuative meaning of -wa: (516) ni-yuluta-wa ba-buya pepuji 3pl-lie-NONACC one-CL.TIME day 'They (the turtles) lay for one day.' (517) wa ni-Jia-wa ate aliwa-mia-ni ni-Jia-wa then 3pl-sit-NONACC until dawn-PERF-3pl 3pl-sit-NONACC They sat until it dawned.'

340 Aikhenvald

(518) wa-hä nida peya neyawa yu-yaya then-PAUS 3pl+ perceive one woman 3sgf-weep yu-Jia-wa 3sgf-stay-NONACC Then they (abandoned children) saw a woman, she was weeping.' The inchoative and continuative meanings are not always easy to distinguish, especially when -wa is used with motion verbs. In repetition, the inchoative meaning is more linked to the beginning of a discourse, and the continuative to the following sentences of discourse, as can be illustrated with (519): (519) wa-ni-Ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR-turtle-PL tenepu numa-wa ni-ja-wa uyuba-lu road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH Then the turtles started going, they went (and went) slowly by the edge of the road.' (b) -wa can also occur on the predicate of a dependent complement clause: (520) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-we pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa now lsg-go Isg-leave 2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL 'Now I shall leave you to lie at the edge of the road.' (c) -wa is used to express immediate action, and even immediate future. (521) shows the contrast between -wa used to express immediate action in a serial verb construction, and the predicate without -wa, which indicates a permanent state of affairs. (521) kulimalu ya-be-pia Ja-wa turtle NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC ya-be-pia Ja-wa alebuta-wa ya-be-pia NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC quickly-NONACC NEG-can-NEG pala-ha Ja-wa uyuba-lu run-PAUS go-NONACC slow-EMPH The turtle could not start going (immediately), it could not go quickly, it could not run (at all), it started going slowly.'

Warekena 341 Immediate future meaning of -wa is illustrated in (522). (522) wa: yu-ta ni-yue-he peya pani-ji then 3sgf-give 3pl-for-PAUS one house-NPOSS ni-Jia-palu-wa 3pl-live-PURP-NONACC 'Then she (the witch) gave them (the abandoned children) a house to live in.' -wa can mean unexpected, unplanned action when used with active (Sa) or transitive verbs (but not with the verb of perception). (523) wa tsawita-mia wa yu-yenita-wa mawilite then shoot.arrow-PERF then 3sgf-laugh-NONACC sister 'He shot an arrow, the sister laughed (suddenly).' (524) wa-nu-yutfia-wa inamalu then-Isg-kill-NONACC stingray 'Then I (suddenly) killed the stingray.' (d) -wa can express immediate imperative: (525) wa-ma ni-yue-he wa-Ja-wa wa-ja wa-yutfia kueji then-say 3pl-to-PAUS lpl-go-NONACC Ipl-go Ipl-kill game 'He (the turtle) said to them (his cousins), "Let's kill game right now!'" -wa can occur with either component of a serial verb construction, but never with both; see sect. 18.8.1 for criteria for serial verb constructions and how they differ from a series of predicates. In (526), -wa occurs with/j'a 'to sit', and gives that verb an inchoative meaning (also (528)). In (527), -wa occurs with the verb of movement fa 'go', and it gives it an inchoative meaning. -Wa specifies the action of either component of a serial verb construction independently, and so it belongs to nuclear, and not to core, serialization (see Foley and Olson 1985). (526) wa Ja Jia-wa waji then go sit-NONACC jaguar 'The jaguar went to sit there.' (527) ni-Ja-wa ni-^ima-ha ate aJiwa-mia-ni 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-sleep-PAUS until dawn-PERF-3pl 'They went to sleep, until they woke up.'

342 Aikhenvald

(528) nu-Ja nu-weya-hä nu-yamala-wa lsg-go Isg-want-PAUS Isg-hunt-NONACC went, I intended to start hunting.' -mia 'perfective, resultative' and -wa can co-occur, in either order: -mia-wa and -wa-mia, with the following semantic difference: -mia-wa means 'a continuative action the result of which is important; gradually attaining the result', as is illustrated by (529-530); -wa-mia means 'the result of a started action' (531). (529) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he here + PAUS 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS ni-malayu wa inapa-mia-wa malayu DEM.PR-deer then finish-PERF-NONACC deer 'Then they finished eating the deer, then the deer was coming to an end.' -mia-wa can be used with reference to the future: (530) yaliwa-pajia-ha inapa-mia-wa mundu now-FUT-PAUS finish-PERF-NONACC world ' "Now the world will be coming to an end," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' (531) wa ni-jia-wa-mia-ha mana-ha waliya then 3pl-sit-NONACC-PERF-PAUS near-PAUS smoking.grid ni-kawyu-ta-palu ni-du:le 3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP 3pl-stock 'So they settled down (sat and stayed there) to smoke the stock.' The typical ending of most stories shows an alternation of -mia-wa and -wa: (532) ya:liwa inapa-mia-wa isturia-ne maJayu epi now finish-PERF-NONACC story-POSS deer with kulimalu wa-hä inapa-mia-wa isturia inapa-wa turtle then-PAUS finish-PERF-NONACC story fmish-NONACC 'Now it is finishing the story of the deer with a turtle, it is finishing, the story is ending.' (533) illustrates the contrast between -wa-mia and -mia-wa: (533) ale-he ni-bayata-na-wa-mia-ha so-PAUS 3pl-scatter-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS

Warekena 343

ni-ja-mia-wa ni-yuleta-mia-wa 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC ni-yuleta-mia-ha ulupe-waba ya:pa wa 3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill then ni-yuluta-mia-wa kulimalu-nawi 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL 'So they (turtles) started and finished scattering themselves, they returned to the foot of a hill, then the turtles finished lying down.' (534) illustrates the semantic contrast between -mia-wa, -mia and -wa. -Miawa means 'a continuative action which has happened already', -mia means 'resultative, accomplished action or state', and -wa is used in the sense of unaccomplished, continual action. The aspectually unmarked form ya-nupa-piahä 'NEG-come-NEG-PAUS' is used in repetition. (534) wa-Ja-mia-wa kunehu yame-waba then-go-PERF-NONACC rabbit far-DIR wa-hä ulunia-wa waji ulunia-wa iwapi laguna ate then-PAUS wait-NONACC jaguar wait-NONACC shore lake until yele-mia waji ya-nupa-pia-ha yue kunehu wa-hä tired-PERF jaguar NEG-come-NEG-PAUS to rabbit then-PAUS wa yele-mia waji then tired-PERF jaguar 'Then the rabbit was already going far away, then the jaguar was waiting (for him), waiting on the lake shore until the jaguar has become tired, the rabbit did not come/was not coming, then the jaguar has become tired.' (535) illustrates the semantic difference between -wa and -mia-wa: (535) ale alehi bayata-ni ate ninapa-wa so so + PAUS spread-3pl until 3pl + finish-NONACC ninapa-wa kulimalu ate wali inapa-mia-wa 3pl +finish-NONACC turtle until where finish-PERF-NONACC

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tenepu road 'So he spread them until they were finishing, the turtles were finishing, until where the road was coming to an end.' The contrast between -mia-wa and -wa-mia is neutralized in the context of negation, since -mia undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic, and -wa does not: (536) ya:me-lu ni-yeluta nepuna-ha far-EMPH 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS pa:la pa:la pa:la ya-mia be-pia-wa maJayu run run run NEG-PERF can-NEG-NONACC deer They made their road far, he (the deer) ran, and he could (run) no more.' 18.2.3 -nia 'change of state; inchoative/ This morpheme is used with S0 verbs to make them Sa (see sect. 18.4.1). (537) wa-hä enaba wilubelu ni-Ja ni-yanita weni then-PAUS two child 3pl-go 3pl-get water wa: ate peJu-nia-ha Jili then until full-INCH-PAUS pan Then the two children went to fetch water until the pan became full.' -nia 'inchoative' can co-occur with -mia, to express a resultative meaning, as in (538), and with -wa to express continuative meaning, as in (539): (538) ya-mia ni-tse-pia-ha daba-ha NEG-PERF 3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where-PAUS ni-yeJeta-wa ni-pipi-nia-mia-ha 3pl-arrive-NONACC 3pl-be.lost-INCH-PERF-PAUS 'So they (the abandoned children) did not know where to go, they have become lost.' (539) way a-ha wa-pipi-nia-wa we-PAUS Ipl-be.lost-INCH-NONACC 'We (my father and I) were getting lost (in the jungle).' 18.2.4 -peta 'intensive or immediate action'. These two meanings of -peta are illustrated with (432), (540)-(542).

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(540) nu-yan(i)ta-peta kaka we-palu Isg-bring-INT manioc .bread Ipl + eat-PURP shall bring manioc bread ( = cookies) immediately, for us to eat'. (541) wepeJi yaya-peta baby weep-INT 'The baby is crying very much.' (542) nu-juluami yu-piwa yu-piwa-peta Isg-mother 3sgf-smoke 3sgf-smoke-INT nu-Juma-ha 1 sg-suffocate-PAUS 'My mother smokes, she smokes very much, (so that) I get suffocated.' 18.2.5 -yaJu 'yet, more'. This meaning of -yaJu is illustrated with (543-546). (543) ma nu-ja-yalu nu-yubua ya:tjipe say lsg-go-YET Isg-dig ground '(The rabbit) said, "I shall go and dig the ground a bit more (since I have some time to spare)".' (544) ninapa-mia ne-he ni-wayata-yalu 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS 3pl-speak-YET ate umina-mia yajapua until late-PERF night 'They finished eating, they talked more until late at night.' -yaJu is a clitic, since it undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-: (545) ya-yalu yue-pia i-Jumiawa NEG-YET to-NEG 3sgnf-wife + FEM 'He is a bachelor (he has no wife yet).' -yaJu contrasts with perfective -mia in dialogues: (546) pi-weya-yalu ya-hä ya-mia nu-weya-pia 2sg-want-YET NEG-PAUS NEG-PERF Isg-want-NEG ' "Do you want some more (food)?" "No, I don't want." ' -yaJu precedes the person-marking enclitic:

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(547) tsume-yalu-ni jiani-pe alive-YET-3pl child-PL 'The children (of the jaguar) were still/yet alive.' 18.2.6 -dekana 'going back and forth* (548) yu-patata-h neyawa yu-kulua-dekana 3sgf-work-PAUS woman 3sgf-drink-BACK.AND.FORTH kalibe manioc, liquid 'The woman is working, she is drinking manioc liquid going back and forth.' 18.2.7 -tfiJi 'habitual'. Both -tfiJi and -dekana have not been attested with negation, so it is difficult to decide whether they are clitics or affixes. -$Ui precedes both -mia and -wa in a verbal form. This, however, is not a sufficient piece of evidence in favour of or against the affixal status of this morpheme, since -Ji 'relativizer', apparently, an enclitic, also precedes -wa (see sect. 18.2.2), and follows -mia. (549) nu-yutfia-tfili-wa Jime Isg-kill-HAB-NONACC fish Ί continually killed fish (all my life, and am still doing it now).' (550) nu-yutjia-tjlli-mia jime Isg-kill-HAB-PERF fish Ί have always killed fish (but now stopped).' 18.2.8 -φ 'repetitive'. This is illustrated with (20) and (551). (551) ya-nu-yutjlepehe wa-nu-Ja-tsi-wa wabupi NEG-lsg-kill + NEG+PAUS then-lsg-go-REP-NONACC spring numa-wa yame-Ju nu-pie-he puatfi-nawi nu-muduka-ha mouth-PERL far-EMPH 1 sg-fmd-PAUS monkey-PL Isg-shoot-PAUS teletji nu-ja-tji-wa wa-wene three lsg-go-REP-NONACC then-EL Ί did not kill him (a crocodile), I went again along the mouth of a spring; far, I found a group of monkeys, I shot three, I went again from there (upstream)'.

Warekena 347

Repetitive -tfi precedes -wa 'nonaccomplished action' (551) and can precede or follow -mia (552). In the case of a sequence of aspect markers -mia-wa 'a continuative action the result of which is important, gradually attaining the result' (see above), -tfi goes after -mia and before -wa, as illustrated in (552) and (553). (552) wa-tsima-ha ale-ma-ba-lu-ta ate Ipl-sleep-PAUS so-DEL-AUG-EMPH-DEM.DIST until aliwa-tfi-mia wa wa-ja-mia-tji-wa dawn-REP-PERF then lpl-go-PERF-REP-NONACC 'We slept just like that (i.e., without any water to drink), until it had dawned again, then we went on again.' (553) Ja-mia-tfi-wa e-he ema go-PERF-REP-NONACC eat-PAUS tapir wa e-he e-mia ema then eat-PAUS eat-PERF tapir 'He went again eating tapir and he ate up the tapir.' -tfi means 'further on' in (554)-(556). With this meaning it follows both -mia and -wa in (554). (554) yawa-mia-ha yuleta -mia-wa -tj"i pani-Ji-waba later-PERF-PAUS return-PERF-NONACC-REP house-NPOSS-DIR yuleta-mia pani-ji-waba-ha yuleta pani-Jiwe return-PERF house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS return house-NPOSS+LOC 'It was already late, he came back (further on) towards the house, he came to the house, he came home.' (555) wa ne-tfi ne-tfi ne-he then 3pl + eat-REP 3pl+eat-REP 3pl +eat-PAUS ne-mia maJayu 3pl +eat-PERF deer They (the turtles) ate more and more (of the dead deer), they ate the deer.' (556) wa ni-ja-tf! wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha ni-Ja-wa then 3pl-go-REP then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS 3pl-go-NONACC

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ni-ja ni-yujia-tjl kueji 3pl-go 3pl-kill-REP game Then they went on, then they arrived, they went on, they went to kill more game.' -tfi does not co-occur with negation. Its clitic character is confirmed by the relative freedom of placement with respect to other aspectual markers. In serial constructions -tfi can occur on either component, specifying the action of each component independently; this can be seen by comparing (553) and (556). Thus, -tfi belongs to nuclear serialization. 18.2.9 Reduplication. Another verbal derivational device in Warekena is reduplication. Reduplication of the stem-final syllable is used in Warekena to mark intensive and repetitive action. As illustrated below, a reduplicated syllable precedes -mia (562) and -wa (574). The causative suffix can be reduplicated (573). Thus, causativization precedes reduplication. The reduplicated syllable precedes the fossilized derivation suffix -ka, e.g., guwe-ka 'bark', guwe-we-ka (*guweka-ka) 'bark a lot'. Reduplication of the stem-final vowel sequence proceeds in the following way: CViV2 reduplicates as CVi-CVi-V2, e.g.: wiyua 'die', wiyu-yua 'to faint of drunkenness'; tsapia 'jump', tsapi-pia 'jump many times' (see sect. 22.2 where reduplication is used as one of the criteria against an interpretation of vowel sequences in Warekena as diphthongs). Reduplication applies to all types of predicates; however, its semantics is different depending on the verb type. Monosyllabic predicates, e.g., ma 'say, do', fa 'go', we 'leave' do not reduplicate. A small number of predicates of the structure VCV do not reduplicate, e.g., ema 'cry', eta 'burn'. Reduplication with transitive verbs and intransitive verbs (Sa) may indicate (a) intensive action (557, 574); (b) the plurality of O; (c) the plurality of A. Usually (a) is accompanied by either (b) or (c). (557) wani ni-Ja ni-wayata-ta ate umina-ma-mia-lu here 3pl-go 3pl-speak-RED until long.time-DEL-PERF-EMPH yajapua night 'They (the jaguar and the rabbit) went on talking a lot, until late at night.' Reduplication marks the multiplicity of A or O, depending on the type of the verb; whether it is obligatorily transitive or ambitransitive. To further distinguish whether O or A is plural, O or A/Sa respectively can be optionally pluralized (559, 562).

Warekena 349

In A = S ambitransitives, reduplication indicates pluralization of the subject, i.e., A/Sa, e.g., wa-wayata 'we are talking' (only ourselves) wa-wayata-ta 'we are talking as a part of a big crowd', or 'a lot' (558) ema ni-juwiya tapir 3pl-whistle 'Tapirs whistle.' (559) ni-Juwiya-ya ema-nawi 3pl-whistle-RED tapir-PL 'Many tapirs are whistling.' In transitive verbs which are not A = S ambitransitives, reduplication refers to the multiplicity of O. (562) illustrates the reduplication of an S = O ambitransitive verb paka 'break'. (560) ni-paka-mia-ha kopu 3pl-break-PERF-PAUS glass They broke glass(es).' (561) kopu-nawi ni-paka-mia-ha glass-PL 3pl-break-PERF-PAUS 'The glasses broke.' (562) ni-paka-ka-mia-ha kopu(-nawi) 3pl-break-RED-PERF-PAUS glass(-PL) 'They broke all the glasses.' Comparison of (560) and (561) shows that paka 'break' is an S = O ambitransitive. (561) cannot be understood as 'many people broke glasses'. The following examples illustrate reduplication in non-ambitransitive transitive verbs. (563) nu-Ja nu-peta jinu lsg-go Isg-hit dog Ί am going to hit dog(s).' (564) nu-Ja nu-peta-ta jinu-nawi lsg-go Isg-hit-RED dog-PL Ί am going to hit many dogs.'

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(565) nida yufana utfipie ni-wayata 3pl +perceive voice bird 3pl-speak They can hear the voice of birds singing.' (566) nida-da-ha yujana utfipie ni-wayata 3pl + perceive-RED-PAUS voice bird 3pl-speak 'They can hear the voice of very many birds singing.' (566) cannot be interpreted as 'very many people can hear the voice of birds'. (567) ni-wepa-mia ni-tsapewa-ne 3pl-leave-PERF 3pl-hat-POSS 'They left their hats.' (568) ni-wepa-pa-mia payalu ni-tsapewa-ne 3pl-leave-RED-PERF all 3pl-hat-POSS 'They left all their hats (many hats).' (568) cannot be understood as 'very many people left a hat each'. (569) nu-weya weni Isg-want water Ί want water, I am thirsty.' (570) nu-weya-ya weni Isg-want-RED water Ί want much water.' (571) wa kulua weni kulu-lua weni Jul^i kulua then drink water drink-RED water big drink 'Then the jaguar drank water, (he) drank a lot, he drank much water.' In one case a reduplicated transitive verb is semantically different in a more basic way from the corresponding non-reduplicated one: mutfita 'bite', mu$ita-ta 'gnaw'. (572) is an illustration of this semantic opposition from the story about the tapir and the turtle: (572) wa-ha kulimalu mutfita-ta Jlmapie-pe-mi ema then-PAUS turtle bite-RED bone-PL-PEJ tapir mutfita-ta Jimapie-pe-mi ema kulimalu ya-be-pia bite-RED bone-PL-PEJ tapir turtle NEG-can-NEG

Warekena 351

ya-be-pia-hä mutfita NEG-can-NEG-PAUS bite 'Then the turtle gnawed tapir's bones, the turtle cannot bite.' Reduplicated intransitive verbs can take the causative suffix -ta in a few cases; e.g., paJa 'run', paJa-Ja 'run far away', paJa-Ja-ta 'make run far away'. Reduplication of the causative morpheme is more productive. (573) comes from a story about evil spirits. The evil spirit Awakaruna is described, the reduplication of the causative kune-ta-ta (fear-CAUS-RED) 'he frightens very much' being used to emphasize how frightening he is: (573) ema-ha kune-ta-palu namali shout-PAUS fear-CAUS-PURP people ya-yutfia-pia namaii-ma-ba-lu kune-ta-ta-mia NEG-kill-NEG people-DEL-AUG-EMPH fear-CAUS-RED-PERF kune-ta-ta-ma-ba-lu fear-C AUS -RED-DEL-AUG -EMPH 'He (Awakaruna) shouts to frighten people. He does not kill people, only frightens them, he frightens them very much.' In a few cases, reduplicated forms and causatives are homophonous, e.g., yenita 'laugh' (cf. 574, 575); also -nakata 'change', inakala-ta 'make change', or 'change a lot'; mita 'fly', mita-ta 'fly (many Sa)', or 'make fly away'. (574) yenita-ta-wa minaji Jmu laugh-RED-NONACC on dog 'He is laughing a lot at the dog.' (575) Jmu yenita-ta-na dog laugh-CAUS-lsg 'The dog makes me laugh.' Reduplication with intransitive stative and state/condition predicates indicates the intensity of the state or condition, e.g., apate 'cold', apate-te 'very cold' (Sio); akune 'dangerous', akune-ne 'very dangerous' (S0);/e/e 'dry',/e/efe 'very dry' (S0). Reduplication with intransitive active predicates indicates plurality of Sa referents, and intensity of action (many times): (576) utjipie ni-mita-wa bird 3pl-fly-NONACC 'The birds are flying.'

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(577) utfipie ni-mita-ta-wa bird 3pl-fly-RED-NONACC 'Very many birds are flying (to and fro).' For a number of Sa verbs, the meaning of a reduplicated stem, though clearly linked to the non-reduplicated one, is not totally deducible from it; e.g., tapa 'go, pass, come', tapa-pa 'walk'; wiyua 'die, faint', \viyu-yua 'faint of drunkenness' (578). (578) ni-kulua yalaki ni-wiyu-yua 3pl-drink whisky 3pl-die/faint-RED ni-mai-na-wa ni-yutfia-na-wa 3pl-fight-REC-NONACC 3pl-kill-REC-NONACC They (non-evangelicals) drink whisky, they faint of drunkenness, they quarrel and kill each other.' A few Sa verbs have a reduplicated stem and no non-reduplicated counterpart, i.e., they are inherently reduplicated; e.g., patata 'work', kuJu-Ju 'shudder, tremble', yaya 'weep'. There is one example of an inherent CVCV reduplication in an S0 verb: muJamuJa 'be very wet'. 18.3 Mood/Modality. For the description of imperatives and prohibitives see sects. 11 and 12.6. Apart from this, Warekena expresses the following modal meanings. Probability is marked with the clitic -fewa. It generally follows aspectual clitics, and undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-. It can be used both in affirmative and in negative sentences, and usually refers to the future, i.e., it does not have any irrealis meaning. (579) aya-Jewa-ha weni be.lacking-PROB-PAUS water 'Water will probably be lacking.' (580) ya-mia-Jewa wa-kulua-pia weni NEG-PERF-PROB Ipl-drink-NEG water 'We shall probably have no water to drink.' Warekena has a purposive mood marked on the predicate of a final subordinate clause (also see sect. 14.2) by the enclitic -paJu 'in order to, so that'. Most frequently -paJu means 'in order to'; -paJu is never used with S0 or Sio predicates. The subject of the purposive clause does not necessarily coincide with that of the main clause; (581) illustrates Ai=A2; (582) illustrates Ai*A2; (583) illustrates

Warekena 353

S 0 i=A2; (584) illustrates 81 = 82 and (585) illustrates Si=A2. There are no pivot restrictions, i.e., any possibility of coreferential deletion is grammatical. Ai=A 2 : (581) wa-hä wa-Ja wa-yanita paya:lu atebu wa-pana-palu then-PAUS lpl-go Ipl-take all fruit 1 pi -plant -PURP wa-miyuliwe wa-yanita aji wa-pana-palu 1 pi-garden + LOG Ipl-take manioc Ipl-plant-PURP Then we went to take all the fruit, for us to plant in our garden, we took manioc to plant.'

(582) mina-liana pani-Ji ja yanita-hä body-MASC house-NPOSS go bring-PAUS wa-yue-he aya:-Ji wa-palu wa-Ja yanita payaiu Ipl-for-PAUS lack-NOM Ipl + eat-PURP then-go bring all aya:-ji ka:ka matsuka kawyu-Ji wa-palu lack-NOM manioc. bread manioc. flour smoke-NOM Ipl + eat-PURP 'The owner of the house went and brought to us all we needed for us to eat, he brought all we needed, manioc bread, flour, smoked (meat) for us to eat.' Sol =A 2

(583) ya-mia-ha yutfi-pia-yu yu-ma-palu matsuka NEG-PERF-PAUS strong-NEG-3sgf 3sgf-do-PURP flour 'She (my wife) is not strong enough for her to make flour.'

Si=S 2 (584) wa-hä Jesu Kritu yapa-wa then-PAUS Jesus Christ enter-NONACC pani-ji-waba-ha pani-Ji-waba-ha i-tapa-palu house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS 3sgnf-go-PURP

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pane-wa na wale-Ji middle-PERL village-NPOSS Then Jesus Christ entered into a house, into a house, to go in the middle of the village/ Si=A 2 (585) wa-Ja-wa tsina-palu tsina-palu eni-M then-go-NONACC tell-PURP tell-PURP DEM.PR-PAUS waya-ne Diutsu say-POSS God 'Then he went to tell, to tell this word of God.' It may be used with the meaning of 'so that', when the result of the action is emphasized, as illustrated below: (586) pi-tutu-ni atapi nalita-palu-pi tepa 2sg-hug-DEM.PR tree lsg + tie-PURP-2sg hard ' "Hug this tree so that I tie you hard," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' (587) pida-pajia nu-le 2sg +perceive-PUT Isg-read pida-palu alema wayata-ha diutsu 2sg + perceive-PURP how speak-PAUS God ' "You will see, now I shall read, for you to see how God speaks," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' -PaJu is a clitic, since it is attracted to the negative proclitic ya- (588) (see sect. 22.4.1). (588) wa-hä pi-alita-na wani-M minajl-ni a:tapi then-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg here-PAUS on-DEM.PR tree ya-palu nu-wiyua-pihe NEG-PURP Isg-die-NEC + PAUS 'Tie me here on the tree, so that I do not die.' -PaJu does not combine with -mia 'perfective'. It combines with -\va, which may follow or precede it. It precedes -paJu when it has an inchoative meaning (515, 589). Otherwise it follows -paJu (522). -PaJu may mark the predicate of a complement clause (590).

Warekena 355

(589) wa-we-yalihl teletji ajita Ipl-leave-YET + PAUS three month Jeje-ta-palu a:tapi eta-wa-palu anetua dry-CAUS-PURP tree/branch burn-NONACC-PURP well 'We leave (the branches) for three months, for the wood to get dry and to burn well.' (590) papal wa-Ja-palu-wa yele-mia-na nu-yawaputa papai lpl-go-PURP-NONACC tired-PERF-lsg Isg-answer ' "Father, I am tired for us to start going," I answered.' -Pafia 'future' follows -paJu: (591) nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu ja bitfika Jibuduliwe Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH go go.out field + LOG nu-mitjiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji Isg-escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar shall dig (a hole), it will go out far away in the field, for me to escape from the jaguar.' -PaJu can be used similarly to -buJe Oblique focus' (see sect. 18.5.3.2 on the differences): (592) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-paJu NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle 1 pi-paddle-PURP 'We had no (real) paddle, for us to paddle.' -PaJu can be used to intensify the action: (593) yawaputa kunehu pi-Jiani-pe e-palu answer rabbit 2sg-child-PL eat-PURP pi-Jiani-pe pe-mia-ni 2sg-child-PL 2sg + eat-PERF-3pl 'The rabbit answered (the jaguar), "You have indeed eaten your children." ' (594) wa-hä alita-ha matu-le yapita yapita-palu ma:tu-Je then-PAUS tie-PAUS cup-POSS hang hang-PURP cup-POSS "Then he tied his cup, to hang his cup.'

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In serial verb constructions -paJu can be marked only once. It occurs with the first component and refers to the whole construction. Thus, -paJu belongs to core verb serialization. (595) yu-ta yue kunehu Ja-paJu tawa-ta-ni ukapi-waba 3sgf-give to rabbit go-PURP leave-CAUS-3pl room-DIR 'She (the jaguar) gave (the children) to the rabbit, to take them to the bedroom.' (596) pala-ha waji iwapi-wa wabupi mn-PAUS jaguar shore-PERL spring awipemi-waba-ha wabupi Ja-palu ulunia ema wa: headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring go-PURP wait tapir then mala-mia-ha wabupi shallow-PERF-PAUS spring 'The jaguar ran by the shore of the spring, to the headwaters of the spring, for him to go and wait for the tapir, (since) the spring is shallow.' We means 'to leave' when -paJu is used in a complement clause, and 'to let' in syntactic causatives (where -paJu is never used; see sect. 6): (597) wepa-mia-na nuluami uleta-palu-na mawaya leave-PERF-lsg lsg +father swallow-PURP-lsg snake 'My father left me for the snake to eat me.' Another modal meaning is marked by a particle matse 'warning; lest; or otherwise something bad will happen,' which does not attract pronominal clitics. It is often used in complex sentences, if the consequences of something indicated in the main clause can be prevented (598). The main clause often contains a (negative) command, as in (599). (598) nu-daluna-mia-ha mulupa matse yama-ha Isg-tie-PERF-PAUS canoe WARN float-PAUS Ί tied the canoe, otherwise it will float (away).' (599)

pida pi-kulua-pia pi-yue-he PROH 2sg-drink-NEG 2sg-for-PAUS weni ula-li matse anuana-pi water dirty-ADJ WARN ill-2sg 'Don't drink dirty water, otherwise you will be ill.'

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Matse can be used to warn of bad consequences of an action which are either self-evident, or outlined afterwards. (600) wa ma-yu-yue-he ya-pi-be-pia pida-yu then say-3sgf-for-PAUS NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg + perceive-3sgf etyawa matse pi-enita old + FEM WARN 2sg-laugh 'Then he (the boy) said to her (his sister), "You may not see her, the old woman, otherwise you will laugh (and she will notice us, and prevent us from stealing her food)." ' Matse can also be used to indicate bad consequences without containing a negative command: (601) wa yawaputa puatfi nu-wakwa-pi pe:-na then answer monkey lsg-untie-2sg 2sg + eat-lsg matse pe-na WARN 2sg + eat-lsg 'Then the monkey answered (the jaguar), "I shall untie you (from the tree), and you will eat me, beware lest you eat me".' 18.4 Person, number, gender 18.4.1 Verbal cross-referencing and the classification of predicates. The types of predicates in Warekena are based on the semantics, the number of arguments they have, and the way they are cross-referenced on the predicate. Cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics are given in Table 1 (sect. 15.2.1). The interaction between cross-referencing and discourse organization is described in sect. 18.4.2 and sect. 9. Transitive verbs usually have two arguments; A is obligatorily cross-referenced with the help of cross-referencing prefixes (unless the discourse conditions described under sect. 9 apply). The only transitive verb with three arguments is -ta 'give' which has obligatory A, O and Dative arguments. Pronominal Ο is cross-referenced by O/S0 enclitics; a non-pronominal Ο can be cross-referenced only under specific discourse-conditions. Non-derived transitive verbs fall into three main classes: obligatorily transitive verbs (i), A = S ambitransitives (ii), and S = O ambitransitives (iii). Derived transitive verbs (i.e., causatives) are analyzed in sect. 18.5.1. Modal verb -be 'can, be able' cannot be characterized with respect to transitivity, since it has no independent roles (Dixon 1991: 268). It undergoes obligatory serialization of a modal type (sect. 18.8.1). It is different from other modal verbs, e.g., fee 'know', \veya 'want', which are obligatorily transitive.

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(i) Obligatorily transitive verbs always have two arguments; if one of the two is omitted it can be retrieved from the context, following the pivot restrictions as shown in sect. 3. Examples of obligatorily transitive verbs are: eda 'see/hear, understand, look after', mutfi-ta 'bite', kuJua 'drink', teJuka 'cut', e 'eat', pie 'find', pata 'catch', tfina 'tell', peta 'hit', weya 'want', daJuna 'tie', aJita 'tie thouroughly', wakwa 'untie', deka 'have'; yanata 'write', ma 'do, say', we 'let, leave', wepa 'leave, throw', yanita 'take', yutfia 'kill, hunt', yata 'ask', wanufa Order', tse 'understand, know', wapeta 'attend to', muta 'call', ayuda 'help', paJa-ka 'weed',yw/a 'bite (mosquito)',yubuta 'peck'', fimeta 'smell', beni 'like', beda 'try' (food), eJita 'pick', tutu 'embrace, hug a child who is sitting in one's lap', tfitfyuta 'hug', waJamatfia 'save, guard', djaJu 'hold a child who is standing in one's lap', pite, a:\vale 'bury', djeweni 'lie, tell lies', tfiwa 'slice', dewe Owe', wenita 'buy', wende 'sell'; awata 'believe', neta 'pray', mitfiuia 'hide', yuwita 'blow (the fire), isiata 'join'. Transitive verbs of class (i) are higher on the transitivity hierarchy (Hopper and Thompson 1980) than transitive verbs of other classes. Some of these verbs preferentially take sentential complements, e.g., beni 'like', tse 'know', we 'let, leave'. This class also includes a number of loan verbs, e.g., ayuda, ayuza 'help' (Portuguese ajudar, Spanish ayudar), deve Owe' (Portuguese dever, Spanish deber), wende 'sell' (Portuguese, Spanish vender). These verbs are obligatorily transitive in Portuguese and Spanish. The class of obligatorily transitive verbs can be considered an open class, since it accepts new members - loan verbs. (ii) A = S ambitransitives are a smallish class of verbs. Examples: yubua 'dig', wayata 'speak, talk, say', kanita 'sing', fuwiya 'whistle', puteta 'fish', yamaJa 'hunt', teyata 'guide a canoe', yawaputa 'answer'; uJunia 'wait'. The following examples illustrate A = S ambitransitives: (602) wa yubua-ha tumulewa then dig-PAUS nest 'Then he (the turtle) dug a nest'. (603)

nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH ' "I shall dig a long way away," (said the rabbit).'

(604) wa ma waji yaliwa nu-Ja nulunia kunehu then say jaguar now lsg-go Isg + wait rabbit Then the jaguar said, "I shall go and wait for the rabbit".'

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(605) wa: ulunia waji ulunia waji then wait jaguar wait jaguar 'Then the jaguar was waiting, waiting (for a long time).' (iii) S = O ambitransitives are a big class. They include: eta 'burn', paka 'break in two pieces', bafa-ka 'cut, split, tear (e.g., a thread)', beJika 'tear' (into small pieces, e.g., paper, cloth), yu(w)aka 'tear after having folded', alia 'break ' (a pen, a stick), aita Open, split open, spread (washing)', ika 'close', enina 'be born, give birth', tawina 'grow, bring up'; eputa 'wake up'; atseta 'learn, teach', kudunia 'melt', bukuita 'light' (fire), makuta 'disappear, \ose\frita 'fry', waJa 'cook', kawyuta 'smoke (meat, fish)', tfikya 'crisp', yata 'take, stick', daJuna 'drag (a canoe)', 'crawl (a snake)', faita 'scare, stun, surprise', meta Obey, permit', mebuta 'be surprised, surprise', puJyuta 'remember, think', yuwaka 'lean', wafata 'mix', mafini 'damage, spoil', inapa 'finish, end'. The following examples illustrate S = O ambitransitives. (606) nu-tawina-ha Wenejiwe Isg-grow-PAUS Xie + LOC Ί grew up on the Xie river.' (607) yu-tawina-na nu-Juluami 3sgf-grow-lsg Isg-mother 'My mother brought me up.' (608) kawyu-ta-mia-wa mitfi smoke-CAUS-PERF-NONACC meat 'The meat has been smoked.' (609) nu-Ja nu-kawyu-ta mitfi lsg-go 1 sg-smoke-CAUS meat Ί am going to smoke the meat.' (610) nu-Ja nu-paka-ha koku lsg-go Isg-break-PAUS coconut Ί am going to break a coconut.' (611) paka-wa buteya break-NONACC glass 'The glass is breaking/breaks.' (612) eta-wa-mia-ha payalu burn-NONACC-PERF-PAUS all 'Everything burnt.'

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(613) nuya-h eta-li-hi malima I-PAUS burn-REL-PAUS rag 'It was me who burnt the rag.' (614) nu-bukuita-mia aj! Isg-lit-PERF fire Ί lit the fire.' (615) bukuita-mia-wa a:Ji Jutji-li ni-peta-ha light-PERF-NONACC fire big-ADJ 2pl-put-PAUS afitji jutfi wala-palu weni wala-mia-ha weni firewood big boil-PURP water boil-PERF-PAUS water ' "A big fire has already been lit, you put much firewood, to boil water. Now the water has boiled," (said the witch to the abandoned children).' Transitive verbs and A = S and S = O ambitransitives differ as to the semantics of reduplication (see sect. 18.2.9). Transitive verbs usually do not form causatives (a few exceptions are described in sect. 18.5.1). In a number of transitive (non-ambitransitive) verbs we can distinguish a formative -ta, usually absent from intransitives, which can be considered as a kind of thematic marker of transitive verb stems (see the list of verbs of class (i) above). This thematic marker is possibly related to -ta 'causative' and denominative -ta (cf. kawyu-ta 'smoke', kawyu-fi 'smoked (food)'); see sect. 18.5.1. The treatment of -ta as a thematic formative is corroborated by (a) the existence of an etymologically cognate thematic marker of transitive verb stems in Bare (Bare -sa), Baniwa of Ic,ana and Tariana (-i-ta); (b) -ta as a thematic marker corresponds to causative marker -i-ta in Baniwa of Igana and Tariana in cognate verbs, e.g., Warekena wapeta, Baniwa, Tariana -wapa + -i-ta 'attend to somebody'; (c) the formative-fa appears in a number of loan transitive verbs, e.g., wenita 'sell' (Portuguese/Spanish vender), toketa 'touch' (Portuguese/Spanish tocar). Intransitive verbs also fall into three classes: Sa verbs, S0 verbs, and Sj0 verbs. (iv) In Sa type verbs Sa person markers are prefixes. The majority of the Sa verbs can be causativized by adding the causativizer -ta. The causatives of Sa verbs are never S = Ο ambitransitives; they can be either obligatorily transitive or A = S ambitransitives. All motion verbs belong to the Sa type, some verbs denoting typical activities (paddle, work, play), and some verbs denoting states, e.g., die, faint, and physical conditions involving actions, e.g., sneeze, cough. Examples of Sa verbs are: fa 'go', patata 'work', u\va 'climb', yuJua 'fall',

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tsapia 'jump', bitfika 'leave, go out', fia 'sit, live, stay', yapa 'enter', miwata 'play', paJa 'run', yuJeta 'return', ema 'cry', mita 'fly', yenita 'laugh', nupa 'arrive', yaya 'weep (children)', wiyua 'die', daJina 'faint', awa 'bathe', fipata 'rot', atfita 'sneeze', fuma 'cough', fuweta 'spit', tehi 'blow (nose)', yaJa 'swell', pauta 'step', yawaJuta 'go round', pipi 'be lost', guweka 'bark', bitfika 'go out', apita 'hang', yeJeta 'arrive', tfiJuna 'crawl', tama 'dance', yupukwa 'get used', daJa 'snore', biyada 'escape', fuma 'drown', tapana 'yawn', tfikuta 'hiccough', weta 'turn into', naka 'get up', yama 'float, go downstream', kadika 'go upstream', yata 'put to shore' (canoe), yanana 'surround', mufa 'become wet', kutsa 'become humid', ifita 'have a name', tsuJuita 'crouch', kefuka 'cross', tfima 'sleep', kerika 'smash', kuJuka 'have holes', inaka 'change, move', muta 'stretch', muJu 'crush', teya 'vomit', unita 'swim', mebuta 'be tied (of a dog)', mawa 'go out (fire)'. A thematic formative -ka can be distinguished in the following Sa verbs: bitfika 'go out', inaka 'change, move', kerika 'smash'; kuJuka 'have holes', guweka 'bark'. The existence of this formative is corroborated by the reduplication of the kind guwe-we-ka 'bark a lot'. However, this is subject to some variation, e.g., bitfika-ka 'he went out a lot'. A few Sa type verbs are denominal formations which contain a suffix -ta, e.g., ifita 'to be named, to have a name' (cf. ifina 'name'), and possibly unita 'to swim' (cf. \veni 'water'). The verb ifita is, however, problematic as far as its transitivity is concerned; it is closer to copula verbs, since it necessarily takes a copula complement: (616) najita Umberto 1 sg + have.name Humberto Ί am called Humberto, my name is Humberto.' The Sa verb tapa 'go, walk' is occasionally reinterpreted as an A = S ambitransitive, under the influence of Portuguese/Spanish; see sect. 18.5.1 (658-659). (v) Verbs of the S0 type in Warekena can denote state, e.g., uJa 'be dirty', anuana ' be sick',/e/e 'be dry' or refer to natural phenomena, like aJiwa 'dawn, to get up early\fibuma 'grow dark, spend the night'. They can form causatives which are S = O ambitransitives. S0 type verbs do not take cross-referencing prefixes. Cross-referencing enclitics are used to mark a pronominalized S0, or a right-dislocated S0 expressed by an NP (see sect. 18.4.2). Examples of S0 type verbs are: dabana 'first', yeJe 'tired', uJa 'dirty', anetua 'good, beautiful', atulapi 'full (food), pelu 'full', anepi 'right', u:Ja 'soft', tepa 'hard'; colours: feJe 'black', aJi 'white', ayune 'blue', amu 'rosy, red', te\va 'yellow', puJe 'green'; mufa 'damp',/e/e iAiy",fibu 'spend a night, grow dark', yawa 'be late', akune 'be afraid', tfitfi 'rotten, ill-smelling', djewi 'deaf, ma-puJi-paJu 'blind', abu:da 'bald', niwe 'high, lofty', futfi 'big, fat', puJapiami 'thin', anuana 'ill, sick', takuwa 'feverish', awi 'hurt', yaJu 'sickly', kaJebu 'quick', fume 'survive, remain alive', katsaJi 'married', aJema, aJe 'be this way', maJa

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'shallow', uJuJiwi 'appear', ma-kaJe 'breathless, tired from work/running', ameJe 'be lit up', ma-numa 'be silent', manuJu 'be quiet', ataJe 'burn, itch', weya 'itch', fuJuJuwa 'be in a hurry', tfikeJeJi 'curly', apitfi 'straight' (hair), amena 'sharp', u:Je 'play music', pa:fi 'be ashamed', afeni 'angry', kuyule 'sad', afuJu 'glad', anani 'shy', muJamuJa 'very wet', papeya 'similar', dukwata 'fast', cfrjJibe 'curved', atfiJa 'have a nap', atfike 'sour'. Grammatical classes of words in Warekena display a certain degree of fuzziness (see sect. 23). Almost any noun or pronoun or adjectival-like root can be used as an S0 type verb; e.g., papeya 'another; be similar'; imaJu One of the two; be one of the two', cross-referencing enclitics are used to mark S0 in (617) and (618) and O in (618) and (619). (617) aliwa-wi get.up.early-lpl.So 'Good morning (Lit.: we got up early).' (618) yawa-na weni epalu-bune kutja-na fall-lsg.O rain it-because wet-lsg.S 0 'Rain fell on me, this is why I am wet.' The following example illustrates the use of Sa and S0 type verbs: (619) mutfita-na umeni nu-Jitua-li-wa-ha bite-lsg.So snake Isg-fell-REL-NONACC-PAUS nu-miyuli-wa wa-hä anua-na tsume Isg-garden-PERL then-PAUS be.ill(S0)-lsg.S0 almost nu-wiyua-ha nu-yuluta-wa peya tsemana lsg-die(Sa)-PAUS lsg-lie(Sa)-NONACC one week bitsewe-he wa: i-tapa-mia-ha nujiwa hammock + LOG-PAUS then 3sgnf-go(Sa)-PERF-PAUS Isg + from awi-ni umeni wa: jume-mia-na pain-DEM:PR snake then alive(S0)-PERF-lsg.S0 snake bit me in my garden, where I was felling (trees), then I was ill, I almost died, I was lying in a hammock for a week, then the pain of the snake went away from me, and I remained alive.' (vi) Sio verbs are a small class, and they denote physical state110". The Si10 constituent is complemented by the postposition yue 'to, for'. Si0 verbs cannot be causativized. Any Sio verb can be used as an S0 type verb; then it can be

Warekena 363

causativized. The Sj0 verbs include: spate 'cold', mawaJi 'hungry', ata 'warm, hot', akawi 'bubble'; names of illnesses: matutfi 'bad cold', maJeia 'malaria'. A predicate used as Sj0 denotes a temporary state, or condition, as in (620). The same predicate used as S0 denotes a permanent, or prolonged state, as in (621). (620) nu-yue mawali Isg-for hungry Ί am hungry (just now)'. (621) mawali-na hungry-Isg Ί am hungry (permanently, or over a continuous time-span).' (622) refers to the abandoned children who became hungry after wandering in the woods for a long time: (622) awi-mia ni-yue-he mawali ache-PERF 3pl-to-PAUS hungry 'They are hungry (Lit.: '(Their stomachs) ache, they are hungry).' (623) refers to the jaguar who has been suffering from hunger for a long time and could stand it no more: (623) ya-mia-be-pia mawali wa kulua weni NEG-PERF-can-NEG hungry then drink water 'He could not (stand it any more), he was hungry, then he drank water.' There are a few verbs that can be used as both S0 and Sa, but with a semantic difference. An example of this sort is S0: puJa-pia-mi 'be thin', puJa 'become thin, lose weight'; cf. the causative of the latter: (624) weni pula-ta-ha water thin-C AUS -PAUS 'Water makes (one) thin.' 18.4.2 Cross-referencing and discourse. Here I shall discuss the principles of cross-referencing in Warekena of Xie, with special attention to the suppression of verbal cross-referencing as a means of marking discourse-pragmatic properties (see also sect. 9.4). Warekena, like the majority of Northern Maipuran languages, including Baniwa of Igana, has a split ergative pattern for the marking of grammatical relations, expressed by means of cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics. The split ergative pattern works in terms of the semantics of the predicate (see sect. 18.4.1).

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Warekena uses cross-referencing prefixes for marking A and Sa, and crossreferencing enclitics for marking and S0. cross-referencing prefixes are also used for marking the pronominal arguments of adpositions and pronominal possessor in possessive constructions, cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics are given in Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1. Cross-referencing prefixes are obligatory in predicate-argument constructions, and they encode a pronominal argument, A (625) or Sa (626), and mark the agreement with a full NP: A (627), Sa (628). (625) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia-ha daba Ja-wa NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where go-NONACC 'They did not know where to go.' (626) yu-wiya-mia 3sgf-die-PERF 'She died.' (627) wa yu-wayata yue-he i-jumiawa then 3sgf-spoke for-PAUS 3sgnf-wife + FEM 'Then his wife spoke to him.' (628) yu-wiya-mia nu-Jumiawa 3sgf-die-PERF 1 sg-wife + FEM 'My wife died.' The normal '3sgnF marking is zero. The cross-referencing prefix i- '3sgnf is used anaphorically when the surface A/Sa/Si0 constituent is absent from the surface structure of the clause, and the A/Sa/Si0 constituent is focused (629, 630, 631; cf. 460, 584). (629) wa-peya-hä awakaluna yapa-tfi-waba-hä i-beni then-one-PAUS Awakaruna hill-LOC?-DIR-PAUS 3sgnf-like i-beni jia-wa 3sgnf-like live-NONACC One (evil spirit), Awakaruna, he likes to live in the direction of a hill.' (630) i-tapa-mia ijiwa i-ja-mia-wa 3sgnf-go-PERF from.him 3sgnf-go-PERF-NONACC 'It was he (the rabbit) (who) went away from him (jaguar), he went away.' (631) comes from the story about evil spirits. The referent of i- '3sgnf, an evil spirit, is in focus.

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(631) elita-Ji-bena-hä jutji tjulawi i-yue-he pick-REL-when-PAUS be.big claw 3sgnf-for-PAUS i-yue-he yanane yawapati yanane juji yanane pij! 3sgnf-for-PAUS stripe side stripe be.big stripe tail i-yue-he piji 3sgnf-for-PAUS tail 'When he nibbles (at cattle), big are his nails, his side is striped; it is a big stripe, his tail is striped, he has a tail.' Otherwise, 0-marking is used, cf. yue in (361). The emphatic anaphoric cross-referencing marker /- '3sgnr can be used even in cleft constructions, where usually the cross-referencing prefixes are suppressed (see sect. 9.4) (632). (632) mawaya i-weya-li uleta-yu snake 3sgnf-want-REL swallow-3sgf 'This snake (it was), which really wanted to kill her.' Enclitics are used to code a pronominal argument. Their enclitic character is confirmed by the fact that they always follow aspectual clitics and undergo attraction to the negative proclitic ya-: (633) wepa-mia-na nuluami uieta-palu-na mawaya leave-PERF-lsg lsg +father swallow-PURP-lsg snake 'My father left me for the snake to swallow me.' Similarly to Baniwa, enclitics are not used to mark agreement with an O/So NP constituent (634): (634) wa ja-wa eda etyawa-bumi then go-NONACC perceive old + FEM-PEJ 'Then he (the boy) went and saw an ugly old woman.' (635) wa: apinaya-yu pane-waba then bring-3sgf house-DIR 'Then he (the old man) brought her (the new wife) home.' Cross-referencing enclitics can co-occur with a full NP, when it is used for clarification (130), (636); see sect. 9.4.

