Haiti, history, and the gods 9780520213685, 9780520920965

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
PROLOGUE (page xi)
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (page xxi)
NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY (page xxiii)
PART ONE
1 Rituals of History (page 3)
PART TWO
2 Fictions of Haiti (page 77)
PART THREE
3 Last Days of Saint-Domingue (page 143)
4 Gothic Americas (page 187)
CHRONOLOGY (page 269)
NOTES (page 287)
INDEX (page 329)

Citation preview

A CENTENNIAL BOOK One hundred books ; : . published between 1990 and 1995 bear this special imprint of the University of California Press. We have chosen each Centennial Book as an example of the Press's finest

publishing and bookmaking traditions as We celebrate the beginning of

our second century. |

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Founded in 1893

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Haiti, History, and the Gods

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Haiti, History, and the Gods Joan Dayan

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley / Los Angeles / London

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

London, England University of California Press

First Paperback Printing 1998 Copyright © 1995 by Joan Dayan

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dayan, Joan. Haiti, history, and the gods / Joan Dayan.

p. cm.

“A centennial book.” Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-520-21368-8 (pbk : alk. paper) 1. Haiti—Civilization—-Philosophy. 2. Haiti—Religion. 3. Nationalism—Haiti—Religious aspects. 4. Social psychology

and literature—Haiti—History. I. Title.

F1916.D39 1995 |

972.94—dc20 94-46352 CIP

Printed in the United States of America

08 O07 06 05 04 03

9876543

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/ NISO Z39.48-1992 (R 1997) (Permanence of Paper).

For Edmond Dayan (1907-1992)

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Baton kt bat chen nwa se li ki bat chen blan (The stick that beats the black dog also beats the white dog) —Haitian proverb

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Contents

PROLOGUE XI

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XX NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY XXI1L PART ONE

Rituals of History 3 1

Romancing the Dark World 5 Black Skin, White Heart 7 Between Civilization and Barbarism 10

No Easy Liberty 13 Dessalines, Dessalines Demanbre 16

Défilée 39 Ezili 54 Service 65

Dismemberment, Naming, and Divinity 29

2, PART TWO

Fictions of Haiti 77 Writing A Rhetoric Misery of Lament79 85 Holy Earth, We Are among Your Children 93

X CONTENTS

| , DyingEzili,toMarinét, Serve © 97 Agwe, and Ogou 104 Marie-Ange, Claire, and Rose 117

“Hallelujah for a Garden-Woman” 124

PART THREE 3

Last Days of Saint- Domingue 143 The Paradise of the New World 147

Locked Up in Saint- Domingue — 152 An American Adventure 162

Dressed to Theater Kill 170 A New World 182 Leonora Sansay, Aaron Burr, and the Love Letter 165

|Gothic 4 Americas 187 Romance andCode Race 199 189 The Black Sade, Lejeune, and the Manual 212

Taxonomies of Enlightenment 219 , Tools of Terror 237 The Long Road to Guinea 258

CHRONOLOGY | 269

NOTES | 287 INDEX 329

Prologue

Haiti tempts impassioned representation, as well as proprietary impulses. Writers, grappling with their own identity, from Jules Michelet to William Seabrook, turned to Haiti as a land of conversion, where Africa could become France or a white man could become black. My mother, trying to tell me about her childhood in Port-au-Prince, never

sure if she was French, Syrian, or Haitian, and light enough not to think of herself as black, always returned to the nuns at Sacré-Coeur. Her stories also focused on transformation and miraculous identity shifts: They never told us about the slave trade. I did not know about that. In the beginning, they said, there were some little light pygmies that were here. And they grew bigger and darker. I always wondered how they got so black and so big so fast.

They told Jews in the class: all you have to do ts swallow a wafer and you'll be Catholic.

I begin with these conversion narratives, these broken recollections,

because I am interested in how stories get told, what gets remembered, and which details matter. This book does not aim at conclusiveness. Since I am committed to allowing conflict and collision among texts that differ in origin, purpose, and effect, these voices from the

past are not encased in a chronological grid or clarifying summary argument. Rather, I try to dramatize a complex and perplexing social history too often lost in exposition. The violence, mimicry, and belief I lay bare in these pages preserve an ambivalent, provisional, and Xi

Xi PROLOGUE

propositions. | convertible locale that would be masked by privileged beginnings or Let me admit at the outset that I am obsessed by Haiti, for reasons

that have much to do with my own vexed and haunted childhood, the ! uncertainty of my family origins, and my confrontation with an always

blocked, silenced, or unspeakable history. Since I disdain what is now | called “identity politics” or “personal criticism,” that savvy recentering of the self one claims to be decentering, I will take my reader on no backward-turning journey into childhood terror, fragments of denial, and lies that kept me forever outside, always on the margins of

any place or self that could be called my own. Instead, let me begin by

trying to recover a few memories of Haiti. , In 1970 I held a ball and chain in my hands. I asked the oungan (priest) tf these were used in service. He did not answer me. I wondered if his father and grandfather had kept these instruments of slavery. Now they were part of the sacred objects on the altar, laid out with bottles of rum, plates of food, chromolithagraphs of the saints, candles, sacred stones, rattles, beaded flags, and crosses. How did the relic of a horrible past fit in with the offerings to the gods? What did it mean to the people who chanted, prayed, or gathered before it? I do not remember where I saw this thing.

When “Baby Doc” Duvalier had been helped to flee Haiti by the United States, glory days had begun. Jubilation in the streets. T-shirts with the slogan “Haiti libérée.” “Uprooting” of tontons macoutes. Looting of centers of vodon, collecting drums, all trappings of devotion, and burning oungan alive. These

spared. |

priests were suspected of working with Duvalter. Many priests were killed, I knew that Catholic priests had also accommodated themselves to the regime. They were

IT recalled the ounfo I had visited fifteen years before this fanfare of mutilation

and hope. Near Fontamara, not far from Port-au-Prince, this religious com-

pound seemed to me to say something about how “politics,” once brought into the

sphere of the spiritual, undergoes changes that even a consummate and cunning oe politician like “Papa Doc” Duvalier could not have dreamed of. I have chosen a photo of the wall paintings of the sanctuary as the cover for this book because tt exemplifies a particular way of putting things together: condensing epic stortes

into visual claims on the imagination. The sanctuary, also referred to as the kaymiste, the house of spirits, had two rooms: on the right, one called “Chambre Petros”; on the left one called “Cham Radas.” Two rooms for two nations of gods.

, The Rada—named for the people taken from Arada, on the coast of Dahomey—

| the supposedly benign, “sweet” spirits. The Petwo, the violent, hungry, and “stiff” , revolutionary goas born during slavery on the soil of Saint-Domingue. A veve, the

, symbolic design of a lwa, or spirtt, was painted on the Petwo door; a faded painting was tacked on to the Rada door. All I could make out was the Haitian flag, vertical bands of black and red. Jean-Jacques Dessalines had torn the white from } the French tricolor, leaving blue and red. “Papa Doc” had changed blue to black

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ouin described the ceremony of Bois-Caiman, but told his reader that he was “transcribing here an extract from the unedited works of Céligny Ardouin” that included information he received from an old

soldier who resided in Saint-Domingue, in service of the King of Spain.©

30 RITUALS OF HISTORY

Both Madiou and Ardouin recounted how blacks, “phantasiés,” as Madiou put it, by sorcerers, threw themselves at cannons, believing the balls dust. When blown to pieces, they knew they would be reborn in Africa. The naturalist Descourtilz (his life was saved during the retaliatory slaughter of whites by Dessalines’s wife, Claire Heu-

reuse, who hid him under her bed) remembered how “the Congo Negroes and other Guineans were so superstitiously affected by the utterances of Dessalines that they even let him persuade them that to die fighting the French was only a blessing since it meant that they were immediately conveyed to Guinea, where, once again, they saw Papa Toussaint who was waiting for them to complete the army with __ which he proposed to reconquer Saint-Domingue.”9§7

The colonized are not necessarily, as Albert Memmi has written, , “outside of the game” of history. Gods were born in the memories of those who served and rebelled, and they not only took on the traits or dispositions of their servitors but also those of the former masters, tough revenants housed in the memories of the descendants of slaves. While de-idealizing, by reenacting to the extreme, a conceit of power, the figure of Dessalines became a proof of memory: something gained by those who were thought to have no story worth the telling.

To reconstruct a history of the spirits in Haiti is no easy matter. How does our thought about a glorified, if ambiguous, past become palpable? How do we get from now to then, to a history beyond the reach of written history? Until the American occupation—and one could argue, the publication of Jean Price-Mars’s Ainsi parla Voncle (1928)—the Haitian elite looked upon vodou as an embarrassment. Even Duverneau Trouillot—who published his “esquisse ethnographique” (ethnographic sketch), Le Vaudoun: Apercu historique et evolutions in 1885—while listing (for the first time, as far as I know) the individual spirits, felt that vodou in Haiti demonstrated the inevitable degradation of ancestral practices, reduced to “a tissue of rather ri-

diculous superstitions.” Trouillot prophesied that Christian civilization would soon absorb these atavistic “remnants” or “debris.”68

Born in Haiti, Dessalines is called a /wa kréyol (Creole god). As Ogou Desalin he walks with the African Ogou, the gods of war and politics that remain in Haiti in their multiple aspects. Duverneau Trouillot warned that after the revolution, African beliefs and rituals would continue to degenerate. But the old traditions and gods remained powerful, embracing new events and leaders like Dessalines.

RITUALS OF HISTORY 31

With independence, the underground opposition to the now defeated

white oppressor did not disappear, for the spirits, and the people’s need for them, was not contingent on being suppressed. Rather, vodou came, to some extent, out into the open to thrive. But haltingly so, as though the people were keeping some of the old secrets hidden, ready to serve in other repressive situations that did not fail to occur.

In transcribing a popular song addressed to Dessalines, a student of oral history faces nearly insurmountable problems of translation and retrieval. Alfred Métraux in Voodoo in Haiti and Odette MennessonRigaud and Lorimer Denis (Duvalier’s comrade in folkloric exploration in the 1940s) in “Cérémonie en ’honneur de Marinette” record the following song, which I heard during a four-day genealogy of the gods in Bel-Air, Haiti, in 1970. The singer, who was also a oungan, concentrated on stories of the spirits or musté (mysteries) who inspired the revolutionaries, particularly the spirit of Francois Makandal, the pre-

revolutionary maroon leader and prophet, who, the tale goes, warned Dessalines before his death not to go to Pont-Rouge. Pito m’mouri passé m’couri (Better to die than to run away) Pito m’mouri passé m’couri Dessalines, Dessalines démembré Vive la liberté.©

According to Mennesson- Rigaud, this song was sung by Haitian soldiers during the revolution and is preserved in the militant Petwo ceremonies.”” Both Métraux and Mennesson-Rigaud translate démembré/ demanbre as “powerful.” Yet in Creole the word means “dismem-

bered,” “beaten,” or “battered.” How did these two ethnographers come up with power from accounts of Dessalines shot, kicked, and dismembered?

If we take both meanings as possible—indeed, as necessary—records of the human capacities for knowledge, courage, and composure, then we have a Dessalines who is battered and powerful, dead and living. Talking with practitioners in Port-au-Prince in 1986, I heard another form of the word, which might be transcribed as denamobre. Could denambre be a form of dénombrer or dénommer (to count or to name)? Both activities—numbering and naming—carry great power for those who believe in the magic of numbers or the secret of naming; hence the translation “powerful.” Further, in Haiti nam means

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An he D Csi BerVe a pen (a ee oni Mp eeAe SEE heePei*silo wears ty et are ee 4 ah260 er mee 2? fees] iy ee Ae We SOM ge gad : a re 2 :A : ,eo es ii. pe eth: oedin ed sige ooT eee I: me IOOO TTve«oF CEoe4,rae, 19/0 Wha sa sea ny Homme d’airain (1946), and Dominique Hippolyte’s play about Dessalines and the last years of the

revolution (1802~1803), Le Torrent (1940). In La Tradition voudoo ~ (1953), Milo Rigaud noted that the mulatto André Rigaud, ultimately

| Toussaint’s enemy, issued from the coupling of a Frenchman and “a , pure négresse of the Arada or Rada race [in Dahomey], Rose. On his habitation Laborde, he ‘served’ the Rada mysteries [spirits] from whom his mother had recovered the cult.”1° The legend of Rose, like that of the land of Haiti (and, implicitly,

like the tale of Défilée), begins with a woman “brutally fertilized,” |

RITUALS OF HISTORY 49

as Brutus puts it, “by a slave in heat or a drunken White, a criminal escaped from Cayenne [the French colonial prison]; or a degenerate from feudal nobility in quest of riches on the continent.” Summoning this myth of violation, Brutus argues that it is senseless to put mulatto over black or vice versa, since “the origin of everyone is common.” No superiority can be extricated from the color and class chaos that began Haitian society. Yet, in this locale of blacks, whites, mulattoes, criminals, slaves, and aristocrats, Rose, represented as the generic “black

woman,” is singular. In an amalgam of neutralized distinctions, she stands out as victim and martyr.

Let us turn briefly to the legend as dramatized in Hippolyte’s Le Torrent, a play celebrating the “flood” and “tempest” of popular revolution that overwhelmed the colonial masters and Napoleon’s soldiers. (This apocalyptic drama was recently replayed: Jean-Bertrand Aristide was the leader of the mass movement called Operasyon Lava-

las, meaning “flood” or “deluge” in Creole.) Le Torrent, written in collaboration with the historian Placide David, won first prize in a competition of dramatic art organized in 1940 by the self-proclaimed dictator and “Second Liberator,” the mulatto President Sténio Vincent.!!1 In the preface to his Dessalines ou le sang du Pont-Rouge, Hénock Trouillot describes Le Torrent as the “true beginnings of historical drama in Haiti.” Praising the play as a “return to the historical sources

of the origins of the Haitian nation,” Trouillot locates mythic power in the popular struggle against the elites, who lack “national aspiration.”!112 Performed on May 18, 1940, the play was published in 1965, during the regime of “Papa Doc” Duvalier. The play is expertly packaged: its text is preceded by a “communication” from Dumersais Estimé, secretary of state and minister of education under Vincent— and in 1946, elected the first black president of Haiti in thirty years— and by the official report of the jury examining manuscripts, which included Dr. J.C. Dorsainville and Dr. Jean Price-Mars, two leaders of Les Griots, writers who sought a return to the African sources of Haitian life, to Creole, to vodou, and to “authentic” identity. As a government-sponsored spectacle, then, Le Torrent was resurrected in print as a drama worthy of “exalting Haitian patriotism and enhancing the teachings of our National History.”!!3 The folklore manipulated in Le Torrent goes deep into the psyche

of the black nation, reconstituted after the national affront of the American occupation, which ended six years before this play was produced at the Theater Rex in Port-au-Prince. Sister Rose presides over the play as the coalescence of all those symbols most gripping to the

50 RITUALS OF HISTORY | black intelligentsia and, hypothetically at least, to the imagination of the black masses: the African ancestral heritage, vodou, revolutionary struggle, and Haitian Creole. Sister Rose is the only character who consistently speaks Haitian, although in the text of the play it is transliterated as French. Her brother Ti-Noél, taken from Dahomey with Rose

and sold to the French planter Robert Delcourt, generally speaks French, even when talking with her. Le Torrent takes place in Hautdu-Cap, not far from Cap Frangais, in Master Delcourt’s colonial habitat. This place of wealth and privilege is contaminated not only by the struggle outside but by the question of legitimacy, color, and race in the domestic sphere. The prototypical mythic act is that of white Delcourt sleeping with black Rose, the mistress and housekeeper, who gives

birth to the mulatto twins Jean and Pierre. Pierre loves his “dream” of whiteness, Mademoiselle Emilie, the daughter of Captain Jougla, an officer of the Expeditionary Army. The story unfolds as news of Gen-

, eral Antoine Richepanse’s reinstitution of slavery in Guadeloupe leads to Dessalines’s desertion of Leclerc and his temporary alliance with the — insurgent black masses led by Ti-Noél, Macaya, and Jean Zeécle. The gratifying fantasy of the play is the triumph over colonial color _ prejudice. Even if you are light-skinned and have fine manners, if your

mother is black you will never be accepted by the “pure-blooded” French. Yet, Pierre’s initial disavowal of his mother, Sister Rose (“as soon as the young white lady arrives, you will disappear”), turns into recognition when he tells the black woman in the shadows to come

forward (“Mom, go get dressed. Go put on your beautiful Indian dress. You will wear your Madras handkerchiefs” ). What is most striking about the celebratory reversals of the play—Dessalines’s defection

from the French, the mulatto sons joining with the African-born Ti-

| Noél, and the recognition of “the African soul” and “the regeneration of the race” by none other than the planter Delcourt, as he praises his “black madonna”—is that Sister Rose remains constant. In her varying guises, she abides all the changes. Whether called “slave,” “mother,” “wife,” or “servant,” whether praised as the incarnation of “love” or “kindness,” “luck” or “lady of sorrows,” she is the passive recipient of

history. Rose, icon of Haiti, ends the play in solitary epiphany. As the white father, the mixed-blood sons, and the black rebels leave (Del- _ court returns to France, and his sons go off with Dessalines and his

rebels to fight Leclerc), Rose stays where she is told, obedient to the | wishes of those who make history: “Sister Rose, alone, the image of the future victorious Country, watches them depart.”!!4 In the legend of Sister Rose, to give oneself to a man, voluntarily or

