Greek Gods in the East: Hellenistic Iconographic Schemes in Central Asia 8024620456, 9788024620459

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgements
1 Introduction
1.1 Definition of the subject
1.2 Political continuity
1.3 A note on Kushan chronology
2 An iconographicanalysis of the Hellenisticsubjects in the artof Gandhara, Bactriaand the adjoining areasof the Kushan Empire
2.1 General remarks
2.2 Greek mythological figures in the east
2.2.1 Adonis
2.2.2 Aphrodite
2.2.3 Apollo
2.2.4 Ares
2.2.5 Artemis
2.2.6 Athena
2.2.7 Atlantes
2.2.8 Centaur
2.2.9 Cybele
2.2.10 Demeter
2.2.11 Dionysus
2.2.12 The Dioscuri
2.2.13 Eros/Cupids
2.2.14 Harpocrates
2.2.15 Helios
2.2.16 Heracles
2.2.17 Hermes
2.2.18 Nereids
2.2.19 Nike
2.2.20 Poseidon
2.2.21 River gods
2.2.22 Sarapis
2.2.23 Tyche / City goddess
2.2.24 Zeus
2.3 Other schemes of Greek origin
2.3.1 Various themes
2.3.2 Drinking, dancing and erotic scenes
2.4 Greek deities identified with Iranian or Indian ones
2.4.1 Tyche-Hariti-Ardokhsho-Lakshmi
2.4.2 Heracles-Vajrapani
2.4.3 Pharro / Panchika / Hermes
2.4.4 Shiva – Vesho – Veshparkar with attributes of Poseidon, Zeus and Heracles
3 Conclusions
4 Bibliography

Citation preview

Ladislav Stančo

Greek Gods in the East Hellenistic Iconographic Schemes in Central Asia karolinum

Greek Gods in the East Hellenistic Iconographic Schemes in Central Asia PhDr. Ladislav Stančo, Ph.D.

Reviewed by: Prof. Jan Bažant (Prague) Prof. Frantz Grenet (Paris) Published by Charles University in Prague Karolinum Press Proof-read by Peter Kirk Jensen Layout by Jan Šerých Typeset by DTP Karolinum First edition © Charles University in Prague, 2012 Illustrations © Polina Kazakova, 2012 Text © Ladislav Stančo, 2012 ISBN 978-80-246-2045-9 ISBN 978-80-246-2467-9 (online : pdf)

Charles University in Prague Karolinum Press 2015 www.karolinum.cz [email protected]

Contents

Acknowledgements ––– 7 1 Introduction ––– 9

1.1 Definition of the subject ––– 9 1.2 Political continuity ––– 12 1.3 A note on Kushan chronology ––– 18

2

An iconographic analysis of the Hellenistic subjects in the art of Gandhara, Bactria and the adjoining areas of the Kushan Empire ––– 19



2.1 General remarks ––– 19

2.2

Greek mythological figures in the east ––– 21 2.2.1 Adonis ––– 22 2.2.2 Aphrodite ––– 23 2.2.3 Apollo ––– 32 2.2.4 Ares ––– 40 2.2.5 Artemis ––– 41 2.2.6 Athena ––– 45 2.2.7 Atlantes ––– 62 2.2.8 Centaur ––– 82 2.2.9 Cybele ––– 83 2.2.10 Demeter ––– 84 2.2.11 Dionysus ––– 84 2.2.12 Dioscuri ––– 110 2.2.13 Eros/Cupids ––– 114 2.2.14 Harpocrates ––– 133



2.2.15 2.2.16 2.2.17 2.2.18 2.2.19 2.2.20 2.2.21 2.2.22 2.2.23 2.2.24

Helios ––– 135 Heracles ––– 137 Hermes ––– 158 Nereids ––– 160 Nike ––– 176 Poseidon ––– 185 River gods ––– 188 Sarapis ––– 189 Tyche / City goddess ––– 192 Zeus ––– 199

2.3 Other schemes of Greek origin ––– 212 2.3.1 Various themes ––– 212 2.3.2 Drinking, dancing and erotic scenes ––– 217 2.4 Greek deities identified with Iranian or Indian ones ––– 227 2.4.1 Tyche-Hariti-Ardokhsho-Lakshmi ––– 227 2.4.2 Heracles-Vajrapani ––– 232 2.4.3 Pharro / Panchika / Hermes ––– 235 2.4.4 Shiva – Vesho – Veshparkar with attributes of Poseidon, Zeus and Heracles ––– 235 3

Conclusions ––– 236

4

Bibliography ––– 254

Acknowledgements

Preparation of this rather small book was a long and sometimes exhausting process. I would like to thank a number of people who contributed to its successful completion. I am grateful to Jan Bouzek and Iva Ondřejová, my teachers and colleagues at Charles University in Prague, who introduced me to the “western” background of the present subject and gave me many ideas and needed support while I had prepared the core of this book – my Ph.D. thesis – in 2004–2005. I am particularly grateful to my learned friend Kazim Abdullaev who in his turn introduced me into “eastern” component of the theme as well as to the archaeology and art history of Central Asia as a whole. For me, his papers on the subject we share are ever inspiring and innovative. Both reviewers, Jan Bažant and Frantz Grenet made important comments and suggestions that helped me to revise and improve the original manuscript and gave me impulses for future research as well. Anyway, I alone assume full responsibility for all remaining shortcomings. I am also deeply indebted to draughtsman Polina Kazakova for undetaking the really difficult task of redrawing hundreds of tricky pictures and photographs. Without her dilligence and skill this book would be just ordinary. And finally, it was my wife Monika who inspired me and helped me in many ways and demonstrated her patience while I have spent so many hours working on this book. I would like to dedicate it to her.

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1  Introduction

1.1   Definition of the subject The idea of compiling, and as far as possible also analysing, a catalogue of art and craft works that come from Central and Southern Asia but feature Hellenistic and Roman themes in their decoration first occurred to me when I was writing my M.A. thesis in 1999.1 At the time I would have found a monograph of that sort very helpful, and since no such study has appeared since then, I tried to fill the gap in my Ph.D. dissertation, which I finished in spring 2005.2 This little book is a shortened and slightly reworked version of that dissertation, with an emphasis on incorporating new knowledge and publications that were inaccessible to me earlier. What I am putting forward is a sort of catalogue of everything that was produced in the Gandharan school, as well as in the broader framework of the art of the Kushan empire, above all in Bactria and Paropamisadae, and which at the same time has some allusion to the art of the ancient Mediterranean in the sense of the icon, the image itself, and of its intentionally-created symbolic components, the iconographic symbols. The catalogue and its individual chapters and entries feature imports of a clearly Mediterranean origin, together with items created by Greek artists and craftsmen working in the East, as well as works by local artists who merely took 1 2

Stančo 2000, some parts – catalogues of Gandharan objects in two Czech collections – has been published later on, cf. Stančo 2001 and Stančo 2003. Stančo 2005.

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on iconographic elements of Western origin or who allowed them to influence their work. In this work, however, I am deliberately not concerned with issues of style, no matter how much the style of a work owes to an ancient model – even though my original intentions lay in this direction. What I am essentially aiming to do is to ask WHAT was depicted, in terms of content, and much less HOW it was depicted, in terms of style. The way in which I intend to deal with the subject requires that I should not limit myself to the period of the beginnings of Gandharan art itself and Kushan Art in general, the period of the turn of the first and second centuries BC, but that I include works from an earlier period, corresponding to the Hellenistic period in the Mediterranean. There thus arose a large group of art and craft works of which the value as evidence lies not only in the possibilities for analysing the phenomena it presents, but in the statistical evaluation of the group. To orientate themselves in the relatively rich collection of material, readers may make use of the new drawings of almost all objects, which I find particularly useful in the case of pieces that are not often mentioned in the literature. This will be the first time that such a rich collection of comparative material has been collected in one place. In a few exceptional cases, where I have been unable to gain a sufficiently goodquality reproduction to include a picture of a particular item, I try to at least provide precise references to older or generally more accessible works. If I wish to delimit the extent of this work and to ask the questions I would like to answer, it is probably wise to begin with what the goal of this work is not: in no case was it my ambition to collect all the material that could possibly be included in the phenomenon described above. Limits were placed on my possibilities by, for one thing, time, of which there is always less than is needed, but above all by the accessibility of the literature and museums necessary to complete the work.3 The result is more of a sample, a cross-section. My task was to compile, and above all interpret, this sample correctly. I focus primarily on WHICH iconographic models were transferred to the east, and, further, HOW each type was transformed. The complementary questions are then WHY this happened and also precisely WHEN, if we can connect the waves of imports and the transfer of ideas to specific historical events. I should now define the time and space framework within which I intend to work. The logical starting point is Alexander the Great’s campaign, which brought the first direct wave of Hellenisation, the apogee is the period of the 3

Although I tried from the start to compile as large a collection as possible, in reality it did not turn out to be possible to collect everything. In order to proceed to analysis, I had to set a deadline after which I no longer included any further entries in the catalogue, but if I came across an object that I considered it important to mention in connection with the rest of the collection, I included it in the form of a mere citation or note.

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first two centuries AD, while the latest works I shall mention come from the period of the late ancient world from the 4th and 5th centuries. In geographical terms I am not confining myself to Gandhara itself, as I probably originally intended to do. The area I am dealing with includes the Greek-ruled lands to the east of Iran, as well as the empire of the Kushans of the later period. In other words, I am dealing with Gandhara, Punjab, Ariana, Paropamisadae and Bactria, and, exceptionally, Sogdiana and Kashmir. This might appear to be a subject too broad, both in geographical and chronological terms, but I believe that for tracing the phenomenon that I have delimited above, this framework is exactly what it ought to be.

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1.2  Political continuity Thanks to intensive developments in the numismatics of this far-flung region over the last few decades, we have largely reliable answers to the question of political continuity. In particular, the work of O. Bopearachchi4 allows us to correct the historical interpretations that have been handed down since the times of W. W. Tarn and A. K. Narain.5 Bopearachchi was able to provide a satisfactory explanation for some doubtful sequences, as well as the simultaneous rules of individual rulers. He was also able to provide an approximate estimate of the extent of their dominions. The following paragraphs are mostly based on and cite his arguments. Much has been written about the beginnings of the Greek presence in the east, the campaign of Alexander of Macedon and the secession of Diodotus from the Seleucid Empire. I shall not go into these events in detail here, since they are sufficiently covered by the literature. Subsequent developments, however, are still the subject of discussion, and so at this point I shall summarise the significant events that create the historical framework for my subject. The initial increase in power and territorial expansion of the Bactrian Greeks was subdued by gradual waves of nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes from the northern steppe regions. Greek rulers, namely the last of them – Eucratides I (170–145) had to withdraw from the area of western Bactria relatively quickly. After his death, the eastern part of Bactria continued to be held by Eucratides II, Plato (both 145–130 BC) and Heliocles (145–130 BC) until approximately 130 BC, when they were definitively driven out by the nomads from the north. The first decades of the second century, when by all accounts Demetrius I’s campaign to the area to the south of the Hindu Kush took place (apparently to the regions of Paropamisadae and Arachosia) marked the start of a new penetration of north-west India by the Greeks. At that time, at least one hundred years passed since these areas had been ruled, at least formally, by the last Hellenistic ruler – Seleucus I. During his eastern campaign in 305, Seleucus had concluded a mutually-beneficial agreement with Chandragupta, on the basis of which he ceded his possessions between the Indus and the Hindu Kush to the Mauryans, while he himself gained a powerful unit of 500 war elephants. An attempt to regain the rich eastern satrapies was also made by Antiochus III at the very end of the third century (208–206). In confrontation with Euthydemus, he failed to subjugate Bactria, and in India appears to have collected some sort of ransom from Sophagasenus, who may 4 5

Bopearachchi 1991, 1993. Tarn 1951; Narain 1957.

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be considered a satrap or vassal of the Mauryans. However, he did not gain control over any possessions. The very possibility of military expansion from Bactria to the south and south east into India is an extremely interesting factor, and shows how much self-confidence Euthydemus’ son, Demetrius I, must have had, if we consider that it was less than ten years since Antiochus’ campaign. We are not sure whether his conquests reached the Punjab or even more eastern regions of India, but at any rate it appears that some of his successors controlled these regions. According to coin distribution, this might have been above all Pantaleon (190–185 BC), Apollodotus I (180–160 BC) and Antimachus II (160–155 BC), whose spheres of influence can be documented to have reached at least into the western Punjab, the area centred on Taxila. Under these rulers, the two domains (Indian and Bactrian) began to separate, and gained different rulers. Pantaleon’s contemporary in Bactria was Agathocles (190–180), while Apollodotus’ was Demetrius II (175–170). There has already been mention of Eucratides I. It was he who was the last to rule over joint dominions in India and the whole of Bactria. Unlike the earlier-mentioned waning of Greek power in Bactria, minor kingdoms existed to the south east of the Hindu Kush until the first decades AD. The foundation for building positions in the Indian regions was the abovementioned conquests by some of the Bactrian Greeks, for example Demetrius and Pantaleon. It appears to have been Menander who played the greatest role in gaining new territories, however, as indicated above all by Strabo’s comment: “The Greeks who caused Bactria to revolt grew so powerful on account of the fertility of the country that they became masters not only of Ariana, but also of India, as Apollodotus of Artemita says: and more tribes were subdued by them than by Alexander – by Menander in particular (at least if he actually crossed the Hypanis towards the east and advanced as far as the Imaüs) for some were subdued by him personally and others by Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus the king of the Bactria”.6 Imaüs in this text tends to be interpreted as the Ganges. Sources confirming the advance of Greek troops into the Ganges valley and possibly to Pataliputra itself can also be found in Indian literature. One of these Indian sources is the Yuga Purana, one of the works in the Garga Samhita astrological writings. They were written as prophesies and draw on original writings in Prakrit, supposedly a century younger than these events. The Yuga Purana describes the Greek advance on Pataliputra as follows: “After taking Saketa (the town of Kosala), Panchala (Doab) and Mathura, the cruel Yavanas, wicked and valiant, will reach Kusumadhvaja (Pataliputra). Once the strong 6 Strabo, Geography XI, XI, 1.

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fortifications in Pataliputra are reached, all the provinces will undoubtedly fall into unrest.”7 It is also confirmed by the Mahabhasya by the grammarian Patanjali. Explaining a grammar rule – specifically, the use of the imperfect – he gives this example: “The Yavanas were besieging Saketa” and, similarly, “The Yavanas were besieging Madhyamika.” This writing is believed to have arisen around the year 150 BC8, and the events of Menander’s campaign can be assigned more or less to that period. Furthermore, in the play Malavikagnimitra by Kalidasa we learn that the Yavana forces were defeated by Vasumitra, the grandson of King Pushyamitra, who according to the Purana died around 150 BC9 The Greeks did not stay long in the Ganges basin, however, as the Yuga Purana relates: “The Yavanas, drunk on fighting, will not stay long in the Madhyadesh (Middle Country): civil war will certainly erupt among them and will spring up in their country; it will be a terrible and fierce war.”10 The reason for their departure was thus perhaps a civil war in Bactria. Most information on Menander comes from the writing “Milinda Pañha” or “The Questions of Milinda”.11 It is a conversation between Milinda (Menander), the Yonaka (Greek) king, and the sage Nagasena about the soul and release from the wheel of transmigration. The work is believed to have arisen in northern India not more than about 100–150 years after Menander’s death. However, all that has been preserved are much later translations, in Ceylon, south-east Asia and in China. The Chinese translation is considered the more authentic. Plutarch writes that “when a certain man named Menander, the good king of the Bactrians, died in camp, the cities celebrated his funeral as other occasions. Only with regard to his remains were there disputes, and it was with difficulty that an agreement was reached that the remains should be divided and that monuments would stand over them in all the cities.”12 This implies that his death was sudden, and the decision on the division of his remains seems to have had its roots in Buddhism and Tarn 1951 (1966), pp. 452–456; Narain 1956, pp. 174–179; Bopearachchi 1993, pp. 15, 16, taken from: Jayaswal, K. P. 1928: Historical Data in the Garga-Samhita and the Brahmin Empire. JBORS, 14, p. 14; in this and several following notes I am using secondary citations. Although aware of the shortcomings of this approach, I unfortunately have no other option with regard to Indian sources. 8 Tarn 1951 (1966), pp. 145–146; Narain 1956, pp. 82–83; Bopearachchi 1993, p. 16, taken from: Kielhorn: Mahabhasya, II, pp. 118–119; Filliozat, P. 1975: Le Mahabhasya de Patanjali. Pondicheri. 9 Bopearachchi 1993, p. 16, which he in turn took from: Malaviagniknimitra of Kalidasa, ed. Pt. Ramchandra Misra, Haridas Granthamala Series, Chowkhamba, Banaras, 1951, pp. 227–8. 10 Bopearachchi 1993, p. 16, taken from: Jayaswal, K. P. 1928: Historical Data in the Garga-Samhita and the Brahmin Empire. JBORS, 14, p. 411. 11 The Questions of King Milinda, English translation by T. W. Rhys Davids; Czech translation was used by the present author (by V. Miltner, 1988). 12 Plutarch, Moralia 821, Bopearachchi 1993, pp. 18, who quotes H. N. Fowler’s translation from 1936 (Oxford), p. 278. 7

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the tradition regarding the division of the Buddha’s remains. While there is no convincing proof of Menander’s conversion to Buddhism, a rare copper stamp with a wheel (of the law)13 provides a certain degree of evidence. The stamp may be a symbol of the Chakravartin, the universal monarch according to Indian tradition. A Buddhist reliquary from Bajaur has an inscription stating the date (the 14th day of the month of Kartikka) of a certain year in the reign of Maharaja Minadra.14 The Milinda Pañha gives Sagala (now allegedly Sialkot in Pakistan) as Menander’s birthplace, describing it as “a city that is called Sâgala, situated in a delightful country well watered and hilly, abounding in parks and gardens and groves and lakes and tanks, a paradise of rivers and mountains and woods. Wise architects have laid it out, and its people know of no oppression, since all their enemies and adversaries has been put down. Brave is its defence, with many and various strong towers and ramparts, with superb gates and entrance archways; and with the royal citadel in its midst, white walled and deeply moated...”15 Many other references cast doubt on this, however. According to another passage he came from Kalisigrama, not far from Alasanda, which is 500 miles from Sagala. This corresponds to the position of the site of Kapisa (modern Begram)16 as proposed by Foucher.17 In addition to Gandhara and the surrounding areas, he ruled over the northern regions of India from Kabul to Mathura. The question that arises in connection with the location of his main seat at Sagala is: why do we find so many of his coins in Gandhara, Swat, Paropamisadae and the surrounding area, and not around Sialkot in the Punjab? It is very difficult to determine the site of the capital of Menander’s Empire with the dates we know today with any final validity. The reason I have gone into this ruler in more detail is an effort to show the way in which two worlds could be connected: the Indian with the Greek/Hellenistic. These intermezzos were a preparation for the later blending of artistic traditions in the Buddhist art of Gandhara. If, in the second century BC the ruler had a close relationship with Buddhism, then other Greeks were certain to have had one too. They and their descendants are likely to have contributed to the transfer of the typical depictions of Greek gods and whole mythological scenes into the just-developing figurative tradition of Buddhist art. The first depictions may have actually been designed for the Greek-Macedonian community in India, acquainting it with local teachings, especially Buddhism, in Greek artistic language.

Mitchiner 2, 241. For translation and references to literature see again Bopearachchi 1993, p. 19. The Questions of King Milinda I, p. 2. Begram is sometimes identified with Alexandria in the land of Paropamisadae (the area around Kabul), founded by Alexander the Great, q.v. Crossroads of Asia 1992, p. 5 (F. R. Allchin and J. Cribb). 17 Bopearachchi 1993, pp. 20–21.

13 14 15 16

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After Menander’s death the Greek possessions in India were divided up into tiny kingdoms. To start with they were divided into two large parts – Paropamisadae, Arachosia and parts of Sistan on one hand, and Gandhara, the Punjab and probably also Kashmir on the other. Almost all the territory to the south of the Hindu Kush, with the exception of the East Punjab, was probably still held by Philoxenus for a time (100–95). In the valley of Kabul the last ruler was Hermaeus (90–70), who seems to have been overthrown by Yuezhi tribes and probably also Sakas (Scythians). The Yuezhi then struck imitations of Hermaeus’ coins in Paropamisadae until the 1st century AD, just as in Bactria, Heliocles was long imitated, as well as Eucratides I in both areas. After that, surprisingly enough, only the eastern areas of the Greek dominions were held on to. Gandhara was lost for a while after the year 80, but there was still one more king, Telephus (75–70), while in the Punjab, according to new knowledge, local Greek rulers hung on until the beginning of the Christian era. One of the few monuments remaining in north-western part of India from the period of Greek rule is all the more significant because it is an Indian document. According to the inscription in Brahmi script engraved on the column in Besnagar, it was devoted to the god Vasudeva by Heliodorus, Greek ambassador of King Antialcidas (115–95) and citizen of Taxila.18 The last Greek rulers held on to relatively small enclaves in the land of five rivers, the Punjab. In the west of the area they were Apollodotus II (80–65 BC) and Hippostratus (65–55 BC). Paradoxically, it was the rulers in the eastern Punjab, one of the easternmost areas where the Greeks penetrated, who held on longest of all: Dionysius (65–55 BC), Zoilos II (55–35 BC), Apollophanes (35–25 BC) and Strato (25 BC – 10 AD). As a result, it looks as if Greek/Macedonian rule in the east died out at the same time as the Hellenistic empires in the west. The successors to the Greeks in the leading civilisational role in the Mediterranean learned much from their predecessors, and the same can be said of the East. The factor that determined or at least influenced further development here was ethnic, cultural and religious diversity. I should reiterate, however, that the Greeks and Macedonians did not act as “teachers of nations.” They simply brought their standards and inhabitants into the new environment, while the gradually-settling nomads also took on some aspects of their level of civilisation.19 In the 1st century BC, the Sakas had a direct opportunity for this. Their 18 Hebner – Rosen (s.d.). 19 Some Western phenomena penetrated these areas before the arrival of Alexander. Among the best-known are the gems of the so-called Greco-Persian group. J. Boardman cites a group of finds from Taxila, specifically from the Bhir Mound, which is supposedly the city from Ale­ xander’s times. They are three gems with zoomorphic subjects, which come from a “travelling salesman’s suitcase,” Boardman 1970, pp. 318, 319.

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leaders commanded a small area of north western India formerly subject to the Greeks and in some regions small Greek statelets continued to exist side by side with them. Not only were the Sakas confronted with Greek heritage, but they also gradually came into contact with living Greek culture. It is hard for us to discern, on the basis of the fragmentary historical information that exists, what sort of mutual commercial and political relationships existed. It is likely that their ancestors were in a very similar situation with an alliance of Yuezhi tribes when in the second half of the 2nd century BC they subjugated Bactria and for a while lived side by side with the remnants of the Greek kingdom to the north of the Hindu Kush, at the same time building up their dominion on the ruins of this part of the empire. The long period of mutual jealousy definitely did not prevent mutual trade, which initially might have been a typical relationship between a semi-nomadic and settled society. In India the situation changed definitively with the arrival of the Parthians. Gondophares (20–50 AD) joined most of the Greek and Scythian dominions under his rule. Some Sakas withdrew to the south, and although they retained a certain amount of political power there, we hear nothing more of them in our area. Soon after Gondophares’ death, the Parthians were driven out by the Kushans under the leadership of Kujula Kadphises and his son Vima Takto.

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1.3   A note on Kushan chronology I finished my M.A. thesis, on the beginnings of Gandharan art, in summer 2000. In it I stated that one of the barriers to research was the continuing failure to find a date for the first year of what is called the Kanishka era, as well as general shortcomings in the chronology of the Kushans. Then, the very next year, Harry Falk published an article that was, if I might venture to say, of fundamental importance for the solution of these questions.20 Falk puts forward a new reading and interpretation of the Yavanajataka, the text written by Sphujidhwaja in the year 191 of the Saka era, or 269 AD. He concludes that the Yuga, the age of which the Yavanajataka speaks, begins in the year 22 AD and not in 126 or 136 as was earlier assumed. This allows, according to the formula in the text, the start of the Kushan era, in other words year 1 of King Kanishka, to be set at 127 AD. The reaction of all scholars in this field has been favourable, at least going by their oral expressions, although none have as yet appeared in print.21 The starting point for the Kushan era thus gained can be combined with the chronological data that, also recently, was provided by the famous inscription from Rabatak in Afghanistan.22 On the basis of the inscription, Joe Cribb created a new chronological table with two variants of absolute chronology.23 After correcting to take into account Falk’s date for the start of the rule of Kanishka, this table would appear as follows: Kujula Kadphises (30–80), Vima I Takto (80–110), Vima II Kadphises (110–127), Kanishka I (127–153), Huvishka (153–191), Vasudeva I (191–227), Kanishka II (227–249) and Vasishka (249–267). The later period, known as the Kushano-Sasanian period, was also dealt with by Joe Cribb, but here, too, the chronology requires reworking on the basis of the most recent discoveries.24

20 21 22 23 24

Falk 2001. By the spring of 2005; since then, most scholars use this date as fixed. Sims-Williams – Cribb 1996; Cribb 1999, Göbl 1999. Ibid p. 106. Cribb 1990.

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2  An iconographic analysis of the Hellenistic subjects in the art of Gandhara, Bactria and the adjoining areas of the Kushan Empire

2.1  General remarks A number of researchers have looked at sub-issues connected with this subject. Usually, however, they have been content to give several examples and to state whether Greek or Roman art is a source of “antiquitising” iconography (or style). To date, no one has produced a thorough analysis on the basis of extensive material. I believe that herein lies the key to the solution of a century-old dispute: Greece or Rome, or whether this question should be refused altogether. The basic method used is fairly plain. On the assumption that I can gain a representative group, consisting of fine art objects and craft objects, I can make comparisons of individual iconographic25 aspects not only within the sample but above all with the assumed Mediterranean models.26 First and foremost it is a question of ascertaining whether the depiction of the various mythological figures correspond to types common in the West. If not, then it must be ascertained from whence each particular shift arises. I shall lay aside for now the dispute as to whether artists and craftsmen from the Mediterranean took part directly in the creative process in Gandhara, Bactria and elsewhere (they certainly did), or whether items were produced by local artists that they trained. I would formulate the basic question thus: what is the origin of 25 “Iconographic” in accordance with Panofsky’s definition “iconography is that branch of the history of art which concerns itself with the subject matter or meaning of works of art, as opposed to their form.”, cf. Panofsky 1939, p. 3. 26 In each sub-chapter a catalogue is included with data on the location, place of origin and publication, with references to photographs where relevant.

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the iconographic elements and circles of western provenience in Gandhara, Bactria and surroundings regions in the 1st – 3rd century AD (in other words, the period of the pinnacle of Gandharan art)? My working hypothesis is based on the simple assumption that art was subject to the necessity of supply and demand. I also adhere to the hypothesis27 that the only permanent components of the population to come from the Mediterranean were the Greeks and Macedonians connected with Alexander’s campaign, or with the settlement policy of the Seleucids. From this equation it follows that in the area of Afghanistan and northern Pakistan there was a continuing need to create art and craft items that complied with Greek taste, up to the time when the Greeks and Macedonians became totally assimilated with the local population. If this period was long enough, and such items became a normal part of everyday life in the given area, there is no reason why their import and even production of imitation items should not have continued, even after the demise of Greek/Macedonian hegemony. My primary task is thus to show that there was political and artistic continuity from Alexander’s campaign until the turn of the millennium, when the great era of Gandharan art was born. The main tool available for this is numismatics. The study of coins allows us not only to follow political changes in the region, especially where there are no historical records at all, but it also provides, as I shall go on to show, a wealth of iconographic material. However, there are also problems associated with coinage in this context. While coins were a tool of communication between the elite, or the ruler, and the population, they were also a one-sided tool – the depictions on the coins do not reflect the demand of the population, but the self-stylisation and promotion of the ruler. The introductory chapter was devoted to political continuity, and I consider this to have been sufficiently demonstrated. I would like to demonstrate the continuity in the use of Greek iconographical schemas below. In addition to coins I will also look at the depiction of subjects that are wellknown from Greek art, in all their possible artistic manifestations and in various materials, including stone and bronze statues, stucco and clay sculpture, metal vessels, appliqués and jewellery, and gemstones. A special class of iconographic subject is formed by the well-known non-godlike figures from ancient mythology, which would be doubtless understood by Greek viewers only on the basis of their knowledge of these myths. In this case we have to ask how this type of subject was perceived by non-Greeks, the Indo-Iranian population of Gandhara and Bactria. On the basis of an analysis of the material I would like to decide whether the meanings of these depictions could have been known to the creators and consumers of the items, or whether they served merely as filler decoration for well-known scenes (for example scenes from the life of Buddha). 27 The justification of this hypothesis see above, chapter 1.2

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2.2   Greek mythological figures in the east In this part the text is divided into sections arranged alphabetically. The system of arrangement comes from the concept of the Lexicon Iconographicum Mytologie Classicae, although it makes no claims as to its exhaustive informational value, if only because the present writer is not a team of authors. In each section I try to provide an easy-to-follow summary of the different depictions and to put them in context with regard to each other. As far as I am able, I also outline their relationship to their possible Mediterranean models. The catalogue is not divided from the text – to make it easier to use and the catalogue data more accessible, the catalogue parts are inserted directly into the individual thematic sections. The entry titles are simplified as much as possible. In addition to an overall ordinal number, they also contain an ordinal number for that section. In exceptional and justified cases, the catalogue number (i.e. entry) is divided into parts (a – b). If the circumstances require, the sections of the catalogue i.e. the entries are further divided into several categories (or sub-entries) making orientation easier (on the basis of basic iconographic schema, for example). The first piece of information in a catalogue entry after the number is a brief characterisation of the scene, after which there follows a specification of the object, its form and material. The descriptions are as brief as possible; if the analysis requires detail, this is provided in the actual text. I also intend that the reader should have a coherent picture illustration to get clear idea of my points. Thus, original drawings of most of the objects have been prepared specially for this book by graphic artist Polina Kazakova. There then follow orientational data regarding the size of the object not least for the size of individual pictures is variously adjusted. Further lines contain data on the current location of the object, and the place of its finding or origin. All three last-named fields may be missing in cases where the publication on which I am basing the entry does not contain them. The last piece of data is a list of precise citations of work in which the given object has been mentioned, often including the author’s viewpoint regarding dating, or in a few cases regarding other aspects of the object. I believe the catalogue is sufficiently well-arranged, and orientation with the use of a contents index sufficiently simple to ensure that there is no need for a separate index of illustrations at the end of the work. I usually begin the description of a theme (or catalogue section) by listing depictions on coins, if there are any for the given theme, but this is not a strict rule. In a few cases it might seem that there is no logic to the inclusion of an object in a particular part of a chapter. This was mostly the case with works that were included in the catalogue at a late stage in its preparation, when I no longer wished to change the numbering and cross-references. – 21 –

2.2.1 Adonis This beautiful youth, with whom the goddess of love herself fell in love, is depicted on one of the best cosmetics palettes from Sirkap. The scene depicts the moment when Adonis was killed by a wild boar which he had set out to hunt despite Aphrodite’s warning. They are both – Adonis and the boar – depicted dead, lying on a rocky hillside. Adonis is lying in a rightwards direction, and is naked, except for a garment draped over part of his leg and his left shoulder. He has a Phrygian cap on his head and on his chest a necklace that passes round his whole body in a criss-cross pattern, tight against the solar plexus in the Indian fashion, as seen, for example, in the schist statue of a woman from Sirkap28, as well as in the Aphrodite of Tillya Tepe (cat. no. 6). The scene is completed by three satyr figures. The first, with pointed ears, is leaning over Adonis’ body from the left, lifting up his garment. We see him from behind, in three-quarters view. The upper parts of the figures of two more satyrs (?) peep out from behind a rocky outcrop. They are depicted more or less frontally, but have turbans on their heads and are clothed. The palette is unusual not only in its subject, but also in its composition, which covers the whole area of the palette, making use of every bit of free space. If the function of these palettes is a question of dispute, it would certainly be difficult for this one to be used for mixing makeup, since there is no room for ingredients. The actual scene, part of the wider circle of myths surrounding Aphrodite, underwent only formal changes at the hands of the local Taxilan artist: the above-mentioned details of the jewellery and clothing (turban) of Indian origin were used. A similar shift in accessories is found in the scene showing Eros being punished by Aphrodite, described below. The issue of the content of the scene is more complicated. As far as I know, there are no cases of a similar type of scene with Adonis either in Greek or Roman art. The palette was thus either created from models that have not been preserved, or it was the invention of the artist, who must have had a good knowledge of the myths surrounding the goddess Aphrodite. The second work that I shall mention here, also connected with Adonis, is the lower half of a male figure, which has been written about in detail by J. Boardman.29 Whether it represents Adonis or not, a number of parallels are known, some of which come from Near Eastern localities such as the regions of Yemen, Oman, Hatra and Petra. In the east they belong to the category of imports from the Mediterranean. Within this group they have a specific and unique position because of their unusual two-part construction. Unfortunately we know no details of their origin other than that they come from Gandhara. 28 Marshall 1960, pl. 17, fig.19. 29 Crossroads of Asia pp. 106–107, cat. no. 109.

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1  (1)  Fig. 1 Death of Adonis; palette made of green steatite Diameter: 10.1 cm The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri, Nelson Fund 49.8 Reportedly from Sirkap (Taxila), Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 17; Czuma 1985, cat. no. 67 (Czuma dates to 1st century AD). In my opinion rather 1st century BC

2  (2)  Fig. 2 Male figure in complicated dress, lower half (Adonis?, personification of the province Syria?, Triptolemos?); bronze statuette, imported H. 11.4 cm Ashmolean Museum, O.S. 13A, Oxford Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp.106, 107, cat. no. 109; J. Boardman dates to 2nd c. AD

2.2.2 Aphrodite The goddess of love was not one of the most favourite Mediterranean incomers in the east – indeed, I know of only two items that might be classified as imports from the Mediterranean. The first is a relatively high-quality work: a gilded silver statue (1).30 This is a relatively new find from the Begram area in Paropamisadae, about 50 km north of Kabul. The goddess is depicted standing, with a slightly raised mirror in her left hand, as if she has just finished looking at herself, or is just about to. At the same time, she is adjusting the garment over her right shoulder with her right hand in a charming gesture. The back of the mirror depicts Zeus or Poseidon. The same schema, but in the hands of a local Indian artist, is shown by a golden statue found in Taxila (5).31 In this case the goddess is holding the mirror more as an accessory rather than something that she has been just using. Unlike the previous work, her right hand is resting on 30 Bopearachchi 2000, pp. 75–81. 31 Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 137.

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her hip. The head is out of proportion – it is too big. There is an attempt to show the clinging drapery – the goddess has a himation with many folds around her legs, but the chiton from the waist up is conceived in a much simpler way. This is also the case with the girdling of the chiton, high up under the breasts. It is worth noting that the usual stand, as seen in work no. 1, is here transformed into an upside-down lotus flower – the base on which Buddha himself sits. If we accept Bopearachchi’s dating of the import to the 2nd–3rd century BC, and Boardman’s dating of the Taxila Aphrodite to the 1st century AD, it is clear that younger imports must have also existed, albeit of a similar nature to no.  1.32 A stance similar to that in no. 5 is seen in the case of another small golden appliqué from Gandhara (6).33 This one is even more schematic, however. The left hand is also raised, but there is no mirror, and the hand is more engaged in straightening the himation, as is the case with the right hand of the statue from Begram (no.1). The right hand, which holds a bunch of flowers, also rests on the hip. A major difference is the absence of a chiton, as well as the distinguishing of the details of the naked body, even in a statue as small as this. Aphrodite has a small child – Eros – hanging off the clothing that covers her right leg, holding on with both hands. As Boardman rightly states, similar schemas are found in Gandhara in depictions of Hariti, who also has children clinging to her here and there.34 The other imported object depicting our goddess is one the well-known plaster casts from Begram (13). It represents a naked woman standing frontally, who is facing left. She holds an apple in her outstretched left hand, which is the only attribute she carries. Of key importance for understanding the significance that this most powerful of the goddesses may have acquired in her new environment are the finds from the burial ground at Tillya Tepe in northern Afghanistan. They are two golden plaques showing a winged female figure. The innovation that is clear at first sight is the wings. This attribute is also gained by other figures from Greek and Roman mythology once they settle in the east, above all the Atlantes. In the case of Aphrodite, the feature can be seen as a borrowing from Psyche, for example. In other aspects, however, the concepts of the two depictions of Aphrodite from Tillya differ considerably. The first work (3) is relatively close to Western tradition. It maintains a high standard of artistic execution, maintains the proportions and preserves a Hellenistic facies.35 The goddess is here depicted half naked, with 32 Boardman makes a comparison with examples of the depiction of Aphrodite from Taxila in the form of appliqués in gold (two Aphrodites with wings) and bronze (Aphrodite and Eros). They are all standing on lotus flowers. 33 Crossroads of Asia, p.137, cat. no. 138 34 See the entry for Tyche/Hariti. 35 Sarianidi 1985, cat. no. 6, 3, p.254, ill. 99.

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only the lower part of her body covered by a finely-draped robe. The outline of her left leg projects from the clothing. Her left elbow leans on a small pillar while the right rests freely on her hip, slightly to the back. The model for this schema may be sought in Hellenistic marble sculptures and their terracotta imitations, with examples coming from Crete, Cyrene and Kerch.36 An interesting detail is the large bracelets on the arms and wrists, which are not naturally found in the models. There is a further element that has already been mentioned, one that shifts this statue further away from the models and allows us to speculate that the depiction has another meaning. These are the wings, an attribute of her son Eros and his Psyche. The second Bactrian Aphrodite (4), on the other hand, has heavy proportions, coarser features, and is notably schematic.37 The goddess stands between two pillars, on the left of which is a small Eros. She wears a striking piece of jewellery, which hangs around her neck with two ends falling to her hips. The two parts are connected between the breasts. This type of jewellery has already been mentioned above in the case of Adonis, and the same type can also be found on a large terracotta statue from Jawa in Jordan (now in Amman).38 I know of no direct model for a goddess between two pillars, but even in this “barbarized” approach, elements of Hellenistic artistic style can be discerned. I am thinking about the legs, where the supporting leg is entirely lost underneath the drapery of the cloak, while the outline of the left, relaxed leg comes clearly to the surface. The main period during which this feature is found in Hellenistic art is the first half of the 3rd century, and it is in this period that I would seek the origin of the whole schema. It may have arrived in this form via not just one but several intermediaries. K. Abdullaev recently recognised a depiction of the goddess Aphrodite in a further find from Tillya Tepe – two identical pendants depicting a winged goddess in front of a temple (11 and 12).39 The figure has several peculiar features: the wings are formed as inlayed hearts, she wears an unusual headdress (polos?) and holds a round object, probably an apple40, in her left hand. Unlike the other examples, this goddess has bare womb and the cloak is wrapped (in a similar way to nos. 3 and 10) only around her thighs. Again, she wears the above mentioned cross-fastened necklace. Both objects flanking the figure itself represent the most enigmatic feature. Their upper part and overall view reminds us of Corinthian column capitals and temple facade respectively, but their lower part looks more like the protome

36 Reinach RépStat II, 334, 6; 335, 1, 2; LIMC II, Aphrodite 569–583; cf. also finger ring from Payon Kurgan with image of standing naked female figure dated to 2nd – 1st c. BC, Abdullaev 2005c, p. 42, fig. 20. 37 Sarianidi 1985, cat. no. 2, 6, p.231, ill. 8, see also pp. 25–26. 38 LIMC II, Aphrodite (in peripheria orientali) 111, p.164. 39 Abdullaev 2005b. 40 See also no. 13 for the same attribute.