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(636)

etyawa-mia-yu nu-jumiawa old + FEM-PERF-3sgf 1 sg-wife + FEM 'She is already old, my wife.'

18.5 Voice and valency-changing derivations. Warekena has two valencychanging derivations: causative, a valency-increasing derivation, and reflexivereciprocal, a valency-decreasing derivation. It also has two more valency-manipulating operations which can be labeled as Oblique focus' and Object focus'. It will be shown below that neither of these qualifies as passive. 18.5.1 Causative. Morphological causatives are formed with the help of -ta suffix, added to the stem. Causatives can usually be formed only on intransitive verbs of Sa and S0 types (with a few exceptions to be discussed below). The difference between morphological and syntactic causatives is analyzed in sect. 6. Causatives of Sa type can be transitive (637-639) or A = S ambitransitives (640-643). They are never S = O ambitransitives. Examples of causatives of Sa verbs are: yuJeta 'return', yuJeta-ta 'return something'; mita 'fly', mita-ta 'make fly away'; yenita 'laugh', yenita-ta 'make laugh'; biffika 'go out', bitfika-ta 'make go out, drive out'; biyada 'escape', biyada-ta 'make escape'; paJa 'run', paJa-ta 'make run'; yapa 'enter', yapa-ta 'make enter'; fuma 'drown, get drowned', fuma-ta 'drown, strangle'; weta 'turn into something', weta-ta 'turn somebody into something'; naka 'get up', naka-ta 'lift'; yama 'float, go downstream', yama-ta 'put to float, disembark, take downstream'. Some causatives have an idiosyncratic meaning: e.g., wiyua 'die', wiyua-ta 'make die with the help of sorcery, poison, etc.' (unlike yutfia 'kill'); yuJua 'fall', yuJua-ta 'miscarry (a baby)'; teya 'vomit', teya-ta 'make sick'; uwa 'climb', uwa-ta 'lift, put on an elevated surface; raise (prices)'; nupa 'arrive', nupa-ta 'bring'. The following motion verbs of the Sa type have no causative: fa 'go', yeJeta 'go, arrive', pauta 'step', yawaJufa 'go round', tama 'dance'. The following Sa verbs, which denote physical characteristics, have no causative: daJa 'snore', atfita 'sneeze', fuma 'cough', fuweta 'spit', tehi 'blow (nose)', yaJia 'swell', guweka 'bark', tapana 'yawn', tfikuta 'hiccough'. The use of causatives formed on Sa verbs is illustrated below. (637) wa-hä yanita peya ibu mawaya then-PAUS take one head snake

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uwa-tehe yawa petfi yuleta-wa climb-CAUS + PAUS shoulder on return-NONACC 'Then he (the soldier) took one snake's head, raised (it) on the shoulder and returned.' (638) wa ni-Judana-ta-mia-ha ni-Jilehe then 3pl-come.down-CAUS-PERF-PAUS 3pl-pan + PAUS 'Then they put down their pan.' (639) wa kunehu ja yuleta-ta-mia-ni ukapi-waba then rabbit go return-CAUS-PERF-3pl room-DIR 'Then the rabbit went to take them (jaguar's children) back to the room.' Causatives of Sa verbs can be A = S ambitransitives, as illustrated below by pairs of examples. (640) illustrates the causative inaka-ta 'change, move something' used intransitively, and (641) illustrates the transitive use of the same verb; (642) and (643) illustrate the similar uses ofyama-ta 'go downstream, make go downstream'. (640) wa-hä Ja inaka-ta peya nawale-ji-waba then-PAUS go change-CAUS one village-NPOSS-DIR 'Then he (Jesus Christ) went and moved (changed) to another village.' (641) wa-hä kunehu inaka-ta-mia aya-Ji ne-paJu then-PAUS rabbit change-CAUS-PERF lack-NOM 3pl + eat-PURP 'The rabbit moved food (to another room) for them (jaguar's children) to eat.' In (642), the directional noun is obligatory. (642) wa wa-nupa wahe then 1 pi-come then + P AUS wa-yama-ta-wa pani-Ji-waba-hä Ipl-go.downstream-CAUS-NONACC house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS 'Then we arrived there, and we headed downstream, towards home.' (643) wa-yama-ta-wa wa-mulupa-ne Ipl-go.downstream-CAUS-NONACC Ipl-canoe-POSS 'We pushed our canoe downstream.' So verbs also form morphological causatives with -ta: dabana 'be first', dabana-ta 'make first, begin'; fefe 'be dry', fefe-ta 'dry, make dry'; akune 'be afraid', kune-ta 'scare'; fuJuJu 'be in a hurry', fuJuJui-ta

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'make hurry'; amena 'be sharp', amena-ta 'sharpen'; pa:fi 'be ashamed', pafi-ta 'make ashamed, blame, punish'; uJa 'be dirty', uJa-ta 'make dirty'; kuyuJe 'be sad', kuyuJe-ta 'make sad'; afuJu 'be glad', afuJu-ta 'make glad'; uJuJiwi 'appear', uJuJiwi-ta 'make appear'. Some causatives from S0 verbs are S = O ambitransitives, as can be illustrated with (644) and (645). The -ta causative form of the verb dabana 'be first' is the only way of saying 'begin'. (644) wa-dabana-ta istoria Ipl-be.first-CAUS story 'Let's begin a story.' (645) istoria dabana-ta-wa story be.first-CAUS-NONACC 'The story is beginning.' Examples of fefe-ta used intransitively are given in (459), (589). The same verb is used transitively in (646), a continuation of (459). (646) nu-Jeje-ta-mia-ha kopu Isg-dry-CAUS-PERF-PAUS glass Ί have dried the glass.' Some -ta causative forms of S0 verbs are used only transitively, e.g., kune-ta 'scare' (573). S = O ambitransitives can sometimes have slightly idiosyncratic meanings: (647) nu-tani papeya-ta wilubelu peya ima Isg-child similar-CAUS child one with 'My son is acting similarly to another child (is being like another child) (when the two children were fooling around together).' (648) nu-papeya-ta nu-tani peya wilubelu ima Isg-similar-CAUS Isg-child one child with Ί am comparing my child to another one.' Usually, transitive verbs cannot form causatives; e.g., waJa 'boil, cook', *wala-ta 'cook'. There are a few exceptions to this rule. The obligatorily transitive verb kuJua 'drink' (649) has a morphological causative kuJua-ta 'to make drink' (650). Note that the underlying A becomes O, and Ο becomes an oblique, contradicting Comrie's generalizations about the treatment of arguments in causatives (Comrie 1981:169).

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(649) nu-tani kulua weni Isg-child drink water 'My son is drinking water.' (650) nu-kulua-ta nu-tani weni ima Isg-drink-CAUS Isg-child water with Ί made my son drink water.' However, the syntactic causative nu-ta kuJua-ha Ί gave (him) to drink' seems more natural (see sect.6). The causative kuJua-fa is very restricted; for instance, the speakers did not accept sentences like *nu-kuJua-ta-pi weni (ima) Ί make you drink water'. This causative formation may be considered a kind of relic in the language. It should be noted that all the other Northern Maipuran languages do not form causatives on transitive verbs, the only exception being the verb 'to drink'; e.g., Bare -dia 'drink', -dia-sa- 'to make drink/drunk', Baniwa of I$ana -133, Tariana -iJa 'drink', Baniwa of I^ana -i^eta, Tariana -Ueta 'make drink, suckle (a baby)'. Warekena has one more case of causative formed on a transitive verb: guJa 'peel', guJeta 'make peel' (attested once in spontaneous speech). In one case, the suffix -ta was used with an A = S ambitransitive in an idiosyncratic meaning: yubua 'dig', yubua-ta 'stumble (one's foot)'. There is a small degree of variation between S = O ambitransitives and Sa verbs with corresponding causatives for a few verbs. The verb enina 'give birth; be born' was continuously used as an S = Ο ambitransitive by the speaker. When we were discussing the formation of causatives, the speaker remembered the causative form enina-ta 'to give birth'. The same happened with tfipuJia 'turn' and eputa 'wake up', which were used as S = O ambitransitives; but causatives tfipuJia-ta 'to turn something' and eputa-ta 'to wake up somebody' were cited after some thought, and the following variants appeared: (651) nu-tfipula nu-bu-hu or nu-tfipula-ta nu-bu-hu Isg-turn Isg-head-PAUS Isg-turn-CAUS Isg-head-PAUS Ί turned my head.' (652) nu-bu-h tfipula Isg-head-PAUS turn 'My head is turning (I am dizzy).' (653) neputa-ta nu-tani 1 sg +wake-CAUS Isg-child Ί woke up my son.' (654)

eputa-na wake-lsg 'He woke me up.'

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(655) neputa-wa 1 sg -I- wake. up-NONACC Ί woke up.' Another example of the same sort is the Sa verb yapita 'hang', which forms a causative yapita-ta 'hang, make hang'. This Sa verb has also been attested as S = O ambitransitive (656, 657). (656) yapita-wa a:nana-Ji hang-NONACC light-NOM Ά lamp is hanging.' (657) nu-yapita a:nana-ji or nu-yapita-ta a:nana-Ji Isg-hang light-NOM Isg-hang-CAUS light-NOM Ί hung the lamp.' One of the possible explanations is the influence of Portuguese and Spanish, which have a large number of S = O and A = S ambitransitive s. This variation may also indicate a language death situation. The only case of a causative formed on an A = S ambitransitive tapa 'go, pass, spend' may be explained as a caique from Portuguese, if we accept the hypothesis that this verb, originally of the Sa type, was reinterpreted as A= S under the influence of Portuguese passar 'go, spend' (A = S ambitransitive), since the majority of Sa verbs, especially verbs of movement, form causatives. It is rarely used as A = S ambitransitive (658, 659). Intransitive use of tapa is illustrated in (660). The causative form tapa-ta is illustrated in (661). (658) nu-tapa-ha peya ajita San Gabriel-iwe lsg-go-PAUS one month S o Gabriel-LOC Ί spent a month in S o Gabriel.' (659) wa-h yawatjuta-wa nijiwa Jiani-pe then-PAUS go.round-NONACC 3pl + from child-PL nijiwa i-tapa-palu-ni 3pl + from 3sgnf-go-PURP-3pl 'Then he (father) went around, away from the children, away from them, to avoid (go past) them.' (660) i-tapa-mia ema epuna numa-wa 3sgnf-go-PERF tapir road mouth-PERL '(So) the tapir went by the edge of the road.'

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(661) nu-tapa-ta festa lsg-go-CAUS party Ί made a party' or Ί spent a party.' -ta is widely used with verbs formed on nouns or adverbs, which is in agreement with its function as a causative marker on S0 verbs, since any noun, and any other nominal root, can be used as an S0 predicate (see sect. 23). These denominal verbs plus -ta are transitive or ambitransitive. Transitive forms include punia 'enemy', punia-ta 'make an enemy (of someone)'; apitu 'back', apitu-ta 'carry (something) on the back'; yupita 'sieve', yupita-ta 'sift'; isui 'a little', tsuiwi-ta 'reduce'. S = O ambitransitives include tfaJaJu 'salted food', tfaJaJu-ta 'salt'; imaJu One of two', imaJu-ta 'join (one to another)'. A = S ambitransitives include duJe 'game, stock', duJeta 'hunt'. There are a few cases when the -ta form is intransitive: tsume 'yet, still'; tsume-ta 'be slow'; inena 'egg', inena-ta 'lay eggs'. In a few cases, -ta -transitivizer is present in the verb, but absent from some nominalizations, e.g., amiduJena 'thief, mituJe-ta 'steal'; pina- 'medicine' from -pina-ta 'cure' (-ta has been retained in pinatena 'doctor, the one who cures'); guwadjena 'a cheat, the one who cheats' from guwad$a-ta 'cheat'; kawyu-fi 'smoked food' from kawyu-ta 'smoke' (662); waya-fi 'word' from waya-ta 'say, speak'. In one case -ta as a denominal verb marker can only be identified with the help of external comparison: yawi-ta 'bless', cf. Baniwa of I^ana (Kurripaco dialect) and Tariana yawi 'jaguar; someone with power of a shaman'. (662) wa: Ja-mia-wa nepuna-wa yaJitua ja-palu then go-PERF-NONACC 3pl + road-PERL brother go-PURP ni-yanita nima Ifiapi kuej"i niwa-ta-palu 3pl-take 3pl + with insides game 3pl + climb-CAUS-PURP waliya-wabehe ni-kawyu-ta-paJu smoking.grid-DIR + PAUS 3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP 'Then he went by the road of his brothers, for all of them to take with them the insides of the game to hang on the smoking grid, to smoke.' 18.5.2 Reflexive-reciprocal. Reflexive-reciprocal is formed with the suffix -na-, mostly on obligatorily transitive verbs. The -na derivation usually has reflexive meaning with a singular subject (A constituent) and reciprocal meaning with a plural subject: reciprocal meaning: ni-mai-na-wa 3pl-fight-REC-NONACC

'They fought each other.'

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ni-peta-na-wa 3pl-hit-REC-NONACC

'They hit each other.'

ni-we-na-wa 3pl-leave-REC-NONACC

'They left each other.'

reflexive meaning: nu-teluka-na-wa kutfiyu iyu Isg-cut-REFL-NONACC knife with Ί cut myself with a knife.' nu-yakale-na-wa 1 sg-scratch-REFL-NONACC

Ί am scratching myself.'

Compare the use of alaka 'put on (clothes)' and aJlaka-na 'dress oneself: (663) wa: tsuludawa wa alaka-na-mia-wa then soldier then get.dressed-REFL-PERF-NONACC 'Then the soldier got dressed.' (664) ni-alaka ni-tsilula-ne ni-kamitsa-ne 3pl-put.on 3pl-trousers-POSS 3pl-shirt-POSS ne-palu ni-tsumeni ni-tsumeni 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl-food 3pl-food 'They put on their trousers and shirts, to eat their food.' In some cases the use of -na- 'reflexive' with intransitive Sa verbs can be influenced by Portuguese (665). (665) neda waji nu-eskape-na-wa ifiwa Isg + see jaguar Isg-escape-REFL-NONACC from Ί saw a jaguar and escaped (myself: cf. Portuguese: me escape!) from him.' A similar example (obtained by elicitation) is nu-mitfiuia-na-wa Ί hid, escaped', cf. Portuguese 'eu me escape!'. A non-reflexive use of mitfiyuta 'hide, escape' (taken from a story about a rabbit and a jaguar) is illustrated in (13) and (666): (666) nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu nu-mitfiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH Isg-escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar ' "I dug far, to escape from the jaguar," (said the rabbit).'

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(667) illustrates the reciprocal meaning of the -na- derivation with a plural subject: (667) ni-wiyu-yua ni-mai-na-wa 3pl-die-RED 3pl-quarrel-REC-NONACC ni-yutjia-na-wa payalu iji ni-ma-li 3pl-kill-REC-NONACC all what 3pl-do-REL 'They (non-evangelicals) faint of drunkenness, they quarrel with each other and kill each other, this is all they do.' The reflexive meaning of the -na derivation is illustrated with (668) and (669). (669) contains a rare example of the -na derivation on a causative of a verb, which contains -nia 'inchoative, change of state'. (668) wa waji ya-mia-be-pia wakwa-na-wa wa-wene then jaguar NEG-PERF-can-NEG untie-REFL-NONACC there-EL The jaguar cannot untie himself from there (from the tree).' (669) ya-mia-tse-pia daba kunehu NEG-PERF-know-NEG where rabbit pipi-nia-ta-na-mia-wa ijiwa lost-INCH-CAUS-REFL-PERF-NONACC from 'The rabbit did not know where to hide himself (lit.: make himself get lost) from him (jaguar).' A na- derivation can sometimes have a reflexive meaning even if the subject is plural: (670) ale-he ni-bayata-na-wa-mia-ha so-PAUS 3pl-spread-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS 'So they (the turtles) spread themselves (over the road), they went away.' -Na derivations can be used as agentless passives, as illustrated below. In (671) and (672) -na cannot be understood as reflexive because it is known from the previous text that the jaguar did not tie himself to the tree (it was the smart rabbit who did it). In (672), the jaguar could not have untied himself, since it is known that it was a young monkey who untied him. (671) wa Ja-wa puatfi mutj'ita-mia-hä a:ta then go-NONACC monkey bite-PERF-PAUS vine

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wali alita-na-wa where tie-REFL-NONACC 'Then the monkey went and bit the vine where he (the jaguar) was tied.' (672) mutfita puatfi ate balika-mia-wa a:ta bite monkey until tear-PERF-NONACC vine wakwe-na-mia-wa wakwa-na-mia-wa untie-REFL-PERF-NONACC untie-REFL-PERF-NONACC The monkey bit (the vine) until it tore, and he (the jaguar) was untied, untied.' The agent cannot be expressed, as illustrated by (673) and (674) (elicited). This agentless passive is used very rarely, and it may have been the result of an influence of Portuguese se. (673) waji alita-na-wa minaji atapi jaguar tie-REFL-NONACC on tree 'The jaguar was tied to the tree.' (674) *wajl alita-na-wa minaji atapi ima kunehu Tjaguar tie-REFL-NONACC on tree with rabbit 'The jaguar was tied to the tree by the rabbit.' Reflexive derivation in Warekena is not used to emphasize the identity of the A constituent. The instrumental-comitative adposition ima, which cross-references the A, is used for this purpose, as illustrated in (675): (675) pi-wakwa-na pima 2sg-untie-lsg 2sg + with ' "Untie me yourself," (said the jaguar, who could not do it by himself, to the monkey).' Reflexive derivation does not apply to S = O ambitransitives. If the Ο is omitted, this is understood as reflexive by default: (676) nata-mia-wa payalu Isg + burn-PERF-NONACC all Ί burn myself all.' 18.5.3 Focus. Warekena has a grammatical category of focus, marked on the verb. This category resembles the category of focus known in Philippine languages, as stated by Schachter and Otanes (1972: 69): "focus is the feature of a verbal predicate that determines the semantic relationship between a predicate

Warekena 375

verb and its topic". Focus in Warekena is marked on the verb as a special derivation. Its function is to show that an object (O) constituent or an oblique constituent belongs to (contrastive) focus. Warekena has two kinds of focus: object focus marked with -pitfi, and oblique focus marked with -buJe. Both focus derivations are fully productive and can be used headlessly. -Pitfi derivations can be used with a meaning close to object nominalizations (see sect. 15.4.1): e-pitfi 'food' (thing to eat), nu-wenifa-pitfi 'my purchases, things I buy/bought', nu-wende-pitfi 'what I sell/sold'. -BuJe derivations can be used with a meaning close to locative or instrumental nominalizations, e.g., nukuJua-buJe 'glass, mug' (the thing for me to drink with); e-buJe 'plate' (the thing to eat from/on); miwata-buJe 'companion to play with' (the one to play with), nu-tawita-na-buJe (Isg-cover-REFL-OBL.FOC) 'blanket, the thing for me to cover myself with'; nu-yubuta-buJe 'grinder'; futfi-buJe ka:ka (bigOBL.FOC bread) 'yeast; the thing with the help of which bread becomes big'. 18.5.3.1. Object focus. Object focus is used when the object (O) is in the (contrastive) focus. The suffix -pitfi is a suffix, because it does not undergo the attraction to the negative proclitic ya-. The focused constituent is placed before the predicate marked with -pitfi. The predicate retains its transitivity, and the A constituent is still cross-referenced on it. Object focus -pitfi shares with passive its main discourse function, namely, that it involves focusing of O. The object focus derivation does not qualify as a passive. Passive as a valency reducing derivation involves the following processes (as suggested in Dixon 1994): (a) the underlying O becomes S of a derived intransitive verb; (b) A becomes a peripheral constituent and can be omitted; (c) passive is explicitly marked on the verb. Unlike passive, if the object focus is applied, the verb does not become intransitive, since it still has an O, and the A constituent is still cross-referenced on the verb, as illustrated in (677)-(678). (677) wa-hä kawyu-Ji kawyu-ji ni-yue-he then-PAUS smoked-NOM smoked-NOM 3pl-to-PAUS ne-pitj"i ne-pitj"i 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 'They have smoked meat (and not anything else), to be eaten by them.' (678) eya-ha pa-pana-pitfi DEM-PAUS IMP-plant-OBJ.FOC 'This one (seed) is to plant.' (679) aliwa-mia-ni wa-hä kunehu Ja ma-hä dawn-PERF-3pl then-PAUS rabbit go make-PAUS

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kafe ni-kulua-pitji wa ni-ja-mia ni-kulua coffee 3pl-drink-OBJ.FOC then 3pl-go-PERF 3pl-drink They (a rabbit and a jaguar) woke up, then the rabbit went to make coffee (not any other sort of food or drink), for them to drink (it), then they went to drink (it).' The object of the verb uJeta 'swallow' is a topic in (680), and so -pitfi derivation is used: (680) jutfi madaka mawaya nupa-mia-ha mawaya big tide snake arrive-PERF-PAUS snake yeleta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha ta-neyawa arrive-PAUS 3sgf-towards-PAUS DEM:DIST-woman uleta-pitj"i swallow-OBJ.FOC 'The tide was big, the snake has come already, he arrived near her, this very woman, that one to be swallowed by him. ' In (681), again, the parts of the body of the tapir to be eaten by the jaguar are in focus, and so the -pitfi derivation is used on the verb: (681) wa-hä wa: Ja-tji-wa yanita jajapali ema then-PAUS then go-REP-NONACC take lungs tapir payalu nenituana ema e:-pitj"i e all heart/liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC eat-OBJ.FOC 'Then he (jaguar) went again to take out the tapir's lungs, and all the heart of the tapir, (the thing) to be eaten by him. ' The contrast between -paJu 'purposive' and -pitfi Object focus' can be illustrated by the following example taken from the story about a tapir and a jaguar. In (682) -paJu is used for a general description. Then different parts of the tapir's body become topics, as they become more individuated in the text, as they are being consumed by the jaguar, and -pitfi is used in (683): (682) wa-hä mutfita-mia-tsi ema neniwe then-PAUS bite-PERF-REP tapir belly + LOG kuluka-paJuhi kuluka-paluhi yanita -palu make.hole-PURP + PAUS make.hole-PURP + PAUS take-PURP

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yanita-palu pane ema e-pitji take-PURP liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC 'Then the jaguar bit again on its belly to make a hole, to take tapir's liver to be eaten by him.' (683) wa kuluka-mia neni ema then make.hole-PERF belly tapir yanita-mia-ha pane ema e-pitj"i take-PERF-PAUS liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC Then he made a hole in the tapir's belly to take tapir's liver (and not anything else) to eat.' -paJu, and not -pitft is used when the action, and not the object, is in focus, as in (684) and (685): (684) yaliwa nu-Ja epuna-wa kunehu now lsg-go road-PERL rabbit ate datfi nu-pie-he nu-yutfia-palu until where Isg-find-PAUS Isg-kill-PURP ' "Now I shall go on the rabbit's trail, until where I find him, in order to kill him" (said the jaguar).' (685) pi-wepa-na niwaba nu-tfita-paJu pi-yue-he 2sg-throw-lsg high + DIR Isg-fatten-PURP 2sg-for-PAUS pe-palu-na 2sg + eat-PURP-lsg ' "Throw me up high, so that I get fat, so that you can eat me," (said the monkey to the jaguar).' Another important property of the object focus derivation is that when it applies on the verb, clause combining can only function in terms of an A = S pivot, as can be seen in (679), (680), (682) and (686) below (see sect. 3 on mixed pivot in Warekena). (686) wa-hä Jia-wa nepi Jiani-pe then-PAUS live-NONACC with child-PL ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitj"i NEG-PERF for.him-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC

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wa-Jia-wa sintu sinkwenta akayu then-live-NONACC 100 50 year 'So he lived with his children, he had nothing to eat with them (Lit.: he did not have the thing for eating with them), thus he lived 150 years.' 18.5.3.2 Oblique focus. Oblique focus is marked with the help of a suffix -buJe (which is a suffix since it does not undergo attraction to the negative proclitic ya-). The function of oblique focus is to mark an oblique (peripheral, i.e., locative or instrumental) constituent as a topic. It cannot be considered a passive, for the same reasons as the object focus. The following examples illustrate -buJe marking a locative constituent in focus: (687) eni mesa wa:-bule DEM:PR table Ipl + eat-OBL.FOC 'This table is for us to eat on (in future).' (688) puluna-li nalita-bule nu-bitsa-Je hang-REL Isg+tie-OBL.FOC Isg-hammock-POSS 'This hanger is for me to tie my hammock on.' (689) eya-ha banku Jia-bule wilubelu DEM-PAUS bench sit-OBL.FOC child 'This bench is for the child to sit on.' (690) ya-mia-ni-piepe wabupi ni-kulua-bule weni NEG-PERF-3pl-fmd + NEG spring 3pl-drink-OBL.FOC water 'They did not find a spring from which to drink water.' Focusing of an instrumental constituent marked with -buJe is illustrated with the following: (691) eni-M nu-Jeyuka-bule nu-tfipana DEM:PR-PAUS Isg-brush-OBL.FOC Isg-hair This is the thing with which I brush my hair (i.e., my hairbrush).' (692) wa-hä kunehu ja-mia teluka atapi atapi-tui-pe then-PAUS rabbit go-PERF cut tree tree-DIM-PL ipeta-bule waj! wa Ja teluka teluka atapi-nawi beat-OBL.FOC jaguar then go cut cut tree-PL

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atapi-tui-pe ipeta-bule waji tree-DIM-PL beat-OBL.FOC jaguar 'Then the rabbit went to cut the trees, the small trees, to beat the jaguar with, then he went and cut and cut the trees, the small trees to beat the jaguar with.' -buJe can be used with time words: (693) eni-M kafe yajia-bule DEM.PR-PAUS coffee yesterday-OBL.FOC 'This coffee is yesterday's.' (694) eni-hl kafe yawa-pe-li-bule DEM.PR-PAUS coffee early-NOM-REL-OBL.FOC 'This coffee is this morning's.' (695) nu-tsaya-ne benamitfi-bule Isg-skirt-POSS old.times-OBL.FOC 'This skirt is old (the one which belongs to old times).' The difference between -paJu 'purposive' and -buJe can be illustrated with the help of the following 'minimal pair'. As Humberto explained, (696) means that I am going to eat nothing but pure manioc flour; (697) means that I am going to eat something else with manioc flour: (696) pi-api nu-yue matsuka na-palu 2sg-bring Isg-for manioc.flour Isg + eat-PURP 'Bring me manioc flour to eat.' (697) pi-api nu-yue matsuka na-bule 2sg-bring Isg-for manioc.flour Isg + eat-OBL.FOC 'Bring me manioc flour to eat (with something else).' The use of -paJu or -buJe seems to be dependent on the focus of empathy of the speaker. This can be illustrated with (698) and (699). (698) comes from the text about a jaguar and a rabbit. The thirsty jaguar was looking for water, and he finally found a lake. The focus of empathy is on the process of quenching his thirst, and -paJu is used. (698) wa peya laguna nu-kuiua-palu weni here one lake Isg-drink-PURP water 'Here is a lake for me to drink water.'

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(699) comes from a conversation. I put a cup in front of Humberto's plate, and (699) was a commentary on the cup I brought. (699)

eya-ha matu-Je nu-kulua-bule weni DEM-PAUS cup-POSS Ipl-drink-OBL.FOC water 'This is the cup for me to drink water from.'

Similarly to -pitfi Object focus', -buJe does not qualify as passive because the verb does not become intransitive, and the A constituent is cross-referenced on it. Similarly to the -pitfi derivation, the -buJe derivation can be only used in the case of S/A pivot. 18.5.4 A comparative note on voice and valency-changing derivations in Warekena. The morphological causative -ta and the reflexive -na have a ProtoArawak origin (see also Wise 1991; Payne 1991: 379). A morphological causative in -ta is attested in all the Northern Maipuran languages of the region (Tariana, Baniwa -i-ta, Bare -sa 'causative'). There is a possible correspondence to the category of focus in Baniwa and Tariana, namely, the topic advancing derivation -ni. Unlike -pitfi and -buJe derivations in Warekena, -ni derivation in Tariana and Baniwa marks the 'advancement' to topic of any topical non-A/S constituent. It does not qualify as a passive, since the verb does not lose its transitivity, -pitfi and -buJe derivations in Warekena and the -ni derivation in Tariana and Baniwa function as nominalizers and form a noun modifier which often does not have a head noun. Also, -ni derivation in Baniwa and Tariana does not influence the pivot restrictions, since these languages have none. 18.6 Other verbal categories 18.6.1 Relative forms. Clitic -Ji marks the relative verb forms. The use of -Ji as an adjectivizer (see sects. 15.3.1; 19) can be considered an extension of the same morpheme used as a relative form marker. The difference between -Ji 'adjectivizer' and -Ji 'relative form marker' is that the former behaves more like a suffix, and the latter is a clitic. -Ji is used in the following three main functions: (i) In cleft construction characterized by (1) left dislocation of the subject; (2) -Ji marking on the verb; and (3) suppression of A/Sa cross-referencing prefixes on the verb. The cleft construction is discussed in sect. 9.4; see example (438). (ii) In interrogative clauses (discussed in sect. 10) (152—154). (iii) In coreferential relative clauses (see sect. 14.3.1): (700) eni-hl Jesu Kritu wayata DEM.PR-PAUS Jesus Christ speak

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ni-yue-he atseta-li ima 3pl-for-PAUS teach-REL with 'Jesus Christ spoke to them, those whom he taught himself (iv) In converbal subordinate clauses, where the subject of the -Ji form may coincide with that of the main clause (see sect. 14.3.2): (701) neda pi-yujana pi-wayata-li lsg + perceive 2sg-voice 2sg-speak-REL Ί can hear your voice, while you are speaking.' In the cases (ii) and (iv) -Ji does not trigger suppression of cross-referencing markers. If -Ji is marked on only one of the contiguous predicates, they may or may not constitute a serial construction (see sect. 18.8.1 on serial constructions). (702) is not a serial construction, since the two contiguous predicates, weya-Jihl (want-REL-PAUS) 'who wanted' and atseta-ni (teach-3pl) 'he taught them' have different subjects. A long pause after \veya-Ji-hi also indicates that this is not a serial construction. (703) (a converbal clause) is a serial verb construction. -Ji goes on the auxiliary-like component of the construction; in (703) it is the modal verb weya 'want'. (702) eni namali-nawi weya-Ji-M, atseta-ni atseta-ni DEM.PR people-PL want-REL-PAUS teach-3pl teach-3pl waya-ne iJuami payalu namali-nawi weya-Ji-hi say-POSS father all people-PL want-REL-PAUS The people who wanted (to be taught), he taught them, he taught them the word of Father, all the people wanting (it).' (703) yaliwa nu-weya nu-katsa-ha yuma pi-tani now Isg-want Isg-marry-PAUS 3sgf+with 2sg-child nu-yuljia-mia-ha yufiwa mawaya i-weya-li Isg-kill-PERF-PAUS 3sgf+from snake 3sgnf-want-REL uleta-yu swallow-3sgf 'Now I want to marry your daughter, I killed a snake from her, when this one wanted to swallow her.' In a serial construction, -Ji can optionally go on each component of the construction, if special emphasis is required. In (704), which is an example of serial verb construction in a converbal clause, atseta 'teach' is emphasized.

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(704) payalu ale atseta-ni ni-nawalewe-he eni Jesu Kritu all so teach-3pl 3pl-village +LOG-PAUS DEM.PR Jesus Christ Jupe namali-nawi atseta-li weya-li-hi many people-PL teach-REL want-REL-PAUS 'Jesus Christ taught all in this way, many people, while he was wanting to really teach many people.' The clitic character of -Ji can be demonstrated by examples such as (705), where -Ji undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-, and (706), where a pausal marker is inserted before -Ji: (705) ni-we-he ni-we-he payalu 3pl-leave-PAUS 3pl-leave-PAUS all iji ya-li-hi anetua-pia-ha that NEG-REL-PAUS good-NEG-PAUS 'They (evangelicals) left, they left all which is not good.' (706) ja-wa nupa-ha-li atapi jutji-li go-NONACC arrive-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ 'He (the rabbit) went arriving at a big tree.' -Ji precedes aspectual -wa 'non-accomplished' and follows -mia 'perfective', both when used in relative clauses (707) and in converbal clauses (708). (707) ni-ja ni-wenita Jutfi deka-Ji JutJ"i 3pl-go 3pl-buy much have-NOM much deka-Ji payalu ni-wenita-li-wa-ha have-NOM all 3pl-buy-REL-NONACC-PAUS 'They went to buy many things, all the things, all that they are buying.' (708) netehe ni-yanita ajitfi JutJ"i-li 3pl +burn + PAUS 3pl-take firewood big-ADJ neta-palu ni-yalitua-mia-ha wiyua-mia-li 3pl + burn-PURP 3pl-brother-PERF-PAUS die-PERF-REL 'They burn him, they take much firewood, to burn their dead brother.' -Ji is also used to mark nominalizations (see sect. 15.4), which can be used as predicates in verbless clauses (709), (745). (745) is a case of a headless use of a relative form.

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(709) tjiyu e:lu e:lu kuyatfiru ema:Ji cara* sweet.potato sweet.potato cane abiu.fruit wepi wa-pana-Ji pupunha Ipl-plant-REL 'Carä, sweet potato, sugar cane, abiu, pupunha, this is what we plant (lit.: our planting).' 18.6.2 Temporal subordinate forms. Temporal subordinate forms (see also sect. 14.4) are marked by the clitic sequence -Ji-bena. There is a possibility of inverting the order of morphemes: -Ji-bena and -bena-Ji both occur. The difference in meaning will be described below (717). -Ji-bena introduces a subordinate clause with a temporal meaning, and it requires coreferentiality of the third person singular subjects of the subordinate and the main clause. Converbal clauses (see sect. 14.3.2) also often have a temporal meaning and do not require coreferentiality of subjects. (710) eda-Ji-bena-ha namali yutfia-ni yutfia Jupe namali see-REL-when-PAUS people kill-3pl kill many people 'When he (the evil spirit) sees people, he kills them, he killed many people.' (711) ya ya-tse-pia-hä unita unita-Ji-bena-ha wüana NEG NEG-know-NEG-PAUS swim swim-REL-when-PAUS drown 'He (the evil spirit) cannot swim, when he swims, he gets drowned.' Coreferentiality of non-third person or non-singular subjects is not required in temporal subordinate clauses: (712) payalu yalanawi-nawi wa-hä ni-ma-Ji-bena konferencia all white.man-PL then-PAUS 3pl-do-REL-when conference wa-ma-Ji-bena konferencia ni-nupa-ha yame-wene lpl-do-REL-when conference 3pl-come-PAUS far-EL 'Then when all the white people make a conference, when we make a conference, they (white people) come from far away.' (713) ni-ja-mia-Ji-bena namali ja-mia-wa 3pl-go-PERF-REL-when people go-PERF-NONACC 'When people have gone, he (evil spirit) has gone (as well).' (714) pi-pi Jata-Ji-bena-ha bitsika-ta awi-Ji 2sg-spit-REL-when-PAUS go.out-CAUS pain-REL 'When you spit (on the snake bite), it makes the pain go away.'

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-Ji-bena follows aspectual -mia 'perfective'. -Bena is used separately as a time word 'when, this time* (715, 716). Possibly, it is related to the compound bena-mitfi 'long time ago'. (715) wa ni-wayata-hä ni-wayata-hä ni-ma-ha then 3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-say-PAUS eni enami ya-Ji anetua-pia-ha ya-bena-ha DEM.PR man NEG-REL good-NEG-PAUS NEG-when-PAUS ya-wa-weya-piehe eni enami udjuba-Ju-li NEG-lpl-want-NEG + PAUS DEM.PR man bad-EMPH-REL 'Then they spoke, they spoke, they said, "This man who is bad, not this time, we don't want him, this man who is bad".' (716) bena ijma si mufita-pi umeni pi-Juweta-ha minaji when name if bite-2sg snake 2sg-spit-PAUS on 'When it happens (what's its name), if a snake bites you, spit on it (the bite).' A combination of -bena 'when' and -Ji' relative, cleft' in that sequence is used in emphatic constructions. It has a different meaning from the sequence -Ji-bena, though, etymologically, -bena-Ji may well go back to -bena 'temporal' + -Ji 'relative'. It is attested only in (717), (718). (717) wa-wayata waji yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-yutfia-pi then-speak jaguar now-when-REL lsg-kill-2sg nu-yutjia-pi pi-yutfia nu-Jiani-pe yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-yutjia-pi lsg-kill-2sg 2sg-kill lsg-child-PL now-when-REL lsg-kill-2sg 'Then the jaguar spoke, "It is now that I shall kill you, I shall kill you, you killed my children, it is now that I shall kill you." ' (718) ma waji wayata yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-wiyua-ha say jaguar speak now-when-REL Isg-die-PAUS inapa-mia-wa mundu fmish-PERF-NONACC world 'Then the jaguar spoke, "It is now that I will die, the world is coming to an end." ' 18.6.3 Degree forms. Warekena verbs have two degree forms: -ba augmentative and -ma 'delimitative, just'.

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The augmentative -ba- (also used with adverbs, see sect. 20) is used with all types of predicates (except Si0). It is frequently used with the emphatic clitic -Ju and perfective clitic -mia. It means 'very much, excessively' (719-722): (719) yajia-ha nu-tapa-pa-ha yesterday-PAUS Isg-walk-RED-PAUS idy ele -ba -mia -lu -na then + tired-AUG -PERF-EMPH-1 sg 'Yesterday I walked much, so I am very tired.'

(720) ni-tsima-h ni-tsima-h amu-ba-mia-lu ya:pa 3pl-sleep-PAUS 3pl-sleep-PAUS near-AUG-PERF-EMPH hill 'They slept, they slept, the hill is very near.' (721) nu-kulua-ba-mia-lu 1 sg-drink-AUG -PERF-EMPH Ί drank too much.' Augmentative can combine with reduplication: (722) nu-tapa-pa-ba-mia-Ju Isg-walk-RED-AUG-PERF-EMPH Ί walked excessively.' -ba- can be used with negation, and then it means 'not much, not enough'. Then it is followed by the emphatic clitic -Ju: (723) ya-atulapi-ba-lu-pia-na NEG-full-AUG-EMPH-NEG-1 sg Ί am not too full (I can eat more).' Another meaning of -ba is 'truly, really' (724), (725). In negative sentences, the negation then goes between -ba and -Ju, and the meaning is 'not really' (726). (724) yaliwa weneji Jeje-ba-mia-li-hi now Xie dry-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS 'Now the Xie river is very/really dry.' (725) ube-ma-ba-mia-lu all-DEL-AUG-PERF-EMPH 'It is really over.'

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(726) ya-jele-ba-pia-lu nu-tfipana NEG-black-AUG-NEG-EMPH Isg-hair 'My hair is not really black (it is brownish).' The suffix -ma 'delimitative, just, the right quantity /quality' is not very productive. It is used with several S0 verbs; e.g., (727), (728), (729), and once with a transitive verb (730). Its etymological counterpart, Tariana -ma, has the meaning 'excessive degree'. In (730) and (728) -ma is used together with the augmentative -ba and emphatic -Ju; the last position in (730) is occupied by the 3pl O = S0 pronominal clitic. (727) jibu-ma-mia night-DEL-PERF 'It was already just dark (enough for people to go to sleep).' (728) wa-tsima-ha ale-ma-ba-lu-ta Ipl-sleep-PAUS so-DEL-AUG-EMPH-DEM.DIST 'We slept just totally like that (i.e., without any food).' Compare also aJe 'be this way' and aJe-ma 'just this way'; (cf. aJe-ma-Ju-ta 'just like this'). (729) kafe kelu-ma-li coffee sweet-DEL-ADJ 'coffee which is sweet enough' (730) kune-ta-ta-ma-ba-lu-ni fear-CAUS-RED-DEL-AUG-EMPH-3pl 'He (the evil spirit) frightens them (people) a lot (but does not kill them).' 18.7 Incorporation. Warekena, similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, has no verb incorporation. On nominal compounding see sect. 15.4. 18.8 Serial verb constructions 18.8.1 Functions and structure of serial verb constructions. Warekena has serial verb constructions similar to the majority of the indigenous languages spoken in the Upper Rio Negro basin, including other Maipuran languages: Tariana, Baniwa, Bare; and Tucanoan, and Maku. This is an areal feature of this region. Serial verb constructions in Warekena usually consist of two components, one of which is a motion verb, a stance verb, a phase verb or a modal verb, each of which can be compared to an auxiliary (see sect. 18.8.2). Such a verb usually occupies the first position in a serial verb construction. The inverse order is also

Warekena 387

possible, if the action of the second verb has to be emphasized (704). The negation marking occurs with the first component of the construction. Both components receive the same subject marking. The components of a serial verb construction do not have to share arguments other than subject. A serial construction contains more than one phonological word, and each of them can appear with the pausal form marker. There are no restrictions on using pausal forms for each of the components of a serial verb construction (731, 733). The second component of a construction can usually be repeated, but not the first (750). Serial verb constructions have the following properties which show that they are not a sequence of predicates, but a single predicate. These properties help to differentiate between serial verb constructions and sequences of predicates (including repetition), syntactic causatives and complement clauses, (i) Serial verb constructions are used to describe a single overall event, (ii) The components of a serial verb construction are contiguous and no other constituent can intervene between them. (iii) The components of a serial verb construction share the same subject which is obligatorily cross-referenced on all of them. (iv) The components of a serial verb construction share some of the aspectual marking and they cannot have distinct aspectual marking. Aspectual markers in Warekena provide an interesting argument in favour of distinguishing between nuclear and core serialization (see Foley and Olson 1985). Clitics -mia 'perfective', -yaJu 'yet', -pafia 'future' belong to core layer serialization, since they cannot be used independently to characterize the properties of different components of serial constructions. Clitics -yaJu 'yet' (543) and -mia 'perfective' (731) usually go on the first component of a serial verb construction. -Pafia 'future' goes on the second component of a serial verb construction (501). (731)

ninapa-mia-ha ni-bujuka-ha 3pl + finish-PERF-PAUS 3pl-cut-PAUS 'They finished cutting (wood).'

-Wa 'non-accomplished action' and -//Ϊ 'repetitive' belong to nuclear layer serialization, since these markers can be used independently to characterize the properties of different components of serial constructions. As shown in sect. 18.2.2, -\va can occur with either component of a serial verb construction, but never with both. In each case, -wa characterizes the meaning of the verb it occurs with (521, 526-528). In serial verb constructions of a modal type, the positioning of -wa apparently depends on the focusing of the inchoative or continuative character of the action marked with -wa. This can be illustrated by the following pair of examples. (732) comes from the story about the life of the village. This part of the narrative is focused upon the poverty of Indian life in the village, and on how they cannot buy what they need. The clitic -wa goes on 'buy', which is focused:

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(732)

ya-mia wa-be-pia wa-wenita-wa NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG Ipl-buy-NONACC 'We cannot buy anything any more.'

(733) comes from the story about Humberto's family, and this part of the narrative is focused upon how the old woman, his wife, is unable to do anything (work, grate manioc, etc.) because of her old age: (733) ya-yu-be-pia-wa yu-patata-ha NEG-3sgf-can-NEG-NONACC 3sgf-work-PAUS etyawa-mia-yu old + FEM-PERF-3sgf 'She cannot work, she is old.' (553), (556) show that -tß 'repetitive' can occur with either component of a serial verb construction, depending on whether it refers to the repetitive character of the action expressed by the first verb (553) or the second verb (556) . (v) The components of a serial verb construction have a single negation, whose scope covers the whole serial construction (734, 735), and they can have only one marker for purposive mood (595, 596, 736). (734) ya-wa-ja-pia wa-pala NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run 'We will not run (now).' (735) ya-pi-be-pia pida-yu NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg + see-3sgf 'You cannot see her.' -PaJu 'purposive' usually goes on the first component of a serial verb construction (in italics in (736)): (736) wa-nuta-ni ni-fa-paJu ni-yamula-wa then-call-3pl 3pl-go-PURP 3pl-hunt-NONACC ni-yutfia-palu wa-yue-he kueji 3pl-kill-PURP Ipl-for-PAUS game 'He called them to go to hunt, to kill game for us.' (vi) There is no clause boundary (marked with a presentative wa) between the components of a serial verb construction.

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The following pair of examples illustrates the difference, both formal and semantic, between a serial verb construction (737) and coordinated clauses marked with the help of the presentative wa 'then' (738). (737) wa-Ja wa-ma wapuna lpl-go Ipl-make Ipl+road 'Let's make our road.' (738) wa-Ja wa wa-ma wapuna lpl-go then Ipl-make Ipl+road 'We shall go (somewhere) (and) make our road.' (vii) The serial verb construction has the intonation pattern of a monoverbal group. A specific 'enumerative' rising intonation is prohibited in serial verb constructions. In (528), rising intonation on nu-fa Ί went' shows that this verb cannot be a part of a serial verb construction. This intonation is not found on nu-weya-ha Ί wanted' which forms a part of a serial verb construction (528). In (739) -fa and -yutfia form a serial construction, but kawyu-ta does not, since it is separated from the serial construction by a constituent. (739) wa-Ja wa-yutjla kueji wa-kawyu-ta-palu wa-dule-wa lpl-go Ipl-kill game 1 pi-smoke-C AUS-PURP Ipl-stock-PERL 'Let's kill game, to smoke (it) for our stock.' The following sentence does not satisfy the conditions (v) (scope of negation) and (vii) (phonology), and so it is not a serial verb construction; it contains the repetition of the same predicate and cannot be interpreted as a serial verb construction. (740) wa kunehu we-miehe then rabbit leave-PERF + PAUS we-miehe ya-mia-ipeta-piehe leave-PERF + PAUS NEG-PERF-beat-NEC + PAUS 'Then the rabbit left him, left him, he did not beat him any more.' (741) contains a final clause which cannot be interpreted as a serial verb construction because it violates the same subject constraint: (741) wa nuta-wi wa-ne:lima wa-yutj"ia-palu kuejl then call-lpl Ipl-cousin Ipl-kill-PURP game 'Then our cousin called us to kill game.'