RITUALS OF HISTORY ‘51

not, is to give Haiti a history. But what kind of history? And who gets

to claim it? In La Femme (1859), Jules Michelet, who had praised Madiou’s Histoire, greeted Haiti: “Receive my best wishes, young State! And let us protect you, in expiation of the past!” Yet, while extolling the spirit of this “great race, so cruelly slandered,” he turns to Haiti’s “charming women, so good and so intelligent.”!!5 A few pages

earlier, he had tried to show that those races believed to be inferior simply “need love.” Tenderness toward women, as colonial historians had argued in their justifications of slavery, was the attribute of civilized men alone. But Michelet extended the possibility of enlightenment to women in love, specifically to black women who want white men: “The river thirsts for the clouds, the desert thirsts for the river,

the black woman for the white man. She is in every way the most amorous and the most generous.” Her beneficent desire entitles her, in Michelet’s mind, to a particular kindof reverence. Not only is she identified as an icon of loving surrender, but she becomes the land: generalized as an Africa named, tamed, and dedicated to serving Eu-

rope. “Africa,” Michelet concluded, “is a woman.”!!6 , Michelet’s words recall descriptions of the femme de couleur in colonial Saint-Domingue, most pronounced in Moreau de Saint-Méry and Pierre de Vassi¢re, but found in “natural histories” throughout the Caribbean. Not only sensual, but beings who lived for love, they embodied the forced intimacies and luxuriant concubinage of the colonial past. In Haiti, Michelet’s Black Venus becomes Sister Rose, beautiful but violated. Yet, it remained for a Haitian, Janvier, in his La République d’Haiti et ses visiteurs, to be explicit about a perilous history understood as courtship with one aim: possession. The history of Haiti is such: difficult, arduous, thorny, but charming, filled with interpenetrating, simultaneous deeds, subtle, delicate, and entangled. She is a virgin who must be violated, after long courtship; but how exquisite when you possess her! . . . She is astonishing and admirable.!!7

The emblems of heroism or love recuperated in written histories of Haiti often seem to be caricatures or simulations of French “civilization.” In this recycling of images, as in the case of Louis Napoleon and Soulouque, we are caught in a mimetic bind. The heterogencity of vodou syncretism, however, offers an alternative to such blockage. Vodou does not oppose what we might call “Western” or “Christian” but freely associates seemingly irreconcilable elements, taking in materials from the dominant culture even as it resists or coexists with it. On May 18, 1803, at the Congress of Arcahaie, General-in-Chief

52 RITUALS OF HISTORY Dessalines ripped the white out of the French tricolor that covered the table. Trampling it under his feet, he commanded that the red and blue—-symbolizing the union of mulatto and black—be sewn together as the new flag and that “Liberté ou la Mort” (Liberty or Death) re-

| place the old inscription, “R.F” (République Frangaise).38 In “The Legend of the First Flag” (1927), Luc Grimard renders the theatrical heroics of that memorable night in verse. The gesture of tearing “the white” from “the heart of sublime tinsel” announces the birth of a “new people”:

In the nascent Republic, it was for him , A gage of union, a symbolic flag,

It was this somber blue, it was this light red ,

The mulatto and the black against all the Leclercs!1!19

But in the minds of many Haitians, the gods or spirits become part of

the narrative. In Léogane in the 1970s I heard people recount that Dessalines cut out the white strip of the French flag while possessed by the warrior spirit Ogou. Brutus in L’Homme d’airain (1946) presents an even more compelling version. He tells a story “of undying _ memory,” heard and passed on by Justin Lhérison in his history class at the Lycée Pétion in Port-au-Prince in the 1930s. It was not a spirit

of African origins that possessed Dessalines, but “the Holy Virgin, | protectress of the Blacks.” Then, Dessalines cursed in “Congo /angage” (the sacred language for direct communication with the spir-

its) and “then in French against the Whites who dared believe that | _ ‘the Independents wanted to remain French.’” Brutus concludes, “He was in a mystic trance, possessed by the spirit when he said: ‘Monsieur, tear out the white from that flag.” 2° But who is this spirit? What is the Virgin Mary doing speaking in Congo and in French? Dessalines possessed speaks the language of the spirit who has entered his head and who addresses him as “Monsieur.”

Ogou, transmogrified as the Virgin Mary, speaks both French and | “Congo language” (the generic term for “African languages” and, more specifically, the tongue of vodou initiates). The inherently unreformable quality of this myth goes beyond sanctioned histories and,

most important, de-idealizes a “pure” type such as the Virgin. We can , begin to understand what happens to the idea of virginity or violation when hooked into the system of local spirituality. If priests violated _ local women while teaching chastity, if they produced impurity—the mixed blood—while calling for purity, how was this violation absorbed

into the birth of new gods? ,

| RITUALS OF HISTORY —53 During the chaotic ten-month regime of Jean-Louis Pierrot (April

16, 1845-March 1, 1846), the peasant rebel leader Acaau’s black lieutenant and chaplain, Frére Joseph, had great influence in Port-auPrince. Pierrot, the brother-in-law of Christophe and Acaau’s close friend, had, according to Etienne Charlier, married Cécile Fatiman,

the mulatto manbo of Bois-Caiman, though her role in the sinister practices that reportedly characterized his time in office is not known. Gustave d’Alaux, in L’Empereur Soulouque et son empire, describes how

Joseph (whom he called a “bandit”) walked, candle in hand, amid Acaau’s bands and edified them with his novenas to the Virgin, and mastered them because of his influence with the vodou spirits.12} D’Alaux makes Joseph’s fame coincide with his role as the Virgin’s in-

termediary. One of the most famous political rallying cries from the turbulent years 1843 to 1846 is put in the mouth of the Virgin, who here cooperates with the popular struggle by speaking Creole. Here are Joseph’s words, as d’Alaux records them: “Acaau is right, because the Virgin said: Négue riche qui connait li ni écri, cila muldte; muldte pauve qui pas connait li ni écrit, cila négue [A rich negro who knows

how to read and write is a mulatto; a poor mulatto who does not know how to read or write is a negro].”!22 After communicating this Manichean color-and-class conflict as if it were a divine utterance, Joseph began to call himself Frére Joseph, dress completely in white, and perform his devotions and prayers. He also continued to make prophesies. 23

Madiou, writing about the “tempestuous” struggle in 1845 between the two “superstitious” or “pagan” sects, called guwyons and saints, revealed how confused spirituality in Haiti had become after independence. African and European materials converged: bags with fetishes, human bones, and snakes were employed in Catholic rituals, while vodou practitioners, called “fréres,” carried out priestly functions and recited Catholic liturgy. The guyons, called “loups-garous” by Madiou, and reputed to be cannibals, were thought to carry human flesh in their macoutes (sacks), The saints, equally “fanatical” and

“partisans of vodou,” considered the guyons “the damned,” and “dreaded” and “executed” them. Madiou describes the saints as believing in “the immortality of the soul and in eternal punishments and rewards.” They practice vodou, “but under the forms of Roman Catholicism.” !24

Duverneau Trouillot had argued that after independence, vodou ceremonies had become so “Frenchified,” so acculturated to French Catholicism, that the old cult would eventually disappear under the

54 RITUALS OF HISTORY | weight of Christian civilization. The “advantages of liberty” could not

help but contribute to the disintegration of what he perceived as increasingly disordered and uncodified beliefs and gods.!25 But what Trouillot praised as the benefits of liberation were never available to the Haitian majority. For them, the God, saints, and devils of French dogma, never fully accessible, were accommodated by being remade on Haitian soil. Endowed with new qualities, they lost their missionary or conquest functions. Remnants of texts and theologies, reinterpreted by local tradition, articulated a new history. The Virgin who possessed the militant Dessalines or Frére Joseph would also haunt Haitians as the ajablés: the feared ghostly she-devil condemned to walk the earth for the sin of dying a virgin.

To serve the spirits is to disrupt and complicate the sexual symbolism of church and state. In answer to Janvier’s correlation between the virgin, long desired and finally violated, and Haiti’s history, in-

tractable but ultimately apprehended, the most feared spirits, like the | most beloved Virgin, were formed out of the odd facts that made up the discourse of mastery permeated by the thought of subordination. A vodou history might be composed from materials such as oral accounts of the possession of Dessalines and his emergence as lwa, god, or spirit, and equally ambivalent accounts of figures like Ezili, Jean Zombi, or Défilée. Sinkholes of excess, these crystallizations of unwrit-

Ezili |

ten history force us to acknowledge inventions of mind and memory that destroy the illusions of mastery, that circumvent and confound

any master narrative. , | The despotism of the senses ,

constitutes the source of tyranny. —Emmanuel Levinas, “Freedom and Command”

| What is the best kind of submission? You cannot surren- | der your will, you cannot be possessed unless your body becomes the vessel for the master’s desire. The body must be owned, made into property, for possession to take place. In vodou practice, however, such an instrumental seizure does not describe the relationship between a god and mortal. And to talk about possession is somewhat

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56 RITUALS OF HISTORY | | misleading, since those who serve the gods do not use the term. Most often, the experience of being entered, inhabited, and seized by

a spirit is described as being mounted (as the horse is by the rider). I | want to reflect on a goddess called Ezili in Haiti by thinking about the ways in which a word like possession, so powerful in the Western imagination, becomes in the figure of Ezili something like collective physical remembrance. The history of slavery is given substance through

time by a spirit that originated in an experience of domination. That domination was most often experienced by women under another name, something called “love.”

In that unnatural situation where a human became property, love became coordinate with a task of feeling that depended to a large extent on the experience of servitude. In his Description ... de la partie francaise de VIsle Saint-Domingue, Moreau de Saint-Méry got at what most characterized Creole society in the colony by concentrating on a

| cult of desire: “Love, this need, or rather this tyrant of the sensitive soul, reigns over that of the Creole.” Love, promiscuity, pleasure, and | abandon are words that recur throughout French accounts of the colony of Saint-Domingue. In plantation society—and the same was true on other Caribbean islands and in the United States—domination en-

couraged the brutalization of “enlightened man” and enflamed his | unbridled appetite for lust and cruelty. Writing his Notes on the State of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson warned: “The whole commerce between

master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on one part, and degrading

submissions on the other.” 126 , |

But no matter how degrading, how despotic the effects of slavery, , there remained a place for love, a kind of excrescence from the every-

day oppression and torture, an experience that could be named and claimed by the “civilized” agents of an odious system. How easily the | sentiments, when attached to women other than white, became emblematic of lust and debauchery. Yet, the mixed-blood or mulatto mis-

tress somehow became the concrete signifier for lust that could be portrayed as “love.” Moreau de Saint-Méry envisioned her as “one of those priestesses of Venus” and then explained: “The entire being of a Mulatresse is given up to pleasure, the fire of this Goddess burns in her heart only to be extinguished with her life. This cult is her law, her every wish, her every happiness. . . . To charm all her senses, to surrender to the most delicious ecstasy, to be surprised by the most seductive ravishing, that is her unique study.”!2” If, in the perverse ethics of the planter, the spiritualized, refined

RITUALS OF HISTORY O7

images of white women depended on the violation of black women, the bleached-out sable Venus accommodated both extremes. In the crossing and unsettling of enforced (and contrived) duality, the free woman of color would be served, fed, honored, and adored, and at the same time excluded from marriage, threatened by poverty, and often abandoned. The pervasiveness of this coupling is noted by C.L.R. James in The Black Jacobins: “In 1789, of 7,000 mulatto women, 5,000 were either prostitutes or the ‘kept mistresses’ of white men.”!28

But Bryan Edwards reassured his readers in his History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies (1793) that the “free women of color universally maintained by white men of all ranks

and conditions, are not prostitutes, as flourished in Europe at that time.” In the hybrid New World of forced intimacies and artificial hierarchies, terminologies were conveniently redefined and manipulated. Later, reflecting in Absalom, Absalom! on this cult of desire in the former French colony of Louisiana, William Faulkner would present the Creole octoroon courtesan as exemplary. Wafting through his pages as some “fatal insatiation,” she is so highly prized (“they are more valuable as commodities than white girls”) and fulfills so well “a woman’s

sole end and purpose: to love, to be beautiful, to divert,” that she goads the male fantasist on to trials of redefinition: “No: not whores.

, Not even courtesans. .. . No, not whores. Sometimes I believe that they are the only true chaste women, not to say virgins, in America.” What Pierre de Vassiére, writing about Saint-Domingue in the years between 1629 and 1789, called “a very strange familiarity” between those who made themselves masters and those who found themselves slaves, made the old practices of exclusivity unworkable.}2? These white women live with their domestics under the weight of the most bizarre intimacy. Nearly every young white Creole owns a young mulatresse or quarteronne, and sometimes even a young négresse, whom they make their cocotte, The cocotte is the confidant of all the thoughts of the mistress (and this reliance is sometimes reciprocal), the confidant of her loves.!3°

In plantation isolation, differences were sometimes collapsed in a reciprocity that made those supposedly inferior absolutely necessary to

those who imagined themselves superior. Such intimacy in human bondage also has been noted between black slaves and the free mulatto women they served. As Jean Fouchard puts it, “How could the slave avoid being drawn to .. . that intermediary class whose insolent Ostentation gave birth to the war of lace and clothing that involved the entire colony in an all-out competition?”}5!

58 RITUALS OF HISTORY | | Colonial historians of Saint-Domingue were obsessed by the rites _ of love and the pleasures of the toilette, ceremonies of propriety and consumption. Ezili, known in written representations as “the Black Venus,” “the Tragic Mistress,” or “the Goddess of Love,” remains a commentary on the harrowing reality of Saint-Domingue. A goddess

was born on the soil of Haiti who has no precedent in Yoruba or Dahomey. Far more specific in her attributes than Oya, Yemanja, or Oshun, the Ezili (whether Ezili Danto, Ezili Freda, Ezili-je-wouj, ! or Marinét) recalls the violent yoking of decorum and lust.

Served by her devotees with the accoutrements of libertinage— lace, perfume, jewels, and sweets—this spirit carries the weight of a history that testifies to the union of profligacy and virtue, thus making

a mockery of piety. For not only does Ezili, like Défilée, signal the transcending of violation and whoring through infinite love, but she also tells a rather banal and keenly materialist story. Let me emphasize

| here that the elaborate dress and the details of service articulate a specific experience of Saint-Domingue that goes beyond the scattered scriptural, classical, and West African materials assembled in the mani-

festations of Ezili.!32 A rage for devotional practices, instead of demanding divestment or abstention, encouraged embellishment and a veneration of luxury. Henry Breen, though writing of Saint-Lucia in

| the 1840s (which the English and French fought to possess for over a hundred years), explains this rapacious staging of belief, the bond between religious fervor and fashionable ostentation: “In a word, dress and devotion are the order of the day—the all-engrossing topics of female society; and both are so harmoniously blended that the greatest

dévotée is often the greatest coquette.”33 In his Histoire d’Hait1, Madiou reflected, “If the Spanish and

, _ French, in possessing the Queen of the Antilles [Saint-Dominguc], | left there the bloody traces of their domination, they also left their languages, their mores, their customs, ultimately the germs of this new ‘civilization.’” Let us take the spirit surviving today under the name of

Ezili as a medium for apprehending the particulars of a society that was not African, not French, and certainly not a civilization as a domi-. nant historiography has taught us to understand it. Transported Africans, uprooted French, and native Creoles found themselves participating together in unprecedented spectacles of civility and barbarism. Imagine a world where grace and “the charm of evenings on the Fau-

bourg St.-Germain” (the Haitian Madiou) coexisted with “a nearly | absolute lack of sensibility and even a certain native cruelty resulting

RITUALS OF HISTORY 59

from the harsh and brutal way that they [the planters] treated their slaves” (the Frenchman Vassiére).

Recognized as the most powerful and arbitrary of gods in vodou, Ezili is also the most contradictory: a spirit of love who forbids love, a woman who is the most beloved yet feels herself the most betrayed. She can be generous and loving, or implacable and cruel. As mystery of love, assistance, and beauty, she appears at night to her devotees in the form of a pale virgin. As spirit of vengeance, she is fiercely jealous and sometimes punishes wayward devotees with death, impotence, or frigidity if they dare drink or have sex on those days devoted to her.

In writing about Ezili, most ethnographers, Haitian and foreign, have had recourse to analogy. She is Venus. She is the Virgin Mary or “the sinner” of the Gospels (whether understood as the unnamed penitent or Mary Magdalene). She is Ishtar or Aphrodite. If we forgo limiting ourselves to these external impositions, we can apprehend how Ezili, and the names and practices associated with her, store and reinterpret the unwieldy images of the past. Let us recall the incongruous Origins of the cult of the Virgin, the strength of Mariolatry arising from its syncretism of pre-Christian cults of willful goddesses and harlot saints. In practice, there are slippages and uneasy alliances between gods described as antagonistic: Ezili Freda, the pale, elegant lady of luxury and love, identifed with the Virgin Mary or the Mater Dolorosa, represented in Catholic chromolithographs as a young girl, wearing necklaces of pearls and gold, her heart pierced with a golden sword; Ezili Dantd, the black, passionate woman identified with the Mater Salvatoris, her heart also pierced, with a dagger; and Ezilije-wouj, Ezili Mapian, and Ezili-nwa-ké (black heart) of the militant Petwo family of gods.

When her roles are described, and thus circumscribed in writing, even by Maya Deren in Divine Horsemen and Zora Neale Hurston in Tell My Horse, the discourse on Ezili has most often perpetuated masculine fantasies of women. Split between the “good” Ezili Freda and the “evil” Ezili-je-wouj, between the beautiful coquette “Mistress

Ezili” and the old, stooped “Gran Ezili” or Ezili-kokobe (the shrivcled), she dramatizes the cult of mystification: the splitting of women into objects to be desired or feared. ~ In ritual performances this dichotomy is both entangled and blurred. Songs tell of an Ezili Freda abandoned and betrayed, both married and

prostituted (both institutions equated by their claims alternately to entitle or dispossess): “Ezili marye, li pa genyen chans! /Ezili jennés,

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114 FICTIONS OF HAITI “Transfigured, all the muscles of his body hardened.” We should read this as if we are privy to Marie-Ange’s wildest dreams. “Ah! she says to herself, it’s not him, it’s Saint Jacques. And panting, she recognized

the bearing of the saint under the steel armor, the expression of his features, his conquering gestures.”©? Papa Beauville embodies the soldier spirit Ogou Feray, identified with Sen Jak Majé (St. James the EIder), the knight in the chromolithographs, but his love of women and

his sexual power also link him to Dessalines in the following song:

, Ogou travaille-d! Li pa mangé! Li séré l’agent,

Pou-!’ démi caille bel fanm! |

(Ogou works,eat! oh! ,. , He doesn’t

Hieé au soi, Feraille démi san soupe!