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of an uncertain animal, perhaps a dog. Here, with all probability, the Greek goddess Aphrodite accepted some new attributes and concepts and metamorphosed into a new, specific image, combining the naked goddess of love and the ancient Near Eastern and old Greek concept of Potnia Theron “Mistress of the Animals.” Another interesting item, a golden brooch depicting Aphrodite from Sirkap (10), represents a connecting link between depictions no. 3 and no. 4. It has a schema almost identical to no. 3, the only difference in the composition being the position of the legs, which are crossed. The pillar is shown in more detail, with an acanthus head indicated on it. The goddess is also wearing a piece of jewellery similar to that seen in no. 4, but in this case formed by a row of holes. She, too, has a local element – bracelets on her arms, and like both Bactrian examples, she has wings, which are missing from the other Taxilan examples. It has to be asked whether the artists in Taxila meant these different depictions to indicate different gods, or whether it is just that the eastern Aphrodite was not clearly established and codified as a type. In Gandhara, however, we also come across the telling of a story in which Aphrodite played a central role. A palette from Narai, close to Peshawar, shows a scene in which the goddess is punishing Eros for one of his usual misdeeds (2).41 The goddess is sitting on some sort of construction, maybe a bed, and is depicted in three-quarter view from behind. With her left hand she holds her naughty son to her, as she stretches out her right hand to strike him with a slipper. A nice detail is the participation of Aphrodite’s goose in the punishment: it is nipping the boy’s knee. The second figure of Eros is hiding behind the pillar. To the right of the goddess, the scene is viewed by a youth holding an unidentifiable bird in his left hand. This little work must have been created from some sort of imported model, since its theme is purely classical. The only Indian elements are the pieces of jewellery worn by both Aphrodite and Eros – opulent bracelets and anklets. J. Boardman suggests that the schema originated around the year 400.42 The slipper is a common tool of punishment in Greek art.43 There is a well-known sculpture from island of Delos in which Aphrodite is reaching out with a slipper to the god Pan, who is harassing her.44 The theme does not appear to be older than the beginning of the 1st century BC. A goose accompanies Aphrodite on, for example, a bronze mirror from Corinth from 380–370 BC.45 41 Crossroads of Asia cat. no. 153. 42 Crossroads of Asia pp. 152–153. 43 LIMC II, Aphrodite nos. 1252–4, in the case of no. 1353 the scene is completed by a youth looking on, holding a bird. 44 LIMC II, Aphrodite 514. 45 LIMC II, Aphrodite 1343, p.131.

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A similar cosmetics palette from Charsada (8) features an iconographic ensemble taken from Greek mythology. Although I share Boardman’s doubts regarding Czuma’s identification of the scene as Aphrodite sitting on a heap of stones and trying to force the apple on Paris, I include it here because any other classification would be just as uncertain. The youth seems to be standing up in alarm, knocking over his stick which we see near his left thigh. His hand is raised towards Aphrodite in a gesture of refusal, stemming from his hesitation in making a final judgment.46 According to Boardman, however, it is more likely to be one of the pair of scenes in which the role of aggressor is played by a woman, such as Eos and Cephalus, or Echo and Narcissus.47 Aphrodite sitting on a rock and resting on her left hand behind her body is a type known from Greek vase painting as early as the turn of the 5th and 4th centuries. The theme was not transferred into larger-scale sculpture until the late Hellenistic period. Five examples are known from the island of Rhodes.48 An ivory medallion from Afghanistan is also based on the paradigm (7). Here we see Aphrodite in three-quarter view sitting on a rock with a small figure of Eros behind her left shoulder. On her left side stands a female figure who is giving the goddess a round object, perhaps a mirror or toilet box (the single publication mentioned below states a mirror in a box). The figure is standing on a round plinth, giving the impression that it is meant to be a statue. However, its stance, bending towards the goddess, suggests a live figure. Aphrodite herself is naked, with only her legs wrapped in her cloak, which has fallen to the ground. The only Indian elements are the bracelets on her right arm. The closest parallel is an ancient plaster cast from a medallion49 based on the cup from the Hildesheim treasure. The only significant difference is the location of Eros – in the latter case he is in the space at the top between the goddess and the female figure. The female figure is again on a plinth. The latter work can be dated to the late 3rd century BC. Our example, no. 7, shows stylistic degradation, and is definitely younger. It was probably created at some time during the 1st century BC. A palette featuring the death of Adonis, described above under the heading Adonis (cat. no. 1) also belongs to the group of myths surrounding Aphrodite, but there is no depiction of the goddess here. I have left until last an exceptionally interesting depiction of a crouching Aphrodite on a gem bought in Peshawar and now kept in Paris (9). The goddess is shown in three-quarters profile from the right, although the upper part of her body 46 47 48 49

Czuma 1985, p. 145. Crossroads of Asia p. 155 LIMC I, 2, p. 94, see examples LIMC II, 2, Aphrodite cat. no. 880–890. LIMC II, 2, Aphrodite cat. no. 886.

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1  (3)  Fig. 3 Standing Aphrodite with the mirror in her left hand; silver gilded statuette, imported H. 32.5 cm including plinth Private collection Begram region / Kapishi, Afghanistan Published: Bopearachchi 2000, pp. 75–81; Bopearachchi dates on the basis of the technique and processing of gilding and indirect analogies to 2nd–3rd century BC, supposes Roman origin; De l’Indus à l’Oxus, cat. no. 283 (O. Bopearachchi), the same dating

2  (4)  Fig. 4 Aphrodite punishing naughty Eros with her shoe, toilet tray made of yellow soapstone Diameter: 12 cm, h. 2 cm British Museum 1973.6-18.1; originally L. W. Jardine Collection Narai, Peshawar region, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, fig. 18; Francfort 1979, no. 8, pl. IH.; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 162, fig. 2; Czuma 1985, cat. no. 66, Czuma dates to 1st century AD.; Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 153; Boardman dates to 1st century BC

3  (5)  Fig. 5 Winged Aphrodite standing frontally, application made of gold H. 5 cm, w. 2.6 cm, depth 0.6 cm Location unknown, probably Kabul Tillya Tepe, grave no. 6, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1985, cat. no. 6.3, p. 254, ill. 99; Carter 1997, fig. 5 (figures wrongly marked – this confused with the following one); Belaňová 2008, obr. 2.

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4  (6)  Fig. 6 Winged Aphrodite standing between two pillars, Eros standing on one of them, relief application made of gold H. 4.5 cm, w. 2.5 cm, depth 0.3–0.4 cm Location unknown, Kabul Tillya Tepe, grave no. 2, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1983, ris. 11; Sarianidi 1984, Abb. 5; Sarianidi 1985, cat. no. 2, 6, p. 231, ill. 8, also p. 25–26; Carter 1997, fig. 6 (figures wrongly marked – this confused with the previous one); Belaňová 2008, obr. 1.

5  (7)  Fig. 7 Aphrodite with mirror in left hand; statuette made of gold sheet H. 5 cm, base diameter 2 cm Victoria and Albert Museum, London, I.S. 13-1948. Taxila, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 137; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. AD

6  (8)  Fig. 8 Aphrodite and Eros, finial of gold H. 3.8 cm, w. 1.8 cm British Museum 1962.11-12.1 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 138; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC–1st c. AD; Belaňová 2008, obr. 6

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7  (9)  Fig. 9 Sitting Aphrodite, Eros flying close to her right shoulder, smaller female figure offers mirror from the left or jewel casket, ivory medallion Diameter: 8.3 cm Private collection, London Afghanistan Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus cat. no. 92; P. Bernard and O. Bopearachchi date it to 1st c. BC

8  (10)  Fig. 10 Aphrodite and Paris (?), toilet tray made of schist. Diameter: 10.2 cm Victoria and Albert Museum, London, IS 1218. Charsada, Pakistan. Published: Hallade 1968, pl. 2; Francfort 1979, pl. I, no. 2; Czuma 1985, cat. no. 63; Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD; Crossroads of Asia, p. 155, cat. no. 155, Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC–1st c. AD

9  (11)  Fig. 11 Crouching Aphrodite on plinth, sardonyx gem 1.8 × 2.1 cm Cabinet des médailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Purchased in Peshawar, Pakistan Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 149, cat. no. 137, G. Fussman dates to the 2nd c. BC

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10  (12)  Fig. 12 Aphrodite standing frontally leans with her left arm against the column and right arm akimbo, gold broach Size not mentioned Taxila Museum, Pakistan Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Waheed Jan 1997, p. 4; Belaňová 2008, obr. 4

11 and 12  (13 and 14)   no picture Winged Aphrodite standing frontally, pendant in form of temple facade, gold with inlay (two almost identical pieces) H. 5.8 cm, w. 4.6 cm, thickness 0.5 cm, weight 31.58 g Kabul Museum, Afghanistan, MK 04.40.52 Tillya Tepe, grave no. 6, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1985, cat. no. 6.4, pp. 254–255, ills. 48–50, interpreted as the “Great Goddess amidst animals”; Abdullaev 2005b, ris. 1, 2; interpreted as Aphrodite in a temple naos; Afghanistan, pp. 210, 283, cat. no. 137, dated to the 2nd quarter of 1st c. AD, described as “la maîtresse des animaux”

13  (15)  no picture Aphrodite standing frontally facing left, she holds an apple in her outstretched left hand, white plaster cast imported H. 26.7 cm Kabul Museum, Afghanistan, MK 04.1.20 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Afghanistan, pp. 237, 285, cat. no. 186, dated to the 1st c. AD

and her head are turned to the left. This torsion is characteristic of works from the late 4th and early 3rd centuries, above all of the school of the sculptor Lysippus. We can even distinguish a plinth in the bottom part, which would indicate that this is not a depiction of the goddess herself, but of her statue. This is clearly a reworking of the famous Hellenistic statue of the crouching Aphrodite, ascribed to the sculptor Doidalsas.50 The best of many Roman copies is probably that in the Museo delle Terme in Rome.51 On the basis of an analysis of the shape of the letters in the 50 Ridgway (1990, pp. 230–232) expresses doubts regarding the identification of Roman copies with the work of Doidalsas, and also casts doubt on the dating to the period of the Bithynian king Nicomedes I (264–247). She suggests a date of around 200. 51 Pollitt 1986, pp. 56, 57, fig. 50, Pollitt adheres to a date of around 250 BC.

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vertical inscription “Diodoron”, Fussman dates the gem to the rule of Antimachus II.52 If we accept this dating, and there is no good reason why we should not, we would have before us one of the earliest depictions of this statue. It is not until the 2nd century AD that a depiction of this statue appears on coins of Amisos.53 The thirteen works described form a coherent group. Apart from one import, the silver statue of the 3rd–2nd century, all the other items come from the period of the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD. In particular, the depictions of the standing goddess represent different degrees of orientalisation of the subject, both from the iconographic and stylistic points of view. We might arrange them in the following sequence: 1-5-6-3-10-4, with a more detailed analysis revealing that the method of borrowing from the original was, in the case of nos. 5 and 6, of one kind, and with nos. 3 and 4 slightly different, something that also corresponds to the geographical distance between the places of origin. It is interesting that the brooch, which is also from Taxila (10), is close to both examples from Tillya Tepe. There is strong doubt as to whether no. 8 can be interpreted as falling within the sphere of pictures of Aphrodite, and I do not therefore intend to draw any conclusions from it here. Another work that does not fit into the group is the gem with the crouching Aphrodite, which has a clear model, and may be expected to have been used in a more or less Greek environment.

Actaeon see Artemis

2.2.3 Apollo Apollo is one of the gods whose popularity in the east is easily explained. Seleucus I derived his origin from him, considering him his mythical forefather. He particularly revered Apollo’s oracle at Didyma, and apparently returned to it the statue of Apollo that had once been carried off by the Persians to Susa during the Ionian Revolt. He introduced the cult of Apollo in Syria, founding a shrine to Apollo in a holy grove at Daphne near Antioch, putting a chryselephantine statue by the Athenian sculptor Bryaxis there. Apollo thus became the patron of the Seleucids, appearing on bronze coins after the year 300 BC in Antioch, in another workshop in Seleucia on the Tigris, gold coins in Susa and in the earliest coins in Bactria. These are from the year 288/7 BC, and may be directly connected with the arrival of Seleucus’ son and joint ruler, Antiochus I, in the east.54 52 De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 149 53 Ridgway 1990, p. 230. 54 Houghton – Lorber 2002, p. 8.

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As the patron of the Seleucid rulers, Apollo then appears on the coins of both Antiochi, struck in the headquarters of their eastern dominions, in Bactria. He first appears under Antiochus I, the governor (satrap) of Bactria in 280–261 BC (7a) and then under Antiochus II, in 261–246 BC. (7b)55 In both cases these are good-quality gold staters. While under the Seleucids this type later appears very frequently – for example under Antiochus Hierax, Seleucus III, Antiochus III56 – in the case of the Bactrian rulers, Apollo sitting on an omphalos with his cloak thrown over his right thigh and an arrow in his right hand while his left rests on his bow, does not later appear in precise citation. The closest is a type of coin minted by Apollodotus II, with Apollo sitting to the right, but this still cannot be labelled an imitation of him, and a concrete model must be sought elsewhere. Apollo, or his symbol, a tripod,57 appears on the coins of no fewer than ten58 Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek rulers: in the case of Euthydemus II, only his head (1), but in the case of Apollodotus I, Eucratides II, Apollodotus I, Eucratides II., Apollodotus II, Straton II, Hippostratus, Dionysius II and Zoilos II as a standing god, and on the coins of Straton I as both a bust and a standing figure. In the case of Apollodotus II he also appears sitting.59 For the sake of completeness, Eucratides’ coins show the head of Apollo facing right, as is the case with the bust on Straton I’s coins (2). The type showing Apollo’s head in profile, with longish hair falling down his neck behind, can be found on a number of coins from cities in Asia Minor such as Xanthos, Colophon and Milet, as well as those of rulers such as Prusias I in Bithynia. However, a true model for Euthydemus II’s coins can be found in the Seleucid coins from the headquarters of Seleucia on the Tigris. They are coins minted by Antiochus II, Seleucus II and Antiochus III from 255–210 BC.60 Apollo traditionally appeared on Seleucid coins from the reign of Seleucus I onwards, and his head with a wreath on the right can be found on coins minted in Antioch on the Orontes. A coin from this group that is close to Straton’s coins is a copper coin from Cragus and Xanthos in Lycia, but this comes from the first half of the first century BC, and cannot therefore be a model in itself; rather, they both come from the same model. Seleucid inspiration is also confirmed by analysis of the depiction of a standing naked Apollo with a bow and/or arrows. Although 55 If we are basing our calculations on Bactria seceding from the Seleucids in around 250 BC, it is likely that the last coins of Antiochus II would have been struck before this date. 56 Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 38–63 57 Also with Antiochus II (AE) Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 78, 593–7 in Seleucia on the Tigris, and Antiochus III. (AE) Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 87, 971–5, in Sardis 215–213 BC. 58 Cribb and Bopearachchi state thirteen rulers, but not by name, Crossroads of Asia p. 78. 59 Bopearachchi 1991, p. 377. 60 LIMC II, Apollo 518–532, no. 532 – Seleucid coins – they are not among the illustrations.

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I have found no totally similar coin struck by Apollodotus I or other IndoGreek rulers after him, a very close depiction is featured on copper coins from Antiochus II (261–246) struck in Ecbatana in Iran, and a silver tetradrachma from the reign of Antiochus II (223–187) from Antioch on the Orontes. This means that Apollo was appearing on coins as early as the first half of the nd 2 century BC, both throughout Bactria (Euthydemus II, 190–185 BC.), and a little later in Paropamisadae, Gandhara, Arachosia and the Punjab (Apollodotus I, 180–160 BC) At the very close of Greek rule in Bactria, we come across Apollo on the coins of Eucratides II (145–140 BC). His contemporary, Menander I, was minting coins with a tripod on the reverse in all the areas to the south of the Hindu Kush (145–130 BC). Straton I then briefly minted coins featuring Apollo in his dominions in Gandhara and Punjab (125–110 BC). Apollo went on to appear on the coins of almost all the late Indo-Greeks, who by now ruled only the Punjab area (Apollodotus II, Hippostratus, Dionysius and Zoilos II, Straton II, i.e. from 80 BC–10 AD). Coins depicting Apollo are also unique in that the reverse of the coin is also devoted to the god, since they feature a tripod, Apollo’s symbol. It is only rarely found on coins that do not have Apollo on the obverse; this happens in the case of Menander I, where there is a bull on the obverse, while in the case of Zoilos II there is an elephant. Apollo’s popularity may stem from the fact that the Seleucids who previously ruled this area saw him as their patron. In the second decade of the 1st century BC Maues, the Scythian ruler of the Gandhara and western Punjab area, became the first “barbarian” to put Apollo on his coins (3). He chose a standing Apollo with a bow and arrow, doubtlessly taking as his model coins from Straton I and maybe Apollodotus I in the same area – coins that he would have found in circulation after annexing the region. Both of them were in turn undoubtedly inspired by Seleucid coins, which we come across from the period of Seleucus II in Seleucia on the Tigris and of Antioch III,61 in the same area. The same schema was not used by another nonGreek ruler until Huvishka two hundred years later. It is not, however, certain whether the picture on his coins represents Apollo or some local god, depicted along the same lines. The inscription on the coin, “Yodhavade”, does not help solve the riddle. The situation is the same with the coins struck by his predecessor, Kanishka. The depiction of the god on the reverse of his didrachma can be taken as the figure of Apollo-Mithras, making a blessing with his right hand (12). The figure is accompanied by Apollo’s epithet, “Helios”, but the same picture on another coin is accompanied by the inscription “Mioro”, or Mithras. We are thus witnesses to a gradual transformation in significance. The traditional 61 Houghton – Lorber 2002 pl. 83, 781.1b and pl. 92, both AE coins.

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iconographic scheme is maintained, but the significance that the users see behind it is changed. The epilogue to Apollo’s eastern sojourn is a depiction of Samudragupta, the Gupta king in India (330–380 AD) based on the model of Apollo with a bow and arrow. In this schema the iconography is connected to the iconography of the god Rama.62 Despite Apollo’s considerable popularity, we do not find enough evidence on coins to suggest that a cult of Apollo existed, with the exception of some apparently secular cosmetics palettes. In Gandharan art itself we come across Apollo – indeed, entire scenes from myths featuring him – only in the earliest stages. Among the works that are conventionally referred to as cosmetics palettes, there are two (9 and 10) which depict the god at the point where he has caught up with Daphne, who he has been chasing, on the bank of a river and is just touching her. It is the moment, a fraction of a second, before she is changed into a laurel tree. On one palette (9) a girl is depicted in deep relief, sitting on the left on a pile of stones (maybe representing a river bank), turning her head to look behind her. Her shoulder is being touched by a young man whose hair and clothes are streaming in the wind from rapid movement – he has just run up. The second palette (10) depicts the scene in a similar way, but reversed left-right. The girl is crouching on the stones and the youth has stopped running (his cloak is hanging down his back rather than streaming) and is trying to grab her by the arm and turn her towards him. Czuma believes the two scenes depict the same mythological subject, and not only that: judging by the almost identical dimensions of the two palettes, and above all by the style – the depth of the relief, the way in which the figures are conceived, the way in which the stones are treated and, last but not least, the edges, decorated with the same pattern of pearls and waves – even thinks they may have come from the same workshop.63 From the same period as the cosmetics palettes comes the only example of an imported picture of Apollo – on a cast of an emblema from Begram (11). It is a frontal depiction – a bust – of the god with the head turned slightly to the right. Although it illustrates the interest that there may have been in similar depictions in the east, it is clear that the models for depiction on palettes must have been further imports. To sum up the previous paragraphs, it seems clear that Apollo, although very popular on Graeco-Bactrian and above all Indo-Greek coins, was not generally 62 Crossroads of Asia p. 79, cat. no. 68, for the reverse of this coin see Ardokhsho. 63 Czuma 1985, p. 146.

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accepted by the local population. At least this is the evidence that we have from the available archaeological data. There is clear continuity from the coins minted by Seleucus up to the late Indo-Greek coins, but in small-scale art we have only two examples of depictions of Apollo, both on cosmetics palettes and both from Sirkap (Taxila). Where we come across a later use of a depiction reminiscent in some aspects of Apollo, it is likely to be another god who drew on Apollo’s iconography in some way. It is unlikely that the Kushans saw Apollo himself in these depictions, although it cannot be ruled out. It is interesting that there are no cases in which the god is depicted in his function as the patron of the arts, playing the lyre. If he has any attributes, then they are only the bow and arrow, evoking his warrior and hunter aspects. The appearance of a tripod (although again only on coins) is a reminder of the part of Apollo’s cult that was connected with prophesy. The only figure who accompanies Apollo in the east is Daphne – both examples are on the above-mentioned cosmetics palettes, and clearly point to some sort of unknown model on which they must have both been based. It is also worth noting the still-common use of the tripod as a stand-in symbol for the god, at least on coins struck by Indo-Greek rulers.

a) Head or bust 1  (16)  Fig. 13 Head of Apollo to the right with laurel wreath Obverse of bronze coins of Antiochus I minted in Bactria and Euthydmus II (190–185 BC) Published: Houghton and Lorber 2002, pl. 75, no. 443.2 (coin of Antiochus I), Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 169–171, pl. 6, série 5–9, Crossroads of Asia p. 77, cat. no. 62 (coin of Euthydemus)

2  (17)  Fig. 14 Bust of Apollo to the right with long plait Obverse of bronze coins of Strato I (125–110 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 265, pl. 37, série 32

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b) Standing Apollo 3  (18)  Fig. 15 Apollo standing naked to the left, leaning with his right hand against the bow and holding arrow in his left Obverse of bronze coins of Apollodotus I (180–160 BC), reverse of silver drachma and tetradrachma of Eucratides II (145–140 BC), here fig. 15, obverse of bronze coins of Strato I (125–110 BC) and obverse of bronze coins of Maues, Scythian king of Gandhara (90–80 BC) and reverse of bronze tetradrachma of Huvishka (153–191 AD) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 192–194, pl. 12–14, série 6–7, Crossroads of Asia, pp. 61, 77, cat. nos. 22, 63 (coin of Apollodotus); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 217–219, pl. 22–23, série 1–3, Crossroads of Asia, p. 76, cat. no. 61 (coin of Eucratides II); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 264–265, pl. 37, série 31 (coin of Strato I); Crossroads of Asia p. 77, cat. no. 65 (coin of Maues); Crossroads of Asia, p. 78, cat. no. 67 (coin of Huvishka)

5  (20)  Fig. 17 Standing Apollo, holding arrow in his both hands Obverse of silver tetradrachma and of bronze coins of Apollodotus II (80–65 BC), of bronze coins of Hippostratus (65–55 BC), Dionysios (65–55 BC) and Zoilos II (55–35 BC) and of lead coins of Strato II (25 BC – 10 AD) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 348–353, 355, pl. 61–64, série 5–11, 13–17, 20 (coin of Apollodotus II); pp. 358–359, pl. 65–66, série 8, 9 (coin of Hippostratus); pp. 361, 362, pl. 67, série 2–4 (coin of Dionysios); pp. 365–367, pl. 68, série 3–7, 9 (coin of Zoilos II); pp. 370–372, pl. 69, série 3–5, 7, 9 (coin of Strato II)

4  (19)  Fig. 16 Apollo standing frontally, holding arrow in his right hand Obverse of bronze coin of Apollodotus II (80–65 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 351, pl. 63, série 12, Crossroads of Asia, p. 77, cat. no. 64.

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c) Sitting Apollo 6  (21)  Fig. 18 Sitting Apollo, holding arrow in his both hands Obverse of coins of Apollodotus II (80–65 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 354, pl. 64, série 18

7  (22)  Fig. 19 Apollo sitting on the omphalos, a dress covers his right thigh, leaning with his left hand against the bow and holding an arrow in his right 7a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma and gold stater of Antiochus I (minted in Bactria, 280–261 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 2002, p. 117, fig. 1, a find from Kuliab treasure (Ag); De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 64, 70, cat. no. 45; Houghton and Lorber 2002, pl. 20, 435, resp. 437, pl. 21, 439 7b) Same as 7a) just a lyre added close to the right leg, reverse of gold stater of Antiochus II (minted in Bactra 261–246 BC) Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 64, 70, cat. nos. 46, 47 d) Tripod 8  (23)  Fig. 20 Tripod, symbol of Apollo64 Reverse of bronze and Cu-Ni coins of Euthydemus II (190–185 BC), bronze coins of Apollodotus I. (180–160 BC), Menander I (155–130 BC), Strato I. (125–110 BC), Apollodotus II (80–65 BC), Hippostratus (65–55 BC), Dionysios (65–55 BC), Zoilos II (55–35 BC) and lead coins of Strato II (25 BC – 10 AD)

64 In case the tripod is depicted on the reverse, we can mostly find Apollo on the obverse, on the coins of Menander I there is bull head and on one of the six types of the coins of Zoilos II, depicting a tripod on the reverse, there is an elephant on obverse.

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Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 169–171, pl. 6, série 5–9 (coin of Euthydemus II); pp. 192–194, pl. 12–14, série 6, 7 (coin of Apollodotus I); p.243, pl. 32, série 29 (coin of Menander I); pp. 264, 265, pl. 37, série 31 (coin of Strato I); pp. 348–355, pl. 61–64, série 5–9, 12–20 (coin

of Apollodotus II); pp. 358, 359, pl. 65, 66, série 8, 9 (coin of Hippostratos); pp. 361, 362, pl. 67, série 2, 3 (coin of Dionysios); pp. 365–367, pl. 68, série 3–8 (coin of Zoilos II); pp. 370–372, pl. 69, série 3–5, 7–8 (coin of Strato II, series 6–8 together with his son Strato)

9  (24)  Fig. 21 Apollo and Daphne (?), toilet tray of green steatite Diameter: 10.6 cm. Collection of Samuel Eilenberg, New York From Gandhara, perhaps Sirkap (Taxila), Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 64; Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD (I prefer to date it in 1st c. BC, cf. with the next item – another toilet tray)

10  (25)  Fig. 22 Apollo and Daphne (?), toilet tray made of grey schist Diameter: 10.9 cm. National Museum, Karachi, no. 8502 Sirkap (Taxila), stratum IV, beginnings of Saka presence in the area, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 176, cat. no. 479; Marshall 1960, pl. 11, fig. 13 (“pair of lovers”), 1st c. BC; Nehru 1989, fig. 165

11  (26)  Fig. 23 Bust of Apollo, head turned three-quarters to the left, white plaster cast, imported Diameter unknown Present location unknown Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 2

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Mithr a – Apollo 12  (27)  no picture Apollo standing frontally, facing left, depicted as Mithra with rayed halo, making a gesture of blessing with his right hand, inscription “Helios” Reverse of bronze didrachma of Kanishka I (127–153 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 78, cat. no. 66

2.2.4 Ares The two depictions of the god of war that I will look at here come from the same location, Begram in Afghanistan, and are both beyond all doubt imports from the eastern Mediterranean. It is surprising that we know of no ruler who put a depiction of Ares on his coins, or chose him for his patron. The two Begram imports show that in the first century AD attempts were still being made to introduce less popular gods into the eastern regions. They are both parts of larger wholes: the bronze bust is part of a group of a further five balsamaria and the cast of the emblema comes from a collection that actually contains several dozen pieces. They therefore appear to be items that were collected, or part of a set of “product samples.” This is all in the context of just one of the seats of the Kushan court. I have found no evidence of the later introduction or transformation of Ares for local requirements.

1  (28)  no picture Bust of Ares, balsamarium made of bronze, imported 9.8 × 7.9 × 8 cm National Museum of Afghanistan, Kabul, MK 04.1.108 Begram, Afghanistan Published: mentioned in Crossroads of Asia p.112, perhaps Hellenistic period; Afghanistan, pp. 235, 285, cat. no. 182 (splendidly illustrated), dated to the 1st c. AD but not considered to be Ares (described just as “bust”).

2  (29)  Fig. 384 Bust of Ares, head facing left, body in three-quarter view from behind, white plaster cast, imported Diameter 12.5 cm National Museum of Afghanistan, Kabul, MK 04.1.19 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Bieber 1964, p. 61, pl. XXXIV, fig. 68 (other interpretation for the image – Alexander the Great – proposed in this book); Auboyer 1968, 145, cat. no. 9a; J. Auboyer dates to the 1st century AD; Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 11, Afghanistan, pp. 237, 285, cat. no. 185, dated to the 1st c. AD

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Ariadne see Dionysus

2.2.5 Artemis Artemis, the goddess of hunting, is one of several figures who unequivocally failed to catch on in the East. We know of three types of depiction of her on coins. In all of them Artemis is standing: in one case she is striding to the right, holding a long torch in both hands (1) and in the other two she has a bow and arrow. In one of the shooting scenes, introduced on a coin by Demetrius I and then returned to a hundred years later by Peukolaos and Artemidoros, she is only just pulling an arrow out from her quiver with her right hand (2), while in the other she is already shooting to the left or to the right (3). The oldest coins minted (with the torch) come from the rule of Diodotus, the period when the Bactrian Greeks were divided from the Seleucids. The youngest coins, from the rule of Artemidoros (the shooting Artemis) were created in the first quarter of the 1st century BC, so Artemis did not even live to see the arrival of the Kushans. As well as on coins, we find Artemis on a cosmetics palette from Akra in Pakistan (5). The goddess is shown here in a narrative scene with two tableaus. In the first, Actaeon, hiding behind a rocky outcrop (at the top) is watching the goddess, who is bending over as she washes herself. In the second, two dogs are throwing themselves at Actaeon; behind them stands Artemis, now dressed and with weapons. It is worth noting one more stylistic detail – the treatment of the drapery of the smaller female figure who stands in the middle of the composition and is about to pour water from a jug over Artemis. The folds of material between her legs mimic the drapery of the garments of female statues in the high Hellenistic period. The feature is connected above all with the Pergamon artistic school. Boardman has noted the differences between our example and the usual Greek depiction of this scene65: Artemis is bathing in a lake or river, and is not directing the dogs so directly in their attack on the voyeur. Typologically, this depiction can be compared with a similar double picture on a Roman garland sarcophagus from the period around 130 AD.66 Here Artemis is also having water poured on her, but in the scene with the dogs her figure really is missing. In general, in the Mediterranean the second part of the scene is more commonly depicted – the punishment of the brazen youth – and it would be fairly easy to find good models for this second part in portable items. Once again, however, the

65 Crossroads of Asia p. 154. 66 Andreae 1999, p. 418, Abb. 474.

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examples we know of tend to be younger ones.67 The two scenes appear together only rarely. The bracelets and anklets are elements that indicate Indian influence. There is also a cornelian gem with a bust of a naked female figure with a quiver of arrows on her back (6). We shall assume that this is again Artemis, holding a bunch of ears of corn in her left hand. Her hair is treated in a strange way – combed from the front to the back, and bound up on her nape into a tiny bun, but with the locks in front ending in little balls indicating curls. On the basis of the similarity between this hairstyle and those of heads from Khalchayan – although in my view it is not all that great – and the use of Kharoshti script in the two vertical inscriptions, Fussman suggests that the work originated in Bactria.68 The inscriptions mean something like “from Nadusa, son of Shudas” and according to Fussman the name Shudas may be connected with the name of the son of the Scythian satrap in Mathura, Sodas. There, however, Brahmi script was used, not Kharoshti.69 I believe the work is more likely to have originated in Gandhara (we should not forget that the work was bought in a bazaar in Peshawar). The plaster cast from Begram (4) with a bust of a woman looking towards the right may well depict Artemis, but is one of a small group of items in which the identification of Artemis is not certain. Lastly, it is clear from the above that the iconography of Artemis, as in the case of Ares, did not influence the depiction of any local god.

Images on the coins 1  (30)  Fig. 24 Artemis walking to the right, holding a torch in both hands Bronze coins (reverse) of Diodotus I and II (250–230 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 150–151, pl. 1–2, série 8–11

67 LIMC I, Actaeon, nos. 68, 69 68 De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 153, 154. 69 De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 153.

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2  (31)  Fig. 25 Artemis standing frontally, pulling an arrow from the quiver with her right hand, holding a bow in her left Bronze coins (reverse) of Demetrius I (200–190 BC) and bronze coins (obverse) of Peukolaos (90 BC) and Artemidoros (85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 166, pl. 5, série 4 (coins of Demetrius); p. 309, pl. 48, série 2 (coins of Peukolaos); p. 318, pl. 50, série 7–9 (coins Artemidoros)

3  (32)  Fig. 26, 27 Artemis standing to the right or to the left, shooting an arrow Silver drachma (reverse) of Artemidoros (85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 316–317, pl. 49, série 1–4

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4  (33)  Fig. 28 Bust or Artemis (?) facing left, white plaster cast, imported Diameter? Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 8

5  (34)  Fig. 29 Artemis / Diana and Actaeon, toilet tray made of yellow soapstone 5a) Naked Artemis bathing with womanattendant holding jug, Actaeon watching her from behind a rock 5b) Artemis standing to the right setting dog upon Actaeon (only legs of the latter preserved) Diameter: 12.3 cm British Museum 1936.12-23.1 Akra, Bannu region, Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 6; Crossroads of Asia, p. 154, cat. no. 154, J. Boardman dates to the 1st century BC; Boardman 1994, p. 117, fig. 4.49; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 162, fig. 1

6  (35)  Fig. 30 Bust of naked woman (Artemis?) facing right with quiver on her back, holding ears of corn in her left hand, carnelian gem 1.7 × 1.8 cm Cabinet des médailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Purchased in Peshawar, Pakistan Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 153, cat. no. 145, G. Fussman dates to the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD

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2.2.6 Athena Athena was one of the newcomers whom the inhabitants of Bactria were likely to have come across very early. As far back as the end of the 4th century BC, coins were being struck with depictions of Athena in a helmet, looking to the right on the obverse, (1) and with an owl (11a) or an eagle on the reverse. These are imitations of coins struck in Athens. They were published in 1991 by Cribb and Bopearachchi, who described them as coins struck during the period of the Persian Empire in the Bactrian satrapy, sometime around 350 BC.70 In 2003 the latter author dated them to the end of the 4th century, in other words, to the Seleucid period.71 I myself am hesitant to decide this dispute, especially given that in one of the most recent studies the coins are dated only to the period of Antiochus I.72 The same type later appears in a very simplified form on the coins of Greek rulers to the south of the Hindu Kush: Menander I (in this case with an owl on the reverse, 11b), Agathokleia, Straton and also Polyxenos (2). From the start, we also find in Graeco-Bactrian coinage depictions of Athena as a standing figure, armed. On coins from both Diodoti, the goddess is standing frontally, with a spear in her right hand and a shield leaning against her left leg and also held by her left hand (3). The same schema shows up again several decades later on Demetrius II’s coins. She later features on coins struck by Amyntas in Gandhara as a war goddess, making a blessing with her right hand, and holding a spear and shield in her left (4). In the second quarter of the 1st century BC the schema was taken over by the Scythian rulers of the Punjab, Spalahores and Vonones. On the coins of other Scythians a picture appears that seems to show the previous one from the rear view. Athena stands to the right, holding a spear and shield in her left hand, and blessing in her right (24). We come across this with Azes II (35–12 BC) and later with regional rulers of local origin in the Bajaur area on the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan – the Apracarajas dynasty – both in the case of their nameless founder (12 BC–15 AD), and in the coins struck by one of his successors, Aspavarma (c. 15–45 AD). A similar type, but with a spear and a palm branch (5) was struck by one of Amyntas’ successors in Gandhara, Menander II Dikaios, and a little later it was taken over by the Scythian rulers in the Punjab. There is also a rare schema of Athena with a spear and shield in her left hand and Nike in her right hand, (6), which can be traced back 70 Crossoads of Asia, p. 56. 71 De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 88. 72 Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 75. no. 444.

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to the cult statue of Athena in the Acropolis in Athens, the famous “Athena Parthenos” by the sculptor Phidias.73 This was frequently copied during the Hellenistic period (Pergamon) and in particular during the Roman imperial period.74 Only Strato I used it on his coins. The most frequent type of depiction of Athena from the period of Menander I (155–130 BC) onwards was as an armed figure with a raised shield decorated with an aegis in her left hand, and with her right hand throwing a thunderbolt, an attribute taken from her father, Zeus. This type was taken over by Menander from the first Diadochi – either from Antigonus Gonatas (277–239 BC), or from Ptolemy I, from his coins with Alexander on the obverse (305–283 BC). An example of this concept was the statue of Athena Alkidemos in Pella, Macedonia. Ptolemy’s coins feature a spear instead of a thunderbolt. The motivation of the Diadochi was probably Alexander’s choice of Athena in her warrior aspect as his patron. Menander himself goes even further with his references to a connection with Athena – on the obverse of the same coins he has a bust of himself with an aegis over his left shoulder, throwing a spear in the same manner as the goddess. As the ruler of an empire that stretched from Kabul to the east of the Punjab, and possibly even farther into northern India, he was certainly able to allow himself this.75 Later the Athena “Alkidemos” appears on the reverse of coins by thirteen Indo-Greek rulers. Menander himself introduced two of the three types: Athena Alkidemos to the left (8) and to the right (7). The first became most popular, with a further eleven Indo-Greek rulers striking coins featuring it over a period of 160 years. One of them, Straton I, took on both types and added a third – Athena Alkidemos en face (9). Indeed, Athena Alkidemos featured on the coins of all the last Indo-Greek rulers in the eastern Punjab.76 A barbarian coin by a Parthian ruler in the area of Jammu, Sases, from the period around 85 AD, takes up the subject of the Alkidemos standing to the right. The only coins known to me are much worn, but they appear to represent Athena with a thunderbolt in her right hand and a shield in her left hand (7b). Mallon-McCorgray shows an even lower-quality and coarser mint with a depiction of a standing Athena.77 The only example of coins showing a sitting Athena are those struck by Apollodotus I to the south of the Hindu Kush (10). In this case, two models 73 Reconstruction according to N. Leipen, see Boardman 1985 (1995), fig. 106. 74 Ibid. figs. 97–103. 75 See the above-mentioned mention in Strabo on his campaign reaching further into India than that of Alexander himself. 76 M. G. Raschke mentions a depiction of Athena Alkidemos on a seal of unknown provenience with a Kharoshti inscription naming its owner Guduharasa (Gondophares?), see Raschke 1978, p. 814 (note 709). 77 Mallon-McCorgray (1996).

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imitated here in the east and mentioned elsewhere are fused together in an interesting way: Athena Parthenos and Zeus Olympios. While Athena is carrying Nike in her right hand, like the Parthenos, and also as on Straton’s coins (6), she is, however, conceived as a figure sitting on a throne, in the style of Zeus Olympios. In Greek art we also know of relatively early depictions of a seated Athena alone. An example is the relief on the parapet of the temple of Athena Nike at the Acropolis in Athens.78 The owl, one of the symbols representing Athena, can be found on the reverse of several coins, where the goddess herself is found on the obverse. They are above all the above-mentioned imitations of Athenian coins (11a) and coins struck by Menander, relating to the first coins 150 years later, including those with Athena’s head on the obverse (11b). Archebius combines an owl with Nike or an elephant on the reverse. The owl is always turned to the right with its head depicted frontally (11c). For Athena, we can find immediate ties to other small works of art, since we know of examples of depictions of Athena on rings and gems using iconographic schemas that are close to those on coins. These are three examples of Athena depicted as a sitting warrior goddess with a spear, helmet and shield. Two come from the burial ground at Tillya Tepe in southern Bactria (12 a 14), while the circumstances surrounding the finding of the third gem are not known (13). Even a cursory glance shows that the three depictions form a degenerating typological sequence in the order 12-13-14 (if we disregard the different position of the attributes, above all the shield). The best-quality example is a golden oval with a carving of Athena (12) set in a golden ring with a different shade of metal. The goddess’ identity is provided not only by her usual attributes, but above all by the vertical Greek inscription “Athena” next to the figure. The goddess is sitting turned three-quarters to the left, gesticulating – possibly blessing – with her right hand, and in her left holding a long spear that rests on the ground. On her head she has a plumed helmet, a Macedonian type that is identical to the helmets of the Graeco-Bactrian rulers as shown on coins. Unlike the other two examples, it is not clear here what she is sitting on. Since items from the rich graves in the necropolis at Tillya Tepe come mostly from the period around the turn of the millennium or a little later, there are two interesting possible explanations. The first suggests that these products were brought here from elsewhere, while the second allows for the possibility that the tradition of stone cutters and coin producers was maintained here from the period of the last Graeco-Bactrian kings, in other words for about 150 years. Because coins and gems tended to be 78 Boardman 1995, figs. 129, 130, I am grateful to Iva Ondřejová for this suggestion.