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The following sentence is a sequence of clauses, and not a serial verb construction, since both components receive an independent aspect marking by -mia 'perfective': (742) we-mia alita-mia waji leave-PERF tie-PERF jaguar 'He (the rabbit) left him (the jaguar), he tied the jaguar.' (743) is not a serial verb construction, because the two contiguous verbs receive an independent aspect and mood marking. (743) wa-ni-Jia-mia-wa ne-palu ni-tsumeni then-3pl-sit-PERF-NONACC 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl-food 'Then they sat to eat their food.' (595), (735) and (754) show that the object clitics go on the last component. As was shown above in sect. 18.6, relative marker -Ji behaves slightly differently from other clitics, since it can optionally be used on both components of a serial construction (704). Relative -Ji belongs to the core serialization, since it characterizes the whole serial verb construction (703). Serial verb constructions cannot be nominalized or undergo oblique or object focusing (unlike Tariana, but similarly to Baniwa and Bare). A serial verb construction may consist of two transitive verbs (754). It may consist of one transitive and one intransitive Sa verb. If the first component (e.g., a motion or stance verb) is intransitive, and the second one is transitive, the whole construction is transitive: (744) uwa-ha api-M matu-le climb-PAUS take-PAUS cup-POSS 'He climbed with his cup (climb-take).' (745) wa-Ja wa-dabana-ta wa-tjina-li lpl-go Ipl-start-CAUS Ipl-tell-REL 'Let's start our story (go-start).' If the first component (e.g., a phase verb or modal verb) is transitive and the second component is intransitive, the whole construction is intransitive. The whole construction has the transitivity of the second component. (746) ninapa-mia ni-yeluta-wa 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl-clear-NONACC 'They finished making a clearing.' A serial verb construction may consist of two Sa verbs:

Warekena 391

(747) nu-Ja nu-tsima-h lsg-go Isg-sleep-PAUS Ί am going to sleep.' A serial verb construction may consist of two S0 verbs (748) (in italics). In this case, only the last one of the string has the S0 cross-referencing enclitic (749) (in agreement with the general principles of cross-referencing, see sect. 18.4.2). (748) ni-wapeta ni-ya:ma-te te pelu pelu futfi yama:tfi 3pl-arrange 3pl-game-POSS until full full big bag 'Then they arranged the game until it is full, a bag is big and full.' (749) ila-Jyawa paji-na red-ADJ + FEM shame-lsg Ί became red with shame' (lit.: red-ashamed) Serial constructions which consist of Sa and S0 verbs are extremely rare. One example is in the sequence yutfi-Ji paJa-ha (strong-REL run-PAUS) '(who) is stronger in running'. Serial verb constructions cannot contain an Sj0 verb. Serial verb constructions in Warekena are used to express the following meanings: aspectual, modal, sequential, and cause-effect and oblique case-like meaning. • Aspectual: (i) The motion verb fa 'go' has intentional-future meaning 'going to' (750) (the serial verb construction is in italics). (750) nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-fa I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother lpl-go wa-tana-ha wa-tana-h wa-du:Je wa-bujuka-palu Ipl-treat-PAUS Ipl-treat-PAUS Ipl-stock Ipl-take-PURP wa-yanita-palu tfiapi wa-kawyu-ta-palu Ipl-take-PURP insides Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP Ί with this one of my brothers (we) were going to treat the catch, to split (it), to take the insides, to smoke (it).' (ii) Serial verb constructions with fa 'go' in Ipl form can have a cohortative meaning (see sect. 11):

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(751) wa-Ja weda-h epuna-wa weluami lpl-go 1 pi + perceive-PAUS road-PERL 1 pi + father * "Let's go and look for our father" (said the abandoned boy).' Serial constructions formed with other motion verbs have an intentional meaning, e.g., nupa 'come' in (752): (752) ya-mia-nupa-pia-ha kulua weni NEG-PERF-come-NEG-PAUS drink water 'He does not come to drink water there.' (iii) Serial verb constructions with the stance verb fia 'stay, sit, live' have the meaning 'prolonged action': (753) wa ni-jia-mia-wa ne-he ne-mia then 3pl-sit-PERF-NONACC 3pl + eat-PAUS 3pl + eat-PERF ni-tsumeni wa yajapua-mia-ha 3pl-food then night-PERF-PAUS Then they were eating their food, they ate (it), it was night.' (iv) Serial verb constructions with the phase verb for 'start' have inchoative meaning (745), and those with the verb for 'finish' have perfective meaning and refer to a completed action (754). (754) yaliwa pinapa-mia pe-ni pi-Jiani-pe now 2sg +finish-PERF 2sg + eat-3pl 2sg-child-PL ' "Now you have completely finished eating them, these children of yours," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).' • Modal: (i) These include the verb weya 'want' and other verbs expressing desire, wish, or liking: (755) nu-beni nu-tama-ha Isg-like Isg-dance-PAUS Ί like to dance.' (756) nu-weya nu-kulua weni Isg-want Isg-drink water Ί want to drink water.'

Warekena 393

(757) nu-weya natseta-ni payalu namali-nawi Isg-want lsg + teach-3pl all people-PL Ί want to teach all the people.' (ii) Other verbs with modal meanings used in serial constructions are be 'can, be able' (735), ise 'know, can': (758) ya-tse-pia-ha uwa-ha NEG-know-NEG-PAUS climb-PAUS 'He cannot climb.' • Simultaneous: (759) guwacfeata le cheat read 'He (rabbit) pretended to read (a piece of paper).' • Cause-effect: (760) wiyua-mia-ha mawali die-PERF-PAUS hungry 'He died of hunger.' Serial verb constructions which contain two S0 verbs belong to this type (748, 749). Oblique case-like meaning, which is rather rare (744). 18.8.2 Semantic depletion of serial verb constructions: from serial verbs to auxiliaries. Serial verb constructions in Warekena are undergoing semantic depletion in the following sense. There is a rather limited number of verbs which can be used as the first components, and these first components tend at least partly to lose their lexical meaning. Thus, fa 'go' when used in serial verb constructions is closer to an auxiliary, and not a motion verb; the same can be said about inapa 'finish' which is used in serial verb constructions as something similar to a perfective aspect marker. The verb eda 'see/hear, perceive' is not used in serial verb constructions. However, it is used as an auxiliary verb in the following two cases, (i) In negative commands (see sect. 12.6). Note that the structure of the negative command in Warekena satisfies the conditions for serial verb constructions, namely: (a) the same subject constraint; (b) the intonation of a monoverbal group; and (c) the same aspect marking. It differs from serial constructions in the way negation is marked. Both components have the same negation, but it is marked on either the last component, or

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on the whole construction, e.g., non-emphatic negative command in (761) and an emphatic one in (762). The special use of eda in negative commands is comparable to the use of the same verb with the impersonal cross-referencing prefix as a kind of negative existential (see sect. 12.3). (761) pida pi-kuiua-pia 2sg +perceive 2sg-drink-NEG 'Don't drink (it).' (762) ya-pida pe-pia-na NEG-2sg +perceive 2sg + eat-NEG-lsg 'Do not eat me!' (ii) In the verb of fearing. The verb of fearing consists of an S0 verb if it means 'be afraid' as a permanent state (without actually having to see the object one is afraid of): (763) balide tfipana akune-na long hair fear-lsg 'His (evil spirit's) hair is long. I am afraid of him.' The verb of fearing which consists of akune 'afraid' and eda 'perceive' means 'be frightened, fear something which is there as a real danger': (764) ya-mia-nupa-pia-ha kulua weni NEG-PERF-come-NEG-PAUS drink water akune eda waji akune eda waji fear perceive jaguar fear perceive jaguar 'He (the rabbit) did not come to drink water (to the lake where the jaguar was waiting for him), he feared the jaguar (lit.: afraid-perceive).' (765) ni-mita-wa ijiwa waji akune nida waji 3pl-fly-NONACC from jaguar afraid 3pl + see jaguar 'They (the vultures) flew away from the jaguar, they are afraid of the jaguar.' The verb of fearing is similar to a serial verb construction, since the same subject constraint is fulfilled, and no other constituent can go between the two components. It is negated similarly to a serial verb construction (766). It is different from a serial verb construction in that the auxiliary-like verb follows the main verb. Akune does not take the subject person-markers, which appears to be always the case in serial constructions with an S0 verb in the first position (749).

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(766) ya-akune-pia neda waji NEG-fear-NEG lsg+perceive jaguar Ί am not afraid of a jaguar.' In both cases, eda behaves similarly to an auxiliary (see Lord 1993 on semantic depletion of serial verb constructions). Another sign of syntactic reduction and semantic depletion of serial verb constructions is the way of creating adverbial phrases. Many adverbs coincide with verbal roots (mainly S0 verbs) and, possibly, go back to serial verb constructions of sequential type (767). (767) Ja-wa uyuba-lu go-NONACC slow-EMPH 'He went very slowly.' Sometimes, it is difficult to distinguish between a serial verb construction consisting of two S0 verbs and a verb plus adverb sequence: (768) dabana-wa e: pane ema be.first-NONACC eat liver tapir 'He first ate the tapir's liver.' (769) atulapi jutfi waji be.full be.big jaguar The jaguar was very full' or 'The jaguar was big/fat and full.' The link between serial verb constructions with an So verb, and adverbial phrases can be illustrated by (770). The clitic pronoun -na 'Isg Ο or S0' occurs on yutfi 'strong', the way it behaves in serial verb constructions, and the aspect marker occurs on the verb. Yutfi is an adverb. (770) wa wayata puatfi pi-Jinua-mia yutfi-na-ha niwaba then speak monkey 2sg-throw-PERF strong-lsg-PAUS high + DIR Then the monkey spoke, "Throw me strong into the sky".' The independent status of adverbial phrases, even if they go back to depleted serial verb constructions, is illustrated by more freedom of constituent order. In serial verb constructions, phase verbs cannot follow the other component of the construction, which they can do when used adverbially (771; also see sect. 20): (771) pe-yalu dabana-wa 2sg + eat-YET be.first-PERL/NONACC 'Eat your food yet first.'

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19 Adjective phrase structure Adjectives as modifiers are discussed in sect. 15.3.1. Derived adjectives constitute an open class, and are regularly derived from S0 verbs with the adjectivizer -Ji. A list of roots used with the main adjectival meanings is given in sect. 18.4.1(v).

20 Adverb phrase structure Adverbs are an open class of items whose primary function is verbal modifier. Adverbs do not modify adjectives. They have no inflectional categories of their own. There are two types of adverbs in Warekena: (i) primary adverbs which constitute a smallish closed class. These are, mainly, time and mode words. They are: umina 'a long time', yaJiwa 'now', benamitfi 'long time ago', bena 'the day before yesterday', benata 'the day after tomorrow', yafia 'yesterday', tsutne 'almost', ubema Only', maisena 'in vain', isina 'again,' and demonstrative adverbs discussed in sect. 16.4: \vani 'here', wata 'there', and corresponding directional and elative forms. They can occupy any position in the clause (61, 225, 772—775). (772) benamitjl wa-patata amani siringa long-time Ipl-work sap rubber long time ago we worked on sap and rubber.' (773) wa-ni-Jia-wa umi:na yu-ta ne-pitji then-3pl-stay-NONACC long.time 3sgf-give 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 'Then they stayed for a long time, she gave food.' (774) wala-mia-hä weni umina-lu wa-hä boil-PERF-PAUS water long.time-EMPH then-PAUS i-paka-mia-wa yu-tjiabu 3sgnf-split-PERF-NONACC 3sgf-belly 'The water boiled a long time, then her belly split.' (775) yaliwa ube-ma-Ju nu-tjma now all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell 'Now I have told all.' (ii) secondary adverbs, which are S0 verbs used in an adverbial function without any special marking. Adverbs can be used as modifiers to verbs of all types. They usually immediately precede or follow the predicate, and there is a tendency that no other constituent should intervene between a predicate and its

Warekena 397

modifier. All adverbs often combine with -In- 'emphatic', -ba- 'augmentative' and -ma- 'delimitative' (728, 775, 785). Semantically, these adverbs are basically of mode type. They include one time word: yawaya 'early, tomorrow'. (776) yawaya pi-katsa epi tomorrow 2sg-marry with.him 'Tomorrow you will marry him.' (777) ale-he yu-ma 'yue-he eya enami so-PAUS 3sgf-say to-PAUS DEM man 'Thus she spoke to the man.' (778) wa-patata payalu Jupe wa-patata Ipl-work all much Ipl-work 'We all work much.' (779) atiuapi-M atulapi Jutfi waji be.full-PAUS be.full be.big jaguar 'The jaguar was full, very full.' (780) e-he mitfi ema jutfi e-he eat-PAUS meat tapir big eat-PAUS 'He ate tapir's meat, much he ate.' (781) wa-hä wa-paJaka-ha jutfi-lu Jutfi-lu wa-Jitu then-PAUS Ipl-garden-PAUS big-EMPH big-EMPH Ipl-fell 'Then we gardened very much, we felled (trees) very much.' (782) wa: ni-tjita-mia-ha Jutfi-lu then 3pl-fat-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH 'Then they became very fat (Lit.: They fattened much).' Some verbal clitics can occasionally be used as adverbs; e.g., pafia 'future': (783) pajia nu-kanita PUT 1 sg-sing shall sing.' (784) wa-yuleta-mia-wa yawaya pajia-wa Isg-return-PERF-NONACC tomorrow FUT-NONACC 'We shall be returning tomorrow.' (785) ni-ja-wa ale-ma-ba-mia-lu-ta 3pl-go-NONACC so-DEL-AUG-PERF-EMPH-DEM:DIST

398 Aikhenvald

They went just like that.' Adjectives with an adjectivizer -Ji can sometimes be used in an adverbial function (786); however, these rare cases can as well be understood as headless adjectives: (786) yubua pajiwa-li dig deep-REL (the rabbit) was digging deep' (the ground). (787) wa-hä ma-hä waliya alita-ha tepa-Ji then-PAUS do-PAUS smoking.grid tie-PAUS tight-ADJ 'Then he (the elder brother) made a smoking grid, he tied it tight/(as a) tight (one).' Adverbs have a few specific derivational affixes, none of them productive, e.g., -pe in yawaya-pe 'early', fibuna-pe 'at night' (apparently, the only adverb derived from a noun). Possibly, -bune 'causal' is another adverbial suffix; e.g., epaJu-bune 'this is why' (617). Secondary adverbs can be derived from semantically depleted serial verb constructions (see sect. 18.8.2).

Particles 21 Particles and Conjunctions Warekena has three particles: wa 'presentative' (also used for coordination and pivot changing; discussed in sect. 9), ai 'then' (405; a loan from Portuguese) and a rarely used idi 'then' (it may be a loan word from Bare where it is very frequent), e.g., (788), where idi also changes pivot, similarly to wa. (788) wa kunehu Ja yanta-hä Ja yanta-hä wi:Ji then rabbit go take-PAUS go take-PAUS tucumä wi:Ji e-palu idi-yeleta-ha yapewe anetua tucumä eat-PURP then-come-PAUS flat.stone + LOG good yapa yapewe flat, stone flat, stone + LOG

Warekena 399

'Then the rabbit went to take tucum to eat, then he arrived on a flat stone, the flat stone was a good one, on a stone.' Negative proclitic ya- can be considered a particle. Warekena has a few conjunctions: coordinating e 'and' (Portuguese loan), subordinating ate, te 'until' (Portuguese loan), \vaJi 'where'. Si 'ϊΓ (Portuguese loan) is used occasionally (716).

Phonology 22 Phonology 22.1 Segmental phonology 22.1.1 Consonants. Consonantal phonemes in Warekena are given in Table 4 below. Table 4. Consonants in Warekena

stop voiceless stop voiced fricative affricate voiceless affricate voiced nasal lateral flap glide

labial

dental

alveolar

p

t

k

b

d

(g) ts

alveo-palatal palatal

J tj"

velar

glottal

h

(φ) m

n

ή l

w

y

p, t and k are voiceless unaspirated stops. Unlike Bare and Baniwa of Iijana, Warekena does not have aspirated stops. These stops do not have any restrictions as to their occurrence. Examples: pi-tfipana 'your hair', paJatana 'banana', tapa

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'walk', pata 'work', kuJua 'drink', deka 'have', akune 'fear.' p can be optionally realized as b in the word-initial position, if followed by a voiced consonant in the second syllable, e.g., pa-buya or ba-buya One (period of time)', peda or beda (pa-eda: IMP-perceive) 'it is seen'12. b, d and g are voiced unaspirated stops, b and d occur in any position; both are rather rare (as is the case with b in the majority of Northern Maipuran languages); e.g., biyuJi 'evil spirit', be 'can', baJede 'long', benefi 'nothing', bafaka 'tear'; yubua 'dig', yamadu 'evil spirit', duwUi 'crocodile', eda 'perceive', g is a rare phoneme attested in a few words in the word-initial position: ganu 'left-hand side', guwe 'bark' (ideophone?), guwadjata 'cheat', guJawa 'guava', guwifa 'peel' and in one word in an intervocalic position: anagudua 'dirty'. The existence of g is very unusual for a Northern Maipuran language. Alveopalatal fricative / is attested in every environment and is frequent. It can have an alveolar fricative s as a free variant. Examples: ifina 'name', fupe 'many', yafapua 'night', ifi 'what', fa 'go'. Glottal fricative h has a very limited occurrence. It occurs exclusively in pausal forms (see sect. 22.4.5) and triggers vowel nasalization, translaryngeal vowel harmony, and other vowel changes; e.g., nuya-hä T, ibu-hu 'his head'. It also occurs in loan words from Spanish: kunehu 'rabbit' (which has a variant kune), naräha Orange'. Voiceless affricates is and tf occur rather frequently, e.g., yutfia 'kill', teJefi 'three', tawape-tfi 'jungle',petfi On', tse 'know', isapia 'jump', tsawifa 'shoot an arrow', matse 'lest'. In loan words from Portuguese and Lingua Geral, s is treated as is, e.g., Diutsu 'Deus, God', isemana 'week', tsuJudawa 'soldier', kamitsa 'shirt', kaisa 'marry', isiJuJa 'trousers', matsuka 'manioc flour', is and $ are frequently confused in non-loan words before the stressed high front vowel /-; e.g., isina, tfina 'tell'; yatfipe, yatsipe 'ground'; -$i, -tsi 'repetitive', tfinu, tsinu 'dog'; and before the vowel sequence ia in a non-word-initial position; e.g., yutfia, yutsia 'kill', pi-tfiapuJi, pi-isiapuJi 'your bottom' (this does not occur in loan words: IsUuJa ,*tfiJuJa 'trousers', from Lingua Geral). This confusion does not take place before ia in the word-initial position, e.g., tfiapi 'intestines', tfiabutfi 'his stomach', tfiapuJi 'his bottom'. / and if, but not / and ts can co-occur within one root; e.g., futfi (never pronounced as futsi) (sequence tf-f has not been attested). / and ts can occur together in one phonological word, where / belongs to the root and ts/tf to the clitic tfi/isi 'repetitive'; e.g., fa-mia-tfi-wa, fa-mia-tsi-wa 'he went again'. Two/ can co-occur in one root; e.g.,/e/e 'dry', and so can two tf: tfitfi 'stink', tfiabutfi 'stomach', tf and ts cannot co-occur in one root or even in one phonological word. Two ts cannot co-occur in one root or one phonological word. There is also some degree of variation between / and tf before the unstressed high vowel / in the suffix -tfi; cf. ta\vape-tfi, tawape-fi 'jungle', petfi, pefi On'. This variation between the three sibilants j", tj" and ts in Warekena may be interpreted as a symptom of a language death situation, whereby the phonological complexity of the language is being reduced.

Warekena 401

The voiced affricate d$ is a very rare phoneme, encountered only in seven words: udjudernami 'ugly', udjubaJu 'slow', djibUi 'curved', adjeneJi 'high', nu-d$uJpia-Je 'my vein', djewiJi 'naughty' and guwadjata 'cheat'. guwadjata is occasionally pronounced as guwadata; udjubaJu is pronounced also as uyubaJu; so probably d$ is just the result of some rare and irregular phonological process. Warekena has three nasal phonemes: m, n and n. Non-palatal m and n are very frequent, and there are no restrictions for their usage; e.g., numa 'mouth', ma 'say, do', tama 'dance', panifl 'house'. Palatal n is rare, and it appears to be only used in a root-initial position; e.g., namaJi 'people', nuta 'call', napi 'take, bring' (the only exception is a loan-word from Spanish anu 'year'). The inchoative -nia can be realized as -na in rapid speech register. Warekena has a frequently occurring lateral flap J, which never occurs wordor root-initially; e.g., wiJubeJu 'child', tsuJema 'jiboia snake', kuJimaJu 'turtle', yeJeta 'arrive', yuJeta 'lie down'. It can occur morpheme-initially; e.g., -Ji 'relativizer', -Je 'possessive', -Ji-bena 'temporal subordinate'. J can be realized as a vibrant flap before e by some speakers; e.g., yereta 'arrive', teretfi 'three'. Warekena has two glides: w and y, which can occur in any position; e.g., wayata 'speak', yaya 'weep', mawaya 'snake', yue 'to, for', yawaputa 'answer', uwa 'jump'. There are a number of loan phonemes which occasionally occur in loan words: voiceless sibilant s: sinku 'five', esturia, isturia, istoria 'story'; voiced sibilant z: ayuza 'help'; labiodental voiceless fricative /· flore 'flower', festa 'feast'; liquid /: playa 'beach', apostolu 'apostle'; vibrant r: arena 'sand', kurupira 'evil spirit', makasera 'macaxeira (bitter manioc)'. 22.1.2 Vowels. Warekena has four oral vowels, with long counterparts shown in Table 5. Table 5. Vowels in Warekena

high mid low

front i i:

central

back u u:

e e: a a:

Every vowel also has a nasal counterpart with a limited occurrence: nasal vowels occur in pausal forms (see sect. 22.4.4) as the result of a nasalization triggered by h, and in rapid registers as the result of a phonological process: vN > v. Central vowels can be realized as ts in post-tonic position in pausal forms (see sect. 22.4.5). Examples of high front i: Uuami 'his father', ifiwa 'from him'. Examples of i: ni:da 'they see/perceive', umi:na 'long time', abi:da 'pig'. Examples of central e: etene Old man'; ale 'how', epaJu 'he'. Long e: yame: 'far', e:ma 'tapir', ne:da Ί see/perceive'. In rapid speech registers short i and

402 Aikhenvald

e are neutralized to ε in words with more than two syllables in word final post-tonic syllables, e.g., etens Old man', piiaJe 'your tongue\fabapaJe 'liver'. This does not happen in disyllabic roots, e.g., pane 'liver', tsape 'leaF. High back rounded u has an allophone o, frequent in rapid speech registers; e.g., yofana or yufana 'voice, speech, word', nofumiawa or nufumyawa 'my wife'. Its long counterpart does not have this allophone: u:Je:Ji 'sounding', \vadu:Je Our catch', yupu:Ji 'her eye'. In pausal forms, word final u can alternate with / (see sect. 22.4.4: (801, 802)). ο occasionally appears in loan words, in stressed syllables; e.g., flore 'flower', ora 'hour', kopu 'glass' (but anu 'year'). Istoria 'story' has a variant isturia. Examples of central unrounded a: ale 'how', ma 'say, do', afi 'manioc', a can be reduced to 3 in word-final post-tonic syllables: nutanipaJd 'my ear'. Examples of long a are: a:fi 'fire', a:tapi 'tree', ma:pa 'honey', ka:ka 'manioc bread'. Two long vowels are rare in one phonological word; e.g., u:Je:Ji 'sounding'. Vowel length has a low functional load, and there is a considerable degree of variation in current speech. Long vowels are regularly shortened in phonological phrases with a stress shift (see sect. 22.4.3); e.g., e:ma 'tapir', pane ema 'tapir's liver', and when derivational affixes are added; e.g., a:fi 'fire', afi-tfi 'firewood'. Presentative wa can be realized as \va: when not a clitic (see sect. 22.4). Long vowels can be pronounced as short; e.g., e:ma, ema 'tapir', ne:pitfi, nepitfi 'food, something to eat', a:fi, afi Tire', paya.Ju, payaJu 'all'. Vowel length can 'float' within a phonological word, i.e., the originally long vowel is pronounced as a short one, and another vowel becomes long: yame:, ya:me 'long'. This variation in vowel length can be considered a symptom of language obsolescence (cf. similar phenomena in Tariana, also an endangered Northern Maipuran language). 22.2 Syllable structure and phonotactics. Similarly to other Maipuran languages, Warekena has two types of syllables: V and CV. Syllables without a consonantal onset have some restrictions in occurrence which will be discussed below; and the vowel may undergo reduction. Examples: CV: muJupa 'canoe', miyuJi 'garden'; V: umeni 'snake', etyawa Old woman', yubua 'he digs'. Syllables of the structure (C)VC and CCV are possible in non-final syllables under two circumstances in Warekena: (i) in recent loan words, e.g., esturia 'story', eskapenawa 'escape (reflexive)', flore 'flower', playa 'beach', San Gabriel 'S o Gabriel'; festa 'feast', mundu 'world', banku 'bench'; in word-final syllables a vowel is added in loan words, e.g., Spanish habon, Warekena aboni; Portuguese flor - Warekena flore; however, two consonant sequences are avoided in one word even in loan words; e.g., Kritu 'Christ' (Portuguese Cristo); (ii) in rapid speech register in syllables of the VN or VI structure, which immediately follow the stressed syllable; this happens in loan words, as kanita 'sing', and non-loans:

Warekena 403

rapid register: kanta slow register: kanita rapid register slow register

'he sings' (loan)

nu-yentata-wa > nu-yetata-wa nu-yenitata-wa I-laugh + RED-NONACC

am laughing'

rapid register yanta slow register yänita

'he takes'

rapid register: udjudeJnami slow register udjudeJinami

'ugly'

Warekena has the following phonotactic restrictions. Two syllables of V structure cannot be contiguous. The restrictions of vowel co-occurrence in a sequence of CV-V structure syllables can be explicated in terms of the sonority hierarchy (Buller, Buller and Everett 1993): - high

+ high >

- cons

> + cons - cons

Each end of the hierarchy is assigned to syllabic positions unambiguously, so that segments on the far left of the hierarchy will always be nuclei, and segments [ + cons] will always be onsets. Neighbouring segments in Warekena cannot have the same sonority value, and this explains the non-occurrence of sequences as: *aa, *ii, *ea, *ae. Vowel sequence ae is only possible at the boundary of proclitic + root: ya-eda-pia 'he did not see'. The possible vowel sequences in Warekena are: u-a: e.g., fuJuami 'his mother', yubua 'he digs', kuJua 'he drinks', yaJitua 'brother' i-a: e.g., pianetu 'your neck', fumiawa 'wife', yutfia 'kiH',/;a 'stay, sit' u-e: yue 'for him', kuefi 'animal' i-e: aliena 'breaker', pie 'find' i-u: witfiuJi 'wild turkey', mitfiufa 'hide', diutsu 'God' u-i: e.g., bukuita 'light (fire)' a-i: e.g., mai 'fight' Prohibited sequences are: *au, *ea, *ei, *eu. In vowel sequences / can be realized as y, and u as w in rapid register; e.g., furwami, yubwa, pyanetu, kwefi. Another possibility would be to treat these vowel sequences as diphthongs. This solution does not seem plausible, because of reduplication and pausal

404 Aikhenvald

marking. Reduplication in Warekena operates in terms of CV sequences: the last CV sequence is reduplicated. E.g., in case of a CViV2 sequence, the reduplicated form will be CViCViV2; e.g., \viyua 'die', redupl: wiyu-yu-a 'drunk'; yubua 'dig', yubu-bu-a 'dig a lot'. To mark a pause (see sect.2.4.4), an -hv syllable is inserted at the end of a phonological word; v is identical to the last vowel of a vowel sequence, e.g., non-pausal kuJuka-mia (tear-PERF) 'he tore', pausal kuJuka-mia-ha 'he tore (pausal)'. Stress placement (see 22.4.3, on the behaviour of diminutive suffix -tui with respect to stress) also shows that vowel sequences are better not treated as diphthongs. As will be shown below, actual diphthongization exists in Warekena as a phonetic process (see sect. 22.3). Diphthongs appear in a few loans: e.g., syete 'seven', kwatru 'four'. 22.3 Phonetic changes. The following phonetic changes occur within phonological words. They are optional, in the sense that they only take place in rapid speech registers. 1. Stop voicing Bilabial and velar stops may be realized as voiced if followed by a voiced consonant in an adjacent syllable: akune pida umeni > akune bida umeni fear 2sg +perceive snake 'You are afraid of a snake.' akune > agune 'a scared one' 2. Vowel shortening and reduction to glides In vowel sequences CW, the second vowel is shortened, and u is realized as w, i as y; e.g., wakua > wakwa 'he tied', kuJua > kuJwa 'he drinks' -mia > -mya 'perfective'. 3. Vowel shortening and reduction to 3 All post-tonic e and i are neutralized into d, in rapid to normal speech register, e.g., wiJdbeJu > wUdbdJu 'child', -wene > -wend 'elative', weni > wend 'water'. 4. Vowel nasalization Phonetically nasalized vowels precede nasal stops (regressive nasalization). Another case of regressive vowel nasalization occurs in rapid speech register, where post-tonic ni is reduced to nd > (of the preceding vowel): slow register:

yenita-ta-wa 'laughed' laugh-RED-NONACC

normal to rapid register: yenatata-wa

Warekena 405 rapid register:

yetata-wa

In loan words from Spanish and Portuguese syllables of Cv and CVN structure, there are the following possibilities of adaptation of the loan words: (i) v > V(v) in word-final position: nuve 'cloud', salau 'salon', kapitau 'captain'; (ii) CVN > Cv before glottal fricative h: naräha Orange' (Spanish naranja); (iii) CVN > CVN: mundu 'world', or CVN > CVNi: -wenita 'buy, sell' (Portuguese, Spanish vender 'sell'), depending on the degree of adaptation of the loan word. 22.4 Suprasegmental phonology 22.4.1 Phonological word and the properties of morphemes. A phonological word in Warekena is basically defined in terms of stress placement, and a number of word-initial and word-final phonological processes. Warekena has the following classes of morphemes in terms of their phonological properties: (a) roots which can form a phonological word of their own and have a fixed stress; (b) affixes which cannot form a phonological word of their own and which have a fixed position within a phonological word; (c) bound clitics which cannot form a phonological word of their own, but have a mobile position within a phonological word; (d) independent clitics which behave as bound clitics but can be treated as independent phonological words under special conditions. Specific phonological processes take place on the corresponding boundaries (prefixes + roots, roots + suffixes, roots + clitics). Clitic groups in Warekena behave very much like phonological words. The two types of clitics in Warekena can be illustrated as follows. Bound clitics include a number of grammatical enclitics. They have some similarity with affixes. There are no special phonological boundary processes which occur on clitic and affix boundaries because no bound enclitics begin with a vowel. Bound enclitics cannot form either a grammatical or a phonological word of their own. All grammatical enclitics are extraprosodic, e.g., yutfia-mia (killPERF) 'he killed'. Most tense/aspect markers and personal enclitics belong here. Enclitics have a freer positioning in a phonological word than do affixes. They can go either on a predicate, or on another focalized constituent in the clause: (789) kune-ta-ta ume-ba-lu-ni fear-CAUS-RED all-AUG-EMPH-3pl 'He frightens them only (a lot).' In (790) the perfective -mia is attached to a phonological word which occupies the sentence-initial position. (790) yäjia-mia nu-täpa-pa te yele-mia-na yesterday-PERF Isg-walk-RED until tired-PERP-lsg 'Yesterday I walked until I grew tired.'

406 Aikhenvald

If the phonological word contains the proclitic ya-, or wa- (sect. 7.1), the bound enclitics are attracted to it. The possibility of attraction is the main criterion for distinguishing an enclitic from a suffix. The sequence proclitic -f enclitic(s) behaves as an independent proclitic. It can be optionally cliticized to the following verb form in rapid speech: (791) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia-ha daba Ja-wa NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where go-NONACC ya-mia-ni-yue-pia tenepu NEG-PERF-3pl-for-NEG road 'They did not know where to go, there is no road for them.' It can form an independent phonological word with an independent stress on the first syllable: (792) ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitj"i NEG-PERF for-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC 'He didn't have anything to eat with them (his children).' The independent phonological word consisting of a proclitic with a clitic can be used in a pausal form, which confirms its phonological independence (see sect. 22.4.5 on pausal forms): (793) ya-mia-ha be-pia-ha nepuwe-ni NEG-PERF-PAUS can-NEG-PAUS feed-3pl 'He could not feed them.' Compare (794), where the pausal marker goes on the whole sequence proclitic + root + clitic + predicate, and ya-mia is cliticized. (794) ya-mia-yue-pia-ha tenepu NEG-PERF-for-NEG-PAUS road 'There was no road.' There are the following rules of clitic sequencing in a clitic string: aspectual clitics (e.g., -mia 'perfective') are followed by relativizer -Ji, which is followed by the personal enclitics. In my corpus only sequences of no more than two enclitics are attested, e.g., aspectual enclitic - personal enclitic in (795) and aspectual enclitic - relativizer in (796): (795) pe-mia-ni payalu 2sg + eat-PERF-3pl all 'You ate them all.'

Warekena 407

(796) wiyua-mia-li die-PERF-REL 'the one who died' Enclitics always follow affixes. There is, however, one problematic case which may be considered an instance of endoclisis. As was shown in sect. 18.2.2, aspectual -wa 'unaccomplished' is not an enclitic, since it does not undergo attraction to the negative ya- (examples in sect. 18.2.2). However, when it co-occurs with aspectual -mia 'perfective', both sequences -\va-mia, which is to be expected, and -mia-wa are possible, but with a semantic difference (see sect. 18.2.2). Independent clitics include a number of items which can form an independent phonological word under certain conditions (see below). The independent proclitics are the sequences ya 'negative' + enclitic (illustrated above) and presentative wa + enclitic. Bound proclitic ya- 'negative' is extraprosodic, i.e., it does not affect the stress placement in a phonological word: ya-nupa-pia 'he did not come'. An unusual property of the proclitic ya- is that, if a pausal marker -hv is attached to it, it forms an independent phonological word, e.g., sentential negation yahä 'no'. This word is stressed on the last syllable: yahä 'no' (see sect. 22.4.3). Otherwise pausal marker -hv is never stressed, e.g., wa-hä 'presentative-pausal'. Presentative wa can be optionally used with a pausal marker. There are two ways in which wa is used: as a proclitic, and as an independent phonological word (with or without the pausal marker, see sect. 22.4.5). Wa as an independent phonological word is often realized as wa: (33). Wa as an independent phonological word is frequently used narrative-initially as a presentative (31, 68, 74), clause-finally to resume a paragraph (43, 84, 103), to mark an important action (33, 101), and to mark the change of pivot from S/O to S/A (see sections 3 and 9.2). Wa as a proclitic is frequently used in a connective sense (11, 13, 22, 26, 85), or as a presentative clause-initially, but not in the beginning of a narrative (84, 98, 99). Wa as an independent phonological word and wa as a proclitic occur together in (26), (277) and (425). In these cases, wa-hä is used in a resumptive sense ('and so, and then') and wa- is used in presentative sense in (26) and (425) and to mark a sequence of events in (277). Aspectual bound clitics are attracted to wa(-hä) when it is used in copular clauses (60, 63; see sect. 7.1). Phonological processes which occur at proclitic and affix boundaries are different. For instance, at an affix boundary a- + e > e; e.g., wa-eda > weda 'we see, perceive'; and at a clitic boundary a + e > ae; e.g., ya-eda-pia 'he does not see'; wa-eda 'then he saw' (see sect. 22.5). Independent clitics are eya 'the one mentioned in the previous text', eni 'this; near demonstrative' (797); eta 'that; distant demonstrative' (798); jfi 'what' (799); e 'this, just mentioned' (406). They can be used as independent phonological words (with or without a pausal marker -hv), if they have to be specially emphasized (eni in 417, eta in 421, 423), or topicalized (e in 420), or are used headlessly (eni in 413, e and eya in 410). The independent clitics usually form a separate phonological word, if a word-final marker -hv occurs on the previous phonological word or

408 Aikhenvald

one of the conditions for the use of a pausal form described in sect. 22.4.5 applies. When cliticized, eya, e and ifi are proclitics; eni and eta can be used as either proclitics or enclitics, depending on which constituent is more focused. For example, in (415) the fact of the deer's death is important, and so eni 'this' is encliticized to the verb, and in (419) turtles are in focus, and eni is procliticized to the subject constituent, kuJimaJu-nawi 'turtles'. When used as enclitics, they form one phonological word with the preceding item, and are extraprosodic. The following vowel changes occur at clitic boundaries: vowel reduction: ae > a (797), ie > i (798), vowel fusion: ai > e (799). Only the vowel fusion rule is similar to the process which occurs at an affix-root boundary; other rules are different (see sect. 22. 5). When used as proclitics, they lose the first vowel. (797)

(798)

(799)

ya-päjia

yulua-piani yulua-pia NEG-FUT fall-NEG DEM:PR 'This tree will not fall.' uwa-hä

minajita minäji e"ta climb-PAUS on that 'He climbed on that tree.'

ya-n6da-pia

ben£Ji

ätapi tree ätapi tree mawäya b6na iji

NEG-lsg + see-NEG NEG + what snake did not see any snake.'

NEG what

22.4.2 Syllables and morphemes. All Northern Maipuran languages show a rather peculiar interdependence between syllable and morpheme. There exist the following phonological constraints on morpheme structure (see also Aikhenvald 1996a,b): prefixes suffixes roots

all monosyllabic most monosyllabic, few disyllabic most disyllabic, few monosyllabic

In Warekena, all prefixes and the majority of suffixes are monosyllabic. There are a few disyllabic suffixes; e.g., -wene 'elative', -iwe 'locative'. Bound clitics are either monosyllabic, e.g., -Ji, or disyllabic, e.g., -mia 'perfective', -pia 'negative', -yaJu 'yet'. Independent clitics are disyllabic, e.g., the demonstratives eni, eta. The restriction concerning the maximum length of a root of two syllables seems not to hold any more. Noun roots are usually disyllabic e.g., anu 'arm', api 'hand', tfinu 'dog'. Noun roots with three or more syllables are very frequent, and in the majority of cases a historical and comparative analysis of these roots reveals that

Warekena 409

they contain a fossilized derivational affix (or classifier); e.g., a:tapi 'tree' (cf. -pi 'classifier for long objects'), nu-tani-paJa 'ear', nu-tfi-paJa 'leg' (-paJa 'body part').The root fimapi 'bone' is a fossilized compound: fima 'fish' + api 'bone'. The majority of verbal roots are either disyllabic, or monosyllabic; e.g., nupa 'come', yama 'drown', eda 'see/hear, perceive', fa 'go', ma 'do, say', e 'eat'. Trisyllabic verbal roots contain a thematic syllable (see sect. 18.4.1 on the classification of verbs); e.g., yeJie-ta 'arrive', waya-ta 'talk', bitfi-ka 'go out'; however, in some cases, the origin of the third syllable is hard to determine, e.g., yuJua 'fall', yubua 'dig'. There is one four-syllable verbal root (probably a fossilized compound) yawaputa 'answer'. There is a tendency to avoid monosyllabic phonological words with short vowels in Warekena (see sect. 22.4.1 on vowel lengthening in wa 'then' when it is used as an independent phonological word). Every monosyllabic word tends to be treated as a proclitic with respect to the following phonological word. For example, in (800) the monosyllabic form of the verb e 'to eat' forms one phonological word with its direct object pane 'liver'. (800)

epäne oma e pane ema eat liver tapir 'He (the turtle) ate tapir's liver'

22.4.3 Stress. The phonological word is characterized by the phonemic stress which generally falls on the first syllable of disyllabic roots; e.g., went 'water', nupa 'he came'. In trisyllabic roots, stress falls on the penultimate syllable; e.g., fimapi 'bone', rnawaya 'snake', umeni 'snake', akune 'fear', muJupa 'canoe'; or on the antepenultimate syllable; e.g., neyupa 'paddle', ataca 'snake', teretfi 'three', wftftii 'wild turkey', duwiJi 'crocodile'. It can be noted that the majority of the noun trisyllabic roots with antepenultimate stress contain a fossilized affix -Ji, e.g., aJaJi 'garc.a (a bird)', mukuJi 'piraiba fish' (note that, when -Ji functions as an adjectivizer, it does not affect the stress placement), or some other fossilized suffix; e.g., utffpie 'bird' (cf. Proto-Maipuran *kudi-pira 'bird'; see Payne 1991: 395), tfipaJa 'foot', a:tapi 'tree'. However, some of the trisyllabic roots with -Ji have penultimate stress; e.g., biyuJi 'evil spirit'. Trisyllabic roots with a root-final vowel sequence -ia, -ua are always stressed on the antepenultimate syllable, probably, due to the phonetic process of vowel shortening in the context VV: ua > wa, ia > ya; e.g., yubua 'dig', wa-kua 'tie' (see sect. 22.3). In roots of four or more syllables, stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable: kuJfmaJu 'turtle', yawaputa 'answer', bukukuJi Owl', manipeJi 'jararaca snake'. Note that long vowels are not necessarily stressed, e.g., ya:pimaJi 'jacamim bird'. Four-syllable words ending in a vowel sequence have a pre-antepenultimate stress; e.g., dämukua 'wild turkey'. Pausal marker -hv is never stressed (see sect. 22.4), e.g., wa-hä 'presentative-pausal'. The only exception is ya-hä (NEG-PAUS) 'no', stressed on the last syllable (a minimal pair

410 Aikhenvald

with respect to stress to yahä 'she eats' (yu-a-ha '3sgf-eat-PAUS', see sect. 22.5). Prefixes and proclitics never affect the stress placement; e.g., nu-nupa came', nu-tfinu-ne 'my dog'. Suffixes divide into prosodic type, which affect the stress placement, and extraprosodic type which do not affect stress placement. When a prosodic suffix is attached to the root, the stress moves to the final syllable of the root, i.e., the penultimate syllable of the word. Examples of prosodic suffixes: -fi 'non-possessed, nominalization': pani-fi 'house', aya-fi 'food'; -tfi 'locative?': tawape-tfi 'the place with much jungle'; -ina 'agentive nominalization': atsetena 'the one who teaches'. In the case of extraprosodic suffixes of one syllable, the stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable. Examples of extraprosodic suffixes: thematic syllables in verbs; e.g., bftfi-ka 'go out', \vaya-ta 'speak', aJi-ta 'tie'; possessive suffixes -Je, -ne, -te; e.g., nu-muJupa-Je; -Ji 'adjectivizer'; e.g., feJe-Ji >'black'; -iwe 'locative'; e.g., tenepuwe (tenepu-iwe) On the road'. There is only one disyllabic extraprosodic suffix: -waba 'directional'. The stress shifts to the final syllable of the root, i.e., the antepenultimate syllable of the word, if the extraprosodic disyllabic suffix or a disyllabic enclitic is attached to it: tenepu-waba (road-DIR) 'to the road'; yeJeta-mia-wa (arrive-PERFNONACC) 'he is coming'. Other disyllabic suffixes are stressed on the penultimate syllable, and the root they are attached to retains its original stress, but this is weakened (shown with " as in the words that follow):- natfi 'locative nominalization'; e.g., wuninatfi 'a place with much water', -pitfi Object focus'; e.g., küJua-pitfi 'something to drink'; -buJe Oblique focus'; e.g., küJua-buJe 'something to drink with/from'; -nawi 'plural; e.g., wUubeJu-nawi 'children'. The diminutive suffix -tui behaves in the same way, and this is another piece of evidence in favour of the fact that vowel sequences are not diphthongs in Warekena, e.g., aJetß-iui 'very small'. The only exception occurs when a disyllabic affix is attached to a monosyllabic root, either a verbal or a numeral root. Then the stress shifts to the antepenultimate syllable, e.g., e-pitfi 'something to eat', e-naba 'two (generic class)', ba-buya 'two (cycles)'. There is a certain degree of variation in stress placement in these cases, and occasionally the penultimate syllable is stressed, e.g., babuya 'two (cycles)'. In verbs, a reduplicated syllable is always extraprosodic, e.g., nu-tapa-pa (Isg-walk-RED) walk (much)'. As was pointed out above, all verbal enclitics are extraprosodic, e.g., yeletamia 'he is coming'. 22.4.4 Word-boundary prosodic features. Warekena has no specific device for marking word-initial boundary. It has a peculiar way of marking the final boundary of a phonological word. A morpheme -hv 'pausal marker' is inserted at the end of a phonological word or a phonological phrase. This morpheme can be described in terms of the following phonological features: h- insertion, vowel

Warekena 411

harmony, and subsequent vowel nasalization. The h- insertion in Warekena precedes vowel nasalization because a glottal consonant can trigger vowel nasalization. Glottal fricative h can trigger vowel harmony. This phenomenon is known as translaryngeal harmony. Both phenomena are also present in Bare (Aikhenvald 1995a). The phonological processes that apply in Warekena to mark the final boundary of a phonological word can be schematized as follows: (i) -h V insertion at the word boundary: _Vj## > -VihV## (ii) progressive vowel harmony: -VjhV## > -VihVi## (iii) vowel nasalization: -VjhVi## > -Vjhvi##, or Vihvi## in rapid speech e.g., ema 'tapir': (i) ema-h V (ii) ema-ha (iii) ema-ha, or emä-hä in rapid speech There is a certain degree of variation in adding pausal forms to words which end in u. The pausal marker occasionally takes the form -hi: (801) kuluka-paJuhi make.hole-PURP + PAUS 'to make a hole' (802) napi-palu-hu ni-napi-palu simapie-pe-mi take-PURP + PAUS 3pl-take-PURP bone-PL-PEJ 'to take, to take his bones' The final boundary segment is extraprosodic, in the sense that it does not affect the rules of stress assignment. Unlike other extraprosodic units, however, it always has a secondary stress. It is not obligatory, i.e., it can be omitted under certain circumstances (see sect. 3.1); e.g., ibu or ibuhü 'head', fimapi or fimapihl 'bone'. The final boundary marker functions, among other things, as a token for recognizing phonological words in Warekena. For instance, in cases like yuJua-piani (fallNEG+this) 'this did not fall', wa-kuJuka-mia (then-tear-PERF) 'then he tore (it)', it is possible to use the final boundary marker after the first word in each case, yielding yuJupia-ha eni-hJ and wa-hä kuJukamia-ha. This shows the virtual phonological independence of the cliticizable morphemes eni 'this', and wa 'then'. 22.4.5 Phonological phrase structure. In Warekena, a phonological phrase would normally correspond to possessive and adpositional noun phrases and verb-subject constructions.