He saves his money, In order to sleep with beautiful women!

Last night, Feray slept without supper! )§! Papa Beauville, now Ogou, sings a battle song, and then seizes a

| rod of burning iron from the forge and brandishes it: “Me, Ogou, I will crush the vanquished lwa, I will skin alive the evildoers. If there are any among us, let them be saved, let them disappear.” Continuing to speak, he walks up to St. Flé, who is still shivering with fever, and

Dahomey agrees | The land is blessed, ,

Oo denounces her. He ends by gamboling like a horse, roaring: |

The devil has gone.

_ Not only has Beauville accused St. Flé of killing the children, but before sinking down, spent, on the soil, he has given substance to the inexplicable longing of Marie-Ange, who from the first had recognized

, his incredible strength. Obsessed with the land and seeing how the poor sell “their courage and their sweat” for nothing, Beauville angrily reminds Marie-Ange of

_ those who “made promises to the land”: “I have here, all arranged, a ‘point’ for this pig of a ti Fa, a ‘point’ that will twist him . . . like that.” Beauville has inherited magic authority, but he can also turn

the ancient gift into a particularly vicious spirit that can work harm | when necessary. Marie-Ange decides to make the dangerous journey to Facius in order to warn him of Beauville’s threat. In trying thus to

FICTIONS OF HAITI 115 evade Beauville’s command, Marie-Ange must descend into the ravine “crammed with detritus” behind his hut. In this pit, she witnesses the ruin of St. Flé, who is now “the terror and the curiosity of the region. Some swore they had met her in the form of a pig; others in that of a screech owl and this screech owl, ah yes, it flew lower than the others

and spoke.”62 Chauvet presents the scene as a colloquy between the | spirit of love and the remnant or refuse of St. Flé. The ritualized decimation of St. Flé can be understood by looking briefly at Zora Neale Hurston’s account of the zombi Felicia Felix-Mentor in Tell My Horse, the record of Hurston’s travels to Haiti and Jamaica in the 1930s. Describing the horrific reduction of a human to “an unthinking, unknow-

ing beast” (a recurring terror for Hurston), she writes how a once loved and cultivated person can be resurrected to work “like a beast, unclothed like a beast, and like a brute crouching in some foul den in the few hours allowed for rest and food. Then there is the helplessness of the situation.” Chauvet’s fragment of what was once St. Flé, though not yet dead, has suffered at the hands of a zombi, perhaps the “point” (here meaning the evil spirit, or the gist of her own malevolence) sent upon or turned against her. Marie-Ange descends into the ravine with a “protector-point” (the power of protection against magical attack) and makes the sign of the cross. As she places her foot on the wooden bridge, she hears the cry of the screech owl and falls. A heap of garbage breaks her fall. Out of a grotto comes St. Flé, “more hunchbacked than ever and so thin that she could not be recognized.” St. Flé educates Marie-Ange into the other side of Beauville’s heritage: the wild and unrelenting powers generated by the life of the spirit. Chauvet’s drama of Marie-Ange and St. Flé in the gorge reads as if the ceremonial screen of the preceding pages has been rent. St. Flé exudes an “emptiness [that] attracted [ Marie-Ange] like a lover.” Slabs of dirt cake St. Flé’s skin. She smells like rot; when she scratches her head, fleas leap on her neck. As she

looks at the old suppliant, Marie-Ange realizes that though St. Fle urged her son Docé to steal, she is not “a criminal.” St. Flé even confesses that she never killed anyone, but she has been punished by the lwa. “For a long time Petwo demanded a ceremony, he warned me in a dream, and I did not keep my obligations. This is how I pay.”64 In the early 1970s the oungan André Pierre in Croix-des- Missions used to tell me: “Si u pa sévi Gine, yo a kenbe” (If you don’t serve

Guinea [the gods], theyll make you pay). Resigned to “the will of God and the Iwa,” St. Flé tells Marie-Ange that the “negroes of the

116 FICTIONS OF HAITI

hills . . . must always be afraid of someone or something.” Chauvet’s

, representation of St. Flé recalls the hunting and beating of Placinette, a woman believed to be a lougawou, who was stoned and then beaten _ to “a wet sack of bleeding mud” in Jacques Roumain’s La Montagne | ensorcelée.5 In a world of death, fear, and famine, women on the margins become the scapegoat. Ugly, destitute, and abandoned women, mythologized as evil, generate the multiple aspects of Ezili. Alfred Métraux lists “Ezili-mapyang, Ezili-coeur-noir [Ezili of the black heart], Ezili-bumba and Ezili Kokobe [ Ezili the shriveled ],” and records the song to Ezili-kanlikan, who eats the flesh of humans, or “‘two-footed goats’ ”: Ezili kalika elu A la loa ki réd Ezilu u madé koché M’apé ba u li

Ezili madé kabrit dé pyé Koté pul’pran pu ba-li (Ezili kanlikan elu,

Ah, what a hard loa Ezili you ask for a pig I will give you one Ezili, you ask for a goat with two feet Where could I get it, to give it to you?)®

Beloved Venus has become defiled Sycorax. What happened to St. Flé

could, under slightly different circumstances, happen to Marie-Ange. Marie-Ange, guided safely out of the ravine by St. Flé, recognizes that St. Flé’s beliefs have “bound her hands and feet,” that St. Flé has ended up in “this hole because of her beliefs.” Coming out of the rut

of superstition, Marie-Ange questions everything Beauville has told her and condemns this “deadly heritage that fetters its heirs like crabs

in order to stop them from moving on an equal footing into progress.” Here, it might seem that what I have been arguing about the - intensity of Marie-Ange’s attachment to Beauville and the spirits has been countermanded by her sympathy with St. Flé. Indeed, Chauvet goes so far as to describe Marie-Ange’s ascent as a kind of revelation:

“The dazzling light of truth redressed the distorted images and in- | clined her, gasping, toward the terrible reality.” Yet nothing is simple in Chauvet’s representation. Though Marie-Ange “feels herself liber-

ated,” and wants to fight against “the tortuous road of superstition,” she returns to the yard only to doubt again. ©

FICTIONS OF HAITI 117 The mysterious liberation that ends Fonds des Négres generates a series of unanswered questions. Beauville, as president of the cooperative, has led the striking peasants of the hills to Miragodne. After walk-

ing for nearly two days, they are imprisoned for having dared not to work and for demanding the return of their family lands. Chauvet subtly disturbs the climax to the peasant novel of Roumain and Alexis by drawing our attention to the make-believe quality of faith. Rumors have it that the peasants were packed into a small cell “where they

were dying from suffocation.” Then, so the story goes, “the papa, possessed by Ogou, had opened the door of the cell, liberated the prisoners and ran with them to the tribunal, where the judge, terrified, had been forced to listen to them . . . Many of them were dead.” In this apocalyptic account, the peasants returned to Fonds-des-Négres

with Beauville, who then told a cheering crowd his final dream of lands reclaimed and roads rebuilt: “My dead came to me yesterday at

night and they saluted me: hats off, they told me, hats off, oungan Beauville, you have done your duty.” If Chauvet has been pushing her readers away from belief, she suggests, in these unabashedly utopian final pages of Fonds des Négres, the

power of a heritage reclaimed in Haiti as a legacy of fantasy, gossip, and dream, impossible to disentangle from what we call reason or reality. To ask whether the possessed Beauville really opened the prison door to lead his followers to freedom is like asking if Dessalines was really possessed by Ogou or the Virgin at Arcahaie. In Beauville’s final vision, Marie-Ange, like an apparition of bounty, offers herself to him

as the generous Ezili, “borne by the land like an offering on an im-

mense tray.”

Marie-Ange, Claire, and Rose There is a kind of griffon In this legendary country Of the golden color of corn Perfectly voluptuous and good. —Isnardin Vieux, “La Griffonne”

In Fonds des Négres Marie-Ange is described simply as “the griffonne dressed like a bourgeoise.” Moreau de Saint-Méry describes the griffon, in his hierarchy of color status in Description ... de

118 FICTIONS OF HAITI , la partie francaise de [Isle Saint-Domingue, as three-quarters black, or

24 to 32 parts white and 104 to 96 parts black: : The griffe [or griffon] is so favored by nature, that it is very rare to see one | who has not a pleasing face and is not attractive in every way. He [or she] has

all the advantages of the mulatto, but there is no one among the combinations produced by the colonial mixtures who can offer a result so given over to amorous ardor as the griffe, and such is the case for both sexes. . . . The repentance spawned by pleasure is still more extreme when obtained by this category.°

According to Moreau, 128 gradations of “blood,” in varying parts white or black, result in the possible types of skin coloring, hair, and other physical characteristics among affranchis, or free coloreds. The color types, especially those faded or lighter, acquired for Haitian writers a symbolic power unequaled by any other element in their descriptions of women. Offspring of a negro woman and a mulatto, the grif-

fon was poetically rendered in shades of color named for copper, bronze, honey, amber, and even for several varieties of raisins. In “L’Image de la femme dans la poésie haitienne,” Francois Hoff-

mann writes: “The woman who incarnates for him [the poet] the national reality is the Mulatta, the Antillean symbol of the novel individ-

| uality born of the amalgam.” Recall the legend of Sister Rose, the black ancestress who must be ravished in order for the color composite that is Haiti to be born. What matters in these hyperbolic celebrations of beauty is how the “calamity” or “curse” of color—colonization’s harshest legacy—survives, though sugarcoated, in the images of women found in Haitian poetry and literature. Here is how Alcibiade Fleury-Battier (1841-1881) praises his muse, the ever-darkening griffon:

I am from this country where the brown-colored women flower, ,

Whose skin resembles ripe raisins ; ,

Where the griffonne 1s lively with her large black eyes, Where the négresse has taken on the color of ebony.”

_ The “marabou,” 40 to 48 parts white and 88 to 80 parts black, de- | scribed by Moreau as similar to the griffon but “with more ofan olive _ tint” and also “less inclined to pleasure,” becomes the subject of one _ of the most popular poems in Haiti, Emile Roumer’s “Marabout de mon coeur,” where the woman’s body is literally good enough to eat: “Marabout of my heart with mandarine orange breasts, / You’re more tasty to me than the crab in eggplant.”7!

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In her fictions, Chauvet literalizes the idealized Haitian history of heroes and martyrs through the bodies of women. Chauvet moves from the eve of the revolution in Saint-Domingue in Danse sur le volcan (1957) to the memory of the bloody week of Tonton Nord Alexis (who ruled Haiti from 1902 to 1908) in Fonds des Neégres to the bitter black nationalism of the mulatto Sténio Vincent in Amoury, treated by Chauvet as precursor to her allegory of the apocalyptic terror of Duvalier’s regime in Colére and Folie. In Folie, four poets are beaten for going through town declaiming Massillon Coicou’s poem

“T”Alarme”: |

Do you hear the cry that resounded: To arms! Horror still Horror still! Blood still! Tears still! These lugubrious echoes, it is not the cannon Of Créte a Pierrot that thunders its fury To defend or avenge the rights of the Country.”2

Haiti’s national poet, Coicou was executed by Nord Alexis in 1908. Until 1968, when Gallimard published Amour, Colére et Folie, Chauvet occupied a privileged position as a beautiful, light-skinned member

of the Port-au-Prince bourgeoisie. The publication of this scathing analysis of Duvalier’s dictatorship—more particularly, of women’s place

in a society crippled by color conflicts and social injustice—caused a scandal. Never before had a Haitian woman dared not only to question the nationalist assumptions of Francois Duvalier and the noiriste celebration of “black essence” but also to take on the burden of writing in a culture that had simultaneously praised and silenced women. The trilogy, once printed, remained in warehouses for twelve years, “blocked by the ‘conciliabules’ between the Haitian and French bourgeoisie.”73 Dany Lafferriére, among other Haitian critics, has discussed how Amour, Colére et Folie was deliberately ignored or mocked in the major papers in Port-au-Prince. Madeleine Gardiner, one of Haiti’s few women literary critics, has asked: “But why this voluntary omis-

sion of the writings of a woman whose whole life has been a long quest for justice, liberty, and brotherhood, all those things that seem meanwhile to be the dream of all our men of action, poets, writers, or political men?”74

The suppression of Chauvet’s work continues.”5 Although Les Rapaces (1986) was published posthumously by her children under her maiden name, Marie Vieux, stories are told about a family still embarrassed by her unremitting analyses of lust and hypocrisy under the signs

120 FICTIONS OF HAITI | of romance and authenticity. Translations of her books into English have been blocked by her descendants for reasons that remain unclear, and I have heard that the last two hundred copies of Amour, Colére et Folie are being held by her daughter, Régine Charlier.” At the time of _ her death in 1973, Chauvet was completing two books, which to date remain inaccessible: Les Fils d’Ogoun (The Sons of Ogou) and Le Cri (The Cry). All of Chauvet’s fictions, from Fille d’Haiti to Amour, Colére et Folie, scrutinize the idiom of color, historicized and codified as social hierarchy. The claims of sex are never far from the mechanics of power

and submission correlative with this epidermic fatality. In Amour, Claire Clamont bears the “stain” of darkness. Her sisters Félicité and , Annette are “two white-mulatresses,” but Claire is a “mixed blood,” the surprise in the family heritage of lightening. This color complex is central to the story of Amour, Colére et Folie. If the “law of rever-

, sion,” the inevitable return of blackness, was the thing most feared in colonial Saint-Domingue and independent Haiti, Claire commits her-

self to fulfilling the law. Instead of trying to hide or discharge the stain, she accepts this “corruption of blood,” what she calls her brand >

of “deep-colored skin.” Her mother, however, tries to pass it off as sunburn: “The sun burned her a bit, she’s a pretty brown.” Later in the trilogy, Chauvet mocks color prejudice when the mulatto René in | Folie tries to define his identity by his skin: “What am I, born of a father so mulatto that he seemed white? Skin of saffron, skin of mahogany, skin of sapodilla. No, skin of a rotten coconut. ‘Color of a

fart,’ as my mother said.”77 ,

Claire (the French word used in Haiti for those with light skin also evokes St. Clare, the virgin founder of the Poor Ladies of San Da-

miano) begins her journal in 1939, five years after the American occu- | pation of Haiti, and during the regime of Sténio Vincent, who punished those light-skinned “aristocrats” who had never fully accepted him. My mother remembered singing “Papa Vincent, mési. Si gen. youn moun ki renmen pép la, se President Vincent” (Thank you, Papa Vincent. If there’s anyone who loves the people, its President Vincent). In Chauvet’s fiction of the rise of black nationalism, the com- | mander Calédu (in Creole the name means someone who hits or beats

hard) proves his power by violating the women of “good families,” | the artstos or “white-mulattoes.” What begins as the most intimate

of memoirs by an eccentric virgin ends up an allegory of Haiti as | Duvalier consolidates his totalitarian state. Calédu, “a savage negro,”

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Claire writes, “who had terrorized us for nearly eight years,” is a fig-

ure for the dread tontons macoutes, Duvalier’s personal henchmen who | were recruited mainly from the urban poor, a group whom Claire calls “armed beggars.”

Locked in her room, devouring pornographic postcards, longing for the white Frenchman Jean Luze while she obsesses about the phallus of “muscled, black, and naked” Calédu, Claire composes her narrative of compulsion. Forced for years to behave like a “good bour-

geoise” who, lacking husband or child, could no longer desire or be desired, she invokes her own ceremony of knowing and abandon: “YT am naked, on my bed, half-soaked in sweat, palpitating with desire... . Here I am possessed.”78 Claire’s predicament is not only individual but collective. Even her sexual deprivation, forced upon her by the strict and hypocritical teachings of her “Parisian mulatto” father, who feared the dark and vulgar in their midst (while serving the lwa, the legacy of his black grandmother), reenacts Haiti’s “history of skin.” Claire was born into that history, and grew up in the shadow of disfavor: “From an early age I began to suffer because of the dark color of my skin, this mahogany color inherited from a faraway grandmother and which exploded into the close circle of whites and white-mulattoes that my parents frequented.” But she adds, alluding to noirisme and the growing appeal of black nationalism, “Times have changed .. . history budges and fashion too, fortunately.”79 Chauvet is fascinated by varying conceits of servitude. Tyrannized by a double curse, slightly dark skin and virginity, Claire relates the exaltations of her masturbatory frenzy, as well as recalling the mulatto women in her neighborhood raped or maimed by the revenge of race. Giving herself over to erotic fantasies denied by the demands of Catholic asceticism and by her public appearances as one of the twelve “Children of Mary”——-she marches “in the procession in honor of the Feast

of the Virgin,” escorting “the statue of the Immaculate”—Claire ridicules the icon of both suffering and divinity.