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made by the same craftsmen, and because the coins we know from this interim period are of average or worse quality, we are forced to assume that the depiction of Athena (12) was created elsewhere. It is not impossible that it was in Gandhara, where this tradition was maintained until at least this period. The gold also bears signs of wear, and it is possible that the signet ring was created even earlier, perhaps in the first half of the first century BC, when the Greek population in Bactria was not entirely assimilated. I am assuming in any case that it was produced in the east, and however much it might have migrated within that region, I am not including it among imports. If we compare the Athena of Tillya Tepe to the gem of unknown provenance (13), the latter represents another degree of development, in this case process of degradation of style or schematisation. Athena is simplified, and has the hallmarks of incipient schematisation both in the drapery and the depiction of the human figure. The neck is disproportionately narrow compared to the waist. The proportions are out of balance, and the attributes look like children’s toys. The only thing worthy of appreciation is the approach to the chair on which Athena is sitting; it is a faithful reflection of the appearance of the furniture. Unlike the previous example, Athena is holding the shield high in her right hand and in her left has only a spear. The helmet is still a clear variant on Bactrian armour. The shield is decorated very simply with concentric ovals, and the divisions of the peplos create the impression of fluting. The bracelets on the arms are an eastern element. The second Athena from the Tillya Tepe burial ground, this time on a turquoise gem set in a golden ring (14) even comes from the same grave (no. 2) and seems to be based on the previous example. I believe that this example may have been produced close to the place in which it was found, both in terms of time and space. Once again the goddess is sitting on a small chair, with her shield lifted high up by her right hand, but she has no spear – in her left hand she does not appear to have anything at all. She has a head covering, but we can only guess whether it is a plumed helmet. Here we can see the work of a local artist, inspired by Greek creations, of which there seem to have existed a considerable number with a similar depiction. There is no comparison, at least no direct one, to be made with coins in this case. The only type with a sitting Athena is the one created under Apollodotus II (180–160 BC) in which the goddess is holding Nike in her right hand (10). The one non-coin example in small-scale art on which a clear picture of a standing Athena can be found is another item from the burial ground at Tillya Tepe, this time a golden pendant from grave no. 3 (22). The goddess is standing here in three-quarters view, turned to the right, with her left hand

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extended in a gesture of blessing (?), with a large shield and a spear in her right hand and a helmet on her head. In addition to the usual peplos, she also has a cloak thrown over her right shoulder and left forearm. At the back it falls to her knees. The deep folds in the drapery of the peplos between the calves contrasts with the barely-noticeable segmentation of the surface of the garment over her legs themselves, an arrangement reminiscent of female statues of the high Hellenistic period (see the palette with Artemis above). As with (12), the picture is described in a vertical inscription in Greek, “Athena”. From an imprint of the pendant the depth of the carved details can be clearly seen.79 In terms of quality, this depiction can be classified somewhere on the level of no. 12, and it is clearly the work of a Greek artist in the east or of the talented local pupil of such an artist. The closest of the coin types to it is a coin struck by Amyntas, (4), although it is a mirror image. This problem disappears when it comes to the imprint of the pendant, which may well have served as a seal. The two depictions thus seem to have been based on the same model, and differ only in that the pendant shows an extended arm and the coin a slightly bent one. It should be added that Amyntas’ coins (95–90 BC) were copied by Scythian satraps in the Punjab: Spalahores and Vonones (75–60 BC). I would also date the pendant itself to sometime around this period, the first half of the first century BC (22). Although I stated that the previous item was the only depiction of Athena in small-scale art besides coins, a cut stone has been found which may depict the same subject (23). It also comes from the burial ground at Tillya Tepe, but from grave no. 5, and is part of a necklace with several stones. This central stone bears a very schematic depiction of a female figure in a long garment, with accompanying items that can only be a spear and a shield. Athena is, in theory, the only interpretation of this figure that offers itself, but we cannot be sure. If it really is Athena, we have a fantastic example of further schematisation, two steps further on than the sitting Athena (14). The objects known as balsamaria from the Begram treasure are, on the other hand, clearly Mediterranean imports. Two of the six balsamaria found portray the head or rather bust of Athena (15, 16). Both are listed in the catalogue, but only the head from the Musée Guimet is illustrated. The Kabul Athena is one of the few objects in this catalogue of which there is no illustration. It belongs to a wave of imports that may be characterised as late Hellenistic products, but which arrived here as the result of Roman longdistance trade. Although these balsamaria are more the product of craft than art as such, and are not works of great quality, they have a certain charm, and 79 Sarianidi 1983, ris. 24.

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the idea that the Kushan rulers may have ordered little works such as this is an interesting subject for further discussion. From the aforegoing it might seem that the goddess Athena would have been familiar to every inhabitant, or at least every other inhabitant, of the lands on which the Kushan Empire grew up. The fact that from Gandharan art itself we know of only one work that can be declared a portrayal of Athena, however, throws a somewhat different light on the issue. The work I am talking about is a schist statue in the museum in Lahore in the Punjab (17). Given that it is not a depiction of Buddha or a bodhisattva, at almost 90 cm high it is a fairly large statue in the Gandharan context. The depiction is frontal, with only the head turned to the left in three-quarters view. In her raised left hand the goddess was holding a spear, of which only the bottom part has been preserved.80 On her head she has a helmet of the Indian type (with a raised edge that forms a peak above the forehead, with smaller peaks above the ears and with no protection for the face. The right arm is missing from the elbow down, but it appears to have been in a horizontal position. The peplos (Ingholt talks about a chiton81) has a long fold to thigh level and is gathered under the breasts. The clasp fastening is moved forward to just under the collarbone. The clothing emphasises and is stretched over the stomach and breasts, in a method similar to the composition of Athena’s clothing in the sculpture from the region of Hauran in southern Syria. The goddess wears decorative earrings and a necklace as accessories, and has locks of hair falling to her shoulders. A parallel that is close in its way is the fragment of a clay statue from the interior decoration of the palace complex of Khalchayan in northern Bactria (25), which is, however, undoubtedly a much earlier work.82 Athena’s popularity on coins is mirrored by the number of pictures of her on plaster casts of the emblemata of Begram. Among these casts, three types of depiction of Athena have been identified, one of which has two examples. All the casts are taken from metal vessels of the highest quality. Two types show a bust of Athena turned to the left. The first example shows Athena with a helmet (18, 19), while the second accentuates her fine girlish profile with her hair curling over her forehead and her aegis draped over her head (20). It is the aegis that helps to identify her. The third type is close to some of the coins, but the

80 Raschke (1978, p. 814) suggested that this was indeed depiction of Athena Alkidemos. 81 Ingholt 1957, p. 168. 82 Among the most recent finds from northern Bactria one fragmentary terracotta plaquette from the site of Payon Kurgan deserves our attention. It has been found and published by K. Abdullaev, who interpeted this item convincingly as a depiction of Athena, see Abdullaev 2005c, pp. 33–34, fig. 13. The importance of this plaquette lies in its uniqueness, for there is no other small-scale representation of our goddess made of clay from this area.

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schema is slightly more complicated. Athena is standing frontally, with her left hand resting on a long spear, against which a shield also rests. With her right hand she is feeding a snake on an altar. (21). The relatively broad spectrum of artistic objects carrying a depiction of the goddess of Athena provides a broader spectrum of possible interpretations than was the case with the previous figures. An analysis of coins shows that Athena was one of the most popular goddesses on the coins of Indo-Greek rulers in particular, as well as Graeco-Bactrian ones. Some of the portrayals of Athena are then found again on Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian coins from the first century BC and the first century AD, with worse quality imitations going on until the middle of the 2nd century. The treasure from the burial ground at Tillya Tepe provides extremely valuable evidence of her continued life in the east. It provides four examples of pictures of Athena, which in combination with other finds creates a whole developmental sequence. This shows the shift that occurred during the first century BC. At the beginning, Hellenistic quality is still apparent, but by the start of the first century AD the share of local artists in creating imitations of older models is clear. This is a share that can be traced not only in details such as bracelets, but above all in the degraded schematised style. It is very interesting to compare depictions on these small items with the approximately contemporary plaster casts of late Hellenistic metal work of Mediterranean origin, as we know them from the Begram treasure. Begram is also the source of a further large group of finds that provide evidence for the iconography of Athena. Six items represent a group of imports that may have influenced local work. They are two balsamarias and four plaster casts of emblemata. Both in Begram and in Tillya Tepe (here with Aphorodite) Athena is the most frequently found god. Next to the coins, this is further evidence of her popularity in the east. Outside these three groups there are only two examples of a depiction of Athena in large-scale art – the statues in Lahore and the other from Khalchayan.

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Images on the coins 83 a) Head or bust 1  (36)  Fig. 31 Helmeted head of Athena facing right Coins minted in Bactria in the late 4th c. BC (obverse), imitation of Athenian coins (on the reverse is depicted either an owl with the abbreviation “of Athenians” (see no. 11) or an eagle with a grapevine branchlet including a bunch of grapes in a neb) Such coins come from Khaman Hazouri hoard in Kabul and from Babylon hoard; both of them were allegedly deposited around 350 BC Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 56, cat. nos. 5, 6 (dated ca 350 BC); De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 88, cat. no. 54 (reverse: an owl, dated to the end of 4th c. BC); ibid., p. 88, cat. no. 55 (reverse: an eagle)

2  (37)  Fig. 32 Helmeted bust of Athena to right Silver drachma (obverse) of Menander I (155–130 BC), bronze coins of Agathoclea and Strato (130–125 BC) and of Polyxenos (100 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 226–247, pl. 26, 31–33, série 1, 2, 17–20, 23, 24, 27, 31, 32, 34, 39 (coin of Menander I); p. 251, pl. 34, série 3 (coin of Agathokleia and Strato); p. 286, pl. 43, série 3 (coin of Polyxenos)

83 Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 377, 378; In connection with the occurance of Greek deities on the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coins it is important to observe, what types appear predominantly in the areas to the north of Hindu Kush (in Bactria) and what types predominate to the south, in Gandhara and Punjab. From such an examination it is clear, for example, that the Athena Alkidemos appears exclusively on the coins of rulers in Gandhara and Punjab (strating from Menander I in first half of 2nd c. BC to Strato II on the turn of Epochs). The type of Athena standing freely with a spear in her right hand and a shield at her leg, on the other hand, one can find only on the mints of Bactrian rulers – both Diodoti and Demetrius II.

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b) Standing Athena 3  (38)  Fig. 33 Athena standing frontally with a lance in her right hand, holding a shield in her left Bronze coins (reverse) of Diodotus I and II (250–230 BC) and silver tetradrachma (reverse) of Demetrius II (175–170 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 152, pl. 2, série 12–14 (coin of Diodotus I and II); p. 195, pl. 14, série 1–2, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 95, cat. no. 77 (coin of Demetrius II)

4  (39)  Fig. 34 Athena standing in three-quarter view to the left holding a lance and a shield in her left hand, right hand in a blessing gesture 4a) Bronze coin (reverse) of Amyntas (95–90 BC) 4b) of Spalahores and Vonones, Scythian rulers of Punjab (75–60 BC), see Heracles (4) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 303–304, pl. 47, série 14, 15 (coin of Amyntas); Crossroads of Asia, p. 80, cat. no. 72 (coin of Spalahores and Vonones)

5  (40)  Fig. 35 Athena standing in three-quarter view to the left, holding a palm leaf and a lance in her left hand and blessing with her right hand Bronze coin (obverse) of Menander II Dikaios (90–85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 314, pl. 49, série 5

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6  (41)  Fig. 36 Athena standing in three-quarter view to the left, holding Nike in her right hand and a lance and a shield in her left hand Silver tetradrachma (reverse) of Strato I (125–110 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 260, pl. 36, série 22

7  (41)  Fig. 37, 38 Athena walking to the right with a shield lifted in her left hand and hurling a thunderbolt with her right hand, type called “Alkidemos” 7a) Silver drachma (reverse) and bronze coins of Menander I (155–130 BC) and silver drachma and tetradrachma of Strato I (125–110 BC); 7b) variant of this also on reverse of bronze coins of Parthian ruler Sases (Jamu/Kashmir area, around 85 AD) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 227–229, 239, pl. 26, 31, série 3, 4, 6, 21 (coin of Menander I); pp. 257–258, pl. 35, série 11, 12 (coin of Strato I); http://www.grifterrec.com/ coins/indoparthian/indoparthian.html (coin of Sases)

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8  (43)  Fig. 39, 40 Athena of type “Alkidemos” standing to the left 8a) Reverse of silver drachma and tetradrachma and of bronze coins Menander I (155–130 BC), fig. 39, silver tetradrachma of Agathoclea and Strato I (130–125 BC), silver drachma and tetradrachma of Strato I (125–110 BC) and of Polyxenos (100 BC), silver tetradrachma of Amyntas (95–90 BC), silver drachma of Epander (95–90 BC) and Thraso (90 BC), silver drachma and tetradrachma of Apollodotus II (80–65 BC), silver drachma of Dionysios (65–55 BC), Zoilos II (55–35 BC), Apollophanes (35–25 BC) and Strato II (25 BC – 10 AD); 8b) Indo-Scythian king Azilises (57–35 BC), fig. 40 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 228–237, 240, pl. 26–31, série 5, 7–16, 23, Crossroads of Asia pp. 61, 83 cat. nos. 23, 82 (coin of Menander I); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 252–253, pl. 35, série 5, 6 (coin of Agathoclea and Strato); pp. 254–263, pl. 35–37, série 1–4, 6–10, 15–18, 21, 23, 25–28 (coin of Strato I); p. 286, pl. 43, série 1 and 2 (coin of Polyxenos); p. 303, pl. 47, série 13 (coin of Amyntas); p. 305, pl. 48, série 1 (coin of Epander); p. 310, série 1 (coin of Thraso); pp. 346–348, pl. 61, série 1–3 (coin of Apollodotus II); p. 361, pl. 67, série 1 (coin of Dionysios); pp. 363–364, pl. 67, 68, série 1, 2, Crossroads of Asia p. 62, cat. no. 26 (coin of Zoilos II); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 368, pl. 68, série 1 (coin of Apollophanes); pp. 369–371, pl.69, série 1, 2, 6 (coin of Strato II); Mallon-McCorgray http://www.grifterrec.com/coins/coins.html (coin of Azilises)

9  (44)  Fig. 41 Athena of type “Alkidemos” standing frontally Reverse of silver drachma of Strato I (125–110 BC) and of silver tetradrachma of Nicias (90–85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 255, 258–261, pl. 35–36, série 5, 13, 14, 19, 20, 24 (coin of Strato I); p. 311, pl. 49, série 1 (coin of Nicias)

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c) Sitting Athena 10  (45)  Fig. 42 Athena sitting, holding Nike in her right hand Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Apollodotus I (180–160 BC) and of Theophilos (90 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 188, pl. 11, série 1 (coin of Apollodotus I); p. 307, pl. 48, série 1 (coin of Theophilos)

d) Owl 11  (46)  Figs. 43, 44, 45 Owl to the right, head frontally 11a) Reverse of coins minted in Bactria at the end of 4th century BC, imitation of Athenian coins, abbreviation “ATHE” added, means “of Athenians” or “AIG” with uncertain meaning (on obverse is head of Athena), fig. 43; 11b) reverse of gold stater, silver drachma and bronze coins of Menander I (155–130 BC) with head or bust of Athena on the obverse (see no. 2 in this subhead), fig. 44; and 11c) bronze coins of Archebios (90–80 BC) with Nike or elephant on obverse (see Nike no. 1), fig. 45 Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 56, cat. nos. 5, 6 (imitation of Athenian coins); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 226, 238, pl. 26, 31, série 1, 2, 20 (coins of Menander I); pp. 323, 324, pl. 51, 52, série 11, 12 (coins of Archebios)

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12  (47)  Fig. 46 Armed Athena sitting, facing left: with a lance, a helmet and a shield, golden finger ring with engraved golden seal 3 × 2.7 cm (the whole seal), 2.1 × 1.7 cm (oval inner part of the seal made of different gold) National Museum, Kabul, MK 04.40.116 Tillya Tepe, grave II, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1983, ris. 14, 15; Sarianidi 1984, Abb. 6 (to the left finger ring, to the right imprint); Sarianidi 1985, p. 230, Burial 2, no. 1, ill. 108; Sarianidi 1999, p. 78; Boardman 1994, p. 119, fig. 4.56; Afghanistan, p. 172, cat. no. 55, here dated to 1st c. AD

13  (48)  Fig. 47 Helmeted Athena sitting on a chair to the left, holding a shield in her right hand and a lance in her left hand, seal made of jet stone 1.5 × 2 × 0.9 cm Private collection, London Provenance unknown Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus, pp. 149, 150, cat. no. 140, by Christine Sachs dates to 2nd–1st centuries BC

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14  (49)  Fig. 48 Helmeted Athena sitting on a chair to the left, holding a shield in her right hand, turquoise gem in gold finger ring 1.7 × 1.2 cm National Museum, Kabul, MK 04.40.117 Tillya Tepe, grave II, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1985, p. 231, Burial 2, no. 2, ill. 109; Boardman 1994, p. 119, fig. 4.55; Sarianidi 1999, p. 78; Afghanistan, p. 172, cat. no. 56, dated to 1st c. AD

15  (50)  Fig. 49 Head of Athena, bronze balsamarium / unquentarium, imported H. 11 cm Musée Guimet MG 19073 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 115; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD(?); Boardman 1994, p. 121, fig. 4.59

16  (51)  no picture Head of Athena, bronze balsamarium / unquentarium, imported 8.9 × 7.8 × 5.1 cm National Museum, Kabul, MK 04.1.100 Begram, room 10, Afghanistan Published: Hallade 1968, p. 39, pl. IV; mentioned in Crossroads of Asia, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 115; J. Boardman dates to the 1st century BC–1st c. AD(?); Afghanistan, p. 233, cat. no. 180, dated to 1st c. AD

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17  (52)  Fig. 50 Standing figure of Athena, schist sculpture H. 83.2 cm84 Lahore Museum, no. 7 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 168, cat. no. 443 (“Athena or Roma”); Tissot 1986, fig. 204 (“exotic female guardian of harem”); Alram 1998, p. 72 (“Minerva, Roma or Athena”); dated to 2nd c. AD (?)

19  (54)  no picture Bust of Athena, white plaster cast, fragment of the same type as no. 18, imported National Museum, Kabul Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 10

18  (53)  Fig. 51 Helmeted bust of Athena to the left, white plaster cast, imported National Museum, Kabul Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 9

20  (55)  Fig. 52 Bust of Athena wearing an aegis to the left, white plaster cast, imported National Museum, Kabul Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 13

84 Tissot 1986, fig. 204, states 41 cm

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21  (56)  Fig. 53 Athena standing frontally, holding a spear in her left hand, a shield leans against it, she is feeding a snake on an altar with her right hand, white plaster cast of an emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 17

22  (57)  Fig. 54 Athena standing in three-quarter view facing right, holding a spear and a shield in her left hand, blessing with her right hand, golden pendant 1.6 × 1.2 × 0.6 cm Present location unknown, see nos. 12, 14 Tillya Tepe, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1983, ris. 24; Sarianidi 1985, p. 230, burial 3, no. 78, ill. 73

23  (58)  Fig. 55 Outline of Athena figure (?) standing frontally, holding a spear and a shield, gemstone – part of golden necklace 1.3 × 1 cm Present location unknown Tillya Tepe, grave no. 5, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1983, ris. 57; Sarianidi 1985, p. 252, burial 5, no. 1, ill. 102, 103

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24   (59)   Figs. 56, 57, 58, 59 Athena standing to the right, holding a lance and a shield in her left hand, blessing with her right hand 24a reverse of silver drachma of Scythian ruler Azes (35–12 BC); reverse of coins of local rulers of Bajaur (Afghan-Pakistani borderland, north of Kabul river), fig. 56 – 24b bronze tetradrachma of unknown founder of the Aprakharaja dynasty (12 BC–15 AD), fig. 57 and 24c and 24d bronze tetradrachma of ruler Aspavarma (ca 15–45 AD), fig. 58 and 59. Published: T. K. Mallon-McCorgray (s.d.).

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25  (60)  Fig. 60 Figure of standing helmeted Athena, fragment of a polychrome clay sculpture on the wooden core Head: 19 × 13 × 10 cm, width of figure back is 24 cm, supposed overall height 1.2–1.3 m Museum of Fine Arts, Tashkent Khalchayan, iwan of the palace, Uzbekistan Published: Pugachenkova 1971, p. 76, ill. 87–90; Pugachenkova 1979, ill. 164; Nehru 1989, fig. 47

2.2.7 Atlantes Atlantes undoubtedly lead the field in terms of quantity when it comes to the mythological figures whose role is to complete the scene in Gandharan reliefs.85 Atlas is a relatively popular figure in Greek art. He is usually depicted in a way that allows his main function to be apparent – holding up the heavens.86 In architecture the figure of Atlas is used as a supporting element (not functional, but decorative). Atlas has been somewhat depersonalised in this context in that the figure is repeated so many times that, rather than have any significatory function, he is merely an element dividing up the facade. A good example is the temple of Zeus at Agrigento87, where he is used in the way defined by Vitruvius.88 85 Not only with the Atlantes, but also the cupids and other figures, I use small letters at the start of the word if these figures are filler decoration rather than a depiction of Atlas (or Eros) himself. 86 LIMC III, 2, “Atlas”; Earliest mentions: Odyssey 1, 52–54, Hesiod, Theogony 517–518, Aeschylus, Prometheus 347–350. 87 LIMC III, 2, fig. 52. 88 “Again, figures in the form of men supporting mutules or coronae, we term “telamones” – the reasons why or wherefore they are so called are not found in any story – but the Greeks name them ἁτλαντες. For Atlas is described in story as holding up the firmament because, through his vigorous intelligence and ingenuity, he was the first to cause men to be taught about the courses of the sun and moon, and the laws governing the revolutions of all the constellations. Consequently, in recognition of this benefaction, painters and sculptors represent him as holding up the firmament, and the Atlantides, his daughters,

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In all the recorded examples in Greek and Roman art, Atlantes tend to be depicted with a beard and long hair, sometimes with accentuated features. The archaic Atlas may be either naked or clothed.89 In Greek and Etruscan art, Atlas is usually depicted standing. He appears sitting for the first (and last) time in the 4th century,90 but as a king on the throne. In Hellenistic and Roman art he is frequently depicted kneeling, weighed down by the weight of the heavens,91 and is usually naked. In Gandhara several basic types occur, divided by appearance, or more precisely age: 1. a young, beardless atlas with wings; 2. Atlantes depicted in the prime of life, with moustaches and once again wings; 3. an older atlas with a large beard, a variation of which is the atlas with Satyric features.92 The last group, 4, consists of naked Atlantes without wings, more corpulent and something of a caricature of the original idea.93 The Gandharan Atlantes frequently do not prop up the heavens (or any other substitute burden) with their hands, but with their shoulders or head alone. One of the few examples of the opposite is a relief from the collections of the Náprstek Museum in Prague, where three Atlantes are depicted in various positions (3.4). One is holding up the architrave with his shoulders, the second with his hands (both are frontal) and the third, in three-quarter view from the back, bears the burden with his right hand alone. This relief is also notable for the way the figures are inserted into the inter-columnar space, as in the case with the above-mentioned Agrigento. Two further examples in which Atlantes are holding up the architrave with their hands can be found in the museum in Peshawar (1.3 and 3.2). The only example in which an Atlas genuinely appears to be trying hard to hold up a heavy weight with both hands is a depiction on a plaster mould found in the Buddhist complex at Tepe Sardar close to Ghazni. It is a shapeless naked figure of a man with no beard, but with long hair, holding up the sky with both hands. In terms of type he approaches something that might be labelled the Indian forerunner of  the Atlantes. These are the goblin Atlantes (kumbhandas) depicted, for

89 90 91 92 93

whom we call “Vergiliae” and the Greeks Πλειἁδες, are consecrated in the firmament among the constellations.” Vitruvius VI, 7, 6 (translated by M. H. Morgan) or “We call telamones those figures placed for the support of mutuli or cornices, but on what account is not found in history. The Greeks, however, call them ἄτλαντες (atlantes). Atlas, according to history, is represented in the act of sustaining the universe, because he is said to have been the first person who explained to mankind the sun’s course, that of the moon, the rising and setting of the stars, and the celestial motions, by the power of his mind and the acuteness of his understanding. Hence it is that, by painters and sculptors, he is, for his exertions, represented as bearing the world.” Vitruvius VI, 7, 6 (translated by J. Gwilt). LIMC III, 2, Atlas, figs. 1–4. LIMC III, 2: 7, “Atlas 19”. LIMC III, 2, figs. 32–40. Ingholt fig. 386; Zwalf 1996 fig. 363. Zwalf 1996 figs. 374–376.

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example, on the Western Gate of the Great Stupa of Sanchi. They have large bellies, short limbs and hold up the ceiling from a standing position, with their arms raised high up.94 In general, Atlantes tend to be portrayed in such a way that they do not appear to be under any sort of strain. In most cases they are clad only in a loin cloth or some sort of skirt. Exceptionally, Atlantes are found dressed in an exomis (1.15, 2.8). In some cases their apparel is completed by heavy boots (1.1, 2.1, 2.6, 3.7, 3.8). As in Greek art, Atlantes also appear naked here, not only in a group of caricatures (2.10, 2.12), but also in ordinary depictions (3.5) and even in the case of an interesting Heracles type, about which more will be said below (3.18). As well as having satyric forms, some depictions of Atlantes in the third group show the features of the Lysippan Heracles, an example being the sculptures in Lahore (3.3) and in the British Museum (3.8). One of the best-quality examples of the depiction of an atlas is a fragment of a sculpture from Sikri (3.3), which represents a type based on the iconography of Heracles. From the photographs published it is not clear whether the figure, which has only been preserved from the waist up, was sitting or standing. In any case, we see a male figure with notably accentuated chest and stomach musculature. His head is turned to the left, and is dominated by a huge beard with very three-dimensional curls, similar to his hair. Ingholt describes him as the most impressive of all Atlantes,95 and compares him to the crouching Silenus from the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens, with a pillar from the Antonine peristyle at Ascalon, where a small naked atlas is supporting a winged Victory, and also with the Pergamon sculpture.96 An unusual example is the small bronze figure of an atlas kneeling on his right knee, with his left hand propped on his left knee, while his right hand (partly broken off) supported an unknown object, maybe some sort of vessel (3.16). The details of his features are fairly worn, but attention is immediately commanded by his strangely-designed wings. These are stretched out wide, but the ends then turn in above his head. I am including him among the Atlantes, because the main features correspond, but it is not entirely clear whom this figure was supposed to represent. In terms of the positions in which Atlantes are most frequently portrayed, the most common one is sitting on the ground with one leg straight out and the other bent perpendicular to the ground. The hands then usually rest on the knees. The second position is kneeling on one or both knees, again with the hands usually on the knees. In both cases there are exceptions, in which one hand supports the sky. 94 Marshall 1960, fig. 12. 95 “easily the most impressive of the Atlantes,…” 96 Ingholt 1957, 155, cat. no. 387.

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The previous groups do not adequately cover some examples where, on close examination, we discover elephants’ legs (1.10, 1.11, 1.21 and 2.9). It is hard to explain this unusual feature by saying that it represents a shift in the significance of the atlas in the Indian environment. It appears to be an intentional invention, the aim of which is unknown to us. The Velletri sarcophagus from the second half of the 2nd century AD shows the labours of Heracles in its upper frieze and the myth of Hades and Persephone in its lower one. The individual scenes of the lower frieze are divided by figures of Atlantes kneeling on one knee with both hands supporting the upper frieze. All the figures are depicted frontally. Ramage believes that although in terms of type it is close to the sarcophagi of Asia Minor, this one was made in Italy.97

Group 1: youthful Atlantes, beardless, winged

1.1  (61)  Fig. 61 Figure of sitting Atlas, light grey schist H. 22.9 cm, w. 17.8 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1880-183. Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 355

1.2  (62)  Fig. 62 Figure of Atlas, dark grey schist H. 23 cm, w. 17.8 cm, depth 7.6 cm British Museum, OA 1880-179 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 356

97 Ramage 1995, fig. 8.33, I am gratefull for this comment to I. Ondřejová.

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1.3  (63)  Fig. 63 Relief with six figures of beardless Atlantes in different postures, schist relief H. 20.3 cm, w. 52 cm 1.3.a Atlas sitting frontally, with his right hand supporting a vault, with his left hand leaning against his knee 1.3b Atlas sitting in three-quarter view, facing left, holding his right calf with both his hands 1.3c Atlas sitting frontally, head facing right, holding his right calf with his right hand, with his left hand supporting vault 1.3d Atlas sitting frontally, with both hands leaning against his knees 1.3e Atlas sitting frontally, head facing right, with his right hand leans against his knee, with left hand supports a vault 1.3f Atlas sitting frontally, by both hands leaning against his knees Museum Peshawar no. 1323 Sahri Bahlol, 1909–10, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 381 (group III(II))

1.4  (64)  Fig. 64 Figure of sitting beardless Atlas, fragment of schist relief H. 22.8 cm, w. 21.6 cm Museum Peshawar no. 1496 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 382 (group III(II))

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1.5  (65)  Fig. 65 Figure of beardless Atlas, fragment of schist relief H. 13.3 cm, w. 12.7 cm Museum Lahore no. 58 From Nathu monastery, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 383 (group III(II))

1.6  (66)  Fig. 66 Figure of beardless Atlas in three-quarter view, schist relief H. 12 cm, w. 30 cm Private collection, formerly National Gallery, Prague, Czech Republic, inv. no. Vp 780 Vp 780 (2132/2) Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Stančo 2003, cat. no. 8 (2nd–3rd c. AD) 1.7  (67)  Fig. 67 Figure of sitting Atlas facing left, fragment of relief made of grey schist H. 12.8 cm, w. 7.8 cm Civico museo archeologico, Milan, N. inv. 10689 Bought in Milan, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Verardi 1991, p. 82, cat. no. 20, tav. XVII, fig. 20

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1.8  (68)  Fig. 68 Figure of beardless Atlas sitting frontally, head in three-quarter view facing left, made of grey schist H. 16.3 cm, w. 16 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1940.7-13.7 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 367

1.10  (70)  Fig. 70 Youthful beardless Atlas sitting frontally, hands lean against his knees, relief slab made of grey schist H. 8.3 cm, w. 10.5 cm, depth 3.8 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.40 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 371

1.9  (69)  Fig. 69 Figure of Atlas, supporting a roof with his hands, mould-made figurine, partly reconstructed H. 5.4 cm, w. 6.5 cm Location unknown Tepe Sardar, chapel 23; Afghanistan Published: Taddei and Verardi 1978, fig. 25 and 45

1.11  (71)  Fig. 71 Youthful beardless Atlas, sitting to the left in three-quarter view, hands lean against the knees, relief slab made of grey schist H. 12 cm, w. 33 cm, depth 7.8 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.43 Swat or Buner, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 372

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1.12  (72)  Fig. 72 Youthful beardless Atlas sitting frontally in a niche, hands lean against the knees, relief made of grey schist H. 15.8 cm, w. 15.8 cm, depth 7.6 cm British Museum, OA 1961.5-19.9 Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 378

1.14  (74)  Fig. 74 Youthful beardless Atlas, wingless, stucco relief H. 16.3 cm, w. 20.6 cm Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia; acc. no. 70.180 Provenance unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan) Published: Nagar 1981, cat. no. 56, p. 69; dates to the 4th c. AD

1.13  (73)  Fig. 73 Youthful beardless Atlas, sitting crosslegged, schist sculpture H. 19.5 cm Museum Calcutta Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 106, fig. 146

1.15  (75)  75 Youthful beardless Atlas sitting frontally, wearing exomis, hands lean against his knees, supports a vault with left shoulder, relief slab made of grey schist H. 15.5 cm, w. 23.5 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1900.4-14.8 Takht-i-Bahi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 370

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1.16  (76)  no picture Youthful beardless Atlas (?)98, sitting with right hand leaning on thigh, raised left hand supports vault, sculpture made of grey schist H. 40 cm Norton Simon Museum, Pasadena, California, no. F75.17.17.S.A Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan) Published: Czuma 1985, p. 184, fig. 97.1.; Czuma dates to the 2nd–3rd c. AD

1.17  (77)  Fig. 76 Youthful beardless Atlas, fragment of stucco sculpture H. 19.4 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art, no. 69.64 Gandhara, Hadda, Afghanistan (?) Published: Czuma 1985, p. 186, cat. no. 99; Czuma dates to Late Kushan period, ca. 4th c. AD

1.18  (78)  Fig. 77 Youthful beardless Atlas, schist sculpture Gallery Ottini, Turin Origin not stated (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 443

1.19  (79)  Fig. 78 Youthful winged beardless Atlas sitting frontally, head to the right, fragment of schist relief slab H. 10.8 cm, w. 20.1 cm Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia, acc. no. 77.338 Allegedly from Sahar-i-Bahlol, Pakistan Published: Nagar 1981, p. 52, cat. no. 32; Nagar dates to 2nd c. AD 98 It is not possible to say that this one is moustecheless, published photograph is not distinct in this respect.

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1.20  (80)  Fig. 79 Youthful winged beardless Atlas sitting frontally, head to the right, fragment of schist relief slab H. 11.2 cm, w. 16.1 cm Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia, acc. no. 77.334 Allegedly from Sahar-i Bahlol, Pakistan Published: Nagar 1981, p. 52, cat. no. 31; Nagar dates to 2nd c. AD

1.21  (81)  Fig. 80 Youthful winged beardless Atlas sitting frontally, head facing slightly to the right, elephant-like legs, schist relief slab National Museum, Tokyo Origin not stated (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 308

Group 2: Moustached Atlantes

2.1  (82)  Fig. 81 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand leans on ankle, sculpture made of grey schist H. 23.3 cm, w. 18.5 cm, depth 5.1 cm British Museum, OA 1880-178 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 357

2.2  (83)  Fig. 82 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand leans on ankle, sculpture made of light grey schist H. 22.3 cm, w. 17.8 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1880-180 Perhaps from Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 358

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2.3.  (84)  Fig. 83 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand leans on ankle, sculpture made of grey schist H. 21.6 cm, w. 16.5 cm, depth 9 cm British Museum, OA 1880-184 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 359

2.5  (86)  Fig. 85 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, fragment of sculpture made of light grey schist H. 15.3 cm, w. 14 cm, depth 6.3 cm British Museum, OA 1892.8-1.5 Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 360

2.4  (85)  Fig. 84 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand leans on ankle, sculpture made of grey schist H. 15.2 cm, w. 14 cm Museum Lahore no. 1301 Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 384 (skupina III(II))

2.6  (87)  Fig. 86 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, right hand leans against the knee, left hand leans on the ankle, sculpture made of grey schist H. 22 cm, w. 17.8 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1880-78 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 361

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2.7  (88)  Fig. 87 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand raised to head, sculpture made of grey schist H. 33.3 cm, w. 28 cm, depth 11.2 cm British Museum, OA 1973.9-17.1 Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 368

2.8.  (89)  Fig. 88 Moustached Atlas sitting frontally, hands lean against the knees, wears exomis, relief slab made of grey schist H. 19.7 cm, w. 26.6 cm, depth 6.3 cm British Museum, OA 1913.11-8.11 Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 369

Subgroup of Atl antes depicted as caricature 2.9  (90)  Fig. 89 Moustached naked Atlas sitting frontally, right hand leans against knee, left supporting the roof, relief slab made of grey schist H. 8.3 cm, w. 17.8 cm, depth 6.3 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.44 Swat or Buner, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 373

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2.10  (91)  Fig. 90 Moustached naked corpulent Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against knee, right supporting the roof (missing), relief slab made of grey schist H. 12.7 cm, w. 30 cm, depth 8.5 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.38 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 374

2.11  (92)  Fig. 91 Moustached naked Atlas kneeling in threequarter view, right hand leans against knee, left supporting the roof, sculpture made of grey schist H. 13.3 cm, w. 10.5 cm, depth 3.5 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.39 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 375

2.12  (93)  Fig. 92 Moustached naked corpulent Atlas sitting frontally, hands lean against the knees, relief slab made of grey schist H. 12.4 cm, w. 31 cm, depth 9 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.37 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 376

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2.13  (94)  Fig. 93 Moustached naked corpulent Atlas sitting, hands raised along both sides of the head, agate figurine H. 5.7 cm Present location unknown Erkurgan, Sogdiana, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 185, cat. no. 294, dated to 3rd–4th c. AD

Group 3: Bearded Atlantes

3.1  (95)  Fig. 94 Sitting bearded Atlas, sculpture made of grey schist H. 55.25 cm Museum Peshawar no. 32 Kali Ghund, Mardan district, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 385; Marshall.1960, pl. 106, fig. 145

3.2  (96)  Fig. 95 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, relief made of grey schist H. 26.7 cm, w. 22.9 cm Museum Peshawar no. 694 Takht-i-Bahai, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 386

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3.3  (97)  Fig. 96 Bearded Atlas standing or sitting (?) frontally, head facing to the left – type “Heracles”, fragment of sculpture made of grey schist H. 23.16 cm Museum Lahore no. 2118 Sikri, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 387 (group III (II))

3.4  (98)  Fig. 97 Three figures of Atlantes in intercolumniations, relief slab made of schist H. 14.5 cm, w. 65 cm, depth 7.5 cm Náprstkovo Museum, Prague, Czech Republic, inv. no. 13 619 Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) 3.4a Atlas on the left kneeling frontally, bows his head, leans hands against his knees, his shoulders and head support the roof/vault 3.4b Atlas in the middle kneeling frontally, bows his head facing right, his shoulders and hands support the roof/vault 3.4c Atlas on the right kneeling sideways (three-quarter view from behind), left hand leans against his knee, right hand and head support the roof/vault Published: Nový Orient 6/1960; Plaeschke 1963, Abb. 6; Stančo 2001, cat. no. 29 (2nd–3rd c. AD)

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3.5  (99)  Fig. 98 Bearded naked Atlas sitting frontally, both hands lean on the knees, relief slab made of grey schist H. 14 cm Private collection, formerly National Gallery, Prague, Czech Republic, inv. no. Vp 781 (2132/3) Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Stančo 2003, cat. no. 10 (2nd–3rd c. AD)

3.6  (100)  Fig. 99 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, both hands lean against his knees, sculpture made of light grey schist H. 19.6 cm, w. 18.2 cm, depth 7.3 cm British Museum, OA 1880-177 Probably from Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 362

3.7  (101)  Fig. 100 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, both hands lean on the knees, sculpture made of dark grey schist H. 22.3 cm, w. 21 cm, depth 7.6 cm British Museum, OA 1880-181 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 363

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3.8  (102)  Fig. 101 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, head facing left, both hands lean against the knees, wears big boots, sculpture made of dark grey schist H. 22.5 cm, w. 18.5 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1880-182 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 122, cat. no. 125, Boardman dates to the 2nd–3rd c. AD99; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 364

3.9  (103)  Fig. 102 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, left hand leans against the knee, right hand leans on the ankle, sculpture made of grey schist H. 14.3 cm, w. 10.8 cm, depth 4.5 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.45 Swat or Buner, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 365

3.10  (104)  Fig. 103 Bearded Atlas sitting frontally, both hands lean against knees, sculpture made of light grey schist H. 24.1 cm, w. 19.1 cm, depth 3.8 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.41 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 366

99 Boardman mentions another, mirror like, image in Victoria and Albert Muesum, acc. no. 123-1918.

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3.11  (105)  Fig. 104 Relief slab with two bearded sitting Atlantes, grey schist H. 16 cm, w. 30 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1914.5-2.2 Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan) 3.11a Bearded Atlas sitting on the left, both hands lean against his knees, facing right 3.11b Bearded Atlas sitting on the right, left hand leans against knee, right hand leans on the ankle Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 377

3.12  (106)  Fig. 105 Kneeling bearded Atlas, both hands lean against knees, facing right, relief made of grey schist H. 18.1 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 97; Czuma dates to the 2nd–3rd c. AD100

100 Czuma mentions more examples: two reliefs depicting two Atlantes each, the first one in the Avery Brundage Collection in San Francisco, no. B60.S565 which is not published, and the other in Indiana University Art Museum in Bloomington, no. 78.23 (for this one see Bloomington (Indiana), Guide to the Collections. 1980, p. 170).