412 Aikhenvald

Warekena uses two strategies for marking a phonological phrase by means of stress in rapid and casual speech: (a) stress weakening and (b) stress shift. The stress on the first component of a phonological phrase is perceived as less prominent, as compared to the stress on the second component, and it is shifted one syllable to the right, as illustrated in (803): (803) jimapi puätfi bone monkey 'a bone of a monkey' (stress in a 'free' form: fimäpi, puatfi) In slow speech, no stress shift or stress weakening occurs. The word boundary marker -hv in Warekena is used to signal the boundaries of phonological phrases preceding pauses. A pausal form of the last phonological word in a phonological phrase is used to signal a boundary under the following conditions: (a) the constituent or a part of it is topicalized or is a part of an afterthought, or (b) it is under special emphasis, or (c) it is followed by a pause. If one or more of these conditions apply, pausal forms can also be used with independent enclitics, as in (804), where both occurrences of eni-hl 'this' are in a pausal form, since they are emphasized and topicalized; waJamatfiaha 'he saves' is in a pausal form due to its utterance-final position. The first occurrence of eni-hi 'this' is followed by pause. (805) shows that a specific enclitic (eni 'this') is treated as an independent phonological word, since the preceding item is in the pausal form, and a significant pause follows. Verbs ni-wayata-hä 'they spoke', ni-ma-ha 'they said', ya-Ji-anetua-pia-ha 'is not good' are in pausal form because they precede a pause. In (806) the pausal form is used to indicate a pause after yu-yue-he 'to her'; it is also used to emphasize the constituent pi-katsa-ha 'you will marry'. Wa-hä 'then' is in a pausal form, since it is emphasized. In (807) a non-pausal form yue 'to him' is used since the conditions necessary for the use of pausal forms are not met. YeJetahä 'he arrived' is in a pausal form before a pause. Pausal forms are in italics in the following examples. (804) eni-hi diutsu anetua-li eni-hJ this-PAUS god good-REL this-PAUS waJamatfia-ha save-PAUS 'This very God is good, it is he who saves.' (805) ni-wayata-ha ni-ma-ha eni enami 3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-say-PAUS DEM.PR man

Warekena 413

ya-Ji-anetua-pia-hä NEG-REL-good-NEG-PAUS 'They spoke. They said, "This man is not good." ' (806) \va-ha wayata yu-yue-he yaliwa then-PAUS speak 3sgf-to-PAUS now pi-katsa-ha

epini tsuludawa epi eni 2sg-many-PAUS with DEM.PR soldier 'Then, he spoke to her, "Now you will (really) marry this soldier." '

(807) yeJeta-ha wawayata yue yalanawi wa wayata arrive-PAUS then speak to white.man 'He arrived. Then he spoke to the white man The use of a pausal form for topicalization is illustrated by (808). The second (or last) of the repeated constituents usually appears in pausal forms (as a kind of afterthought) (809). More than one of the repeated constituents can appear in a pausal form (110, 115). (808) yue-he jupe ya-namali to-PAUS many OEM-man 'What he has (lit.: to him), is many people.' (809) iji weya-Ji-hi walamatfie waJamatfia-ha what want-REL-PAUS save save-PAUS 'Whoever wants (it), he will save (him), he will save.' Monosyllabic grammatical words tend to form independent phonological words when in a pausal form, as shown in (810) where e 'eats' is emphasized. (810) weya e-he Jutji-li want eat-PAUS big-REL 'He wants to eat much.' Some items are only used in a pausal form. For instance, the general negation yahä 'no' always appears in pausal form, as opposed to the negative proclitic ya- 'not', which is always accompanied by the negative enclitic -pia (811). Another item found only in pausal form is yumUehe 'when?'. (811) ya-nupa-pia-ha pi-yue-he mawaya NEG-come-NEG-PAUS 2sg-to-PAUS snake

414 Aikhenvald

wa yu-ma-hä ya-hä then 3sgf-say-PAUS NEG-PAUS ' "A snake did not come to you" (the man said), then she said: "No." ' The phonological status of pausal forms in Warekena is confirmed by the following considerations. First, the use of pausal forms blocks the operation of phonological processes at a word-internal clitic boundary. This is illustrated in (812), where the final vowel elision on a clitic boundary between the preposition yue 'to' and the independent proclitic eni 'this' does not take place in pausal forms. (812)

wa-ha ale wayata yue-he eni-hi then-PAUS so speak to-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS Jesu Kritu wayata yueni

enami

yue eni Jesus Christ speak to DEM.PR man 'Then he thus spoke to this very man, Jesus Christ spoke to this man.' Other optional pausal marking phenomena in the position before the end of a clause or of a significant passage (813), or in right dislocation for clarification (814), are: (a) monophthongizing and centralizing vowel sequences before the pausal marker: ia > ie: -mia-ha 'PERF-PAUS' -miehe in (813) and ia > e: -pia-ha 'NEG-PAUS' > -pehe (814); optionally ia > i: pia-hä 'NEG-PAUS' > -pihl (503); -mia-ha 'PERF-PAUS' > mihl (22). (813) tfitj'i-miehe tjitji-mia ema stink-PERF 4-PAUS stink-P ERF tapir 'He is stinking. The tapir is stinking.' (814) wa: ya-atulapi-pehe ya-atulapi-pehe waji then NEG-full-NEG + PAUS NEG-full-NEG+PAUS jaguar wa atuJapi-mehe then full-PERF + PAUS Then he was not full, he was not full, the jaguar. Then he has become full.' (b) centralizing back vowel a > e before the pausal marker (815); cf. also yehe 'no' in (196), -wehe 'PERL + PAUS' in (299), nedehe (1 sg + see + PAUS) in (101). (815) e-mia pane ema ate inapa inapehe ( i in word-final position, or before a word final ni (48) we-mi-ni (leave-PERF-3pl); ia > e in word-final position following e in the preceding syllable (167) ni-piepe (3pl-find + NEG) 'they did not find'. (f) vowel dissimilation: aJe-he 'this-PAUS' > aJe hi (535), wa-hä 'then-PAUS' > wahe (642). There is also an optional phonetic distinction between a non-utterance-final and an utterance-final pause marking. In the case of a non-utterance-final pause, the post-tonic vowels of pausal and non-pausal forms can be optionally shortened in rapid speech. This process never occurs in utterance-final pause marking. This is illustrated by the following example, where the final a is shown to undergo shortening to 3 in non-utterance-final position: non-shortened form: waJamatfia 'he saves' post-tonic vowel shortening in non-pausal forms: walamatfia post-tonic vowel shortening in non-utterance-final pausal forms: waJamatfid-hd no post-tonic vowel shortening in utterance-final pausal forms: waJamätfia-hä. A phonetic process of vowel reduction ia to ia occurs in enumeration: (816) uwa-li-bena-ha namaJi ya-be-pia-ha yutJYa climb.tree-REL-when-PAUS people NEG-can-NEG-PAUS kill ya-tse-pia-ha uwa-ha NEG-know-NEG-PAUS climb-PAUS 'When people climb a tree, he cannot kill (them), he cannot climb.' Thus, Warekena makes a distinction between different kinds of 'pauses' and this corresponds to the prosodic domains of an utterance and a phonological phrase respectively. The principle is similar in Bare. Both languages use different devices for utterance-final and non-utterance-final pause-marking. However, in Bare it is

416 Aikhenvald

the optional utterance-final pause-marking devices that are non-phonological. In contrast, Warekena has the non-utterance-final vowel shortening as a nonphonological pause-marking device. Regular pause-marking devices, which include vowel harmony and Α-insertion, followed by vowel nasalization, in Warekena, are phonological both utterance-finally and non-utterance-finally. 22.4.6 Intonation. Little is known as yet about the intonation patterns in Warekena. All types of questions are characterized with a rising intonation, and declarative sentences have a falling intonation on the last word. Enumeration is characterized by a rising intonation on each component. Serial verb constructions are a single intonational unit (see sect. 18.8.1). When a constituent has to be emphasized, emphatic falling intonation is used (277). 22.5 Morphophonological changes. Warekena has the following morphophonological changes which occur on the boundaries affix + root. These morphophonological changes involve only vowels. Since no enclitic begins with a vowel, there are no specific changes on a root-enclitic boundary. As was shown above, independent enclitics have different phonological processes at their boundaries (sect. 22.4.1). (1) Vowel fusion: operates on affix and clitic boundaries. V + V > V (optionally realized as long): (i) ya NEG

+ amena-pia > yamenapia + sharp-NEG

(ii) waIpl

+ -atfia + -stand

'not sharp'

> watjia

'we stand'

(iii) pani-ji-iwe house-NPOSS-LOC

> panijiwe

'in the house'

(iv) pi2sg

> piluami

'your father'

+ -iluami + father

(2) Vowel reduction: operates on affix-root boundary. The following vowel changes occur. (a) u + a > a (i) nuIsg

+ -api > napi + bring

Ί bring'

Warekena 417

(ii) yu-api 3sgf-bring

> yapi

'she brings'

(iii) nu-aita Isg-clench

> naita

Ί clench (a fist)'

Examples like (iii) also show that sequences like Vi, Vu in Warekena cannot be considered triphthongs (in fact, they should be considered vowel sequences). (b) u + e > e

(i)

yu-eji 3sgf-tooth

> yeji

'her tooth'

(ii) yu-eda 3sgf-see

> yeda

'she saw'

(iii) yu-epuna 3sgf-road

> yepuna

her road'

There are two exceptions to this: First, nu + -e > na- in all cases but one, the one case being nu-eda > neda Ί see', where the above rule is followed. (i)

nu-eta 1sg-burn

> nata

Ί burnt'

(ii) nu-eji 1 sg-tooth

> naji

'my tooth'

(iii) nu-epuna 1 sg-road

> napuna

'my road'

Second, u + e > a in the verb e to eat:

(iv) nu-e Isg-eat

> na

Ί eat'

(v) yu-e 3sgf-eat (c) i + e > e

> ya

'she eats'

418 Aikhenvald

(i)

pi-eji 2sg-tooth

> peji

'your tooth'

(ii) pi-ema 2sg-call

> pema

'you call'

(iii) pi-epuna 2sg-road

> pepuna

'your road'

(iv) pi-e 2sg-eat

> pe

'you eat'

In slow speech register, i -I- e is sometimes realized as ie; e.g., ni-ema > nema. or niema 'they call'. There is one exception, when i + e > i: (i)

pi-eda 2sg-see

> pida

'you see'

ni-eda 3pl-see

> nida

'they see'

> tenepuwe

On the road'

> nuluami

'my father'

(d) u + i > u

(i)

tenepu-iwe road-LOC

(ii) nu-iJuami Isg-father (e) e + i > e

(i)

nawale-iwe town-LOC

> na wale we 'in a town'

(ii) akune-ina > akunena be many-AG (f)

a + e > e

(i)

wa-eda > weda Ipl-perceive

'many'

'we perceive'

Warekena 419

(ii) wa-eji 1 pi-tooth

> weji

Our tooth'

(g) a + i > e

(i)

mulupa-iwe canoe-LOC

(ii) wa-iluami 1 pi-father

> mulupewe 'in a canoe'

> weluami

Our father'

In the verb e 'eat', a + i > ai in normal register, e in rapid register: wai-hi, we-he (Ipl + eat-PAUS) 'we eat'. No changes occur in vowel sequences i-a at a clitic and affix boundary: pi-api 'you bring'; pi-atfia-\va 'you are standing'. At a clitic boundary, i-a may become a in rapid speech register, cf. variants ifiaJema, ifaJema (ifi 'what' + aJema 'how') 'how?'.

Morphology 23 Morphology 23.1 Types of morphemes. Morphemes in Warekena fall into three classes: affixes, clitics and roots. The difference between the three with respect to their behavior within a phonological word is described in sect. 22.4.1. They also differ with respect to the boundary phonological processes (see sect. 22.5) and syllable structure, and fall into different classes as far as their accentual properties (extraprosodic vs prosodic) are concerned. Only one prefix can occur in a grammatical word. Warekena, similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, is predominantly suffixing, with only a few prefixes. Prefixes in Warekena are: A/Sa and possessor cross-referencing prefixes (sections 15.2.1 and 18.4), nominal derivational prefix a-(sect. 15.4.1), classifier prefixes in numerals (see sect. 15.2.3). Suffixes are: nominal and adjectival derivational affixes (see sections 15.4 and 15.3.1), aspectual -wa 'unaccomplished action' (sect. 18.2.2), verbal valency-changing and thematic suffixes (sect. 18.5), and adverbial suffixes (sect. 20). All other morphological markers are enclitics, with the exception of negative ya, which is a proclitic.

420 Aikhenvald

Warekena also has reduplication (sect. 18.2.9), and partial suppletion in plural marking (sect. 15.2.4). The distinction between derivational and inflectional affixes is clear-cut. As can be seen from plural formation, some derivational affixes (e.g., -mi 'pejorative', 'masculine') can follow inflectional suffixes, e.g., plural (sect. 15.2.4). There is also certain 'freedom' in clitic ordering which always entails semantic changes (e.g., sect. 18.6.2). 23.2 Word classes. Major open lexical classes in Warekena are: nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs. They differ as to their inflectional categories and syntactic functions. Nouns are arguments of verbs and heads in head-modifier constructions. They have the following inflectional categories: inherent gender, number (optional), possession (obligatory), inherent class (optional), peripheral cases (obligatory, depending on the semantics of the nouns). They also have a number of derivational devices distinct from other categories. Verbs are predicates. They have the following inflectional and derivational categories: person/gender/number, transitivity and active/stative, causative, reflexive, oblique and object focus; aspect/tense (optional), emphatic. Adjectives are modifiers in head-modifier constructions. They have the following inflectional categories: number (optional), concordial gender (optional); and a number of specific derivational devices. They are a large open class, and are regularly derived from verbal roots (So verbs). The only nonderived adjectives are pronominal (demonstrative) adjectives. Adverbs are modifiers of verbs. They do not have any specific inflectional categories. They can be shown to have, historically, a deverbal origin, going back to serial verb constructions (sect. 18.8.2). Closed lexical classes in Warekena are: quantifiers, numerals (they have classifiers which distinguish them from quantifiers), pronouns, particles, conjunctions, adpositions. Warekena displays a certain degree of fuzziness between the lexical classes. Adverbs and S0 verbs can be distinguished only according to their syntactic functions, and are sometimes indistinguishable. Any noun can be used to function as an S0 verb. Quantifiers and numerals tend to collapse together, due to partial loss of the classifier system in the situation of language obsolescence. Adpositions can be considered as a subclass of obligatorily possessed nouns.

24 Ideophones Ideophones occur very rarely in Warekena. They are mainly monosyllables used to imitate brusque sounds, e.g., tfu! 'a sound of something falling', ee 'a signal of joy'. An ideophone may be repeated for intensification, e.g., tu tu tu 'the sound of knocking'. Probably, guwe 'bark' is the only ideophonic verb.

Warekena 421

Notes The Maipuran family, whose genetic unity has been clear since 1783 when Pe. Gilij established genetic affinity between Maipure language in Venezuela and Mojo in Bolivia, is known among South American scholars as Aru k (or Arawak). Claims for a larger family including Maipuran and other families such as the Arawa languages have not been substantiated (see Payne 1991:360-365). Third person singular masculine is usually realized by the absence of an overt prefix in verbal, nominal and adpositional inflectional paradigms, and so has been omitted from both sentence transcriptions and morpheme glosses; see Table 1, sect. 15.2.1, for the full chart of prefixes. The term pivot refers to the syntactic constraints on clause combination or on the omission of coreferential constituents in clause combinations. If a language treats S and O in the same way and A differently in terms of these constraints, it is said to have an S/O pivot, or to be 'syntactically ergative'. If S and A are treated in the same way and Ο differently, the language is said to have an S/A pivot and to be 'syntactically accusative'. If a language combines both types of constraints, and has an S/O pivot under some conditions and an S/A pivot under others, it is said to have a mixed pivot (see Dixon 1994: 143ff). Syntactic causatives in Warekena are strikingly similar to syntactic causatives in Bare; e.g., Bare: (i)

i-d'ekada nu-tjuma-ma-ka 3sgnf-make Isg-cry-RED-DECL 'He (the stingray who bit me) made me cry.'

Syntactic causatives in Tariana are different in that both components crossreference the A of the causative verb: (ii)

du-a du-hna tjlali-nuku 3sgf-give 3sgf-eat man-TOP 'She fed the man (make-eat).'

Compare -{β/β as an affix used in place names and a few nouns, e.g., wene- 'Xie', yapi-tfi 'ground' (see also other examples in sect. 15.4.1); as a part of collective marker -natfi, as well as in the postposition petfi On'; cf. locative -Jiku in Baniwa, which corresponds to a derivational suffix in Tariana. -Wa 'PERL' is used with deverbal nouns to form adverbial-like expressions, e.g., dabana-wa 'in the first place, first, erstwhile' (768), inapa-wa 'last'; see sect. 18.8.2, about the problems which arise here:

422 Aikhenvald

(i)

ya-wa-tse-pia-h natfi ya-wa-tse-pia-h NEG-lpl-know-NEG-PAUS grandma NEG-lpl-know-NEG-PAUS wa-yawaluta-wa pi-yawaluta-wa dabana-wa Ipl-dance-NONACC 2sg-dance-NONACC first-PERL 'We do not know how to dance, Grandma, you dance first.'

(iii) Diutsu inapa-wa payalu payalu-ni God fmish-PERL all all-3pl 'God is the last one of all.' 7 8

This irregularity is characteristic of all the Northern Maipuran languages of the region; e.g., Bare phani 'house', nu-bana 'my house'; Baniwa pan-ti 'house', nu-pana 'my house', Tariana pani-si 'house'; nu-pana 'my house'. In Baniwa of Igana, possessive markers -ni and -te, etymologically identical to -ne and -te in Warekena, and also used on alienably possessed nouns, can be considered as possessive, or relational classifiers (see Aikhenvald 1994a); i.e., subcategorization devices which characterize the type of possessive relationship: nu-tfmu-ni Isg-dog-POSS 'my dog: the dog I brought up' nu-tjmu-te Isg-dog-POSS 'my dog: the dog I found'

9

A similar constituent order is found in nominal compounding in other Northern Maipuran languages; e.g., Bare, Baniwa, Tariana nu-si-numa 'my beard' (lit.: my-hair-mouth). 10 Sio type verbs are also attested in Bare and Baniwa of Igana. 11 The following verbal markers do not occur in serial verb constructions: -yaJe 'remote past', -nia 'inchoative', -peta 'immediate or intensive action', -dekana 'back and forth', -tfiJi 'habitual', matse 'warning', -fewa 'probability'. 12 The occurrence of k in word-initial position is restricted, because ProtoArawak *k became 0 in Warekena in some contexts; e.g., Warekena -api 'hand', Baniwa, Tariana kapi, Proto-Arawak *khabi; Warekena amufi, Baniwa of Ιςαηα kamui, Bare kamuhu 'sun', Proto-Arawak *kamui 'sun (summer)'; Warekena utfipie, Baniwa of I$ana kepi$a, Tariana kepiria 'bird', Proto-Arawak *kudi[pira].

Warekena 423

Acknowledgments I am extremely grateful to Des Derbyshire, R.M.W.Dixon, W.P. Lehmann, Rute Amorim, Tatiana Baltar and Cristiane Cunha for their comments and assistance. I am also thankful to Valteir and Silvana Martins and Lenita and Elias Coelho for their patience and hospitality. This grammar could not have been completed without the patient assistance of Humberto and Manoel Baltazar and Pedro Ängelo Tomäs, native speakers of Warekena of Xie.

Abbreviations ADJ AFF AG AUG CAUS CL COLL DEC DECL DEL DEM DER DIM DIR EL EMPH f PUT HAB IMM IMP INCH INT LOG MASC NEG NOM NONACC nf

adjectivizer affix agentive augmentative causative classifier collective deceased declarative delimitative demonstrative derivational suffix diminutive directional elative emphatic feminine future habitual immediate impersonal inchoative intensive locative masculine negative nominalizer non-accomplished nonfeminine

424 Aikhenvald

NPOSS OBJ.FOC OBL.FOC PAUS PEJ PERF PERL

pi

POSS PR PRES PROB PROH PURP REC RED REFL REL sg REM.P REP TOP WARN

non-possessed object focus oblique focus pausal pejorative perfective perlative/transformative plural possessive proximate presentative probability prohibitive purposive reciprocal reduplication reflexive relative singular remote past repetitive topic warning

Warekena 425

References Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 1994a "Classifiers in Tariana," Anthropological Linguistics 36:4: 1-62. 1994b "Grammatical relations in Tariana," Nordic Journal of Linguistics 17:2: 201-218. 1995a Bare. (Lincom Europe Materials: 100) 1995b "Person-marking and discourse in North-Arawak languages," Studia Linguistica 49, 2:152-95. 1995c "Topic advancing voice in Baniwa of Igana and Tariana," 20pp, ms. 1996a "Classe nominal e genero nas linguas Aruäk," Boletim do Museu Goeldi, Vol. 10(2) 1994:137-259. [Published in 1996.] 1996b "Words, phrases, pauses and boundaries: evidence from SouthAmerican Indian languages," Studies in Language 20:487-517. In prep. "A grammar of Tariana," ms. Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y., and Rute Maria Coelho Amorim 1995 "Warekena in Brazil," Opcion, 18:29-44. Anonymous 1933 Pelo Rio Mar. (MissOes Salesianas do Amazonas). (Estabelecimento de artes gräphicas. C.Mendes Junior, Rio de Janeiro). Briizzi, Alconcilio Alves da Silva 1961 Discoteca etno-lingüistica-musical das tribos dos rios Uaupes, Ifana e Cauaburi (Centro de Pesquisas de lauarete da Missäo Salesiana do Rio Negro, Säo Paulo). 1977 A civilizacäo indigena do Vaupes (Las: Roma). Bull er, Barbara, Ernest Buller, and Daniel L.Everett 1993 "Stress placement, syllable structure and minimality in Banawä," International Journal of American Linguistics 59:276—89. Civrieux, Marc and Reno Lichy 1950 "Vocabulärio de cuatro dialectos Arawak del rio Guainia," Boletin de la Sociedad Venezolana de Ciencias Naturales XIII (77): 121— 159. Comrie, Bernard 1981 Language Universals and Linguistic Typology (Oxford: Blackwell).

426 Aikhenvald

Crävaux, J., P. Sagot, and L. Adam 1882 Grammaires et vocabulaires roucouyenne, arrouaque, piapoco, et d'autres langues de la region des Guyanes (Bibliothaque Linguistique An^ricaine 8, Paris). Dixon, R.M.W. 1991 A new approach to English grammar, On semantic principles (Oxford: Clarendon Press). 1994 Ergativity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Foley, William A., and Mike Olson 1985 "Clausehood and verb serialization," Grammar Inside and Outside the Clause, edited by Johanna Nichols and Anthony C. Woodbury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 17-60. Galväo, Eduardo 1979 Encontro de sociedades (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra). Gonzalez-Nanez, Omar 1970 "Lengua y cultura del grupo Guarequena (familia Arahuaca) del Territorio Federal Amazonas," Economia y Ciencias Sociales, 12.3:111-18. Grasserie, Raoul de la 1892 "Esquisse d'une grammaire e d'un vocabulaire Baniva," Congres International des Ame"ricanistes, 8e session, Paris, 616-641. Grimes, Barbara F. (ed.) 1996 Ethnologue: Languages of the world, Thirteenth edition (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics). Hopper, Paul J., and Sandra A. Thompson 1980 "Transitivity in grammar and discourse," Language 56: 251-99. Koch-Grünberg, Theodor 1911 "Aruak-Sprachen Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete," Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, 41: 33-153, 203-82. Lord, Carol 1993 Historical change in serial verb constructions (Amsterdam: Benjamins). Loukotka, C. 1968 Classification of South American Indian languages (University of California, Los Angeles). Martius, Karl F.P.von 1867 Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, zumal Brasiliens, vol. l (Leipzig).

Warekena 427

Mosonyi, Esteban 1968 "Introduction al analisis intraestrutural del idioma Baniva," Economia y Ciencias Sociales, 10:3:65—70. Nimuendaju, Curt 1982 Textos indigenistas (Säo Paulo: Edisoes Loyola). Payne, David L. 1991 "A classification of Maipuran (Arawakan) languages based on shared lexical retentions," Handbook of Amazonian languages vol.3, edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K.Pullum (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter), 355-499. Rodrigues, Aryon D. 1986 Linguas brasileiras. Para o conhecimento das linguas indigenas (Edi^Oes Loyola, Säo Paulo). Schachter, Paul, and Fe T. Otanes 1972 Tagalog reference grammar (Berkeley: University of California Press). Schomburgk, Richard H. 1841 Reisen in Guiana und am Orinoco während der Jahre 1835-1839 (Leipzig). Voegelin Carl F., and Florence M. Voegelin 1977 Classification and index of the world's languages (New York: Else vier). Wallace Alfred R. 1853 A narrative of travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, Reprinted in 1972 (New York: Dover publications). Wise, Mary Ruth 1991 "Morfosintaxis comparativa y subagrupaciones de las lenguas arawakas maipurän," Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolingiifsticos. Lingüistica Arawaka, 259-282.

428 Aikhenvald

Appendix Warekena Text The Deer and the Turtle (1)

yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha isturia-ne malayu now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS story-POSS deer

(2)

e:pi kulimalu with turtle 'Now I shall tell a story of a deer with a turtle.'

(3)

wa-hä malayu wayata yue-he kulmalu then-PAUS deer speak to-PAUS turtle

(4)

ma wayata malayu yue-he kul malu say speak deer to-PAUS turtle

(5)

wa-Ja wa-pala-ha ma yue kulimalu lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS say to turtle

(6)

weda-palu damali yutfi-li pala-ha Ipl + see-PURP who strong-ADJ run-PAUS 'So the deer said to the turtle, the deer said to the turtle, "Let's run," he said to the turtle, "to see who is stronger in running." '

(7)

ma yue wa-yawaputa kulimalu say to then-answer turtle

(8)

yawaputa kulimalu answer turtle

(9)

wa-Ja wa-ma wapuna lpl-go Ipl-make Ipl+road

(10)

wapuna-ha wa-pala-palu Ipl + road-PAUS Ipl-run-PURP The turtle answered, answered the turtle, "Let's make a road, our road for us to run." '

(11)

wa ni-Ja ni-yeluta nepuna-ha then 3pl-go 3pl-clear 3pl +road-PAUS

Warekena 429

(12)

malayu malayu kulimalu deer deer turtle

(13)

wa ni-yeluta nepuna-hä ya:me-Ju then 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS far-EMPH

(14)

ya:me-lu ni-yeluta nepuna-ha far-EMPH 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS

(15)

ate ninapa-mia ni-yeluta-wa until 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl-clear-NONACC 'Then they went to clear the road, deer, deer and turtle, then they made their road far, they made their road far, until they finished clearing.'

(16)

ni-yeluta wa-wayata malayu yue kulimalu 3pl-clear then-speak deer to turtle

(17)

yaliwa wa-Ja wa-pala-ha now lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS 'They cleared, then the deer said to the turtle, "Now let's run." '

(18)

yawaputa kulimalu yaliwa ya-hä answer turtle now NEG-PAUS

(19)

yaliwa ya-hä ya-wa-Ja-pia wa-pala now NEG-PAUS NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run

(20)

wa-Ja wa-pala pajia-ha bena-pajia-ta-ha lpl-go Ipl-run FUT-PAUS when-FUT-DEM.DIST-PAUS 'The turtle answered, "Not now, now no, we will not run, let's run later, the day after tomorrow.'

(21)

bena-pajia wa-Ja wa-pala-ha when-FUT lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS

(22)

weda-palu damali yutji-li pala-ha Ipl + see-PURP who strong-ADJ run-PAUS

(23)

wayata kulimalu yue malayu speak turtle to deer ' "We will run the day after tomorrow, to see who is stronger in running," the turtle said to the deer.'

430 Aikhenvald

(24)

wa ni-yuleta-mia-wa then 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC

(25)

ni-pane-waba kulimalu yuleta-mia-wa 3pl-house-DIR turtle return-PERF-NONACC

(26)

malayu yuleta-mia-wa deer return-PERF-NONACC 'Then they returned returned home, the turtle returned, the deer returned. '

(27)

Ja muta Ja:bine-pe Ja:bine-pe Ja muta-ni go call family-PL family-PL go call-3pl 'He (the turtle) went to call his family, he went to call his family.'

(28)

wa ni-nupa-mia-ha Ja:bine-pe yuwaba-ha yuwaba-hä then 3pl-come-PERF-PAUS family-PL to-PAUS to-PAUS 'Then his family came to him, to him.'

(29)

wa-wayata ni-yue wa-wayata ni-yue then-speak 3pl-to then-speak 3pl-to

(30)

wa-Ja wa-pala-ha tenepu numa-wa lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS road mouth-PERL

(31)

tenepu numa-wa yaliwa nu-Ja nu-we road mouth-PERL now Isg-go Isg-leave

(32)

pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa 2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL

(33)

peya kulimalu Ja we-he piyatuaba one turtle go leave-PAUS in.front + DIR

(34)

peya-ha Ja-wa we-he ya:me ya:me one-PAUS go-NONACC leave-PAUS far far

(35)

tenepu numa-wa ale ale-he we-he road mouth-PERL so so-PAUS leave-PAUS

(36)

ya:me far 'Then of the

ya:me tenepu numa-wa far road mouth-PERL he said to them, then he said to them, "We shall run by the edge road, by the edge of the road. Now I shall leave you on the edge

Warekena 431

of the road, in front," he said, "another one will be far, far on by the edge of the road", so he left (them), he left (them) far, far on the edge of the road.' (37)

ale ale-hee bayata-ni ate ninapa-wa so so-PAUS spread-3pl until 3pl + fmish-NONACC 'He spread them this way until they finished.'

(38)

ninapa-wa kuiimalu 3pl +fmish-NONACC turtle

(39)

ate wali inapa-mia-wa tenepu until where fmish-PERF-NONACC road 'The turtles came to an end up to where the road finished.'

(40)

wa-hä wa yeleta-mia malayu then-PAUS then arrive-PERF deer

(41)

wayata epi kuiimalu speak with turtle

(42)

wa-Ja wa-pala-hä wa yawaputa kuiimalu lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS then answer turtle

(43)

wa-Ja wa-pala-ha yawaya lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS tomorrow

(44)

niwe-mia amuji wa-Ja-wa-pala high-PERF sun 1 pi-go-1 pi-run 'Then the deer came, he spoke with turtle, "Let's run." Then the turtle answered, "Let's run tomorrow! When the sun is high, let's run." '

(45)

wa yawaputa malayu anetua then answer deer good 'And the deer answered, "Good".'

(46)

wa yawa-mia-ni ni-tsima-mia-ha then late-PERF-3pl 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS 'Then they were late, they slept.'

(47)

ni-tsima-mia-ha ate aliwa-mia-ni aliwa-mia-ni 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-PERF-3pl dawn-PERF-3pl

432 Aikhenvald

(48)

way ata malayu yue kulimalu ma-ha say deer to turtle say-PAUS

(49)

wa-ja-mia wa wa-pala-ha lpl-go-PERF then Ipl-run-PAUS They slept until they woke up, they woke up, the deer said, he said to the turtle, "Let's run!" '

(50)

wa yawaputa kulimalu wa-Ja-wa then answer turtle lpl-go-NONACC 'Then the turtle answered, "Let's go!" '

(51)

wa-hä pala-mia-ha malayu then-PAUS run-PERF-PAUS deer

(52)

wa-Ja-wa malayu wa-Ja-wa then-go-NONACC deer then-go-NONACC

(53)

wa-Ja-mia-wa wa-pala-mia-ha pala-mia-ha then-go-PERF-NONACC then-run-PERF-PAUS run-PERF-PAUS

(54)

pala malayu ya:me-lu pala-mia-hä malayu run deer far-EMPH run-PERF-PAUS deer

(55)

pala malayu ya:me-lu wa ema-ha malayu run deer far-EMPH then cry-PAUS deer 'Then the deer ran, then the deer went on running, the deer ran far, the deer ran, the deer ran far, then the deer shouted.'

(56)

wa yawaputa kulimalu wa ema-ha ni-malayu then answer turtle then cry-PAUS DEM.PR-deer

(57)

yawaputa kulimalu yame-he yame piyatuaba malayu answer turtle far-PAUS far in. front + DIR deer 'The turtle answered, then the deer shouted, turtle answered far in front of the deer.'

(58)

piyatuaba pala malayu pala in. front + DIR run deer run

(59)

pala pala ate ya-mie-yutj'i-pihi malayu run run until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer 'The deer ran on in front, he ran, ran, until the deer had no strength.'

Warekena 433

(60)

wa-hä ema-tj"i-wa ema-t^i-wa then-PAUS cry-REP-NONACC cry-REP-NONACC

(61)

ema-ha ema ema-ha cry-PAUS cry cry-PAUS Then he cried again, cried again, cried again.'

(62)

yawaputa kulimalu yame yame yawaputa kuiimalu answer turtle far far answer turtle 'The turtle answered far, the turtle answered far.'

(63)

wa-pala-tj"i maJayu pa:Ja pa:la pa:la ya-mia then-run-REP deer run run run NEG-PERF

(64)

be-pia-wa malayu ma-kaJe-miehe can-NEG-NONACC deer NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS

(65)

wa ema-^i ema-ha ema maJayu then cry-REP cry-PAUS cry deer

(66)

ma-kale-miehe ema-tj"i ema NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS cry-REP cry

(67)

eda-palu daba kulimalu see-PURP where turtle 'Then the deer ran, he ran, and he could (run) no more, he was tired, he cried again, he was tired, he cried, to see/hear where the turtle was.'

(68)

yawaputa kulimalu yawaputa kulimalu answer turtle answer turtle

(69)

piyatuaba-mia ya:me piyatuaba in.front + DIR-PERF far in.front + DIR 'The turtle answered far in front.'

(70)

wa pala malayu pala malayu then run deer run deer

(71)

wiya-mia dalina-ha malayu die-PERF faint-PAUS deer

(72)

ya-mia-yutfi-piln ya-mia-yutji-piehe NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS

434 Aikhenvald

(73)

malayu wa yeleta-ha wali inapa-wa tenepu deer then arrive-PAUS where finish-NONACC road The deer ran, the deer fainted, the deer had no more strength, he came where the road finished.'

(74)

wa ema-tfi ema-ha ema-ha then cry-REP cry-PAUS cry-PAUS

(75)

eda-paJu daba kulimalu see-PURP where turtle 'He cried again, to see where the turtle is.'

(76)

yawaputa kulimalu piatuaba-mia answer turtle front + DIR-PERF 'The turtle answered in front.'

(77)

wa-hä dalina-mia malayu then-PAUS faint-PERF deer

(78)

dalina-mia ya-mia-be-pia-wa faint-PERF NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC

(79)

ya-mia-be-pia-wa malayu dalina-mia-ha NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC deer faint-PERF-PAUS 'Then the deer fainted, he fainted, he could (run) no more, the deer could (run) no more, he fainted.'

(80)

akawi-mia-ha numewene slobber-PERF-PAUS mouth + EL 'Slobber came out of his mouth.'

(81)

wa-hä wiyua-miani-M malayu then-PAUS die-PERF + DEM.PR-PAUS deer Then the deer died.'

(82)

wiyua-miani malayu die-PERF + DEM.PR deer Then the deer died.'

(83)

wa ema ema-ha ema-ha kulumalu yue-he yue ema then cry cry-PAUS cry-PAUS turtle to-PAUS to cry

(84)

ee! wiyua-mia-ha malayu ee! die-PERF-PAUS deer

Warekena 435

(85)

emani kulimalu cry + DEM.PR turtle 'Then the turtle cried to (his companions), he cried, "The deer died!," cried this turtle.'

(86)

wa yawaputehe peya kulimalu eni-M then answer + PAUS one turtle DEM.PR-PAUS

(87)

wa emä-hä ema-hä-ni kulimalu tsina-hä then cry-PAUS cry-PAUS-DEM.PR turtle again-PAUS

(88)

malayu wiyua-mia-ha wiyua-miani malayu deer die-PERF-PAUS die-PERF + DEM.PR deer 'Then one turtle answered, cried this turtle, again, that the deer died, the deer died.'

(89)

wa eda yujana ni-peya kulimalu then perceive voice DEM.PR-one turtle

(90)

Jia-li yuluta-li pane-we tenepu where-REL lie-REL middle-LOC road

(91)

eda yujana anetua perceive voice good

(92)

wiyua-mia-ha eni malayu die-PERF-PAUS DEM.PR deer 'Then one turtle heard the voice where he was lying in the middle of the road, he heard well (that) the deer died.'

(93)

yaliwa wa-ja-wa tenepu numa-wa now lpl-go-NONACC road mouth-PERL

(94)

wa-ja weda wiyua-miani malayu lpl-go Ipl + perceive die-PERF + DEM.PR deer 'Now let's go by the edge of the road, let's go and see how the deer died.'

(95)

wa-ni-Ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR-turtle-PL

(96)

tenepu numa-wa ni-Ja-wa uyuba-lu road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH

436 Aikhenvald

(97)

ya-ni-be-pia-hä ni-pala-hä wa ni-ja-wa NEG-3pl-can-NEG-PAUS 3pl-mn-PAUS then 3pl-go-NONACC

(98)

uyuba-Ju ni-ja-wa ni-ja-wa slow-EMPH 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC

(99)

ate ni-yeleta-hä wali wiyua-hä malayu until 3pl-amve-PAUS where die-PAUS deer 'Then the turtles went, they went slowly by the edge of the road, they cannot run, they went slowly until they came where the deer died.'

(100) ni-yeleta-ha ni-yeleta kulimalu-nawi 3pl-arrive-PAUS 3pl-amve turtle-PL (101) ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-ha 3pl-arrive 3pH-perceive-PAUS 3pl +perceive die-PERF-PAUS They arrived, they arrived, the turtles arrived, they saw, they saw him dead.' (102) wa wayata ni-yue Jabine eni kulimalu yaliwa then speak 3pl-to family DEM.PR turtle now (103) wa-Ja we-he eni malayu wiyua-mia-ha lpl-go lpl+ eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer die-PERF-PAUS 'Then the turtle spoke to his family, "Now let's eat the dead deer." ' (104) wiyua-mia-hä wa-ni-ja-mia-wa kulimalu-nawi die-PERF-PAUS then-3pl-go-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL (105) ni-ja ni-mutjitehe ni-mutfita tjiabutji 3pl-go 3pl-bite-l-PAUS 3pl-bite stomach (106) tfiabuji ni-bujuka-paluhi stomach 3pl-split-PURP + PAUS (107) ni-yanta-palu tfiapi ne-palu 3pl-take-PURP insides 3pl-I-eat-PURP 'The turtles came (to) the dead (deer), they came to bite him, they bit on the stomach, to split the stomach and take his insides to eat.' (108) wani ni-mufita-mehe ni-mutjita-mehe there 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS

Warekena 437

(109) ate ni-bujuka tfiapi until 3pl-split insides 'They bit him until the insides split.' (110) ne-mia ne-mia-ha payalu-ni eni malayu 3pl + eat-PERF 3pl + eat-PERF-PAUS all-3pl DEM.PR deer (111) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he atulapi-mia-ni here + PAUS 3pl + finish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS full-PERF-3pl "They ate, they all ate the deer, then they finished eating, they were full.' (112) wa ni-yuluta-wa ima-ha malayu then 3pl-lie-NONACC with-PAUS deer (113) ni-yiuuta-wa ba-buya pepuji wa ne-tfi 3pl-lie-NONACC one-CL:TIME day then 3pl + eat-REP (114) ne-tj"i ne-he ne-mia malayu 3pl + eat-REP 3pl+eat-PAUS 3pl + eat-PERF deer (115) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he ni-maJayu here + PAUS 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS DEM.PR-deer (116) wa inapa-mia-wa malayu then finish-PERF-NONACC deer 'They lay down near the deer, they lay for one day, then they ate again, they ate the deer, then they finished eating the deer, then the deer finished.' (117) wayata ni-yue-he Jabine wayata ni-yue-he say 3pl-to-PAUS family say 3pl-to-PAUS (118) eni Jabine yaliwa wa-Ja-mia-wa DEM.PR family now lpl-go-PERF-NONACC (119) wa-yuleta-wa Ipl-return-NONACC 'He said to the family, he said to the family, "Now let's go back." ' (120) wa eni teletfi teletfi kulimalu then DEM.PR three three turtle

438 Aikhenvald

(121) Ja-mia-wa aJatalu-waba go-PERF-NONACC swamp-DIR (122) Ja-wa ate yeleta alataluwe-he go-NONACC until arrive swamp+ LOC-PAUS (123) wa ni-Ja-wa wa ni-yuluta-wa then 3pl-go-NONACC then 3pl-lie-NONACC 'Then three turtles went to a swamp, they went until they arrived to the swamp, then they went, they lay down.' (124) wa eni kwatru kulimalu ni-Ja-wa then DEM.PR four turtle 3pl-go-NONACC (125) a:wipemi-waba wabupi a:wipemi-waba wabupi headwaters-DIR spring headwaters-DIR spring (126) ni-Ja-wa eni kwatru kulimalu-nawi 3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR four turtle-PL Then four turtles went to the headwaters of the spring, to the spring's headwaters they came, the four turtles.' (127) kwatru kulimalu-nawi ni-Ja-wa four turtle-PL 3pl-go-NONACC (128) a:wipemi-waba wabupi head waters-DIR spring 'Four turtles went to the headwaters of the spring.' (129) wa eni teletfi kulimalu ni-Ja-wa then DEM.PR three turtle 3pl-go-NONACC (130) ulupe-tji-waba ya:pa foot-LOC?-DIR hill (131) ale-he ni-bayata-na-wa-mia-ha so-PAUS 3pl-spread-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS ni-Ja-mia-wa 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC

Warekena 439

(132) ni-yuleta-mia-wa ni-yiüeta-mia-hä ulupe-waba ya:pa 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC 3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill "Then three turtles went to the foot of a hill, so they dispersed, they returned to the foot of a hill.' (133) wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa kulimaJu-nawi then 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL (134) wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa then 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC (135) ninapa-mia-nehe malayu 3pl + finish-PERF-DEM.PR + PAUS deer 'Then the turtles lay down, they lay down, they finished the deer.' (136) ya:liwa inapa-mia-wa isturia-ne malayu now fmish-PERF-NONACC story-POSS deer (137) epi kulimalu yaliwa ube-ma-lu nu-tfina-li with turtle now all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-REL (138) wa isturia-ne malayu epi kulimalu then story-POSS deer with turtle 'Now the story of the deer with a turtle is finished, this is all my story, the story of the deer with a turtle.'

PART II Typological Study: Amahuaca (Panoan)

Interclausal Reference in Amahuaca Margarethe W. Sparing-Chavez Summer Institute of Linguistics

0 Introduction 1 General characteristics of Amahuaca 1.1 The case-marking system 1.2 Tense/aspect system 1.3. Operators that function as IRMs 2 General description of IR-constructions in Amahuaca 3 IR-operators in Amahuaca 3.1 Set A 3.2 Set B 4 Conclusions 5 IRMs in Narrative Discourse 5.1 Sample narrative 5.2 Analysis 5.3 Participant Orientation 0 Introduction Ever since William Jacobson coined the term "switch-reference" in his seminal paper of 1967 entitled: "Switch-reference in Hokan-Coahuiltecan," linguists have detected this syntactic clause-linking device not only in the Americas, but all over the globe: in New Guinea, Australia, and Africa. Switch-reference as defined by Jacobson (1967:240) "consists simply in the fact that a switch in subject or agent is obligatorily indicated in certain situations by a morpheme, usually suffixed, which may or may not carry other meanings in addition." Meanwhile switch-reference has become an important issue in typological studies, and the experts speak of "canonical" (Haiman), "prototypical" vs. "non-prototypical" (Comrie), "anticipatory" vs. "non-anticipatory" and "real" vs. "unreal" (Givon) switch-reference systems. Although the scope of the phenomenon described has changed, the basic assumption that this type of clause-linking device primarily encodes referential relations has remained the same. Amahuaca, like other members of the Panoan1 language family of South America, has a well developed clause-linking morphology which exhibits all of the characteristics of

444 Sparing-Chavez

classic "switch-reference" systems (Jacobson 1967) plus the additional feature of encoding coreference between subjects and objects. It is this feature that makes the system very productive. However, maintaining referential continuity is only one of the functions of this system, and not necessarily even the most important one. Other functions include encoding transitivity and temporal or logical relations between events. Therefore the term "switch reference" does not accurately describe the system and I will refer to it as "interclausal reference system "(hereafter IRS), following Franklin (1983). My purpose in this discussion is twofold: 1. to describe the IRS of Amahuaca in terms of previous typological characterizations of switch reference (e.g., Munro 1980, Haiman and Munro 1983, Haiman 1983, Connie 1983, Givon 1983, and Longacre 1983), and 2. to question the assumption that clause-linking morphology primarily establishes cross-clausal reference between subjects or agents. Instead, I suggest that in Amahuaca to a large extent temporal and/or logical relations take precedence over referential ones. I will attempt to show in this study that two systems are basic to the IRS: case marking and tense/aspect, and that the referential parameter is subsidiary to the temporal parameter. These claims disqualify Amahuaca as a "prototypical" switch-reference language, as described by Comrie (1983:36). I therefore propose a more general typology of interclausal reference that is not strictly concerned with the referential tracking function. In Section 1, I describe some fundamental characteristics of Amahuaca and, as a background to the investigation of interclausal relations, outline the case marking and tense/aspect systems, as well as discuss a small number of suffixes which figure in the IRS. In Section 2, I describe the basic properties of the IR suffix system. Section 3 presents and illustrates the constructions in more detail with examples and summary displays of the morphemes and their grammatical functions. In Section 4, I summarize my findings and relate them to the studies previously mentioned. Finally, in Section 5, I analyse a short text, and briefly discuss the pragmatic functions of the IRS. Amahuaca is spoken by approximately 1,000 people in the lowlands of southeastem Peru. The people live widely dispersed and there are some dialectal differences. But to my knowledge they do not affect the IRS. My language data come from field work in the settlements of Nuevo San Martin on the Inuya River and Laureano on the Purus River, during several trips from November 1985 to June 1992 under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. 1 General characteristics of Amahuaca The grammar strongly reflects the notions of attention flow and viewpoint. (Attention flow determines the linear order of sentence constituents, and viewpoint refers to the speaker's perception of a situation.)2 Consequently, word and clause order, and an extensive morphology marking case, tense/aspect, theme (central element of a sentence), pragmatic considerations, and evidentiality dominate the morphosyntactic strategy of the grammar. Like all Panoan languages Amahuaca is highly agglutinative. Operators are suffixes and some function as clitics which are

Amahuaca 445

phono logically bound to the last constituent of a clause or sentence. It is not at all unusual to attach tense-aspect-person-mood morphemes to a noun or pronoun, or case markings to verb phrases. Likewise, clause-level evidential operators can be suffixed to almost any constituent. There is strong indication that the whole sentence, rather than the constituent marked, is the scope of the affixation. As is typical in clause chaining languages, Amahuaca distinguishes between independent and dependent clauses. Independent clauses are inflected for tense-aspect-person-mood, and usually are sentence final. Dependent clauses carry the IR morphology. Again following the general trend, Amahuaca is best classified as an SOV language (Wise 1979), but not in an exclusive sense. Whereas dependent clauses (particularly clauses in a chain with IR morphology) strongly prefer SOV/SV word order, independent clauses and sentences display more freedom. Their word order depends on verbal aspect3 and pragmatic considerations (which in the context of this paper means that a sentence constituent or a clause is considered prominent). While independent sentences in unmarked aspect have SOV/SV word order, those in marked aspect display OVS/VS word order. Other orders (OVS/VS in unmarked aspect and SOV/SV in marked aspect) are clearly pragmatically marked (e.g., 3a,b below). 1.1 The case-marking system. The case-marking system is basically tripartite4 with ergative, absolutive, and nominative cases (Table 1). In pragmatically neutral independent clauses, split ergativity is governed by verbal aspect. (1)

Unmarked aspect, transitive and intransitive verb. (a)

Xano -n -mun maninha -0 vi -xo -hnu.5 woman -ERG -TH banana(s) -ABS get -3PAST.PFTV -DECL 'The woman got/brought bananas.'

(b)

Xano -vaun -mun maninha -0 vi -xo -hnu. woman -ERG.PL -TH banana(s) -ABS get -3PAST.PFTV -DECL 'The women got/brought banana(s).'

(c)

Hun povi -0 -mun nashi -xo -hnu. my sibling -ABS -TH bathe -3PAST.PFTV -DECL 'My sibling bathed.'

(d)

Hun povi -vo -mun nashi -xo -hnu. my siblings -ABS.PL -TH bathe -3PAST.PFTV -DECL 'My siblings bathed.'

(2)

Marked aspect, transitive and intransitive verb. (a)

Maninha -0 -mun vi -hax huha -0 -hqui -nu. bananas -ABS -TH get -3PAST.PF mother -ABS -3ACT -DECL 'Mother has gotten/brought bananas.'

446 Sparing-Chavez

(b)

Nashi -mun -ax6 hun povi -0 -hqui -nu. bathe -TH -PAST.PF my sibling -ABS -3ACT -DECL 'My sibling has bathed.' (Lit.: 'Bathing is what my sibling has been doing·')

(c)

Nashi -mun -ax6 hun povi -vo -hqui -nu. bathe -TH -PAST.PF my siblings -ABS.PL -3ACT -DECL 'My siblings have bathed.' (Lit.: 'Bathing is what my siblings have been doing.')

These examples illustrate that in pragmatically neutral contexts, SOV/SV constituent order is used in unmarked aspect and OVS/VS in marked aspect. The clause-initial constituents in these examples receive the clitic -mun 'theme.' The following constituents are found in initial position: any subject governed by a verb in unmarked aspect (la-d), direct objects (2a), and intransitive verbs in marked aspect (2b,c). Examples 3a,b illustrate the tripartite case-marking system in contexts with pragmatically marked subject: (3)

Marked aspect, transitive and intransitive, pragmatically marked subject. (a)

Xano -n -mun maninha -0 vi -hax -qui -hnu. woman -ERG -TH bananas -ABS get -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL 'It is the woman who has gotten/brought bananas.'

(b)

Joni -x -mun ca -hax -qui -hnu. man -NOM -TH go -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL 'It is the man who has gone.'

(c)

Joni -vaux -mun vo -hax -qui -hnu. man -NOM.PL -TH go.PL -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL 'It is the men who have gone.' TABLE 1: Case-marking system

Singular Plural

Agent ergative -n -vaun

Obj/Subj absolutive -0 -vo

Subject nominative -X

-vaux

As mentioned above, SOV and SV orders in marked aspects are pragmatically marked. Evidence for this claim is that these orders are infrequent in discourse, and appear in contrastive environments (Chafe 1976). As Table 1 reflects, in the case-marking system neither the syntactic terms "subject" and "object" nor the semantic concepts of "agent" and "patient" are adequate. They need to be redefined.7 However, in the IRS the syntactic terms "subject" and "object" suffice. Therefore I will employ them in this paper.

Amahuaca 447

1.2 Tense/aspect system. Amahuaca has very few free temporal adverbs. Instead, it has a detailed grammatical morphology that encodes tense and/or aspect, and other temporal nuances. For example, the system includes bound temporal adverbs encoding different degrees of time lapses between events. In this brief sketch I will outline the tense system only as far as it relates to the IRS. The tense/aspect operators described are those used in declarative clauses. There are different sets of operators for questions and commands. As mentioned in sect. 1.1, the tense/aspect system of Amahuaca is divided into two sets: unmarked and marked. They differ formally as well as semantically. The unmarked aspect operators (Table 2) have the following formal characteristics: the forms are one single unanalyzable suffix encoding either aspect only, e.g., -non 'prospective aspect,' or tense + aspect + person, e.g., -xo '3rd person, narrative past, perfective.' They can be preceded by bound temporal adverbs, e.g., -shinxo Ί-3 days ago, 3rd person, narrative past, perfective,' and preceded or followed by plural subject markers, e.g., -haivo 'continuous aspect, plural.' The marked forms (Table 3) have the following formal characteristics: they consist of two separate operators, which can either occur together on the same consitutuent, e.g., -haxqui (3), or they can occur on different constituents, e.g., -hax. .. -qui 'past perfect, 3rd person actuality aspect' (9—11). The forms encoding tense/aspect, are often analyzable, e.g., -ca-tzi 'future' consists of -ca 'go' + -tzi 'commitment.' Like the operators of the unmarked category, those of the marked category can also be preceded by the bound temporal adverbs, resulting in hypermorphemes such as -shinax/-shinnax Ί-3 days ago' (from -shin + -hax. ) 1.2.1 Unmarked tense/aspect set (Table 2). There are two past tenses in perfective aspect: the narrative past and the immediate past. The narrative past has three different forms: -cu '1st and 2nd person,' and -xo '3rd person' encode recent past; -tai which does not inflect for person, encodes One planting season ago.' (4) a.

b.