In turning to Colére, I want briefly to demonstrate how Chauvet later distills what remained ambiguous in Fonds des Négres. The mulatto daughter Rose plays to the death the game of submission, by giving herself to the embodiment of the new political dispensation in Haiti, the black thug Chauvet calls “the gorilla.” All that ultimately remains of Rose is a heap of dead flesh that testifies to the efficacy of state tyranny. Her brother, at first unaware of her death, binds the

reader to the specificity of her degradation in words that end the

122. ~~ FICTIONS OF HAITI | novel: “Used up, they’ve used her up, her also.”®° Rose’s story recalls , the figure of Ezili, the spirit cursed as a whore by the Church, but whose generosity knows no bounds. More than any figure, however, Rose’s surrender to the “little, skinny man in a black uniform” recalls Sister Rose. If, as the legend goes, Sister Rose gave herself so the nation could be born, Chauvet questions the consequences of this ideal-

ized matriarchy. ,

, Perhaps the greatest horror of colonization and slavery was the | conversion of persons into property. Dominion over the black was extended to the bed, and the taking of black women by white men was

nothing less than a ritual reenactment of the daily pattern of domi- | nance. For Chauvet, in Duvalier’s Haiti light-skinned women became the bodies upon which political power was confirmed. Colére begins

with the appropriation of land. Duvalier’s racial theories justified an | authoritarian populism by claiming it was particularly suitable to those | of African descent. The “men in black” stake their claim to the land owned by the Normils, who are identified as the “petite-bourgeoisie” of Turgeau, an “ultra chic” neighborhood in Port-au-Prince. Chauvet analyzes the duplicitous force of this tyranny: the conversion of color into commodity under the sign of property. Identities are constructed

and histories made, but the antagonisms only perpetuate the ruses of colonialism. When the Normil house is quarantined, the inhabitants are isolated and circumscribed. The “devils” drive stakes into the , ground to encircle the house, post a placard forbidding anyone to— enter, and then build a wall to separate the Normils from their land. Land becomes the site for the performance of male power, but this fable of dispossession can be enacted only when that land is annexed to a woman’s body, the place that can be entered. The desired body is Rose, the mulatto daughter. The virgin Rose assumes “martyrdom” by undergoing excruciating daily sex with the man known as “the go_— rilla,” who confesses: “I can only be a man with these beautiful saintly

heads of your kind, the beautiful head of a conquered martyr.”®! , Those who claim blackness, invade the earth, and penetrate women play a game of power in which the prizes include money and sex. Rose

refigures Sister Rose, the ideally envisioned site for regenerative rape, a but does not duplicate her: she willingly offers herself in exchange for

land. “I will risk everything in order to save our lands.” She meets | with the gorilla every night for one month. The exchange both repeats and inverts the metaphoric process involved in the legend of Haitian national origins, where the submission of a mythic Rose pro-

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duces the “native land.” Here, however, the land precedes the lady. Chauvet’s Rose is not an origin or source, but a kind of secondary benefit.

The chapter that describes her violation remains one of the most

disturbing memoirs by a woman in all of Caribbean fiction. Her brother Paul, obsessed with her “error and concupiscence,” reduces the once adored body to something vile and rotten, mere stench: “The odor of death is already on Rose.” Yet Rose’s monologue breaks out of a masculine agenda of possession, in that she turns an object of consumption—rotten merchandise—into a speaking subject. Opened by the gorilla’s fist, reflected in the mirrors of his bedroom, her sex sucked bloodless by her “vampire,” she admits, “My complicity has no limits.” She wonders about the reductive, masculine fables of purity and impurity: “Is my fate really so terrible? Surely many husbands must behave in love like this man. Vices sanctified by the marriage sacrament.” Let the gorilla call her virgin; Rose will claim “nothing astonished me in love.” She speaks of her “nauseating docility” and questions her previous celibacy: “Docile, too docile for a virgin. Am I virgin? Accomplice? Am I not getting used to him, looking to him for my pleasure?” If she could be free of the genteel constraints of her class, she thinks, with more than a hint of pride in her sexuality, “If I were lib-

erated, he would surely find in me a partner worthy of him.” Her thoughts end in a conversion ritual, with both partners turning into the “bestial couple,” in which traditional sexual polarities are reversed: the gorilla becomes “a poor dog in search of tenderness,” and the vir-

gin, “lascivious and insatiable panther!” Rose’s revelation of “savagery,” even though marked by guilt, takes us back to the white man’s most deviously manipulated fear: that of virginal white ladies mounted

by dark Calibans. Chauvet spares neither Rose nor the gorilla: both are victims of what they have internalized as a racial and sexual myth.

In Amour Claire had said “Purity does not exist.” Nowhere is the absence of purity more identifiable than in Chauvet’s use of images. Two powerful emblems of male domination are compounded in the move from Claire to Rose, and both have been used against women. Claire (the dark Sycorax or old hag) and Rose (the fallen lady) both give off “an odor of death, of clotted blood and rottenness.”82 Both scize Our imaginations because we assume a purity, a truth that stands firm somewhere outside the contingencies of history, the details of economics. Chauvet takes us through the process of idealization by giving

124 FICTIONS OF HAITI voice to the de-idealized, putrid body. She reanimates the corpse, the

failed icon, the dirtied ideal. |

“Hallelujah for a Garden-Woman”8$ Every woman has a karo of land between her legs®*

Land, women, and gods. The creation of a national identity in Haiti has depended on the working ensemble of this meta- | _ phoric accretion. Perhaps the most revealing statement of the triad— because it is the most sweeping in its generalities—occurs in Alexis’s Les Arbres musiciens: “The lwa were amalgamated to the body of the nation, they fertilized the land like the male fertilizes the female! Their breath blows everywhere, in the savannah, in the valleys, in the plains, at the crossroads, they infiltrate everywhere.”®5 When Jean-Paul

Sartre introduced the négritude poets to his French audience in “Orphée noir,” the preface to an anthology of African and West Indian poets, edited by Léopold Sédar Senghor and published in 1948, he celebrated the new, revolutionary movement, or rather the affective,

spasmodic “being” of the black, not only by sexualizing the tropics , but by pointing to what he called “basically a sort of androgyny.” Speaking for “our black poets,” he wrote, quoting Aimé Césaire: “He is ‘flesh of the flesh of this world’; he is ‘porous to all its breaths,’ to all its pollens; he is both nature’s female and its male.”86 Frantz Fanon would later claim in Black Skin, White Masks that the “black soul is a white man’s artifact.” Sartre’s contrived complementarity had already demonstrated how rampant is the terminology that controls. For, as Sartre unwittingly reveals, the construction of such apparent opposites as male and female operates as a split or dichotomy against which those who call themselves men can make themselves whole. Négritude perpetuated the apparently endless making and un-

making of men carried out over the bodies of those named women. In | “Orphée noir,” Sartre defined négritude as the descent of the black

man into the hell of his soul in order to retrieve his Eurydice. More | a love song between two apparent opponents—the elite black writer and his cultivated white reader—than a means of change, the required

plunge into the depths remained a male endeavor. oo In Haiti, the literary strategies employed to constitute something called “the national soul” betray a more textured and complex narra-

FICTIONS OF HAITI 125

tive. For the discourse of those who depend on the land, serve the spirits, and write of their lives as women is fragmented and contentious. Is there any connection between the continuous demagoguery of ever-ephemeral politicians and the particular way that “the people” (peasants and workers) and “women” get hyperbolized? Certain kinds of literary representation, even when produced by progressives on the left, allow (or encourage) the manipulation of those oversymbolized, excluded groups by individuals, factions, or parties who devise ideologies of power or “culture.”

In 1938, four years after the end of the American occupation of Haiti, Francois Duvalier, Lorimer Denis, Carl Brouard, and Clément Magloire fi/s inaugurated their journal, Les Griots: Revue scientifique et

littéraire a’Haiti, it was named for storytellers, chroniclers, and oral performers of West Africa. Its first editorial called for “an integral reform of Haitian mentality.” For Brouard this reformation demanded a racial, religious, and social revival: “We must sing of the splendor of our peasants, .. . the beauty of our women, the exploits of our ancestors, passionately study our folklore.” He further clarified the “doctrine of the new school”: “With honor, we restore the assétor [ritual drum] and the ason [sacred rattle]. Our nostalgic gaze leads us to our suffering and maternal Africa.”®”

It was Duvalier, however, who bent the sentimentalized poetics of the romantic individualist into political ideology. With the other founders of Les Griots, he had summoned readers down “the sacred Boulevard of the Ideal” to pursue what he called “a Thought uniquely Haitian” and proclaim “our newly discovered unity.” His literary road

to a “national doctrine” that brought out “the biopsychological elements of the Haitian man” was not far from the racial theories of Gobineau, and led to his effective political tyranny. For Duvalier, the transition from “totalitarian humanism” to the totalitarian state was not difficult. As long as the symbols retained their ideological power, the actual ground of the representation could crumble, continue to disintegrate, and disappear. Duvalier’s totalitarian négritude, his ideology of noir-

isme, like Léopold Sédar Senghor’s totalizing images of glory and conquest—the “black woman” played upon like a drum, “Africa,” and “black essence”—once spoken, sundered the poetic (or monumental)

voice from the oppressed, both the proletarian and the peasant. It is significant that Duvalier would question the ethnographic method of Jacques Roumain in Le Sacrifice du tambour-assotor (1943)—a minute

description of a ceremonial sacrifice to Ogou—because Roumain’s

126 FICTIONS OF HAITI

concentration on the details of his peasant encounters failed to reinforce the awe Duvalier deemed necessary for the “high veneration” of vodou. In his “Etude critique sur ‘Le Sacrifice du Tambour Assoto(r)’ de M. Jacques Roumain,” Duvalier contrasts the theoretical method of the “Historico-Cultural School of Leo Frobenius,” which he follows, with Roumain’s attachment to the concrete facts of his observation. Concluding his response to Roumain’s monograph on the three

drums of the Rada ritual, Duvalier laments that these “notes do not

Assoto(r) and its cult.”88 | permit [him] to disengage the lofty metaphysical significance of the

The “true” ethnicity advocated by Duvalier found its inspiration in the black peasantry, “the Haitian Masses,” the “trustees . . . of the authentic traditions of the race.” The rehabilitation of vodou as the “supreme factor of Haitian unity” led to his cynical exploitation

and control of “folk” culture for political ends. The “President for Life” appeared before his followers as Baron Samedi, the chief lwa of the cemetery. Duvalier’s rhetoric of redemption merely continued the distortion begun with independence in 1804: the peasants, though rec- ognized, remained voiceless, part of someone else’s history, someone else’s celebration.

The idea of a sensual and hieratic land, a humanization that marks

early “natural histories” of the Caribbean, continues to haunt the eth- _ nographies, as well as the histories and romances, of Haiti. Indeed, the

, matter of representation, and those most compelling items of repre-_ sentation—natives, women, and landscapes—tend to blur genres, as | Clifford Geertz has warned, either explicitly or implicitly, in all of his

writings.3? Can there be a licit or illicit representation? In Geertz’s “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture,” we read: A good interpretation of anything—a poem, a person, a history, a ritual, an institution, a society—takes us into the heart of that of which it is the interpretation. When it does not do that, but leads us instead somewhere else—_ into an admiration of its own elegance, of its author’s cleverness, or of the beauties of euclidean order—it may have its intrinsic charms; but it is something else than what the task at hand—figuring out what all that rigamarole

with the sheep is about—calls for.9° Using Fonds des Neégres as my example, I have been arguing for repre-

sentations that remain incomplete, contestable, and sometimes unsat-

| isfactory in terms of “literary” values: order, lyricism, eloquence, or beauty. I do not, however, want to imply that my ideal is socialist real-

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ism. Chauvet’s insistence on specifics, on life’s most mundane and routine aspects, and her refusal to extricate these processes from their

provisional locales is part of her fictional program. The hazards of ambiguity guard against the ruses of certainty: intrinsic dirt or innate quality, those made to serve and those born to master, petty details or

grand ideas.

Given that myths make meaning, symbols help establish order, and metaphors overdetermine, how do these elements construe artifices of identity? Fecundity and the sweet smell of rot, exaltation and sacrifice, the sexualization of the tropics: metaphoric notions of abundance and

decay typify both the language deployed in the description of the tristes tropiques and of the women in them. Let me recall here Rochester’s vision of excess in Wide Sargasso Sea, Jean Rhys’s reinvention of

Jane Eyre: “Everything is too much. ... Too much blue, too much purple, too much green. The flowers are too red, the mountains too high, the hills too near.”9! The binaries fundamental in much of Western thought, and those compelling oppositions (virgin/whore, peasant/lady, beauty/hag) embedded in the lexicon, are difficult to break out of, especially for writ-

ers. representing those places least known but most appropriated as symbols. Surely one of the most shocking and haunting passages in Hurston’s Tell My Horse (1938) occurs in her meditation on “Women

in the Caribbean,” specifically the “poor black females” who are | treated like “beasts of burden”: In Jamaica it is a common sight to see skinny-looking but muscular black women sitting on top of a pile of rocks with a hammer making little ones out of big ones. They look so wretched with their bare black feet all gnarled and distorted from walking barefooted over rocks. The nails on their big toes thickened like a hoof from a life time of knocking against stones. All covered over with the gray dust of the road, those feet look almost saurian and repellent. Of course their clothing is meager, cheap and ugly.?2

Yet when Hurston turns to the mulatto Ezili, the “perfect female,” the “inexorable goddess” served by more upper-class Haitians than any other spirit, she treats her readers to a rhapsody: “I looked at the little government employee . . . and with the spur of imagination, saw his common clay glow with some borrowed light and his earthiness transfigured as he mated with a goddess that night—with Ezili, the lady upon the rock whose toes are pretty and flowery.”93 From reptilian feet to beautiful toes, the transit seems irresistible. Chauvet complicates these oppositions, which figure not only in

128 FICTIONS OF HAITI | | the sensational depictions of Haitian vodou published during the American occupation—William Seabrook’s The Magic Island (1929), John Houston Craige’s Black Bagdad (1933) and Cannibal Cousins (1934), and Richard Loederer’s Voodoo Fire in Hatti (1935)—but also in texts written by Haitians who used images of women, like those of vodou,

as a means to reclaim their national history. Here is Carl Brouard in

his “Hymn to Ezili,” published during the occupation: | ,

Goddess, cannibal of Delight

and riches, in robes blended with’ the rainbow Guardian

of the sons of Yayoute. ,

élan, | , oo cruelty, | sweetness, , Ezilt,

desire, ,

nothingness. I will sing of you,

I will glorify you, ,

I will exalt you.%4

I have suggested that the presence of Ezili in writerly reenactments transforms an erotic impulse into image. No other Haitian goddess is more often written about. In Les Arbres musiciens, Carles Osmin handles one of the “treasures” seized from the vodou temples during

the “antisuperstition” campaign: “a perfect piece,” this “statuette... passed from hand to hand.” Continuing to fondle carvings, looking through the piled-up sacred objects—talismans, statues, drums, all kinds of sculpted iron, wood, and rock—he comes to “a statuette of polished ebony,” the Venus of his dreams: It was woman as she had lived everywhere; the same, the only one. Kneeling | down, her thighs full, gushing with an élan that enclosed a chaste and verdant

, sex, her stomach punctuated with a flowering navel, the piercing eye around which converged the radiant harmony of a hot, chaste, Venusian body. Her breasts were tapered and heavy like the African or Flemish art of motherhood shows us. This long and tender face with lowered eyelids sang of the eternal feminine, always prisoner of the servile needs or caprices of the male, dominating and sensual lord.”®

Later in Les Arbres mustctens, the “Beautiful Venus,” now explicitly identified as Ezili with “wild eyes,” possesses Clémentine, a young girl

FICTIONS OF HAITI 129

“the color of honey.” As the ceremony ends, she begins to weep, enacting what Maya Deren has called “a classic stage of Ezili’s possession”: “melted in tears, an immense distress was engraved on the pure and luminous face.” Chauvet, in her refiguration of the Haitian novel, urges her readers to ask difficult contextual and ethical questions. Can a particular representation of Ezili support the elaborate and usually covert metaphorizing of a masculine rhetoric of defeat, conquest, or victimization? In Fonds des Négres Chauvet demystifies the idea of Ezili as ideal-

ized love, wild passion, or unrelenting suffering, what Alexis in Les Arbres musiciens had iterated as “the goddess of coquetry and love, the unlucky goddess, Mistress Ezili.”°”7 As I have stressed, Chauvet’s use of the vodou gods, whether Ogou (the warrior god who loves alcohol, politics, and women, identified with Papa Beauville) or Ezili

(identified with Marie-Ange), does not depend for its effect on a contrived vodou backdrop. Instead, when she writes about those things that most tempt hyperbole, Chauvet is reticent. Nowhere do we get a full-blown, physical description of Marie-Ange as the consummate Ezili. Recall that Chauvet’s footnote merely calls Ezili “wife of Ogou.” When Chauvet introduces her readers to Marie-Ange, she does not dwell upon her privileged status as a light-skinned woman or her potential for gustatory delight. Land is the issue, and Marie-Ange’s character, like that of the gods, evolves out of her connection to the soil. Her sexuality is hers to use, and is not the projection of men who look, lust, and idealize. She playfully tempts Docé with a “sensuality that suffocates him,” but she is acutely aware of the depth of her feelings for Facius: “my breasts hardened and my heart tumbled.”?8 In Gouverneurs de la rosée, Manuel’s “insemination” of Annaise is coordi-

nate with his “virile labor” on the land: “It’s like a woman who first struggles, but the force of man, it is right; then, she says: take your pleasure.” But Fonds des Négres allows for no idealization of mastery or elevation of the Haitian heterosexual couple, as in the rebel and his supportive #égresse in Roumain or Alexis. After her first visit to Facius, the pragmatic Marie-Ange refuses his advances and makes him promise her “land and marriage.”