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3.13  (107)  Fig. 106 Bearded Atlas kneeling, both hands lean against his thighs, wears cap, bronze figurine H. 27.5 cm University of Baroda Museum, Baroda From excavations at Devnimori, Gujarat, India Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 98; Czuma dates to the 3rd–4th c. AD; He considers it to be import from Gandhara

3.14  (108)  Fig. 107 Bearded Atlas sitting, both hands lean against his knees, schist sculpture H. 19.05 cm Calcutta museum Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 75, fig. 108

3.15  (109)  Fig. 108 Bearded Atlas crouching, fragment of schist relief H. missing Museum Lahore, Pakistan Provenance unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 32, fig. 52

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3.16  (110)  Fig. 109 Bearded Atlas with long wings, kneeling, bronze statuette with substantial admixture of lead H. 8.3 cm Collection A.I.C Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia p. 104, cat. no. 107; J. Boardman dates to the 1st–3rd c. AD

3.17  (111)  Fig. 110 Bearded winged Atlas sitting, schist relief H. not known Museum Peshawar, Pakistan Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 78

3.18  (112)  Fig. 111 Sitting Atlas with large beard, wearing lion skin over his shoulders, Heracles type, schist relief H. not known Collection de Marteau, Bruxelles Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 102, fig. 1

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2.2.8 Centaur The first centaur in this region is a very unusual piece of work (1). It is a drinking vessel – a rhyton in the form of a bronze figure of a centaur holding a goat. He has the actual chalice on his back. The chalice is made of copper, and was produced separately.101 The centaur, however, is clearly a product of the Hellenising wave that followed Alexander the Great, and in its style reflects the mingling of Persian, Greek and local traditions. It is thus more the product of a wave of influences, reflected in, for example, the heads of columns in Pataliputra. The second example is considerably later, and is a fragment of a schist relief depicting curiously not a male but a female centaur (2). In terms of style it is a typical product of Gandharan art, probably created in the 1st–2nd century AD. It can only be guessed what significance this depiction had in Gandharan art, but it is most likely to have formed part of the large category of hybrid beings, dominated by sea creatures including ichtyocentaurs (q.v. the chapter on Nereids and sea creatures). We know of a depiction of a whole family of centaurs by the painter Zeuxides, but in Hellenistic art the depictions tend to be of male (whether old or young) centaurs.102 The fragment of a third centaur is deposited in Lahore (3). It consists of a torso without front legs or head, but it is still easy to distinguish the horse’s legs at the back and the human trunk in front. It is said to have originally formed part of the decoration of a stupa base.103

1  (113)  Fig. 112 Centaur holding little ibex, rhyton of bronze/copper H. 27.5 cm, diameter of the rim: 16 cm Ashmolean Museum 1963.28 Imit, Ishkoman valley, Northern Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 95; J. Boardman dates to the 3rd–2nd c. BC

101 For a detailed description see Crossroads of Asia pp. 88–89. 102 There is another female centaur among the sculptures from Sikri, Chandigarh, published recently by S. R. Dar (2000, fig. 37). 103 Ingholt 1957, p. 156; he gives a further two examples of centaurs on a relief in Berlin (Le Coq, Buddhistische Spätantike I, p. 20, pl. 17b).

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2  (114)  Fig. 113 Centauress, fragment of schist statuette H. 14 cm British Museum OA 1888.11-5.1 Dera Ismail Khan, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996 cat. no. 435; Crossroads of Asia, p. 123, cat. no. 126; J. Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

3  (115)  Fig. 114 Centaur, torso made of grey schist H. 10 cm, w. 19 cm Museum Lahore, no. 1953 Provenance unknown Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 156, no. 391

2.2.9 Cybele The only depiction of Cybele known to us is on a silver gilded relief, which was found in Ai Khanoum. The goddess is shown driving a chariot pulled by lions to the right. She is protected from the sun by a parasol. The chariot is heading to a sanctuary (?). Above the sanctuary the sun god Helios is represented, and also Moon and Sun. Any later depiction of this goddess is not known in the East. 1  (116)  Fig. 115 Cybele on the chariot pulled by two lions to the right and driven by Nike, gilded silver plate, see also Nike no. 16, p. 184 and Helios no. 4, p. 137 Diameter: 25 cm National Museum, Kabul, Afghanistan, MK 04.42.7 Ai Khanoum, Afghanistan Published: Francfort 1984, pp. 93–104, pl. XLI; Nehru 1989, fig. 36; Abdullaev 1996, pp. 57-58; De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 111, 114, fig. 6; Afghanistan, cat. no. 23, pp. 156, 266–267 (dated to the 3rd c. BC)

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Daphne see Apollo

2.2.10 Demeter The only example of a portrayal of the goddess Demeter that I know of is a Me­di­ ter­ranean import that was, moreover, found somewhere in western Afghanistan, an area that is on the very fringe of the focus of this work. It is a hollow bronze statuette of a woman, dressed in a peplos and himation. On her head she has a wreath of corn ears, and in her left hand, which hangs down, she holds further ears of corn. In her right hand she probably had a torch or a horn of plenty. Boardman writes about her in more detail.104 It is clear that Demeter did not catch on in the east, with no local reworking of the subject or any depictions on coins.

1  (117)  Fig. 116 Standing figure of Demeter/Ceres, statuette made of bronze with substantial admixture of lead; imported from Mediterranean H. 11.4 cm Collection A.I.C Western Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 108, 109, cat. no. 110, photograph also on the cover of the book in the centre; J. Boardman dates to the 2nd–1st c. BC

2.2.11 Dionysus105 The god Dionysus could form some sort of symbol and prototype for this whole work, above all regarding the miscellaneous nature of the sources that may be used. However, I shall approach the section on Dionysus from another 104 See below LIMC IV, Demeter 601–604. 105 Most of the section on Dionysus is based on a lecture I gave at the colloquium “Orientalia Antiqua Nova” in Plzeň, published: Stančo 2004.

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direction. Lucian’s well-known satirical tale covers, in amended form, Dionysus’ legendary invasion of India. The young, still beardless god rides on a wagon drawn by leopards, leading an army of maenads and satyrs and accompanied by the drunken Silenus, Pan and all the rest of his entourage. This utterly comical army defeats the Indian forces and even sets the elephant cavalry fleeing.106 It is, of course, an artificial myth that was created during the Hellenistic period out of the need to find a divine model for the deeds of Alexander the Great.107 We should also notice that Dionysus is said to have subjugated only the Indians by force – he did not have to fight with the rest. It is peculiar, to say the least, that this wholly military mission was entrusted to Dionysus, a god most frequently connected with wine, and more than once depicted drunk. The second god (at that stage still a demigod) who subjugated India according to Hellenistic tradition was a hero preeminently worthy of the label: Heracles. Alexander’s self-identification with Heracles is widely known, and it is no surprise that in the case of India, too, Alexander took on the same task as his model and “forefather.” Whether the story of Dionysus was perceived as humorous we do not know, but it is certain that it was well known. This is shown by reliefs from the time of the Roman Empire, specifically scenes depicted on sarcophagi of the “mythological type.” These works were mostly contemporary with or only a little younger than Lucian’s works. The writer himself lived and wrote in the second century AD; one of the best-known scenes of Dionysus’ Indian triumph is featured on a marble sarcophagus in Baltimore made around 180 AD. It shows Dionysus on the far left, travelling on a wagon drawn by panthers with a thyrsus in his hand. In front of him there are satyrs on elephants, and Silenus walking with a lion. We might expect to see these exotic animals among the troops of Dionysus’ enemies instead, but here they are meant to tell the viewer where the action is taking place.108 Dionysus was known for his power over wild animals, and, moreover, he was supposed to have taken elephants as booty from the defeated Indians, so the scene is meant to be taking place after his victory. Lucian is not the only one to write about Dionysus’ campaign – an even more interesting version is found in Arrian. According to this version, on his way home from India Dionysus founded the city of Nysa, between the rivers of the Cophen (Kabul) and Indus, for his soldiers who were no longer capable of fighting. This is another point of similarity with Alexander’s wellknown founding activity. In this story, the inhabitants of Nysa flatter Alexander 106 Lucian, Dionysus, an introductory lecture. 107 Kerenyi 1996, p. 201. 108 For another interesting example see the marble sarcophagus with a scene depicting the triumphant return from India, Vatican Museum, Rome, publ. Zanker – Ewald 2004, Abb. 121, 123, dated to the period c. 200.

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for having performed deeds greater than those of Dionysus himself.109 Arrian (95–175 AD) also mentions the mountain of Meros, where ivy and vines – the symbols of Dionysus – grow. Here Alexander is said to have made a sacrifice to Dionysus, and some of his companions are said to have fallen into a Dionysian intoxication, calling out “euoé.” It is also worth mentioning a passage from Philostratus’ life of Apollonius of Tyana, where he even talks of the holy precinct of Dionysus: “They say then that when they ascended it, they found the shrine of Dionysus, which it is said Dionysus founded in honour of himself, planting round it a circle of laurel trees which encloses just as much ground as suffices to contain a moderate sized temple. He also surrounded the laurels with a border of ivy and vines; and he set up inside an image of himself, knowing that in time the trees would grow together and make themselves into a kind of roof; and this had now formed itself, so that neither rain can wet nor wind blow upon the shrine. And there were sickles and wine-presses and their dedicated to Dionysus, as if to one who gathers grapes, all made of gold and silver. And the image resembled a youthful Indian, and was carved out of polished white stone.”110 The author of these lines, Flavius Philostratus, is the youngest of the three authors cited here (170–245) and his work is unfortunately not too reliable as a source of information. As we shall see, however, his description may have had unexpectedly realistic forerunners. A truly curious piece of evidence regarding the relationship between the Indians and Dionysus is the gift that, according to Philostratus, the Indians gave the oracle at Delphi. “It is a disc of silver bearing the inscription: Dionysus, the son of Semele and of Zeus, from the men of India to the Apollo of Delphi.”111 If we confront the literary tradition with the results of archaeological research in the given area, it has to be said that to date no architecture, holy precinct or similar has been found that might be interpreted as a shrine of Dionysus. If we look for traces of a cult of Dionysus, however, we find objects of various origins and all sorts of materials, connected by a common feature: a depiction of Dionysus or figures from his circle.112 I shall start with a fragment (23) interpreted by its discoverer as the head of Vajrapani created on the basis of pictures of Dionysus.113 The inclusion of this work here and not in a chapter on Buddha’s personal guard Vajrapani is motivated by my belief that what we have here is actually the god of wine himself. The author has no support for the above-mentioned interpretation (unless there 109 Arrian V, 1–2. 110 The Life of Apollonius, 2.8; the shrine was supposedly situated on Mount Nysa, somewhere between the rivers Cophen and Indus. 111 The Life of Apollonius, 2.9 112 See entry Satyr below. 113 Mustamandy 1984, p. 177, Abb. 3

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are further indicators that he has not mentioned in the publication, such as a thunderbolt of the same material as the head). The fragment was, he writes, found together with others on the floor of the anteroom of the Buddhist monastery at Tepe Shotor. Although the only photograph I know of is fairly unclear, it is possible to distinguish a wreath on the head, and under it long, wavy curls, typical of the young Dionysus. Remnants of red and blue polychromy have also been preserved. From the features of the face it can be sensed that the creator of the statue was very well acquainted with statues of Greek gods, their iconography, and also the details of the modelling of the surface, as well as with the techniques that could be used to achieve such effects. I can only agree with the assumption that it must be the work of Greek artists who fled Bactria ahead of (or after) its invasion by nomads114 or their successors. This work clearly shows the presence of Greek artists to the south of the Hindu Kush (to the north of it, in Bactria, the existence of Ai-Khanoum is evidence enough of their presence).115 The existence of a capable artist working at Tepe Shotor is confirmed by, as well as this statue, a fragment of a head with Alexander’s features, and also the famous Heracles/Vajrapani (see below). Dating is more complicated; Mustamandy does not give the context, nor does he put forward an attempt at dating. The above-mentioned theory regarding Greek artists who moved here from Bactria is valid with the proviso that an earlier dating of the complex than the first half of the first century AD. If it is younger, then these classicallytrained artists came directly from the Mediterranean, since the tradition could not have been maintained in such a pure form in unfavourable conditions for more than a century. A further question that remains unanswered is what significance this depiction had in the context of the Buddhist shrine. I believe that if people brought up in Greek cultural circles saw this and the other statues listed above, they would take them to be Dionysus, Heracles and Alexander the Great. Someone from another, for example Indian, cultural environment might see the statue as Vajrapani, but only if it was clearly indicated (with a thunderbolt) that it was indeed him. A truly superb work in the import category is a silver cup decorated with a relief decoration (repoussé) in the A.I.C collections (5). The male and female figures most likely depict Dionysus and Tyche/Fortuna. They are both conceived of as statues, since instead of feet the artist has indicated a plinth. Boardman believes that the cup, including its subject, was made to order, probably in Egypt during the 1st century BC. When one looks at the cup, several 114 Mustamandy 1984, p. 178. 115 G. Pugachenkova has attempted to interpret one of the statues from Ai Khanoum as a depiction of Dionysus, but it is more likely to be a statue of a wreathed athlete. See Pugachenkova 1979, p. 119, ill. 137.

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parallels with Philostratus’ description immediately come to mind: the shrine in the open air, with the branches spread above it, the statue of Dionysus, the scene connected with the grape harvest and, last but not least, the mention of the use of silver and gold vessels. It is also worth noting the satyr’s head (not mask – it has eyes indicated) lying on the ground behind Tyche. The object allegedly comes from Gandhara, but its origin is not specified. We know of a number of similar works from the Roman world – in other words, works both with Bacchic themes and still lives with altars, trees and vessels. An example is a cup from Asia Minor in the museum in Toledo, Ohio (US)116 which depicts a “Dionysian landscape.” Under the spreading boughs of a tree stands an altar with wrought metal vessels, there are satyrs’ heads/masks lying on the ground and there is also a thyrsus. The vessel is dated approximately to the turn of the millennium. There is also a cup from Viterbo, now in Cleveland, that also has a generally Bacchic theme and shows a depiction of a smaller-than-life-sized statue of Priapus (?) on a plinth.117 The cup’s decoration puts it in the 1st century AD. The decoration on two silver kantharoi from Pompei, now in Naples, is also reminiscent of the shrine of Dionysus.118 In addition to thyrsi and satyrs’ heads and masks, the vessel also features Erotes riding on a panther, lion, bull and ram. On the altar is a basket, out of which a snake crawls. Once again this is a work from the 1st century AD. However, the closest works to our cup are the famous kantharoi from the Hildesheim treasure, now in Berlin.119 Small tables, baskets, statues on plinths and altars stand about under the spreading trees, and the composition is again completed by masks (with eyes!). The vessels are dated to the end of the first century BC. Naughty Erotes also appear on a cup in Paris, where they are flying around a centaur who is lying in similar surroundings to those described on previous cups.120 It can be dated to the Neronian era. All these works were produced over a fairly short period of time, encompassing the end of the 1st century BC and the first century AD. As has already been mentioned, our cup may have been produced in the earlier part of this period. At some time during the same period, plaster casts were made of the emblemata of late Hellenistic silver vessels and they were taken to Begram. This 116 Biroli Stefanelli 1991, p. 254, cat. no. 14, fig. 9–12, Toledo, The Toledo Museum of Art., inv. no. 61.9. 117 Biroli Stefanelli 1991, p. 274, cat. no. 101, fig. 42, 281–283, The Cleveland Museum of Art, inv. no. 66,371. 118 Biroli Stefanelli 1991, pp. 257–258, cat. no. 31, 32, fig. 94, 97, The Cleveland Museum of Art, inv. no. 66,371. 119 Pernice 1901, pp. 37–40, Taf. XIII, XIV; Biroli Stefanelli 1991, p. 272, cat. no. 93, fig. 169–171, Staatliche Museen, Prausischer Kulturbesitz, inv. n. 3779,13, from the Hildesheim treasure. 120 Biroli Stefanelli 1991, p. 276, cat. no. 105, fig. 184, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Médailles, from Berthouville.

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site provides us with five of these plasters casts – that reveal something about the Dionysian cycle. The basic type shows the god’s head looking to the right, which is the same depiction found on coins (see below) but executed in an incomparably superior way (13). The other Dionysian themes found on the casts are: Thiasus with Dionysus, in which the drunken god, carrying a thyrsus, is standing in the centre supported by maenads, while to the right stands a satyr with a basket of grapes and to the left another satyr (16), Dionysus with a sacrifice (17), a bust of a nymph on the right with a small child (the young Dionysus?) in her arms (19), the head of a satyr to the right (35) and a thiasus with Silenus, in which the drunken Silenus rides on a donkey on the right, supported by a satyr (?), with a winged Eros flying behind him. The donkey is also held by a further figure, while in front three maenads are walking to the right, one with a drum (20). It is interesting that Dionysus hardly ever appears on Graeco-Bactrian coins. As far as we know, he appears on the coins of only two rulers, who ruled simultaneously in the Paropamisade and Arachosia regions: Agathocles (190–180 BC) and Pantaleon (190–185), in other words a hundred and fifty years after Alexander, and not long after Antiochus III’s campaign to Bactria and India. The coins feature a bust of the god looking to the right, with a wreath of leafy twigs and a fluttering ribbon at the back, and a thyrsus resting on his left shoulder (14). On the reverse is Dionysus’ mount – a panther – and a vine tendril. The catalogue also shows the obverse of a coin from the island of Thasos with the same type of picture as that found in Afghanistan. This or similar coins did not, however, have any influence on the local coins, being minted some sixty years later. Compared to other gods, Dionysus was one of the less popular on coins; his colleagues Zeus, Heracles, Athena and others appear on Graeco-Bactrian coins much more frequently and in various forms. Some depictions that appear to feature Dionysus can also be found in the famous group of Gandharan cosmetics palettes that were produced from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD. Although there is considerable schematisation, we see a young-looking Dionysus sitting in the centre, with a maenad on each side, whom he holds around the shoulders. They all have wreaths on their heads. We know of two such palettes, one from Swat and the other from Sirkap (Taxila) (10, 11). The third, found in Charsada, has a satyr on the left side instead of a maenad (12). Unfortunately I do not have photographs for detailed study of the second two. One of the well-known cosmetics palettes shows a satyr harassing a maenad (38). The invention of the Gandharan artist is in this case almost incredible. Even a cursory glance shows that the twisting of the maenad’s body does not correspond to that of her leg, and is totally anatomically wrong. The artist was maybe trying to show a woman turning the upper half of her body in an attempt to push away a violator. – 89 –

Evidence of the spread of Dionysian themes can also be found to the north of the Hindu Kush. In 2000 a terracotta plaque was found at the site of Sapoltepa in the Kashkadarya region of southern Uzbekistan, showing two semi-reclining figures (2). According to an interpretation by Abdullaev and Radzhabov they are depictions of Dionysus and a satyr. If we are to accept their hypothesis, this would be one of the earliest depictions of the Dionysian circle in Hellenised Asia Minor, specifically from the area of southern Sogdiana. The half-sitting beardless male figure holds a cup in his left hand and a wine skin in his right. Another example from Sogdiana is the head of Silenus, depicted frontally as an appliqué on a ceramic vessel (a krater?) from Samarkand (22), dated to the same early period. As can be seen, Dionysian subjects went even further beyond the borders of Bactria and Sogdiana. At the Janbaskala site in ancient Khorezm in the very north west of Uzbekistan a small terracotta statue has been found of a male figure with a bunch of grapes in his left hand and a viticulturalist’s knife in his right (21). It is generally dated to the first three centuries AD. It is likely that there are more such depictions on terracottas, but many will remain unrecognised by their discovers, and if anything at all is published about them, the photographs are small and poor-quality. The well-known scene with Dionysus and Ariadne is executed masterfully on a golden appliqué from Tillya Tepe in northern Afghanistan (4). It is among the most faithful reflections of its ancient Hellenistic model, at least in terms of its idea. The god, depicted in three-quarter view turned to the left, is riding on a panther and has Ariadne sitting in front of him, depicted frontally. He is embracing her with both arms. Behind Dionysus flies Nike, about to place a wreath on his head. Returning to the area south of the Hindu Kush, it is worth mentioning another item made of precious metal, a silver plaque showing a bearded male bust in three-quarter view to the right, possibly representing Dionysus (?) with a cup of wine (1). It was found by J. Marshall during excavations in Taxila. An example of the depiction of one of the main figures in Dionysus’ entourage – Silenus – is the medallion of a bronze vessel found in the Punjab 18). The subject and nature of the scene is undoubtedly Greek, but the execution is notably Indian. The main figure, a seated, pot-bellied man, carries the typical attributes of Dionysus’ wine-loving companion. He sits surrounded by vine tendrils. Over his left thigh he has a wine skin, which he is holding with his left hand. In his right hand he holds a rhyton, lifted high up, ending in an antelope’s head from which he is drinking. His necklace, bracelets, clothes and moustache are all taken from Indian tradition. A smaller female figure sitting on the left holds a wreath in her left hand and a decorative cup in her right. The ensemble creates the impression of a typical drinking scene. The rest of the area – 90 –

of the bowl is decorated with a wavy pattern, reminiscent of the decoration of one of the Roman sarcophagi which also have this strigilated pattern around the central medallion. Boardman considers this object a classicising Kushan work.121 On the border of the two traditions is a bronze relief disc depicting a satyr’s head, found in Swat. Its fairly coarse execution and style suggest an eastern provenance (31).122 A gilded bronze phalera found in southern Tajikistan shows a bust of a domesticised, young Dionysus (41) with a wreath on his head. The range of subjects that are included under the heading of Dionysian scenes in Greek and Roman art is relatively wide. A common denominator tends to be iconographic elements connected with Dionysus’ symbol, i.e. wine, vines, and thus also wanton banquets, ecstatic dancing and so on. Similar reliefs also occur in Gandharan sculpture. Dionysus himself does not appear in the scene, but his presence is indicated by the vessels for drinking wine, the vine tendrils and the grapes. An example is the well-preserved relief in Los Angeles, in which a male and female figures stand under an arch of Indian type, both holding a wine cup (3). The man is older, with a beard and a garment that covers only the lower part of his body, wound under his belly. He evokes the idea of both Dionysus and, in particular, Silenus. The woman, on the other hand, is younger and dressed in a chiton in the Greek style. There are several other scenes that can logically be classed with the previous item – it is clear even at first glance that their subject matter belong to the Dionysian sphere. Most of them come from private collections and were published only recently by Japanese researcher Katsumi Tanabe.123 Tanabe wanted to use them to illustrate the validity of his hypothesis that Dionysian and other ancient Mediterranean subject matter took on, in Gandhara – or, specifically, in Buddhist iconography – a totally specific role. They showed lay adherents of the dharma the blissful life after death that they would deserve if they observed Buddha’s teachings. The Nereids and sea ketoi, he believes, represent the carriers of souls to the other bank.124 He is thus taking up a narrower position than previous research, which had put forward two possible explanations of the 121 Crossroads of Asia, p. 97. 122 Satyrs are dealt with for the most part below, since there are numerous examples of individual Satyrs depicted outside this scene. Logically, however, they are part of this chapter, and some of the general theses mentioned here apply to them, too. 123 Tanabe 2002, 2003. 124 In my opinion, because the Ketos and other Greek marine creatures depicted in the Gandharan Buddhist sculpture could still symbolize a soul’s journey to the other world, various contemporary Dionysiac images employed in the Gandharan Buddhist reliefs, something like the counterparts or twin brothers of Ketos and Greek marine creatures, must have preserved their original role and meaning, relating to the other world, that is to say, the blissful after life to be enjoyed by the reborn and resurrected souls of the righteous and faithful Buddhists. Tanabe 2003, p. 90.

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existence of this sort of subject matter in the Gandharan environment: 1) that the depiction was directly connected with some form of Dionysian cult and 2) that it was an illustration meant to teach Buddhists what they were not supposed to do.125 In his article he lists a total of ten examples of such “Dionysian” scenes, some of which can only speculatively be included under the heading of Dionysian-related subject matter. I am thinking of both the exclusively erotic scenes126, and the scenes of music and dancing.127 The others can be said without any great reservation to belong to the sphere, and many thanks are due to Professor Tanabe for publishing otherwise unknown pieces from private, mostly Japanese, collections. I have included the following items in the catalogue: under no. (6) a relief in the Tokyo National Museum with a depiction of Dionysus and Ariadne, with entourage. Dionysus is sitting on the right, frontally, and Ariadne is sitting on his lap, on his left knee, turned three-quarters to the left. He holds a large decorated cup. Around them stand six other figures, some of them holding cups, one man holding a wine skin in his exomis, another sitting on the left side of the scene. Some parts, including the heads of both main figures, were allegedly added later, and this causes me to doubt, if not the authenticity, then at least the identification of this scene. On a further relief (7) Dionysus is supported by a maenad and Silenus, while to the right of them a satyr dances above a grapevine basket (?) accompanied by another maenad with a flute. The scene is a very Greek one in the details of the clothes, for example the pins of the drapery, as well as the hairstyles. Here, too, there are details, above all the facial features but also the way in which the hair is treated, that force me to question the authenticity of the work. If both these works are originals, then they represent a very important contribution to the study of Dionysian iconography in Gandhara. As an illustration of the above-mentioned doubtful drinking and erotic scenes I include one of the reliefs from a private collection with a depiction of both these scenes: on the left a pair of lovers, on the right a group with cups (8). An example of a scene that can be described with greater certainty as Dionysian is a drinking and dancing scene featuring, from the left, a musician, dancer, man with a mirror, man with a wine skin and a large vessel into which he is pouring wine, a woman and a seated, bald, man, possibly Silenus, drinking form a smaller cup (25). Once again a private collection contains a depiction of Pan or a satyr and maenads (24), standing in an embrace under an Indian arch with cones (see relief no. 3). It is interesting that the same couple figures here twice, each time in a slightly different position. On the 125 Articles by K. Fischer and M. Carter and others on both hypotheses are cited in Tanabe 2003, pp. 97, 98. 126 Tanabe 2003, fig. 14, 16. 127 Tanabe 2003, fig. 20.

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left hand side they are both turned towards each other, while on the right the maenad stands with her back to the man. In each case, the maenad has Indian bracelets and anklets. The last relief published by Tanabe that I shall mention here is kept in the Ancient Orient Museum in Japan, and shows Silenus riding to the right on some sort of animal – probably a donkey, although it looks more like a goat. He is surrounded by three maenads. The one behind him, to whom he is turning round, is giving him a cup of wine. The “maenad” on the left hand side is depicted in the method typical of the yakshini tree gods (26). What I cannot agree on with Tanabe is the interpretation of the scenes in question. I do not think that Buddhist “ideologues” would put before believers, as motivation to live a correct life, the possibility of leading a debauched life like this in the life they had thus earned. This appeal to the lower human instincts, however strong a motivation it might be, would be counterproductive in the given situation and environment, and could lead believers to start thinking about enjoying those pleasures and delights immediately, and not on the other bank. Even if we were to accept Tanabe’s idea, it does not explain why figures from the Dionysian sphere appear in a depiction of erotic and drinking scenes. Assuming that these scenes are not being reproduced mindlessly but used deliberately, why have the figures of the satyrs, Silenus and Dionysus not been left out? How would the lay adherent understand them? If he knows who the god Dionysus is, he will a priori read the iconography of these scenes as Dionysian and not Buddhist. Not even the argument that here, in the north west of India, it could have been a specific phenomenon, shaped by the presence of Greeks and attempts to present Buddhism to them in an understandable form, holds water. The Greek population here was tiny compared to the number of locals and newly-arriving nomads. Would they have understood it in one way and the locals in another? Tanabe’s hypothesis does not provide an answer to these questions. It also does not explain what happened later, in younger Buddhist art, to this favourite subject. We should not forget that most of the examples that he gives are from private and other collections, and the context in which they were found is not known. That they originally decorated Buddhist stupas and monasteries is a likely assumption, but not a firm fact. Not even the relief with the depiction of the erotic scene right above a picture of Buddha shows that the others were used in this way.128 I think Tanabe’s hypothesis is interesting and stimulating, but at the same time it contains a number of discrepancies that, at least for the present, prevent me from accepting it. In connection with Dionysus and depictions of him, it is worth pointing out that there is a debate regarding whether the main attribute of the Hellenistic 128 Tanabe 2003, fig. 14.

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rulers – the diadem – was taken from the god of wine. It was allegedly a reminder of his triumph in the east, and was taken over by Alexander after his own triumph there, and then by Alexander’s successors. According to another theory, it was a symbol taken from Persian kings and satraps.129 The question thus remains as to who this eastern Dionysus was. Was he truly the son of Zeus and Semele, Dionysus of Thebes, the god of wine, who in Greece was worshipped by whirling, ecstatic dancing? Once again, Philostratus provides an alternative explanation. He says the Indians around the Caucasus (in this context he is referring to the Hindu Kush) and Cophen (present-day Afghanistan) state that Dionysus came to them from Assyria, and knew all about Thebes. The Indians between the Indus and the Hydraotes (the present-day Pakistani and Indian Punjab) say, on the other hand, that he was the son of the river god Indus.130 This is a somewhat strange explanation, but one which shows in an interesting way how the members of the ancient Mediterranean civilisations tried to describe the manner in which their traditions were reflected by the nations of the far East. It can be understood to mean that Dionysus was worshipped here, but the local people probably called him by a totally different name. It is thus a likely example of the identification with each other of similar divine beings from various cultures. In his Hellenistic form he was worshipped by only the Greeks and Macedonians who settled in India and Bactria during the period of Alexander, the Seleucids, and during Greek and Macedonian rule in Bactria and India, and possibly by a narrow class of the Hellenized local elite. We should add that in Mathura, as well, scenes have been discovered that have been interpreted as Dionysian. Two of them have been published by Czuma.131 The first, a relief from the village of Maholi near Mathura, shows a staggering (drunken?) girl, being helped to her feet by a young man, while her female companion makes a gesture, probably of disgust. Czuma dates it to the end of the 2nd century AD. The second relief is Hellenistic not only in its subject matter, but also its execution. It shows two female figures, the left one frontal, and the right one seen from the back in three-quarter view in “wet” drapery. Once again they seem to be drunk on wine, which is present in the scene thanks to a large kantharos placed in between the two women. The presence of such reliefs in the context of a Buddhist vihara appears to support Tanabe’s theory of the symbolism of the other world and paradise hidden in Dionysian subject matter, but Czuma has another explanation. According to Buddha, human 129 Crossroads of Asia, p.55. 130 The Life of Apollonius, 2.9 131 Czuma 1985, pp. 108–112, cat. nos. 41, 42.

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existence is governed by several elements: dharma, artha, kama and moksha. If the other elements are present in depictions, then kama, the search for sensual pleasure, has a place here. The picture may then serve as a warning against such delights.132 The Dionysian sphere As a type, the satyr as a type in the art of the Classical period was essentially defined by Myron, who depicted the satyr Marsyas in a composition together with Athena. Marsyas is shown as a male figure with wild, almost animal-like facial features, pointed ears and a horse’s tail. A good example from the Hellenistic period is the well-known hanging Marsyas, in which the satyr is depicted with a Scythian sharpening a knife. His basic characteristics are accompanied by the expression of terror that has taken hold of his face at the thought of his forthcoming suffering. A further type that developed alongside this was that of the young satyr, as seen in copies of the work of Praxiteles and his school from approximately the middle of the 4th century. In these types the animal appearance of the satyrs is notably suppressed, and they look more like the young Apollo or Dionysus. All that remains are the slightly pointed ears and a more subtle goatlike tail.133 Some centaurs, for example those shown fighting Lapiths, could be similarly wild in appearance to the first type of satyr. In Gandharan art the satyr appears with medium frequency, although the Atlantes mentioned above also have certain satyrical features. We have already come across several satyrs in the scenes with Dionysus and his cult, featured above. I shall add here only a few significant examples, including the stucco heads of satyrs in the British Museum (28) and Karachi (29), the latter from Taxila. Marshall dates the last-named head to the period of the renaissance of Hellenistic art in the east under the rule of the Parthians, while Ingholt dates it to the third, or possibly second period (300–400 or 240–300 AD). I myself believe Marshall’s dating is closer to the truth. In terms of style, there is no reason at all why the head should belong to the third or fourth century. The satyr retains the basic physiognomic features of the Hellenistic satyrs. He has a broad, flat nose and long pointed ears. The treatment of the beard and hair may, however, imitate the Antonine-era deep drilling in its depth of execution and plasticity. If we were to base our dating on that assumption, a date of some time around the end of the 2nd century AD would be possible. The style of no (28) on 132 Czuma 1985, p. 108; For description / definition of kama see Miltner 2002, pp. 125, 126. 133 Marsyas q.v. Boardman 1985, figs. 61 and 63; For the Praxiteles type of satyr q.v. Boardman 1995, figs. 70. and 71.

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the other hand, is based directly on the Hellenistic tradition. It has remarkable facial modelling, reminiscent of the work of the high Hellenistic period, including the above-mentioned hanging Marsyas. I agree with Boardman’s dating to the 1st century AD. Evidence that satyrs continued to be depicted comes from the head of a statue in Newark, this time portraying a young satyr. The sculpture comes from Gandhara and is dated to the 2nd–3rd century AD. Inspiration for this and other works may have come from small imports, such as the bronze mask of Silenus from the Begram treasure (27). A local reworking of a similar motif, also in metal, is the bronze relief disc from the period around the turn of the millennium (31), found in the Swat valley. Boardman sees its model in the Begram mask, but I consider the immediate inspiration for it to have been another and more animal-like type of satyr, although no such import has been preserved. I do, however, agree with Boardman that it is of eastern manufacture.134 The round stamp between the eyebrows is a notable local mark. Probably the best-known example is a bronze statuette of a satyr/Silenus playing a diaulos (39), on a stone base bearing a Greek inscription in which a certain Atrosokes dedicates it to a shrine in Takht-i Sangin. The naked figure is depicted frontally, and has narrow shoulders, wide hips and a bald head. One of the examples mentioned above in connection with Dionysus (32, 2) is a small terracotta plaque from Sogdiana. It has been suggested that the bearded figure on the left is a satyr. I am unwilling to enter into any further analysis, however, since the interpretation is not in this case clear. Similarly, numbers 33 and 34 depict the heads of satyrs or Silenoi in works that have been mentioned elsewhere in the catalogue. The process of the transformation of a motif does not depend purely on the perception and education of an artist, but also on the artistic resources available. With some works, especially those in cheap materials such as terracotta, we can follow this process, sensing the unfulfilled ambitions of the craftsman. The terracotta statuettes of satyrs (36, 37) from Kampyrtepa in northern Bactria are merely stones in a mosaic that needs to be completed with products made of wood, textile and similar. The primitive way in which these statues are conceived makes it difficult to identify them reliably, but it is highly likely that they are part of the Dionysian sphere. The same is true of the terracotta head of a satyr (40) found at Dalverzintepa, also in northern Bactria. It has a wild, hirsute face with a flattish nose and was produced in the 1st–2nd century AD. Let us add one more interesting object from Northern Bactria, a fragment of terracotta relief from Kampyrtepa, with a representation of a couple. A male figure 134 Crossroads of Asia p. 116.

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in the rear can be seen as Satyr, for his facial features are obviously animal-like: pointed ears, flattened nose, rude face.135 This catalogue also includes three further depictions of satyrs in the entry for Adonis – specifically, on a cosmetics palette depicting the death of Adonis (cat. no. 1). What is remarkable here is the rebirth of the classical satyr in Indian form: one of them has a turban on his head, despite his satyric features, and the other is wearing anklets. Note: Further Gandharan works with depictions from the Dionysian sphere have been recently published, but could not be included in this catalogue. They are depictions on what are referred to as cosmetics palettes, mostly from Japanese private collections.136

1  (118)  Fig. 117 Bust of Dionysus with goblet in his hand, silver plaque H. 10.5 cm National Museum, Karachi, Pakistan Taxila, Sirkap, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 24, fig. 29; Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 114, cat. no. 7

2  (119)  Fig. 118 Half seated – half recumbent figure of Dionysus with cup and wineskin, clay plaque Institute of Archaeology of Uzbek Academy of Sciences, Samarqand Sapoltepa (Kashkadarya), surface find, Uzbekistan Published: Abdullaev and Radzhabov 2000, pp. 111–114, Abdullaev dates according to the context and ceramics to the 2nd–1st c. BC; Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 5

135 This object has been recently published by E. V. Rtveladze in catalogue Alexander der Grosse und die Öffnung der Welt (see Rtveladze 2010, p. 172, Abb. 8) and is deposited in Institut isskustvaznanya in Tashkent. 136 Tanabe 2002, fig. 10–17.