Hiya -x -mun hun -0 jo -cu -hnu. I -NOM -TH I -ABS come -1/2REC.PAST.PFTV -DECL 'It is I who came.' Jaa -x -mun jan -0 jo -xo -hnu. he -NOM -TH he -ABS come -3REC.PAST.PFTV -DECL 'It is he who came.'

The above past tenses (with -tai as an exception) can combine with the following operators expressing time lapses: -shin Ί-3 days ago,' -yan '4 days till a planting season ago,' -ni 'a long time ago.' The forms for immediate past are: -ha '1st person,' and -qui '2nd and 3rd person.' (5) a.

Moha -mun hun -0 jo -ha -nu. now -TH I -ABS come -1IMM.PAST.PFTV -DECL 'Now I have (just/actually) arrived.'

448 Sparing-Chavez

b.

Moha -mun jan -0 jo -qui -hnu. now -TH he -ABS come -2/3IMM.PAST.PFTV -DECL 'Now he has (just/actually) arrived.'

The temporal adverb -moha 'now' is optional, but is often used in the immediate past construction in perfective aspect. Incidentally, if we compare the above forms -ha '1st person' and -qui '2nd and 3rd person immediate past perfective' with the form encoding actuality aspect in the marked tense/aspect set, we note that they are identical (see Table 3, person and actuality aspect column). It appears mat the above forms also encode actuality aspect, despite the fact that in general the actuality mode is used in marked contexts. I have therefore added it in parenthesis in the gloss. (The above distinction between marked and unmarked, however, still holds: the unmarked tense/aspect form consists of one single morpheme and the marked form of two (compare the forms of Tables 2 and 3)). The unmarked tense/aspect set also contains a pair of singular and plural forms that encode perfect of result. They can combine with the operators expressing time lapses. The plural forms can be best translated as passives, but they do not follow the normal criteria for passive constructions8, and are more strictly the indefinite third person subject of an active construction. (See also example 48.) (6) a.

b.

Hapo -0 rutu -ha -vo. chief -ABS kill -PF.RESULT -ABS.PL The chief has been killed by them.' Hapo -0 rutu -shin -a6 -vo. chief -ABS kill -l-3.days.ago -PF.RESULT. -ABS.PL 'The chief was killed yesterday/a few days ago.'

Other members of the unmarked tense/aspect set that also figure in the IRS are th;e repetitive/continuative operator -hai/-haivo (7), and the prospective aspect operator -non/-novo (8). (7)

Huha -n -mun maninha -0 vi -hai -hnu. mother -ERG -TH bananas -ABS get -REP -DECL 'Mother is (continuous) getting/bringing bananas.'

The aspect marker -hai shares some of the semantic features of the habitual aspect -nox, and the customary aspect -taish-9 which are part of the marked category. The difference, however, is that -hai encodes repeated or continued events that are viewed from an outside perspective. (8)

Hupa -0 jiri -non -nu. father -ABS eat -PROSP -DECL 'Father is intending to eat.'

The form -non expresses an intended or possible event. There is no bias as to whether or not the event will be taking place.

Amahuaca 449

TABLE 2: Unmarked tense/aspect operators tense/aspect

temporal adverb

tense/aspect marker

time lapse

gloss

narrative past, perfective

-shin -yan

-cw(l,2) -*o(3) -can-xo(3p\)

-shincu -shinxo -yancu -yanxo

perfect of result

-ti

-tai -tai

-ni

-nicu -nixo

Ί—3 days ago' '4 days - one planting season ago' 'a planting season ago' 'a long time ago'

-shina -shinavo

Ί-3 days ago'

-yanta -yantavo

'4 days - one planting season ago' 'a planting season ago'

-ha (sing) -ha-vo (pi)

-ti -tivo

-niha -nivo

'a long time ago'

immediate past, perfective

-Ml) - oka (Wa)

In Kaiwä and Mbyä Guarani, many stems originally ending in r retained this consonant together with the -a suffix, which was changed to the high central vowel (y), as in (33). The stress, which normally occurs on the final syllable of the stem in these languages, is penultimate in these words. (33)

*jar Owner' 4- -a järy (Kw)

In these two examples the former suffix has become part of the stem and is no longer separable from it. However, it is not only vowel-final languages that have eliminated the nominal suffix, as can be seen by (34) from Guajajära. The nominal case suffix -a would occur on t-azyr and i-petym if it still existed in this language. (34)

u-munyk t-azyr i-petym h-eraha9 i-zupe a'e (GjG) 3A-lit 3-daughter 3-tobacco 3-take 3-to 3 'His daughter lit and took his cigar to him.'

Whereas in some languages the nominal case suffix has been eliminated, in others it has become permanently attached to the noun stem, even when the stem lacks a syntactic context. In (35), the final a is no longer separable. (35)

ne-akyga 'your SG head' (As)

In Kamaiurä (Seki 1987) the -a suffix now occurs with all noun stems, even those which do not end with a consonant: (36)

akwama'e-a i-katu (Km) man-NC 3-good 'The man is good.'

(2) Attributive case: The suffix *-ramo ~ -amo indicates the role or function of a noun (37, 38, and 40), the end product of a process (41), or a change of state (42). The *-ramo allomorph follows vowel-final stems (37 and 42) and the *-amo allomorph follows consonantfinal stems (38, 40, and 41). (37) (38) (39) (40)

*paje-ramo 'as shaman' *jawar-amo 'as a jaguar' hekuzar 'substitute' (GjP) hekuzar-omo 'thing used as a substitute'

508 Jensen

(41)

tukumä apea ka'mika kunumiakyra ku'afaaw amü (Kb) tucum shell broken baby.boy belt AC 'Tucum (palm nut) shells are broken to make baby belts.'

(42)

o-jinö so ramö (WaJ) 3-transform deer AC 'He changed into a deer.'

In Mbya Guarani the morpheme corresponding to *ramo is rami 'according to, similar to'. (It must not be confused with the morpheme ramö, which in this language is the temporal conjunction 'when'.) (43)

jagua rami 'as a dog'

(3) Locative cases: Three locative suffixes occur in some Tupi-Guarani languages: *-pe punctual locative case (44—46), *-bo diffuse locative case (47-48), and *-/ partitive locative case (49-50). The most commonly occurring of these three is *-pe. When it follows a nasalized vowel, the initial consonant of the suffix is nasalized (Appendix III.l). When it follows a consonant, an epenthetical vowel occurs (Appendix III.3). *-bo also requires an epenthetical vowel. (44) (45) (46) (47) (48) (49) (50)

*wyr 'underside' + -pe > wyrype 'underneath' (WaA) *ju 'field' + -pe > jume 'in the field' (Tb) kaninde 'Caninde (village)' + -pe > kaninde pe 'at Caninde' (Ur) *'ar 'day' + -bo > 'arimo 'during the day' (As) *'ar + -bo > 'aryvo 'during the day' (Wa) *pyr 'near' + -i > pyri 'next to' (WaA, Gu) *ku'a 'waist' + -i > ku'äi 'at the waist' (Tb)

Dobson (1988:73) specifies graphically that in Kayabi "wyrimü [apparently derived from *wyr 'under' + *-bo] indicates an area under a point, whereas wyripe [*wyr + -pe] indicates a point under a point." These descriptions coincide with the distinctions of diffuse and punctual. 3.4 Modificational suffixes. There are at least three pairs of modificational suffixes: (1) augmentative and diminutive, (2) devolved and anticipatory, and (3) genuine and imitative. (1) Augmentative and diminutive suffixes: Augmentative *-wacu ~ *-ucu (51-62) and diminutive *-'/ (63- 67) morphemes occur as suffixes on nouns. The augmentative morpheme has two allomorphs, occurring after V-final and C-final stems, respectively. (51) (52)

*parana-wacu *jararak-ucu

'large large-river' 'large jararaca snake (species name)'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

(53) (54) (55)

wyrä-wasu tab-usu aman-uhu

509

'large bird' (Tb) 'large village' (Tb) 'big rain' (Ur)

In languages in which the final consonant has been deleted, allomorphs derived from *-ucu are sometimes retained in specific vocabulary items. In (56, 58), the stems are, and originally were, vowel final; they take the allomorph appropriate for vowel-final stems. In (57, 59), the stems originally ended in r and «, respectively; the final consonant was deleted in the unsuffixed stem, but reappears together with the allomorph appropriate for consonant-final stems. In (60), the stem was originally *ypab. The final consonant b which was deleted from the stem reappears as a w in the suffixed form. (56) (57) (58) (59) (60)

xe-kua 'my finger' ei 'bee' (from *eir) parana 'large river' pytö 'darkness' (from *pytun) yupa 'lake' (from *ypab)

xe-kua guaxu 'my thumb' (GiM) ei ruxu 'bee (species)' (GiM) parana-wasu 'river-sea' (WaJ) pytö-nusu 'deep darkness' (Wa) yupawusu 'large lake' (Gu)

The augmentative *-wacu has been incorporated into Brazilian Portuguese in the form -ago (even with consonant final stems). The fact that this is a productive form in Portuguese can be demonstrated in soccer vocabulary: (61)

gol 'goal'

gol-aso 'a fantastic goal'

Both the augmentative suffix and the diminutive suffix *- '/ occur frequently in names of biological species in Tupi-Guarani languages (A. Jensen 1988), as in the following examples from Urubu- Kaapor (62-63) and Wayampi (64). (62) (63) (64)

ju'i 'tree frog' parawa 'mealy parrot' kure 'mealy parrot'

ju'i-hu 'frog (species)' (Ur) parawa-'i Orange-winged parrot' (Ur) kure-'i Orange-winged parrot' (Wa)

When the diminutive suffix - attaches to a C-final stem, in many languages the glottal stop is eliminated, as in (65). (65)

takwar 'bamboo (species)' + 'i 'DIM' > takwari (Wa)

In Parintintin and Kayabi the stop is retained but undergoes metathesis with the preceding consonant (Appendix .5): -C + 'V > 'CV (Dobson 1988:133). (66) (67)

tig 'white' + 'i 'DIM' > ti'gi 'very white' (Pt) karupam 'deer' + 'i 'DIM' > karupa'rm 'small deer' (Kb)

Since it is generally the first consonant in a consonant cluster (produced at a morpheme juncture in Tupi-Guarani languages) that is deleted (Appendix III. 6), the metathesis rule gives us a good explanation for the loss of the glottal stop in examples like (65). After the metathesis, it becomes the first of two consonants and is therefore deleted.

510 Jensen

(2) Devolved and anticipatory suffixes: In Tupi-Guarani languages a pair of morphemes occur with noun stems, one which means that the noun no longer serves its intended function (*-pwer ~ -wer) and one which means that it has not yet begun to serve its intended function (*-ram ~ -am ~ -warn). (68) (69) (70)

*emireko *emireko + *pwer > *emirekopwer *emirek *emirekoram

'wife' 'widow' 'fiance'

Any body part, once it is removed, requires the suffix indicating that it no longer serves its intended function. A leaf, once it falls, no longer serves its intended function and becomes, in a sense, an ex-leaf. (71) (72) (73)

*po 'hand' + *pwer *ob 'leaf + *wer *ok 'house' + *wer

> *popwer > *ower > *okwer

'ex-hand' 'ex-leaf 'ex-house'

The allomorphic distribution of the 'devolved' morpheme is *-pwer after a vowelfinal stem and *-wer after a consonant-final stem. In some languages, such as Tupinamba, consonant clusters (consonant plus semivowel w) are acceptable, and forms such as *men 'husband' + *-wer > menwer occur. In most other languages (As, Gi, Gj, Gu, Km, Pt, Ur, Wa) the w is deleted after alveolar consonants: (74) (75) (76)

erekwar 'wife' + wer men 'husband' + wer i-zuka-ar 'murderer' + wer

> erekwarer 'widow' (WaA) > mener 'widower' (WaA) > izukaarer 'his murderer' (GjP)

Where the preceding morpheme ended in b, the w is retained and the b eliminated, as in (72). In Wayampi the allomorph -wer (and not -kwer from *-pwer) continues to be used with the nominalization of circumstance (sect. 9.1) *-ab, even though the final consonant has been eliminated from the nominalization suffix. (77)

e-mo'e-a 1 SG-teach-NOM 'the place where I am taught (my school)'

e-mo'e-a-wer (WaA) 1 SG-teach-NOM-DEVOLV 'the place where I was taught'

When the *-pwer allomorph follows a nasalized vowel, the initial consonant is nasalized (Appendix III.l). (78)

*ju 'field' + *pwer > jumwer 'former field' (Tb)

In most languages the sequence pw has neutralized with kw and become a labialized phoneme /kw/. In Kayabi and Kamaiura the descendants of *pw are retained as separate from *kw, but *pw has changed to/(79) and to hw or A, in the respective languages (Rodrigues 1984/1985).

Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax

(79)

511

*-akypwer-a > akyfer-a (Kb) part.behind-NC tracks, footprints-NC

The anticipatory suffix had three morphemes: *-ram following vowels, *-wam following labial and velar consonants, and *-am following alveolar consonants. (80) (81) (82) (83)

kunha-ruam xe-r-o-ra ok-wam i-mojarj-ar-am-a

'girl who will be a woman' (Pt) 'my future house' (GiM) 'future house (under construction)' (Tb) 'the one who will make it' (Tb)

When following a nasalized vowel, *-ram may have had a variant -näm, as in Tupinambä (Appendix III.9). (84)

jü 'field' + -räm > jünam 'future field' (Tb)

The anticipatory and devolved suffixes can be combined to signify that the noun failed to fulfill its intended purpose: *-ram + -wer > -ramet (Kb), -ramwer (Tb), -rägwe (Gi). (85)

i- + men + -am + -wer > imenämwer (Tb) 3 husband ANTIC DEVOLV 'the one who was to become her husband, but didn't; her ex-fiance'

When a noun suffixed by either of these morphemes occurs syntactically as a noun (as in sect. 3.2), the suffix, being consonant final, is followed by the nominal suffix *-a, as in (86) and (83). (86)

ok-wer-a 'former house' (Tb)

(3) Genuine and imitative suffixes: Another pair of suffixes which occur with nouns signify 'genuine' *-ete and 'imitation' *-ran. (87)

ze'eg 'speech' + ete 'genuine' > ze'eg-ete (GjP) 'true speech; that is, the Guajajära language'

The *-ran morpheme is especially frequent in biological names. (88) (89)

arapuha parawa

'deer' 'mealy parrot'

(90)

urukuku

'bushmaster snake'

arapuha-ran 'goat' (GjP) parawa-ran 'mealy-parrot-like parrot' (Ur) urukuku-ran 'bushmaster-like snake' (WaA)

3.5 Noun composition. There are various patterns for complex noun formation: (1) *N-N in which the first noun modifies the second.

512 Jensen

This pattern is similar to the pattern for genitives in noun phrases (sects. 3.1, 3.6), but certain features indicate that the combination is a compound word. For example, when the second stem is a member of Class II, the r- linking morpheme attaches to it in noun phrases but not in compound words. (91) (92) (93)

*akarj 'head' + *acy 'pain' *wyra 'bird' + *a 'down' *ka'i 'monkey' + *a'yr 'child'

> *akarjacy 'headache' > wyraa 'bird down' (Wa) > ka'i-a'yr 'young monkey' (Lit.: 'monkey child') (Gj)

If (91—93) were separate words instead of compound words, they would be *akay-a r-acy, \vyra ra, and ka ra 'yr. The nominal case suffix occurs with *akay when it is a separate word, but not when it is the first part of a compound word. Stems which combine to form a complex word are subject to the application of morphophonemic rules (Appendix III. 1,2,5,6). (94)

men 'husband' + sy 'mother' > meny 'husband's mother, motherin-law' (Tb)

If (94) were a phrase, it would be men-a sy. (2) *N-N in which the second noun indicates some distinguishing feature of the first noun. (95) (96) (97) (98) (99)

*pira 'fish' + *aj 'tooth' > *piraj 'fish known for its teeth (piranha)' *arar 'macaw' + *akarj 'head' > *ararakarj 'macaw known for its head (Red-and-green Macaw)' *pira + *aj > pirai 'piranha' (WaJ) *aba 'person' + *oba 'face' > abäobä 'person who has an unusual face' (Tb) *arar + *akarj > *ararakarj 'macaw known for its head'

(3) *N-V in which the verb is a stative or intransitive verb. In composition the verb acts as an adjective modifying the noun. (100) (101) (102)

*wyra 'bird' 4- *picun 'black' > *wyrapicun 'species of black bird' wainumby 'hummingbird' + pihun 'black' > wainumby pihun 'black hummingbird (Black -throated Mango)' (Ur) pirä 'fish' + bebe '(to) fly' > piräbebe 'flying fish' (Tb)

(103) from Wayampi is a combination of the second and third types of complex noun formation: N + (N + V). (103)

pekö 'woodpecker' + akäg 'head'+ pirä 'red' > peköakämirä 'red-headed woodpecker (Yellow-throated Woodpecker)' (WaA)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

513

3.6 Noun phrases. Noun phrases are quite simple in structure, since much of the modificational load is handled on the morphological rather than the syntactic level. Three types of noun phrases have been described for Tupi-Guarani languages: (1) Genitive Noun: (104)

*i-cy akarj

'his mother's head'

(105)

tahyw kwar (GjP) ant(species) hole

'ant hill' (106)

'u'ywa r-a'yj (Kb) arrow LK-seed 'gunshot'

In the genitive construction, if the possessed noun is Class II, it requires the rmorpheme, as in (106). Guajajära has deviated from this, allowing the use of the third person prefix h- instead of r-, as in (107): (107)

apyaw h-er (GjP) man 3-name 'the man's name'

(2) Noun Appositive: (108)

Tupa t-a'yr-a (Tb) God UNSP-son-NC 'God the Son'14

(109)

e-momiri t-eke'yr (WaA) 1 SG-younger.brother UNSP-elder.brother 'the eldest of my younger brothers'

(110)

s-emiar-a tatu (Tb) 3-hunted.thing-NC armadillo 'his hunted thing, the armadillo'

(111)

mamaz r-eimaw zapukaz (GjP) mother LK-pet chicken 'mother's pet, a chicken'

(3) Specifier Noun: (112)

mokoz ka'i-a'yr (GjP) two monkey-child 'two young monkeys'

514 Jensen

(113)

amote hatya (As) other woman 'another woman'

(114)

a kwima'e (WaJ) this man 'this man'

4 Postpositions Several postpositions have been reconstructed for Proto-Tupi- Guarani (Table 8): Table 8: Postpositions, by stem class Class II

Class I *cupe *cuwi *koty *pabe *pe *poce *pype

'to, for (DATIVE)' 'from' 'to, toward (LOG)' 'with (company)' 'to, for' 'lying with' 'in'

*ece *ecebe *obake *enone *upi

'with respect to' 'with' 'in front of 'ahead of 'by means of, within an area, according to'

Other words give the impression of being postpositions and are reported as such by various linguists. Rodrigues (p.c.) analyzes these as being nouns followed by one of the locative suffixes (-pe, -bo, -i) from sect. 3.3. There is justification for this analysis, since a comparative examination of these words shows them to consist of two parts, the latter part varying from language to language. The epenthetical rules by which y or ; is inserted are listed in Appendix III.3,16. (115)

*pyr'near'

pyr (Gj) pyri (As,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,WaA), pyi (WaJ) pyryvo (WaA), pyryo (Gj), pywo (As)

(116)

*ar 'above'

ar (Pt, WaA), aa (WaJ), ary (Gi) arimo (As), arimü (Kb), aryvo (WaA)

(117)

*wyr 'below'

wyr (Pt,WaA), wy (Gi,WaJ) wyrimu (Kb), wyrimo (As) wyripe (Kb), wyrype (WaA), wype (WaJ)

It is possible that these forms, which were not originally postpositions, have become so in some languages, since certain suffixes (especially -/ and -bo) do not seem to be productive in various languages.

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4.1 Normal markers. Postpositions in Tupi-Guarani languages are inflected in the same way as nouns. That is, they are preceded by person markers of Set 2 or by nouns, as in Table 9. Postpositions are members of Class I or Class Ha (sect. 2). Table 9: Postposition paradigms, by stem class Class I

Class Ha

*ce cupe *ore cupe *jane cupe *ne cupe *pe cupe *i-cupe *i-cy cupe

'for 'for 'for 'for 'for 'for 'for

me' us EX' us IN' you SG' you PL' him' his mother'

*ce r-ece *ore r-ece *jane r-ece *ne r-ece *pe n-ece *c-ece *i-cy r-ece

'about 'about 'about 'about 'about 'about 'about

me' us EX' us IN' you SG' you PL' him' his mother'

Since the reflex of *c would be a zero morpheme in Kayabi, it has been largely replaced by morphemes specific for gender which co-occur with the r- morpheme before Class 2 stems. However, Weiss (1972) reports ee as an indirect object. This same form occurs in Wayampi, where it is analyzed as 0-ee < *c-ece. In Guarayu the reflex of *cupe is upe when its object is a noun. When it is prefixed by a 1st or 2nd person marker, it is reduced to u, as in neu 'to you (SG)'. 4.2 Coreferential markers. In Kayabi, Tocantins Assurini, and Tapirape, postpositions receive prefixes from Set 3 when the object of the postposition is coreferential with the subject of the independent verb. This is the same set of person markers which indicates coreferential possessive markers on nouns (sect. 3.2). On postpositions the coreferential person marker is followed by the reflexive prefix *je- (118) or the reciprocal prefix *jo- (119). I believe this system to be reconstructible for Proto-Tupi-Guarani, since all languages have at least the form for third person. (118)

o-je'eg 'ga o-je-upe (Kb) 3-speak 3masc.SG 3-REFL-for 'He spoke to himself.'

(119)

oroj-a'yr 'ar amu kawipie apo-u lEX.COREF-son fall when porridge make-OBTOP oro-jo-upe (Kb) lEX.COREF-RECIP-for 'When our children are born, we make a (special type of) porridge for each other (of us).'

Normal and coreferential paradigms from Tocantins Assurini are listed in Table 10:

516 Jensen

Table 10: Assurini normal and coreferential paradigms NORMAL

COREFERENTIAL

se-ope ne-ope sene-ope ore-ope pe-ope i-sope

'for 'for 'for 'for 'for 'for

se-r-ehe ne-r-ehe sene-r-ehe ore-r-ehe pe-n-ehe h-ehe

'about 'about 'about 'about 'about 'about

me' you SG' us IN' us EX' you PL' him' me' you SG' us IN' us EX' you PL' him'

we-se-ope e-se-ope sere-so-ope oro-so-ope pese-so-ope o-se-ope

'for 'for 'for 'for 'for 'for

myself yourself ourselves' ourselves' yourselves' himself

we-se-he e-se-he sere-se-he oro-se-he pese-se-he o-se-he

'about 'about 'about 'about 'about 'about

myself yourself ourselves' ourselves' yourselves' himself

Languages such as Guarayu (Newton 1978), which do not use Set 3 prefixes other than for third person, use the Set 2 markers plus the reflexive *je- prefix for first or second person. For both first and second person, there is no ambiguity. If the subject of the independent verb in (120) is first person inclusive ja- and the object of the postposition is first person inclusive jande-, they must be coreferential. There is no need for a special set of markers (Set 3) to make this clear. (120)

ja-s-eka räne yvyra jande-je-upe (Gu) HN-3P-seek first wood HN-REFL-for 'First we search for wood for ourselves.'

Languages which do not have the full set of coreferential prefixes retain the third person form; for example: o-je-upe (GiM, Tb). Urubu-Kaapor does not use the third person prefix on polysyllabic words, so it has the form ju-pe instead of o-ju-pe. This language has neutralized the reflexive *je- and reciprocal *jo- forms, retaining the original *jo-. These two forms have been merged in some environments in Wayampi as well, retaining only the *je- reflexive form. The word o-je-upe has been reinterpreted as reciprocal in Wayampi, with the reflexive form being o-upe. The plural reflexive form is o-upe ko 'for themselves'. 5 Cross-referencing on independent verbs The Proto-Tupi-Guarani cross-referencing system on verbs has been described in depth in C. Jensen (1990). All four sets of person markers (Table 2, sect. 1) are used to cross-reference Proto-Tupi-Guarani verbs. These sets operate under two basic systems: In all but independent verbs, cross-referencing is absolutive (Sets 2 and 3). Person markers refer to the P of transitive verbs, S of intransitive agentive

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

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verbs, and S of intransitive non-agentive verbs (also referred to as stative verbs). This is an ergative-absolutive system. In independent verbs the S of intransitive agentive verbs is cross-referenced in the same way as the A of transitive verbs (Set 1), and the S of intransitive non-agentive verbs is cross-referenced in the same way as the P of transitive verbs (Set 2). This is an active-inactive system. Cross-referencing on transitive verbs is governed by the relative position of A and P on a person hierarchy, 1 > 2 > 3, in ways which will be defined in the following subsections. In this hierarchy, Sets 1, 2, and 4 are employed. 5.1 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: A and S markers. In Proto-TupiGuarani, as in its descendant languages, the independent intransitive agentive verbs are conjugated by Set 1 prefixes, as in Table 11:

Table 11: Independent agentive intransitive verbs

1 SG

1 EX 1 IN 2SG 2 PL 3

*a-'ar *oro-'ar *ja-'ar *ere-'ar *pe-'ar *o-'ar

*a-ker *oro-ker *ja-ker *ere-ker *pe-ker *o-ker

*a-mano *oro-mano *ja-mano *ere-mano *pe-mano *o-mano

*a-poracej *oro-poracej *ja-poracej *ere-poracej *pe-poracej *o-poracej

'fall'

'sleep'

'die'

'dance'

This system is intact in the descendant languages. Reconstructed forms of the morphemes under discussion are given in Appendix I. The same set of prefixes occurs with independent transitive verbs as well, but only when P is third person. In Proto-Tupi-Guarani the Set 1 prefix, referencing A, is obligatorily followed by a third person P prefix from Set 2, as in Table 12. The combination of the final vowel of the A prefix with the */- results in a diphthong (Appendix III. 17).

518 Jensen

Table 12: Independent transitive verbs with third person P, with polysyllabic stems

A-P

Class I

Class II

1SG-3 1EX-3 1IN-3 2SG-3 2PL-3 3-3

*a-i-potar *oro-i-potar *ja-i-potar *ere-i-potar *pe-i-potar *o-i-potar

*a-c-epjak *oro-c-epjak *ja-c-epjak *ere-c-epjak *pe-c-epjak *o-c-epjak

'like'

'see'

Special allomorphs of the third person P prefix, *jo- (Class I) and *joc- (Class II), occur with monosyllabic stems, as in Table 13. Table 13: Independent transitive verbs with third person P, with monosyllabic stems A ^ P C l a s sI

Class II

1SG-3 1EX-3 UN-3 2SG-3 2PL-3 3-3

*a-jo-pin *oro-jo-pin *ja-jo-pin *ere-jo-pih *pe-jo-p£a *o-jo-pin

*a-joc-ej *oro-joc-ej *ja-joc-ej *ere-joc-ej *pe-joc-ej *o-joc-ej

'plane'

'wash'

The inclusion of the P prefix was obligatory in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, as it is in various descendant languages. The third person P prefix occurs in transitive verbs in Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, Guarayu, and Tupinambä. (121) (122) (123)

*ja-c-ekar > ja-s-eka 'we seek it' (Gu) *ere-i-potar > ere-i-pota 'you like it' (GiM) *o-joc-ej > o-jos-ej 'he washed it' (Tb)

In both Mbyä and Paraguayan Guarani, the allomorph for Class II stems *c- has a zero morpheme as a result of phonological changes (Appendix IV). As a result, the P prefix only appears with Class I verbs. In Paraguayan Guarani (Payne 1994), this prefix has become associated with the A prefix (124) and occurs even in cases where the P prefix did not originally occur, that is, with Set 4 markers (example 125). (124) (125)

*ere-i-nupä *oro-nupa

> rej-nupä 'you SG hit him' (GiP) > roj-nupä hit you'

The P prefix has been eliminated in Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, Guajajära, Assurini, Tapirape, Kamaiura, Parintintin, and Kayabi. Its elimination does not appear to have

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

519

any connection with other cross-referencing changes (since these have occurred in the Guaranian languages and Wayampi and Urubu-Kaapor). (126) (127) (128)

*a-i-potar *a-i-potar *o-i-me'erj

> a-putar Ί want it' (Gj) > a-pota Ί want it' (Wa) > o-me'erj 'he gave it' (Km)

In some languages in which the P prefix was deleted, remnants still appear in certain words (C. Jensen 1987). In (129) and (130) from Guajajara and Urubu-Kaapor, the P prefix was reassociated with the stem, producing consonant-initial stems. In (131) and (132) from Wayampi, the attachment of the prefix to the stem produced bisyllabic stems; monosyllabic stems are somewhat undesirable in this language. (129) (130) (131) (132)

*a-i-apo *a-c-enub *a-jo-pin *a-jo-'ok

> > > >

a-j-apo > a-z-apo > a-zapo Ί make it' (Gj) a-hendu Ί hear it' (Ur) a-ορΐ Ί plane it' (Wa) a-jo'o Ί dig it up' (Wa)

Not all descendant languages of Proto-Tupi-Guarani use the first person inclusive prefix *ja- with transitive verbs. Five languages use a prefix which could be reconstructed as *ti-: ti- (Pt), ci- (Tp), si- (Kb, Gj, Wa). This has been shown to be derived from a combination of *ja- and two other morphemes: *?- 'purpose' + *ja- 'UN.A' + */- '3P' (C. Jensen 1987). All of the languages in which this prefix occurs are ones in which the Ρ prefix no longer co-occurs with the A prefix. (133) (134) (135)

ti-apo si-juka si-eru

'we IN made it' (Pt) 'we killed it' (Wa) 'we smelled it' (Kb)

Although it does not appear that this fused prefix (*£/-) should be reconstructed for the entire Tupi-Guarani protolanguage, we must not overlook the fact that Aweti (a closely related Tupian language, though not Tupi-Guaranian) also has a first person inclusive prefix ti- for transitive verbs (Monserrat 1976). It has a separate prefix, kaj-, for intransitive verbs. A parallel morpheme for intransitive verbs, sa-, occurs in Kayabi as the independent intransitive verb prefix. It also occurs in the Jari dialect of Wayampi in purpose constructions. The latter provides strong evidence for its derivation from *t- + *ja-. Rodrigues (1990) describes occurrences of the o- and Ja· prefixes with transitive verbs in Tupinamb , in which the basic distinction is focus rather than person. Some occurrences of o-, as in (139), are best translated as Ί, 2, and 3 in focus'. Some occurrences of ja-, as in (137), can be translated as '3, out of focus, or generic'. (136)

pir ja-i-pysyk16 fish lIN-3-catch 'We caught fish.'

520 Jensen

(137)

moj-a kujä ja-i-su'u snake woman HN?-3-bite snake bit the woman.'

(138)

kunumi pirä o-i-pysyk boy fish 3-3-catch The boy caught fish.'

(139)

äse pirä o-i-pysyk we.all fish 3?-3-catch 'We all caught fish.'

The only other Tupi-Guarani language for which a similar construction has been described is Wayampi. Some occurrences of ja- in this language indicate that A is generic or out of focus. These occurrences are easily recognized in Wayampi transitive verbs, since the prefix ja- (141) can only mean 'generic or out-of-focus A', in contrast with the prefix si- (140), which means 'first person inclusive'. (140) (141)

si-juka ja-juka

'we (IN) killed' (Wa) 'we (GENERIC) kill' or 'people kill(ed)'

In Wayampi intransitive verbs, the prefix ja- may mean either 'first person inclusive' or 'generic or out-of-focus S'. The meaning can only be derived contextually. (142)

ja-ke

'we (IN) sleep/slept' 'we (GENERIC) sleep' or 'people sleep'

In Urubu-Kaapor there has been an elimination of the distinction between inclusive and exclusive in first person plural. Only the ja- prefix occurs. The third person Set 1 prefix is only expressed with monosyllabic stems; in polysyllabic stems it has a 0 marker, as in (143). (143)

0-pykui

'he digs' (Ur)

5.2 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: P markers. When the P of an independent transitive verb is hierarchically superior to the A, person markers from Set 2 are employed to reference P, as in Table 14. Table 14: Independent transitive verbs with hierarchically superior P

P 1 SG 1 EX 1 IN 2 SG 2 PL

*ce potar *ore potar *jane potar *ne potar *pe potar

*ce r-epjak *ore r-epjak *jane r-epjak *ne r-epjäk *pe n-epjak

'want(s) me, saw me' 'want(s) us EX, saw us EX' 'want(s) us IN, saw us IN' 'wants you SG, saw you SG' 'wants you PL, saw you PL'

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521

This cross-referencing corresponds to that which is employed in dependent verb forms (sect. 6). It is likely that the original (Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) system was entirely absolutive. A proposal for the mechanism by which this change took place is discussed in sect. 17. The use of Set 2 person markers referring to P occurs in all of the typical Tupi-Guarani languages, except for Urubu-Kaapor. (144) (145) (146) (147) (148)

he-r-esak ne-r-esak zane-r-esak ure-r-esak pe-n-esak

'2A '3A '3A '2A '3A

or 3A saw me' (Gj) saw you SG' saw us IN' or 3A saw us EX' saw you PL'

In Urubu-Kaapor P is indicated by a free pronoun, and the prefixing on the verb always refers to A. (149)

ihe ke a'e u-sak (Ur) 1SG EMPH 3 3-see 'He saw me.'

(150)

ihe ke nde ere-sak 1SG EMPH 2SG 2SG-see 'You SG saw me.'

When P is first person and A is second person, a separate morpheme is used in various languages to indicate A. This eliminates any possible interpretation that A is third person. The exact form of the two morphemes, referring to second person singular and plural, have not been reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani because of insufficient data. However, based on the data available to me I would tentatively reconstruct them as *jepe with second person singular A and *pejepe with second person plural.17 (151) (152) (153) (154)

sje r-epjak jepe sje r-epjak pejepe je-r-eroo ape je-r-eroo pejepe

'you 'you 'you 'you

SG see me' (Tb) PL see me' SG take me' (Kb) PL take me'

The equivalent forms in Guarayu are eve and peje. In Tapirape (Leite 1987), where the phoneme *j has merged with the reflexes of the other phonemes as χ [c], the free morpheme xepe (155) is becoming associated with the first person singular Ρ morpheme xe- instead of the A (observation by Rodrigues, p.c.). An additional free form arepe (156) has been added to harmonize with the prefix are- 'first person exclusive P'. (155) (156) (157)

xe-r-ex k xepe are-r-exak arepe xe-r-exak pexepe

'you (SG) see me' (Tp) 'you (SG or PL) see us' 'you (PL) see me'

The development of the new morpheme arepe when Ρ is plural, indicates that this morpheme is being associated with the Ρ prefix are- and not with A. This no doubt happened

522 Jensen

by analogy after reinterpreting xepe as referring to P (xe-). At this point in time, pexepe (157) is still used when the A is second person plural. This indicates that the free morphemes have not gone all the way in referring primarily to P. 5.3 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: Portmanteau A-P prefixes. To review briefly the cross-referencing systems used with independent transitive verbs, the Set 2 person markers are used whenever P is hierarchically superior to A on the person hierarchy, where 1 > 2 > 3. These conditions are met when P is first person and A is second or third person or when P is second person and A is third person. The prefixes of Set 1, referencing A, occur when the P is third person. This leaves undefined the case in which A is first person and P is second person. In this situation, special portmanteau prefixes (Set 4) are used. They attach directly to the stem, without any intermediary linking prefix, as in Table 15. Table 15: Portmanteau prefixes for 1st person A + 2nd person P *oro-potar *opo-potar *oro-epjak *opo-epjak

Ί/we Ί/we Ί/we Ί/we

like/want you SG' like/want you PL' saw you SG' saw you PL'

Portmanteau prefixes occur in most of the typical Tupi-Guarani languages, the notable exceptions being Urubu-Kaapor and Kayabi. When the second-person P is singular, the oro- prefix or its reflex occurs in all other languages. (158) (159) (160)

oro-juka-ra oro-ecak oro-epjak

Ί/we will kill you SG' (Gu) Ί/we see you SG' (Km) Ί/we see you SG' (Tb)

When the second person P is plural, however, there is a certain amount of variation. Old Guarani, Guarayu, Kamaiura, Parintintih, and Tupinamba retain the *opo- prefix. (161) (162)

opo-ecak opo-epjak

Ί/we see you PL' (Km) Ί/we see you PL' (Tb)

Some languages (Tocantins Assurini and Mby Guarani) have extended the use of the oro- prefix to refer to all second person P's and have eliminated the opo- form. (163)

oro-mo'e

Ί/we teach you (SG or PL)' (GiM)

Wayampi has replaced opo- with poro-, which might possibly be derived from the oro- form as well. (164)

poro-esa

Ί/we met you PL' (Wa)

Guajajara (Pindare dialect) has two forms based on opo-: (165) (166)

apu-esak urupu-esak

Ί saw you PL' (GjP) 'we saw you PL'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Moiphosyntax

523

Kaiwa and Tapirape have similar forms. It appears that the po was at some point reinterpreted as a P prefix, to which was added a prefix from Set 1, by analogy to the forms which contained third person prefixes, as in Table 16. Table 16: Analogical reinterpretation of forms with po in Kaiw and Tapirapi * i *a-ca-po-

'1SG A acting on 3 (Class I) P' '1SG A acting on 3 (Class II) P' '1SG A acting on 2P'

*oro-i*oro-coro-po-

ΊΕΧ.Α acting on 3 (Class I) P' ΊΕΧ.Α acting on 3 (Class Π) Ρ' ΊΕΧ.Α acting on 2P'

This type of development could have occurred independently in different languages, such as Guajajara and Kaiw . Portmanteau forms do not exist in Kayabi or UrubuKaapor. In these languages the verb is prefixed by Set 1 A prefixes and the object is expressed by a free pronoun, as in (167-170) from Kayabi. (167) (168) (169) (170)

a-nupa ene a-nupa pee oro-nup ene oro-nupa pee

Ί hit you SG' (Kb) Ί hit you PL' 'we hit you SG' 'we hit you PL'

To summarize the cross-referencing system used in independent transitive verbs: Whenever P is third person, the verb cross-references A (and P) using Sets 1 (and 2). Whenever P is hierarchically superior to A, the verb cross-references P using Set 2. Whenever P is second person and is hierarchically inferior to A (that is, A is first person), portmanteau prefixes from Set 4 are used in most languages. This cross-referencing system is summarized in Table 17. Where A and P are identical, a reflexive situation occurs and the verb is detransitivized by the reflexive prefix *je-. This explains the gaps in the table. Since first person inclusive includes second person, it is reflexive in relation to either first or second person.

524 Jensen

Table 17: Cross-referencing in P-T-G independent transitive verbs PATIENT 1SG 1EX

2SG

2PL

3

1SG

oro-

opo-

1EX

oro-

opo-

a-ia-coro-ioro-cja-ija-c-

UN

AGENT

UN SET4 2SG

ce (r-)

ore (r-)

2PL

ce (r-)

ore (r-)

3

ce (r-)

ore (r-)

jane (r-)

SET 2

ne(r-)

pe(n-)

ere-iere-cpe-ipe-co-io-cSETS 1+2

A hypothesis for the development of the cross-referencing system which occurs in independent transitive verbs is presented in sect. 17. 5.4 Cross-referencing on independent intransitive non-agentive verbs. Nonagentive verbs are cross-referenced by the Set 2 person markers, as in Table 18. Table 18: Nonagentive intransitive verbs

1SG 1EX UN 2SG

2PL 3

*ce katu *ore katu *jane katu *ne katu *pe katu *i-katu

*ce r-oryb *ore r-oryb *jane r-oryb *ne r-oryb *pe n-oryb *c-oryb

Ί am good, happy' 'we EX are good, happy' 'we IN are good, happy' 'you SG are good, happy' 'you PL are good, happy' 'he/she is good, happy'

Examples in descendant languages: (171) (172) (173) (174)

e-katu i-katu je katu12 i-katu

e-r-ory (Wa) 0-ory je r-oryp (Km) h-oryp

Ί am good, I am happy' 'he/she is good, is happy' 4 1 am good, am happy' 'he/she is good, is happy'

A noun may also function syntactically like a nonagentive intransitive verb, using Set 2 person markers. The referent, which normally would be the possessor, functions as the subject of the sentence. This construction means that the referent is characterized in some way by the noun. Sometimes this is most easily translated in English using the verb 'have' although there is definitely no transitive meaning

Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax

525

intended in the indigenous language. In (175) and (176), sje and e- are reflexes of the first person singular *ce and function as the subject of the sentence. The noun stems are aob 'clothes' and paje 'shaman'. (175) (176)

sje aob e-paje

Ί have clothes' or Ί am clothed' (Tb) Ί have shamanistic manifestations' (Wa)

There are no denominalizers in Tupi-Guarani languages. In those languages which retain the nominal suffix *-a, its absence results in a verb (sect. 3.3), as in (178) from Tapir ape. (177) (178)

ne-r-a'yr-a ne-r-a'yt

'your son' (Tp) 'you have a son'

The alternation between /r/ and /t/ in the preceding two examples corresponds to a rule which probably occurred in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, which devoiced final non-nasal consonants (*b and *r) (Appendix III. 19). To summarize the cross-referencing system which occurs with independent verbs: The Tupi-Guarani languages use A (Set 1) markers for agentive intransitive verbs and Ρ (Set 2) markers for nonagentive intransitive verbs (including nouns functioning syntactically as verbs). The cross-referencing system used with transitive verbs calls for A (and P) markers when Ρ is third person, Ρ markers when Ρ is hierarchically superior to A, and portmanteau forms (Set 4) when A is superior to non-third P. This system remains essentially intact in all typical Tupi-Guarani languages except for Urubu-Kaapor. Urubu-Kaapor has eliminated all absolutive cross-referencing on transitive verbs (that is, all use of Set 2 and Set 4 person markers). Several languages no longer use the third person Ρ prefix when Set 1 prefixes are used. Kayabi has eliminated the use of Set 4 person markers, replacing these with Set 1 A prefixes with free pronouns to refer to the second person P. 5.5 Imperatives Proto-Tupi-Guarani languages have singular and plural imperative prefixes: *e- and *pe-. (179) (180) (181) (182) (183) (184) (185) (186)

*e-ker *pe-ker e-ke pe-ke *e-i-nupa *pe-i-nupa e-i-nupa pe-i-nupa

'Sleep! 'Sleep! 'Sleep! 'Sleep! 'Hit it! 'Hit it! 'Hit it! 'Hit it!

(2SG)' (2PL)' (2SG)' (Wa) (2PL)' (2SG)' (2PL)' (2SG)' (Tb) (2PL)'

526 Jensen

6 Cross-referencing of dependent verb forms 6.1 Oblique-topicalized verbs. In Tupi-Guarani languages sometimes an adverbial (adverb, postpositional phrase, or temporal subordinate clause) is fronted to the initial position of the clause for discourse reasons. This mechanism requires a change in verb form, making the verb in an unusual sense dependent on the adverbial construction. A special oblique-topicalized (OBTOP) suffix is used (Harrison 1986:417). This construction is referred to as an "inverted sentence" by Bendor-Samuel (1972), "indicative II" in Rodrigues' earlier works (1953), and "circumstantial" in his later works (1981). The construction is characterized by absolutive cross-referencing (Set 2 markers or a noun (192) directly preceding the verb stem) and by the OBTOP suffix. The suffix has two allomorphs. When the stem to which the suffix attaches ends in a consonant, the suffix is *-L There is some uncertainty about the protoform of the allomorph which attaches to a vowel-final stem, since various languages have -w, -n, or -j. (187)

*kwece i-'ar-i yesterday 3-fall-OBTOP 'Yesterday he fell.'

(188)

*a'e-pe c-eko-n (or, c-eko-w or c-eko-j) that-at 3-be-OBTOP 'He was at that place.'

The equivalents of *i-'ar-i and *c-eko-(w, n, or j) in independent verbs are *o-'ar and *o-iko. In Guajajära and Kamaiurä the OBTOP construction occurs only with third person subjects (189-190). In (190), the OBTOP form occurs because the A is third person, even though it is P that is prefixed on the verb. With first or second person subjects the independent verb form is used (with no OBTOP suffix). (189)

a'e pe h-eko-n (GjG)9 there at 3-be-OBTOP 'He (she) is there.'

(190)

ka'a pe ure-r-eraha-n (GjG) jungle to lEX.P-LK-take-OBTOP 'He took us to the jungle.'

In Kayabi (191, 192 and 193) and Tupinamba (194), OBTOP constructions occur with both first and third person subjects. (191)

oroj-a'yr 'ar amü kawipie apo-ü lEX.COREF-son fall when porridge make-OBTOP

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

527

oro-jo-upe (Kb) lEX.COREF-RECIP-for 'When our children are born, we make a (special type of) porridge for each other (of us).' (192)

ko pe kyna r-eko-i ra'e (Kb) garden at 3SG.F. LK-be-OBTOP PRESENT 'She is at the garden.'

(193)

weweri'i je-je'eg-i (Kb) slowly ISG-speak-OBTOP Ί speak slowly.'

(194)

kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a s-epjak-i (Tb) yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC 3P-saw-OBTOP 'Yesterday my daughter saw my son.'

These examples also demonstrate that the adverbial construction which signals the OBTOP construction may be a word (193, 194), a phrase (192), or a subordinate clause (191). The OBTOP construction no longer exists in the Guaranian languages, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor (C. Jensen 1990:132). In these languages the independent verb forms occur even when an adverbial occurs in the initial position of the clause, as in (195) from Wayampi and (196) from Chiriguano (Dietrich 1986). (195)

kwee o-'a (Wa) yesterday 3-fall 'Yesterday he fell.'

(196)

hokope o-mano xe ru (Ch) there 3-die 1SG father There my father died.'

A few remnant OBTOP forms nevertheless occur in all of these languages. Most common are forms based on verbs which have alternate stem forms, such as *jub and *t-ub 'to be lying down', and *jur and *t-ur 'to come'. In these cases the first stem is used with independent verb forms, as in (197), and the second is used with the OBTOP construction, as in (198). The form tui in (198) is derived from *i-tub-i, and i-tury in (199) is from *i-tur-i.u The word i-hon in (200) is from *;-co-OBTOP.

(197)

a'e pe a-ju (Wa) that at ISG-be.located Ί am living there.'

(198)

a'e pe tui (Wa) that at 3.be.located 'It is located there.'

528 Jensen

(199)

xe-a katy i-tury (GiM) ISG-place to 3-come 'He came to my place.'

(200)

nasu riki ihe namo i-hon (Ur) Nasui EMPH ISO with 3-go 'Nasui went with me.'

The OBTOP construction has also been essentially eliminated in Guarayu. Remnant forms include cM (from *c-//z-OBTOP) '3-sit' and sekoi (from *c-e£o'-OBTOP) '3-to be'. 6.2 Subordinate verbs. Subordinate clauses in Proto-Tupi-Guarani have temporal or conditional meanings. All types of subordinate verbs (whether TV, or agentive or non-agentive IV) are absolutive in their cross-referencing. S or P is referred to either by a Set 2 person marker or by a noun directly preceding the verb stem. The verb stem, which is the last constituent of the clause, is suffixed by *-V/nV ~ -rVmV (vowels undetermined) 'when, if or *-ire (ri)re 'after'. (201) (202)

*i-co-rVmV *ce 'ar-VmV

'when he goes/went' 'when I fall/fell'

(203)

sje so-reme (Tb) 1SG go-if,when 'if (when) I go'

(204)

i-paw-amo sa-ha (As) 3-finish-when UN-go 'When it was finished, we went.'