Obsessed with his dream of serving the earth, Beauville bluntly urges Marie-Ange to trade her sex for land, first with Facius and then

with the rich peasant (“le gros habitant riche”). When she doubts the meaning of Beauville’s dream, communicated to Facius and to

130. FICTIONS OF HAITI

| Cherisme, Beauville reminds her: “Have you forgotten your promise to help me? .. . Cherisme is a man and you are a woman. Like a fisherman, throw out your line and catch me some men.” For Beauville,

the dream of possession (of the land and Marie-Ange) prophesies good fortune. Beauville’s parable, his vision of Marie-Ange as “a white

, cow coming up the path,” and his interpretation—“In dreams, aren’t cows always the heads of living humans [chrétiens-vivants ]”—describe a system of belief integral to the peasant’s obsession with what Gerson Alexis has called the “sexualization of luck.”9? As Beauville warns: “If you don’t give welcome to whomever comes on this land, if you do not receive the cow, if you do not hear her when she calls you, if you do not care, why would she stay? The cow is the luck that wanted to visit us and that we

have not helped.”!0° ,

, Marie-Ange does not accommodate herself to masculine schemes of property, possession, and propriety. What Chauvet knows, and what

she uses Marie-Ange to expose (later, Claire in Amour and Rose in Colére will fulfill the same role), are the facts that undergird the metaphoric use of woman as land. The ideal of woman as property or possession, most visible in Colére, is a residue of that time when women, like men, were property: “movables” and “things” for use by the master. Women’s bodies, violated in colonial Saint-Domingue, would be-

come the land mistreated and recalcitrant in independent Haiti. The two would merge, and both would be played upon by the gouverneurs de la rosée (“masters of the dew”) to take up Roumain’s ideal of mas-

tery. “The earth is like a good woman: if you mistreat her, she revolts.” In Fonds des Négres, Chauvet’s Beauville takes up this feminiza-

tion of land when he tells his followers: “The earth, it’s a woman, if © you love her badly, she’ll spurn you, and if she spurns you, she’ll leave

you.”101

Yet it is Chauvet’s qualification of the most precious assumptions

of her male precursors to which I now turn: her transformation of | the femme-jardin, or garden-woman, a figure glorified by elite writers,

into an illustration of the unadorned exchange relations between men and women. The garden-woman is not the lovely flower of lyric poetry, but the woman “placed” with a man in order to manage his plot of land. In contemporary Haiti, there are three kinds of unions possi_ ble between men and women: placing (plasaj), marriage (mariay), and, finally, concubinage with or without cohabitation (known as byen avek, or “keeping company”). The definition of plasaj, the predomi-

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nant form of conjugal union in Haiti for a long time, is complex: the relationship is not one of common law marriage or concubinage.}© It demands elaborate rituals that are often closely associated with vodou practice. Paul Moral in Le Paysan haitien: Etude sur la vie rurale en Haiti notes that “‘Placgage’ comes from the colonial term ‘place’ (domain). To place oneself means to establish both a household and agricultural cultivation.”!03 But whatever the relationship, the unions are expected to last. Chauvet’s confrontation with the myth of the island woman, especially the nonliterate muse who suffers most extremely the curse of idealization, articulates itself in terms of the realities of land use, interpersonal rights, obligations, and sexual claims. Even Beau-

ville’s “dream of the cow,” when examined in the context of these transactions, can be seen not as exploitation or domination but as a practice of material interdependence between men and women. Recall that after meeting Facius, Marie-Ange thinks not of the man, but “All night ... she thought of the fields of Ti Fa.”!04

In his 1990 “Tout mounn se mounn, men tout mounn pa menm” (All people are people, but all people aren’t the same), Drexel Woodson, an anthropologist doing fieldwork in northern Haiti, works against

those representations, which can diminish dialogue and inhibit our understanding of cultures, literatures, and societies adamantly not our own. His examination of land tenure in Haiti suggests how reductive are mythic images of the peasantry and the silencing such mythmaking entails. But first, let me suggest a context for Woodson’s reevaluation of ethnography in Bassin-Caiman, a rural section of the commune of Dondon. In order not “to fall prey to the temptations of reductionism or reification,” Woodson works from the ground up, particularizing those relations and encounters in the countryside that are most often generalized or romanticized by outsiders,!9% Woodson does not follow the new fashion of self-reflexivity in an-

thropological investigation, one which leads either to idealism or, more seriously, to a new kind of exoticism (often masked by the good

will and liberal leanings of the writer); instead, his method remains concerned about delineating bounds. How do we capture individual human agency, the range and diversity of responses in field encounters, or the wrangling of anthropologist and respondent? Woodson aims not to speak for the silenced or disenfranchised. Resisting any theoretical framework that reduces individuals to abstractions that mean little to them in their daily lives, Woodson does not try to assign

meaning, but rather tries simply to record the meaning that those

132 FICTIONS OF HAITI

themselves. | | |

frequently sentimentalized or misrepresented groups have formed for , ‘Karen McCarthy Brown’s Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brook-

lyn (1991) gives us, for the first time, a view of the gods as experienced and portrayed by the women who serve them. Instead of presenting Ezili as men’s burden of dream, Brown attempts to demystify that potent image of desire. In the context of Mama Lola’s selling sex-

ual favors in order to feed her children and her repeated words—

, “Poor people don’t have no true love. They just have affiliation”— | Ezili comes to life not as Hurston’s “ideal of the love bed” or Deren’s “loa of the impossible perfection,” but as a pragmatic response to the survival struggles of Haitian women. Brown tells “the rich and textured stories that bring Alourdes [Mama Lola] and her religion alive.”106 In her attempt to make anthropology mold itself to women’s

imagining, to retrieve the stories hitherto lost but regained through the communion of women, Brown preserves another kind of fiction,

belief. | | Ezili Freda. -

and her exploration of its logic is crucial to our understanding of What does “love” mean to Alourdes? In order to answer this ques-

tion, Brown turns to that litmus test for appropriation and excess, The chromolithograph of Maria Dolorosa del monte Calvario depicts the Virgin Mary with a jewel-encrusted sword plunged into her heart. Her arms, crossed over her breasts, are dripping with gold chains. Her fingers—even the

thumbs—are covered in rings. On her head is a jeweled tiara, and she wears , heavy gold earrings and half a dozen weighty necklaces. The wall behind her and the table in front of her are almost obscured by scores of gold, pearl, and jeweled hearts. Haitians recognize this image as Ezili Freda... . _ Ezili Freda’s connection to romance, like her light skin and her jewelry,

_ identifies her with upper-class Haitian women. As Alourdes observed, “Poor people don’t have no true love. They just have affiliation.” Romance—its lan-

guage, its style, its wardrobe, and its dance—belongs to the top 10 percent of the Haitian population that controls the lion’s share of Haiti’s wealth.107

Brown represents the world of humans and spirits as a complex range of transactions between high culture and low, privilege and oppression, love and labor. The ideology of romance is not only the property of elites, a special precinct of feeling unattainable by women op| pressed by poverty and misogyny. For, as Brown recognizes, Alourdes’s sense of “affiliation” qualifies the idea of love, and demands that the

FICTIONS OF HAITI 133

word be reinvented. Here, let me suggest that the institution of plasaj, as still practiced for the most part in Haiti, is overlaid with elaborate contrivances and sentimental trappings that both sustain and call into question the presumptions of high romance. Gendered cultural identities are reembodied in the elaborate courtship rituals associated with plasaj (including “the language of flowers” or “code of flowers” between lovers; and the extremely formal “letter of proposal” that is written by a special clerk, is delivered by a messenger, and contains money for payment to a “secretary” in case the family of the woman sought cannot read), but something else happens to the cult of sentiment in everyday practice, where men and women work out their lives in relations of complementarity that thrive under the mask of ceremony. 108

As I have suggested, the distinctions between theory and practice, between legality and daily life, are crucial and far-reaching. For example, the laws of the capital Port-au-Prince never had much effect on a peasantry who did not read and could not know about these proliferating edicts. The gap between law and custom is perhaps best demonstrated by considering that although the Toussaint’s Constitution of 1801 named marriage as the only “civil and religious institution” recognized by the state, and that although successive constitutions, including Boyer’s adaptation of the Napoleonic Code in his Constitution of 1826, only recognized marriage, plasaj has remained the conjugal choice of the majority of Haitians. Even if plasaj is ideologically devalued in relation to marriage, this conceptual debasement operates like a gestural trapping, a nod to the precepts of church or state, that does not inhibit practice. Although marriage carries with it an upper-class aura, no Haitians who are “placed” see themselves as promiscuous or contemptible. In fact, many women claim to prefer plasaj to mariaj, since they believe plasaj preserves women’s independence, as mariaj does not. Ethnographers as diverse as Rémy Bastien, Sidney Mintz, Roger Bastide, and Ira P. Lowenthal have agreed that women are relatively independent because of their work as market-women, garden-women, or managers of household finances.!0? No matter how authoritarian men might appear in gestures or words (in principle), they accept the independent economic roles of women (in practice). Lowenthal’s dissertation, “‘Marriage Is 20, Children Are 21’: The Cultural Construction of Conjugality and the Family in Rural Haiti” (1987), gives us a

134 FICTIONS OF HAITI

theoretical framework for the specificities of the voices Woodson records, translates, and analyzes. Lowenthal’s project is to attempt a “construction of other people’s constructions.” He is most concerned with

demonstrating the lived “gender complementarity” that is “infrequently stressed by the peasants themselves.”!!9 In his chapter “Sexuality,” he deals with genitalia as assets, commodities that can be exchanged for other kinds of gifts. What might look like submission or mistreatment to Anglo-European outsiders is depicted instead as part of a sexual or economic contract agreed upon by women who do not necessarily agree with or want monogamous marriage. Lowenthal at-

tempts to demonstrate how bourgeois assumptions, when imposed on |

| the gendered roles elaborated in peasant practices, may falsify and distort complexities that are not based on notions of masculine authority and feminine subordination. Furthermore, some fictions of female sexuality—specifically those echoing elite or Christian notions of women’s place—may have little to do with how women really see themselves. | The public ideology of sexuality differs from the private ideology in that the former is based on a core fiction about women’s sexuality, This fiction is consciously, and conscientiously, maintained by women themselves, for the “benefit” of men. Men... ultimately have little choice but to acquiesce in what they, too, know to be a “false” picture of women’s sexuality, and to accede to the implications of such a view for the sexual relations that proceed from it. Women, then, by publicly projecting an image of their own sexuality that is at variance with their actual experience and attitudes, establish the basic ground

rules for sexual interaction.}¥ ,

divide. | , These “fictions,” often gleaned from white, Western concepts of womanhood—especially the ideology of “submission”—are reinterpreted, adopted, and used by women as part of a strategy to gain relative independence. For symbolism works in different ways across the class _

Like Woodson, Lowenthal wants to demystify myths of female subordination and male domination in rural Haiti:

Another telling aphorism solves the riddle of women’s public dissimulation concerning their own sexuality: “Every woman is born with a carreau of land between her legs.” . . . Here female sexuality is depicted as a woman’s most — , important economic resource, comparable in terms of its value to a relatively

large tract of land.!}2 ,

Lowenthal then talks about how women describe their genitalia as , “entere-m (‘my assets’), lajan-m (‘my money’), or manmanlajan-m |

FICTIONS OF HAITI 135 (‘my capital’), in addition to té-m (‘my land’).” Once placed in a context where women determine what they want or need in exchange for sexual services, we recognize how empty are the metaphors that bour-

geois poets and other elite, urban writers make for and of peasant women. Intentionally or not, they press the négresse, eulogized as the “woman of the people” or the erotic symbol of racial recovery, into serving their myths and sanctifying their imagination. Let us now turn to Woodson’s interview with Erosméne Delva, who explains “gift-hold” (doua onore) arrangements in the countryside. In a note, Woodson explains that his mode of presentation is necessitated by the desire for “ethnographic realism,” his wish “to allow actors to speak for themselves and to place my observations in their proper context—encounters (formal interviews, casual conversations, etc.) with actual people who interacted with me in particular locales, and did so in real time and under specific circumstances.”!3 In Haitian ethnography, this much space has never been given to a woman who calls hersclf a “very poor peasant” (abitan maléré net). So, let us listen to her for a while, since her way of talking about land and thinking about herself brings before us a range of questions and possibilities that show how much is excluded from others’ fictions that celebrate female flesh and, most of all, what these exclusions mean. Though she might use her interlocutor’s terms and acknowledge their significance, we learn the implications of those terms for ber. Furthermore, what Erosméne makes of the burden of representation gives us new ways to understand and characterize the ambiguities of Chauvet’s Fonds des Negres.

[ED]: In the countryside, gift-hold is something that comes from good

, friendship, good neighborhood, kinship, male-female relationships. A gift, I should say. An odd gift, I’d say. . . . I’m taking care of beans for the guy in La Guille I was telling you about. I’m keeping company with him—washing his feet [a reference to an act by poor peasant women that is a sign of intimacy and deference], things like that— [so] he gave me gift-hold rights and claims in his land... . P’ve been staying up there [in La Guille] for a few days pulling up beans and putting them in the sun [to dry]. It’s a good walk from my house, but I eat well, I drink my fill of liquor and, then too, I'll get 2, 3 fivepound cans of beans on top of that. They’re mine because the garden is on a gift-hold plot. ... Every gift-holder doesn’t have gift-hold rights and claims in the

same way. [It’s the] same thing, but it doesn’t work in the same way, sweetheart. A friend gives a friend [gift-hold rights and claims], a neighbor [ gives them to] a neighbor because [the takers] are in a jam, that’s one thing; [gift-hold arrangements based on] kinship [or

136 FICTIONS OF HAITI _ relationships] between men and women, that’s another. In addition to that difference, all people are people, but all people aren’t the same. .. .

DGW: I don’t understand. | ,

ED: Listen carefully to what I’m going to tell you, sweetheart. You’re keep-

, ing company with a guy, the two of you are together: I’m used to feeling his thing, he feels mine, too. He has land. He gives me a piece. That’s gift-hold, right. It’s a gift because we’re together [and] getting along well. What comes from the garden is mine; I don’t need to give him anything. And yet, I’ve already given him [something] and I'll keep on giving [something] to him. If we’ve been getting along well for a long time when he dies, he might leave [i.e., bequeath] the gift-

hold plot to me, especially if I have a child for him, | DGW: What are you giving?

ED: Damn! What the fuck is wrong with you, Foreigner? How can you have such a big head and still be so stupid [sucks teeth ]? Your thing, right! [Stands and grabs her crotch.] This! .. . They say every woman has a garo of land [between her thighs]. If I let a man feel my twat, he’s got to give me land. There are women in the city of Cap-Haitien who say it’s sweetness for sweetness [i.¢., a direct exchange of sexual pleasure]. That’s a pretty good way to look at

it, It’s [just] not like that in the countryside. The man’s got to at least give me gift-hold rights and claims [and] help me to work [the plot]. I didn’t say work it for me. Help me work.!14

Erosméne Delva’s erotics have little to do with sentiment or pleasure. Instead, the way she thinks about sex says more about how she

| identifies or embodies herself as a woman. Erosméne is not a plasé, placed with one man, but a “garden-woman” (fanm-jaden) who works

on small plots of land (gardens) that are part of gift-hold arrangements with married or placed landowners from Dondon, BassinCaiman, and Mathador. In describing her relations with men, she does

not use words like love or desire, but defines a pragmatic exchange of services that demands different kinds of conduct: respect or deference. What is most instructive about the way Erosméne thinks through

her relationship with the La Guille landowner and the other men in her life, whom she calls “ ‘comrade friends’ (zanmi kanmarad ),” is her mode of representation. Quite artful in her own schemes of commodification, Erosméne not only confirms the metaphor of garden-woman but also embodies and particularizes it. She knows the different defini-

tion of exchange in Cap Haitien and admits that what works in the city cannot be applied to arrangements in the countryside. What this tells us, among other things, is that when a field-worker like Woodson lets his readers in on Erosméne’s sense of herself in her society, we |

FICTIONS OF HAITI 137 can begin to see how metaphors in literary fiction or social science— those tropes of woman as land or land as woman—obscure the intricate and distinctive experiences of women. What bourgeois male writers have hyperbolized as their loving and sensual “garden woman” (such as René Depestre’s Hallélujah pour une femme jardin, his ars poetica and diary of conquest), once placed in its actual setting, might not be seen as an idealizing term. Bastien, in Le Paysan haitien et sa famille, recalls a comment he often heard during quarrels between women: “But look, I wear a ring and my marriage cost fifty dollars. You, you’re nothing but a femme-jardin!”1)5 As I have said, what urban bourgeois writers or mimics of middleclass respectability might consider as pure or impure, modest or immodest, sacred or profane are socially loaded terms that are redefined in variable and particularized contexts. Social discrimination and low status are the rule for most Haitians, who develop responses and accommodations to those conditions that often go unnoticed by urban elites. Erosméne’s matter-of-fact language relocates the ideology of

sentiment in the physical act of “feeling”: “I’m used to feeling his thing, he feels mine, too.” Whereas the metaphoric bind of land and woman subsumes difference within generality, and traps women into an ideology of use or domination, Erosméne’s delineation of the relation between land and her sex, a relation of equal exchange in which both terms are valued, discloses a way of knowing that does not col-

lapse distinctions. Her “gift” of the “feel” of her sex exacts an exchange of equal value: she gives her lover what he desires, and he gives her land and helps her work.

The mutual arrangement Erosméne defines for her interlocutor, Woodson, leads me back to the gods. Sacred service demands money and rituals that are more effective the more they are implicated in the most ordinary aspects of life. Sexual relations between men and women often involve a liaison between men, women, and spirits in permeable relations of interdependence. The transfer of terms between spiritual and earthly matters intimates connections that remain to be studied. Land, like gods, can be either bought or inherited: te achte/lwa achte or te eritaj/lwa eritaj. The language of the gods is full of economic figurations; the language of economics is spiritualized. When we turn to sexuality and the sacred, the terms used bear looking at as evidence of something quite unsettling about vodou practice: the problems in naming, demonstrated in terms like possession and mystic marriage.

Keeping in mind the divide between rhetoric and practice, we

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might ask where and when the term mystic marriage was first used. Did some French ethnographer or priest, thinking about marriage to Christ and knowing that plasaj was the predominant form of union, describe the union of men and women with the gods in this way? Or did the terminology live on in the mouths of devotees who used it to refer to their special relation with spirits, even though it appeared to be in line with the expectations of Christian monogamy? If mar-

riage in colonial times was viewed as the prerogative of free men | and women—slaves did not marry—how did slaves see their enduring |

unions?