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3  (120)  Fig. 119 Dionysus (?) and female figure with cups in their hands, schist relief Los Angeles County Museum of Art, M.70.76.1a Origin unknown (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Pal 1986, p. 165, cat. no. S42; Stančo 2004, pp. 111, 113, cat. no. 3

4  (121)  Fig. 120 Dionysus and Ariadne riding panther, inlaid golden appliqué Kabul Museum Tillya Tepe, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1999, p. 79; Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 6

5  (122)  Fig. 121 Sculpture of elderly Dionysus to the right, holding phiale (?) in his right hand and long staff in his left, which is also leaning on his shoulder, scene in Dionysus sanctuary, fragment of silver cup, see also no. 33. H. 9.5 cm, Diameter: 12.8 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 91–94, cat. no. 97, colour plate 10–11; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC; Stančo 2004, pp. 111, 113, cat. no. 1

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6  (123)  no picture Dionysus and Ariadne with suite, schist relief 29.2 × 33.5 cm, faces of Dionysus and Ariadne are restored National Museum, Tokyo Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 91, no. 1, fig. 7

7  (124)  Fig. 122 Dionysus figure supported by Maenad and Silenus, schist relief 19.2 × 40 cm National Museum, Tokyo Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 91, no. 2, fig. 9

8  (125)  Fig. 123 Dionysiac scene, schist relief Size not mentioned Private collection, Japan Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 91, no. 3, fig. 10

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9  (126)  Fig. 124 Dionysiac scene, schist relief 25 × 52 cm Museum Lahore, Pakistan Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Alam 1998, p. 73 (“bacchanalian scene”); Tanabe 2003, p. 91, no. 4, fig. 11 (“Dionysus, Satyr and Maenads” or “Dionysiac scene”)

11  (128)  no picture See no. 10, toilet tray National Museum, Karachi Sirkap, Pakistan Published: LIMC III, 1, p. 520, cat. no. 78, no picture; Stančo 2004, p. 114, cat. no. 9

10  (127)  Fig. 125 Dionysiac scene (Dionysus or Silenus sitting in the centre, flanked by two female figures, Maenads?), toilet tray Victoria and Albert Museum, London Swat valley, Pakistan Published: LIMC III, 1, p. 520, cat. no. 79; III, 2, 413 fig. 79 (Dionysus: In peripheria orientali); Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 4

12  (129)  no picture See no. 10, toilet tray Peshawar Museum, Pakistan Charsada, Pakistan Published: LIMC III, 1, p. 520, cat. no. 80, no picture; Stančo 2004, p. 114, cat. no. 10

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13  (130)  Fig. 126 Head of youthful Dionysus (?) to the right, white plaster cast of emblema, imported National Museum, Kabul? Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 7

15  (132)  Fig. 128 Lying youthful Dionysus (?) to the right, head facing right, wreath on the head, bronze statuette D. 15.8 cm From around Ghazni, Afghanistan Collection A.I.C. Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 105, cat. no. 108; J. Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

14  (131)  Fig. 127 Bust of Dionysus with ivy wreath to the right, thyrsus leans on left shoulder Obverse of Cu-Ni and bronze coins of Agathocles (190–180 BC) and Pantaleon (190–185 BC)137 and silver tetradrachma of Thasos dated around 130 BC (find from Afghanistan, see depiction of Heracles on the coin in his entry no.6) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 173, 174, pl. 7, série 5–7, Crossroads of Asia, p. 82, cat. no. 81; Stančo 2004, pp. 111, 113, cat. no. 2 (coin of Agathocles); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 181, 182, pl. 9, série 4, 5 (coin of Pantaleon); Crossroads of Asia, p. 79, cat. no. 69 (coin of Thasos)

137 On the reverse of the same coins appear symbols of Dionysus – panther and grape vine.

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16  (133)  no picture Thiasos with Dionysus, tipsy god with thyrsus standing centrally supported by Maenads, on the right Satyr with basket of grape vine, on the left stands another Satyr, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Present location unknown Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 35

17  (134)  no picture Dionysus at offering (?), white plaster cast of emblema, imported Present location unknown Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 38

18  (135)  Fig. 129 Figure resembling Silenus, tondo of silver bowl Diameter: 25.1 cm British Museum OA 1937.3-19.1 Buddhigharra (6.5 km west of Tank in Punjab), accidental find – washed out by heavy rain Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 97, 98, cat. no. 101; J. Boardman dates to the 2nd c. AD; Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 114, cat. no. 8

19  (136)  Fig. 130 Bust of Nymph to the right holding a child (little Dionysus?) in the arms, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 5

20  (137)  no picture Thiasos with Silenus, tipsy Silenus riding a donkey to the left, facing right, supported by Satyr (?), behind him winged Eros, the donkey is led by another figure, three Maenads at the front facing right, one of them carries a tambourine, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 36138 138 As the cat. no. M37 is mentioned thiasos with Heracles, however, its illustration missing.

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21  (138)  Fig. 131 Male figure from Dionysiac circle, holding a wine knife in his right hand and bunch of grapes in his left hand, clay figurine H. 12 cm, w. 5.5 cm Present location unknown Janbaskala, Khorezm, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 196, cat. no. 317, dated to 1st–3rd c. AD

22  (139)  Fig. 132 Head of Silenus frontally, appliqué of ceramic vessel (crater?) 6.8 × 6 cm Samarqand Afrasiab, Sogdiana, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 170, cat. no. 258, dated to 3rd–2nd c. BC

23  (140)  no picture Head of Dionysus, fragment of stucco sculpture Present location unknown Tepe Shotor, Hadda, Afghanistan Published: Mustamandy 1984, p. 177, Abb. 3

24  (141)  Fig. 133 Pan or Satyr and Maenad in a clinch (twice the same couple depicted), schist relief 24a) Pan or Satyr with chlamys wrapped around his waist, standing to right; he gives hug to Maenad, who is standing back to back 24b) Pan or Satyr standing in three-quarter view facing right, holding Maenad, who is standing also in the three-quarter view, facing right 29 × 32 cm Private collection Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 92, no. 5, fig. 15

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25  (142)  Fig. 134 Drinking and dancing scene, from the left: musician, female dancer, man with a mirror, woman and sitting bald-headed Silenus (?), schist relief 18 × 37 cm Private collection, Japan Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 93, no. 8, fig. 19

26  (143)  Fig. 135 Silenus riding an animal (donkey or goat) facing right, surrounded by three Maenads, one of them behind him serves a cup of wine, schist relief H. 20 cm The Ancient Orient Museum, Tokyo, Japan Origin unknown, (Gandhara, Pakistan?) Published: Tanabe 2003, p. 93, no. 10, fig. 21

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27  (144)  Fig. 136 Mask of Silenus, bronze, imported H. 9.5 cm, w. 7.9 cm Kabul Museum, Afghanistan, MK 04.1.91 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Auboyer 1968, cat. no. 12; Afghanistan, p. 257, cat. no. 221, dated to the 1st c. AD

28  (145)  Fig. 137 Head of Satyr, fragment of stucco sculpture H. 13.5 cm British Museum OA 1959.10-14.1 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 119, cat. no. 123 (Boardman dates to the 1st c. AD); Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 623

29  (146)  Fig. 138 Head of Satyr, stucco H. 20.62 cm National Museum, Karachi, Pakistan, no. 1359 Taxila, Sirkap (Apsidal temple), Pakistan Published: Wheeler 1955, p. 160, pl. XXXI, B; Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 560, dates to the 3rd–4th c. AD; Marshall 1960, p. 29, pl. 25, fig. 32 End of the 2nd c. AD (dated by present author)

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30  (147)  Fig. 139 Head of youthful Satyr, schist relief H. 15.5 cm The Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey, 81.360 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 100; Czuma dates to the 2nd–3rd c. AD

31  (148)  Fig. 140 Head of Satyr frontally, bronze relief disc Diameter: 4 cm Collection A.I.C. Swat, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 116, cat. no. 118; (Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD)

32  (149)  Fig. 118 Satyr (?) half recumbent in three-quarter view to the right, behind Dionysus, terracotta plaque Size unknown Institute of Archaeology, Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan, Samarqand Sapoltepa (Kashkadarya), surface find, Uzbekistan Published: Abdullaev and Radzhabov 2000, pp. 111–114, Abdullaev dates according to the context and ceramics to the 2nd–1st c. BC

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33  (150)  Fig. 121 Head of youthful Satyr lying on the ground, silver cup, for description of the cup and the whole scene see entry for Dionysus no. (5), also Eros no. (9) and Tyche no. (3), imported H. 9.5 cm, Diameter: 12.8 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 97, detailed photo p. 93; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC

34  (151)  Fig. 160 Mask of elderly Satyr or Silenus lying in three-quarter view to the left on the small rounded base, part of a scene on the silver cup, for description of the scene see entry for Eros no. (5) H. 7.6 cm, l. 30.4 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 98

35  (152)  Fig. 141 Bust of Satyr to the right, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 6

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36  (153)  Fig. 142 Naked Satyr playing flute, clay figurine H. 12.2 cm, w. 5.5 cm Fine Arts Research Institute, Tashkent, Uzbekistan Kampyrtepa, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan Published: Antiquities of Southern Uzbekistan 1991, no. 187, dated to 1st–2nd c. AD; Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 118, cat. no. 132, K. Abdullaev dates to the end of 1st–beginning of the 2nd c. AD; Greciya – Uzbekistan 2001, no. 61; Kampyrtepa III, p. 29, ris. 3; Abdullaev 2002a, p. 57, fig. 3, here dated to 1st–2nd c. AD

37  (154)  Fig. 143 Naked satyr (?), he has goat’s legs, horse tail and prominent phallus and wears a cap, clay figurine H. 12.2 cm, w. 5.5–6.5 cm Fine Arts Research Institute, Tashkent, Uzbekistan Kampyrtepa, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan Published: Antiquities of Southern Uzbekistan 1991, no. 186, dated to 1st–2nd c. AD Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 117, cat. no. 131, dated to the end of 1st– beginning of the 2nd c. AD; Greciya – Uzbekistan 2001, no. 62; Kampyrtepa III, p. 30, ris. 4; Abdullaev 2002, p. 57, fig. 3, dated to 1st–2nd c. AD; Abdullaev 2002a, pp. 58–59, fig. 4, here dated also dated to the end of 1st–beginning of the 2nd c. AD

38  (155)  Fig. 144 Satyr harassing a Nymph, toilet tray made of soapstone Diameter 7 cm Victoria and Albert Museum IS 236-1960, London Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 3; Czuma 1985, p. 147, cat. no. 65, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD; Stančo 2004, pp. 112, 113, cat. no. 4

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39  (156)  Figs. 145, 146 Satyr playing diaulos, bronze statuette attached to a stone base with Greek inscription National Museum of Antiquities, Dushanbe, Tajikistan Takht-i Sangin, Tajikistan Published: Boardman 1994, p. 105, 4.37; Litvinskiy 1999, p. 72; Alexander der Grosse (small catalogue) pp. 18–19, cat. no. 9, dated to the 3rd–2nd c. BC

40  (157)  Fig. 147 Head of Satyr, clay figurine Present location not mentioned Dalverzintepa, Uzbekistan Published: Greciya – Uzbekistan 2001, p. 42; dated to 1st–2nd c. AD

41  (158)  Fig. 148 Bust of youthful Dionysus, bronze phalera, gilded 14.4 × 14.5 cm Present location not mentioned Accidental surface find, exact find spot not mentioned, Uzbekistan Published: Drevnosti yuzhnogo Uzbekistana, p. 100, ill. p. 83, dated to 1st c. BC–1st c. AD

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2.2.12 The Dioscuri One of the most recent works on Seleucid coins shows, among the coins minted by Seleucid rulers in Bactria, AE coins with the head of one of the Dioscuri on the right wearing a pileus.139 They were not continued, however, and the favourite types did not appear until a hundred years later on coins struck by Eucratides I and Diomedes, who imitated his predecessor. This basic type, which appears on drachmas and tetradrachmas, is a depiction of the Dioscuri riding on rampant horses which are turning their heads towards each other. The riders hold a long riding spear in their right hands, and on their heads have caps/helmets with a star on top. In their left hands they hold palm branches (1a). These coins by Eucratides were the inspiration for the rulers of the distant Merv oasis, around 130–80 BC. One of Eucratides’ coins features only one of the two Dioscuri (2). Both the above-mentioned rulers also struck coins showing the twins on foot (3). On the small obols the subject is simplified. The Dioscuri are represented by a mere symbol – their caps with a star on, and palm branches (6). That the twins were popular in Bactria is also shown by a shrine excavated in 1970–1977 in Dilberjin in northern Afghanistan. In one of its rooms a wall painting was found that depicted, in heraldic style, two youths dressed only in long cloaks and caps (5). Both are holding horses by the reins. Irina T. Kruglikova, who carried out the research, interpreted the scene as a depiction of the Dioscuri.140 Kruglikova believes the temple was built during the reign of Eucratides I, given the popularity of the Dioscuri on his coins, and on that basis she attempts to identify Dilberjin with the site of ancient Eucratidia.141 Her view – concerning chronology and dedication of the temple – was later questioned by Lo Muzio, who supposes a much later date of origin, as well as different function of both figures.142 Eucratides appears to have been motivated by an attempt to show a relationship with the Seleucids, who considered the Dioscuri, among others (see Apollo) to be their forebears. The reign of Eucratides I lasted approximately from170–145 BC, and it was he who was the last ruler to govern the areas both to the north and south of the Hindu Kush, in other words, including Bactria and Gandhara. Diomedes, who also struck coins of the Dioscuri riding horses on the reverse of his coins, ruled 139 Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 74, no. 440. 140 Kruglikova 1974, pp. 23–25, ris. 16, 17, tabl. 3; Kruglikova 1986. 141 Kruglikova 1986, pp. 6–7; For Eucratides q.v. Strabo XI, XI, 2: “Their cities were Bactra (also known as Zariaspa, through which the river of the same name passes, later flowing into the Oxus) and Darapsa, and several others. Among them Eucratida, named after the ruler.” There are also other opinions as for the identification of toponym Eucratidia. Rapin, among others, proposes Ai Kahnoum as proper solution, Rapin 2010, p. 237, 249, n. 4. 142 Lo Muzio 1999.

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from about 95 to 90 BC, over the relatively small area known as Paropamisadae (the eastern part of central Afghanistan). Another depiction which may be considered to be the Dioscuri is a pair of riders on a cosmetics palette in Karachi (4). Both riders are cantering to the right. The left-hand one is depicted in profile, while the right-hand one has his head turned front-on. His horse is rearing slightly. The rider appears to be wearing a hat or helmet. The left-hand rider is a little smaller; he is disproportionately small compared to his horse in particular. I would venture to date the palette to the 1st century BC. Since we know of no other, later depiction, it is likely that the Dioscuri disappeared from the east with the demise of Greek rule.

1  (159)  Figs. 149, 150 Dioscuri on the horseback galloping to the right, holding long lances and palm leafs 1a) reverse of the gold stater, silver drachma, tetradrachma and bronze coins of Eucratides I (170–145 BC), fig. 149, and silver drachma and tetradrachma of Diomedes (95–90 BC); 1b) imitation of Eucratides’s coins minted in Merv (130–80 BC), fig. 150 Published: 1a) Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 199, 200, 202–208, 211–214, 216, pl. 16–22, série 1, 2, 4–8, 11, 19–21, 25, Bopearachchi 2002, pp. 120, 121, Figs. 6–9, Crossroads of Asia p. 60, cat. no. 17–18, De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 95–97, cat. nos. 78–83, 85, 86 (coin of Eucratides I); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 295–297, pl. 45, série 1–7 (coin of Diomedes); 1b) MallonMcCorgray 1996 http://www.grifterrec.com/ coins/coins.html (coin of Merv)

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2  (160)  Fig. 151 One of Dioscuri on the horseback galloping to right Reverse of the bronze coins of Eucratides I (170–145 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 208, 209, pl. 19, série 12

3  (161)  Fig. 152 Dioscuri standing frontally, leaning against the lances Reverse of the silver drachma of Eucratides I (170–145 BC) and reverse of the silver drachma and obverse of the bronze coins of Diomedes (95–90 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 210, 211, pl. 20, série 17 (coin of Eucratides I.); pp. 297, 298, pl. 45, série 8–10 (coin of Diomedes)

4  (162)  Fig. 153 Dioscuri galloping to the right, toilet tray made of schist (?) Diameter: 11.4 cm Museum Karachi, no. 988 (formerly Peshawar) Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 176, cat. no. 480; Waheed Jan 1997, p. 3, fig. 2; dates to the 1st c. BC in my opinion

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5  (163)  Fig. 154 Dioscuri standing frontally, wearing long coats and holding headstalls of the horses, fragments of wall-painting Present location not mentioned Dilberjin, Afghanistan Published: Kruglikova 1986; Boardman 1994, p. 103, fig. 4.34; Lo Muzio 1999, dates to 2nd – 3rd c. AD and presumes that both figures are mere assistants or guardians of a main (probably) femaly diety being worshiped in the temple

6  (164)  Fig. 155 Caps of Dioscuri and palm leafs Reverse of the silver oboli and of the bronze coins of Eucratides I (170–145 BC), reverse of the bronze coins of Antialcidas (115–95 BC), Antialcidas and Lysias and Archebios (90–80 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 201, 207, 208, 211, Pls. 16, 19, 20, série 3, 9, 10, 18 (coin of Eucratides I); pp. 277–279, pl. 41, série 14–17 (coin of Antialcidas); p. 280, pl. 42, série 2 (coin of Antialcidas and Lysias); p. 324, pl. 52, série 13 (coin of Archebios)

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2.2.13 Eros/Cupids While in classical Greek art Eros is a youth, with the arrival of Hellenism he becomes a child. Both Praxiteles and Lysippos made statues of Eros for Thespiae, the former in marble and the latter in bronze. It is in the form of a child that Eros became widespread both in time and space, gradually losing the significance of the mythological figure of Eros and acquiring a supplementary function. Cupids, putti, cherubs – in the East, too, we are more likely to come across these transposed significances.143 The image of Eros reached the orient relatively quickly. From Nahavand in Iran, near Isfahan, we know of an example of an import from as far back as the 2nd century BC. It is an emblem from a gilded silver vessel with a bust of a winged Eros depicted frontally, wearing an amulet on a string round his neck. It is on display in the Antikensammlungen in Munich, but as far as I know has not been published. Most of the other solo depictions of Eros are also imports from the Mediterranean. In particular, there is a part of a gilded silver cup where two such Erotes appear (5). They are both winged and wear bracelets and anklets. The left-hand one is standing head-on and is putting a bunch of grapes into a basket. His wings appear to sprout from his shoulders, or at least from his shoulder blades. The one on the right is shown in threequarters view, turned to the right, with a small cape draped over his arm. He is standing over a satyr’s head. Further to the right is a fragment – the righthand wing – of another Eros. The Erotes are divided from each other by olive trees. The second example is an unusual one. It depicts an Eros standing to the right, holding a theatre mask in front of his face (9). It forms part of a scene in the shrine of Dionysus (q.v. the chapter on Dionysus for a description of the whole scene). Both works were found in unspecified locations in Gandhara. A possibly even older work (2nd–1st century BC) is the head of a bronze statuette of a child from Afghanistan (10). It is fairly likely that it is Eros, but it may possibly be a young Dionysus. Boardman believes it is probably part of an appliqué from a large bronze vessel144, and he compares it to similar examples from Colchis. Let us append one art work, which was initially neglected and is missing in the catalogue. It is a standing naked figurine of a plump winged child, apparently Eros, holding a torch (?) in his left hand.145 143 Augé – de Belefonds, In: LIMC III, 1, pp. 942–952; Hermary – Cassimatis – Volkommer – Blanc – Gury, In: LIMC III, 1, pp. 850–1049. 144 Crossroads of Asia p. 115 145 For a picture see Afghanistan, p. 255, cat. no. 218. The item is deposited in Kabul Museum (MK 04.1.31) and was found in Begram, room 13, dated to the 1st c. AD.

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Further items in the imports category are plaster casts of emblems from Begram: an Eros standing in three-quarter view to the right, with a bunch of grapes in his right hand (11), Eros standing in three-quarter view to the left with a poppy head in his right hand (12), and also a scene with Eros and Psyche (15). However, the products of local workshops – from the areas both to the north and south of the Hindu Kush – are no less interesting. During excavations of the Kamennoe Gorodishche site at the confluence of the Vakhsh and Pyanj rivers in 1976–77 several small gilded copper appliqués were found, four of which show Eros (1–4) in various positions. Two of the figures have wings and are stepping or running to the right (1, 3), while no. 2 is walking to the left, holding a bunch of grapes, and no. 4 is sitting down playing a lyre. All four figures appear to have come from one cabinet, from which one tile was found together with the appliqués. At the Tepai-Shakh site, also in southern Tajikistan, a ring has been found with a schematic depiction of Eros standing to the right (7). Among the most recent finds from the site of Jandavlattepa, south Uzbekistan, one can find another well preserved example of Eros’ depiction, in this case in a form of gem imprint. The little god is presented here standing to the right, wearing a helmet (?) and holding a kantharos-like vessel. It has been dated to the 1st–2nd c. AD.146 Not far away, at the necropolis at Tillya Tepe in northern Afghanistan, two golden pins were found in the graves numbered 2 and 3. Each pin has two parts, consisting of Erotes riding towards each other on dolphins. The first example has the Erotes without wings, just with bracelets and anklets (17). In the second example they have wings and are holding bowls (18). Together with this second example, the grave goods in grave no. 2 also included rings with depictions of Athena (q.v. Athena no. 12, 14) and an appliqué in the form of Aphrodite (q.v. Aphrodite no. 4). In addition to the scene depicting the rebuke of Eros described in the chapter on Aphrodite (8a), in which a second Eros is depicted observing the whole scene (8b), we also know of another interesting example from Gandhara. This is the figure of a winged Eros standing frontally with a wreath in his right hand (6). His wings are spread wide. Once again he is wearing bracelets and anklets. He is one of only a few Gandharan works described in this publication of which we know the exact provenance. He comes from the stupa of Butkara I in Swat, Pakistan, in other words from a Buddhist monument. The scenes in which Psyche appears alongside Eros tend to come from the area to the south of the Hindu Kush. An example of an imported work comes, 146 This item was added after completion of the catalogue, thus, the drawing is not included here. See Abdullaev 2011, fig. 3.4, 21.

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as has already been mentioned, from the Begram treasure (15), and a further two come from Taxila. One of these is a cornelian gem (14), and the other is a golden appliqué, in style terms close to the appliqués described above featuring Aphrodite. Eros, this time shown as a youth, with a cloak over his shoulder, has his left arm around Psyche’s shoulder and is touching her breast with his right hand (16). Erotes – putti – garland holders Erotes in one of their aspects, that of garland bearers, are, next to Atlantes, the most commonly-found motif of western provenience in Gandharan art. Given the popularity of this motif in the Mediterranean itself, this is understandable. Boardman believes that these Indian putti were more likely to have been based on Greek rather than Roman models.147 The subject first began to appear in late Hellenistic art, and was taken over by the Romans. It became very popular in the middle of the second century AD, when it began to feature on sarcophagi made in Asia Minor and sold in Rome. It is from Asia Minor that it appears to have spread through the eastern Mediterranean and further east. Pugachenkova may have been right to claim that the models may have been real little children, who took part in some celebrations, carrying garlands of flowers.148 Greek garland-bearers usually have continuous garlands (Roman ones are frequently divided), with leaves and stems (Roman ones often feature flowers) and they tend to have hanging bunches of fruit. In the upper loops there are busts of figures. All these features are also common in the examples we have from Gandhara. In India the putti acquire local costume, in exceptional cases moustaches, and they lose their wings.149 The various examples are indianised to different degrees, but they never entirely lose the reflection of western influence, at least not in Gandhara. They mostly stand with their weight on one leg, braced against the weight of the garland. The subject is dealt with in detail by C. A. Bromberg in an article entitled “The Putto and Garland in Asia”, which also contains a chronology of the development of this motif in the Mediterranean. I shall therefore make reference to it here and will not go into it in more detail.150 Boardman also devotes considerable space to Erotes in his lecture “Classical Art in Eastern Translation.”151 Erotes carrying garlands were not, he believed, alien to local artists, and the theme of tendrils might also be local. 147 Crossroads of Asia p. 130. 148 Pugachenkova 1971, p. 22. 149 Crossroads of Asia p. 130. 150 Bromberg 1988. 151 Boardman 1993.

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He gives an example from Bharhut of a long lotus tendril with pendants in the form of jewels, and also points to the tendrils depicted in ivory carvings.152 Benjamin Rowland also has an article on the Gandharan vine tendril, entitled “The vine-scroll in Gandhara.”153 Inasmuch as we can form an overview of the individual panels, they come from the contexts of Buddhist monasteries and stupas. The location of relief panels with depictions of putti can be observed on the larger composite panels that have been preserved. I shall give here an example of one such large relief with a depiction of scenes from the life of Buddha (12). Our relief forms the bottom part of the tablet, fringing the main scene together with vertical panels. Although most of the examples known to us come from Gandhara, we do exceptionally find garland carriers in Bactria – in the shrine in Surkh Kotal (18), for example, and in the decoration of the palace in Khalchayan (17). Here the garland carriers created a continuous band in the upper part of the wall of the palace interior. It should be added that the Khalchayan garland and putti are among the oldest in the east, the palace having been built some time around the turn of the millennium. The decoration here thus precedes the Mediterranean boom in garland-carrying Erotes, as well as the period when they became popular in Gandhara. Garland-bearers are among the motifs that continued further in a southeasterly direction – we even come across them in Amaravati in the east of India. A  relief depicting two goblins/putti carrying garlands was part of the great stupa built there during the 2nd century BC and the 3rd century AD (19).154 This catalogue is far from containing a complete list of all the examples – there are too many – but it aims to present an illustrative selection. Other examples are given by Ingholt155 or published in the recent exhibition cataloque Gandhara.156 Unlike in the other chapters, I will not in this case provide a detailed description of the catalogue items in the text.

152 Boardman 1993, pp. 5, 6, fig. 1, 2, 3. 153 Rowland 1956. 154 Boardman 1993, p. 11, fig. 10. 155 Ingholt 1957, nos. 376–380. 156 Gandhara, cat. no. 232 – relief pilaster from Saidu Sharif, Swat, with figures of Erotes seen from behind, today in Swat Museum, inv. no. WS 170; and cat. no. 219 and p. 180, Abb. 1, large relief with scenes from life of Buddha with twelve pairs of Erotes in vertical side strip, the item is exhibited in Lahore Museum, inv. no. G-109 (former no. 1139) and comes from Mohammed Nari.

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1  (165)  Fig. 156 Winged Eros standing (in three-quarter view) facing right, gilded copper appliqué 6.2 × 4.1 cm Present location unknown Kamennoe gorodishche, Tajikistan Published: Litvinskiy – Pichikyan 1979, pp. 89–90, ris. 1; Drevnosti Tadzhikistana pp. 81, 95, no. 226, dated to the 1st c. AD

2  (166)  Fig. 157 Eros standing (in three-quarter view) facing left, holding bunch of grapes in his right hand, gilded copper appliqué 6.2 × 4.1 cm Present location unknown Kamennoe gorodishche, Tajikistan Published: Litvinskiy – Pichikyan 1979, ris. 2; Drevnosti Tadzhikistana pp. 81, 93, no. 225 dated to the 1st c. AD

3  (167)  Fig. 158 Winged Eros standing (in three-quarter view) facing right, holding a non-distinguishable object in his left hand, gilded copper appliqué Present location unknown Kamennoe gorodishche, Tajikistan Published: Litvinskiy – Pichikyan 1979, pp. 89–90, ris. 3; Drevnosti Tadzhikistana p. 81, 95, no. 227; dated to the 1st c. AD

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4  (168)  Fig. 159 Eros sitting in three-quarter view facing right plays lyre, gilded copper appliqué 4.4 × 4.8 cm Present location unknown. Kamennoe gorodishche, Tajikistan Published: Litvinskiy – Pichikyan 1979, pp. 90–94, ris. 4; Drevnosti Tadzhikistana no. 230, pp. 81, 95, dating do 1st c. AD

5  (169)  Fig. 160 Two Erotes, first frontally, second shown in three-quarter view, wing of the third visible on the right margin, relief on the fragment of silver cup, imported 5a) Left figure stands frontally, head facing left, Eros holds a bunch of grapes in his right hand above the basket with the other grapes, left hand holds pedum and leans it on the shoulder 5b) Right figure of standing Eros is depicted in the three-quarter view to the right, head facing also to the right, he holds a garment in his stretched arms H. 7.6 cm, w. 30.4 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 98; Boardman dates to the 1st c. AD and regards the scene as Bacchic, while Vermeule interpreted it as part of the scene with seasons, where two Erotes are missing

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6  (170)  Fig. 161 Winged Eros holding a wreath in his right hand, relief disc made of grey schist Diameter: 14.5 cm University of Missouri-Columbia, acc. no. 77.339 Butkara I, Swat, Pakistan Published: Nagar 1981, p. 54, cat. no. 33, Nagar dates to the early 3rd c. AD

7  (171)  Fig. 162 Figure of Eros to the right, metal (exact material not known) ring ca 1.5 cm Present location not mentioned Necropolis Tepai-Shakh, found in grave no. 4, Tajikistan Published: Litvinskiy – Sedov 1983, p. 56, tabl. XXVI, 2

8  (172)  Fig. 4 8a) Eros being punished by Aphrodite, toilet tray made of yellow soapstone 8b) Second Eros watching this execution from behind a column, see entry for Aphrodite no. (2) Diameter: 12 cm, H. 2 cm British Museum 1973.6-18.1; formerly L. W. Jardine Collection Narai, Peshawar district, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, fig. 18; Francfort 1979, no. 8, pl. IH.; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 162, fig.2; Czuma 1985, cat. no. 66, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD; Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 153; Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC

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9  (173)  Fig. 163 Eros standing to the right, he holds the theatre mask in front of his face, fragment of silver cup, imported See entry for Dionysus no. (5) and Tyche no. (3) H. 9.5 cm, diameter: 12.8 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 97; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC

10  (174)  Fig. 164 Head of a child – Eros, fragment of bronze statuette157, imported H. 6 cm Collection A.I.C. Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 115, cat. no. 117; J. Boardman dates to the 2nd–1st c. BC

11  (175)  Fig. 165 Eros standing in three-quarter view to the right, holding a bunch of grapes in his right hand, white plaster cast, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 24

157 This figure may depict little Dionysus as well.

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12  (176)  Fig. 166 Eros standing in three-quarter view to the left, holding a poppy head in his right hand, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 25

13  (177)  Fig. 167 Standing Eros (?), gem made of white quartz 2.2 × 2.2 cm Present location not mentioned Old Termez, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 100, cat. no. 99, dated to 3rd–4th c. AD

Eros and Psyche 14   (178)   Fig. 168a – gem, b – imprint Eros and Psyche (?), carnelian gem Present location unknown Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Dar 1998, pl. XXII

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15  (179)  Fig. 169 Eros and Psyche in a clinch, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 1

16  (180)  Fig. 170 Eros and Psyche in a clinch, golden appliqué Present location not mentioned Taxila, Pakistan Published: Boardman 1994, p. 118, fig. 4.52

17  (181)  Fig. 171 Double clasp made of gold, both parts connected by the hooklet 17a) Eros riding a dolphin facing left, he holds on to the dolphin with his left hand. 17b) Eros riding a dolphin, head and body frontally, facing right, he holds on to the dolphin with his left hand 4.2 cm × 4.9 cm (each) National Museum of Afghanistan, Kabul, MK 04.40.110 Tillya Tepe, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1985, p. 236 (Burial 3) no. 2, ill. 87; Afghanistan, pp. 183, 275, cat. no. 80, dated to 1st c. AD

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18  (182)  Fig. 172 Double clasp made of gold, both parts connected by the hooklet 18a) Winged Eros riding a dolphin facing left in three quarter view, he holds on to the dolphin with his right hand, holds a bowl in his left 18b) Winged Eros riding a dolphin facing right in three quarter view, he holds on to the dolphin with his left hand, holds a bowl in his right 4.5 cm × 3 cm (each) National Museum of Afghanistan, Kabul, MK 04.40.175 Tillya Tepe, Afghanistan Publikace: Sarianidi 1985, p. 236 (Burial 2) no. 5, ill. 85; Afghanistan, pp. 173, 272–3, cat. no. 59, dated to 2nd quarter of 1st c. AD

Erotes / putti – garl and bearers 1  (183)  no picture Three Erotes bearing garland with pomegranate and figs (?), schist relief 50.8 × 20.9 × 5.5 cm British Museum, OA 1940.7-13.1 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 130, cat. no. 132, Boardman dates to the late 2nd c. AD; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 424

2  (184)  Fig. 173 Two Erotes bearing garland, the first (on the left) depicted frontally, the second one seen in profile, fragment of schist relief H. 13.5 cm, w. 26 cm, depth 8.7 cm British Museum, OA 1900.5-22.2 Hadda, Afghanistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 414

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3  (185)  Fig. 174 Two Erotes and turbaned man (on the left) bearing garland, the middle one frontally, the right one in profile, in upper loops are two winged figures, fragment of schist relief H. 14 cm, w. 29.5 cm, depth 9.9 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.32 Swat or Buner, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 415

4  (186)  Fig. 175 Two Erotes bearing garland, both depicted frontally, in upper loop is an eagle, fragment of schist relief H. 12.7 cm, w. 22.5 cm, depth 6.3 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.33 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 416

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5  (187)  Fig. 176 Two Erotes bearing garland, the left one in three-quarter view facing right, the right one in three-quarter view facing left, in upper loop is an eagle, fragment of schist relief H. 12.6 cm, w. 26.3 cm, depth 7.1 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.34 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 417

6  (188)  Fig. 177 Two Erotes bearing garland, the left one in three-quarter view facing right, the right one in three-quarter view facing left, fragment of schist relief H. 7.6 cm, w. 17 cm, depth 7.3 cm British Museum, OA 1902.10-2.34 Swat or Buner, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 418

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7  (189)  Figs. 178, 179 Four Erotes bearing garland, the left one standing with his back to us, two in the centre are depicted frontally, the right one in three-quarter view facing left, in upper loop is winged figure and parts of other figures, three fragments of one schist relief Consists of three pieces: H. 15.3 cm, w. 17.5 cm, 21.5 cm, 20.3 cm, depth 5.4 cm, 5.1 cm, 7 cm British Museum, OA 1903.6-22.1a–c Hadda, Afghanistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 419–421

8  (190)  Fig. 180 Two Erotes bearing garland, frontally depicted, fragment of schist relief H. 9.8 cm, w. 22.3 cm, depth 5.7 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.12 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 422

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9  (191)  Fig. 181 Two Erotes bearing garland, the left one in three-quarter view facing left, the right one frontally, in the upper loop is a bust, fragment of schist relief H. 8.6 cm, w. 20.5 cm, depth 6.7 cm British Museum, OA 1904.12-17.13 Swat, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 423

10  (192)  Fig. 182 Two Erotes bearing garland, the right one in three-quarter view facing left, the left one frontally, in the upper loops are busts, fragment of schist relief H. 17.2 cm, w. 30.2 cm, depth 5.1 cm British Museum, OA 1880-88 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 425

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11  (193)  Figs. 183, 184 Five standing Erotes bearing garland, the first one on the right in profile facing left, the others frontally, the tendrils of garlands fall to the ground, behind them are other figures, fragment of schist relief H. 21 cm, w. 52.7 cm, depth 7 cm British Museum, OA 1940.7-13.1 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 426

12  (194)  no picture Five Erotes bearing garland, lower bordure of a schist relief with scenes from life of Buddha H. 68 cm, w. 41.3 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art 58 474 Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 101, Czuma dates to the 2nd c. AD

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13  (195)  Fig. 185 Four Erotes bearing garland, the left one facing right, the others frontally, fragment of schist relief H. 10.5 cm, w. 35.9 cm Museum Lahore, no. 1808 Provenance not mentioned, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 374, Ingholt classifies to his group no. III

14  (196)  Fig. 186 Three Erotes bearing garland (on the left are legs of the fourth), the left one slightly facing left, the others frontally, garlands are dropping to the ground and behind the loops are female figures with flowers, fragment of schist relief H. 15.2 cm, w. 61 cm Museum Lahore, no. 1812 Provenance not known, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 375, Ingholt classifies to his group no. III

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15  (197)  Fig. 187 Erotes bearing garland, behind the loops are sitting figures of Buddhas and Bodhisatvas, relief on the bronze vessel, so-called “Kanishka reliquary” Museum Peshawar, no. 452 M Shah-ji-ki-dheri, Pakistan Published: Tissot 1986, fig. 88; Boardman 1993, fig. 9, 2nd c. AD

16  (198)  Fig. 188 Two Erotes bearing garland, on the right is part of the third, behind the loops are busts of winged figures, fragment of schist relief slab H. 13.2 cm, w. 27.1 cm University of Missouri-Columbia, acc. No. 77.343 Nathu, Pakistan Published: Nagar 1981, p. 50, cat. no. 29, Nagar dates to the 2nd century AD; Bromberg 1988, p. 67, fig. 1 (dating taken over from Nagar)

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17  (199)  Figs. 189, 190, 191 Row of Erotes bearing garland; the best preserved is one standing frontally (17a), he holds the garland, has a bracelet and armlet, Figs. 189 and 190, the others preserved only fragmentarily (Fig. 191), part of a frieze decorated with clay polychromed sculpture 35 × 13 × 10–12 cm (size of the best preserved figure) Museum of Fine Arts, Tashkent Khalchayan, southern Uzbekistan Published: Pugachenkova 1971, p. 22 (reconstruction), pp. 23–24 (description), ill. 3 (reconstruction), ill. 9–16; Pugachenkova 1979, ill. 138.

18  (200)  no picture Eros bearing garland in three-quarter view to the right, part of relief frieze Kabul Museum? Surkh Kotal temple, Afghanistan Published: Fussman 1983, Abb. 7; Pugachenkova 1987, p. 35; Bromberg 1988, pp. 72–73, fig. 8

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19  (201)  Fig. 192 Two garland bearers striding to the left, holding garland, stone relief British Museum Amaravati, India Published: Boardman 1994, p. 143, fig. 4.90

2.2.14 Harpocrates This Hellenistic god – Hor-pa-chered158 or “Child of Hor” (i.e. of Osiris and Isis) – does not appear on Graeco-Bactrian coins. However, statuettes of a high artistic standard have been found in two of the most significant sites in this area, which indicates that this god was popular in the east.159 It is interesting that the examples are completely different in concept. The statuette of Harpocrates (1) found in the Parthian layers in Sirkap (Taxila) is a classic depiction: Harpocrates is standing, dressed in a long, flowing ankle-length robe, with his left arm hanging by the side of his body and the right lifted so that his index finger touches his chin. This gesture is usually interpreted as being intended to emphasise his child-like nature. The new find from Bactria shows the god standing in a relaxed, Praxitelean S-shaped stance (2). He is dressed in a caligae, with fabric, possibly a short cloak, draped over his left arm and back. On his head he wears a simplified double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt (pshent). He is touching his lips with his right index finger. The support against which his left arm was leaning has not been preserved. Both statuettes are examples of a very high standard of artistic production, and are clearly imports. In the case of Harpocrates, whose cult spread under the Roman Empire over the whole of the near east, it is on the whole logical that he would have also penetrated further east. 158 In corresponding entry of LIMC used reading “Har-pe-chrot.” 159 Quite recently, the objects with the depiction of Egyptian gods were resumed by Mairs (2007).

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In addition to the examples in the catalogue, the literature also mentions other examples, one of which is a small figure found at Munchaktepa in northern Bactria.160 Hackin also published a further (?) example from Begram, in addition to the one mentioned above.161 In all, therefore, we may say that we know of as yet five finds of Harpocrates in the East.

1  (202)  Fig. 193 Standing dressed Harpocrates, bronze statuette, imported H. 13.5 cm Taxila Museum162 Taxila, Sirkap, found in the strata no. II, i.e. Parthian ones, Pakistan Published: Wheeler 1955, p. 158; Ingholt 1957, pp. 179, 180, cat. no. 492; Marshall 1960, pl. 24, fig. 30

2  (203)  Fig. 194 Standing naked figure of Harpocrates, bronze statuette, imported H. 23 cm Private collection Baktra – Balkh, Afghanistan Published: Lecuyot 1998; De l’Indus à l’Oxus, cat. no. 282, G. Lecuyot dates to Roman period, roughly to 2nd c. AD and considers it to be western import, perhaps from Alexandria

160 Lecuyot 1998 mentions it with no further reference – a small figure. 161 See Hackin 1954, pp. 282–283, no. 153, figs. 322 and 324; The figurine is 33 cm high. 162 I studied a plaster cast of this statuette in depository of National Gallery, Prague, Czech Republic.