(205)

i-nopo-ramo (As) 3-hit-when 'when (someone) hit it/him/her'

(206)

oroj-a'yr 'ar amü (Kb) lEX.COREF-son fall when 'when our children are bom'

In Wayampi and Kaiwa the temporal morpheme may follow morphemes other than the verb. (207)

a-me'e i-jupe reme (Wa) ISG-give 3-to when 'when I gave it to him'

(208)

o-kwera porä i-jase'o-ramo, o-porahei-ta (Kw) 3-recuperate well 3-throat-when 3-sing-PUT 'When his throat gets better, he will sing.'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

529

The Guaranian languages, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor have replaced the absolutive (Set 2) cross-referencing with the system characteristic of independent verbs. The equivalent of *-VmV ~ *-rVmV in Guajajära is mehe. (209)

he-ker mehe (GjG) ISG-sleep when 'when I sleep'

Some languages use coreferential prefixes from Set 3 with verbs when the S or P of the subordinate clause is identical to that of the independent clause. (210)

o-ho re u-zai'o (GjG) 3-go after 3-cry 'After he left, he (the same person) cried.'

(211)

o-ywu re u'yw-a r-eru-a 0-eru-'a-a (Kb) 3-shoot after arrow-NC LK-bring-SER18 3-CC-fall-SER 'After hei shot him2, he2 brought the arrow, falling with it as he came.'

Although Dobson does not report the zero prefix before -eru-'a- a (211), its occurrence in this context is consistent with the data in other languages (derived from *c-ero- 'ar-a). In such a construction, the transitive verb should be preceded by an object. 6.3 Dependent serial verbs. A serial verb construction in Tupi-Guarani languages is one in which two or more verbs having the same subject (S or A) are used within a single clause and are perceived to be part of a single action. The dependent serial verb has been referred to as a gerund (Rodrigues 1953), an auxiliary verb (Harrison 1986), a serial verb (C. Jensen 1990), and the construction as a whole as a "double verb construction" (Dooley 1991). The cross-referencing on the dependent serial verb is absolutive, and the verb receives a dependent serial verb suffix, which has three basic allomorphs: *-a after final consonants, *-abo after a final vowel, *-ia after a final diphthong ending in *_/'. Examples (212)-(214) illustrate the three basic allomorphs of the serial verb suffix. Since the dependent serial verbs in (212) and (213) are transitive, person markers from Set 2 are used, referring to the P. The dependent serial verb in (214) is an intransitive verb. Since its S is coreferential with the grammatical subject of the independent verb, it is indicated by a prefix from Set 3, which for third person is identical to the prefix from Set 1. (212)

*o-co i-mo'e-bo 3S-go 3P-teach-SER 'He went to teach him.'

(213)

*o-co ne r-epjak-a 3S-go 2SG.P LK-see-SER 'He went to see you.'

530 Jensen

(214)

*o-co o-poracej-ta 3S-go 3-dance-SER 'He went to dance.'

When the dependent serial verb is transitive, the P is cross-referenced by person markers from Set 2 or is indicated by a noun directly preceding the verb. (215)

o-ur kunumi kuap-a20 (Tb) 3-come boy know-SER 'He came to meet the boy.'

(216)

a-akä-nupä i-juka (Wa) lSG.A-head-hit 3P-kill hit it on the head to kill it.'

The full set of forms occurring with transitive verbs appears in Table 19. Table 19: Transitive serial verbs

1SG 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3

*o-c *mo'i 'make into small pieces' mo-pok 'cause it to burst' (Gj) mbo-aku 'cause it to be hot' (GiM) mu-her 'give (him) a name' (Ur) mo-ete 'honor, make great' (Tb)

The suffixes in (231) and (235) are described in sect. 3.4.

Comparative Tupf-Guaraiif Morphosyntax

533

In Tupinamba, the mo- prefix co-occurs with the third person object prefix ifollowing a subject prefix: a-i-mo-no (from mo- 'CAUS' + so 'go' 'he sent him/it'. In the Guarani languages, mo- does not co-occur with the object prefix in this context. In various languages, and probably in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, the nasal consonant in this morpheme caused a nasalization of the initial voiceless consonant of the following morpheme (Appendix III.l). In Tupinamba, this rule had a restriction that there be no other nasals (consonant or vowel) in that morpheme, as can be illustrated by the word mo-pirarj 'cause to be red'. This restriction does not hold in Kayabi, as can be seen by the cognate momirag. (2) Causative of transitive verbs The morpheme *-ukar appears to have been derived from a transitive verb. It occurs after a transitive verb stem. In this construction the person commanding that the action be done is the A of the verb, the recipient of the action is the P, and the performer of the action, if stated, is the object of the postposition *cupe. In (237) from Tupinamba, the commander is first person, the recipient of the action is the jaguar, and the actual performer of the action is the brother. In (238) from Assurini, the performer is not stated. (236)

*a-juk -uk r

Ί caused it to be killed.'

(237)

a-juka-ukar jawar-ete sje r-ywyr-a supe (Tb) lSG.A-kill-CAUS jaguar-genuine 1SG LK-brother-NC to Ί made my brother kill the jaguar.'

(238)

o-soka-okan (As) 3-kill-CAUS 'He caused it to be killed.' ('He made someone kill it.')

In (236) the verb *juka is irregular in that the object prefix ;'- never occurs between the A prefix and this stem. (3) Comitative causative The morpheme *ero ro- is a comitative causative. It indicates that A performs an action which affects P, and also affects himself. This morpheme combines with an intransitive morpheme to create a transitive verb. (239) (240) (241)

*a-ro-'ar *o-ero-'ar *jane r-ero-'ar

Ί fell, causing it to fall also.' 'He fell, causing it to fall also.' 'It fell, causing us to fall also.'

The ro- allomorph occurs with 1SG, UN, 2SG, and 2PL A morphemes, as in (239). This morpheme is a member of Class II, taking the linking prefix r- when preceded by a morpheme indicating the P, as in (241). No object prefix occurs between the A prefix and this morpheme.

534 Jensen

(242) (243) (244)

w-eru-'a a-ro-ike w-eru-zan

'He fell, causing it to fall also.' (Kb) Ί entered, causing him to enter with me.' (Ch) 'He ran, causing him to run also.' (Gj)

These three causatives are used in conjunction with the verbs *ur 'come' and *co 'go', as illustrated by the following examples from Wayampi (Amapari dialect) and Assurini, in Table 21: Table 21: Causative forms with *ur 'come' and *co 'go' in Wayampi and Assurini Wayampi

Assurini

*o-ur > *o-mo-ur > *o-mo-ur-uk r >

uu omuu omuroka

on omon

'he came' 'he caused to come' 'he had (someone) bring it*

*o-ero-ur >

oeru

oeron

'he brought it'

*o-co > *o-mo-co > *o-mo-co-ukar >

00

omono omonoka

aha omana omanaokan

'he went' 'he caused to go' 'he caused (him) to take it'

*o-ero-co >

oeraa

oeraha

'he took it'

The vowel change in the forms that derive from *o-ero-co is a consistent change in Tupi-Guarani languages: w-eraha (Gj), o-eraso (Tb), o-gueraa (GiM). 7.2 Detransitivizers (1) Reflexive There are four basic ways of detransitivizing a transitive verb. If the reflexive prefix *je- occurs between the person marker and the stem, this indicates that the action is performed by the A upon himself, resulting in an intransitive verb.

(245) (246) (247) (248) (249) (250) (251)

*o-i-mo'e *o-je-mo'e a-upi a-ji-upi o-juka o-je-juka u-ze-zuka

'he teaches him' 'he teaches himself/he learns' Ί lift (it, him, her)' (Wa) Ί lift myself/ I climb' 'he killed it' (Tb) 'he killed himself 'he killed himself (Gj)

The reflexive morpheme may co-occur with causatives, as in (252) and (253) from Wayampi.

(252) (253)

o-si o-ji-mo-si-oka

'he is shy, embarrassed' (WaA) 'he is ashamed'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

535

(2) Reciprocal Reciprocal action is indicated by the prefix *jo-. This prefix occurs in the same position as the reflexive prefix, and the result is again an intransitive verb. (254) (255) (256) (257)

*o-jo-nupa ja-jo-kutuk o-so-soka ja-jo-gweru

'they hit each other' 'we pierced each other' (Tb) 'they killed each other' (As) 'we brought each other' (Ch)

In Wayampi and Guajaj ra only the reflexive prefix occurs. When the verb is plural, the interpretation may be either reflexive or reciprocal, as in (258). In Urubu-Kaapor (259) only the descendant form of the reciprocal suffix occurs, but with a reflexive meaning. (258)

o-ji-nupa kupa (WaA) 3-REFL-hit PL They hit themselves' or 'They hit each other.'

(259)

ju-mu'e

'He learns.' (Ur)

(3) Object incorporation Another way in which a transitive verb may be detransitivized is by the incorporation of a non-possessible object between the person marker and the verb stem. (260)

*a-y-'u 1 SG-water-consume Ί drink water.'

(261)

a-pina-ety (Kb) ISG-hook-drop

(262)

(263)

Ί fish.' a-ywa-epia (Gu) ISG-heaven-see Ί look toward heaven.'

o-'y-asa (Wa) 3-water-cross 'He crossed the river.'

If the incorporated object is a possessible noun, the verb remains transitive, as in (264, 266, 267). This may be made reflexive, as in (265). (264) (265) (266) (267)

a-po-kysi a-je-po-kysi oro-po -ηδ 1 > 2SG-medicine-make o-akag-o23

Ί cut his hand.' (Kb) Ί cut my own hand.' Ί gave you medicine.' (Wa) 'He decapitated it.' (Wa)

536 Jensen

(4) Generic object incorporation There are two generic morphemes which may be incorporated into the object position to create intransitive verbs: *ma'e 'thing' and *poro 'person'. (268) (269) (270) (271) (272) (273)

a-ma'e-kuak a-poro-nupa a-poro-mboe a-mbae-juka o-poro-'u u-puru-zuka

Ί know things.' (Tb) Ί hit (punish) people.' (Tb) Ί teach (people).' (Ch) Ί hunt (kill things).' (Ch) 'It eats people.' (Kb) 'He (it) kills people.' (Gj)

8 Verbal aspect 8.1 Future, desiderative, and completion. In many languages the verb *potar, or a reduction of it (tar or ta\ is used to indicate future. The same morpheme is used at times to indicate a desiderative. (274) (275) (276)

a-ha-putar a-pyta-ta a-ha-ta

Ί will go.' (Gj) Ί will stay/ I want to stay.' (Wa) Ί will go.' (Ch)

Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasu 1986:385) has two morphemes based on *potar: -tar to indicate desiderative, and -ta to indicate future. (277) (278)

o-ho tar katu o-ho ta tipe

'He really wants to go.' (Ur) 'He intended to go, but didn't.'

Kaiw (Taylor 1984b) has three morphemes to indicate future, depending on the degree of certainty (factual or hypothetical) and the distance into the future for the factual morphemes. The three morphemes are: ta 'immediate future, factual', va'er 'distant future, factual', and ar 'hypothetical'. (279)

o-kwera por i-jase'o-ramo o-porahei-ta 3-recuperate well 3-throat-when 3-sing-PUT 'When his throat gets better, he will sing.'

(280)

xe a-menda-ramo a-je-hogapo va'er I 1 SG-marry-when ISG-REFL-make.a.house PUT 'If I marry her, I promise to build a house.'

In (279) and (280) we can see by the choice of future morpheme that the recuperation and consequent return to singing is expected to occur soon, whereas the marriage and housebuilding is expected to occur in the more distant future. Future and desiderative morphemes are distinguishable in negated constructions in Wayampi, although they are indistinguishable in non-negated constructions. The negated future replaces the -ta morpheme with -'a, as in (282).

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosvntax

(281) (282)

n-oo-tar-i n-oo-'a-i

537

'He doesn't want to go.' 'He will not go.'

The choice of a different morpheme in (282) could well have a hypothetical or irrealis interpretation (similar to what Taylor describes for Kaiw ), since the negation indicates that the action will not be realized. Past tense can be indicated by a time word (283), by a temporal particle (see sect. 11), or sometimes by a completive marker *-pab (284, 285). (283)

*kwece i-'ar-i yesterday 3-fall-OBTOP 'Yesterday he fell.'

(284) (285)

*o-co-pab They all went.' *o-'u-pab 'He/they ate it all.'

The suffix *-pab has an absolutive interpretation. In intransitive verbs (284, 286) it indicates that all possible subjects have performed the action. In transitive verbs (285, 287) it means that the action has been performed on all possible objects. Following nasalized morphemes the first consonant of the completive morpheme is nasalized (Appendix III.l), as in (286, 287). (286) (287)

*o-mano-mab *o-i-nupa-mab

They all died.' 'He/they hit them all.'

(288)

a-'u pa je te-munuwi-a (Kb) lSG.A-eat COMPL ISO 1 SG-peanut-NC Ί have eaten up all my peanuts.'

(289) (290)

oro-jimi'u-pa oro-'u-pa

'We finished eating (IV).' (WaA) 'We ate everything.'

The completive suffix does not always indicate past, however. It may co-occur with the future suffix in Wayampi (291) to indicate that something will be completed in the future. (291)

a-'u-pa-ta Ί will eat it all.'

Urubu-Kaapor and Chiriguano have eliminated the completive suffix, which is consistent with the elimination of other absolutive-based constructions in these languages (C. Jensen 1990:148). They use a reflex of the intransitive verb *o-pab as an independent morpheme to communicate the aspect of completion. (292)

wyrahu upa u-'u (Ur) king.hawk COMPL 3-eat The king hawk ate it all.'

538 Jensen

8.2 Monosyllabic reduplication. Reduplication of the last syllable of an intransitive verb indicates that an action has been performed by one subject after another. In transitive verbs it indicates that the action has been performed on one object after another. If there is a final consonant in the reduplicated stem, it only occurs at the end of the word (Everett and Seki 1986). (293)

*o-i-moko-kon 3A-3P-swallow-REDUP 'He swallowed them one after another.'

(294)

*o-po-por 3S-jump-REDUP 'They jumped, one after another.'

(295) (296)

o-moko-kon o-se-sem

'He swallowed one after the other.' (As) One after another left.' (Tb)

This reduplication is not productive in the languages which have undergone cross-referencing changes. However, isolated examples occur. (297)

o-mo-po-po (Wa) 3-CAUS-jump-REDUP 'He threw them away, one after another.'

(298)

kwaraxi pe i-ho-hon me'e u-hyk (Ur) Icoaraci at 3-go-REDUP NOM 3-arrive The one who went repeatedly to Icoaraci arrived.'

8.3 Disyllabic reduplication. This type of reduplication indicates that an action is performed frequently. Its interpretation is not absolutive. If the stem is monosyllabic, the final syllable of the preceding morpheme is included in the reduplication, as in (300) and (302). (299) (300) (301) (302) (303)

*o-i-moko-mokon *oro-co-ro-co u-muku-mukun a-po-a-pot o-i-pete-pete

'He swallows them frequently.' 'We go frequently.' 'He swallows repeatedly.' (Gj) Ί jump repeatedly.' (Km) 'He kept hitting it (with his hand).' (Kw)

8.4 Frustrative. Various languages have frustrative morphemes, indicating that the initiated action did not accomplish its intended result. (304)

i-memy tite (Wa) 3-give.birth FRUST 'She had a miscarriage.'

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

(305)

juka ta tipe (Ur) 3 kill PUT FRUST 'He intended to kill it, but didn't.'

(306)

a-so-biä (Tb) ISG-go-FRUST went, but didn't accomplish anything.'

(307)

o-ho-pa jevy rei (Kw) 3-go-COMPL again FRUST They all went off again to no purpose.'

539

Wayampi also has what appears to be a cognate to the Tupinamba frustrative biä. It is mijä 'previously, but not anymore', as in (308). With the future morpheme, mijä indicates that it was an intended but unfulfilled action, as in (309). (308) (309)

n-a-kua-i mijä a-a-ta mijä

didn't know at that time.' was going to go.'

The Guajajara particle miamo, which Bendor-Samuel translates as 'in vain' is likely a cognate as well. Another likely cognate is the Guarayu particle vyä 'unreal'. This language also has a frustrative particle tei. 8.5 Intensifiers. Three intensifiers can be reconstructed as suffixes for Proto-TupiGuarani: *-katu, *-acy, and *-ete. (310) (311) (312) (313) (314) (315) (316)

o-i-pota-katu a-'u-katu-katu i-katu-ahy o-se'eg-ahy i-kato-ete w-apo-ay-etewe i-katu-ay-wete

'He wants it a lot.' (Tb) really eat.' (Kb) 'It is very good.' (Gj) 'He speaks a lot.' (As) 'It is very good.' (As) 'He works fast.'(Kb) 'It is very very good.' (Wa)

9 Nominalizations 9.1 Nominalizations of Action, Agent, and Circumstance. Tupi-Guarani languages have three closely related suffixes which are used to nominalize verbs: *-a, *-ar, and *-ab. The nominalized forms created by these suffixes refer to the action, the agent, and its circumstances, respectively. The cross-referencing on these nominalizations is indicated by a Set 2 person marker, the unspecified possessor prefix, or a noun. (1) Nominalization of action The first suffix is actually identical with the nominal case suffix. Just as it indicates that a noun is acting syntactically as a noun, it indicates that the verb is

540 Jensen

acting syntactically as a noun; that is, it refers to the action of the verb or, in the case of nonagentive intransitive verbs, to its abstract quality. It has two allomorphs: *-a, with consonant-final stems, and *-0, with vowel-final stems. (317) (318) (319) (320) (321) (322) (323) (324)

*c-epjak-a *ceker-a *ne r-eko-J&T *i-katu-0 s-ekar-a bebe t-oryv-a kir-a

'his being seen' 'my sleep(ing)' 'his being (in motion)' 'his goodness' 'the search for him' (Tb) 'action of flying' (Tb) 'party (action of being happy)' (Pt) 'sleep (action of sleeping)' (Pt)

In Kayabi (Dobson 1973), the -a suffix occurs with all stems, regardless of whether they end in a consonant or a vowel. (325) (326)

pe-porowyky-a kwasiar-a

'your (PL) work' 'drawing'

(2) Nominalizer of agent The agent nominalizer has three allomorphs: *-ar, *-car, and *-tar, after consonant-final, vowel-final, and diphthong-final stems, respectively. It may have occurred only with transitive verbs. (327) (328) (329) (330) (331) (332)

*i-juka-car *ore r-epjak-ar *i-pwaj-tar i-apo-har i-poz-tar pinaaetyk-at

'his killer' 'the one who sees us (EX)' 'the one who orders it' 'its maker' (Gj) 'the one who feeds it (him)' (Gj) 'the one who is fishing' (Kb)

(3) Nominalization of circumstance The nominalizer of circumstance also has three allomorphs: *-ab, *-cab, and *-tab. The circumstance may be the place, time, or instrument. (333) (334) (335) (336) (337) (338)

*i-jukä-cäb *ore r-epjak-ab *i-pwaj-tab i-zuka-haw 0-eko-a i-momyk-ap

'his death place or circumstance' 'the place or circumstances of our being seen' 'the place or circumstance of his (its) being ordered' 'the place where he/it is killed' (Gj) 'the place where he lives' (Wa) 'that which is used for sewing' (Kb)

In Kamaiurä and Assurini the allomorphs beginning with -f, that is, -tat —tar- (Km) and -tar (As) for the agent, and -tap taw- (Km) and -taw (As) for the circumstance, follow morphemes ending in a vowel. The Proto-Tupi-Guarani allomorphs used in this

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

541

environment were consonant initial: *-car and *-cab. In Kamaiurä and Assurini the phoneme *c was eliminated, making the reflexes of *-car and *-cab vowel initial (339, 340), identical with the allophones which follow a consonant-final stem. Rather than suffixing a vowel-initial allomorph to a vowel-final stem, speakers of these two languages extended the use of another pair of consonant-initial allomorphs, *-tar and *-tab, to occur with vowel-final stems (341, 342). (339) (340) (341) (342)

*i-apo-car-a > i-apo-ar-a *i-apo-cab-a > i-apo-aw-a i-apo-tara 'its maker' (As) i-apo-tawa 'the instrument for making it' (As)

Some languages have extended the use of the nominalizer of circumstance to include the nominalization of action, replacing the nominal case suffix (see sect. 9.5). Among these are Wayampi (C. Jensen 1983) and Guajajära, as indicated in (343) and (344). If the nominal case suffix had been used in (343) the form in Wayampi would be e-mo-katu-0-kwer. (343)

*ce mo-katu-cab-wer > ISO CAUS-good-CIRC-DEVOLV e-mo-katu-a-wer (WaA) 1 SG-CAUS-good-NOM-DEVOLV 'my healing (my being made good)'

(344)

*i-jukä-cäb > i-zuka-haw 'the killing of him' (Gj)

Four languages which have eliminated absolutive cross-referencing in verbs have also made changes in the cross-referencing system used with these nominalizations. Urubu-Kaapor (345, 346) uses only Set 1 markers for nominalizations. Mbyä Guarani, Chiriguano, and Kaiwa use Set 1 prefixes for nominalizations of circumstance (347) and Set 2 person markers to cross-reference the P in nominalizations of agent (348). (345) (346) (347) (348)

a-kwa-ha u-sak-iha o-mbo'e-a i-mbo'e-a

'my knowing of it' (Ur) 'the one seeing him' (Ur) 'the action (or place) of his being taught' (GiM) 'his teacher' (GiM)

9.2 Nominalizations of Patient. There are two Proto-Tupi-Guarani nominalizations referring to P. The suffix *-pyr refers to P without any reference to A. When it follows a consonant-final stem, as in the Kayabi example (353), an epenthetical vowel occurs (Appendix III. 15). The prefix *emi- refers to P in relation to A. Both occur only with transitive verbs. (349) (350) (351)

*i-juka-pyr *ne r-emi-juka i-zuka-pyr

'that which is dead (killed)' 'the one which you kill' 'that which is dead (killed)' (Gj)

542 Jensen

(352) (353)

he-r-emi-'u i-powan-ipyt

'that which I eat, my food' (Gj) 'that which is woven' (Kb)

Like all nouns, if these constructions occur syntactically as a noun, they take a nominal case suffix -a after a final consonant, as in (354) and (355), if this suffix is retained in the language. (354) (355)

s-emi-mojan-a i-juka-pyr-a

'that which he made, his handiwork' (Tb) 'that which is dead (killed)' (Tb)

The -pyr suffix has been eliminated by three of the languages which have also eliminated absolutive cross-referencing: Wayampi, Chiriguano, and Urubu-Kaapor. In Mbyä Guarani this construction now uses Set 1 prefixes, even though the suffix still refers to P without reference to A (Dooley 1982:157). (356)

ita o-mboaty py-re (GiM) rock 3-piled P.NOM-DEVOLV 'the rocks which were piled up'

The *emi- prefix has been eliminated in Urubu-Kaapor, except for the frozen form h-imi-'u 'that which he eats, his food'. This is consistent with its elimination of all reference to P in verbs. 9.3 Clause nominalizer. The predicate of a clause may be nominalized by the suffix *-ba'e. (357) (358) (359) (360) (361)

*o-co-ba'e *i-katu-fea'e *o-jo-pwaj-ba'e i-ro'y-wa'e o-i-su'u-ba'e

'the 'the 'the 'the 'the

one who goes' one that is good' one that commands him/it' one that is sick' (As) one that bit him' (Tb)

In Tupinambä, when the nominalizer follows a consonant-final stem, there are two options: either the final consonant of the stem is deleted, or an epenthetical vowel y is inserted (362). (362)

o-sem -f ba'e

> oseba'e 'the one that leaves' (Tb) > osemyba'e

In some languages the nominalizer begins with a nasal consonant: ma'e. It is possible that there were originally two allomorphs, one which followed oral vowels, the other which followed nasal vowels. For example, *o-mano-ba 'e > o-mano-ma 'e 'the one who died'. The one which originally would have followed nasal vowels then became the generalized form in Guajajara, Kayabf, Kamaiura, Tapirape, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor. (363) (364)

o-ho-ma'e i-ka-ma'e

'the one that goes' (Gj) 'the one that is fat' (Kb)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

543

In Wayampi this nominalizer may be used to refer to S of the intransitive clause (365), A or P of the transitive ckuse (366, 367; context determines interpretation, if A and P are both third person), possessor (368), or object of the postposition (369): (365)

o-pyta ma'e (Wa) 3-stay NOM 'the one that stayed'

(366)

e-nupa ma'e (Wa) ISO-hit NOM 'the one that hit me (with an instrument)'

(367)

a-nupa ma'e (Wa) ISG-hit NOM 'the one that I hit'

(368)

i-posi'a-tawa ma'e (Wa) 3-breast-yellow NOM 'the yellow-breasted one'

(369)

a-me'e i-jupe ma'e (Wa) ISO-give 3-to NOM 'the one to whom I gave it'

At the other extreme, languages such as Guajajära (Bendor-Samuel 1972:119) and Tapirape (Almeida 1983:32) only allow this nominalizer with agentive and non-agentive intransitive verbs. In these languages the nominalizer serves a complementary function with the nominalizer -ar. These two nominalizers cannot be analyzed as true complements of each other, however, since their basic nature is different. All the other nominalizers which have been described involve a stem level nominalization. The verb stem is cross-referenced in the same way as nouns and dependent verbs, using person markers from Set 2. The nominalizer *-ba 'e, on the other hand, nominalizes a complete verb construction, which includes the same type of cross-referencing as occurs on independent verbs (357, 359). When the stems of these two types of nominalizations are negated, they use different morphemes (sect. 10.1-2). The *-ba'e nominalization uses the negation morpheme appropriate to independent verbs (370), and the *-ar uses the morpheme appropriate to dependent verbs (371). (370)

n-oo-i ma'e (Wa) NEG-go-NEG NOM 'the one that didn't go

(371)

mojag-ar-e' em-a (Kb) make-NOM-NEG-NC One who doesn't make it'

544 Jensen

9.4 Adverbial nominalizer. The suffix *-cwar or *nwar indicates 'that which is characterized by the preceding circumstance (indicated by an adverb or a postpositional phrase)'. (372) (373) (374) (375) (376)

kope-wat Cuiaba-pe-wat karamoe-war -pe-swär-a jawa-re-wa

'the ones from here' (Kb) 'the ones from Cuiabä' (Kb) One from long ago' (WaA) 'that which is in the hand' (Tb) One who works with regard to jaguars, jaguar hunter' (WaJ)

9.5 Anticipatory and devolved morphemes with nominalizations. All nominalizations, as other nouns, may receive the anticipatory (*-ram) and devolved (*-pwer) morphemes (sect. 3.4). (377)

i-mojärj-är-äm-a (Tb) 3-make-NOM-FUT-NC 'the one who will make it'

(378)

i-mojarj-ar-wer-a 3-make-NOM-DEVOLV-NC 'the one who made it'

(379)

he-r-emi-'u-kwer (Gj) 1 SG-LK-NOM-eat-DEVOLV 'that which I ate'

(380)

e-r-emi-no-ra (Wa) 1 SG-LK-NOM-make-FUT 'that which I will make'

(381)

i-juka-pyr-wer (Tb) 3-kill-NOM-DEVOLV 'that which was killed'

(382)

o-poregeta mae-kwer (WaA) 3-speak NOM-DEVOLV 'the one who spoke'

(Tb)

In the Jari dialect of Wayampi, which has lost final consonants, the nominalizations referring to agent and circumstance are homonymous in the present. But with the devolved morpheme, the final consonant of the nominalizers reappears, making the nominalizations different. (383) (384) (385)

i-mo'e-a *i-mo'e-car-er > *i-mo'e-cab-wer >

'his teacher, the place where he is taught' i-mo'e-are 'his former teacher' i-mo'e-awe 'the place where he was taught'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

545

The same is true of Kaiw , which has identical forms -ha in the present and distinguishable forms -hare and -hawe in the past (Taylor and Taylor 1966). 10 Negation 10.1 The negative morpheme *n- . . . - / . The predicate of the independent clause in Tupi-Guarani languages is negated by a split affix. The prefix *n- precedes the person markers and has three allomorphs: */j- before vowel-initial morphemes, *nabefore consonants, and *n- or *ni- before the semivowel *y. When the *-/' suffix follows a vowel, the two phonemes form a diphthong (Appendix III. 17). (386) (387) (388) (389) (390) (391)

a-maraka n-a-maraka-ite24 sje r-osarj na-sje r-osarj-i ja-kua ni-ja-kua-i

Ί sing.' (Km) Ί don't sing.' Ί am patient.' (Tb) Ί am not patient.' 'We (GENERIC) know.' (Wa) 'We don't know' or 'Nobody knows.'

In Tupinamba, which allows the sequence *Cj [Cy], the ni- allomorph does not occur. The n- allomorph attaches directly to the semivowel j. (392)

n-ja-ker-i

'We didn't sleep.' (Tb)

It is possible that this was also the case in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, and that the niallomorph developed in languages where sequence restrictions made it necessary. In Guarayu the na- allomorph co-occurs with the semivowel: na-ja-mondo-i 'we don't send it'. When a noun occurs as the verb of the sentence, it is negated by this morpheme. (393) (394) (395)

paje i-paje n-i-paje-i

'shaman' (Wa) 'He has shamanistic qualities.' 'He does not have shamanistic qualities.'

In Wayampi, where si- has replaced ja- as the first person inclusive A prefix in transitive verbs, the negative allomorph appropriate to ja- still occurs, as in (396). (396)

ni-si-'u-i

'We didn't eat it.'

Bendor-Samuel (1972:86) states for the Pindare dialect of Guajajara that an allomorph na'- occurs with the third person prefix i-, as in (397). (397)

na'-i-kag

'He is not strong.'

The negation prefix is often accompanied in Guajajara by one of two negative post-verbals, -z (from *j) or kwaw. (398)

n-a-enu-katu-z (GjP) NEG-1 SG-hear-well-NEG •I don't hear well.'

546 Jensen

(399)

n-u-puner a'i kwaw (GjP) NEG-3-able little NEC 'He was not able to.'

Betts (1981:19) gives a Parintintin example of -/' in which it negates the verb independently of«-. This is in a negative imperative form of the verb. (See sect. 10.4 for the normal negative imperative suffix.) (400)

t-ere-ho-i PERM-2SG-go-NEG 'Don't go!'

Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasxi 1986:358) has lost this morpheme. However, one uninflected form has remained: n-ixo-i 'there is none', derived from the verb ixo (*iko) 'to be'. 10.2 The negative morpheme *e'ym. The morpheme *e'ym is used in many TupiGuarani languages as a suffix on nouns to mean 'without' or 'lacking', as in (401). It also negates dependent verb forms (402, 403) and nominalizations (404, 405). (401)

a'eramu te-yar-e'em-a-mu (Kb) therefore ISG-boat-NEG-NC-? 'Then I was without a boat.'

(402)

o'iran awiäwa r-ur-e'ym amoä ere-jot tomorrow airplane LK-come-NEG if 2SG-come moneta je-nite-n (Km) talk ISG-with-FUT 'If the airplane doesn't come tomorrow, are you coming to talk with me?'

(403)

o-ji-monyi i-kua e'y ame (WaA) 3-REFL-scare 3-know NEG CONSEQUENCE 'So he was afraid because he didn't know (it).'

The relative order of the negation morpheme and the nominalizer is opposite in Kayabi (404) and Wayampi (405). (404)

mojag-ar-e'em-a (Kb) make-NOM-NEG-NC One who doesn't make it'

(405)

y r-eko-e'ym-a (Wa) water LK-be-NEG-NOM 'a place lacking water'

According to Rodrigues (1953), both orders are possible in Tupinambä, as in the following cognates of (404):

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

547

mojaq-ar-e'ym-a (Tb) mojaq-e 'ym-ar-a However, the first is more common. In Wayampi this morpheme negates a purpose clause in which the subject of the proposed action is different from the subject of the main clause. This clause is introduced by the prefix t- and the negation suffix follows the verb stem. (406)

o-mo-katu ja'yr-er t-o-posiko e'y F-ee (WaA) 3-CAUS-good child-COLL PURP-3-mess NEC 3-with 'He put it away so the children wouldn't mess with it

In Kamaiurä this morpheme is used to make a negative assertion. (407)

kamajura e'ym a-ko25 (Km) Kamaiurä NEG ISG-be am not Kamaiurä.'

According to Seki (1978), this morpheme occurs in Kamaiurä with nouns, nominalizations, and dependent verbs. In Urubu-Kaapor the negation system has been reduced to the point that the descendant form of *e'ym, i.e., ym, is the only productive negation morpheme other than the free response form (sect. 10.5). (408) (409) (410) (411) (412)

e-raho ym sawa'e ym paite ym u-hyk we ym a'i äka ym

'Don't take it.' (NEG with IMP) (Ur) '(He is) not a man.' (NEG of noun) '(It is) not far.' (NEG of adverbial) 'He hasn't arrived yet.' (NEG with independent V) 'the headless old woman' (NEG of noun)

10.3 The negative morpheme *r«a or *rui. Examples of this morpheme were found in fewer languages than the other negation morphemes. However, the fact that it occurs in 5 of the 8 subgroups (Appendix IV) is a good indication that it can be reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani. It negates adverbials (including postpositional phrases). In some languages it also negates verbs or nouns. Ruiz de Montoya (1892) actually lists two separate negative morphemes for Old Guarani: ma (also referred to as ruguä /ruwaT) and ruguäj /ruwäj/. It is possible that the second is actually a combination of ruä and the suffix -/ (sect. 10.1). It co-occurs with na- (414, 416). (413)

awyje ruwä pa (GiO) enough NEG INTER 'Isn't it enough?'

(414)

na ce-ma'e ruwäj NEG ISG-thing NEG 'It isn't mine.'

548 Jensen

(415)

t-esa-ory katu pype ruwaj UNSP-eye-happy good with NEC 'not with good eyes'

(416)

na ce-r-emi-mbota r-upi ruwäj NEC ISG-LK-NOM-want LK-by NEG 'It wasn't by my own will.'

According to Rodrigues (1953), ruä co-occurs with n- in Tupinamba as well. Weiss (1972:36) shows that in the negation of adverbial phrases in Kayabi, the morphemes n- (the na- allomorph) and -rü* co-occur, as in (417) and (418). (417) (418)

na-'arimu-ru1 na-muku-ru1

'not by day' (Kb) 'not far'

In Wayampi the morpheme ruä is highly productive. It negates adverbials (419— 421), nouns and pronouns (422). It does not co-occur with the n- prefix. (419) (420)

ike rua moka pupe ruä

'not here (far away)' 'not with a gun'

(421)

e-wari ruä a-poregeta ISG-lie NEG ISG-speak speak unlyingly.'

(422)

ene rua ere-ino-ta 2SG NEG 2SG-make-FUT 'It isn't you that will make it.'

Example (423) in Kamaiurä is like Wayampi (422), except that the P is negated rather than the A.25 (423)

ije ruej je r-ecak 1SG NEG 1SG LK-see 'It's not I that he sees.'

(424)

o-manö ruä sipoko (WaJ) 3-die NEG RHET.QU 'He died!' or 'Isn't it true that he died?'

Barbosa (1970) suggests a similar use in Tupinambä. He translates the sequence ruä pe 'NEG INTER' as: 'Could it be that.. .'or 'It must be that...'. Dietrich (1990a:302) observes that Chiriguano does not have the negation morphemes common to Tupi-Guarani languages. Instead it has a morpheme -a (425, 426). This morpheme draws the stress to the final syllable of the stem and, in one dialect, nasalizes the preceding vowel (425), although the suffix itself is oral. I suggest that if this morpheme is related to any Tupi-Guarani negative morpheme at all, it might be a reduction of the *rua morpheme.

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

(425) (426)

käwi 'good' typy 'deep'

549

kawi-a 'not good, bad' (Ch) typy-a 'not deep, shallow'

10.4 The negative imperative morpheme *eme. A special negation morpheme is used with imperatives, and occurs at the end of the clause. This is analyzed in some languages as a suffix. In some languages the normal imperative prefix e- co-occurs with the negative morpheme. (427) (428) (429) (430)

e-ra-so e-ra-so-ume e-jae'o e-jae'o erne

Take it!' (Tb) 'Don't take it!' 'Cry!' (GiM) 'Don't cry!'

In other languages the normal second person prefix replaces the imperative prefix, so that it is only the negative morpheme that indicates it is an imperative. (431) (432) (433)

e-juka ere-juka-em ere-jukane

'Kill it!' (Km and Wa) 'Don't kill it!' (Km) 'Don't kill it!' (WaJ)

10.5 The free response negative morpheme *ani. The form used as a free response to a question in most Tupi-Guarani languages is derived from *ani. (434) (435)

am, e-raho ym ani, n-a-a-'ai

'No, don't take (him).' (Ur) 'No, I won't go.' (Wa)

Mbyä Guarani has two morphemes: 'ani, a strong negative imperative, and 'any, the free response. 11 Demonstratives Demonstratives have a wide function in Tupi-Guarani languages. The same morphemes may refer to persons, objects, time or location, or they may make reference to elements of a discourse. They may occur with other morphemes, such as the temporal subordinate morpheme, postpositions, the suffix *-7 'DIMINUTIVE', and the suffix *-ete 'GENUINE'. Rodrigues (1981) charts the basic demonstrative stems for Tupinambä using the parameters of visibility (visible versus invisible) and distance (near the speaker, near the hearer, or far from both). Nine of the Tupinambä morphemes have cognates in other languages. I shall list these, together with words from various languages which are based on these reconstructed morphemes, in order to show the flexibility of meaning. One other morpheme which was not documented for Tupinambä, *pe, also appears in various languages. In the reconstructed forms I was able to use the parameters of visibility and distance, but was usually only able to make a two-way distinction (near/far) in the latter.

550 Jensen

*ko 'here, near the speaker, visible' iko 'this one (visible)' (Tb) (i)koba'e 'this one (visible)' (Tb) kobo 'around here (visible)' (Tb) ako 'this, that (demonstrative)' (Tb) ko 'here' (Ur) ko rupi 'along here' (Ur) kotete 'nearby' (Ur) koa, kua 'this one' (Ch) ko'a-koty 'in this direction' (Kw) *ke 'here, near the speaker' ike 'here' (WaA) kewe 'here' (WaJ) ke'i 'nearby' (Wa) ke'irua 'far' (Wa) ke 'this (discourse, cataphoric reference)' (Wa) ike 'here' (Tb) ke-a, ki-a 'someone, some place (interrogative)' (Ch) ki 'that one there' (Pt) ki rupi 'around here' (Pt) ki roki 'this one which' (Pt) *kybo 'around here, in relation to more remote areas (contrastive)' kybo 'around here in relation to more remote areas' (Tb) kyvo kyty On this side (contrastive)' (WaA) ky(w)oty On this side' (Ch) *aipo 'anaphoric reference to citation or sound' aj'po 'that which I spoke, thought, or felt' (Tb) aepo 'that which was cited (anaphoric reference to citation)' (WaA) aemo (?) 'with reference to', or 'with respect to' (Pt) aipo 'that (sound)' (Gu) *(')arj 'this one, now, here (visible or invisible)' 'ange'i (GiM) 'ärj 'this one, here, now (visible or invisible)' (Tb) 'ärja 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb) 'ärjyba'e 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb) 'arne 'there (visible)' (Tb) i'ärj 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb) aga 'this one (demonstrative)' (Pt) 'here (adverb)' (Pt) 'a 'this one' (WaJ) 'äg 'this one' (WaA) arne 'at this time (discourse, anaphoric reference)' (Wa) agyvo 'like this, in this way' (WaA)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

age'e 'äg

'right now, today' (Wa) 'this or that, low' (Gj)

*a'e 'he, that one there (visible or invisible)' [Lemle 1971] a'e 'him, that (of which I spoke)' (Tb) 'there (invisible)' (Tb) a'e 'this (referring to action or object)' (Pt) a'e 'that one (invisible)' (Wa) 'that one (discourse, anaphoric)' (Wa) a'evo 'like that (discourse)' (WaA) a'eo 'like that (discourse)' (WaJ) a'e reme 'at that time' (Wa) a'e pe 'at that place, there' (Wa) a'e 'third person referent' (Gu) a'ese 'then' (Gu) a'eve 'there' (Gu) a'e ramo 'as a result of that (anaphoric ref.)' (As) *wi or *wirj 'that one (visible), which may be far from the hearer also' wi, wirj 'that one (visible)' (Tb) wiba'e 'this, that (visible)' (Tb) wiirja 'this, that' (Tb) wime, wilme 'there (visible)' (Tb) wime 'there (far from speaker and hearer)' (Wa) wyi 'that one, farther away' (Wa) awT 'this one, closer' (Wa) gwi 'that' (Pt) gwino 'with that one' (Pt) *mo, *amo 'there, amöba'e amome amöamöme amua'ga amua mo mo amö amö reme amöamö reme amove omo *pe 'that one' pe peve

another, some (invisible)' [Lemle 1971] 'something' (Tb) 'at times' (Tb) 'sometimes' (Tb) 'someone' (Pt) 'some' (Pt) 'group of things, some, many' (Pt) 'some, a(n)' (Wa) 'some, someone, something' (Wa) 'sometime' (Wa) Once in a while' (Wa) 'sometimes' (Gu) 'a certain' (GjP) 'there' (GiM) 'there, that (place)' (Gu)

551

552 Jensen

pe pea pe upea

'that one, there' (Pt) 'that one there' (Ch) 'there' (Gj) 'that' (Kw)

*wa 'they, those' wä, awä wä wä

'they, those (invisible)' (Tb) 'third person plural' (Kb) 'third person plural' (Gj)

12 Particles The Tupi-Guarani languages are rich in particles. They occur at specific places in the clause. One especially common place for them to occur is post-initial, that is, immediately after the first element (word, phrase, or subordinate clause) of the sentence. (436)

ihe ke a'e u-sak (Ur) 1SG FOCUS 3 3-see 'He saw me.'

(437)

ore te si t-oro-posiko (WaA) 1EX EMPH EXCL PURP-lEX-work 'We are the ones that ought to work!'

Another place where particles typically occur is at the end of a clause. (438)

naikoi 0-erekwar ko ky'y (WaA) NEG.EXISTENTIAL 3-wife PL CHANGE.OF.STATE 'None of their wives existed anymore.'

(439)

u-zekwa wä zi'i kury (GjP) 3-dawn PL PAST CHANGE.OF.STATE 'Then it began to dawn for them.'

Bendor-Samuel (1972:146-157) describes particles for Guajajara in initial (440), post-initial (441), medial (442), and final (439) positions. (440)

aze arapuha ur SUPPOSE deer 3.come 'Suppose a deer comes.'

(441)

u-ahem ze o-ho pe pe 3-arrive THEY.SAY 3-go there to 'They say that he arrived there.'

(442)

u-'aw u-pa kwez pe pe 3-lie.down 3-prone.position PAST there at 'He lay down over there just now.'

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Bendor-Samuel says that the medial particle follows any verb phrase, subject, object, or auxiliary verb, but that it precedes any adjuncts. He describes nine positions of final particles. Particles in these positions can co-occur, as in (443). (443)

-ho zaryz a'e wä rihi no 3-go grandmother 3 PL YET CHANGE.OF.TOPIC POSITION: 1 2 5 7 'Granny and others went still.'

In Wayampi (A. Jensen 1993) it is not unusual for several particles to co-occur in post-initial position. (444)

awi te ruä si po ko e-mo-katu (WaJ) he EMPH NEC EXCL INTER DETERM ISG.P-CAUS-good 'He was the one that healed me, wasn't he?'

The series of five particles in (444) indicates a rhetorical question in which the speaker believes that he is correct in his conclusion. The first particle, te, is often best translated with a cleft sentence in English. The negative particle ruä conveys the speaker's belief about his conclusion. The exclamation particle si conveys an emotional response. The po indicates a question. The ko indicates that he wants an answer to his question. The five particles together form a rhetorical question in Wayampi. 12.1 Particles indicating the speaker's feelings. Many of the post-initial particles convey to some degree the speaker's feelings. (Some of these same feelings are communicated in English through intonation.) Among the particles which occur in this position in Wayampi are the following: ipe 'unrealized goal', ko 'deliberation', si 'surprise, exclamation', so 'disapproval', te 'emphasis', to 'anger' (only in Jari dialect), and kua 'resolve'. Particles of this sort in Guajajara (Bendor-Samuel 1972:150) include the following: ete 'emphasis', kutu 'reaffirmation', mua'u 'mistake, deception', poko 'deliberation', ru'u 'uncertainty', tezyz 'frustration', tomo 'deliberation', and zepe 'incomplete success'. Particles of this type in Mbyä Guarani (Dooley 1982) include: ko Opinion', po 'doubt', nda 'amusement', tavy 'discontent', tu 'discontent', katu 'lack of patience'. Particles in Guarayu (Newton 1978) include: m'ä 'certainly', revo 'perhaps,' and rule 'seeing but hard to believe'. 12.2 Temporal and verification particles. Bendor-Samuel (1972:150-151) reports various temporal particles in Guajajara: roko 'past action', kwehe 'distant past', rakakwez 'past action, generally immediate past', ze 'speaker not eyewitness (past implied)', kwez 'immediate past, completion', nehe 'future', and tar 'future'. The first three of these occur in the post-initial position, kwez occurs medially, tar is post-verbal, and nehe occurs finally. Other final particles are also associated with the passage of

554 Jensen

time: rihi 'still, yet (looking forward to change of state or action), ri'i 'action in the past', ra'e 'unfortunate or otherwise amusing action, often in the past', zipi 'habitual past action, often incompletely successful', and kury 'action or state at point of change'. Taylor (1984b:66) reports four past markers for Kaiwä, based on distance into the past and whether the speaker witnessed the action. These are kuri 'recent past, attested', va'ehve 'remote past, attested', ra'e 'recent past, unattested by speaker', and araka'e 'distant past, unattested by speaker'. The particle araka'e also occurs in Guarayu, meaning 'distant past.' The same distinctions which are made in Kaiwä are also made in Tocantins Assurini (Nicholson 1978:67). The particles in this language are raka 'recent past, attested by speaker', rakokwehe 'remote past, attested by speaker', ra'e 'recent past, attested by someone other than the speaker,' and rakwehe 'remote past, attested by someone other than the speaker'. In Wayampi there are two verification particles which imply past action: ipo 'unattested by the speaker' and je 'no longer verifiable (more distant past)'. These occur immediately after the first constituent of the clause. Cognates of ipo and je occur in various languages. The morpheme ipo is translated as 'maybe' in Tupinamba and 'uncertainty or doubt' in Tembe. Its cognate aipo in Guarayu is translated as 'hearsay'. Cognates of the morpheme je are translated as 'they say' or 'it is said that' in Tembe and Kamaiurä, and as a hearsay particle in Urubu-Kaapor. 12.3 Grammatical particles. Some particles indicate grammatical function. One of these is the interrogative particle, which is pe in Tupinamba, po in Wayampi and Kamaiurä, and pa in the Guarani languages and Tocantins Assurini. In Kamaiurä it occurs in initial position. In other languages it occurs post-initial. Kaiwä (Taylor 1984a: 147-150) has four contrastive particles related to questions. The particles tipo and pa expect an answer; tipo is the more specific of the two. A particle po is used when the speaker is wondering and doesn't necessarily expect an answer. Another particle nipo expresses that the speaker does not know and cannot answer. Another type of grammatical particle is one which indicates a change of state or action, which contrasts with some state or action in the past. This particle, which occurs in final position, is ky in Urubu-Kaapor, kury in Guajajära (439), and ky 'y in Wayampi (438). In Wayampi, ky'y contrasts with mijä 'previously'. A more theoretical discussion of particles can be found in Dooley (1990). 13 Ideophones Ideophones are a part of good storytelling in many Tupi-Guarani languages. Sometimes sounds are employed in ideophones which are not part of the phonetic inventory of normal vocabulary. In Kayabi (Weiss 1989), these include voiceless and whispered

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

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vowels, front rounded whispered vowels, lengthened vowels, bilabial voiceless trills, and word-final glottal stops. The following are examples of ideophones. puuUUU tu tu tu tä tä tä tä warn warn warn ky: tykyty pyutik uuuu tarä py' moro py' moro Py üü

Tiring of gun' (Ur) 'thumping' (Ur) 'banging' (Ur) 'whine of mosquitos, flapping their wings rapidly' (Kb) 'macaw flying flapping its wings' (Kb) 'shooting (an arrow) once' (Kb) 'arrival and landing of a large bird' (Wa) 'moving and stacking objects' (Wa) Object falling' (Wa)

14 Numbers The numerical system of Proto-Tupi-Guarani is very rudimentary. Only three numbers have been reconstructed (Lemle, 1971): *ojepetei *mokoj *mocapyr

One' 'two' 'three'

Whereas the cognates for 'two' and 'three' are quite straightforward, the only part of the *ojepetei construction that occurs in all languages is pe. This means that the form in various languages could actually be made up of the basic stem plus a combination of affixes, which have become a permanent part of the word. (445)

pe One' + 'i 'DIMINUTIVE' > pe'i One' (Wa)

Forms in other languages include osepe (As), ojepe (Tb), pitei (Gj), ojipefl (Pt), ojepete (Km), and pete 7 (Ur, Gi). The concept of pairs seems to be important in Tupi-Guarani languages. The word for 'pair', *iru, has resulted in forms like the following from Wayampi: (446) (447) (448)

niröi irote iröiröte

Odd number' (Lit.: 'not a pair') 'four' (Lit.: 'true pair') 'multiple pairs,' that is, '6 or 8'

In languages of subgroup IV, the term for Odd number' has been reinterpreted to mean 'three'. For example, in Assurini, nairoihi, and in Guajajara na'iruz. Urubu (Kakumasu and Kakumasu 1988:71) has developed a numerical system up to 20 using entirely indigenous vocabulary. 15 Constituent order In all types of dependent constructions the verb usually occurs in the final position of the clause and the morpheme signaling the construction occurs as a suffix on the

556 Jensen

verb. By way of review, examples of the oblique-topicalized construction (449, 450), the subordinate clause (451, 452), and the serial verb (453, 454) follow. (449)

ka'a pe ure-r-eraha-n (GjG) jungle to lEX.P-LK-take-OBTOP 'He took us to the jungle.'