Odette Mennesson-Rigaud, in “Notes on Two Marriages with Vou-

doun Loa,” explains that Ezili “in all her various aspects and aliases, is | the divinity who most frequently—more than any other lwa—requires such a marriage with the men who serve her.” She even has the right

to choose the person to be married or “placed” with her “horse.”!!6 Marriage with a lwa can be very demanding; Ezili is so exigent that, in , some cases, she demands celibacy and threatens the existence of the mortal marriage or relationship. Just how much celibacy she expects is open to question. According to Emmanuel Paul in Panorama du folklore haitien, Ezili’s punishment for failure to abstain from sex on her special days (he notes Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday) is impotence for men and frigidity for women.!!” Serge-Henri Vieux in Le Placage:

Droit coutumter et famille en Haiti explains: | Placing is forbidden to those who “marry” the vodou goddess, Mistress Ezili Danto. This mystical union corresponds to a vow. One should not, however, speak of prevention, since the vow of celibacy comes from a voluntary and personal choice . . . like the celibate tied to the priesthood of the Catholic

| Church. The analogy applies equally to women.!!8 ,

The anguish and early death of the Haitian painter Celestin Faustin __ has been linked by Haitians, both elites in the city and peasants in the countryside, with “the religious curse” of Ezili Dant6é.119

-Erosméne’s story suggests that sex, like labor, involves a contrac-

tual arrangement and a reciprocal exchange of desired, valuable re- ,

| sources; it thrives on separate but equal possibilities. But the stories | told about submission to Ezili in mystic marriage—especially those regarding recalcitrant servitors—betray vestiges of exclusivity and mastery. Unlike “possession” as experienced in vodou—the mounting by

the spirit that frees the “horse” to experience an abandon consecrated _ most often by the community—mystic marriage exacts a service quali-

fied by secrecy and constraint. Further, this marriage, which offers

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protection while simultaneously demanding proofs of submission (for example, Ezili Freda forbids drinking, swearing, and sex on her sacred days), comes closer to the delirious bondage implied by our customary use of the term possession. Ezili’s demands of restraint and absti-

nence could be seen as transferring rules of conduct often applied to women-—for example, devotion and fidelity—to men. But perhaps such “supernatural” domination appropriates the language and conditions of institutionalized slavery and imposes these rules of conduct on the concept of marriage. A friend of mine who claimed to be mar-

ried to Ezili tried to explain what he had described as the high percentage of celibacy in rural Haiti by simply asking me, “If you can marry a god, why marry a woman?”!2° These mysteries of pleasure, possession, and servitude—as yet unmapped, unexplored, and quite possibly misleading—need the kind of study begun by Woodson in “Tout mounn se mounn, men tout mounn pa menm.”

| But one is always haunted by fictions. My mother used to say things that sounded like incantations. They never meant anything to me, those words said in the dark of my bedroom. Years later, I learned they were pieces of her history, not just rapt conjuring. “Je vous salue, Marie, plein de grace” (Hail, Mary, full of grace). “Desalin pas vle oue blanc!” (Dessalines doesn’t like whites!). Still later, compelled by Marie-Ange, the spirit of the virgin talking to Papa Beauville—the incarnation of Ogou Desalin—I have tried to give them the context that had been denied me. According to a folk tale recorded by George

Simpson and J.B. Cinéas, who did fieldwork in the commune of Plaisance in the North of Haiti in 1937, Dessalines, “the God of War,” after an impassioned speech, drew his sword from its sheath,

while the people sang: “Gadé manchette a Dessalines! Li gros li longue, li pesé!” (Look out for the sword of Dessalines! It is large, long, and heavy!).!2! Given the powerful composite of angel and con-

querer in Ogou, it is not surprising that oungan in various Haitian novels—whether Alexis’s Bois-d’Orme and Frére Général or Chauvét’s Beauville—are identified with him: they share the red handkerchief, the sword, and, of course, the sexual appetite. Yet, in making her story about Marie-Ange and Ogou, Chauvet breaks open the typology. The tempting abstraction of beauty and force is particularized and the legend retold by putting it in the context of a specific social history. Chauvet’s fiction fleshes out and derails the urge to glorify. Once riddled with facts, the fiction questions the making of heroes and the ideal of love.

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PART THREE

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Last Days of Saint- Domingue To divert oneself is to turn aside from oneself to get away from

| oneself, and to forget oneself; and to forget oneself fully one must be transported into another, put himself in the place of another, take his mask and play his part. —-Hippolyte Adolphe Taine, The Ancient Regime} The Heat of the Climate tends so evidently to ratse the Passions to the highest Pitch, and the gratification of them being rather looked upon as meritorious, than otherwise: all kind of female Modesty being generally unknown [so much so] that a Man inclined to Libertinism finds here perhaps the largest field in the

world to gratify himself in.

—The Haitian Journal of Lieutenant Howard, York Hussars, 1796-17982

Those who came to Saint-Domingue in the last years of the eighteenth century came to a country where definitions were defied as they were made and categories were mixed up as more rigorous labels were invented. Describing the ambivalence of this creolizing process in Jamaica from the perspective of the subordinate majority, the Barbadian historian and poet Kamau Brathwaite writes: “ ‘Invisible,’ anxious to be ‘seen’ by their masters, the elite blacks and the mass of the free coloureds conceived of visibility through the lenses of their masters’ already uncertain vision, as a form of ‘greyness’—an imitation of an imitation.”3 Then, turning to the white colonials, he

| 143

144 LAST DAYS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE | _addresses not the troubled transparency of the masters’ lenses, but their mirror of projection: “White attitudes to slaves and to slavery were therefore, in a subtle, intimate manner, also white attitudes and --- sentiments about themselves. . . . They simply looked into a black mir-

ror of subordinate flesh.” | |

The ambivalence that threatened the codified structures of the Ja- maican colonial system described by Brathwaite was exaggerated in Saint-Domingue. Regarded by European visitors and residents as the “Babylon of the Antilles,” or the most beautiful colony in the Americas, Saint-Domingue was known for its splendor, profligacy, and greed. The white Creole Médéric Moreau de Saint-Méry, not easily deceived | by surface glitter and high culture, described the commercial capital Cap Frangais (also known as Cap Frangois and, colloquially, as Le Cap)

in his Description ... de la partie frangaise de PIsle Saint-Domingue: “There was not a moment in the day when one could not see excrement at the edge of the gutter and especially in the carriage way. In the less frequented streets there were masses of excrement. . . . The streets, alleys, and wharves are dirty and smelly; sometimes the sewers _

| give off an unbearable odor.”> Some one hundred years later, James Anthony Froude, Thomas Carlyle’s biographer, would capture something of that gilded stench when he portrayed the young Black Republic. Arriving in what he calls the “ulcer of Port-au-Prince,” he con-

| cluded: “We were in a Paris of the gutter, with boulevards and places, , fiacres and crimson parasols.” On boulevards littered with garbage, “foul as pigsties,” ladies outfitted in elegant Parisian trappings pick |

, their way through the mud.° |

_ Though the society boasted castelike distinctions (grands blancs, petits blancs, free coloreds, slaves, and, above all, aristocrats, what one historian called “the oldest blood of France”), the overwhelming dis-

| tinction seemed to be between whites and nonwhites.’ No matter - your status, distinctions disappeared if you had white skin. As Baron de Wimpffen wrote on the eve of the French Revolution: , The natural consequence of the order of things which prevails here, is, that all those titles of honour which are elsewhere, the pabula of emulation, of ri-

valry, and of discord; which inspire so much pride, and create so many claims , in some; so much ambition and envy in others; shrink to nothing, and entirely disappear before the sole title of WHITE. It is by your skin, however branded it may be, and not by your parchment, however worm-eaten, that your pretensions to gentility are adjusted.8

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irregular freedoms. :

The necessity to separate materially what had been constituted as two races—and, in some extreme cases, fantasized as two species— even as they mixed, meant that the very idea of free or freed had to be qualified and transformed. This “systematic abasement” worked, according to Yvan Debbasch in Couleur et liberté (1967), by power of association, a succession of images and ideas: “Whoever says libre in white society continues instinctively to think of concubinage, of

| deep-seated immorality . . . the spectacle of the great city, with the mulatresse-courtesan and the tandem species of free-slave . . . it was

222 GOTHIC AMERICAS | convenient to reduce every person of color to this kind of robotportrait.”86 The European ideal of beauty, once exported to the colo-

nies, began to seem as misplaced as outmoded Parisian goods in a Creole market. The imported ideal ran up against the fact of “misalliances” that debunked the myth of the repugnant black: the physical

_ deformity so necessary to the invention of a servile soul.87 In 1770 there were about 6,000 emancipated people of color; in 1780, 12,000; and by 1789, 28,000.88 The geometric increase doubtless reminded

white ideologues of what they kept trying to conceal or constrain in _

their laws, statutes, and memoirs. | , a

| Moreau records the words of a traveler to Le Cap, who overheard | a an upper-class white lady exclaim, when she saw three muldtresses in muslin skirts, garnished with lace: “‘Look at these rotten pieces of meat! They deserve to have their lace cut flush with their buttocks and

to be sold on the fish table in the Clugny Market!’ ”89 Yet when Mari- | anne and Francoise, two women of color, spoke sharply about a white woman, their chastisement is chronicled, though their words are not. Their punishment—its form and the place chosen for this display—

would demonstrate to such women where (and to whom) they belonged. On June 9, 1780, the Superior Council of Le Cap condemned © them to be shown in the Clugny Market, affixed to a pole by iron collars placed around their necks. They were to remain there from seven in the morning until ten at night, with a placard in front of them bear-

| ing these words: “Mulatresses insolent toward white women.”99 The spectacle doubtless was intended to exemplify the precarious status of | the “free” products of colonial mixing. The council’s order proved the power of white justice to denude what some deemed objects of luxury. Not only were people of color forever excluded from becom_ ing white, but these women, like the thousands of slaves in Clugny,

would be forced to relive the shame of their origins as flesh for sale in , the marketplace. But once again, ingenuity outsmarted the law. Marianne and Francoise went into hiding, and the council had to be satis| fied with carrying out their sentence in effigy.®! Other affranchis who lacked respect for whites were not so lucky. |

| In 1775 a new legal offense was invented by the authorities, based, as _ Michel-Rolph Trouillot aptly puts it, “on a dubious interpretation of the 1685 Code Notr—disrespect!”?2 In a bold misinterpretation of article 58 of the Black Code—freed persons of color must “bear a sin-

gular respect toward their former masters and their children”—unique deference to the liberating master was now transferred to all whites, —

GOTHIC AMERICAS 223

no matter their class, and no matter how they offended, threatened, or stole from the free coloreds. Any dispute between a white and a person of color could be settled—meaning whites would be exonerated—if the white simply said: “Le mulatre m’a manqué” (The mulatto has been disrespectful to me).?3 In 1767, a freed person of color who beat a white was whipped, fitted with irons, and sold as a slave.%4 Selling a wealthy mulatto coffee planter into slavery doubtless became

a way for whites—many of whom had borrowed money from these freedmen—to cancel their debts, or simply to take over lucrative coffee plantations that mulattoes had established and sustained. As early as 1733 the division between black and white was substituted for that of free and slave, which had been instituted by the Code (articles 55-59), After 1760, free coloreds were treated more harshly than ever before. What Debbasch has called “racist systematization” continued as royal ordinances were passed (between 1784 and 1786), threatening masters who overworked, neglected, or killed their slaves.95

As long as persons were clearly slaves, they deserved protection as property. But the intermediate class of persons, who had been freed and were “lightened” by interbreeding, threatened the cause of white supremacy. New laws were needed to regulate their behavior and thus redefine their status as /bres. The privilege of whiteness had to hold fast.

In less than a century the promise of “same rights, privileges, and immunities as persons born free” had been perverted. Louis XIV had expressed in the Black Code the wish “that the merit of acquired liberty” would “produce ... the same effects that the happiness of natural liberty produces in our other subjects” (article 59), That such happiness would be impossible, that the boon of “natural liberty” would become the doom of “acquired liberty,” would be the story of the /zbres of Saint- Domingue. So numerous were the restrictions and vexations accorded free coloreds that the term itself would become meaningless or, as C.L.R. James put it, “a cross between a nightmare and a bad joke.” The Mulattoes were forbidden to wear swords and sabres and European dress. They were forbidden to buy ammunition except by special permission with the exact quantity stated. They were forbidden to meet together “on the pretext” of weddings, feasts or dances, under penalty of a fine for the first offence, imprisonment for the next, and worse to follow, They were forbidden to stay in France. They were forbidden to play European games. The priests

were forbidden to draw up any documents for them. In 1781, eight years

224 | GOTHICAMERICAS ~~ | before the revolution, they were forbidden to take the titles of Monsieur and

: Madame. Up to 1791, if a white man ate in their house, they could not sit at — table with him. The only privilege the whites allowed them was the privilege of lending white men money.*6 a |

In Saint-Domingue the term gens de couleur ( people of color) was used interchangeably with sang-mélés (mixed blood) and affranchis or libres (emancipated or free). Of the gens de couleur, only one-third

were black, so the term became synonymous with mulatto, though

like affranchi, it actually applied indistinctly to the mulatto born free |

and the freed slave, thus to every member of the category called /- | bres”? Though in France and sometimes in the colonies mulatto was used to denote all persons neither black nor white (like sang-méleés or métis), in Saint-Domingue, it most often referred specifically to the

offspring of a white or a négresse in a genealogical scale of minute , gradations of blood and nuances of color. Moreau de Saint-Méry _ clarified these trials of definition: “The Affranchis are more generally

known under the name of Gens de Couleur or Sang-mélés, although this denomination, taken strictly, also designates negro slaves. As soon as the Colony had slaves, she did not delay in producing Affranchis, and many reasons joined in producing this intermediate class between master and slave.” Moreau then qualifies his usage: “Gens de couleur

and Sang-mélés in order to designate those who are neither Black nor ,

White,” and “Affranchis, whomever is neither White nor Slave." The free coloreds in Saint-Domingue were three times more numerous than those in the remaining islands of the French Antilles. By 1789, they owned one-third of the plantation property, one-quarter of the slaves, and one-quarter of the real estate property in Saint‘Domingue; they were also competing vigorously in commerce and trade.2? The cities were “less colored” (had fewer /tbres) than the countryside: for example, in 1789 Moreau estimated that there were only 1,400 Jibres to 3,600 whites in Le Cap. But Gabriel Debien in Les Esclaves aux Antilles frangaises also singles out a distinctly urban —

| situation: the cultivation of a category called courtesans or muldtresses, either name referring to these women of pleasure. In the rural areas the majority of those freed were devoted slaves, especially women , _ domestics emancipated by their masters (affranchissements de grédce). These women continued to produce people of color, increasing fear,

as well as jealousy, among whites.1°! | White women envied women of color; petits blancs despised the

GOTHIC AMERICAS 225

free coloreds, whose sobriety and talent made them tough competitors; the established sugar planters were threatened by the extraordinary boom in coffee plantations, mostly owned by enterprising mulattoes; and the metropole kept trying to restrict emancipation, since the mulatto’s links with enslaved maternal relatives could erode white racial hegemony and thus threaten slavery itself. Little did the king’s lawmakers suspect that some of their fiercest allies and most devoted

followers of the style and taste of the Old Regime would be mulattoes. Nor did it stop there: the aristocratic Marquise de Rouvray of Le

Cap, writing to her daughter, called them wretches and scoundrels, “a race truly so abominable that it is urgent we annihilate it.”!92 The colonists had always disdained the pretenses of those they named “sus-

pects,” and the mulattoes, whom they had earlier scorned for their stinginess and restraint, were soon blamed for ostentation, greed, and debauchery. Since “concubinage” with slaves had created the “discoloration” of blacks so feared by whites, in 1733 a royal edict modified article 9 of the Black Code, which had legalized marriage for interracial couples (if the white man was unmarried). Not only did this revision forbid marriage with a person of color, but it abolished the emancipation that could follow from such an alliance. Also, since there were numerous cases Of whites marrying women of color (about three hundred white planters had married women of color by 1763),!°3 those whites guilty of mésalliance (misalliance) had to suffer the curse of color and descend into the purgatory assigned to affranciis. These “degenerated” whites, who formed yet another intermediate category between whites and people of color, were evicted from public life. King Louis XV declared that anyone “who married a négresse or mulatresse could not be an officer, or have any profession in the colonies.”!°* Hilliard d’Auberteuil explains the reasoning behind this judgment of indelible contagion: A white who legitimately marries a mulatresse descends from the rank of whites, and becomes the equal of the affranchis; even they consider him their inferior: in effect this man is despicable. Anyone who is so low as to fail himself, is even more sure to fail the laws of society, and one is right not only to scorn, but furthermore, to suspect the probity of those who by interest or by thoughtlessness, descends so low as to misally himself.1¢5

No gift of liberty could remove the contamination of blood, that “ineradicable stain,” as Hilliard d’Auberteuil called it. “Libres” were