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3   (204.)  no picture Standing half-naked figure of Harpocrates, bronze statuette, imported H. 13.3 cm Kabul Museum, no. 57.36 (LIMC), no. 04.1.101 (Afghanistan)163 Begram, Afghanistan Published: LIMC IV, 1, p. 420, cat. no. 44, no illustration (entry for Harpocrates; B. Jaeger, S. Poulin); Afghanistan, pp. 259, 287, cat. no. 225, dated to 1st c. AD

Hecate see Zeus nos. 11 and 14

2.2.15 Helios There is not much that can be said about the occurrence of Helios in the east. The earliest depiction is that on the famous gilded relief plaquette featuring the goddess Cybele from Ai Khanoum. Here the bust of Helios symbolises the sun (4, see the entry for Cybele). The work can be dated to the 3rd century BC. We also know of depictions of Helios on coins struck by three Indo-Greek rulers: Plato, Philoxenus and Telephos, in other words, from the second half of the 2nd century BC and the 70s of the 1st century BC. He appears twice as a standing figure with a sceptre, once alone (1) and once in the company of Selene (3). He also appears as a charioteer on Plato’s coins, driving a quadriga to the right (2). The only exceptions dated to the Kushan period are coins struck by Kanishka I. On the reverse, there is represented the standing figure of a god facing left and making a benediction gesture with his right hand. The image is supplemented by the inscription ΗΛΙΟΣ.164 I know of no further finds of depictions of this god, and so it is interesting that Philostratus mentions a temple of Helios in Taxila. Apollonius of Tyana and those accompanying him on his entrance into Taxila (the second phase known as Sirsuk) “are said to have seen the shrine of Helios, to which the elephant Aias was consecrated, and golden statues of Alexander and others of Porus from black metal. The walls of the shrine are of fiery red stones, from which there shines gold, glittering like the rays of the sun. The tabernacle is symbolically inlaid with pearls: all the barbarians cover their shrines in this way.”165 Unlike the temple in front of the gates of Taxila, which is mentioned in the same work and which has been excavated by archaeologists, no attempt as far as I know has been made to 163 It is possible that the second inv. no. represents the other example from Begram, mentioned by Ingholt, see above in text. Size and illustration given here belongs to the second inv. no. I believe that there is only one figurine from Begram which is restored in different way in Hackin 1954 (fig. 322 and 324) and later (Afghanistan, cat. no. 259). 164 This mint has been categorized in the catalogue entry for Apollon (no.12). 165 Flavius Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana. II, 23–24.

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match this description to the structures that have been uncovered in Sirkap. By the term “shrine of Helios”, Philostratus (or his source, Damis) appears to have meant the temple of some local god.

1  (205)  Fig. 195 Helios standing frontally, wears a long cloak, making a blessing gesture with his right hand, holds a sceptre in his left Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Plato (145–140 BC) and obverse of bronze coins of Philoxenus (100–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 221, pl. 24, série 4 (coin of Plato); p. 294, pl. 44, série 12 (coin of Philoxenus)

2  (206)  Fig. 196 Helios standing on quadriga frontally or riding to right Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Plato (145–140 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 220, 221, pl. 24, série 1–3, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 97, cat. no. 87

3  (207)  Fig. 197 Helios and Selene depicted frontally, Helios holds a sceptre in his right hand Reverse of silver drachma of Telephos (75–70 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 344, pl. 60, série 1

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4  (208)  Fig. 115 Bust of Helios above chariot of goddess Cybele, gilded silver plate For details see entry for Cybele no. 1 (p. 83)

2.2.16 Heracles Heracles achieved great popularity in the east. It would be possible to write a whole book about the spread of his cult in the eastern regions, but even if we were to limit ourselves to the Kushan empire and to look at Heracles in all his aspects, including where he has been identified with local gods and taken on their attributes, the resulting study would be of considerable size. In Greece, Heraclean iconography developed rapidly from the 6th century onwards, with the labours of Heracles being a highly popular subject. The main influence on our area, however, was the late Classical and early Hellenistic period, specifically the work of Lysippus. Most of the works that I shall look at in this chapter reflect the work of Lysippus in some way. In 1969 Susan Downey attempted to provide a general survey of Heracles’ eastern career in the introduction to one of the volumes of the excavation reports of the Dura Europos site.166 Heracles’ presence in our area was then traced in more detail by Galina Pugachenkova, who devoted an article167 and later a whole chapter to him in her book Iz khudozhestvennoj sokrovishchiny Srednego Vostoka.168 K. Abdullaev then soon added some interesting examples in his paper.169 To summarise the findings of the first-mentioned work, depictions of Heracles are extremely numerous. Among the most significant is the stone relief in Behistun in Iran, with a dedicatory inscription that dates the work to 148 BC.170 From the Hellenistic era come several terracotta figures from Seleucia on the Tigris, one of the Farnese type, the other showing Heracles 166 Downey 1969. 167 Pugachenkova 1977. 168 Pugachenkova 1987, pp. 66–78. 169 Abdullaev 1988. 170 Boardman 1994, fig. 4.6.

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leaning against a tree trunk with a lion skin thrown over his arm. Several other examples come from the Parthian layers: from layer III (143 BC–69/70 AD). In three cases they are of the Farnese type, while in two cases Heracles is leaning against a tree. Similarly, from layer II there are three Farnese types and two leaning against trees, while a further two figures come from layer I (115–200 AD). We know of other terracottas from Babylonia, Nippur (2x), Uruk and Susa. On coins, Heracles was adopted from Antioch II not only by Graeco-Bactrian rulers, as shall be seen later, but also by Parthians and the Characene rulers. There are metopes from Nisa in Parthia from the turn of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC with depictions of the head of Heracles and also a club and a lion’s head. Even by then, it seems, the cults of Heracles and Verethragna were blending.171 Judging by the club standing next to it, the head on relief number 78, also from Nisa, is meant to be Heracles. The connection between Heracles and the Iranian Verethragna and Artagenes is also confirmed by inscriptions in the shrines of the kingdom of Commagene from the first century BC. According to Susan Downey, there are also temples of Heracles in the east. One of them is in Ashur, and is dated to the beginning of the Christian era. At its front was a high relief showing a standing Heracles with his right hand on a club and with a lion’s skin over his left arm.172 The other is apparently in Masjed-Soleyman, where the facade had a two-metre tall statue of Heracles with the Nemean lion.173 It thus seems clear that Heracles appeared in the Iranian and Mesopotamian environment, just as we can consider him demonstrably identifiable with the god Verethragna. As we go further east, however, the situation becomes more complicated. I have already mentioned Heracles’ legendary expedition to India. Here Arrian expresses doubt regarding Eratosthenes of Cyrene’s remark that “the Macedonians, seeing a cavern in the land of the Parapamisadians, and hearing a certain legend which was current among the natives, or themselves forming a conjecture, spread the report that this forsooth was the cave where Prometheus had been bound, that an eagle frequented it to feast on his inward parts, that when Heracles arrived there he killed the eagle and set Prometheus free from his bonds. He also says that by their account the Macedonians transferred Mount Caucasus from the Euxine Sea to the eastern parts of the earth, and the land of the Parapamisadians to that of the Indians ; calling what was really mount Parapamisus by the name of Caucasus, in order to enhance Alexander’s glory, seeing that he forsooth had gone over the Caucasus. He adds, that when they saw in India itself some oxen marked with the brand of a club, they concluded from this that Heracles had penetrated into India.”174 There is a curious 171 Downey 1969, p. 5. 172 Ibid p. 11. 173 Ibid. pl. III, 1. 174 Arrian V, 3.

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reference by Curtius Rufus, who states that a picture of Heracles was carried in front of the troops of King Porus (VIII, 14, 11). In the Indian world, however, Heracles is most frequently connected with the depiction of Buddha’s bodyguard, Vajrapani – a connection to which I shall return in a separate chapter. There is a fairly large number of specific examples of pictures of Heracles from Bactria and northwestern India. Let us start, once again, with coins. Heracles is one of the most frequently-occurring gods on the coins of GraecoBactrian and Indo-Greek rulers. There can be no doubt that the main credit for his popularity is due to Alexander of Macedon himself, who traced his origin from Heracles and tried to rival several of Heracles’ famous deeds with his own acts. It is Alexander’s coins that were the first to bring Heracles’ image to Bactria and India. Many of his successors and local Hellenistic rulers worshipped Heracles, following his example. Alexander was almost completely identified with Heracles, and it was believed that they were both mortal heroes who had been accepted into the divine pantheon. As in the Mediterranean, Heracles was characterised in the east by two basic attributes: the skin of the Nemean lion, and a club. These were often complemented by a wreath which Heracles was shown putting or about to put on himself. He usually holds the lion’s skin in his left hand; sometimes it is thrown over his left arm, while at other times – when he is depicted sitting – it is thrown over the stone on which he is sitting. Naturally, a lion’s scalp also appears as a head covering. The many different types of depiction of Heracles on coins175 can be divided into three basic groups: a) Head or bust to the right. The bust of a beardless Heracles with a lion’s scalp on his head arrived here on coins struck by Alexander the Great around 325 in Myriandrus in Syria (2). The popularity of the beardless Heracles is easily explained as a fashion that was brought here by Alexander, whose face is always shown clean-shaven. A number of these coins were found in the treasure discovered on the Bhir Mound in Taxila, in a settlement that was though to be the city that Alexander visited and whose ruler, Taxiles, he befriended. The same schema is then repeated by Agathocles on his “commemorative” coins, although Agathocles of course ruled further to the north of the Hindu Kush, not in India. I also know of a turquoise gem with a depiction that is very close to this schema, but I have not included it in this catalogue because its provenance is uncertain.176 Another type – a head of Heracles as a mature man – with a beard, facing right, (1) appears on coins struck by Euthydemus I, Demetrius I, Menander I 175 Several basic types of Heracles’ representation on coins in the East have been defined by K. Abdullaev already, cf. Abdullaev 1988, p. 27). 176 Boardman 1994, p. 79, fig. 4.5, Missouri Univ.no. 65.149, shown here under Fig. 236.

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and Zoilos I. It is clear that Euthydemus and Demetrius (father and son), as representatives of the new dynasty in Bactria (they took over from Diodotus I and II) chose someone different from their predecessors as their patron. The two Diodotus’ coins are dominated by Zeus, which makes Heracles a logical choice for Euthydemus. As we shall see, as well as striking coins with Heracles’ head he also produced them with the figure of the sitting god. For Demetrius, as for Alexander himself, it could have been a reminder of his famous Indian campaign, in which according to some sources he reached as far as the Ganges lowlands. It is clear that this schema disappears relatively soon, and by the first century BC is no longer found. A bust of the bearded Heracles looking to the right with a club over his shoulders (3) appears at the turn of the 2nd and 1st centuries BC on coins produced by several rulers in the valley of Kabul and Gandhara – indeed, it overlaps in time with the previous type. b) Standing figure of Heracles. In some cases he is crowning himself with a wreath, in his left hand (4), specifically on coins struck by Demetrius I (4a), Agathocles – commemorative, Theophilos and then even on coins produced by the barbarians Spalahores and Vonones, the Scythian rulers of the Punjab (75–60 BC) with the inscription “Of Vonones the Great, king of kings” (4b). Much later this type returns on coins struck by the Kushan king Huvishka (4c). In other cases Heracles is merely holding the wreath in his right hand, although we see another wreath already on his head, as is the case in coins struck by Euthydemus II and Zoilos I. (5). The third variant (6) has several subtypes. The first is illustrated by an imported coin from the island of Thasos: Heracles stands en face with a club in his right hand, resting on the ground, and a lion’s skin in his left hand. His unwreathed head is turned to the left. The only local coin on which the same scheme was used dates from the reign of the Kushan king Huvishka at the end of the second century A.D, however. On Theophilos’ coins the same image appears, with the difference that Heracles’ head is facing forwards and is crowned with a wreath (6b-1). The schema then continues once again in Kushan coins – we come across it on coins struck by Kujula Kadphises (6b-3) and on local coins from Sogdiana, albeit in a highly simplified form (6b-2). A further modification appears again during Huvishka’s reign – Tanabe identifies Heracles with Verethragna here. The depiction is accompanied by the inscription ORLAGNO.177 This scheme also has parallels in non-coin depictions, as I shall 177 Tanabe 2000, p. 122, fig. 15; Shagalina (2010) also holds opinion that Heraclean iconography was gradually used for depiction of Indian and Iranian deities such as Indra, Varuna, Vertragna and Orlagno.

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show below. With both Kujula Kadphises and the local Sogdian coins we find the same picture, just with an overall turn to the right (8a). In the case of the Scythian satrap in Mathura in the second decade AD, however, the schema is left-orientated (8b), but this is such a poor-quality coin that I am not sure whether its details correspond at all to this type. During the reign of Huvishka (153–191 AD) one more specific variant of the standing Heracles appears: the god stands front on with his head turned to the right. He has a club in his right hand, resting on his right shoulder, and a lion’s skin thrown over his left arm (7). c) Sitting Heracles. Heracles is resting after heavy labour of some sort, with a club in his right hand, leaning with his left hand on the stone behind him. There are two variations in the position of the club: in the first, the club is resting on stones (found only on coins from Euthydemus I at the end of the third century BC (9a). In the second, the club is resting on his right thigh (9b). This type is also found on Euthydemus I’s coins, as well as on commemorative coins by Agathocles and Antimachus I, and on coins struck jointly by Agathocles and Strato. The schema with the sitting Heracles with a club leaning on his shoulder is rare in the west – as far as I am aware, we know of only a bronze statue in Basle, dated to the 2nd century BC. In the case of the statue of the young Heracles sitting on a stone and a lion’s skin, now in Rome, the hands and their attributes have been lost, but it is likely that the whole was conceived in a similar way to the type at which we are looking here. The statue is dated to the 1st century BC.178 However, both examples appear to have also held a cup of wine in the left hand, so we know of no depictions that correspond precisely. In India the Indo-Greek examples were followed by the Scythians, specifically Spalagadames, king of the Punjab (60–50 BC) on coins with an inscription in Kharoshti script, “Of Spalagadames the Just, son of Spalahores” (9b-4); Reverse of silver coins struck by the Yuezhi in Sogdiana, created in imitation of Euthydemus’ coins (probably 30–80 BC) (9b-3). The epilogue to Heracles’ career to the north of the Hindu Kush is, as with the standing depictions, a silver coin struck in imitation of Euthydemus’ coins in Sogdiana and appearing mostly in the Bukhara oasis. Its dating is very uncertain, however, with estimates ranging from the 2nd century BC, in other words immediately after Euthydemus’ own coins, to the 4th century AD.179 178 LIMC IV, p. 774, under Heracles, no. 951: Antikesammlung Basel, LU 220; no. 953: Museo Nazionale Romano 58700. 179 Summarised in Abdullaev 2000.

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Boardman, however, wrongly assumes that these are Parthian imitations of Seleucid coins, at least as far as the reverse with a seated figure is concerned – he believes this is a depiction of Apollo.180 According to Mallon-McCorgray these coins were created between 130 and 80 BC and were Yuezhi coins.181 These considerably degraded imitations could have been based on older imitations of Euthydemus’ coins, which may have been struck in the Bukhara oasis while Euthydemus was actually alive, and were of incomparably better quality (9b-5).182 The overview of the non-coin depictions of Heracles starts with examples that are comparable to the above-mentioned coin types. One lesser-known but very interesting example of a depiction of Heracles is a statuette in a private collection in Chicago (14), undoubtedly of Mediterranean provenance, found in Afghanistan. The youthful-looking, beardless hero is resting with his right hand on a club, while over his left arm he has a lion’s skin that is executed in great detail. The schema is based on the “Albertini Heracles” type, something to which Osmund Bopearachchi and Annick Fennet drew attention.183 The original of this type must be sought at the start of the 4th century BC. Both the statuette and its base are in very good condition. If we accept a date of the 2nd century BC, then this import becomes contemporary not only with the import of the coin from Thasos, but also with a number of eastern reworkings. The other bronze statuettes (10, 11, 12, 13, and 25), are, with the exception of no. 12, all examples of finds from Afghanistan – in other words, they represent products on the periphery of the Greek artistic tradition, and it is not clear to what extent they were made by Greek and to what extent by local artists. Each of the examples mentioned is peculiar in its own way, and illustrates the iconographic variability of depictions of Heracles. Of key importance is the statuette from Ai Khanoum (25) which not only reflects the Hellenistic model of Heracles placing a wreath on his head, but corresponds precisely to the coin types that were struck later under Demetrius and his successors (4), up to the Kushan king Huvishka (153–191 AD). Just like the example from Chicago, this is a young, beardless god. The dating of the whole of the Ai Khanoum complex allows us to date the statuette to the 3rd century BC, or the first half of the 2nd century BC at the latest – in other words, it is broadly contemporary with Demetrius’

180 Boardman 1994, p. 86, fig. 4.18. 181 Mallon-McCorgray (1996): The Coins and History of Asia. In: http://www.grifterrec.com/ coins/coins.html. 182 Mallon-McCorgray (1996): The Coins and History of Asia. In: http://www.grifterrec.com/ coins/coins.html. 183 De l’Indus à l’Oxus, pp. 89–90; for the Albertini Heracles q.v.Museo nazionale Romano inv. 39397; cf. LIMC IV, Heracles, nos. 273–303, title from no. 288.

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coins.184 The original of this type would appear to be Hellenistic, making our statuette a direct copy of this model.185 Another example appears to be an eastern transcript of some kind of Hellenistic example, and comes from western Afghanistan (10). It essentially depicts the same schema as no. 14, but is an even simpler variation. Heracles is resting after one of his labours, leaning against a club, but in this case without the lion’s skin over his arm. It was found together with the following example (11), which shows a figure of Heracles with a lion’s skin over his outstretched left arm. He is reaching out with his right hand, which probably originally held a club. The figure may have been part of a scene showing Heracles fighting a snake or hydra, as Boardman suggests.186 Another depiction reflecting a concrete story comes from Nigrai in the Peshawar valley (12). Heracles, standing in an S-stance, has an outstretched left hand that most likely held apples from the garden of the Hesperides. However, it lacks the sophistication of Lysippus’ Heracles, whose hand held apples behind his back. It is worth noting that, like the previous two, he wears a wreath on his head; this is not a common feature in similar schemas in the Mediterranean. The last example that I shall present in this group is the bust of a bearded man stepping out of an acanthus, again with a wreath on his head (13). If this can be identified with Heracles, it is more on the basis of a comparison with the previous examples rather than because it possesses any sort of clear attributes. However, this work is considerably younger than the others, and I shall also leave a question mark over its identification. It should be noted, however, that unlike the first two examples, all the other Heracles are bearded. The oldest depiction of Heracles in the east is not, however, a bronze statuette, but an ivory sword grip with a relief in which the hero is fighting with a bearded adversary of some kind. (26). Pichikyan interprets the unlucky opponent as the river god Achelous, thus supporting his theory that the temple at Takhti-Sangin was a shrine to the river Oxus (q.v. also the statuette of a satyr dedicated by Atrosokes, found in the same corridor as this sword grip). Nevertheless, I am not fully convinced that it is indeed Achelous.187 The other figure, however, is definitely Heracles, no matter whom he is fighting with. It is highly likely that the gift to the shrine belongs to the period around the end

184 In the catalogue Afghanistan (cat. no. 14, pp. 264–265) is dated to the very end of this period, i.e. ca. 150 BC. 185 LIMC IV, Heracles, pp. 765–766, nos. 738–747. 186 Crossroads of Asia p. 101. 187 In the photograph reproduced I cannot distinguish any attribute of this river god, in particular not the bull’s horns. For the iconography of Achelous cf. LIMC I, Acheloos, pp. 12–36, H. P. Isler.

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of the 4th century and is connected with the Greek (maybe Seleucid) presence in the region.188 The Begram plaster casts also contain depictions of Heracles. In addition to a large head with a beard seen in profile to the right (16), in other words the middle-aged Heracles type,189 there are two scenes connected with our hero. One features a naked Heracles with only a cloak over his left shoulder, facing right, and standing next to a tree with the Erymanthian boar (?) in front of him. Above the boar the upper part of a male figure can be seen (18). The third cast shows a naked Heracles facing right, standing next to a tree and an altar, feeding an eagle (17). As in the previous cases, I am unwilling to draw any conclusions from the appearance of these subjects on the casts. A gem with a depiction of a young beardless man fighting a lion could certainly represent Heracles and the Nemean lion (15), but this cannot be said with certainty, as Boardman points out.190 He considers the work to have been produced in the east, partly because he believes the head is Indian although the body is classical. Something atypical of classical art is the hero’s stance with raised knee, which is more usually found when Heracles is fighting with a deer, or in the case of Mithras, with a bull. The lion’s stance does not really correspond to the situation in which it appears. Two further depictions of this subject were created in stone, and are definitely the products of local workshops. They show that Heracles – or rather his image, whatever its creators took it to be – was also popular at the height of Kushan power. The first example, from Charsada, is a torso of a standing figure holding a lion (23). The flat, coarse relief is reminiscent of some early sculptures from Taxila. However disputed its dating, it is likely to have been produced around the 1st century AD. A considerably greater visual effect was achieved by a sculptor from Mathura, who produced a statue of Heracles that uses the same schema as the previous one (22). Besides Gandhara, Mathura was northern India’s most significant artistic centre during the first centuries of the new millennium, but as far as style was concerned it never achieved the same degree of Hellenisation in art as Gandhara did. Nevertheless, as this example shows, we do sometimes find these sorts of western schemas, executed in this delicate plastic style with curved forms and smooth areas. This style was most used in Jain

188 Note also other fragment of ivory sword grip from the same site with depiction what is maybe Alexander the Great treated in style of Heracles, cf. Pichikyan 1983. This object is dated by Pichikyan to the 3rd c. BC; cf. also Stančo 2007, p. 189. 189 C.f. LIMC IV, Heracles, no. 189 – bronze relief in the British Museum with a bust of Heracles facing left, as well as cameos and gems nos.167–183, mostly dated to the 1st century BC–1st century AD. 190 Crossroads of Asia p. 151.

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and Buddhist art. We can only guess what significance the creator saw in the depiction of Heracles, but the presence of a lion almost rules out the possibility that it might be an obligatory use of Heraclean iconography for Vajrapani. A find from the village of Nimogram in Swat confirms the complexity of the issue. Heracles is portrayed here – once again in a larger sculpture – in a classical schema with his arm at his side and a lion skin thrown over it (the right arm has not been preserved – a club?) but the overall impression is by now very Indian, underscored in particular by the circular nimbus above the hero’s head (24). Although the size of the musculature is indicated, it is not depicted in detail. A section on Heracles would not be complete without an explanation of his transformation into Buddha’s personal bodyguard and protector and god of thunder, Vajrapani. I deal further with this below, and give several examples that clearly show this metamorphosis. There is also a clear reworking of Heracles in one of the group of bearded Atlantes described above (under Atlas, 3.18 p. 81). The Atlas here has a lion’s skin on his head like a cape, tied at the neck at the front in a typical Heraclean knot. He also has highly-developed musculature in his upper arms and chest, after Heracles’ example, and compared to the other Gandharan Atlantes he has a larger beard. Although the other Atlantes also have Heraclean features, this one is closest to the hero. There has thus been a merging of the iconography of the two figures, who already knew each other from one story: Heracles’ visit to the garden of the Hesperides. The fate of Heracles to the north of the Hindu Kush during the Kushan period is documented not only by coins, but by other archaeological finds. Pugachenkova has interpreted one of the figures that decorate the interior of the palace in Khalchayan as a depiction of Heracles191, with the bearded head being particularly well-preserved. In the context of the other figures in the relief, however, it is hard to attribute a significance to these figures that is anything other than decorative. Pugachenkova, together with Kruglikova, also excavated Dilberjin in northern Afghanistan, and in a complex near the city’s southern gate found a clay sculpture on a wooden core, with an estimated overall original height of 1.2 m. A fragment reminiscent of a club led her to interpret it as Heracles as well (27). The headless torso was found in a niche together with another torso, with a wall painting apparently above the niche. Pugachenkova interprets the whole of this area as a shrine to Heracles designed for the military garrison that guarded the southern wall and fortifications.192 It was apparently created under the late Great Kushans, maybe at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd century AD. The existence of a cult of Heracles is also suggested 191 Pugachenkova 1971, p. 42. 192 Pugachenkova 1987, p. 67.

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by the small finds of terracotta heads showing a man with a large beard – appliqués from ceramic vessels – from Zartepa in southern Uzbekistan, generally dated to the first centuries AD (20 and 21). The other terracotta plaquettes or figurines showing striking resemblance with depiction of Heracles, published for instance by K. Abdullaev, are not for various reasons included in the present catalogue. Some of them, however, deserve our attention. It is first of all a small plaquette from the late Kushan period (3rd–4th c. AD) strata of the site of Kara-Pichok in southern Tajikistan193 and similar example from Barattepa, southern Uzbekistan, dated broadly to the Kushan period (found without context).194 The other group of terracottas unearthed by K. Abdullaev on the site of Payon Kurgan in southern Uzbekistan also contains another (headless) figurine depicting a naked warrior, intepreted as Heracles.195 Let us remember that recently N. Shagalina briefly discussed the issue of the use of the Hercales image and attributes for the local Kushan deity Orlagno (typically depicted on the coins of Kanishka I) as well as the general transformation of the image of deities of war in Central Asia.196 Summary: There is a large number of works connected with Heracles, and – as with Dionysus and Athena – also a large degree of variation. They thus provide a relatively complex picture of the hero’s life. There is a clear connection between Heracles and the Iranian Verethragna on one hand and the Indian (Buddhist) Vajrapani on the other.197 Some finds suggest that Heracles as such was not worshipped only by the Greeks and during the Hellenistic period, but that his cult, including shrines, was maintained during the Kushan era, as the example of Dilberjin shows.198 Dilberjin also provides a unique example of the existence of a temple of the Dioscuri (see above). The most surprising find, albeit a disputed one, is the use of Heracles in Mathuran sculpture. 193 Abdullaev 1988, pp. 29–33, ris. 2; see also Abdullaev 2002, pp. 53–55, fig. 1b. 194 Abdullaev 1988, pp. 29–33, ris. 1; both plaquettes are thoroughly analysed in the given publication; see also Abdullaev 2002, pp. 53–55, fig. 1c, here the author concretizes his view of the subject and links it with well known Hercales with Achelous from Takhti Sangin (here no. 26). 195 Abdullaev 2005c, pp. 32–33, fig. 12; find context gives dating to the 1st c. BC. 196 Shagalina 2010; the idea of identification of Heracles with a local Kushan god is not new, however, we can trace it back to above mentioned fundamental paper by Pugachenkova (1977, p. 83). 197 Among recently published finds from the site of Lumbitepa in the Fergana valley, eastern Uzbekistan, an interesting group of fragments of a spherical cup has been unearthed. Abdulgazieva suggests that the figure depicted in a well preserved scene with a wild boar should be understood to be an Iranian hero Bijan, known from Shahname. This figure however, as she correctly pointed out, reminds us of Hercales fighting the Erymanthian boar. Both stylistic and iconographic peculiarities are caused by the late date of origin of the given artefact, as the cup was made probably in the period between 5th and 7th c. AD, cf. Abdulgazieva 2010, ris. 1. 198 Pugachenkova 1977.

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a) Head / bust 1  (209)  Fig. 198 Head of Heracles to right Obverse of bronze coins of Euthydemus I (230–200 BC), Demetrius I (200–190 BC), Menander I (155–130 BC) and Zoilos I (130–120 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 160–163, pl. 3, 4, série 17–24 (coin of Euthydemus I); p. 166, pl. 5, série 4 (coin of Demetrius I); p. 246, pl. 33, série 35 (coin of Menander I); p. 250, pl. 34, série 6 (coin of Zoilos I)

2  (210)  Fig. 199 Bust of beardless Heracles wearing lion’s scalp Obverse of silver tetradrachma of Alexander the Great, minted in Myriandrus (Syria) around 325 BC (reverse with Zeus – see section Zeus no. 13, find from Bhir Mound hoard, Taxila), bronze coins of Antiochus I, minted in Bactria and silver tetradrachma of Agathocles (his commemorative coins – memorialize Alexander as Heracles, 190–180 BC) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 58, cat. no. 10, 11 (coin of Alexander the Great), Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 75, no. 442 (coin of Antiochus I), Bopearachchi 1991, p. 177, pl. 8, série 12 (coin of Agathocles)

3  (211)  Fig. 200 Bust of bearded Heracles with club leaning against his left shoulder Obverse of bronze coins of Strato I (125–110 BC), Lysias (125–110 BC), common mint of Antialcidas and Lysias (115–110 BC) and Theophilos (90 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 263, 264, pl. 37, série 29, 30 (coin of Strato I); pp. 269, 270, pl. 38, 39, série 8, 9 (coin of Lysias); p. 280, pl. 42, série 2 (coin of Antialcidas and Lysias); p. 308, pl. 48, série 5, 6 (coin of Theophilos)

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b) Standing Her acles 4  (212)  Figs. 201–204 Heracles standing frontally, crowns himself with a wreath with his right hand, holds club and lion skin in his left Reverse of silver tetradrachma, drachma and oboli of Demetrius I (200–190 BC), fig. 201, Agathocles (his commemorative coins, memorializing Demetrius I, 190–180 BC), and Theophilos (90 BC) and obverse of bronze coins of Spalahores and Vonones, Scythian rulers of Punjab (75–60 BC) inscribed “Of Vonones the Great, King of Kings” (4b), fig. 203, and of bronze tetradrachma of Huvishka (153–191 AD) 4c, fig. 204. Published: LIMC IV, Heracles, no. 738; Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 164–166, pl. 4, 5, série 1–3, Crossroads of Asia pp. 60, 80, cat. nos. 20, 71, Bopearachchi 2002, pp. 118, 119, Figs. 4, 5, De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 90, 91, cat. no. 63 (coin of Demetrius I); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 179, pl. 8, série 17 (coin of Agathocles); p. 308, pl. 48, série 4 (coin of Theophilos); Crossroads of Asia, p. 80, cat. no. 72 (coin of Spalahores and Vonones), p. 81, cat. no. 78 (coin of Huvishka)

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5  (213)  Fig. 205 Heracles standing frontally, holding a wreath in his right hand, holds club and lion skin in his left Reverse of tetradrachma, drachma, hemidrachma and oboli of Euthydemus II (190–185 BC) and of silver tetradrachma and drachma of Zoilos I (130–120 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 168, 169, pl. 5, 6, série 1–4, Bopearachchi 2002, p. 118, fig. 3, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 92, cat. no. 66 (coin of Euthydemus II); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 248, 249, pl. 34, série 1–4 (coin of Zoilos I)

6  (214)  Figs. 206–208 Heracles standing frontally, leans with his right hand against club, holds lion skin in his left, socalled “Albertini” type 6a) Head to the left, without wreath, reverse of silver tetradrachma of Thasos, minted around 130 BC199 (found allegedly in Afghanistan) and of bronze tetradrachma of Huvishka (153–191 AD), fig. 206 6b) Wreathed head frontally, reverse of silver drachma and tetradrachma of Theophilos (90 BC) and of bronze tetradrachma of Kujula Kadphises (30–80 AD) inscribed in Kharoshti script “of Kujula Kasa Kushan chieftain, steadfast in the law”, Figs. 207 and 208 Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 79, cat. no. 69 (coin of Thasos), p. 81, cat. no. 76 (coin of Huvishka); LIMC IV, Heracles, no. 283; Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 307, 308, pl. 48, série 2, 3 (coin of Theophilos); Crossroads of Asia, pp. 66, 75, cat. nos. 34, 75 (coin of Kujula Kadphises)

199 LIMC IV, entry Heracles, no. 282, states that these coins were minted after 146 BC.

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7  (215)  Fig. 209 Heracles standing to the right, holding lion skin in his left hand and club in right one by his side, leans it against his shoulder Reverse of bronze tetradrachma of Huvishka (153–191 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 81, cat. no. 77 (coin of Huvishka)

8  (216)  Figs. 210 and 211 Heracles standing to the right or to the left, holding wreath in his left hand, leaning against club (?) with right one: 8a) to the right –reverse of bronze coins of Kujula Kadphises (30–80 AD), fig. 210, and obverse of silver coins minted in Sogdiana, probably 2nd – 4th c. AD, fig. 211. 8b) to the left – reverse of lead coins of Scythian satrap in Mathura, Rajavula (10–20 AD) Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 164, cat. no. 244 (Sogdiana); MallonMcCorgray 1996 (coins of Kujula Kadphises and Rajavula)

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c) Sitting Heracles 9  (217)  Figs. 212–217 Heracles sitting to the left, leaning with his left hand against a rock behind him, holds club with his right one and leans it against: 9a) – pile of stones in front of him, sits on the rock Reverse of gold stater, silver tetradrachma and drachma of Euthydemus I (230–200 BC), fig. 212 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 154–157, 163, pl. 2–3, série 1–8, 25, De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 89, 90, cat. nos. 59, 60

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9b) – his right thigh, sits on the rock covered by lion skin in some cases Reverse of gold oktadrachma, silver tetradrachma, drachma, hemidrachma, oboli and hemioboli of Euthydemus I (230–200 BC), fig. 213, of silver tetradrachma of Agathocles (his commemorative coins memorializing Euthydemus, 190–180 BC), Antimachus I (commemorative coins memorializing Euthydemus, 185–170 BC), and of bronze coins of Agathocleia and Strato I (125 BC), reverse of silver coins of local rulers in Sogdiana (205–140 BC), fig. 215, and of Spalagadama, Scythian king of Punjab (60–50 BC) inscribed in Kharoshti script “of Spalagadama the Just, son of Spalahores”, fig. 216; reverse of silver coins minted by Yuezhi in Sogdiana, imitation of Euthydemus’ coins (perhaps 30–80 BC), fig. 217 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 157–159, 163, pl. 3–4, série 8–16, 25, Crossroads of Asia p. 79, cat. no. 70; De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 90, cat. nos. 61, 62 (coin of Euthydemus I); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 179, pl. 8, série 16 (coin of Agathocles); p. 187, pl. 10, série 10 (coin of Antimachus I); pp. 251, 252, pl. 34, 35, série 3, 4 (coin of Agathocleia and Strato I); Crossroads of Asia, p. 80, cat. no. 73 (coin of Spalagadama); Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 163, cat. nos. 238–241, dated to 2nd c. BC–4th c. AD; MallonMcCorgray 1996, dated to 30–80 BC (coins minted in Sogdiana)

10  (218)  Fig. 218 Standing Heracles, leaning with his left armpit against a club, the right arm akimbo, brass with lead alloy, statuette, imported H. 16.8 cm Collection A.I.C. Western Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 99, 100, cat. no. 102; J. Boardman dates to the 2nd–1st c. BC; Boardman 1994, p. 140, fig. 4.83

11  (219)  Fig. 219 Standing Heracles, left arm stretched out, covered with lion skin, the right one is missing (originally holding a club), bronze statuette with considerable lead alloys, imported H. 8.4 cm Collection A.I.C. Western Afghanistan, allegedly found together with the previous one (cat. no. 10) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 101, cat. no. 103; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC–1st c. AD

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12  (220)  Fig. 220 Wreathed Heracles standing in an S-stance, has an outstretched left hand that most likely held apples, bronze statuette with considerable lead alloys, imported H. 17 cm British Museum OA 1892,11-4.61 Nigrai, Peshawar valley, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 102, cat. no. 104; J. Boardman dates to the 2nd – 1st c. BC

13  (221)  Fig. 221 Bust of Heracles (?) with a wreath, placed in acanthus, bronze statuette, imported 6 × 5.3 cm Collection A.I.C. Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 103, cat. no. 105; J. Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

14  (222)  Fig. 222 Young beardless Heracles of “Albertini” type, left arm bent and covered with lion skin, leans against a club with his right hand, bronze statuette with limestone plinth, imported H. with plinth: 21 cm Private collection, Chicago Afghanistan Published: De l’Indus and l’Oxus cat. no. 89; P. Bernard and O. Bopearachchi date to 2nd c. BC

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15  (223)  Fig. 223 Standing beardless man (Heracles?) fighting a lion, crystal gem 2.7 × 1.8 × 0.3 cm Victoria and Albert Museum, London, LS.43-1948 Northwestern Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 152; J. Boardman dates to the 1st – 2nd c. AD

17  (225)  Fig. 225 Naked Heracles standing to the right at a tree and in front of an altar, feeding an eagle, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Present location unknown Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 16

16  (224)  Fig. 224 Head of Heracles in profile, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 3

18  (226)  Fig. 226 Naked Heracles (excluding his left shoulder covered with a cloak) standing to the right at a tree, Erymanthian boar in front of him, upper part of a figure above the boar, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 29

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19  (227)  no picture Naked Heracles (excluding his left shoulder covered with a cloak) standing to the right at a tree, Erymanthian boar in front of him, upper part of a figure above the boar, white plaster cast of emblema, copy of the previous example, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 30

20  (228)  Fig. 227 Head of Heracles with heavy beard, application from ceramic vessel 6.5 × 4 cm Present location unknown Zartepa, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 149, cat. no. 195, dated to first centuries AD

21  (229)  Fig. 228 Head of Heracles with heavy beard, application from ceramic vessel 6 × 5 cm Present location unknown Zartepa, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 149, cat. no. 196, dated to first centuries AD

22  (230)  Fig. 229 Naked Heracles standing, wearing a lion skin around his neck, grips a lion in his arms, schist sculpture Calcutta Museum Mathura, India Published: Boardman 1994, p. 138, fig. 4.81

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23  (231)  Fig. 230 Heracles with a lion, fragment of a stone sculpture Location not mentioned Charsada, Pakistan Published: Wheeler 1962, pl. 41; Boardman 1994, p. 135, fig. 4.76

24  (232)  Fig. 231 Naked Heracles standing, with his left arm akimbo covered with a lion skin, right hand broken, schist sculpture Saidu Sharif Museum (?), Pakistan Nimogram, Pakistan Published: Taddei 1984, p. 159, Abb. 9

25  (233)  Fig. 232 Youth, naked Heracles standing frontally, holding a club in his left hand, he leans the club against the upper part of the arm, wreathing himself, bronze sculpture, imported H. 18.2 cm (total), H. 2.5 cm (base) Kabul Museum, MK 04.42.8 Ai Khanoum, Afghanistan Published: Pugachenkova 1987, p. 70; LIMC IV, Heracles, no. 747 (without illustration); Afghanistan pp. 152, 264–265, cat. no. 14, dated to ca. 150 BC; Shagalina 2010

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26  (234)  Fig. 233 Heracles fighting Achelous (twice the same scene), grip of a sword, relief inlay made of ivory Present location not mentioned Oxus temple, Takhti-Sangin, Tajikistan Published: Pichikyan 1991, ill. 21, dates to the 4th c. BC; Abdullaev 2002, fig. 1a, dates to 3rd – 2nd c. BC

27  (235)  Fig. 234 Standing Heracles, fragment of clay sculpture on the wooden core Present location not mentioned Room D-8 of the fortification close to the south gate, Dilberjin, Afghanistan Published: Pugachenkova 1977; Pugachenkova 1987, p. 67, Pugachenkova dates to the turn of the 2nd and 3rd c. AD

28  (236)  Fig. 235 Head of Heracles (?), fragment of polychrome clay sculpture on the wooden core 24 × 15 × 9 cm Museum of Fine Arts, Tashkent Khalchayan, Uzbekistan Published: Pugachenkova 1971, pp. 42–43, ill. 45, 47, 48; Pugachenkova 1987, p. 71, Pugachenkova dates to the turn of epochs; Shagalina 2010, she identifies the Khalchayan image with the Kushan deity Orlango

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2.2.17 Hermes Hermes is known to us in the east only from coins and two imports – balsamaria from the Begram treasury. The first coin type appeared as early as Diodotus. It is a bust of Hermes facing right with a petasus hat (1). None of Diodotus’ successors used the image, and it is surprising that we find further depictions of Hermes on barbarian coins in northern India many years later. Coins by the Indo-Scythian rulers Azes I and Azes II (2) show Hermes standing frontally, dressed in a long cloak, with his head turned to the left. He holds a caduceus in his left hand, and is performing a blessing with his right. The model for these one-off coins remains unknown. The above-mentioned imports are two almost identical balsamaria in the form of a bust of Hermes from the Begram treasure. One is in the Musée Guimet (3), while the other is in the Kabul Museum (4). The balsamaria were produced in the 1st century BC, or the 1st century AD at the latest. Their identification is aided by the small wings in Hermes’ hair. The only object that imitates the classical Greek herma is a bronze statuette from northern Afghanistan. It depicts a bust of a youth with a diadem on a high pillar with genitals indicated. However, it is not clear whether the depiction is meant to represent Hermes or not. We can, however, consider it almost certain that the image of Hermes did not influence the iconography of local gods in any way. The latest coins are from the end of the 1st century BC, plus imports from the turn of the millennium. This means that Hermes in the east did not even live to see the height of Kushan power.

a) Head of Hermes 1  (237)  Fig. 237 Head of Hermes with a petasos to right Obverse of bronze coins of Diodotus I and II (250–230 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 152, pl. 2, série 12–14

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b) Standing Hermes 2  (238)  Figs. 238 and 239 Hermes standing frontally, facing left, holds caduceus in his left hand, blessing with the right one Reverse of bronze coins of Scythian king Azes in northern India (57–10 BC) 2a, fig. 238, and of Azes II in the same area (35–12 BC) 2b, fig. 239 Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 63, cat. no. 28 (coin of Azes I); Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Azes II)

3  (239)  Fig. 240 Bust of Hermes, bronze balsamarium H. 8.4 cm Musée Guimet MG 21230 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 114, cat. no. 116; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD

4  (240)  no picture Bust of Hermes, bronze balsamarium H. 8.4 cm, w. 6.8 cm Kabul Museum, MK 04.1.30 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Mentioned in: Crossroads of Asia, p. 114, cat. no. 116; Afghanistan, pp. 254, 287, cat. no. 217, dated to the 1st c. AD

5  (241)  Fig. 241 Herma with diademed head of a youth (Hermes?), bronze H. 15.1 cm Collection A.I.C. Northern Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 103, cat. no. 106, dated to 1st c. AD

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Hippocamp see Nereids

Ichtyocentaur see Nereids

2.2.18 Nereids Nereids, sea goddesses, daughters of Nereus and Doris, who are listed by Hesiod, are best known as guests at the wedding party of one of them, Amphitrite. They are usually depicted like dressed or naked women, riding some sea monsters: a sea dragon, an ichtyocentaur or a hippocamp (or even sea panther, – lion, – ram). This schema is favoured in Greek, Roman, but also in Gandharan art. The examples of Nereids riding the sea monsters are known in late classical period already, including small finds. Boardman states that the dragons of this kind originated in classical ketoi with ears, gills, fins and fish tails. This type continued to be used during Hellenism. There are two such images on golden plaques in Munichs’ Antikensammlungen for instance. They are dated to the 4th century BC and maybe had formed two parts of a horse headstall, because of their identical shape with mirror symmetry – one rides to the left, the other to the right. Both examples appeared much later in Gandharan art (figure heading to the left and right). However, the Gandharan pieces differ in some details from the classical predecessors. The classical dragons faced forward, Gandharan ones faced backwards and gazed at Nereid, having much longer necks.200 The most famous examples of Nereids in classical art are those from Xanthos, in Rome, then thiasus on the so-called altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus. In spite of this, the direct model for the eastern, above all Gandharan, Nereids and sea monsters were the artefacts of small size and of materials which are easy to transport. We know of the small silver plaques with Nereids on hippocampi dated to the 4th century, or the medallion in Thessaloniki, dated to the middle of the 3rd century and a disc from Canosa, dated to the end of the 4th century.201 The last two examples depict Nereids even with the bracelets and anklets. This detail calls the usual identification of the Indian provenience of this particular 200 In contradiction with this statement, perhaps the earliest example of sea dragon in Bactria itself resembles much of its Mediterranean models in this respect. The depiction of the ketos is unusually placed on the textile covering a war elephant back; Bactrian phalera is kept in Hermitage in St. Petersburg and is dated to the 3rd–2nd c. BC (exact provenance unknown), see Leriche 2009, pp. 164–165, Abb. 16. 201 LIMC VI, Nereids, nos. 37–40.