(450)

kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a (Tb) yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC s-epjak-i 3P-saw-OBTOP 'Yesterday my daughter saw my son.'

(451)

ma'e-asy-bor-a paje i-suban-eme (Tb) thing-pain-NOM-NC shaman 3-suck-COND 'if the shaman sucks (treats) the patient'

(452)

paje ma'e-asy-bor-a subän-eme (Tb) shaman thing-pain-NOM-NC suck-COND 'if the shaman sucks (treats) the patient'

(453)

o-ur kunumi kuap-a (Tb) 3-come boy know-SER 'He came to meet the boy.'

(454)

sa-ropyta yhara sere-sahok-a ywyri (As) UN-stayed.with boat lIN-bathe-SER atedge 'We stayed with the boat, bathing at the edge.'

Examples (451) and (452) show that although the verb occurs in final position of a subordinate clause, the relative order of the subject and object is not fixed in Tupinambä. Example (454) shows that peripheral information may occur after the serial verb in Assurini. In the serial verb construction the only element that will come between the independent verb and the dependent serial verb is the object (of one or both verbs, depending on the transitivity of the verbs). In clauses which have a single independent verb, the word order is variable. Grimes (1996) lists the basic word order of various languages, as follows: SOV SVO OSV OVS VSO

Guarayu, Wayampi Mbyä Guarani, Paraguayan Guarani, Juma, Parintintin Kayabi, OSV or SOV Urubu-Kaapor Tocantins Assurini Guajajära

Kakumasu (1986) states that OSV was his earlier proposal as a basic word order for Urubu-Kaapor, but that he has changed his conclusions and considers SOV to be basic. In this language all six orders occur, in the following order of frequency:

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

557

SOV, OSV, VSO, VOS, OVS, SVO. (See also Derbyshire and Pullum 1986:17 for their comments on Urubu-Kaapor constituent order.) Harrison (1986) reports that in 200 pages of text the following orders were found for Guajajära: VSO - 19, VOS - 4, SVO - 3, SOV - 2, OVS - 0, OSV - 0. His results demonstrate that it is very unusual to have all three constituents in a transitive sentence. Only 28 occurrences appeared in 200 pages of text. Nouns tend not to be repeated once they have been introduced into the discourse. In Wayampi all six word order possibilities occur, although OSV is almost nonexistent. The word order is dependent on discourse factors, with new or definite information (as subject or object) occurring before the verb and old or indefinite information occurring after the verb (A. Jensen 1982, C. Jensen 1980). In most instances, logic will tell the hearer which noun is the subject and which is the object. When there is doubt, the hearer will ask. The reported word orders (Grimes 1996 and Kakumasu 1986) would indicate that the basic word order for the family should be SOV or SVO. Considering that dependent constructions are usually verb final, I suggest that SOV was the original order for independent verbs as well. This area has not been sufficiently studied for us to say what degree of flexibility was allowed for independent verbs in Proto-TupiGuarani or what would have been the motivating factors for such flexibility. 16 Hypotheses concerning the functions of rThere are two types of hypotheses regarding the linking prefix: that it originally had an epenthetical value and has no function other than to signal word classes, or that it has a grammatical function of some sort. 16.1 That r- is epenthetical. According to the first hypothesis, the r- prefix was originally an epenthetical consonant. This is a reasonable suggestion from the standpoint that certain other morphemes have allomorphs beginning with r when preceded by a vowel-final morpheme (Appendix 1:23,24,40,44). The r- would keep the vowels of the two morphemes separate. It would be necessary to determine whether the epenthesis would operate at morpheme boundaries or between words. Let us review what kinds of rules have already been described in this language family for vowel or consonant sequences on the morphological level (C. Jensen 1989 and Appendix III). There have been two rules proposed for the insertion of epenthetical vowels to separate consonants at morpheme boundaries where a stem combines with an affix (Appendix III.3,15). No rules have been proposed regarding epenthetical consonants. When two stems combine, creating a consonant sequence, the first consonant is eliminated in most languages of the family (Appendix III.6). Rodrigues demonstrates for Tupinambä that when a low vowel is followed by a low stressed vowel (in morphemes such as the serial verb suffix and certain nominalization suffixes), the second vowel takes on the quality of the first vowel, and the first vowel is deleted (Appendix III.7,10,12). These rules account for allophonic variations in Kayabf as well. In other rules he shows that in a sequence of two vowels

558 Jensen

where one vowel is a high vowel, the high vowel becomes asyllabic (Appendix III.11,16). He has also proposed rules for the insertion of a semivowel: [y] when the first vowel is a high front vowel and [w] when the first vowel is a back vowel (Appendix 111.14,18). A rule for epenthesis of r- on the morphological level would conflict with the other rules for handling vowel sequences. Furthermore, data demonstrate that many vowel sequences do exist at morpheme boundaries without any epenthesis taking place. Consider, for example, *o-apy > oapy (or owapy) 'it burns', *ere-y'u > erey'u 'you drink', *oro-epjak > oroepjak see you SG'. In sum, r- is not epenthesized at the morphological level, and a rule of epenthesis would actually conflict with other phonological rules which operate at this level. If the epenthesis operates on the word level, we are still faced with the fact that its occurrence is restricted to situations in which the first of the two words is either a noun or a person marker from Set 2. Syntactic rules in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are such that any noun (functioning as such in a sentence) terminates with a vowel (sect. 3.3) and therefore automatically provides the right environment for the formation of a vowel sequence. However, a verb may also end in a vowel, but no r- is inserted between it and the following word. Furthermore, there are other sequences of words in which the first word is a noun but no epenthesis occurs. In (455) from Tupinambä, the word order is subject, independent verb, object, serial verb. Vowel sequences occur at the boundary of the subject and verb and at the boundary of the verb and object, yet in neither case is an epenthetical vowel inserted. (455)

kujä o-s-aro o-memyr-a s-ereko-feo (Tb) woman 3A-3P-care.for 3COREF-child-NC 3P-keep.with-SER 'The woman cares for her child, keeping it with her.'

If the insertion of r- were governed purely by phonological rules, no distinction should be made by grammatical role (noun, verb, postposition) or the relative order of grammatical constituents. The r- does in fact have a grammatical interpretation. The r- only occurs on a transitive verb if the verb is directly preceded by its object (which takes the form of a first or second person marker or a noun, when absolutive cross-referencing is employed). Examples (456) and (457), which have the r- preceding the verb stem, are variations of (455) put into a temporal subordinate clause. The first clause can only mean that the woman is the object of the caring and the second can only mean that the child is the object of the caring. (456) (457)

kuja r-aro-reme 'when (someone) cares for the woman' o-memyr-a r-aro-reme 'when she cares for her child'

In sum, the r- cannot be an epenthetical consonant because its occurrence is defined on a grammatical basis. At the most, it could have originally been a phonologically conditioned morpheme, occurring before all vowel-initial stems under the appropriate grammatical conditions.

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

559

16.2 That r- is a grammatical element. This prefix shows a certain grammatical relationship between the stem to which it attaches and the preceding morpheme. It occurs under the following grammatical conditions: 1) Noun immediately preceded by the genitive, indicated by a noun, or by a first or second person marker of Set 2 (sect. 3.1). 2) Postposition immediately preceded by its object, indicated by a noun, or by a first or second person marker of Set 2 (sect. 4). 3) Verb immediately preceded by a noun or a first or second person marker of Set 2, indicating absolutive cross-referencing (sects. 5.1-4). The fact that some linguists consider *c- an allomorph of *r- reflects the desire to explain why *r- co-occurs with the first and second person markers of Set 2, but not with the third person prefix. Rodrigues suggests (p.c.) that the r- only occurs when the preceding morpheme is a separate word (rather than part of a compound word). In other words, it is a phrase level phenomenon. In (458) and (459) from Tupinambä, the first is a compound word, with a very specific meaning. The second is a phrase. The r- only occurs in the phrase. (458) (459)

ita 'rock' + ekobe 'living' > itäekobe 'mercury' (Tb) > ita r-ekobe 'living rock'

In line with this, Rodrigues claims for Tupinambä and for Proto-Tupi-Guarani that first and second person markers are independent words, with independent stress, whereas the third person markers are prefixes, and unstressed. There is good reason for this analysis, as the first and second person markers are identical with, or reductions of, free pronouns (Appendix 1.7—11). By contrast there are no free pronouns which correspond to the prefixes for third person. According to this analysis, r- does not co-occur with *cbecause *c- is not a separate word from the stem it modifies. 16.3 That r- was originally a phonologically conditioned morpheme. There is still the possibility that the occurrence of r- was originally phonologically conditioned: that it occurred with vowel-initial stems, just as the nominal case suffix -a occurs with consonant-final nouns, and that it only occurs at word boundaries. To explain why some vowel-initial nouns are Class I (for example, *a£a# 'head') and therefore do not co-occur with the r- prefix, I suggest that originally (in Pre-ProtoTupi-Guarani) all members of this class may have been consonant initial. At some time after the word classes became rigidly defined, some undetermined consonant *C was lost. (460)

*i- Cakärj > i- akärj 'his head'

If the classes were already fixed at the time of the loss, the lexical items which lost the undetermined consonant *C would not be transferred from Class I to Class II. 16.4 The question of allomorphs. Payne (1994) points out that "all the constructions where [r-] occurs are P-oriented, or at least not -oriented." This is the case when P and A are relevant categories (i.e., in verb constructions). Because *r- is P-oriented,

560 Jensen

the *c- morpheme (which has weakened in various languages to s, h, or 0) cannot be one of its allomorphs. In the proto-language, as in such descendant languages as Tupinambä, Guarayu, and Old Guarani, the independent transitive verb is conjugated by an A prefix, followed by a third person P prefix (*c- or */-). (461)

(462)

a-s-ekar (Tb) lSG.A-3P-seek sought him.1 a-i-potar (Tb) lSG.A-3P-like like him.'

Since s-, the reflex of *c- in Tupinambä, is immediately preceded by a morpheme which refers to A (sect. 5.1), it cannot be an allomorph of *r-, since *r- is always preceded by P. 16.5 The Inverse hypothesis. Payne (1994) suggests that r- is the marker of an inverse system (in transitive verbs). I agree with this, but must emphasize that this is not the primary function of r-. As I will argue in sect. 17, the development of a direct/indirect system in independent verbs is relatively recent. Before its development, the r- morpheme was already alive and well, functioning in various contexts, where a noun or pronoun (first or second person) was tightly knit to the following word (verb, noun, or postposition). Furthermore, as an inverse marker the r- is largely redundant and limited in scope. It is redundant in the sense that in most cases the person markers indicate clearly whether the cross-referencing is direct (for example, *a- 'first person singular A') or indirect (*ce 'first person singular P'). Even with the second person plural markers *pe- and *pe, marking A and P respectively, there would not have been ambiguity in Proto-Tupi-Guarani. First of all, the P marker was stressed. Second, the A prefix was always followed by the third person P prefix as in (463). (463) (464)

*pe-c-epjak *pe n-epjak

'You PL saw him.' '(Someone) saw you PL.'

Thus, even without the *r- morpheme (n- in this context), there would be no ambiguity. In some descendant languages, such as Wayampi (465, 466), where the P person marker is no longer stressed, and where the third person object prefix is no longer used, the *r- morpheme does eliminate ambiguity between A and P. (465) (466)

pe-esa pe-n-esa

'You PL saw him.' '(Someone) saw you PL.'

Even so, the r- is limited in scope as an inverse marker, as it eliminates the ambiguity only with Class II stems. With Class I stems the ambiguity still exists.

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

(467)

pe-nupa

561

'You PL hit (someone) with an instrument' or, '(Someone) hit you PL with an instrument.'

Furthermore, the direct/indirect contrast in cross-referencing is itself limited in scope in Proto-Tupi-Guarani. It occurs only with independent verbs. Even then it does not exist when both A and P are third person. In sum, although in independent transitive verbs the r- can be analyzed as an inverse marker, its function in this capacity has its limitations. It is important that any such discussion about r- not detract from an understanding of its overall function. 16.6 Other considerations. In the OBTOP and dependent verb constructions, where the cross-referencing system is ergative-absolutive, the r- has the function of clarifying in transitive sentences which of the two nouns is the A and which is the P. If the noun immediately preceding the transitive verb is P, the verb receives only the r- morpheme, as in the following example from Tupinamba. (468)

kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a r-epjak-i yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC LK-see-OBTOP 'Yesterday my son saw my daughter.'

If the noun immediately preceding the transitive verb is the A, the cross-referencing on the verb is still absolutive, but this is marked by the third person prefix *c- or */-, as in the following example from Tupinamba. (469)

kwese sje r-ajyr-a sje r-a'yr-a s-epjak-i yesterday 1SG LK-daughter-NC 1SG LK-son-NC 3-see-OBTOP 'Yesterday my son saw my daughter.'

I suggest that the P in the first example is part of the verb phrase, while the P in the second example is an example of object raising, with the P still being marked in the verb phrase by s-. The r- should then be interpreted as a phrase indicator. Another important consideration is the significance of the two marking systems for agentive intransitive verbs. In the following examples, the independent verb (470) takes the Α-oriented (Set 1) prefix while the dependent verb (471) takes the P-oriented (Set 2) markers. (470) (471)

*ere-iko *ne-r-eko-rVmV

'You (SG) are (in motion).' 'when you SG are (in motion)'

Harrison (1986) refers to this difference as one of control (in independent verbs) versus non-control (in dependent verbs). We might say that the independent verb is more verbal than the dependent verb, and that the independent subject is more agentive than the dependent subject. Payne (1994) suggests that the r- may have been a genitive marker in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani. Perhaps dependent verbs were at one time treated as nominale. There is certainly a resemblance between two of the serial verb suffixes and the nominalization suffixes of agent and circumstance

562 Jensen

(Appendix I, morphemes 21, 30, and 31). There is also a similarity in some languages between the temporal/conditional morpheme and the attributive case morpheme which occurs with nouns (Appendix I, morphemes 23 and 44). In sum, r- is a morpheme which operates on the phrase level to express a close relationship between two words, such as object-verb, genitive-noun, and object-postposition. Its use with verbs may have been an extension of a genitive marker in PreProto-Tupi-Guarani. Its significance in relation to verbs is probably best understood by its occurrence with agentive intransitive verbs. Whereas it may now be the marker of an inverse system in transitive verbs, the direct-inverse distinction is probably a later development, which accompanied the development of the person hierarchy in independent transitive verbs. The r- morpheme may originally have occurred with all vowel-initial stems; those Class I stems which in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are vowel initial may have lost an initial consonant. It would be good to know the reactions of native speakers of Tupi-Guarani languages who have a sufficient degree of linguistic sophistication to discuss the structure of their language. Their impression as native speakers could be significant to our understanding of the r- morpheme. 17 A proposal for the development of the person hierarchy It seems that linguists have devoted more of their efforts to explaining how a language might acquire an ergative-absolutive system, than to explaining how it might lose one. However, the Tupi-Guarani languages are good examples of the latter. C. Jensen (1990) describes the progressive loss of ergativity in five TupiGuarani languages: Wayampi, Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, and Urubu-Kaapor. Guarayu shows the same type of loss, though to a lesser degree. The mechanism for the loss of ergativity was, for the most part, the replacement of one cross-referencing system by another. (In one other language, Guajajara, a clause-final nominative-accusative cross-referencing system was superimposed with almost no alteration of the person markers used on the verbs.) As these changes progressed through successive structures, changes in agentive intransitive verbs preceded those in transitive verbs in Wayampi and the Guaranian languages. Examples (472) and (473) from Wayampi show that dependent serial intransitive verbs now take Set 1 prefixes referring to S. Transitive verbs take Set 2 markers referring to P. Wayampi serial verbs Intransitive (472)

a-a ISG-go Set 1

a-jau ISG-bathe Set 1

went to bathe.'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

563

Transitive (473)

o-o 3 -go Set 1

e-r-esa 'He went to see/meet me.' 1 SG-LK-see/meet Set 2

Guarani nominalizations of intransitive verbs (474) take Set 1 prefixes, as do nominalizations of action or circumstance in transitive verbs (475). Nominalizations of agent (476) retain Set 2 markers to cross-reference P. Guarani nominalizations Intransitive (474)

ere-o-a 'your going' 2SG-go-NOM Set 1

Transitive (475)

ere-mbo'e-a 'your teaching' 2SG-teach-NOM Set 1

(476)

ne-mbo'e-a 'your teacher' 2SG-teach-NOM Set 2

Table 22 is a list of the grammatical structures which underwent change by substituting Set 1 person markers and the languages in which the substitution appears. By comparing the extent of change in the various languages, we can see that the transition was progressive, beginning in the least dependent verb forms (OBTOP and temporal subordinate) and moving to the most dependent (nominalizations). Table 22: Proposed ordering and grouping of changes Oblique-topicalized Temporal subordinate verbs IV Serial verbs IV Nominalizations TV Nominalizations of action, circumstance TV Serial verbs TV Nominalizations of agent

Gu, Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur Gu (partial), Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur Gu (partial), Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur GiM,Kw,Ch,Ur GiM,Kw,Ch,Ur Kw,Ch,Ur Ur

Harrison (1986:427) proposes that the ergative-absolutive system which appears in dependent verbs is older than the person hierarchy which occurs in independent verbs. He suggests that originally the basic word order was SOV, and that the free pronoun closest to the verb eventually became more firmly attached to it: s-IV and o-TV. The result would be an absolutive cross-referencing system. Harrison describes this as

564 Jensen

classical CB (Central Brazil) cross-referencing. From this system the person hierarchy developed in independent verbs, by a process which Harrison refers to as creeping accusativity. When we propose that all cross-referencing in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani was absohitive, we hope to find evidence to support this claim. I suggest four types of evidence: 1) remnants of older constructions found in languages in which recent changes have eliminated or substantially modified those constructions, 2) a model which shows how this change might have come about, 3) evidence of cognate forms and cross-referencing system outside the Tupi-Guarani family, in the Tupi stock, 4) unique characteristics of the Oblique-Topicalized construction. We will examine each of these four possibilities. 17.1 Remnants of older constructions found in languages in which recent changes have eliminated or substantially modified those constructions. The progressive loss of ergativity in the cross-referencing systems in Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, and the Guarani languages has been accompanied by other changes. These include virtual loss of the Oblique-Topicalized construction (see sect. 6:1) and major changes in the Serial Verb construction (see sect. 6.3 for details). There are still, however, remnants of the older systems in a few of the verb forms. These are shown in Table 23 (from C. Jensen 1990). Table 23: Remnants from Proto-Tupi-Guarani Remnants of the OBTOP system in languages in which the system as such is no longer found: Wayampi:

tui ekoi

from *t-ub-i from *c-eko-OBTOP

'to be lying down' 'to be in movement'

Mbyä Guarani and Kaiwä:

itui itury

from *i-t-ub-i from *i-t-ur-i

'to be lying down' 'to come'

Urubu-Kaapor:

tui tur ihon

from *t-uk-i from *t-ur-i from *i-co-OBTOP

'to be lying down' 'to come' 'to go'

Remnants of the Serial verb system in languages in which the system has been modified by (a) changing from Set 2 to Set 1 prefixes in intransitive verbs, or, in the case of Wayampi, elimination of prefixing, and (b) whole or partial loss of the serial verb suffix:

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

565

Wayampi:

kupa 'PLURAL'

from *kub-a

'being together'

Mby Guarani:

imondovy imo'amy

from *i-mo-no-afeo from *i-mo'am-a

'sending it away' 'causing it to stand'

Urubu-Kaapor:

indo

from *i-mo-no-abo

'sending it away'

Such remnants support the hypothesis that it is these languages that have changed from the earlier more ergative-absolutive system that is still dominant in most of the Tupi-Guarani languages, and not the contrary. 17.2 A model for the development of the person hierarchy. The cross-referencing system which occurs on independent transitive verbs can be derived from an absolutive system by 1) the addition of Set 1 prefixes preceding P prefixes when P is third person, 2) the redefinition of the extent of usage of first and second person P prefixes in a person hierarchy rule in which hierarchically superior P is marked, a rule which excluded the use of second person P person markers when P is hierarchically inferior, and 3) development of a set of portmanteau forms where the Set 2 prefixes were excluded. 17.2.1 Development of Set 1 A and S person markers Stage 1. I suggest that Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani independent verbs had absolutive cross-referencing.

1SG 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3

*ce potar *ore potar *jane potar *ne potar *pe potar *i-potar

'you/he/she/they like(s) me' 'you/he/she/they like(s) us EX' 'you/he/she/they like(s) us IN' Ί/we/he/she/they like(s) you SG' Ί/we/he/she/they like(s) you PL' Ί/we/you/he/she/they like(s) him'

1SG 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3

*ce r-epjak *ore r-epjak *jane r-epj k *ne r-epjak *pe n-epjak *c-epjak

'you/he/she/they see(s) me' 'you/he/she/they see(s) us EX' 'you/he/she/they see(s) us IN' Ί/we/he/she/they see(s) you SG' Ί/we/he/she/they see(s) you PL' Ί/we/you/he/she/they see(s) him'

1SG 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3

*ce ker *ore ker *jane ker *ne ker *pe ker *i-ker

Ί sleep' 'we EX sleep' 'we IN sleep' 'you SG sleep' 'you PL sleep' 'he/she/it/they sleep(s)'

566 Jensen

ISO 1EX UN 2SG

2PL 3

*ce r-eko *ore r-eko *jane r-eko *ne r-eko *pe n-eko *c-eko

Ί am (alive)' 'we EX are (alive)' 'we IN are (alive)' 'you SG are (alive)' 'you PL are (alive)' 'he/she/it is (alive)'

At this point the cross-referencing system used in transitive verbs would look like that in Table 24. This is the same system which occurs in dependent verbs in most of today's languages. Table 24: Original system of cross-referencing on independent transitive verbs, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani Object 1SG

1EX

UN

2SG

2PL

3

v s

ore

jane

ne

pe

We-

ce

In anticipation of the changes that later would affect independent transitive verbs, I expand Table 24 to show both A and P, even though only P is cross-referenced on the verb. The result is Table 25. Where χ appears on the chart, reflexive prefixes are used, detransitivizing the verb, so no transitive forms appear. The A, not shown on the table, is indicated by a free pronoun. Table 25: Old system of cross-referencing on independent transitive verbs, expanded from Table 24, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani Subject

1 2 3

3

ne

pe

X

X

X

jane

ne

P?

i-/ci-/ci-/c-

1EX

UN

X

X

X

v s

ore ore

ce ce

Object 2SG

2PL

1SG

Stage 2. At some point agentive intransitive verbs developed a new prefixing system (Set 1 prefixes) which distinguished them in independent verbs from non-agentive intransitive verbs. *a-ker *oro-ker *ja-ker *ere-ker *pe-ker *o-ker

Ί sleep' 'we EX sleep' 'we IN sleep' 'you SG sleep' 'you PL sleep' 'he sleeps'

*a-iko *oro-iko *ja-iko *ere-iko *pe-iko *o-iko

Ί am (being)' 'we EX are' 'we IN are' 'you SG are' 'you PL are' 'he is'

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

567

My justification for proposing that the occurrence of Set 1 prefixes in intransitive verbs preceded their occurrence in transitive verbs is based on the observation that more recent changes occurred first in intransitive verbs in descendant languages (sect. 17). Stage 3. At the next stage of development, these Set 1 prefixes became attached by analogy to transitive verbs whenever the P was third person (indicated by *;- or *c-), without eliminating the P prefixes. The Set 1 prefixes referred to A. When P was first or second person, there was no change. This is illustrated in Table 26. Table 26: Addition of Set 1 Prefixes to Transitive Verbs, by analogy with Intransitive Verbs, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani V. Class I

V. Class II

*ce potar *ore potar *jane potar *ne potar *pe potar

*ce r-epjak *ore r-epjak *jane r-epjak *ne r-epjak *pe n-epjak

A aorojaere- *i-potar peo- '

A aorojaere- [ *c-epjak peo- J

The addition of these A prefixes had a differential effect, making explicit which of the six possible interpretations of A was intended by the previously single forms *i-potar and *c-epjak. The new system of cross-referencing is summarized in Table 27.

Table 27: Intermediary stage following the addition of A prefixes, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani

1SG

1EX

UN

Object |2SG

Cross-reference P

2PL

3

Cross-reference A + P

Once this system became established, the i- and c- became redundant, since the Set 1 prefixes only occurred when P was third person. Eventually the third person P prefixes were eliminated in several languages. *aipotar > apotar

568 Jensen

The languages which eliminated third person P prefixes in independent transitive verbs include Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, Guajajara, Tocantins Assurini, Kamaiura, Parintintih, and Kayabi. In some languages in which the P prefix was deleted, remnants still appear in certain words (sect. 5.1). The loss of the P prefix does not appear to have any connection with further cross-referencing changes, since languages from Subgroups I and VIII show cross-referencing changes, whereas languages from Subgroups IV through VIII have eliminated the P prefix. Table 28 is a modification of Table 27 which reflects the elimination of the third person P prefix in some languages. Table 28: Intermediary stage following the addition of A prefixes and elimination of P in some languages, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani

1SG

1EX

UN

Object [2SG

2PL

3

Cross-reference P

Cross-reference A (+ P)

17.2.2 The development of the person hierarchy Stage 4. Let us consider some possibilities of what further changes might take place once the two competing systems of cross-referencing were in operation. One possibility is that the Set 1 (A) prefixes which now occur whenever P is third person could be extended to occur with verbs when P is second person (Step 1) and then first person (Step 2), as in Table 29. Table 29: Hypothetical extension of A prefixes to all independent transitive verb forms As in Table 28 1

Object Cross-reference P

Ste

P 1 1 Cross-reference P

Step 2

3 Cross-reference A (+ P)

Object 2 3 Cross-reference A (+ P)

Object 2 Cross-reference A (+ P)

Although this result did not happen in a direct way in any Tupi-Guarani language, Step 2 illustrates Urubu-Kaapor, which only cross-references A.

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

569

Another possibility is the development of a person hierarchy from the scenario in Table 27 or 28. Let us consider first the development of a straightforward hierarchy rule "1 > 2 > 3". In this case the hierarchically superior nominal is marked on the verb, as illustrated in Table 30. Once again the x's in the table indicate that reflexive forms occur rather than transitive forms. Table 30: Person hierarchy where "1 > 2 > 3" Object

Subject 1

1SG χ

1EX χ

2

UN >:

2SG

2PL cross-reference

3

>ί

X

X

A(+P)

cross-reference P

3

7

This hierarchy is a simplification of what actually takes place in Tupi-Guarani languages in the cross-referencing of independent transitive verbs. It was used by Harrison (1986:420) to demonstrate for the first time the relevance of Silverstein's agency hierarchy to Tupi-Guarani languages, and in doing so, it is natural that he would speak in general terms. Of the languages cited in this paper, the one whose cross-referencing system most closely fits the description of the "1>2>3" rule is Kayabi, which uses first person A prefixes when Ρ is either second or third person. Within Tupi stock, Aweti also fits this description. (This is one of the two languages which are most closely related to the Tupi-Guarani family.) This definition of the person hierarchy has two weaknesses in regard to Tupi-Guarani languages: 1. It does not explain what happens when A and Ρ are equal in number (that is, third person). In this environment, *o-i-potar and *o-c-epjak occur. The forms *i-potar and *c-epjak are not acceptable as independent verbs. 2. It ignores the special forms which occur in most languages when the A is first person and Ρ is second person. Let us consider a refinement of the above rule: hierarchically superior Ρ is cross-referenced on the verb. We are assuming that the development is still in effect by which the A is marked by Set 1 prefixes whenever Ρ is third person. Nothing is stated about what happens when A is hierarchically superior to a non-third person Ρ (that is, a second-person P). Under the original ergative-absolutive cross-referencing system, the second-person prefixes *ne and *pe could be used as the second person singular object markers regardless of whether the subject was first or third person, as in (477-480). (477) (478) (479) (480)

*ne potar *pe potar

Ί/we like you SG.' 'He/she/they like(s) you SG.' Ί/we like you PL.' 'He/she/they like(s) you PL.'

570 Jensen

However, under the refined person hierarchy rule, these prefixes can be employed only when the P (2nd person) is hierarchically superior to A, as in (478) and (480). This is only'the case when A is third person. When a first person A acts on a second person P, as in (477) and (479), the cross-referencing is not governed by the person hierarchy rule, since P is hierarchically inferior to A. On the other hand, there is no indication that we should use A markers, since this set (1) is used only when P is third person. There is a gap, as indicated by the question marks in Table 31. (The x's in the table indicate that reflexive forms rather than transitive forms occur.) Table 31: Person hierarchy where hierarchically superior objects are marked, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani Subject

1

Object ISO 1EX X

X

UN

2SG ?

2PL ?

cross-reference A ( + P)

X

2

X

3

Cross-reference P

3

χ

χ

This is the intermediary stage following the introduction of the person hierarchy rule in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani. 17.2.3 Filling the gap. To summarize developments up to this point, the person hierarchy rule excluded the use of P markers *ne and *pe when the A was first person, because in this case P is not hierarchically superior to A. However, the new A prefixes were employed only when the P was third person. Some arrangement had to be made to cover the cases where A is first person and P is second person. Stage 5. To fill this gap, two portmanteau prefixes were developed: *oro- Ί A acting on 2SG P' *opo- Ί A acting on 2PL P' This completes the system reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani independent transitive verbs, summarized in Table 32.

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

571

Table 32: Person hierarchy as it exists in Proto-Tupi-Guarani Subject 1

Object ISO

1EX

X

X

2 3

UN 3L >ι

2SG 2PL Cross-reference A-P Set 4 χ χ

3 Cross-reference

A(+P) Set 1 ( + 2)

Cross-reference P Set 2

The two portmanteau prefixes seem to be a sort of compromise, not aligning themselves with either the original ergative-absolutive system which marks Ρ (with Set 2 markers) or to the new system which marks A (with Set 1 markers). They are unlike Set 2 person markers in that they do not require the linking r- prefix between the stem and the prefix, as can be seen by comparative examples (481-484) of a Class II verb.

(481) (482) (483) (484)

*ce r-epjak *ne r-epjak *oro-epjak *opo-epjak

'(You/he/she/they) saw me.' '(He/she/they) saw you SG.' Ί/we saw you SG.' Ί/we saw you PL.'

On the other hand, the *oro- and *opo- prefixes are unlike the Set 1 person markers in that they refer simultaneously to A and P. The prefix *oro- is homonymous with the Set 1 prefix *oro- ΊΕΧ', but it has a different meaning. The Set 1 prefix refers only to first person exclusive A. The Set 4 prefix occurs when Ρ is second person singular, and A is first person, either singular or plural. Those languages which have both A and Ρ prefixes when the object is third person have a contrast, as in (485) and (486), but those languages that deleted the Ρ prefix have one word with two different meanings, as in (487) from Wayampi. (485) (486) (487)

*oro-i-potar *oro-potar oro-pota

'We EX like him/her/it.' Ί/we EX like you SG.' 'We EX like him/her/it' or (Set 1), Ί/we EX like you SG (Set 4).' (Wa)

The *oro- and *opo- prefixes are unique in themselves. Perhaps it is the fact that these two prefixes occur in a sort of buffer zone between two systems that allows the variants of *opo- to show greater diversity in individual Tupi-Guarani languages than any other person prefix (Table 33). Variations in this zone do not undermine either of the two systems.

572 Jensen

Table 33: Forms corresponding to *opoopoporoporo-

Old Guarani, Guarayu, Tupinambä, Parintintin, Kamaiura Chiriguano Assurini, Mbya, Guarani Wayampi

apo-, apu-, apaKaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape (with 1SG A) oropo-,urupu-, Kaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape ara- (with 1PL A) NON-EXISTENT Urubu-Kaapor, Kayabf Both *opo- and *oro- have been eliminated in Urubu-Kaapor and Kayabi. Their deletion in Urubu-Kaapor is to be expected, since the entire person hierarchy has also been eliminated. A is always cross-referenced, and P never is. The probable pathway for their deletion in Kayabi is different. Kayabi is one of the languages in which the third person P prefix was eliminated when the A prefix occurred, presumably because of redundancy. For example, *a-i-potar > apotär. In time there probably occurred a reinterpretation of the context in which the Set I A prefixes could occur. Whereas *a-i- only occurred when a first person A acted on third person P, in Kayabi a- came to apply whenever the subject was first person, regardless of whether P was second or third person. The second-person P would be made explicit by a free pronoun, as in (488—491). (488) (489) (490) (491)

a-nupa ene a-nupa pee oro-nupa ene oro-nupä pee

hit you SG.' (Kb) hit you PL.1 'We hit you SG.' 'We hit you PL.'

Reinterpretation of the scope of a-potar in Kayabi, a language which retains the characteristic Tupi-Guarani absolutive cross-referencing in dependent verbs, does not affect the person hierarchy, because the change occurred in the gap or buffer zone, which was not covered by the rule. At some intermediary stage some languages (Kaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape) reinterpreted po- from *opo- as a separate prefix meaning '2PL P', presumably by analogy to */- and *c- '3 P', as in Table 34. A first person A prefix was then added to this redefined P prefix. Table 34: Reanalysis of po by analogy

a-ioro-i-

a-coro-c-

a-pooro-po-

1A>3P

1A>3P

1A>2PL.P

Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax

573

In this case, the reinterpretation of *opo- as po- analogous to *;'- and *c- reflects a mental association of this prefix with the new system of conjugation. What remains unexplained is why similar variations did not develop for *oro- Ί A acting on 2SG P'. In Guarani, Assurini, and some dialects of Guajaj ra and Kaiw , *opo- has neutralized with *oro- into a single prefix, oro-, while Wayampi has substituted poro- for *opo-. All other languages retain *opo- or a direct phonetic consequence of it. It can be seen that although nearly all Tupi-Guarani languages have special prefixes when A is first person and P is second, there is a lot of variation in the forms. I suggest that this was permissible because of the uniqueness of these forms having been excluded from two wider-scope cross-referencing rules: one which called for the marking of hierarchically superior objects, and the other which called for the marking of subjects when the object was third person. To summarize the cross-referencing system which developed for independent transitive verbs: When P is third person the verbs are marked for A (Set 1), followed in some languages by the prefix for third person P (Set 2). A person hierarchy rule requires that hierarchically superior P be marked by person markers from Set 2. When both P and A are third person, the first condition applies and the A prefix must be used. When hierarchically superior A acts on a non-third person P (that is, first acts on second), neither of the above conditions apply; this gap was resolved by the development of a unique system of portmanteau markers (occurring in all languages but Kayabi and Urubu-Kaapor). This complex cross-referencing system has been extended to all syntactic structures which have undergone change in Wayampi and the Guaranian languages. Urubu-Kaapor has eliminated the person hierarchy rule as well as the set of portmanteau markers, so that all transitive verbs cross-reference A. The model of superimposing Set 1 prefixes on forms already prefixed for third person P, as in Table 26, explains how transitive verbs might have begun to use A prefixes. Table 31 shows what the system would be like if a rule developed which required that hierarchically superior objects be cross-referenced. The gap, illustrated by question marks, shows the scenario which may have permitted the formation of the portmanteau prefixes. It also allows us to explain why the variety of forms in the different languages is permissible. 17.3 The search for cognates outside the Tupi-Guarani family. If we look beyond the Tupi-Guarani language family to the Tupian stock for some evidence of what the original cross-referencing system was like, we can only conclude that the development of the personal pronouns, as well as the person markers of Sets 1, 2, and 4 are much more recent than we might have expected. In Satere-Mawe (Graham, Graham, and Harrison 1984), the Tupian language probably most closely related to the Tupi-Guarani family, there is a comparable system with a person hierarchy. Possible correspondences of person markers from Set 1 are the following: a- SM, *a- P-T-G 'ISO'; wa- SM, *ja- P-T-G ΊΙΝ'; uru-

574 Jemen

SM, *oro- P-T-G ΊΕΧ'; to- SM, *o- P-T-G '3'. From Set 2, the third person P forms /- and h-, comparable to */- and *c-, co-occur with the Set 1 markers. In Satere-Mawe they occur in other situations as well, where they are not called for in the Proto-Tupi-Guarani languages. The Satere-Mawe prefixes for second person, e'2SG' and ewe- '2PL', have some similarity to the Set 1 P-T-G prefixes *ere- and *pe-, but they are a more likely match with the Set 3 prefixes *e- and *peje-, especially since occurrences of w in Satere-Mawe correspond to j in Proto-TupiGuarani (Rodrigues, 1984/1985). Satere-Mawe also has a prefix aro- which corresponds to the Proto-Tupi-Guarani prefix *oro- Ί A acting on 2SG P' from Set 4. The person hierarchy in Satere-Mawe is similar to that in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, except that it has been extended to subordinate clauses as well. If we compare the Tupi-Guarani cross-referencing system with Aweti, we find that Aweti has one set of prefixes for intransitive verbs, and another for transitive verbs. There is partial overlap between the two. The transitive verbs have a person hierarchy that fits the definition: "1 > 2 > 3". Intransitive prefixes which may correspond to those in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are a- '1SG', όζο- ΊΕΧ', e- '2SG', o'3'. Prefixes in transitive verbs include those referring to A: a- '1SG', όζο- ΊΕΧ', e- '2SG', and perhaps ti- ΊΙΝ' (see sect. 5.1); and those referring to P: e- '2SG', and όζο- ΊΕΧ'. Once again e- is more like the Proto-Tupi-Guarani prefix from Set 3 *e- than the one from Set 1 *ere-. The free pronouns 'en '2SG' and e 'ipe '2PL' could correspond to *ene and *pe . . . e. Going beyond these two languages, the possible cognates with the Tupi-Guarani language family are limited. The prefix e- '2SG' occurs in Karo, Munduruku, Gavi o, Surui, and Shipaya. There are also cognates of the second person singular pronoun *ene: en in Karo, eet in Gavi o, en in Munduruku, een and eende in Surui, and ena in Shipaya. It is also possible that the third person coreferential in Gavi o, a-, corresponds to *o- (Set 3). Gabas (1994) summarizes that Karo is ergative, Surui is at least in part ergative, and Gavi o and Munduruku are nominative-accusative. Rodrigues (1985:380) has shown the cognates set out in Table 35. I have added the Proto-Tupi-Guarani forms. Table 35: Cognates in Tupian languages

1SG 2SG

3

Tupi-Guarani P-T-G *wi*e*i-

Tupinamb wiei-

Tupi, non T-G Tupari Munduruku we-, οw-, oeλ-

βί-

Tupari and Munduruku are both of Tupian stock, but are not Tupi-Guarani. The first and second person prefixes correspond to the coreferential set (Set 3) in the TupiGuarani system and the third person prefixes to those in Set 2. This shows also that perhaps Set 3 prefixes originally had a broader scope (indicating more than coreferentiality) and that /- and t- may have been part of this set, being associated only later with the personal pronouns and their reductions (Set 2). Rodrigues has shown that

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

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these prefixes are cognates not only of Tupian languages, but also of Cariban languages. In sum, the languages of the Tupian stock are of little help to us in discovering the original cross-referencing system for Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani except to say that personal pronouns, their reductions in Set 2, and the person markers from Sets 1 and 4 apparently developed after the time that Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani separated from most of the other Tupian languages. The development of the person hierarchy was limited to the Tupi-Guarani languages, Aweti, and Satere-Mawe. It is of interest, however, to consider that (previous to Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) the */- and *t-, prefixes which later indicated normal (not coreferential) third person, might have originally been part of a set which included what later became coreferential markers in Tupi-Guarani languages: *wi- and *e-. 17.4 Unique characteristics of the Oblique-Topicalized construction. If, as Rodrigues has suggested (p.c.), Proto-Tupi-Guarani is as much as 2000 years old, we might wonder whether it is even possible to find a construction in its descendant languages that would give clues as to what preceded the reconstructed system for independent verbs. I suggest that there may indeed be such a construction, and that it is the Oblique-Topicalized construction. There are various things about this construction that make it unusual in comparison with the other verbal constructions. The first of these is that we feel forced to consider it some type of dependent structure, due to its absolutive cross-referencing, even though it does not fit any traditional description of dependency. However, if we consider it to be essentially identical with the former absolutive cross-referencing system on independent verbs, there is no need to explain it away as a dependent form. This construction is also unusual because of its word order constraints. Usually in independent clauses the word order is somewhat free (based on discourse level constraints or other factors). A more rigid verb-final word order could have been characteristic of an older system. Another unusual feature of the OBTOP construction is that the paradigm is incomplete. There is a limitation as to what person (of subject) it may apply to. In some languages it occurs only with third person subjects and in others it occurs with first and third. It apparently does not occur with second person subjects in any language. A paradigm designed to include all persons now ends up being a combination of OBTOP and independent verb forms. The incompleteness of the OBTOP system may indicate that even during the time of Proto-Tupi-Guarani the OBTOP system was in the process of being replaced by the new system, which had by then been developed for normal independent verbs (as described in sect. 5). Rather than being completely replaced, the OBTOP system was then emerging as distinct, though incomplete, from the newly developed independent verb system. Another unusual feature of the OBTOP system has to do with its suffix. The exact form of the allomorph which occurs with vowel-final stems is problematic. In some languages it is -n and in others it is -w or -j. If the final form were -w, we could say

576 Jensen

that one semivowel (j) replaced another (w) in some languages by analogy with the -i allomorph, which occurs with consonant-final stems. However, it is more difficult to account for the discrepancy between the -n in some languages and -w in others. I suggest that the discrepancy is evidence of the OBTOP construction being an older form, and that the -w and the -n might even have come from different sources, both of which were in the process of being eliminated. Finally, this construction was eliminated in all of the languages described in C. Jensen (1990) as having undergone cross-referencing changes: Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor. As a result, except for a few remnants, no independent verbs in these languages have absolutive cross-referencing, except as part of the person hierarchy. In sum, the unusual features of the OBTOP construction could be evidences that it was in the process of being replaced, even at the time of Proto-Tupi-Guarani. Where grammatical constraints do not require its use, the normal independent verb forms occur. The OBTOP may well be a remnant of the original Pre-Proto-TupiGuarani system for independent verbs. If this is the case, cross-referencing for independent verbs was absolutive, as it is in dependent verbs, and there may have been an independent verb suffix. The development of a person hierarchy in independent verbs was a move away from absolutive cross-referencing, which is consistent with further cross-referencing changes in Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor. Except for the third person prefix of Set 2, the person markers from Sets 1, 2, and 4 appear to be relatively recent, having cognates only in Aweti and Satere-Mawe. The second person singular pronoun *ene has cognates in the Tupian stock. The source of other personal pronouns (on which Set 2 person markers are based) is not known.

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NOTES Tupi-Guarani languages are situated in the range of 3° N to 26° S and at one time from 33" to 65° W. Tupian languages (non-Tupi-Guarani) are located in the geographical range of 52° to 65° W and 3° to 13° S. Rodrigues' criteria for identifying members of the Tupi-Guarani language family (and excluding others) appear in Appendix V. An explanation of orthographical symbols, both their pronunciation, as well as the relationship of sounds (in various languages) to the protophonemes, is included in Appendix II. The languages from which data are cited in this paper are referred to by the following abbreviations: As Tocantins Assurini, Ch Chiriguano, GiM Mbyä dialect of Guarani, GiO Old Guarani, GiP Paraguayan Guarani, Gj Guajajära, GjG Grajau dialect of Guajajära, GjP Pindare dialect of Guajajära, Gu Guarayu, Kb Kayabi, Km Kamaiurä, Kw Kaiwä, Pt Parintintih, P-T-G Pro to-Tupi-Guarani, SM Satere-Mawe, Tb Tupinambä, Tp Tapirape, Ur Urubu-Kaapor, Wa Wayampi (all dialects), WaA Amapari dialect of Wayampi, WaJ Jari dialect of Wayampi. I do not consider myself qualified to discuss changes in such languages as Guayaki, Siriono, and Cocama, because I am not familiar with the outside influences which affected them. Hopefully, this paper will provide the framework from which specialists in these languages can describe and discuss the changes which have taken place. Rodrigues (p.c.) recognizes the desirability of including lexical and grammatical features as criteria for subgrouping, but takes the view that documentation in these areas is not sufficient for all languages to apply such criteria systematically. Even for most of the better documented languages, it was not possible to find reference to each of the morphemes included in my morphological reconstruction (C. Jensen 1989). The fact that a morpheme is not documented does not necessarily mean that it does not exist. To give an example, the reflex of *_/' is a semivowel [y] in Wayampi and Urubu-Kaapor, [fL] in Tupinambä, and [dz] in the Guaranian languages. Differences in pronunciation are probably not a difficulty, since they would not likely be confused with another phoneme. However, in Tocantins Assurini, the reflex of *j is s, which in Wayampi would be interpreted as the phoneme 5. The /c7 phoneme in Assurini has three sources: *_/, *pj, and a former allophone of *f (before a high front vowel). The last two are also sources of the /s/ phoneme in Wayampi, along with a few remnants of *c and occurrences of s which appear in borrowed words; /j/ is a separate phoneme. The incomplete overlap of phonemes could be a major source of misunderstanding from one language to the other. Other phonological features which distance Wayampi from Assurini are the loss of final consonants in Wayampi and the loss of nasalization and the vowel shifts in Assurini. Each of these changes has potential for causing misunderstanding from one language to the other.