226 GOTHICAMERICAS _ free, as Moreau de Saint-Méry explained, “but different, and of course, —

~ contemptible.”!°6 Strict reminders of the stain became ever more necessary as people of color began to lose the visible mark of inequality — and fade gradually into areas reserved only for whites. Justin Girod de | Chantrans, writing from Saint-Domingue in 1782, caustically observed: It is necessary at least to give up selling all those gens de couleur less black than mulattoes. It is now time to declare them free; since nature often enjoys flinging ridicule in these kinds of dealings by producing a slave much whiter _ than the Provengal who buys him, although the difference between white and black had been the primitive claim on which our decent fellows of Europe had

established slavery, !07 - ,

The “new whites” had to be recolored, inventively darkened; and the resulting “onomastics of color” depended on a fiction of whiteness

threatened by what you could not always see, but must learn to fear, ,

and always suspect: a spot of black blood.!08 | | |

, The techniques of degradation depended on social segregation and judicial inequality, all of which read as if they were castigation for the | a | sin of blurring the “demarcation line” between castes (that is, between colors) in Saint-Domingue. Those believed to be passing as white were

called “suspects” and, once exposed, suffered an excommunication so extreme that a fiction of whiteness became a cult of purity. The com-

pulsive ritual of naming, so central to enslavement, was now brought | to bear upon the free people of color. Let us recall that names condensed a history of outrage and loss but also preserved a history that

might later be reclaimed. Debien, in Les Esclaves aux Antilles fran- , caises, explains that the slave had two or three names: a historical or mythological name; the African name that was also used in the course | of the Middle Passage and adopted by the crew; and, once on the plan-

tation, a surname that emphasized physical traits or place of origin, _ which would be added to or would replace these names. Once bap- — tized, the slave received another name, often the name of a saint.}099 Yet names also maintained the choices of those who reclaimed their identity by choosing the very labels that might seem to deny or thwart

it. It was through naming, as Jean Fouchard has demonstrated, that | | the slaves, in later taking the names of French colonists as their own, would record the presence of the masters in independent Haiti.!10 Names, then, acted as specters of the past in a locale where repetition ,

became reinvention. | a |

Administrators and planters were ignorant of such transformative |

GOTHIC AMERICAS 227

possibilities. For them, the logic behind the new system of naming free coloreds was simple: if naming slaves confirmed them as white property while symbolically stripping them of their past identity, the new onomastics reminded /ibres of their origins. Not only could they no longer be called Monsieur or Madame, but any member of this intermediate class could only be referred to as le nommé or la nommeée (as in “a man called——-” or “a woman called———”). In July 1773, the administrators in Saint-Domingue forbade sang-mélés from taking the

name of a white, whether of their natural father or the person who freed them: “The name of a white race usurped can cast doubt on the status of persons, throw confusion into the order of inheritance, and ultimately destroy this insurmountable barrier between Whites and people of color that public opinion has established, and the wisdom of government maintains.”!!! Purther, no longer owned but free, they were now to bear names that referred to another kind of freedom, for-

ever distinct from that enjoyed by European subjects: that of their past in Africa. Mothers were forced by law to remind their newborn children of their heritage of servitude by giving “them a surname drawn from African idiom, or from their trade and color, but never can it be that of any white family in the colony.” The same practice applied to masters who requested manumission for their slaves.!12 Free coloreds usually turned away from Africa and toward classical mythology or toward Greek, Roman, or French history for their names, for example: César, Vénus, Voltaire, Hector, or Brutus.!}3

The law requiring that names show no trace of mastery but instead , metonymize servitude was matched by directives intended to strip away the trappings of acquired taste. The number of ordinances concerned with removing external embellishment were plainly intended to signal a fundamental inferiority that was only masked by finery. “The luxury of mulatresses,” lamented Moreau de Saint-Méry, “has gone beyond

the limits. . . . It is always in the cities that one must observe it in order to get an exact idea of it. Luxury consists, nearly entirely, in a single object, dress.”!!4 To remind these ladies of their servile origins and to restrain their “insolence,” various laws were passed to coerce “simplicity,” “decency,” and “respect.” They were to be stripped of their finery and reduced to an appearance that signaled submission. Provisions against lace, silk, and jewels were intended to correct affectation. Yet, as we have seen, women of color staked their reputation

on evading these strictures; and even when they acceded to the denuding strategies of the courts (simple coiffure, unadorned dress), this

228 GOTHIC AMERICAS , supposed lack became the style imitated by their white rivals. Minimalism became the mode. How could one tell if a “suspect” was colored? Could an expert eye apprehend the stages of discoloration? The attempt to categorize, name, label, and classify the degrees of color between the extremes of

black and white resulted in fantastic taxonomies of a uniquely Antillean enlightenment. Once it became necessary to classify the amount of blood that determined racial identity, as well as to give a name to an _ appearance of color, the system of differentiation generated phantasms

| of color, spectral members of a new species. The naturalist Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon dedicated his Histoire naturelle to Louis XV,

as intriguing a connection as Sade’s reference to the reign of Louis XIV at the beginning of The Hundred and Twenty Days of Sodom. If

Sade’s fiction referred to Louis XIV and his formulation of a Black Code for the Antilles, Buffon’s natural history, read carefully by the next Louis, might well have resulted in the king’s decision formally to

issue his 1771 Instructions to Administrators in the colonies, a new code | of restrictions and repressions meant especially for the gens de couleur.

Buffon recognized a “first truth . . . perhaps humiliating to man: that he must rank himself in the class of animals, which he resembles in everything that he possesses that is material.” If Buffon complained _ about the difficulty in separating men from animals—especially from

the orangutans Linnaeus named nocturnal men—and called for more | rigorous categorization, the administrators of the Old Regime saw - the naturalist’s theoretical problem literalized when their symbolically

loaded hierarchies began to break down. | Buffon’s descent “by nearly insensible gradations from the most perfect creature to the most unformed matter, from the best organized animal to the most brute mineral,” and his celebration of these

- “imperceptible nuances” as “the great work of nature,” once applied to the successive generations of blacks with the traits and colors of whites, required a new typology. Buffon recognized that the “arbi-

trary” must enter into any “general system” or “perfect method.” But |

oe this way of thinking, once exported to the Antilles and tested on per- | sons in the colonial laboratory, resolutely ignored Buffon’s caveat: “But nature proceeds by unknown gradations, and thus she cannot — lend herself totally to these divisions, since she passes from one species _

to another species, and often from one genus to another genus, by | imperceptible nuances . . . so that one does not know where to place |

GOTHIC AMERICAS 229

himself.”!!5 Instead, the project of certifying place, position, and rank in a chaos of contradictions became a colonial obsession; and, as the visible, economic, and traditional proofs of distinction vanished, systems of classification, backed up by repressive laws, became both more stringent and more necessary.

An artificially induced regression to blackness was summoned in order to take away from the yens de couleur everything that made them appear white. A taxonomy was invented that was scientifically spurious, but mathematically exacting. No longer was it necessary to prove that certain people were beasts in order to justify slavery. Instead, one only had to demonstrate how these people, even if freed, were still slaves with a damning defect: black blood. As time passed, with each new generation, with successive “misalliances,” those who used to be closer in appearance to apes—or so the ideology of natural bestiality went—-looked more and more like apparitions of men. These appearances haunted whites. People of color were generally reclassified

as mulatto or mule, the sterile product of the cross between a horse and a donkey. The mongrel name reminded them that they were hybrid: the offspring of two species, black and white. As skin colors faded, and hair texture, eye color, and other arbitrarily selected traits entered the schema, new divisions had to be made and other names invented that would refer to any category, class, or genus except human. The epistemology of whiteness, which was absolutely dependent for

its effect on the detection of blackness, resulted in fantasies about secret histories and hidden taints that would then be backed up by physical, explicit codes of law. Such a system not only displaced the human element from the hybrid offspring of colonial coupling, but became a desperate attempt to redefine whiteness. Moreau de SaintMéry’s taxonomy of color in his Description ... de la partie francaise de VIsle Saint-Domingue is crucial to this analysis. Not only was he Saint-Domingue’s most acute ethnographer and historian—observing

traditions, behavior, and rituals in detail unsurpassed by any other eighteenth-century writer on Saint-Domingue—but he was also an untiring codifier of French colonial law, whose six-volume collection, Lots et constitutions des colonies francaises de VAmérique sous le Vent, de

1550 2 1785, was published in Paris between 1784 and 1790.116 He traveled throughout Saint-Domingue, Martinique, Guadeloupe, and St. Lucia, rescuing the colonial records from neglect and ruin. “What weariness, what expenses in the voyages I must undertake in order to

230 § GOTHICAMERICAS © | | _ discover what I want. What searching and what time it takes to find them [these records] in the public repositories, where they are terribly out of order. What disgust to endure, what obstacles to surmount!”!!7 - Moreau’s hierarchy of color status—complete with combinatory tables of varying mixtures between the poles of white and black, and charts showing how generations of interbreeding produce new combi- | nations and nuances—occupies most of the pages in the section called | “Des Affranchis,” that follows the sections “Des Blancs” and “Des Es-

claves.” For Moreau, Saint-Domingue is a “colored locality,” and he , reproduces ghosts of the place, a fable of enlightenment that would

not only be used by those who called themselves whites, but internal- | ized by the c/airs or light-skinned residents of the Antilles.18 Mo- —

- reau’s color distinctions in Saint-Domingue have analogues in other ,

elaborate. | Oo |

places in the Americas, especially in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies, where terminological distinctions for racial identification were as

If we take Moreau’s text as the first attempt to theorize color 7

as part of a peculiarly colonial enlightenment, we can go further. In 1796 in Philadelphia, Moreau published his Description topograplique a et politique de la partie espagnole de V’Isle Saint-Domingue. Whereas he

developed complex racial hierarchies for his treatment of the French

part of Saint-Domingue, when discussing the Spanish part of the is- | land, he simply divides the population into “three classes of individ-

| uals”: whites, freedmen, and slaves.!!9 Just as the slave laws in the _ Spanish colonies of the Caribbean were less severe than in the English and French colonies, the facts of color, at least as Moreau presents them, had less oppressive consequences.!#9 In Santo Domingo, Moreau notes that freed persons, though not as numerous as whites, far

outnumbered slaves. Since this society was less dependent on black | slavery, he concludes that “color prejudice, so powerful in other na-

| tions, where it established a barrier between whites and freed coloreds or their descendants, scarcely exists in the Spanish part. Also, the laws

of the Spanish Indies concerning freed coloreds, have fallen completely into disuse.”!2! Moreau describes color prejudice as “null,” since |

“most of the Spanish colonists are mixed bloods”—a fact which “more | | | than one African trait sometimes reveals.” The religious life also accommodates principle and practice: “Men of color are admitted to the priesthood,” which, he adds, accords with “the principles of equal-

ity that are the basis of Christianity.” Moreover, slaves are as well

: GOTHIC AMERICAS 231 fed as their masters “and treated with a mildness (douceur) unknown

to other peoples who possess colonies.”!22 In a colony that does not depend on plantation slavery and where colonists have not made the most of their “possessions,” Moreau does not need to reassure his readers with a rationalist-mathematical foundation for systemic prejudice.

Let us turn to Moreau’s systematizing of the conundrum of color in Saint-Domingue, which constitutes the Creole answer to Buffon.!24 Moreau’s taxonomy operates on two fronts: color and blood, what ostensibly can be observed and what is invisible. Something like a racialized body and soul dichotomy, the distinctions brought forth are chimerical, as fantastic as the “superstitions” Moreau had ridiculed when talking about the spiritual beliefs of Creole and African slaves. He pre-

sents eleven categories of 110 combinations ranked from absolute

white (128 parts white blood) to absolute black (128 parts black blood), pushing the invisibility of color differentiation to such extremes that even he must admit defeat. In spite of his exhaustive classifications and endless combinations, he ultimately confesses, as did Buffon, that “the arbitrary influences all classifications, and that one can only approximate what I have established.”}24

In Saint-Domingue, it took a universally applicable concept of blackness, and as it turned out a fairly rarefied one, to underpin both a sense of white racial superiority and the privileges or arrogations that

were supposed to stem from it. The people of color might appear white, might have been educated in France, might possess great wealth and even own slaves. But though white in skin and cultivated in manner, they housed inferior blood. What became known as “the law of reversion” certified the futility of trying to remove blackness—even

“the least molecules of black blood”—by successive alliances with whites. “In a word, one can say that a colored population, left to itself, is fatally destined again to become black at the end of a small number of generations.”!25 In Moreau’s system, the concept of blackness (like that of bestiality in other natural histories) had to be reinforced, made absolute and ultimately unchangeable against the prima

facie evidence of fading color. The strategy was to call this idea “blood.” As a metaphysical attribute, blood provided a rational system for the classification and distribution of a mythical essence: blood =

race. Once the connection is made, color can be referred to, but now it denotes blood. Finally, the word color, like blood, is fictitious,

232 GOTHIC AMERICAS signaling—especially in extreme cases, like Moreau’s example of “8,191

parts white opposed to one part black”—what is not observable: not fact, but ideology.

Stranger than any supernatural fiction, the radical irrationality of

Moreau’s method demonstrates to what lengths the imagination can , go if driven by racial prejudice. What is most shocking about Mo- , reau’s fantastic system are the names he uses. For this is not Colum-

| bus renaming places in the New World, nor the legal onomastics ordained for affranchis. Ostensibly these names designate a type of human, but in reality they remind those who seek identification in these

terms that they are anything but human. Some of the names sound like scientific taxonomy; others are borrowed from birds, sorcerers, or _ mythical beasts. For example, marabou is the name of a bird, and also

of Muslim priests or sorcerers in West Africa. In the abstract of the Jamaican Code Noir—which Edward Long published as a section of

his History of Jamaica—obeah-men, those he called “pretended con- | jurors, or priests,” are identified (in a note) as “incendiaries, called marabuts or marabouts, on the coast of Guiney . . . banished from their own country for malpractices.”!26 Mamelougue (Mameluke) denotes a fighting slave or, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, “an enslaved depredator in Mahommedan countries.” Griffon has nu-

- merous meanings: a coarse-haired dog; a fabulous animal with the head and wings of an eagle and hindquarters of a lion; or, according

| to Buffon, as quoted in Littré, a type of mulatto. | To know how we might seek out the sense of these names and their

| sources would be to write a new history of colonial Saint-Domingue. For the figures of blackness imagined by the white colonialist exposed

how unnatural became the attempt to sustain “natural” distinctions between races of men. This kingdom of grotesques would resonate in

later supernatural “fictions” that were rooted quite naturally in the | need for racist territoriality: Emily Bronté’s Heathcliff, not “a regular black”; the blood taint lurking in Dracula’s not-quite-right white skin; —

or Stéphane Mallarmé’s “femme stérile,” his Hérodiade. The gothic _ obsession with identity and origins, for example, the indeterminacy of Isabella in Herman Melville’s Pierre—even more than in such obvious:

tales about miscegenation as Lydia Maria Child’s “The Quadroons” or A Romance of the Republic—gets its metaphors and the myth of its

ambiguities from the mottled discourse of racial identity: the metaphor of blood taint that unveils the most hidden genetic history.

| How does the color continuum work? If one wants to know what

GOTHIC AMERICAS 233

happens when a mamelouque sleeps with a mulatto, or a pure-blooded negro with a sacatra, or a mulatto with a négresse, Moreau gives the result, figured mathematically in eleven tables with titles like “Com-

binations of White,” “Combinations of Negro,” “Combinations of Mulatto,” “Combinations of Quarteron,” and so on through “Marabou.” (The twelfth and thirteenth set of combinations with, respectively, “Savages and Caribs of America, or Western Indians” and “Ori-

ental Indians” does not concern me here.) The “misallied” couple is the foundation for Moreau’s combinatorial romance: a father and a mother of different colors (unequal in degree of “blood” ) appear in each operation, or “combination,” as Moreau terms it. Here, then, is his first example of one of the eleven lists of possible “nuances,” based on a common denominator, the white man: Combinations of the White

From a White anda Négresse,comes ........ .aMulatto.

" Mulatresse .......... . . Quarteron.

" Quarteron ........... . Métis. " Métis ............. .Mamelouque.

" Mamelouque ........ . . Quarteronné.

" Quarteronné .......... .Sang-mélé. " Sang-mélé ........... .Sang-mél€é, that continually approaches White. " Marabou ........... . . Quarteron. " Griffonne .......... . . Quarteron. " Sacatra ............ . . Quarteron.!27 In order to get the color of the offspring, you must always divide by two the additive color obtained by two parents. For example, one white + one muldtresse = 0 + 1/2 divided by 2 = 1/4, a quarteron, or one quarter black. The stable figure in every combinatorial sequence is

the male (whether white, negro, mulatto, quarteron, métis, mamelouque, et cetera), and he chooses from among the supply of female specimens, as shown in the table above. Note that even though the example comes from the table “Combinations of the white [ father ],” the child is articulated in terms of blackness—that which is feared in oneself and treated with contempt in others—rather than in terms of

, the desirable white. No matter how many kinds of blackness can be named and claimed, whiteness remains a supernal ideal. As in Zeno’s paradox, one can keep combining and approaching zero without ever being able to attain it.