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motive into question. Similarly appropriate for the diffusing of our schema would also be medallions of terracotta lamps. These are however of much later date than Gandharan products themselves. One can find Nereids also on small finds: gems and finger rings.202 The oldest of them are dated to the 2nd century BC. The foregoing text shows clearly that we can find the models for the Gandharan Nereids not necessarily among the Roman art, on sarcophagi for instance, but on the contrary, it is most probable that models and inspirations are much older, the Greek ones. As for the eastern examples, we begin with Nereid riding the sea dragon, depicted on a toilet-tray from Sirkap, Taxila, which is presently kept in a private collection in Chicago (1). Nereid holds a bowl in her right hand; she wears long chiton and chlamys, which is encircled around her shoulders and waves in the wind. The figure is depicted partially in three-quarter view (upper body and head) and partially in profile (lower body). The dragon is depicted whole in profile. It has a long neck and crocodile head, which turns back to the rider. It opens a toothy maw towards her. In the front of its body it has two mighty paws, in the back a fish tail is covered with scales. An almost identical toilettray, also from Sirkap, is kept in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London (2). The third example, although a bit degraded in style, is kept in a private collection in Japan (9). Another fragment probably belongs to the same group (5) and a fragment of the toilet-tray from the Northern Pakistan (perhaps also from Taxila), is very similar as well (3). Again, Nereid, riding the sea dragon to the right, in this case naked apart from the cloak encircled around the legs. She is turned towards an observer more than the others. Unlike the others, she holds the bowl close to the waist. All the three Nereids (nos. 1, 2, and 9) have the armlets. The ketoi are depicted absolutely identically. The second variant is Nereid riding the sea dragon to the left, depicted in three-quarter view from behind. She is naked, only the legs are covered with a veil or cloak. She holds a child above the dragon’s head. The dragon itself turns its head toward her again, but this time does not show teeth. It has big forelegs, the back part is covered with scales and the long tail meanders up behind Nereid’s body. The next example shows clearly that the child in the air is a little winged Eros (6). This schema finds parallels in Roman art of the 1st century BC. Nereid riding a hippocampus accompanied by the flying Erotes we can find for example on the above mentioned altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus in Rome.203 Nereid riding the sea bull and the sea dragon are depicted on the 202 LIMC VI, Nereids, nos. 36, 74–79. 203 LIMC VI, Nereids, no. 423; Andreae 1999, pp. 360, 361, Abb. 221–224, B. Andrae dates it around 100 BC.

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same monument. The Nereids are depicted along the same lines like on the toilet-trays: we see them from behind and the heads are turned in the ride direction. There is another interesting toilet-tray from a private collection in Japan (10). Nereid here is depicted from behind riding the sea monster with horse’s legs, a human head and ram’s horns. She turns her head to the left, where she holds some object in her left hand, perhaps a mirror. The sea rams are quite unusual, but at least two triangular relief panels with a sea ram are known from Gandhara (11). This example has no rider.204 For the “sea ram” there is good parallel on sarcophagi in the Louvre and in Florence205, where in adition to the sea gryphon and sea panther, the sea ram also appears. Both the reliefs were created only around the middle of the 2nd century AD and thus are not fully relevant from a chronological point of view. A new interpretation of the sea monsters and Nereids was recently proposed by Prof Tanabe. According to it, the sea monsters should be understood as vehicles for the soul travelling to the netherworld.206 Tanabe suggests that like in Roman art, especially on the sarcophagi, ketoi symbolize the transfer of the soul to the other bank. His theory also speaks about Dionysiac iconography with all of its ecstatic and erotic aspects, and which according to him represents the motivation for the worshippers in Gandhara for the life after death and causes to rise the desire to achieve it. Although this theory is doubtful, in the case of Nereids is possible to admit his interpretation. The schema really appears as a margin of narrative reliefs ilustrating the Buddha’s life. For such a general statement, however, it would be necessary to check carefully all the representations and context of their use. It might come to light that the use on the reliefs with Buddha’s representation is only one among many others. The main point of Tanabes’ theory says that, first, not only the symbolism of ketoi and Nereids, but also that of Erotes and especially of Dionysiac themes are connected with Buddhist afterlife and, second, when these themes occur on toilet-trays then these trays and their decoration have a relation to the afterlife as a whole. Thus, as Tanabe argues, they have religious – Buddhist – meaning and function. In other words, all the images on the toilet-trays are of Buddhist origin and use its symbolism, and were used by Greek Buddhists as a medium understandable to them. This hypothesis is not acceptable. Not only 204 The same goes for the other example which was found during the exacavations at the site of Andan Dheri, Dir, in 1966. The tringular slab, dated to 1st–2nd c. and measures 20 × 26 × 4 cm. It is kept in Dir Museum, Chakdara (inv. no. ADN 10), see Gandhara, cat. no. 24. Unlike the first example, this sea-ram has wings. 205 LIMC VI, Nereids nos. 112, 150. 206 Tanabe 2002.

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is the presumption that the majority of the toilet-trays come from the neighbourhood of Buddhist shrines and stupas baseless207, but themes, which occur on the toilet-trays, frequently cannot be assigned to the Buddhist iconography, even if we accept Tanabe’s hypothesis about ketoi and Dionysus. One or two representations of Buddha on the late toilet-trays have no statistical value, because the number of these objects exceeds 150 pieces. Scenes such as the hunt, a sitting Indo-Scythian king or concrete Greek mythological groups may hardly illustrate Buddhist legends. Real Buddhist iconography, quite well developed in the 1st century BC and AD, is simply not present on the toilet-trays. It is not sustainable either to claim that the schemes, which had been wellestablished centuries ago in Sanchi, Bodhgaya and Bharhut, were in Gandhara entirely replaced by other images, understandable to Greeks, nor to assert that the Greeks predominanted among the Gandhara’s population. Thus, I find Tanabe’s hypothesis interesting and elaborated but not correct constructions. The absence of the typical Buddhist images I ascribe to the complex and pluralist – not the pure Buddhist – religious context, in which all these trays were created.

Other Hippocampi, Ichtyocentauri and sea lions and rams As for the other sea monsters, Kerenyi writes, that horses emerged in the seaworld after Poseidon took control of this realm. Earlier, a bull was sea creature number one. The horse takes over the form of fish-horse (hippocampus) or man-fish-horse (ichtyocentaurus).208 Let me show you some examples of sea horses alone or having a rider, Nereid or other member of thiasos. D. Huff recently published a depiction of a hippocampus on a roof tile stamp, which was accidentally found on the site of Kampyrtepa in southern Uzbekistan (12). The stamp, however not very distinct, shows a winged hippocampus. D.  Huff found out, by comparison with Gandharan toilet-trays that it was typical to equip the sea monsters with wings, in case they were without a rider. Both rider and wings could serve to cover the position of junction between horse and fish, but the problem is apparently more complicated. The example of Atlantes shows clearly the use of wings without the need for covering any special component. Hippocampi used to be depicted as vehicles of Nereids. In a similar way to example no. 10, also a toilet-tray in Berlin shows a woman riding a hippocampus and holding a mirror in her hand (7). The latter differs from the former in 207 Tanabe 2002, p. 89. 208 Kerenyi 1996, pp. 142–147.

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orientation, for the Nereid rides to the right in this case. Male riders also occur on the Gandharan toilet-trays, but only rarely (14, 15). The first one shows a man riding a sea ram to the left. The man holds the ram’s tail in the left hand and the right one rises up. He wears a wreath. The second example shows a slim male figure wearing a cloak and again the wreath. The beast resembles the first one, in this case there is perhaps a sea lion depicted.209 Another example comes from Bactria, more accurately from Dalverzintepa. Although the image is rather schematic, we can see the same schema like in the case of the Gandharan examples (13). The figure seems to represent a male figure riding a hippocampus to the right. From the same site comes an example of a winged hippocampus to the left, a carving on a clay stamp (34).210 Ichtyocentaurs should consist of three parts: fish, man and horse. Their images used to have even more components – wings, lion paws, and tail more dragon-like than fish-like. On this place several frequently published examples from the world museum will be listed. The oldest piece is a sea centauress made of ivory, which was found in Oxus temple in Takht-i Sangin (22). It is dated to the 3rd century BC and originally formed a part of a scabbard. The other examples are younger and come from Gandhara. Interesting is a pair holding bowls (17). The row of the sea centaurs (male) seems to confirm Kerenyi’s comparison of the sea monsters (tritons in general) and terrestrial Satyrs and Silens.211 They have horns above the forehead, goatee beards and hoofs (18, 19, and 20). All the sea centaurs in the East have, like Atlantes, wings, including two examples proving the “Indianisation” of this figure (26).212 We also know the examples using ichtyocentaurs in the large panels with a depiction of Buddha (23). Finally, there are also panels with separate depictions of Nereid vehicles – the sea dragons of the same kind like those on the toilet-trays as well as sea bulls (24, 25). The sea bull represents Graeco-Indian eclecticism: the sea bull of the originally Greek type is an Indian species – a zebu with a fish tail. The popularity of the sea monsters in the East, especially in India, might have been based in previous usage of local images with similar sea creatures, 209 For the male figure riding a sea dragon see also Bussagli 1996, p. 165, 210 Two other examples from Northern Bactria were unfortunatelly omitted in the present catalogue and we qoute them just in this brief way: 1. steatite palette from the site of Yavan, diameter 9.3 cm,with a schematic image of a woman riding a sea horse to the right, see Yurkevich 1965, p. 165, ris. 4; Litvinskiy – Sedov 1983, tabl. XI, 2, dated to 3rd–4th c. AD; 2. fragment of a palette (d. 13 cm) made of grey steatite with the depiction of a sea dragon from a nameless site in Kobadian Oasis, southern Tajikistan, see Litvinskiy – Sedov 1983, pp. 76–77, tabl. XI, 1. 211 Kerenyi 1996, pp. 143–144. 212 The second example, relief slab from Andan Dheri (exacavations in 1966), is not included in the present cataloque, cf. Gandhara, p. 330, cat. no. 235. This object is now kept in Dir Museum, Chakdara (inv. no. ADN 143) and measures 18.5 cm × 25.5 cm × 4.5 cm.

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called macara. In Mathura we find creatures with crocodile jaws and long encircled fish tails. There is also an elephant protome with a fish tail or some depiction resembling a triton. It is a naked male figure with legs formed like snakes, which have maws not tails at the end.213 I know of 42 examples altogether of depictions of sea monsters with or without female or male riders and tritons. Most of them are from Gandhara and we can find them on so-called toilet trays, several examples come from Northern Bactria. They testify to the use of these motifs in South and Central Asia during the late Graeco-Bactrian (Indo-Greek) and early Kushan periods.214

1  (242)  Fig. 242 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the right, palette made of schist Diameter: 13.3 cm Private collection (J. W. Alsdorf), Chicago Probably from Sirkap (Taxila), Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 70, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

2  (243)  Fig. 243 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the right, palette made of schist Diameter: 12 cm, th. 1.3 cm Victoria and Albert Museum I.S.3-1958 Sirkap, Taxila Published: Francfort 1979, no. 41, p. 41, pl. 21; Crossroads of Asia, p. 156, cat. no. 156; LIMC VI, Nereids no. 97; Boardman 1994, p. 117, fig. 4.50; Dar 1998, p. 162, no. 115

213 Mode 1986, Figs. 40 – macara, 41 – “triton”, H. Mode dates it, perhaps wrongly, to the 2nd c. BC; Czuma 1985, p. 62, cat. no. 10, S. Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD. All comes from the site of Sonkh. 214 Let me remind you also of the famous textiles from Niya in Western China. One of them shows two amazing images: Tyche and sea dragon.

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3  (244)  Fig. 244 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the right, palette made of griseous schist Diameter 11.8 cm Private collection (Inv. MANOR 14850/19165) Northern Pakistan Published: Taddei 1984, p. 170, Abb. 18; Klimburg-Salter 1995, p. 284, cat. no. 196; Il maestro di Saidu Sharif p. 147, cat. no. 12, Ciro Lo Muzio dates to the 1st c. BC

4  (245)  Fig. 245 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the left, palette made of steatite Diameter: 7.9 cm Taxila Museum, no. 35/1932-33 Sirkap (Taxila), Pakistan Published: Marshall 1951, vol. 3, pl. 145, no. 76; Ingholt 1957, p. 177, cat. no. 484; Marshall 1960, pl. 15, fig. 17; Francfort 1979, no. 9, p. 16–17, pl. V

5  (246)  Fig. 246 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the right, seen in three-quarter view from behind, fragment of palette made of grey schist Diameter 10.8 cm (preserved part) Private collection (Inv. MANOR 2662/3731) Northern Pakistan Published: Il maestro di Saidu Sharif, p. 147, cat. no. 11, Ciro Lo Muzio dates to the 1st c. BC

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6  (247)  Fig. 247 Nereid riding a sea dragon facing left, seen from behind, holding hand of little Eros, who flies around the dragon head, palette made of schist Diameter: 10.5 cm Private collection, Paris Gandhara, Pakistan Published: De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 192, 193, no. 183, P. Bernard and O. Bopearachchi date to the end of the 2nd c. BC – beginning of the 1st c. BC

7  (248)  Fig. 248 Naked Nereid riding a hippocamp, facing right, she holds a mirror in her right hand and looks at herself, palette made of steatite Museum für indische Kunst, Berlin, I 117 Taxila (?), Pakistan Published: Museum für indische Kunst Berlin, 1976, p. 33, no. 78 (no picture); Francfort 1979, p. 18, no. 12, pl. 6; LIMC VI, Nereids p. 793, no. 96.

8  (249)  Fig. 249 Nereid riding ichtyocentaur, facing left, seen from behind, stone palette Diameter: 7.6 cm Museé Guimet 21202, Paris Gandhara, Pakistan? Published: Francfort 1979, no. 24, p. 30, pl. 12 (mentions the unknown origin); LIMC VI, Nereids p. 796, no. 138

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9  (250)  Fig. 250 Nereid riding a sea dragon to the right, palette made of schist Diameter: 14 cm Private collection, Japan Provenance unknown Published: Tanabe 2002, fig. 4

11  (252)  Fig. 252 Sea-ram with a long tail of a snake, facing right, schist relief Peshawar Museum, no. 1951 Palatu-dheri, Pakistan Published: Tissot 1986, fig. 92, in the description below the figure is a forepart of this animal determined as an ibex, while in the list of the figures as a goat (p. 19)

10  (251)  Fig. 251 Nereid facing right, riding a sea monster with horse legs, human head and ram’s horns, palette made of schist Diameter unknown Private collection, Japan Provenance unknown Published: Tanabe 2002, fig. 7

12  (253)  Fig. 253 Hippocampus, seal impression on a ceramic roof tile Sherabad Museum, Uzbekistan Kampyrtepa, surface find, Uzbekistan Published: Huff 2002, pp. 81–84, fig. 1, 2

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13  (254)  Fig. 254 Rider on hippocampus facing left, palette made of fine limestone Diameter: 8 cm Present location not mentioned Dalverzintepa, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 127, cat. no. 153, dated to the early 1st c. AD; Antiquities of Southern Uzbekistan 1991, no. 83, dated to 1st c. AD

15  (256)  Fig. 256 Rider on a sea lion to the right, palette made of grey schist Diameter: 13 cm British Museum, no. 1937-3-19-2 Origin unknown Published: Dalton 1926, pl. XXVI, fig. 197; Francfort 1979, no. 34, pl. XVII; Tanabe 2002, fig. 5 (here called Eros or prince)

14  (255)  Fig. 255 Rider (naked wreathed man) on a sea ram to the right, palette made of grey schist Diameter: 11 cm British Museum, no. 1898-10-27-1 Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 23, pp. 29, 30, pl. XII; Czuma 1985, p. 151, no. 69; online: (26.5.2008), dated to 1st c. AD

16  (257)  Fig. 257 Ichtyocentaur facing left, schist relief slab H. 19 cm, w. 30.5 cm Peshawar Museum no. 14, L Origin unknown Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 155, cat. no. 388

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17  (258)  Fig. 258 17a) Ichtyocentaur in profile facing left, holding a cup; and 17b) Ichtyocentauress raising a cup towards her companion, schist relief slab H. 21.6 cm, 40.6 cm Lahore Museum no. 964 Karamar, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 155, cat. no. 389

18  (259)  Fig. 259 Ichtyocentaur to the right, holding his beard with his right hand, triangular schist slab H. 19.05 cm, l. 28.5 cm, depth 6.7 cm British Museum, OA 1889, 10-16.2 Peshawar valley, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 30, fig. 48 (Marshall describes it as a triton); Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 340; Crossroads of Asia, p. 125, cat. no. 128; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC and mentions serpentine as the material

19  (260)  Fig. 260 Ichtyocentaur to the right, triangular schist slab2151 H. 19 cm, w. 29.2 cm Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, the Avery Brundage Collection B60 S83 Buner, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 91 left; Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

215 This item, together with the next one, belongs to the group of stair rise relief slabs (Czuma cat. nos. 87–90); Czuma assign also nos.1, 3 and 6 to this group and supposes them to come from a single monument.

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20  (261)  Fig. 261 Ichtyocentaur to the left, triangular schist slab H. 19 cm, w. 29.2 cm Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, the Avery Brundage Collection B60 S83 Buner, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 91 right; Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

21  (262)  no picture Ichtyocentaur, triangular schist slab H. 19 (?) cm Field Museum, Chicago, no. 15.1830 Origin unknown Published: Czuma 1985, p. 178, mentioned without an illustration, size deduced from analogies; supposed to be from the same set as nos. 16, 17, 19, 20

22  (263)   Fig. 262 Winged Ichtyocentauress (?), scabbard of a sword, relief inlay made of ivory Location not mentioned Takhti-Sangin, Tajikistan Published: Drevnosti Tadzhikistana, p. 75, no. 192; Boardman 1994, p. 105, fig. 4.37

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23  (264)  Fig. 263 Two winged Ichtyocentaurs to the right, left hand raised; they are placed in separate segments of a schist relief slab with Buddha depiction216 H. 31.8, w. 20.4 cm, depth 5.8 cm Provenance unknown British Museum, OA 1913.11-8.7 Published: Zwalf 1996, p. 302, cat. no. 491 215

24  (265)  Fig. 264 Sea bull to the right, schist relief slab H. 21.6 cm, w. 26.7 cm, depth 4 cm Lahore Museum, inv. no. G-221 (old no. 83 A) Provenance unknown Published: Ingholt, p. 156, cat. no. 393; Gandhara, p. 331, cat. no. 237, here published also the second slab with bull to the left; dated to 2nd–3rd c. AD

25  (266)  Fig. 265 Sea dragon facing left, schist relief slab H. 18.5 cm, w. 26 cm, depth 4.5 cm Lahore Museum, inv. no. G-218 (old no. 1361) Sikri, Pakistan Published: Ingholt, p. 156, cat. no. 394; Gandhara, p. 330, cat. no. 236, dated to 2nd–3rd c. AD.

215

216 Cf. also Tissot 1986, fig. 91 and Tanabe 2003, fig. 5; both examples represents already indianized Ichtyocentaurs.

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26  (267)  Fig. 266 Ichtyocentaur facing right with Indian hairstyle and clasped hands, he has armlets on both arms, schist relief slab H. 20.4 cm, w. 26 cm, depth 3.7 cm British Museum, OA 1914.5-2.3 Exact provenance unknown, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, p. 252, cat. no. 341

27  (268)  Fig. 267 Two tritons, schist relief slab. 27a) Young beardless triton in three-quarter view, facing right, right hand akimbo 27b) Young beardless triton in three-quarter view, facing left, holding a palm leaf in his right hand and grasps his snaky leg H. 21.3 cm, 42.5 cm Museum Peshawar no. 2055, Formerly Guides Mess, Mardan Mardan area (?), Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 156, cat. no. 395

28  (269)  Fig. 268 Triton holding a dolphin in his left hand, dolphin’s tail to right Obverse of bronze coins of Hippostratos, ruler of Punjab (65–55 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 360, pl. 66, série 12; Callieri 1996, p. 414, pl. 93, fig. 3

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29  (270)  Fig. 269 Triton holding a dolphin in his left hand, dolphin’s tail to the left, gem made of red chalcedony 1.11 × 0.9 cm British Museum Origin unknown Published: Callieri 1996, p. 414, pl. 93, fig. 2 a, b

30  (271)  Fig. 270 Three tritons frontally, standing figures (Erotes?) between them, schist relief slab From the left: 30a) Elderly bearded triton with long hair, lifting a cup to his mouth 30b) young beardless triton with his right hand uplifted 30c) elderly bearded triton H. 17.8 cm, w. 66 cm Lahore Museum, no. 1183 Charsada, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 155, cat. no. 390

31  (272)  Fig. 271 Triton holding a shield in his left hand and an arm in the right one, relief on a schist base H. 18.5 cm, w. 25 cm Náprstek Museum in Prague, inv. no. 43 525 Origin unknown Published: Plaeschke 1963, Abb. 8; Stančo 2001, cat. no. 34

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32  (273)  Fig. 272 Winged female triton frontally, stone palette Diameter: 15.6 cm Hirayama Collection, Japan Provenance unknown Published: Tanabe 2002, fig. 6

33  (274)  Fig. 273 Four young beardless tritons frontally, schist relief slab H. 17.8 cm, w. 83.2 cm, depth 5.5 cm British Museum, OA 1880-57 Jamalgarhi, Pakistan Published: Zwalf 1996, p. 252, cat. no. 342

34  (275)  no picture Winged hippocampus facing left, engraved on the clay stamp217 2.6–2.0 × 0.3–0.4 cm Present location unknown Dalverzintepa, Dt-5 (“house of rich citizen”), Uzbekistan Published: Savchuk 1984, pp. 212–213, Ris. 1, 2

35  (276)    no picture Male figure riding sea lion, facing right, serpentine palette Diameter: 11.2 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art, no. 28528 Origin unknown Published: Francfort 1979, no. 35, p. 38, pl. XVIII; Dar 1998, p. 160, no. 60

36  (277)    no picture Male figure riding sea lion, facing right, schist palette Diameter: 11.5 cm Taxila Museum no. 8481, acq. no. 169 1932-33 Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1951, vol. 3, pl. 145, no. 75; Francfort 1979, no. 36, p. 38, pl. XVIII; Dar 1998, p. 158, no. 14

217 The identity of the creature, however, is far from clear. In my opinion a stylized griffin could be seen in this depiction as well.

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37  (278)   no picture Male figure riding a hippocampus, facing right, palette made of grey schist Diameter: 11.9 cm Taxila Museum no. 8480, acq. no. 183 1932-33 Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1951, vol. 3, pl. 144, no. 74; Francfort 1979, no. 37, pp. 38, 39, pl. XIX; Dar 1998, p. 158, no. 13

38  (279)    no picture Male figure riding sea lion, facing right, palette made of black schist Diameter: 10.5 cm British Museum No. 1937-3-19-3 Provenance unknown Published: Francfort 1979, no. 33, p. 36, pl. XVII; Dar 1998, p. 162, no. 112

39  (280)   no picture Nereid riding sea dragon, facing right, schist palette Diameter: 12 cm British Museum No. 1967-2-21-1 Akra (?), Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 42, p. 42, pl. XXI; Dar 1998, p. 162, no. 96, pl. XII.b

40  (281)  no picture Nereid (?) riding a sea dragon, facing left, palette made of grey schist Diameter: 13.8 cm Taxila Museum no. 8482, Sk’29-306, acq. no. 169/1932-33 Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1951, vol. 3, pl. 145, no. 77; Francfort 1979, no. 43, p. 42, pl. XXII; Dar 1998, p. 158, no. 15

41  (282)    no picture Nereid (?) riding a sea dragon, facing right, schist palette Diameter: 12 cm British Museum no. 1967-2-21-1 Akra (?), Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 44, p. 42, pl. XXI; Dar 1998, p. 162, no. 96, pl. XII.b

42  (283)  no picture Winged triton, palette made of black schist Diameter: 10 cm Private collection, Colmar, France Provenance unknown, bought in Peshawar, Pakistan Published: Francfort 1979, no. 49, p. 42, pl. XXV

2.2.19 Nike The daughter of the goddess Styx and Pallas, the goddess of victory, Nike was Zeus’ guide in Greek tradition. She is also connected with his daughter, Pallas Athena. Nike holding a wreath with which to crown someone is a traditional subject in the Greek world. In early Hellenism it is found on Lysimachus’ coins, for example. In Bactria its propagator was the Seleucid Antiochus I, who struck Nike on coins that appear to have been produced in Ai Khanoum. This is one of four types that took hold in the east – Nike walking to the right with a wreath in her raised right hand, and a palm branch in her left hand (1). About a hundred years later it reappears, this time on coins struck by Antimachus I. The schema penetrated to the south of the Hindu Kush, and was also struck by Eucratides I, Menander and (1a) Archebius. It then makes one more appearance, approximately at the same time on the coins of the Kushan ruler Kujula Kadphises (1b) and Sarpedones (1c), an Indo-Parthian ruler in Sind in the south of Pakistan. On Kadphises’ coins it is not clear whether Nike also has a palm branch. – 176 –

The second variation, with the goddess Nike walking to the left, shows her carrying a palm branch in her right hand, an image familiar from the coins of Antimachus II in the mid-2nd century BC (2). The next two types show Nike walking to the right. In the first she once again holds a wreath in her raised hand (3). This was introduced by Eucratides I (3). The second type merely adds the obligatory palm branch in the left hand (4). This is a relatively popular type, appearing on the coins of six Indo-Greek rulers, beginning with Menander I (4a) and continuing with Strato I, Philoxenus, Epander, Menander II and lastly Artemidoros, in other words up to around 80 BC. Not long afterwards this Nike was adopted by the first Indo-Scythian king, Maues (90–70 BC) (4b), and by the following Scythian ruler Azes I (4c), and after them by the famous Indo-Parthian king Gondophares (4d) in the first decades of the new millennium. Both types were used from time to time by other Parthian rulers, above all in Sind, Sistan and Arachosia – by Satavastres (around 60 AD ?), Orthagnes (about 25–50 AD, Kandahar, Arachosia – 4e), Abdagases (4f)(50–65 AD) and Pacorus (around 100 AD ?). The latest coin from our area featuring Nike has, somewhat curiously, Nike/Victory on the left, holding a Latin cross in her left hand (5). It is the reverse of the eastern imitation of the gold solidus of Emperor Marcian, struck in Constantinople (450–457 AD) which was found as part of the reliquary treasure in the stupa of Tope Kelan near Jalalabad in eastern Afghanistan, together with imitations of coins by Theodosius II (408–450 AD) and Leo I (457–474 AD). The schemas from these coins are also found on small works of art. Nike walking, or rather flying, to the left with a wreath in her extended right arm and a palm branch, corresponding to the first coin type (1), appears for example on a gem from Tillya Tepe (8) and on a wrought gold appliqué from the same site. In the latter case it forms part of a scene in which Dionysus is riding on a panther with Ariadne in his arms, while Nike is about to crown him with a wreath (9). Nike is found in many other depictions in this complementary role. As was mentioned in the introduction, she is connected above all with the god of thunder, Zeus, and his daughter Athena. She often appears on coins with these gods, most often standing on the right hand of the sitting god. Compare the chapters on Athena (numbers 6, 10) and Zeus (numbers 12, 15, 16, and 17). Nike is sometimes shown putting a wreath on the head of a ruler, as in the case of early Kushan ruler Heraios (10), where the king itself is shown as mounted to right. The other, slightly later, version represents a king enthroned to the right and the goddess in equivalent size crowns him from the left side.218 218 Coins of Ubouzanes, son of Orthagnes, ca 80 AD, and of Sases, ca 85 AD, both ruled Sakastan, see http://www.grifterrec.com/coins/indoparthian/indoparthian_2.html.

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The schema seen in number (3) also has equivalents in small works of art. An example is the print of a gem from Kula Dheri in Gandhara (6), which, on the basis of its style, Callieri attempts to date somewhere between Indo-Greek and Indo-Parthian depictions.219 However, if we compare it with the original, in other words the stamp, then Nike would be walking to the left, and this is a type (Nike going left, with a wreath in her right hand and without a palm) that we do not know of on coins.220 A similar print was found in layer III in Taxila (11). On the basis of a similarity to Archebius’ coins, Callieri dates it to sometime during the 1st century BC. A gem from Charles Masson’s collection, however (12), does correspond to a coin type, in this case no. 4. Callieri compares it to the Nike on Orthagenes’ coins (4d). The gem’s eastern origin is confirmed by an inscription in Kharoshti, and it can be dated to the turn of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. Callieri, however, believes that it may have been a Roman import, with the inscription carved subsequently.221 A further, similar gem in the British Museum, in this case agate (13), may be compared with the coins struck by another Indo-Parthian ruler, Gondophares (20–55 AD) and can thus be dated roughly to the first half of the 1st century AD. A schema that departs from those established on coins can be seen on one of nine garnet gems that were found in a jug in layer I–II in block E of the city of Sirkap (14). Here Nike is standing facing left, with a spear or palm branch in her right hand, leaning against her shoulder, and with her left arm extended. The context of the find dates it to the 1st century AD. Callieri believes it is close to Roman types and even assumes a Roman influence, possibly even a Roman origin. At this point I should say that I am grateful to Pierfrancesco Callieri, cited several times here, for an article that has allowed me to include a wealth of carved gems in this chapter. It is highly likely that the other chapters would include more examples of depictions of gods on gemstones, for they certainly exist. However, not many appear to be published, and studies of Callieri’s type are unfortunately thin on the ground. There are no demonstrable examples of Nike in larger works of art in the east. Still, Bussagli considers a female statue in a long draped garment from Taxila (7) to be Nike. Whatever this statue represents, it is very close in its

219 Callieri 1996, p. 416. 220 The same goes for fragment of impression of a seal found in the site of Payon Kurgan, northern Bactria, which is executed in very schematic manner but preserves some basic features of the goddess Nike, see Abdullaev 2005c, p. 41, fig. 22. This item is dated by Abdullaev to the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD. 221 Callieri 1996, p. 417.

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concept to the well-known female torso from Ai Khanoum.222 Another disputed example is a clay relief of a statue from the palace, already mentioned several times, in Khalchayan (15).223 Summary: With a few early exceptions on coins, Nike appears mostly in the first century BC and first century AD, both on coins (Greek, Scythian, Parthian and early Kushan) and gems, and maybe also in larger works of art. Although examples from the area to the south of the Hindu Kush dominate, in particular from Gandhara, we also come across Nike in Bactrian sites of Payon Kurgan, Tillya Tepe and Khalchayan.

1  (284)  Figs. 274–276 Nike striding to the left, holding a wreath in her uplifted right hand and palm leaf in her left drooped hand Reverse of bronze coins of Antiochus I (minted in Ai Khanoum), Antimachus I (185–170 BC), Eucratides I (170–145 BC), Menander I (150–130 BC) and 1a) obverse of bronze coins of Archebius (90–80 BC) with an owl on reverse (see Athena no. 11), fig. 274; and 1b) reverse of bronze coins of Kujula Kadphises (30–80 AD) (probably without palm leaf in his left hand), fig. 275, and 1c) Sarpedon, Parthian ruler of Sindh (around 70 AD), fig. 276 Published: Houghton and Lorber 2002, pl. 75, no. 452–4 (coin of Antiochus I); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 185, 186, pl. 10, série 5 (coin of Antimachus I); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 215, 216, pl. 22, série 23 (coin of Eucratides I), Bopearachchi 1991, p. 241, pl. 32, série 27 (coin of Menander I); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 323, pl. 51, série 11, Callieri 1996, fig. 11 (coin of Archebius); McCorgray 1996 (coins of Kujula Kadphises and Sarpedon)

222 Bussagli 1996, p. 149. 223 In the Kronos collection, New York, another associated problematic art work is kept. A roundel made of schist (d. 8.1 cm) with an image of female deity, according to Czuma most probably Nike. The identification of the frontally shown winged figure is far from unambiguous. As Czuma corretly pointed out, this depictions has several different sources of inspiration. For a detailed description and picture of this item see Czuma 1985, p. 158, cat. no. 76.

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2  (285)  Fig. 277 Nike striding to the left, holding a palm leaf in her uplifted right hand and a wreath in her left drooped hand Obverse of silver drachma of Antimachus II (160–155 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 196, 197, pl. 14, 15, série 1, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 95, cat. no. 76 (coin Antimachus II)

3  (286)  Fig. 278 Nike striding to the right, holding a wreath in her uplifted right hand Reverse of bronze coins of Eucratides I (170–145 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 215, pl. 22, série 22

4  (287)  Figs. 279–284 Nike striding to the right, holding a wreath in her right hand and a palm leaf in her left one 4a) Reverse of bronze coins of Menander I (155–130 BC), Strato I (125–110 BC) and Philoxenus (100–95 BC), reverse and obverse of bronze coins of Epander (95–90 BC), reverse of silver drachma of Menander II (90–85 BC) and Artemidoros (85 BC), fig. 279, 4b) reverse of silver tetradrachma of Maues (90–70 BC), fig. 280, 4c) silver drachma of Azes (57–35 BC), fig. 281, and 4d) bronze tetradrachma

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of Gondophares, Parthian ruler in Northern India (20–50 AD), fig. 282, and of 4e) Orthagnes (25–55 AD?), fig. 283, and 4f) bronze tetradrachma of Abdagases, Parthian ruler of Arachosia, Paropamisadae and Sistan (50–65 AD), fig. 284 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 239, 244, 245, pl. 31–33; série 22, 31–34 (coin of Menander I); pp. 263, 264, pl. 37, série 29, 30, Callieri 1996, 416, pl. 94, fig. 8 (coin of Strato I); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 294, pl. 44, série 12 (coin of Philoxenus); pp. 305, 306, pl. 48, série 2, 3 (coin of Epander); p. 313, pl. 49, série 3 (coin of Menander II); p. 317, pl. 50, série 5, 6 (coin of Artemidoros); De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 140, cat. no. 116 (coin of Maues); Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Azes I); Crossroads of Asia, p. 64, cat. no. 31 (coin of Gondophares); Callieri 1996, pl. 95, fig. 13 (coin of Orthagnes); Mallon-McCorgray 1996; De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 144, cat. no. 129 (coin of Abdagases) 5  (288)  no picture Nike / Victoria to the left, holding a Latin cross in her left hand Reverse of eastern imitation of gold solidus of Emperor Marcianus, minted in Constantinople (450–457 AD). Found as reliquary treasure in stupa of Tope Kelan, Jalalabad, Afghanistan, together with the imitations of coins of Theodosius II (408–450 AD) and of Leo I (457–474 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 72, cat. no. 53

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6  (289)  Fig. 285 Nike standing in three-quarter view to the right, holding a wreath in her uplifted right hand, gem imprint in baked clay 2.6 × 2.2 cm Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale, Rome Kula Dheri, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Callieri 1996, p. 416, pl. 94, fig. 7, dating of the imprint to the period around the beginning of the 1st c. BC is based on comparison with depictions of this goddess on coins (especially on Strato I’ mints)

7  (290)  Fig. 286 Nike (?) standing frontally, fragment of limestone sculpture Taxila Museum Taxila, Pakistan Published: Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 148

8  (291)  Fig. 287 Nike striding/flying to the left, holding a wreath in her uplifted right hand and a palm leaf (?) in her left one, malachite gemstone, silver 1 × 0.8 cm Kabul Museum, MK 04.40.143 Tillya Tepe, burial no. 5, Afghanistan Published: Sarianidi 1983, ris. 61; Sarianidi 1985, p. 253, burial 5, no. 10, ill. 72; Afghanistan, p. 205, cat. no. 133; dated to the 1st c. AD

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11  (294)  no picture Nike standing in three-quarter view to the right with a wreath in her outstretched right hand, gem imprint in baked clay 2.48 cm Taxila Museum Taxila, Sirkap, Layer III, Pakistan Published: Callieri 1996, p. 416, pl. 94, fig. 10; his dating of the imprint to the 1st c. BC is based on comparison with the depictions of this goddess on coins (especially on Archebius’ mints) and on dating of the find context (beginning of the 1st c. AD)224

9  (292)  Fig. 288 Nike in profile facing left, she is about to put a wreath on Dionysus’ head with her right hand, she holds a palm leaf in her left one, Dionysus rides a panther, golden appliqué For details and references see section Dionysus, no. 4.