578 Jensen

The loss of final consonants may not seem particularly significant, but it causes the elimination of certain allomorphs of suffixes which only occur with consonant-final stems, making these forms in other languages potentially unrecognizable to speakers of a language such as Wayampi that lacks them. The loss of nasalization could create difficulty for Wayampi hearers, because of the substitution of oral for nasal morphemes, especially when homonyms result from the loss. The anticipatory morpheme in Wayampi, rä, which has no other allomorphs, shows little superficial resemblance to the Assurini allomorph woma. No data analysis of a comparative nature can be done without extensive preliminary field work by many linguists in many languages. Work by Anchieta (1595) on Tupinambä, by Ruiz de Montoya (1639, 1640) on Old Guarani, and by Hoeller (1932) on Guarayu were done many years ago; other works are relatively recent. A large variety of linguistic material has been written on Tupi-Guarani languages: dictionaries, complete grammatical descriptions, linguistic papers on some particular aspect of a language, interlinear texts, etc. Each of these has contributed in some way to the reconstruction of Tupi-Guarani morphology. Berts' (1981) meticulously prepared dictionary of Parintintin has provided much important information for the reconstruction of allomorphs, although the examples in context are few. The "Formulario Tupi," designed by Harrison in 1977 for a Tupi workshop and based on Rodrigues (1953), was filled out by linguists working with Tocantins Assurini (Nicholson 1977), Guajajära (Harrison and Harrison 1977), Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasu 1977), and Wayampi (C. Jensen 1981); the completeness of the paradigms in various syntactic contexts has been a valuable resource. (In that workshop Harrison planted the seeds of my passion for comparative Tupi-Guarani work). Grammatical descriptions and interlinear texts have been the main sources for the examples contained in this paper. I wish to congratulate all my Tupi-Guarani colleagues for their valuable contributions, and to thank them for the material which has made possible a morphological reconstruction. Special thanks are due to La Vera Betts, Wolf Dietrich, Rose Dobson, Carl Harrison, Jim Kakumasu, Yonne Leite, Dennis Newton, Aryon Rodrigues, Lucy Seki, and Helga Weiss, for data or for clarification of data furnished in personal communications; and to R. M. W Dixon, for his suggestions and encouragement. Special thanks is due to Des Derbyshire, whose skill as an editor I have come to highly respect. Fieldwork in Brazil is conducted with the permission of FUNAI (Fundacäo Nacional do Indio). A majority of the grammatical Pro to-Tupi-Guarani morphemes included in this paper were reconstructed as part of my master's thesis, completed at the UNICAMP (State University of Campinas) in 1984 under the orientation of Aryon Rodrigues. The Working Conference for Amazonian Languages, held at the University of Oregon in August, 1987, provided an environment for further interaction with other Tupi-Guarani linguists and for

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

7

8 9

10 11

12

13

14

579

acquisition and clarification of data, and provided stimulus for an expansion of my original study. This conference was funded by grants from NSF (BNS-8617854), NEH (RX-20870-87) and the University of Oregon Foundation. Some linguists have chosen to write certain allomorphs separately in their practical orthographies, in order to facilitate the transition to reading in Portuguese. For example, mb, nd, and ng in oral morphemes and m, n, and g /rj/ in nasal morphemes; also, nh [n] in nasal morphemes and j in oral morphemes. In some languages the phoneme *vv is pronounced and written as gw or gu. As much as possible I have maintained the orthography used by the respective linguists, one exception being the orthography of Ruiz de Montoya, since his use of symbols would have created confusion of interpretation for comparative purposes. Although much reference is made to Rodrigues (1953), I have used the type of symbols and word breaks that he employs in his more recent works. I have also adapted the examples from Guarayu and Chiriguano to make them more consistent with the orthographic conventions used in Brazil. A more complete elaboration of orthographic symbols appears in Appendix II. Kayabi and Tupinambä have cognates of this morpheme: wä 'third person plural'. See also sect. 11. Harrison (1986) analyzes the word heraha as 0-h-eraha '3-LK-take' (example 34). I have reanalyzed it as h-eraha in my paper to present a consistent analysis with data from other languages. Similarly, I have reanalyzed 0-h-ekon as h-eko-n (example 189). However, the more flexible use of h- in this language allows for his interpretation. See example (107). A list of abbreviations follows these Notes. Rodrigues analyzes the first and second person markers as separate words in Proto-Tupi-Guarani and in Tupinambä. They are analyzed by some linguists for other languages as being prefixes. I have abided by the decision of the linguists whose data I cite. In Wayampi, Kamaiurä and Kayabi the free pronoun *ice SG' was reduced to ie by the elimination of the phoneme c. This was followed by the insertion of a transitional semivowel, resulting in ije. The Set 2 form includes the semivowel in Kamaiurä (example 9) and Kayabi (example 288). The changes in the vowel of the nominal case (example 33), the oblique-topicalized (example 199), and the serial verb (example 225) suffixes in Kaiwä (33) and Mbyä Guarani (199 and 225) can be explained by a diachronic rule which neutralized post-stressed vowels to a single high central vowel, written orthographically as y. The word Tupa (example 108) was used by Catholic priests to refer to God, and this usage spread to many tribes which have had extensive influence from outside. Its original meaning, however, was 'thunder' or 'thunder-being'.

580 Jemen

15

16

17

18

19

20 21

These paradigms appeared in Nicholson (1977) with no gloss to clarify whether the interpretation should be understood reciprocally or reflexively. However, explanations in Nicholson (1978:50-51) indicate that the plural examples with so in Table 10 should be interpreted reciprocally and the plural examples with se should be interpreted reflexively. I have rewritten the gloss for the prefix /'- (examples 136-139) as '3' to conform with other glosses in this paper. Rodrigues (1990) had glossed it as 'REL,' though he interprets it to refer to 'third person P'. It is not certain that the tentative *jepe and *pejepe (examples 151-157) should be considered free pronouns. The comparable forms in Wayampi, though not direct cognates, coincide with serial verb forms. In this language it appears that a grammaticalized serial verb occurs for the purpose of marking the second person A, which cannot be marked on the independent verb. It is also possible that there is a correlation between these two forms and the comparable coreferential prefixes *e- and *peje-. In example (211) from Kayabi, 0-eru-'a-a is a serial verb (sect. 6.3) following the main verb 'bring'. Its form is directly descended from the Proto-TupiGuarani serial verb form *c-ero- 'ar-a. Even though the final consonant of the stem was eliminated, the original allomorph of the suffix was retained. The old serial verb prefixes are used on the independent verb r-eru-a 'bring', which is a direct descendant of the Proto-Tupi-Guarani serial verb *r-erur-a. This example shows that the circumstances under which the original serial verb construction is used are defined in Kayabi by other factors (on the discourse level) (Dobson 1988). The independent verb would have originally used the OBTOP construction (sect. 6.1) since it follows a subordinate clause. Various morphophonemic rules (Appendix 111.7,8,10,11,12) produce additional forms, including -na (from *-ta) after a nasalized morpheme ending in a diphthong, -amo and -mo (from *-abo) after a nasalized morpheme (terminating in a high or a low vowel, respectively), and -bo (from *-abo) after a low vowel. When a final *b, in the stem is followed by a serial verb suffix or an agentive or circumstancial nominalizer, it becomes *p. These coreferential (Set 3) prefixes function on an absolutive basis at the verb level, referring to the S or P on the dependent verb on which they occur. They occur consistently in the same environments in which the Set 2 (absolutive) person markers occur and never in the same environment as the Set 1 prefixes. Furthermore, this set no longer occurs with serial verbs in those languages which have undergone changes making them less ergative-absolutive (C. Jensen 1990). This set has been eliminated (except for third person) in the Guaranian languages, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor, which have in varying degrees replaced the absolutive system used in Proto-Tupi-Guarani dependent verbs with the active/inactive system used in independent verbs. It has also been eliminated in Guajajära, which has added a nominative-accusative cross-referencing system in

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

22

23

24.

25 26

27

28

581

the form of clause-final clitic pronouns (Harrison 1986). At the sentence level, these prefixes function on a nominative basis, since they are coreferential with the grammatical subject (A or S). In Urubu-Kaapor the symbol χ is used to refer to the phoneme /s/. This phoneme was produced diachronically, palatalization of the phoneme *k when adjacent to a high front vowel. Example (267) is from *akarj 'head' + *'ok 'remove'. This is the result of metathesis followed by the simplification of consonant clusters (Appendix III.5-6). The Kamaiura negation suffix -ite was probably formed by the combination of the suffix *-/ 'NEG' and the particle te which occurs in various languages and may be related to the morpheme -ete 'true, genuine'. Compare the free response negative morpheme anite (Appendix 1.67) from *ani. The fact that Seki (1978) recorded a vowel rather than a semivowel in such examples as (387) does not necessarily preclude the formation of a diphthong with the preceding vowel (Appendix III. 16). I do not understand why different negation morphemes are used in examples (407) and (423), unless kamajura in (407) has an adverbial function. A change parallel to this hypothesis has occurred in Wayampi with the loss of the consonant *c. A negative allomorph, na-, normally occurring only with C-initial morphemes, is still used where the third person prefix has become zero: *na-c-oryb-i > na-0-ory-i 'he is not happy'. One consonant likely to have been eliminated at the beginning of stems would be the glottal stop, which is rare in that position in Tupi-Guarani languages. The system which occurs in independent clauses was referred to by Harrison (1986) as a nominative-accusative system with a control/non-control intransitive verb split and a person hierarchy split. In this paper I am describing it as an active/inactive system, because the prefixes of the agentive IV correspond with the A of the TV, while the prefixes of the nonagentive IV correspond with the Ρ of the TV. The / in t-ub-i and t-ur-i is a phonological irregularity of these two stems and does not have any meaning. The /- and c- prefixes given in the various protoforms are the third person prefixes from Set 2. The prefixes are not always preserved in the remnant forms.

582 Jensen

ABBREVIATIONS A

subject of transitive verb (sect 1.0) AC attributive case (3.3) ANTIC anticipatory (3.3) CAUS causative (7.1) CC comitative causative (7.1) CIRC nominalization of circumstance (9.1) COLL collective COMPL completive (8.1) COREF coreferential (3.2, 4.2, 6.3) DEVOLV devolved (3.3) DIM diminutive (3.4) EMPH emphatic EX exclusive EXCL exclamation F feminine FRUST frustrative (8.4) PUT future (8.1) IN inclusive INTER interrogative IV intransitive verb (1.0) LC locative case (3.3)

LK NC NEG NOM OBTOP P PERM PL P.NOM PURP RECIP REDUP REFL S S ER SG SOV TV UNSP 1>2SG

linking prefix (2.2) nominal case (3.3) negation (10) nominalizer (9) oblique-topicalized (6.1) object of transitive verb (1.0) permissive plural nominalizer of patient of a transitive verb (9.2) purpose reciprocal (7.2) reduplication (8.2, 8.3) reflexive (7.2) subject of an intransitive verb (1.0) dependent serial verb (6.3) singular Subject, Object, Verb, relating to constituent orders (0.1) transitive verb (1.0) unspecified possessor (2.1) first person A acting on second person singular P

Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax

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References Almeida, Antonio, Irmazinhas de Jesus, and Luis Gouvea de Paula 1983 A lingua Tapirape, Biblioteca Reprografica Xerox (Rio de Janeiro: Xerox). Anchieta, Joseph de 1595 Arte de grammatica da lingua mais usada na costa do Brasil, Antonio Mariz, Coimbra. (There are various reproductions of this, the most common being by the Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1933, and the Editora Anchieta, Sao Paulo, 1946.) Barbosa, Pe. A. Lemos 1970 Pequeno vocabulario Portugues-Tupi (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Sao Jose). Bendor-Samuel, David 1972 Hierarchical structures in Guajajara (Norman: Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Oklahoma). Betts, La Vera D. 1981 Dicionario Parintintin-Portugues Portugues-Parintintin (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics). Derbyshire, Desmond C., and Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds.) 1986 Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 1 (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter). Dietrich, Wolf 1986 El idioma chiriguano (Madrid: Institute de Cooperacion Iberoamericana). 1990a "Chiriguano and Guarayo word formation," Amazonian linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 293-322. 1990b More evidence for an internal classification of Tupi-Guarani languages (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag). Dobson, Rose 1973 "Notas sobre substantivos do Kayabi," Serie linguistica, Vol. 1 (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics), 30-56. 1988 Aspectos da lingua Kayabi, Serie linguistica, Vol. 12 (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics). Dooley, Robert A. 1982 Vocabulario do Guarani (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics). 1990 "The positioning of non-pronominal clitics and particles in lowland South American Languages," Amazonian linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 457-493.

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1991

"A double-verb construction in Mbya Guarani," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota, Vol. 35, edited by Robert A. Dooley and J. Stephen Quakenbush, 31-66. Everett, Daniel, and Lucy Seki 1986 "Deletion, reduplication, and CV skeleta in Kamaiurä," Notes on Linguistics 33:48-52. Gabas, Nilson, Jr. 1994 "O sistema pronominal de marca5äo de pessoa na lingua Karo," Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolinguisticos, Volume VIII: 135-150. Graham, Albert, Sue Graham, and Carl H. Harrison 1984 "Prefixes pessoais e numerals da lingua Satere-Mawe," Estudos sobre linguas tupi do Brasil, Serie linguistica, Vol.11 (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics), 175—206. Grimes, Barbara F. (ed.) 1996 Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Thirteenth edition (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics). Harrison, Carl 1986 "Verb prominence, verb initialness, ergativity and typological disharmony in Guajajara," Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 1, edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum, (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter), 407-439. Harrison, Carl, and Carole Harrison 1977 Formulario padräo Tupi: Guajajara, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Brasilia), Funda9ao Nacional do fndio (Braslia), Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro), and the Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Hoeller, Alfredo 1932 Grammatik der Guarayo-Sprache, (Guarayos, Bolivia, and Hall in Tirol, Austria: Verlag der Missionsprokura der P.P. Franziskaner). Jensen, Allen A. 1982 "Anälise formal do discurso de dois textos didaticos na lingua Wayampi (Oiampi)," ms. 1988 Sistemas indigenas de classißcagäo de aves: aspectos comparatives, ecologicos e evolutivos (Belem: Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi). 1993 "Patterns of negation in Wayampi (Tupi-Guarani)," Typological studies in negation, edited by Peter Kahrel (Amsterdam: John Benjamins). Jensen, Cheryl 1980 "Word Order in Wayampi," ms. 1981 Formulario padräo Tupi: Wayampi, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Brasilia), Fundagäo Nacional do indio (Brasilia), Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro), and the Universidade Estadual de Campinas.

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"Algumas consequencias morfologicas do desenvolvimento fonologico da lingua Wayapi (Oiampi)," Estudos linguisticos (Säo Paulo), VII:16-25. 1987. "Object-prefix incorporation in Proto Tupi-Guarani verbs", Language Sciences, Vol. 9, No. 1:45-55. 1989 desenvolvimento historico da lingua Wayampi (Campinas: Editora da Universidade Estadual de Campinas). 1990 "Cross-referencing changes in some Tupi-Guarani languages," Amazonian linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 117-158. Kakumasu, James 1977 Formulario padräo Tupf: Urubu, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Brasilia), Funda9ao Nacional do Indio (Brasilia), Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro), and the Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 1986 "Urubu-Kaapor," Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 1., edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter), 326-403. Kakumasu, James Y., and Kiyoko Kakumasu 1988 Dicionario por topicos Urubu-Kaapor - Portugues (Brasilia: Coedi9ao Funda9ao Nacional do fndio (FUNAI) - Summer Institute of Linguistics). Leite, Yonne 1987 "Referential hierarchy and Tapirape split marking systems," Paper presented at the Working Conference on Amazonian Languages, Eugene, Oregon. 1989 "As cisoes no sistema referencial de pessoa em Tapirape," ms. Lemle, Miriam 1971 "Internal classification of the Tupi-Guarani linguistic family," Tupi studies I, edited by David Bendor-Samuel (Norman: Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Oklahoma), 107-129. Monserrat, Ruth Maria Fonini 1976 "Prefixes pessoais em Aweti," Linguistica III, (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Museu Nacional). Newton, Dennis 1978 "Guarayu discourse," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, Riberalta, Beni, Bolivia, 1972—1976, edited by Ursula Wiesemann (Riberalta: Summer Institute of Linguistics), 163—269.

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Nicholson, Velda 1977 Formulario padrao Tupf: Assurini, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Brasilia), Funda9ao Nacional do Indio (Brasilia), Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro), and the Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 1978 Aspectos da Lingua Assurini (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics). Payne, Doris, (ed.) 1990 Amazonian linguistics (Austin: University of Texas Press). 1994 "The Tupi-Guarani inverse," Voice: Form and Function, edited by Barbara Fox and Paul Hopper (Amsterdam: John Benjamins). Priest, Perry N. 1987 "A contribution to comparative studies in the Guarani linguistic family," Language Sciences, Vol. 9, No. 1. 17-20. Rodrigues, Aryon Dall'Igna 1953 "Morfologia do verbo Tupi," Letras (Curitiba), 1:121-152. 1981 "Estrutura da lingua Tupinamba," ms. 1984/1985 "Redoes internas na famflia linguistica Tupi-Guarani," Revista de Antropologia (Säo Paulo), 27/28:33-53. 1985 "Evidence for Tupi-Carib Relationships," South American Indian languages: retrospect and prospect, edited by Harriet E. Manelis Klein and Louisa R. Stark (Austin: University of Texas Press). 1990 "You and I = Neither you nor I: The personal system of Tupinamba (Tupi-Guarani)," Amazonian linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 393-406. Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio 1639 Tesoro de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez). 1640 Arte y Bocabulario de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez). 1892 Arte de la lengua Guarani [with commentaries, edited by Paulo Restivo] (Stuttgart: Guilielmi Kohlhammer). Seki, Lucy 1978 "Negasao em Kamaiura," Paper presented at the Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 1987 "Aspects of Kamaiura morphosyntax," Paper presented at the Working Conference on Amazonian Languages, Eugene, Oregon. 1989 "Sistema de marca9äo de caso do Kamaiura," Paper presented at the Seminärio de Tipologia, Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 1990 "Kamaiura (Tupi-Guarani) as an active-stative language," Amazonian linguistics, edited by Doris Payne (Austin: University of Texas Press), 367-92.

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Taylor, John 1984a "A interroga9ao na lingua Kaiwä," Estudos sobre linguas tupi do Brasil, Serie linguistica Vol.11 (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics), 123-56. 1984b "Marcafao temporal na lingua Kaiwä," Estudos sobre linguas tupi do Brasil, Serie linguistica Vol. 11 (Brasilia: Summer Institute of Linguistics), 37-122. Taylor, John and Audrey Taylor 1966 Statement of Kaiwa grammar from clause to morpheme level, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Brasilia), the Fundagao Nacional do fndio (Brasilia), and the Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro). Weiss, Helga 1972 Kayabi verbs, Archived at the Summer Institute of Linguistics (Braslia), the Fundagao Nacional do indio (Brasilia), and the Universidade Estadual de Campinas. 1989 "Notes on ideophones and onomatopoeia in Kayabi," Revue de Phonetique Appliquee, Occasional publication of the Universite de 1'Etat, Mons, Belgique, 389-97.

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Appendix I Reconstructions The majority of morphemes in this list were reconstructed by the author of this paper. Morphemes 1-6, 12-15, 18-23, 25-38, 43-47 were reconstructed as part of my master's thesis in 1984 (C. Jensen 1989), under the orientation of Aryon Rodrigues. Morphemes 39-40, 48-56, 58-59 were reconstructed during the same period but were not included in the thesis. The reconstructions of morphemes 16-17, 22 are revisions of forms reconstructed in my thesis and appear in C. Jensen (1990). Morphemes 24, 41-42, 68-72, 74, and 76-77 were reconstructed for this paper. Morphemes 8, 10, 57, 73, 75, and 78—80 were reconstructed by Miriam Lemle (1971); morphemes 7, 9, and 11 by Aryon Rodrigues (p.c.); and morphemes 63—67 by Allen Jensen (1993). Orthographical symbols have been standardized for the reconstruction. The citing of accented and non-accented forms does not necessarily mean that the non-accented (orthographically unmarked) forms are phonetically unaccented. It means simply that no accent was recorded. In cases where a morpheme has different forms, depending on whether it is at the word boundary or whether another affix occurs between it and the word boundary, this is indicated by alternating forms, one with two hyphens. Person markers (Set 1) 1.

*a- '1SG Set 1'

aa-

2.

*ere- '2SG Set 1' ererene- ~ -ere-

3.

(As,Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur, Wa) (Tp) (As,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp,Ur, WaJ) (Ch) (WaA)

*oro-'lEXSetl' ororouruaraeliminated in Ur

(As,Gi,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Wa) (Ch) (Gj) (Tp)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

4.

*pe-'2PLSet l' pepe-

5.

6.

589

(As)Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp, Ur,Wa) (Kb)

*ja- ΊΙΝ Set 1' jasazac sa-

(Ch,GiM,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (As) (Gj) (Tp) (Kb.WaJ) derived from t-ja-

Forms derived from t-ja-itisi-

(Pt) (Gj,Kb,Wa)

*o- '3 Set Γ

o(As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Wa) u(Gj,Ur) Some languages have w- (or gw-) allomorph (Gj,Kb) a(Tp) Person markers (Set 2) 7.

*ce, ice '1SG Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues] ce se, ise ce sje, ise he, ihe he, ihe e, i(j> je, ije ji, jihi

8.

(Ch.Gu) (As) (GiM) (Tb) (Ur) (Gj) (Wa) (Kb,Km) (Pt)

*ne, ene '2SG Set 2, free pronoun' [Lemle] ne, ene ne, nehe ne

(As,Gj,Kb,Km,Tb,Wa) (Pt) (GiM,Gu,Si,Ur)

590 Jensen

9.

*ore ΊΕΧ Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues] ore ure eliminated in Ur

(As,Ch,Gi,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Wa) (Gj)

10. *pe, pe . .. e '2PL Set 2, free pronoun' [Lemle] pe, pehe pe, pehe pe, pe'e pe, peje pe, pee pe pene

(As,Km,Pt) (Km,Ur) (Tb) (Wa) (Kb) (Gj, Gu) (GiM)

11. *jane ΊΙΝ Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues] jane zane jene sane 12. *(i- - jo-); (c

(Ch,Gi, Gu, Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (Gj) (Km) (As) yoc-) '3 Set 2, Class I and Class II, respectively'

i- ~ joics— josh- ~ johh0the 0 allomorph is usually replaced and number in Kb and Pt

(Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kw,Tb) (As,Gj,Kb,Km,Pt,Tp,Ur,Wa) (Gu) (Tb) (GiO) (As,Ch,Gj,Km,Pt,Tp,Ur) (Kb,GiM,Wa) by morphemes specific for gender

Coreferential person markers (Set 3) 13. *wi- '!SGSet3' wi fei1wete-

eliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa

(GiO,Tb) (Gu) (Pt) (As,Tp) (Kb), probably derived by analogy from such irregular forms as \vi-t-eko > teko, reinterpreting the prefix as te-

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

591

14. *e- '2SG Set 3'

eeliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa

(As,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Tp)

15. *oro- ΊΕΧ Set 3' oroaraurueliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa,

(As,GiO,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb) (Tp) (Gj) or reinterpreted as morpheme 3

16. *peje- '2PL Set 3' pejepecepesepeeliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa

(Kb,Km) (Tp) (As) (Pt,Tb), replaced by morpheme 10

17. *jere- ΊΙΝ Set 3' jeresere cerej'arejaneeliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa

(Km) (As) (Tp) (Kb) (Pt,Tb), replaced by morpheme 11

18. *o- '3 Set 3'

o(As,GiM,Gj)Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb>Wa) Some languages have a w- allomorph (Gj,Kb,Km). a(Tp) Portmanteau person markers (Set 4) 19. *oro- Ί A with 2SG P Set 4' ororouruaraeliminated in Kb, Ur

(As,Gi,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb>Wa) (Ch) (Gj) (Tp)

20. *opo- Ί A with 2PL P Set 4' opopoporo-

(GiO,Gu,Km,Pt,Tb) (Ch) (Wa)

592 Jensen

ΟΓΟaraapo- 41SG A with 2PL P' apu-'1SG A with 2PL P' apa- ' 1SG A with 2PL P' oropo- '1PL A with 2PL P' urupu- '1PL A with 2PL P' eliminated in Kb,Ur

(As,GiM) (Tp) (Kw) (Gj) (Tp) (Kw) (GjP)

Dependent verb suffixes 21. *-abo

ta ~ -a 'dependent serial verb'

-afeo -afeo ~ -abo -awu -wo -o

(GiO,Pt,Tb) (Kb) (Tp) (Gu)

-ta

-ta (As,GiO,Gj,Kb,Pt,Wa) -a -a (As,GiO,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp) -pa (Gj) -m (Km) eliminated except for remnants in Ch,GiM,Kw,Ur,Wa 22. *-i ~ (undetermined C) Oblique-topicalized' -i (As,GiO,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Tp) -j (As,Kb) -w (Kb,m,Tb) -n (Gj,Ur remnants) eliminated except for remnants in Ch,GiM,Gu,Kw,Ur,Wa 23. *-VmV -erne reme mehe -amu -amo -ramo -amo -ame -raha

rVmV 'temporal/conditional (when/if)' reme ramu ramo ramo rame

(Tb) (Wa) (Gj) (Kb) (As) (GiM,Kw,Tp) (GiO) (Pt) (Ur)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

593

24. *ire ~ (ri)re 'sequential (after)' -ire ~ -re rire -ire -ire re -re

(Gj,Kb) (GiM) (Wa) (Pt) (Kb,Gu)

Valence-changing affixes 25. *je- 'reflexive' je(Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Tb) se(As) ce(Tp) ze(Gj) ji(Pt,WaA) i(WaJ) meaning 'reflexive/reciprocal' in Gj.Wa 26. *jo- 'reciprocal' jo(Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb) ju(Ur) so(As) ca(Tp) meaning 'reflexive/reciprocal' in Ur 27. *mo- 'simple causative' momuma-

(As,Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Wa) (Gj,Ur) (Tp)

28. *ero- ~ ro- 'comitative causative' ero- ~ roroera- ~ raeru ru-

(As,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (Ch) (Tp) (Gj)

Linking prefix 29. *r- 'linking prefix (Class II stems only)' r-

(As,Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp, Ur,Wa)

594 Jensen

Nominalizations 30. *-ar ~ -car

tar 'agent'

"-ar -ar, -ar -at ar-ar a -ar -a /w

(As,Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb,WaA) (Kb,Km) (GiM,GiO,WaJ) (Tp) (Ch)

*-car

-car -sar -har -har- ~ -ha -ar- ~ -a -ar

(Gu) (Tb) (Gj,Pt,Ur) (GiO,Kw) (WaJ) (WaA)

*-tar

-tar, -tar -tat ~ -tar-tar- —ta

(As,Tb) (Km) (GiO)

31. *-ab ~ -cab ~ -tab 'circumstance'

*-ab -ab -ap ~ -aw-aw -äw -aw- ~ -a -aw-

(Pt,Tb) (Kb,Km) (As,Gj) (Tp) (Ch,GiM,Wa) (Gu)

*-cab

-sab -ca -hab -haw -hap -ha haw-aw— -a

(Tb) (Gu) (Pt) (Gj) (Ur) (Kw) (Wa)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

595

*-tab -tab (Pt,Tb) -tap taw(Km) -taw (As) -ta (Wa) In some languages this, rather than morpheme 43, refers to the action or quality of a verb. 32. *-pyr 'patient' -pyr, -pyr -pyt ~ -pyr~ -pyr-py eliminated in Ur,Wa

(Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb) (Kb,Km,Tp) (GiO) (GiM)

33. *emi- Object' emi-

(As,Ch,GiM,GiO,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb, Tp.Wa)

34. *-ba'e 'clause nominalizer' -ba'e, -ba'e -bae -be'e -wa'e -ma'e ma'e me'e

(GiM,GiO,Gu,Kw,Tb) (Ch) (Pt) (As) (Gj,Kb,Km,Tp) (Wa) (Ur)

35. *-cwär, *nwär 'nominalizer of adverb or postpositional phrase' -swar, -nwär -cwa -war -wat war-wa -nar

(Tb) (GiO) (As,WaA) (Kb) (Ch,GiM,WaJ) (Gu)

Unspecified possessor prefix 36. *0 nasalization of initial C ~ t possessor' 0nasalization of #C

elimination of initial V 'Unspecified (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa) (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)

596 Jensen t-

elimination of #V

(Ch,GiO,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa) (Ch,GiO,Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)

Modificational suffixes 37. *-wacu

ucu 'augmentative'

-wacu ~ -ucu -wasu ~ -usu -wahu uhu, -hu -hu uhu, -hü uhü -oho -wacu -wasu -wasu, -u -wasu ~ -u, -usu -wahu hu -uu -(0)0

(GiO, Gu) In Gu -ucu only appears in some old forms. (Tb) (Ur) (Pt) (As) (GiM) (Ch,Kw) (WaJ) (WaA) (Gj) (Kb) (Tp)

38. *-'i 'diminutive'

-'i, -' -'i -a'i -i'i ~ -'i

(GiM,Pt,Tb) (As,Tp,Wa) (Gj) (Kb)

39. *-pwer ~ -wer 'devolved, former'

-pwer ~ -wer -kwer wer -kwer er rjwer wer -kwe — (n)e —(r)e rjwe —we -kwer ~ -rjwer -kwer ~ -rjwer ~ -ruer ~ -awer

(Tb) (As) (Gj,WaA) (GiMJCw.WaJ) (Ur) (Pt)

40. *-ram ~ -warn ~ -am 'anticipatory, future'

-ram ~ -warn ~ -am -ruam arjwam ~ -aruam ra -warn -rom ~ -worn

(Tb) (Pt) (Ch,Gi,Gu,Wa) (Gj) (As)

41. *-ete 'true, genuine'

-ete or -etc -ete

(As,GiM,Gj,Gu,Km,Tb,Wa) (Ch)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

hete - ete ~ te jete -wete

597

(Pr) (Ur) (Wa)

42. *-ran 'false, imitation'

-ran -ran -ra

(Tb,Ur,WaA) (Gj) (WaJ)

Grammatical suffixes on nouns 43. *-a ~ -0 'nominal case'

-a ~ -0 -a 0

(Pt,Tb,Tp) (As,Kb,Km) (Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kw,WaJ) In some languages this morpheme also refers to the action or quality of a verb.

44. *-amo ~ -ramo 'attributive case' -amo ~ -ramo -amu ramu -amo ro -amö ramo -ramo -rami -romo -ramo -amo, romo -ram

(As,Tb) (Kb) (Pt) (GiO,Tp) (Ch) (GiM) (Gj) (WaJ) (WaA) (Km)

45. *-pe 'punctual locative case' -pe -fee

-py -p

(As,Ch,GiO,Gj,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa) (Gu) (GiM) (Km)

46. *-feo 'diffuse locative case'

-feo -mo -mü -o

(GiO,Pt,Tb; and WaA in derivations) (As in derivations) (Kb in derivations) (WaJ in derivations)

598 Jensen

47. *-i 'partitive locative case' -i

(GiO,Pt,Tb,Wa; and As in derivations)

Postpositions 48. *cupe 'to, for' supe upe upe ope

(Tb) (Ch,GiM,Gj,Kb,Km,Wa) (Gu, -u with 1st and 2nd person) (As,Tp)

49. *pe 'to, for' pe, pe

(As,Ch,GiM,Gj,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb, Ur,Wa)

50. *ece 'at, regarding, about' ece ese ehe ehe e e e ee are

(Gu) (Tb) (As,Gj,Km,Kw,Pt,Ur) (GiO - 3rd person h-ece) (GiM - 3rd person 0-ece) (Ch - 3rd person h-ese) (Wa - 3rd person 0-ee)

(Tp) (Kb - 3rd person 0-ee)

51. *ecebe 'with (accompaniment)' ecebe esebe ehebe ehewe ebe ewe eewe

(Gu) (Tb) (Kw)

(Gj) (Ch,GiM,WaA) (Tp,WaJ) (Kb)

52. *pabe 'with (accompaniment)' pake pabei pawerjatu

(GiM,Tb) (Pt) (Gj)

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

599

53. *koty 'towards' koty, koty katy koty ~ kyty kutyr 54.

(Ch,Gu,Kw,Pt,Tb) (As,GiM,Kb,Km,Tp) (Ur,Wa) (Gj)

*obake 'in front of obake, obake ake uake owake

(GiM,Gu,Tb,WaA) (Ur) (Gj) (As,WaJ)

55. *enone 'ahead of enone, enone enune

(As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Pt,Tb,Wa) (Gj,Kb)

56. *poce '(lying) with' poce pose puhe poi

(Gu) (Tb) (Gj) (Wa)

57. pype 'in' [Lemle] pype pupe, pupe

(As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tp) (Gj,Km,Tb,Wa)

58. *upi 'with, by means of, according to, within an area'

upi, upi opi

(Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (As,Tp)

59. *cuwi 'from'

cui (Gu) su'i (Tb) uwi (Pt) wi (Ch,Gi,Gj,Kb) rji (Ur) wyi (Wa) hi, ohi (As) Note: Morphemes 60—62 occur in some languages exclusively in derivations (see sect. 4 of text).

600 Jensen

60. *är 'above' ar, ar ary aa

(Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,WaA) (Gi) (WaJ)

61. *pyr 'near' pyr, pyr PY

(As,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,WaA) (Gi,WaJ)

62. *wyr 'under' wyr, wyr wy

(Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,WaA) (Ch,Gi,WaJ)

Negation morphemes 63. *n-... -i ~ n a - . . . -i ~ ni- .. -i 'negation of predicate of independent clause' [A. Jensen] n - . . . -i ~ na-... -i ~ ni-.. -i n- ... -i ~ na- ... -i n - . . . -i n - . . . -ite n - . . . -ihi

(GiM,GiO,Kb,Wa) (Gu,Tb) (Gj.Pt) (Km) (As)

64. *e'ym 'negation of dependent verbs and nouns' [A.Jensen] e ym e'y 'ym y'ym e'em ym

(Km,Pt,Tb) (GiM,Gu,Kw,Wa) (Gj) (As) (Kb) (Ur)

65. *rua or nil 'negation of adverbials, nouns, and verbs' [A. Jensen] ruwa, ruwaj ruä rui ruej -a, nasalizing preceding vowel

(GiO) (Tb,Wa) (Pt) (Km) (Ch)

66. *eme 'negative imperative' [A. Jensen] erne ume em ne

(As,GiM,GiO,Gu) (Tb) (Km) (Wa)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

601

67. *ani 'negative free response form' [A. Jensen]

am anite am ahän any nan

(Ch,GiO,Tb,Wa) (Km) (Gu) (As,Pt) (GiM) (Gj)

Demonstratives 68. *ko 'here, near the speaker, visible'

ko

(Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Tb,Ur)

69. *ke 'here, near the speaker'

ke ki

(Tb,Wa) (Pt)

70. *kybo 'around here, in relation to more remote areas (contrastive)' kyfeo kybo ky(w)o ky kyo

(GiM,Tb) (WaA) (Ch) (Gu) (WaJ)

71. *aipo 'anaphoric reference to citation' ajpo aipo aepo aemo (?)

(Tb) (GiM,Gu,Kw,WaJ) (WaA) (Pt)

72. *'arj 'this one, now, here (visible or invisible)' arje 'ar, ana 'ä

(Gi) (Tb,WaA) (Pt) (WaJ) (Gj)

73. *a'e 'he, that one, there (visible or invisible)' [Lemle]

a'e, a'e hae

(As,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (Ch)

602 Jensen

74. *wi or *wirj 'that one (visible), which may be far from the hearer also' wi, wig wyi, äwi rjwi

(Tb) (Wa) (Pt)

75. *mö, *amö 'there, another, some (invisible)' [Lemle] mo, amö mo, amua omo amu amo

(GiM,Tb,Wa) (Pt) (GjP) (Kb) (Ur)

76. *pe 'that one' pe pebe pea upea peme'e

(GiM,Gj,Pt) (Gu) (Ch) (Kw) (Ur)

77. *wa 'they, those' wä, awä wä wä

(Tb) (Kb) (Gj)

Numbers 78. *ojepetei One' [Lemle]

ojepe osepesowe pitei ojipeji ojepete pete'i jepei pe'i peti petei

(Tb) (As) (Gj) (Pt) (Km) (Ur) (Gu) (Wa) (Ch) (GiM)

79. *moköj 'two' [Lemle]

moköj mokoi mokoi mukuz

(Gi,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa) (As) (Ch) (Gj)

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

80. *mocapyr 'three' [Lemle] mocapy mosapy mohapy mo'apyt mapyr moapy mapy

(Gu) (Tb; WaA some speakers) (Pt) (Km) (Ur) (Gi; WaA some speakers; WaJ) (Ch)

forms based on negated form of *iro 'pair' nairoihi na'iruz

(As) (Gj)

603

604 Jemen

Appendix Π Tupi-Guarani Phonemes and their Reflexes Orthographical references: Vowels (oral and nasal sets) *i *e

*y [i]

*u

*a

*o

*k *c [ts] *rj

*' [?]

Consonants *p *m *fe

*t *c [ts] *n *r

*w

*j [y]

Semivowels

Stress is nonphonemic. In most languages it is on the final syllable of the stem(s). In Guarayu, Wayampi, and Chiriguano it is on the penultimate syllable. In Tocantins Assurini it is on the penultimate syllable of verbs and the third to the last syllable on nouns, due to the -a 4NC' suffix having become a permanent part of the stem.

Orthographic conventions: The high central vowel *[i] is written orthographically as y. The palatal semivowel *[y] is written as j. The glottal stop *[?] is written with an apostrophe '. Vocalic changes: *a > (Tp) *o > a (Tp) *a > a (voiceless mid central vowel) (Gj) Some *o > u (Gj.Ur) Some *o > a (As) *u > ο (As) loss of nasalization (As,Gj,Tp)

Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax

605

Consonantal changes:

*P

*pu, *pw > f (Kb) *pw > kw (As,Gj,Tp,Wa) *PJ > Pi tPJ] (Gu), c (GiM), [c] (Tp), c [c] (Km), s (As,Gj,Kb,Ur,Wa) *t *ti > ti (Tb,Pt), ci (Gu), ci [ci] (Km), xi [ci] (GiM), si (As,Gj,Ur,Wa)

*k ik > χ [s] (Ur) *k# > g [rj] (As, some Wa) some k > g [g] medially (Kw), finally (Kb) written as v in (GiM,Gu,Kw,Pt,WaA) *b# > p (Kb,Km) *b > w (As,Gj,Kb,Ur,WaJ)

*m, *n, *rj In some languages (Ch,Gi,Gu,Kw,Pt,Ur) the oral allophones are written separately as mb, nd, ng. rj written as g (As,Gj,Wa) rj written as g (Kb, Pt) *c, *c

*c [ts] > χ [c] (GiM), [c] Tp, s (As,Gu,Tb), h (As,Gj,Ur), 0 (Kb,Tp,Wa) *c [ts] > s (Tb), h (As,Gj,Kw,Ur), 0 (GiM,Kb,Tp,Wa) c written as s (Gu)

*w *w > gw (Kw), gu (GiO,GiM) Sometimes written as (Kb) *j

pronounced in various languages as [y], [z], or [dz] *j > z (Gj, Tembe) *j > s (As) *j > x [o] (Tp) In some languages the nasalized allophone [n] is written separately, as nh (GiHKw,Pt). Syllable final, j is written in some languages as i or as i (Kb).

606 Jensen

*Γ

*τ# > t (Kb, Km) Some *r# > n (As)

Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax

607

Appendix IQ Some Phonological Rules from Tupinambä which apply to Tupi-Guarani languages in general Proto-Tupi-Guarani Phonetic inventory (from C. Jensen 1989) Non-syllabic segments (C): p t k

m

n

rj

a

u

o

r

c

c

e

y

a

w

j

syllabic consonantal voiced nasal continuant posterior labial high Syllabic segments (V):

syllabic nasal posterior labial high

l

e

y

+

4.

+

i

u

o

Rodrigues uses the following symbols: + morpheme juncture (affix + stem or affix) * juncture of stems # pause Phonological rules (based on Rodrigues 1981) A discussion of these rules and their occurrence in other languages appears in C. Jensen (1989).

608 Jensen

1. Nasalization of voiceless consonants [ + nas]/l+nas]

+ cons

[-voice

-ace -fsyl -cons L -syl J

]1Μ 1 ί -cons -syl

ο- 1

\

+ syl -nas

Γ -syl [-nas

+ voice. )

Any nasal, whether of consonant or accent (realized on the vowel), causes a nasalization of the initial voiceless consonant of the following morpheme in the same phonological word. For example: nup 'beat' * katu 'well' > nuparjatu 'beat well' mo 'CAUS' + JO 'go' > mono 'send' akaij 'head' * peb 'flat' > akay * meb > 'flat head' (to rule 2) 2. Nasalization of accent 4-ace —nas

[ + nas]

+ cons + nas

[-syl]

In Tupinamb this rule applied when there was a consonant cluster produced at morpheme boundary by the combination of two morphemes. The rule is based on the interpretation that the nasal accent did not co-occur with a final nasal consonant. Accordingly, this rule is followed by another (6) which simplifies consonant clusters. > akaq * meb > akaij

meb > (rule 6) 'flat head'

3. Epenthesis of/y/

0-

+ syl + high / + post -lab

+ cons + -lab

[ + cons]

According to this rule an epenthetical vowel y [i] is inserted between two consonants at a morpheme juncture of the type stem + affix. 'ar 'day' + -bo 'diffuse locative' > 'arybo 'in the day' 4. Weakening of labial consonants cons lab

>[ + cont]

+ cons + voic _ —nas J

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

609

'ab * puku > 'ab * buku > 'long hair' (to rule 6) kuab * me'er) > kuab * be'ey > 'show, give knowledge' (to rule 6) okar * pyter > okar * byter > 'the middle of the plaza' (to rule 6) 5. Metathesis Note that this rule from C. Jensen (1989) replaces Rodrigues' rule 6. Structural description:

[ + cons]

— syl — cons — voic . 2

Structural change: 1 2 > 2 1 When the second of two consonants at the morpheme juncture (of two stems) is a glottal stop, this metathesizes with the preceding consonant. ipit 'skin' ^ Ok 'to remove' > ipi'rok 'to skin' (Kb) 6. Simplification of consonant clusters (5 in Rodrigues) [ + cons] > 01

* [-syl]

In Tupinamba the first consonant in a consonant cluster, created at morpheme juncture of two stems, is eliminated. > ak rj * meb > akameb 'flat head' 'ab * buku > 'abuku 'long hair' 7. Vocalic assimilation " + — + —

syl " high post lab ace

|-

>

η

α post / β lab

+ α β +

syl high post lab ace

. +

+ cons 4- voic . + lab .

According to this rule, when the suffix of the dependent serial verb -abo or the nominalizer -ab follows a low vowel, the first vowel of the suffix is assimilated to the position of the preceding vowel. This happens only occasionally with the nominalizer as the normal allomorph following vowels is -sab in Tupinamba. o+ so +abo > o+50 + obo > 'and went' (to rule 8) o+ man + abo > o + mano + obo > 'and died' (to rule 8) s + e'e + abo > s + e'e + ebo 'and scraped it' (to rule 10)

610 Jensen

8. Nasalization of voiced consonant to the right -fcons + voic —nas

-fsyl + acc +nas

nas]

syl acc

This rule applies to dependent serial verbs. > o + mano+obo >

+ manö + omo > (to rule 10) 'and died'

9. Nasalization of III + cons + voic —nas -la

> [+nas] /

+ syl + acc . + nas

The r is nasalized after a nasalized accented vowel. ff 'nose' * ram 'ANTIC' > tmam 'what will be a nose' nupä 'beat' +reme 'when' > nupäneme 'when .. . beats' irü 'partner' +ramo 'AC' > irünamo 'as a partner' 10. Suppression of accent

[ + ace] > 01

+

+ syl + acc

> s + e'e + ebo > s + e'e + ebo > 'and scraped it' (to rule 12) apiti+äbo > apiti+abo > 'and killed it' (to rule 11) > + manö + omo > o+mano + omo > 'and died' (to rule 12) u 'eat' + ar 'NOM' > 'u + ar > 'eater' (to rule 11) 11. Asyllabification + syl + high

> [-syl] /

+ syl •face

In Tupinamba, when a stem ending in a high final vowel is followed by an accented vowel, the first vowel becomes asyllabic (semivowel). > apiti+abo > apitjabo 'and killed it' > 'u + ar > 'war 'eater'

Comparative Tupi-Guarani Morphosyntax

611

12. Elimination of identical low vowel -I-syl α post β lab "· -f ace J

+ syl -high α post P lab — ace

> s + e'e + ebo > s + e'ebo 'and grated it' > o + mano + omo > o + manomo 'and died' 13. Nasalization of voiced consonant to the left + cons + voic . — nas .

([ + nas])/

[ + syl] + ([-syl])[ + syl][ + nas]

> ero 'CC' + sem 'come out' > enosem 'come out with it' 14. Insertion of semivowel /j/

0

— cons + syl / + high — syl . — post . 4- voic -lab

+ syl + high . -lab .

In Tupinamba, the semivowel j is inserted between a high front vowel and a high front or central vowel. i '3' + ita 'rock' > ijita 'his rock' / '3' + ypy 'beginning' > ijypy 'its beginning' 15. Epenthesis of/i/

+ syl 4-high . — post.

cons]

+ cons — voic . + cont.

In Tupinamba, the epenthetic vowel is i when followed by the consonant s. a+ 'ar +swer > a'ariswer Ί almost fell.' 1SG fall nearly

612 Jensen

16. Diphthongization + 4— —

syl high post ace

— cons — syl + voic -lab

-*

In Tupinamb , a vowel cluster in which the second of two vowels is a high front vowel (i) results in a diphthong. This occurs with the partitive locative suffix, negation of verbs, incorporation of object prefix, and the addition of a prefix to a stem beginning with a high front vowel. ku 'a 'waist' + / > ku 'aj 'at the waist' n 'NEC' + a 'ISO* + karu 'eat' + / 'NEC' > nakaruj Ί didn't eat.' a 'ISO* + i '3P' + potar 'want' > ajpotar Ί want it.' ο '3' + iko 'be' > ojko 'he is' 17. Absorption of /i/ + syl — cons + high — syl — 0 1 . — post . . + voic .

In Tupinamb , an /i/ between a semivowel and a pause is absorbed. n + a + porasej + i > naporasej Ί didn't dance.' NEC ISO dance NEC 18. Insertion of/w/ fr

VL

— — + +

cons syl voic lab

\ /

/

+ syl + post + lab

[ + syl]

In Tupinamb , there is optional insertion of/w/ between two vowels when the first is a back vowel. ο '3 COREF' + ete 'body' > oete or owete 'his own body' ο '3 COREF' + obake 'in front of > oobakέ or owobaka 'in front of himself kuab 'know' > kuab or kuwab 'know' 19. Devoicing of final consonants (1.3 in Rodrigues)

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

This devoicing was optional for Tupinamba. sje rub > [serup] or [scrub] 'my father' sje ra'yr > [sera?i*] or [sera?fr] 'my son'

Distribution of Proto-Tupi-Guarani phonemes Only vowels and semivowels are permitted at the end of a non-final syllable. The consonants which are permitted in final position are b, r, k, and nasals. Sequences of consonant plus semivowel are permitted, except for *&. Sequences of semivowels: *jwa and *vv/a are not permitted. The velar nasal is not permitted initially.

613

614 Jensen

Appendix IV Changes which Resulted in Subgroups Rodrigues, 1984/1985, with additions by C. Jensen

Subgroup I 1. loss of final consonants 2. *c and *c retained as separate phonemes *c > [c] or [s] *c > h or 0 3. reinterpretation of sequences as single phonemes *pj, *pw, *kw [C. Jensen] 4. elimination of consonant sequences [C. Jensen] 5. merger of *pw and *kw as [k ] (or &) 6. *pj > c or z 7. in Chiriguano, change of stress from final to penultimate syllable Subgroup Π 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

loss of final consonants merger of *c and *c > c or s merger of *pw and *kw > k\v or k *pj remains intact change of stress from final to penultimate syllable palatalization of *tl / [C. Jensen]

Subgroup ΙΠ 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

retained final consonants merger of *c and *c > c or s *pw remains intact *pj remains intact stress unchanged

Subgroup IV 1. 2. 3. 4.

final C retained with or without modifications merger of *c and *c > h merger of *pw and *kw > kw [kw] *pj > c or c

Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax

5. *j > c, c, s, or z 6. merger of 4 and 5 in some languages 7. merger of *b and *w with possible reinterpretation of final allomorphs [C. Jensen] 8. palatalization of *f/ i [C. Jensen] Subgroup V 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

retained final consonants merger of *c and *c > h or 0 *pw > /(bilabial) *pj > s *j expressed as affricate merger of *b and *vv with reinterpretation of final allomorphs [C. Jensen] 7. pronominal markers for third person include masculine, feminine, and plural 8. palatalization of *?/ i [C. Jensen] Subgroup VI 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

retained final consonants merger of *c and *c > h *pw > kw (Parintintih), v, or/(Tupi-Kawahib) *pj remains intact *j remains intact pronominal markers for third person include masculine, feminine, and plural palatalization of *tl i [C. Jensen]

Subgroup ΥΠ 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

retained final consonants merger of *c and *c > h or 0 *pw > hw or h, retained as separate from *kw *pj > s *j intact merger of *b and *vv with reinterpretation of final allomorphs [C. Jensen] 7. palatalization of *// i [C. Jensen] Subgroup ΥΠ! 1. loss - partial or complete - of final consonants 2. merger of *c and *c > h or 0 3. merger of *pw and *kw > kw [kw] 4. *pj > s

615

616 Jensen

5. *j intact 6. in most languages, merger of *b and *w [C. Jensen] 7. palatalization of *