234 | GOTHIC AMERICAS — | | After these charts of what Moreau calls “distinct classes, as regards

| ‘the nuance of skin in individuals who form the population of the | [French] part of Saint-Domingue,” Moreau describes a few of the types in terms of physiognomic traits (skin color, hair texture, and facial features), as well as explaining how many different ways you can produce mulattoes (twelve ways), quarterons (twenty ways), métis (called octoroons in Louisiana and other islands of the Americas, the

product of six combinations), and so on. “Of all the combinations of White and negro, it is the Mulatto who unites the most physical | advantages; of all these crossings of races it is he who retains the strongest constitution, the most appropriate to the climate of Saint-

Domingue.”!28 — _ , |

| Yet it is Moreau’s attempt to define an invisible distinction that creates the greatest oddities. How do you distinguish the whiteness in coloreds from the whiteness in whites? The quarteron “has white skin,

but tarnished by a shade of very weak yellow. ... There are Quarteronnes whose whiteness is such that you must have very expert eyes — to distinguish them from Whites.” The métis (one-eighth black) has , “markedly white skin and long hair, but this whiteness is not at all animated”; and the mamelouque “can never be confused with the White

[even though one-sixteenth black], precisely because he has a dull, | faded whiteness, where one untangles something of a yellowish tint.

| This skin is still more opposed to the drying effects of the sun than _ that of the Métis, and it seems to lack elasticity.”!29 To counteract the , | illusions of those who appear white, or have more parts white blood _ than black, Moreau targets those gens de couleur who are lighter in his ranking than quarterons as symbols of “degeneration.” Since it 1s not

always possible to discern false whites, Moreau suggests that they may manifest traits such as effeteness, weakness, or debilitation. In some cases, the white skin might be a bit dark, unpleasantly wan, or sallow; in others, a lighter shade of white, or as Vincent Marie Viennot, comte

de Vaublanc later put it, “white, but pale.” }° This “colored nomenclature” presents problems as one travels from

Saint-Domingue to Europe. Lest anyone worry, even though there

, are quarterons who look twice as white as Spaniards or Italians, | Moreau assures his readers, “no one would confound them.” In SaintDomingue itself, Moreau conceded that observation alone could not

distinguish the “last mixtures from pure whites . . . and generally, 7 there are not many oral or written traditions that serve as guides , in this regard.” Yet opinion, rumor, and suspicion would support

GOTHIC AMERICAS 235

Moreau’s maxim, which stood firm even with those sang-mélés who had in their veins only 1/512 part African blood: “Besides, whatever whiteness the mixed race possesses, it never takes on the tone of the

| skin of pure white and that assists eyes accustomed to the comparison.” In order to make himself “more intelligible” in this habitat of “denominations drawn from color,” Moreau turns to rigorous mathematical calculations, giving numerically the possible range of combinations, figured with the exact parts black to white, for example, “the 20 com-

binations of the Quarteron offer from 71 to 96 parts white and from 32 to 57 parts black.” There are always new admixtures and changing nuances, though the names themselves do not denote the yellows, reds, browns, whites, or blacks of Saint-Domingue. The differences are, after all, nsensible in a climate where even “the skin of the European... takes on a yellowish [or sallow] tone” or, as some noted, a brown tint.!31 Moreau thus returns to the rigor of numbers in order to define what was rapidly becoming indefinable. These numbers tell a

very different story than Moreau’s less than precise representations. | The person named is an amalgam of “white parts and black parts,” the product of an illicit mixture of blood quanta:

rs | 128

White Black

The Sacatra ........ 16 112 The Griffe ........ 32 96 The Marabou ....... 48 80 The Mulatre ....... 64 64 The Quarteron ...... 96 32

|

The Métis ........112 16

The Mamelouque .... . 120 8 The Quarteronné .... . 124 4

The Sang-mélé .... . . 126 2, 132

When Dessalines drafted his constitution in 1805, recall that he took the most crucial ideological configuration of Saint-Domingue and annihilated it. Instead of the tripartite division of whites, people of color, and blacks, he created one category for Haitian identity that absorbed all other distinctions: Haitians, no matter their color, would henceforth be referred to “only by the generic word black” (article 14). Returning to the Black Code, Dessalines took the signs of illegality—concubinage, bastardy, religious practices other than Catholic— and legalized them. Turning them into proofs of a new citizenry, he

236 GOTHIC AMERICAS | | took what France had supposedly granted, only to take away in the years following the Black Code in order to subordinate the affranchis, and he tossed it all to the winds. The Black Republic, at least as Dessalines envisioned it, would recognize only one cursed color, blanc.

No nuanced subtleties for him. OO |

But like the colonial taxonomist, Dessalines intended the idea of whiteness to mean many other things besides color. Indeed, color

, mattered little, since Poles and other friends of Haiti were called noir or négre. To be white meant to be an outsider, an enemy of the nation, or, in some cases, simply one whose origins were French. Un-

fortunately, many of those mulatto elites, who had been lightened , and then debased under French rule, disavowed Dessalines’s new clas-

sification. Calling upon Africa as a trope for nation, they still considered themselves different from the black masses and feared what one planter called “the drums in the night.”

- But what about this majority, the slaves in Moreau’s Description? Immediately after his section on the white population of Saint-

Domingue and before discussing the affrancits, he turns to negro slaves, both African and Creole. After describing the individual nations

and their traits, as well as what he calls “the negro character” and “magic and sorcery,” he turns to the overwhelming preference of Aftican women for black men over white. “Neither their behavior with — whites, nor the advantages which that brings them, even the possible freedom, for themselves or for their children, can hold them back. . . .

Nor can their concern about the punishment that white pride and jealousy can make so severe.” Even if they “more or less happily hide

this inclination, their preference for black men wins in the end.” Though Moreau seeks the cause in commonality of thought and language, their “perfect equality” and “familiarity,” he also adds that sev-

, eral négresses have avowed that the negro’s “physical agent of love”

has been graced both by nature and by the use of palm wine.!93 | | The production of variously shaded and “lightened” people of | color, Moreau implies, was less a habit acquired by choice than a response to coercion which slavery made possible and sustained. White-

ness, therefore, meant something very different to those he calls _ “slaves from Africa.” But even slaves born in America retained their sensitivity to color and to those whose skins and ways of thinking suggested either privilege or perversion. Blacks also invented names for whites who were not-quite-right whites, not in terms of color but in status: négres blancs (white niggers), and petits blancs or blanchets (lit- _

GOTHIC AMERICAS 237

tle whites), as opposed to the true whites, the wealthy grands blancs or blancs-blancs (meaning something like “whiter than white” ).134 Discussing the “legends and superstitions” of Creole slaves, Moreau

records two of their own stories about their origins. Both have to do with conversion. The cosmologies are racialized, as if God quite effciently worked the world into black and white. According to them, God made man and he made him white; the devil who spied on him made another being just the same; but when he finished, the devil found him black, by a punishment of God, who did not want his work to be confounded with that of the Evil Spirit. The latter was so irritated by this distinction, that he slapped the copy and made him fall on his face, which flattened his nose and swelled his lips. Other less modest negroes say that the first man came out black from the hands of the Creator and that the White is only a negro whose color has degenerated.!35

In a world where identities wavered between colors, where signs of whitening and darkening were quickly apprehended by all inhabitants,

enlightenment depended on shadows. They were never fully exorcised, no matter how many stories were told. The gods, monsters, and ghosts spawned by racial terminology redefined the supernatural. What

colonists called sorcery was, rather, an alternative philosophy. The most horrific spirits of the Americas came out of the perverse logic of the master, reinterpreted by slaves who had been mediated to their bones by the colonial myths.

Tools of Terror In “Varieties in the Human Species,” along with giants, dwarfs, and porcupine-men, Buffon tells the story of Geneviéve, a “white négresse,” born to “perfectly black” parents on the island of Dominica in 1759, though Buffon assures his readers that such curiosities could be found in Cuba or Saint-Domingue as well. Geneviéve exemplifies those “deviations,” variously called blafards (palecolored or wan), albinos, dondos, or white negroes, typed by Buffon as “sterile branches of degeneration” rather than “a stock or true race in the human species.” Using the same argument as that applied to mulattoes, he then turns to sterility, the lack of generative possibilities

in males, as further proof of what he calls this “degradation of nature.” When the female, fertile specimens reproduce, however, their

238 GOTHIC AMERICAS - , children return to “the primitive color from which their fathers or mothers have degenerated.” The curse of blackness, when denatured into whiteness, can only be made intelligible in terms of defilement, rot, or imbecility, a ghastly bestiality: hands so poorly formed that “one must call them paws”; hair described as wool, fur, or down. Buffon implies what Moreau and other theorists of color will emphasize: mulattoes (and the different nuances “degenerated” from whiteness) are as weird or monstrous as the blafards, who have issued from

blackness.}36 _ a |

Buffon met Genevieve in April 1777, when she was about 18 years

, old. Well-proportioned and totally white, she had the same features as “black négresses.” Though Geneviéve’s lips and mouth were negroid, they were as white as the rest of her body. But as we saw with Moreau, language gets most intense when dealing with skin color. The locale for identifying vice always resides in its texture or hue. Her whiteness

was “a white like tallow that has not been purified, or if you prefer, like a matte-white, wan and lifeless; meanwhile a light tint of rosiness could be seen on her cheeks when she approached the fire, or when she was roused with shame at being seen naked.”}37

Such corporeal surprises, Buffon concludes, “do not form a real race.” Like the anomalous Geneviéve, they can never be part of “the race of blacks and whites,” with their generic characteristics passed on from generation to generation. Instead, this figure of reproductive variety is never specific, but more like a trick of nature or, as Buffon puts it, a “monster by default.” What matters here is that Buffon’s elucida-

tion of the proliferating changes possible, in terms of the “nuances and limits of these different varieties,” resembles the nearly infinite rari-

fications of color and appearance in Moreau’s taxonomy. | Uncontrollable concubinage and licentiousness, as we have seen, were considered by some as producing unholy mixtures—what the superior of the missions, writing to the governor and intendant of Mar-

tinique in 1722, called a “criminal conjunction of men and women of a different species,” giving birth to “a fruit that is a monster of nature.”138 One offshoot of coital combination—in fact, what could

be seen as a literalization of the trope of crossbreeding—is the “pied negro,” dappled in spots or stains of white and black. M. Taverne of Dunkerque sent Buffon his account of a pied négresse, Marie Sabina,

born in October 1736 in Matuna, “a plantation belonging to the Jesuits of Carthagéne in America.” M. Taverne explains that, in spite

| of the English legend at the bottom of her portrait, which claims her

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GOTHIC AMERICAS 255

good!’ The preacher continued: ‘No, gall and vinegar.’”!6” These devotees had, at least momentarily, put into question the Catholic obses-

sion with mortification and suffering, responding to the enigma of sacrifice with renewed and ardent service. Mére de Combalas, known as “the good mother of blacks” or “the

daughter of Miracles” in the Communauté des Religieuses Filles de Notre Dame, began teaching young négresses, though white residents tried to stop her.!68 Mére Recoudert, who had succeeded Mére de Combalas, wrote to the vicar-general of Limoges: “‘Our Order is so necessary in the Colony! Our children are the edification of everyone. The students are extremely attached to us,’” and speaking of the devotion of the négresses, she concluded: “*The whites do not equal them.’ ”!69 Further, even though the Jesuit church in Le Cap was finally closed from noon to two o’clock, blacks held ceremonies and preaching sessions among themselves, during which, as the Council of Le Cap put it in the 1761 decree, “the truths and dogmas of our religion could be altered in the mouth ofa missionary of this type.”!7° How do we understand this “type” of practitioner so threatening to the colonial administrators? The Haitian ethnographer Jean PriceMars, who responded to the occupation of Haiti by U.S. marines by writing Ainsi parla VPoncle (1928), sought to demonstrate that blacks are not “the refuse of humanity, without history, without morality, without religion.” In order to prod the assimilated elites—those he called “des Frangais colorés” (colored Frenchmen)—to appreciate their African origins, most concretely preserved in vodou, he turned to the

dichotomy between what he called “forced Christianization” and the deep-rooted power of ancestral belief, which would coalesce in time as “the product of a long process of affective accumulation.” What he called a “camouflage” or “caricature of conversion,” Catholicism (at best practiced as an opportunity for a respite from hard work or a promise of fun), was nothing more than dissimulation.!7! These hollow rites Price-Mars opposed to the secret, authentic, undying “mysteries” and “time-honored sentiment” observed deep in the woods where the black multitudes turned to Africa and its gods. Tenacious belief is opposed to superficial and official conversion. But the laws and edicts of Saint-Domingue reveal that something happened to join what Price-Mars kept separate: official and unofficial, mimicry and belief. Though he claimed that conversion was “a simple

formality which did not at all engage their consciousness,” that made |

256 GOTHIC AMERICAS no impression on their minds, we need to consider other possibilities: Is it not possible, and probable, that blacks could remain attached to —

their “original” religion, their “interior god,” and still be affected by | surface sacraments or changed by the new? Mimicry can be transform-

ative when accomplished by those who do not adhere to sharp divi-

, sions between matter and spirit, outside and in. How long can one , wear a mask before the mask becomes an integral part of one’s identity? Do not stereotypes and repetitive gestures, banal in their imita| tiveness, get at the innards of feeling, and tacitly engage belief?

, On November 24, 1763, the Superior Council of Le Cap delivered the definitive decree expelling the Jesuits from the colony that they had served for nearly sixty years. According to the procurer general, the doctrine and moral practices of the Jesuits resulted in “the enor-

| mous crimes, particularly the desecrations and poisonings” committed by slaves.!72 The “condemnation of the morals and doctrine of the so-called Jesuits” had more to do with their religious teachings, which

| had influenced most of the Catholic slaves of Le Cap, than any alleged

_ €riminal activity.173 Girod de Chantrans, in writing about his travels | — in Saint-Domingue in 1782, reported what he had heard about the | Jesuits: “They worked hard to earn the confidence of the negroes, by instructing them carefully in their religion, by making them know the

_ sublimity of their being, the majesty of man and his hopes for the fu- | ture. With such consoling subjects they did not have any trouble en- _ , ticing them: also the negroes at this time were quite greedy for masses, sermons, catechisms, and all the ceremonies of the church.”?!74

| | Once the Jesuits had been expelled, the church, no longer a refuge of salvation, became an extension of the slave-based Old Regime.

Dogma was to be directed toward the containing of slaves and in| creasing the wealth of the planters. Right of sanctuary was forbidden

slaves. From Versailles came a mandate titled Regulation of Discipline for Blacks, Addressed to the Priests in the French Islands of America. Sev-

| : eral of these regulations were posted on the church doors and read a aloud. They prescribed that on Holy Saturday slaves who had been | denounced as runaways and evildoers, slave women who had prevented pregnancy by abortion or miscarriage, and poisoners were all to be brought before the priest and made to kneel and hear a sermon pro-

“atrociousness.” |

| nounced in Creole about their “evil,” “frenzy,” “abomination,” and ~ For those women who aborted their children rather than give birth | to slaves, the admonition of the Church was cruel in its incarnation of

GOTHIC AMERICAS 257

perverse and wanton intent. This holy blame becomes even more horrible when we consider that many slave women, even when giving birth, could not escape punishment. In Saint-Domingue, until around 1788, the disease of tetanus (commonly called mal de mdchotre, or lockjaw) “annually killed more than 20,000 negro infants within eight days of birth.” The white population, convinced that this illness was a negro curse, inflicted “revolting atrocities” on mothers “who had the misfortune of losing their children.” To choose abortion, in this case, thus became a way to avoid the torture or mutilation that threatened those who became mothers.!76 Abominable creature, you who have only wanted to become a mother so as to destroy yourself and the fruit of your own insides and cause the flesh of your flesh to perish, the blood of your blood, the blackness of your outrage cries out for vengeance before God and man, and deserves the gallows and death. But as the Holy Church does not reject those who sincerely want to repent and correct themselves, we must condemn you by the authority of our ministry to live in penitence for the period [to be supplied by the authorities]. We declare that if you do not give certain proofs of having changed your ways and if you ever commit such an atrocity again you shall be removed from the list of Christians, forbidden to enter the church and abandoned to death without the assistance of sacrament or grave!!76

How many “sinners” answered the call and came to church for their holy denunciation is not known, but these words, the threat of the gallows, the promise of penitence, and, most of all, the curse of an unquiet death and incomplete burial doubtless worked on slaves in ways the authorities could not have anticipated. Some lamented that with the Jesuits gone, the parish priests exhibited such “indecent conduct, that the inhabitants and the negroes have lost all the religious sentiments the Jesuits had given them.”!77 Yet the life of the spirit had not come to blacks with the arrival of the Jesuits, nor did it disappear with

, their expulsion. Instead, slaves and free coloreds adapted the language of blood, vengeance, and death as another modality in implementing their own subversions and revolts. When the slaves revolted in 1791, their already syncretic religious practices converged with the blood of a new covenant. Two years later, after flames destroyed most of Le Cap, including the church, ser-

vices were held in the chapel of the nuns of the Communauté des Religieuses Filles de Notre Dame, while the two or three thousand blacks who still followed the Jesuit tradition of public prayer gathered together in the Champ de Mars and prayed in unison.!78 As the black

258 | GOTHIC AMERICAS

revolution took hold in Saint-Domingue, some of the “missionaries” followed the slaves. Whether because of greed or fear, Jacobin ideals or Christian communion, some priests joined the slave insurrection,

and their names appeared in parish records. Although one observer | called the priests “angels of peace,” others recorded the ferocity of these “brigands.” Five weeks before Léger-Félicité Sonthonax’s general emancipation decree in August 1793, for example, Delahaye, the former parish priest of Dondon, according to the Feuille du Jour, struck “terror and fright in the soul of the proprietors who could not tell whether his fiery expression and instructive style designated the general emancipation of the slaves or the total carnage of those who

possessed them,”!79 ,

| ~The Long Road to Guinea It’s the long road to Guinea ;

, , Where your fathers await you without impatience. , Along the way, they talk, , — They wat. ,

, , _-_ This is the hour when the streams rattle like beads of bone. .

| —Jacques Roumain, “Guinée,” translated by Langston Hughes

Oo The relics and scraps of bodies, variously called “ebony wood,” “pieces of the Indies,” “heads of cattle,” buried indiscriminately in the savannah and fields, returned as zombi spirits, baka, or lougawou, condemned to wander the earth in the form of cats, dogs, _ pigs, or cows. What links these evil spirits is the capacity for transfor-

mation into things that are not human. Whether zobops, kochons gri (gray pigs), or identified with secret, horrific sects known as san pwel

or san po (hairless or skinless), or bizango, the spirits are known by their hunger for humans, usually children (called kabri san kon, or hornless goats), and their incessant disguises. These “monsters” are the

surfeit or remnants of an institution that turned humans into things, beasts, or mongrels. In this regenerative, reinterpreted, and vengeful his-

| tory, dislocated bodies return to find their place. What whites called “superstition” and “fetichism” turned out to be something more akin to the journeys of bodies that relocalize themselves as spirits and con-

-sumers, taking up space, greedy for goods, services, and attention. |

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