10  (293)  Fig. 289 Nike puts a wreath on head of a mounted king riding to right Reverse of coins of Heraios (1st half of 1st c. AD) Published: Mallon-McCorgray 1996

12  (295)    no picture Nike standing in three-quarter view to the right with a wreath in her outstretched right hand and with a palm leaf in her left one, sard gemstone 1.1 × 0.9 cm British Museum (Masson Collection) Afghanistan? Published: Callieri 1996, pp. 416, 417, pl. 95, fig. 12; dating of the imprint to the 1st c. BC is based on comparison with the depictions of this goddess on coins (especially on Parthian Orthagenes’ mints) and on analysis of an inscription on the gemstone, written in Kharoshti script

13  (296)    no picture Nike standing to the right with a wreath in her outstretched right hand, agate gemstone 1.7 × 1.1 cm British Museum Provenance unknown Published: Callieri 1996, p. 417, pl. 95, fig. 14; dating of the imprint to the 1st c. BC is based on comparison with the depictions of this goddess on coins (especially on Parthian Gondophares’ mints) and on analysis of an inscription on the gemstone, written in Kharoshti script

224 Callieri ibidem mentions a similar item in Cabinet des Médailles which was purchased in the Peshawar market.

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14  (297)    no picture Nike standing to the left with a spear or a palm leaf leaning against her right shoulder, garnet gemstone Taxila Museum Sirkap, insula E, stratum I–II, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Callieri 1996, p. 417, pl. 95, fig. 17; dating to the 1st c. AD is based on find context

15  (298)  Fig. 290 Nike (?) standing frontally, fragment of polychrome clay sculpture on the wooden core H. 48 cm, w. 16 cm, depth 5–3.5 cm Museum of Fine Arts, Tashkent Khalchayan, Uzbekistan Published: Pugachenkova 1971, pp. 43–44, no. 4, ill. 46

17  (300)  no picture Nike standing to the right with a wreath in her outstretched right hand and with a palm leaf in her left one, gold earring made from a seal 1.9 × 1.2 cm Private collection Provenance unknown Published: Salomon 2005, pp. 383–384, fig. 7; found in a Buddhist reliquary, dated by Salomon to the 1st c. BC according to the context; there is Kharoshti inscription jivakasa “[Seal] of Jivaka”

16  (299)  Fig. 115 Nike driving a chariot of goddess Cybele to the right, pulled by two lions, gilded silver plate For details see entry for Cybele no. 1, p. 83.

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Nymph see Dionysus and his circle

Paris see Aphrodite cat. no. 8

2.2.20 Poseidon Some useful remarks on the arrival and presence of the Lord of the Sea have recently been made by F. L. Holt.225 Poseidon is depicted on coins struck by Nicias and Antimachus.226 The first case is a bust (1), while in the second the god is depicted standing in a relaxed position, reflecting sculptural contrapposto with the weight shifted noticeably on to the left leg (2). The stance is very similar to the second type of Heracles. He holds a long trident in his right hand, and in his left a palm branch with a ribbon attached. The ribbons of a diadem flutter around his head. Tarn believes these coins could have been connected with the celebration of a naval victory.227 The further development of the theme is also interesting. Variation (2b) appears on coins struck by the Scythian ruler Maues in the second decade of the 1st century BC, but these show the god with a thunderbolt as well as a trident. It seems to be a combination of both iconographies, perhaps already heading in the direction of depictions of Shiva. On Gondophares’ coins, Shiva looks almost exactly like Poseidon (2c). In the case of two rulers – Euthydemus I and Demetrius I – Poseidon’s symbol, a trident, appears on the reverse of coins (3). This attribute also had an interesting further fate. Laura Giuliano looks at its occurrence and the transformation it went through in India in an article228 that I shall return to below in the section on Shiva. It should be noted that a figure appears on Gondophares’ coins that is almost the same as the depiction of Poseidon on Antimachus’ coins, in other words with a trident and palm branch. The former tends to be interpreted as Shiva229, but I believe that it is a copy of coins struck by Antimachus, although the original significance of the depiction may no longer have been properly understood. Gondophares’ empire did partially overlap with lands that had once been governed by Antimachus I, but the long period of time between their reigns almost rules out any direct influence. The question of whether there was 225 Holt 2005. 226 Bopearachchi 1991, 379; Nikias series 4, Antimachus I. series 1–4. 227 Tarn 1951, 90, 322, 328 and 349. 228 Giuliano 2004. 229 Giuliano 2004, 56, fig. 17.

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an intermediary cannot currently be answered. On coins struck by the Scythian ruler of Gandhara, Maues, for example, a god appears with a trident in his left and a thunderbolt in his right hand, which is a combination of the attributes of Poseidon and Zeus.230 These mingle in the initial phases of the iconography of Shiva, to which I will return later. We do not know which god this depiction shows, but Shiva is a frontrunner. The situation is similar in the case of a picture of a god showing a trident and a club, in other words objects belonging to Poseidon and Heracles. It appears not only on coins struck by Maues, but also by Azes.231 It should only be added that the figure of Poseidon (or maybe Zeus) is found on the back of a mirror held by the statue of the goddess Aphrodite described above (q.v. Aphrodite 1). Here, though, we are once again looking at an import. Another example of an imported Poseidon can be found in the frequently-mentioned group of plaster casts from Begram (4). In this case it is a simple schema of a Poseidon with a trident in his left hand and a violet in his right. We should not overlook one of the highest-quality imports of all, a statue of Poseidon from Kolhapur in India, which was found together with other items of Mediterranean provenance (5). It is modelled on the statue made by Lysippus for the shrine at Isthmia around 340 BC.

1  (301)  Fig. 291 Bust of Poseidon with trident leaning against his left shoulder Obverse of bronze coins of Nicias (90–85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 312, pl. 49, série 4

230 Crossroads of Asia p. 85, cat. no. 86. 231 Giuliano 2004, fig. 15.

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2  (302)  Figs. 292–294 Standing Poseidon frontally with a trident in his right hand and palm leaf in his left one 2a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma, drachma, hemidrachma and oboli of Antimachus I (185–170 BC), fig. 292, and types derived from it: 2b) Obverse of bronze coins of Maues (90–80 BC), fig. 293, and 2c) silver tetradrachma of Gondophares (20–50 AD), fig. 294 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 183–185, pl. 9, 10, série 1–4, Crossroads of Asia, p. 85, cat. no. 85, De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 94, cat. no. 72; Giuliano 2004, fig. 4 (coin of Antimachus I); Giuliano 2004, fig. 17 (coin of Gondophares)

3  (303)  Fig. 295 Trident Reverse of bronze coins of Euthydemus I (230–200 BC) and Demetrius I (200–190 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 161, pl. 4, série 21 (coin of Euthydemus I); p. 167, pl. 5, série 6, Giuliano 2004, p. 56, fig. 3 (coin Demetrius I)

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4  (304)  Fig. 296 Poseidon standing to the left at an altar, holding a trident in his left hand and a phiale in his right one, an animal (lion?) at his right leg, white plaster cast of an emblema, imported National Museum, Kabul, Afghanistan Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 14

5  (305)  no picture Standing Poseidon, bronze statuette, imported Location unknown Kolhapur, India Published: De Puma 1991, pp. 82–112, Figs. 5.1–5.3

Psyche see Eros

2.2.21 River gods The worship of river gods in Gandhara and throughout the Kushan Empire is something for which we have only indirect evidence. Among the earliest evidence are the Seleucid coins from Ai Khanoum, which show a bull with a bearded human head that is sometimes interpreted as a personification of the Oxus (a frequent depiction of the river god Achelous). The excavation of the temple in TakhtiSangin in modern-day southern Tajikistan is also significant here. On the basis of a Greek inscription on a votive altar donated to the shrine by a certain Atrosokes, we may consider it a temple to the river Oxus (q.v. the Dionysian sphere no. 39). However, in Gandharan art we also come across a depiction that corresponds in terms of iconography to similar subjects in Greek art. This is a statue of a semireclining man with a beard, looking to the left. His right hand, in which he holds some kind of object, seemingly a horn of plenty, is resting on the back of an animal, probably a dog. The remains of polychromy can be seen on the figure. As Ingholt said,232 in ancient iconography it is more common for the legs of the god to be the other way round, but examples of this type can also be found. 232 Ingholt 1957, p. 156.

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1  (306)  Fig. 297 Reclining male figure – a river god type, sculpture made of greenish schist National Museum in Karachi, Pakistan Taxila, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, cat. no. 392 (group I, ibid. p. 40); Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 35, colour plate

2.2.22 Sarapis Syncretic gods of Egyptian origin saw a significant growth in popularity during Hellenism and in the Roman world. Harpocrates has already been mentioned, but similarly, we also come across Sarapis in the east. The type that became common in Hellenistic iconography was based on Bryaxis’ Sarapis from the third century BC. He is modelled on an image of Zeus with a large beard and a mane of hair. The eastern spread of the depiction corresponding to this type has been dealt with by Martha Carter.233 One of the chief attributes that characterise depictions of Sarapis is his head covering of the kalathos or modius (grain measurer) type. On the reverse of Kushan coins (1), however, we find it not only in the case of Sarapis, but also used for the Iranian Oromazda – Ahuramazda. One major mystery concerns the occurrence of depictions of a god of this type, whether Sarapis or Oromazda, in necklets worn by statues of bodhisattvas. All three of the busts that we know of that are depicted in this way show a clothed god with a beard and the index and middle fingers of his right hand raised (2–4)234 and with a modius on his head. The example from the Metropolitan Museum (4) has a crescent moon behind it, which may be interpreted either as an attribute of gods from the Kushan pantheon (Mao, Nana) or of Hellenistic gods. It can, of course, also be related to Sarapis.235 Carter suggests that depictions of gods from Kushan coins, in particular, were adopted directly into Buddhist iconography. This is a process that is especially clear with Pharro and Ardokhsho, and Carter believes that in Sarapis/Ahuramazda’s case it was no different. In addition to Sarapis on the pectoral of a bodhisattva, we know of other examples of independent small sculptures of bronze (6) and schist (7). Carter dates them to the 2nd century AD. 233 Carter 1999/2000. 234 Carter (1987) calls them srimudra and believes they are blessing gestures that arose in the Central Asian region and were used in the context of depictions of gods blessing rulers. 235 Carter 1999/2000, p.11.

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Another interesting, and in this case also unique, depiction of Sarapis is a bronze statuette found in Begram in Afghanistan (5). It is undoubtedly an import from the Mediterranean, like the other statuettes from the same group,236 and Jeannine Auboyer dates it to the 1st century AD. The iconography of Sarapis is here connected with that of Heracles. Indeed, we would be more likely to see Heracles in the statuette of a muscular man with a large beard, his right hand lightly resting on a club and his outstretched left hand probably originally holding a pomegranate. However, the beard, in combination with the longish hair and above all the modius (grain measurer) on the head of the figure, suggests that it is Sarapis. Carter believes that it is an Egyptian Heracles, identified by the Greeks with Herishef or Harsaf, the chief god of Herakleopolis Magna.237 With the exception of the import mentioned, all the examples are from the second century AD, and reflect something of a contemporary trend. It appears that Sarapis was one of the gods who did not reach the east until this period, when his popularity in the Roman Empire had grown considerably.

1  (307)  Fig. 298 Sarapis sitting on a throne frontally, wears a kalathos or modius on his head, holds a diadem in his right hand and a long sceptre in his left, inscribed: “Sarapo” Reverse of quarter stater of Huvishka (153–191 AD) Published: Carter 2000, p. 10, fig. 4; Tanabe 2000; he mentions also standing Sarapis (Fig. 12)

236 Other items from the Begram treasure are a statuette of a “barbarian” rider, Harpocrates (here Harpocrates no. 3), a mask of Silenus (here Dionysus cat. no. 27), and six bronze balsamaria: two heads of Athena (here Athena cat. no. 15, 15), one of Ares (here Ares no.1), two busts of Hermes (here cat. nos. 3 and 4) and one female head, q.v. Auboyer 1968, pp.145, 146, cat. nos. 10a, 11a, 11b, 12. As no. 12 Auboyer publishes the head of a woman, although in the text of the catalogue he talks about the head of Hermes). 237 Carter 1999/2000, p.13.

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2  (308)  no picture Bust of Sarapis (?) with upraised middle finger and index finger of his right hand, depicted in a pectoral of Bodhisattva, schist sculpture Size not quoted The Norton Simon Foundation, Norton Simon Museum Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Carter 2000, p. 9, figs. 1–3; Carter dates to the 2nd c. AD

3  (309)  Fig. 299 Bust of Sarapis (?) with upraised middle finger and index finger of his right hand, depicted in a pectoral of Bodhisattva, schist sculpture Size not mentioned The Royal Ontario Museum Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Carter 2000, p. 11, figs. 6, 7, Carter dates to the 2nd c. AD

4  (310)  no picture Bust of Sarapis (?) with upraised middle finger and index finger of his right hand, depicted in a pectoral of Bodhisattva, schist sculpture Size not mentioned The Metropolitan Museum of Art Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Carter 2000, pp. 11, 12, figs. 8, 9; Carter dates to the 2nd c. AD

5  (311)  Fig. 300 Standing Sarapis / Heracles with a modius, leans against a club with his right hand, bronze statuette, imported H. 24.1 cm, w. 6.45 cm Kabul Museum, MK 04.1.90 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Auboyer 1968, pp. 145, 146, cat. no. 10b; Auboyer dates to the 1st c. AD; Afghanistan p. 256, cat. no. 220, dated also to the 1st c. AD

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6  (312)  Fig. 301 Bust of Sarapis, bronze H. 3.5 cm Private collection Northern Afghanistan Published: Carter 2000, p. 14, fig. 10; Carter dates to the 2nd c. AD

7  (313)  Fig. 302 Bust of Sarapis, schist H. 9 cm Private collection Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Carter 2000, p. 14, fig. 11; Carter dates to the 2nd c. AD

Satyr see Dionysus and his circle

Selene see Helios

Silenus see Dionysus and his circle

Triton see Nereids and Sea monsters

2.2.23 Tyche / City goddess Goddess of Good Fortune, being understood as a deity protecting cities in the Hellenistic period, appears neither on Greco-Bactrian nor Indo-Greek coins. We cannot meet her until the emergence of “Barbarian” coins. Her image occurs on the mintage of Zeonises, a Scythian satrap of Gandhara in the first half – 192 –

of the 1st century AD (1). She is depicted with a cornucopia and wears a crown in the form of a city-wall, both symbols of her function, while going to put a wreath on the satrap’s head. Imitations of these coins were struck a bit later, during the reign of Kujula Kadphises, however in the name of Azes (2), the Scythian king in Gandhara (30–10 BC). The image of Tyche is simplified. The goddess stands frontally and holds a cornucopia. A number of these coins was found in a so-called Bimaran reliquary. A local (Iranian) goddess Ardokhsho, who wears the cornucopia as well but does not have the crown of a city-wall, adopts her role in the Kushan period. During the Gupta period we encounter an almost identical image depicting the Indian goddess Lakshmi.238 The fact that Tyche represented not only an icon used for the reverse of the coins, but also a worshipped deity, is supported by several examples of her depiction in handcraft objects. The first of them – a silver goblet from Gandhara, is decorated in the classical type with both major attributes (3), i.e. a crown in the form of a city-wall and the cornucopia. It is by all means an imported item. See entry for Dionysus for a detailed description of the whole scene. The second item – casted bronze statuette – is of local origin and the image represents a transition to the depiction of the local goddess Hariti in the manner of Tyche (4). J. Boardman mentions another interesting example, a late Hellenistic gem which was reportedly bought in a Kabul market. The depiction represents Tyche / Hariti holding a cornucopia and being followed by two children. An additional figure is placed close to her feet, which maybe represents a river god as it was the case of the well known Tyche of Antiochia and accompanying figure of River Orontes placed below her legs. In this case, however, one can see above the goddess two elephants on lotus blossoms.239 City goddess Tyche, as a patron-protector of cities, became established both in the Me­di­ terranean and in the East, each ruler or city, however, choose a somewhat distinct variant of her representation, dissimilar to the basic iconographic schema. On the coins of Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek rulers, seven types of standing or sitting city goddess is known. The oldest type – minted by Agathocles (190–180 BC) (5) – shows the goddess standing frontally and wearing a high crown. This was followed by a group of schemes with a standing goddess facing left, all belonging to the Indo-Greek realm: a goddess standing in three-quarter view to the left and holding a cornucopia in her left hand and giving a benediction with her right was minted by Philoxenus (100–95 BC) (6); a goddess standing in three-quarter 238 See chapter 2.4.1 Tyche-Hariti-Ardokhsho-Lakshmi. 239 Boardman 1994, p. 334, note no. 200, mentioned without illustration.

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view to the left, wearing a crown, and holding a palm leaf in her left hand and a blossom in her right was minted by Peukolaos (ca 90 BC) (7). Hippostratos (65–55 BC) minted an image of a goddess standing in three-quarter to the left wearing a polos on her head, a cornucopia in her left hand and with her right hand in a blessing gesture (8), or holding a palm leaf in her left hand and with the right one again giving the benediction (9a). Scythian king Azes adopted this schema immediately (9b) and his successor Azilises further developed it by adding an object, probably a lamp, to his right hand (9c). Also a goddess sitting in three-quarter view on the throne, which was minted by king Amyntas (95–90 BC) was executed in a similar manner: she wears a polos, holds a cornucopia in her left hand and gives a blessing with her right hand (10a). In more simplified form, the Tyche seated on the throne occurs on the coins of Scythian King Azes II (10b). The coins of Eucratides surpass the others by their details. The goddess – protector of the city of Kapisa, is depicted sitting on the throne in three-quarter view to the left, holding a palm leaf with her left hand and giving a blessing with her right one (11). Moreover, there is an elephant protome down on the left and mountains on the right. A Kharoshti inscription says: “Kavisiye / nagara / devata.” The city goddess appears not only on coins. The examples from regions to the north of Hindu Kush attest clearly to the fact that small figurines representing woman with the city-wall-like crown also once existed. A clay figurine from Sogdiana, for instance, is seen as a city-goddess and patron of the city of Varakhsha, where it has been found, according to its crown with towers. (13). It has been, however, dated just very roughly to the first centuries AD. From this area, i.e. from the Bukhara Oasis of western Sogdiana, originated perhaps more statuettes of this type, as is shown by a fragment of a terracotta figurine from Bukhara itself (15). One can also find examples in glyptic art. In house Dt-10, on the site of Dalverzintepa (south Uzbekistan), a carnelian gem with an image of Tyche was found. The goddess is depicted in three-quarter view facing right, holding a cornucopia in her left hand and wearing a crown or polos (?) on her head. Pugachenkova regards it as Fortuna, originating in a tradition of Augustan glyptic.240 A fragment of a “southern” example made of schist comes from Saidu Sharif in the Pakistani Swat valley and it is possible to date it to the 1st–2nd century AD (14). Here, in the Gandhara region, the symbol of the cornucopia alone also occurs, without the goddess.241 Nevertheless, in this period the Tyche / city goddess was already easily interchangeable with the Indian goddess Hariti or Iranian Ardokhsho (see below). 240 Pugachenkova – Turgonov 1974, pp. 61–62, ris. 3. 241 See Marshall 1951, vol. 2, p. 643, no. 13; vol. 3, Pl. 197, no. 13.

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1  (314)  Fig. 303 Tyche standing on the right side to the left, holding a cornucopia in her left hand and is about to put a wreath on Zeonises’ head, she wears a crown in the form of a city-wall Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Zeonises, Scythian satrap in Gandhara (10–30 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 83, cat. no. 81

2  (315)  no picture Tyche standing frontally, holding a cornucopia in her left hand Reverse of silver tetradrachma minted by Kujula Kadphises (30–80 AD) but bearing the name of Azes, Scythian king in Gandhara (30–10 BC) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 188, cat. nos. 187–190

3  (316)   Fig. 304 Tyche standing to the left, holding a cornucopia in her left hand and a phiale in her upraised right hand, silver cup decorated in the repoussé technique, for a description of the vessel and the entire scene see entry for Dionysus no. 5, p. 98 also Eros no. 9, p. 121 H. 9.5 cm, Diameter: 12.8 cm Collection A.I.C. Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 97; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC

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4  (317)  Fig. 305 Tyche standing frontally, holding a cornucopia in her left hand, bronze figurine H. 8.6 cm Collection A.I.C. Herat area, Afghanistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, cat. no. 111; J. Boardman dates to the 1st c. BC; Boardman 1994, p. 140, fig. 4.84

Tyche as a protector of cities a) Standing city goddess 5  (318)  Fig. 306 City-goddess standing frontally with high crown, on obverse bust of Zeus, see entry for Zeus no. 2 Reverse of bronze coins of Agathocles (190–180 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 175, pl. 7, série 8

6  (319)  Fig. 307 City-goddess standing in three-quarter view to the left, holding a cornucopia in her left hand and making a blessing gesture with her right one Obverse of bronze coins of Philoxenus (100–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 293, 294, pl. 44, série 10, 11

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7  (320)  Fig. 308 City-goddess with a crown standing in threequarter view to the left, holding a palm leaf in her left hand and a bloom in her right one Reverse of bronze coins of Peukolaos (90 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 309, pl. 48, série 2

8  (321)  Fig. 309 City-goddess wearing a polos in threequarter view to the left, holding a cornucopia in her left hand, making a blessing gesture with her right one Reverse of silver drachma and tetradrachma of Hippostratos (65–55 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 356, pl. 64, série 1, 2

9  (322)  Figs. 310–312 City-goddess wearing a polos in threequarter view to the left, holding a palm leaf in her left hand and making a blessing gesture with her right one 9a) Reverse of bronze coins of Hippostratos (65–55 BC), fig. 310; 9b) Azes (57–35 BC), fig. 311; and 9c) Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Azilises (40–30 BC), fig. 312 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 360, pl. 66, série 12 (coin Hippostratos); Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Azes); De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 142, cat. no. 122 (coin of Azilises)

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b) Sitting city goddess 10  (323)  Fig. 313 City-goddess sitting in three-quarter view on a throne, wearing a polos on her head, holding a cornucopia in her left hand, making a blessing gesture with her right one Reverse of silver double dekadrachma of Amyntas (95–90 BC), fig. 313, and obverse of bronze coins of Azes II (35–12 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 299, pl. 46, série 2 (coin of Amyntas); Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin Azes II)

11  (324)  no picture City-goddess of Kapisa sitting in three-quarter view on a throne to the left, holding a palm leaf in her left hand and making a blessing gesture with her right one, down on the left side forepart of an elephant, on the right side mountains, inscription in Kharoshti script: “Kavisiye / nagara / devata” Reverse of bronze coins of Eucratides I (170–145 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 199, pl. 22, série 24

12  (325)   Fig. 314 Tyche of Alexandria, white plaster-cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 23

13  (326)  Fig. 315 Head of a city-goddess with a crown in the form of a city-wall with towers, fragment of terracotta statuette H. 6 cm, w. 4 cm Present location unknown Varakhsha, Sogdiana, Uzbekistan Published: Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 164, cat. no. 246, dated to the first centuries AD, interpreted as a city-goddess of the town of Varakhsha

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14  (327)  Fig. 316 Head of a city-goddess with a crown in the form of a city-wall with loopholes, fragment of schist sculpture Museum Saidu Sharif, Pakistan (?) Butkara I, Swat, Pakistan Published: Taddei 1984, p. 157, Abb. 2 (interpreted as Nagaradevata)

15  (328)  no picture Head of a city-goddess with a crown in form of a city-wall with towers, fragment of terracotta statuette H. 4.7 cm, w. 3 cm Present location not quoted Bukhara, Sogdiana, Uzbekistan Published: Akhrarov – Usmanova 1990, pp. 36–37, ris. 1; authors also mention the other examples – from Charjou, Khorezm and also another in the Museum of History of Peoples of Uzbekistan, Tashkent

2.2.24 Zeus Last but not least, among the Greek gods occurring most frequently on the Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coins, we encounter their supreme lord, Zeus. Usually, he is depicted as a standing figure or a sitting ruler on a throne, sometimes even holding a goddess – be it Nike, Athena or Hecate. Altogether twenty-two different types of his representation on these coins are known. The basic scheme was brought along by Alexander the Great. On his coins, minted in Syria, Zeus appears as an elderly bearded god, sitting on the throne and holding a sceptre and an eagle, his envoy. Finds of these mints come from the Bhir Mound coin hoard in Taxila, for instance (13). The same hoard contained mints of a similar character, which belonged to Alexander’s stepbrother Phillip III and were minted in Babylon. They also emerged with Seleucids, starting with Seleucus I.242 We can recognise their immediate successor in silver tetradrachmas of the fifth Bactrian king Agathocles. Even if other local rulers also minted Zeus sitting on the throne in various schemes, none repeated this initial one. The depiction of a standing Zeus with an eagle, hurling a thunderbolt with his right hand and having his left arm covered with an aegis, was already used by the first Greco-Bactrian ruler Diodotus (7). Logically, he adopted this scheme from his immediate predecessor, Seleucid viceroy in Bactra and successor to 242 Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 1–17.

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the throne, Antiochus II. These Antiochus’ coins were struck in Bactra itself. Diodotus however, with his power and self-confidence rising, gradually replaced the Seleucid portraits with his own on the obverse.243 It is very likely that Diodotus started to strike thundering Zeus even before he made Bactria an independent realm, sometimes between 255–250 BC.244 Among his successors, Agathocles returned to this scheme in his so-called commemorative mints, as well as did Antimachus a bit later, the first Greek ruler controlling the vast area from Hindu Kush to East Punjab. Nevertheless, the depiction of a standing Zeus slightly changed in this case as well. There are several different types of this scheme with one common feature: a long sceptre in Zeus’s left hand.245 The closest depiction to the first type is an image of Zeus who is depicted in a situation actually preceding the above mentioned scene. He is not hurling the thunder yet, but loosely holds the thunderbolt in his right hand. Such a scheme appears on the reverse of coins of several rulers: Heliocles I and II as well as Demetrius III (8). The former is known as the last king of eastern Bactria, while the latter two ruled in Gandhara and Taxila (Punjab) about 100 BC. A similar image would appear again on the coins of Vonones, Scythian king in the same area (8c) and on the mints of Azes (8b) about a half a century later (55–10 BC). A source of inspiration is obvious in this case: at the time of Azes’ ascent to the throne the coins of Heliocles II and Demetrius III could still be in circulation. A simplified variation of the given scheme also returned on the coins of Kushan king Vima Takto (8d) at the beginning of the 2nd century AD. Zeus throwing a thunderbolt figures also on the silvers of Archebius (9) who ruled the Punjab and Gandhara in the second decade of 1st  century BC. One of his predecessors Peucolaus, governing Gandhara around 90 BC, replaced the thunderbolt for a blessing gesture (10a). Scythian Azes returns to this type as well (10b). Agathocles, already mentioned as a worshipper of Zeus, introduced an even more complicated scheme: Zeus carries a small figure (or a statue) of the goddess Hecate, who in her turn holds two torches (11). Following this mint appeared another barbarian imitation – a silver hemidrachmas with an identical image, only much simplified and more schematic in their execution. Agathocles himself and his contemporary ruler Pantaleon, minted a similar type of Zeus with Hecate, but Zeus was depicted sitting on the throne in this case. The former ruler did it north of the Hindu Kush, the latter to the south in Arachosia (14). 243 Kovalenko 1996. 244 Houghton – Lorber 2002, pl. 29, nos. 628–635. 245 This feature became a rule with the following examples, thus it will be not mentioned repeatedly.

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The last type of standing Zeus scheme is unique and the most interesting from an iconographical point of view. Again, we can see Zeus with the long sceptre, but behind him stands an elephant to the left with the goddess Nike holding a wreath on his head (12). The mint in question was a silver tetradrachma minted by Antialcidas around the turn of the 2nd and 1st century BC. Besides, Antialcidas struck the silvers with Zeus sitting on the throne. The god is represented with a palm leaf in his right hand and an elephant protome to the left of him (18), furthermore, he minted Zeus bust to the right with a thunderbolt in his hand (3) or on his shoulder (4).246 Let us get back to the schemes with Zeus sitting on the throne. In addition to the already mentioned types, there emerged in the 2nd half of the 2nd century BC and in the beginning of the 1st century BC a representation of Zeus carrying a figure of the goddess Nike with a wreath on his right palm both in frontal (Heliocles I, Bactria, 15) and three-quarter view (Antialcidas, Paropamisadae, 16). Again, Zeus holds the long sceptre in his left hand. The scheme – called Zeus Nikephorus – originated from the reverse of gold and silver mints of Alexander the Great and could be understood as an allusion to Olympian Zeus by Phidias. The type was established by Antigonus in  Antioch on the Orontes and became the main type of western Seleucid mints after 300  BC. About 295 BC it was also introduced to Seleucia on the Tigris as a part of a promotion of Zeus’ cult.247 Menander II (Gandhara) on his silver drachms added moreover a wheel next to the god’s right leg (17). An original inspiration for this scheme represents essentially the famous chryselephantine statue of Olympian Zeus by Phidias. An interesting comparison offers the representation of a Roman period coin of Elis, which by no means shows a simplified form of the original appearance of the statue known from the Pausanias’ description.248 The largest ancient silver coin, the double decadrachma of Amyntas, bears an image of an armed Athena (19), standing on the right hand of her father Zeus, who himself – sitting on the throne – holds a long sceptre and palm leaf in his left hand. Three other types appears on the late Indo-Greek coins: the first one with Zeus blessing with his right hand (20a minted in Paropamisadae by Hermaeus and in Gandhara by Telephos; following them the Indo-Scythian

246 From an historical point of view Antialcidas occupies an exceptional postion, as the only ruler mentioned in the incription on the column dedicated to the god Vasudeva by Heliodorus, son of Dion, Greek from Taxila, who was an envoy of Antialkidas to the court of king Bhagabadra (king’s name is written in slightly different form – Amtialkitasa), see Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 95, 96. 247 Houghton – Lorber 2002, p. 8. 248 Boardman 1985 (1995), fig. 182.

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king Spalirises struck this scheme (20b) sometimes around 65 BC), the second one with the god leaning against the backrest of the throne with his right hand (again Hermaeus, 21), and last the type with Zeus holding an unknown object (Hippostratos, Punjab). In all these cases, the ruler of gods holds the long sceptre in his left hand. It has been stated already that the bust of Zeus to the right was minted by Antialcidas alone or at the same time together with Lysias. Much earlier, however, appears, the head or the bust of Zeus to the right on the coins of Diodotus (1) and Agathocles (2). On the coins of the latter, one can imagine the transformation of the type originated from the traditional conception of Phidias. The bust of Zeus was also struck on the coins of Elis, although much later than in Bactria.249 As in the case of Apollo and Heracles, the representation of Zeus had undergone specific development and around the turn of the eras this image would bear a considerably different message. Some of his images suggest that he was identified with Iranian Mithra. This is the case of Hermaeus coins with a sitting Zeus, minted in the Kabul area, for instance. Here we can see rays radiating from Zeus’ head (20). It is possible to follow this reincarnation further on the representation of Zeus-Mithra sitting on the throne with a radiating halo minted by Sasanian king Ardashir in Bactria (230–245 AD) (26). The list of representations of the supreme lord of Greek gods on coins is quite long. Surprisingly, his images in other media are comparatively rare in the East. Besides the traditionally depicted Zeus on the plaster cast from Begram (holding a long sceptre in his left hand and an offering cup above an altar in his right one, 24) we can give the only other example, the well-known fragment of a statue from Ai Khanoum. It is only a foot with an elaborated sandal (25), which could belong to the monumental figure of the god and thus illustrate his important cult place in the eastern part of the Greco-Bactrian realm. Finally, let us remeber the figure of Zeus (or perhaps Poseidon) that we can see on the rear of the mirror, which holds the above-mentioned figurine of the goddess Aphrodite in her hand (see Aphrodite 1, p. 28).250

249 Boardman 1985 (1995), fig. 181. 250 In the final stage of preparation of this book another image of Zeus from the East has been published. The item is a gemstone made of agate from the site of Erkkurgan, southern Sogdia. There is a standing figure of the god to the left with a long sceptre in his right hand. On the top of the sceptre sits a bird, probably an eagle, see Abdullaev 2010, pp. 34–35, fig. 2; K. Abdullaev suggest an Italian/Etrsucan origin and dates it to the Hellenistic period, maybe 3rd c. BC.

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a) Head or bust of Zeus 1  (329)  Fig. 317 Head of Zeus wearing laurel wreath to right Obverse of bronze coins of Diodotus I and II (250–230 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 150, 151, pl. 1, 2, série 8–10

3  (331)  Fig. 319 Bust of Zeus to the right, throwing a thunderbolt with his right hand Obverse of bronze coins of Antialcidas (115–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 277, 278, pl. 41, série 14–16

2  (330)  Fig. 318 Head of Zeus wearing laurel wreath to the right, a cornucopia or a rhyton behind his left shoulder Obverse of bronze coins of Agathocles (190–180 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 175, pl. 7, série 8

4  (332)  Fig. 320 Bust of Zeus to the right, a thunderbolt on his left shoulder Obverse of bronze coins of Antialcidas (115–95 BC) and Antialcidas with Lysias (115–110 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 278, 279, pl. 41, série 17 (coin of Antialcidas); p. 280, pl. 42, série 1 (coin of Antialcidas with Lysias)

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5  (333)  Fig. 321 Bust of Zeus with sceptre leaning on his left shoulder Obverse of bronze coins of Archebios (90–80 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 324, pl. 52, série 13

6  (334)  Fig. 322 Bust of Zeus-Mithra to the right, wearing a Phrygian cap with radiate rays Obverse of bronze coins of Amyntas (95–90 BC) and Hermaeus (90–70 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 303, 304, pl. 47, série 14, 15 (coin of Amyntas); pp. 329, 330, pl. 54, série 9 (coin of Hermaeus)

b) Standing Zeus 7  (335)  Figs. 323–325 Naked Zeus striding to the left, throwing a thunderbolt with his right hand, his left hand is covered with an aegis, an eagle sits at the left foot 7a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Antiochus II minted in Bactra between 266 and 246 BC, fig. 323; 7b) Reverse of golden stater (variant with a wreath above the eagle), silver tetradrachma, drachma and hemidrachma of Diodotus I and II (250–230 BC), fig. 324, silver tetradrachma of Agathocles (commemorative coins, memorializing Antiochus II and Diodotus I and II, (190–180 BC), fig. 325, and Antimachus (commemorative coins, memorializing Diodotus I, 160–155 BC)

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Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 58, cat. no. 13, Bopearachchi 2002, p. 117, fig. 2 (coin of Antiochus II, found for example in the Ai Khanoum IV hoard); De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 89, cat. no. 58 (golden stater of Diodotus); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 147–150, 153, pl. 1, 2, série 1–7, 16, Crossroads of Asia p. 60, cat. no. 16, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 89, cat. no. 57 (coin of Diodotus I and II); Bopearachchi 1991 pp. 177, 178, pl. 8, série 13–15, De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 92, 93, cat. nos. 68, 70 (coin of Agathocles); p. 187, pl. 10, série 9 (coin of Antimachus I)

8  (336)  Figs. 326–329 Zeus standing frontally, holding a thunderbolt in his right hand, leaning against a long sceptre with his left one 8a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma and drachma of Heliocles I (145–130 BC), fig. 326, Heliocles II (110–100 BC), Demetrius III (100 BC), 8c) Reverse silver drachma of IndoScythian king Vonones, fig. 327, and 8b) silver tetradrachma of Azes, Scythian king in northern India (57–10 BC), fig. 328, and 8d) bronze coins of Vima Takto (80–110 AD), fig. 329 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 222–224, pl. 24–26, série 1, 2, Crossroads of Asia p. 60, 74, cat. no. 19, 54, De l’Indus à l’Oxus p. 98, cat. no. 88 (coin of Heliocles I); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 281–283, pl. 42, série 1–6 (coin of Heliocles II); p. 287, pl. 43, série 1, 2 (coin of Demetrius III), Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Vonones and Vima Takto); Crossroads of Asia p. 64, 75, cat. no. 30, 59 (coin of Azes)

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9  (337)  Fig. 330 Zeus standing frontally, throwing a thunderbolt with his right hand leaning against a long sceptre with his left one Reverse of silver drachma and tetradrachma of Archebius (90–80 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 319–323, pl. 50, 51, série 1–10; Crossroads of Asia, p. 74, cat. no. 56

10  (338)  Figs. 331–332 Zeus standing to the left, holding a long sceptre with his left hand and leaning it on the shoulder, blessing with his right hand 10a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Peukolaos (90 BC), fig. 331, and 10b) Obverse of silver drachma of Azes (57–35 BC), fig. 332 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 309, pl. 48, série 1 (coin Peukolaos); Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Azes)

11  (339)  Fig. 333 Zeus standing frontally, holding a long sceptre with his left hand, in his right hand carries a statuette of Hecate with torches in her hands Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Agathocles (190–180 BC) and of its barbarian imitation – silver hemidrachma Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 172, 173, pl. 6–8, série 1–4, 19, De l’Indus à l’Oxus, p. 92, cat. no. 67

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12  (340)  Fig. 334 Zeus standing in front of an elephant, both to the left, on the uplifted elephant’s head stands the goddess Nike, holding a wreath, Zeus holds a long sceptre in his left hand Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Antialcidas (115–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 273, pl. 39, série 6–8; Crossroads of Asia p. 74, cat. no. 55

c) Sitting Zeus 13  (341)  Fig. 335 Zeus sitting on a throne to the left carries an eagle in his right hand, leans against a long sceptre with his left one Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Alexander the Great, minted in Myriandrus, Syria, around 325 BC (for obverse see Heracles no. 7), of Phillip III (step-brother of Alexander, minted in Babylon between 323–317 BC) and of Agathocles (commemorative coins, memorializing Alexander the Great, 190–180 BC) Published: Crossroads of Asia p. 58, cat. nos. 10, 11 (coin of Alexander the Great); p. 58, cat. no. 12 (coin of Phillip III); Bopearachchi 1991, p. 177, pl. 8, série 12, De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 93, cat. no. 69 (coin of Agathocles)

14  (342)  Fig. 336 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view, in his right hand carries a statuette of Hecate with torches in her hands, leans against a long sceptre with his left one Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Agathocles (commemorative coins, memorializing Pantaleon, 190–180 BC) and of silver tetradrachma, drachma and oboli Pantaleon (190–185 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 179, 180, pl. 8, série 18 (coin of Agathocles); p. 181, pl. 9, série 1–3 (coin of Pantaleon)

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15  (343)  Fig. 337 Zeus sitting on a throne, holding a long sceptre with his left hand, on his right hand stands the goddess Nike, stretching her hand with a wreath towards him Reverse of silver tetradrachma of Seleucus I and of drachma of Heliocles I (145–130 BC) Published: Houghton and Lorber 2002, pl. I. 3.3b, 4, 5, 10.1b, 10.2c, 13.2, 27, 29.1b, 30, pl. 2, 31, pl. 3, 58.1, pl. 4, 64, 65, 74, 75, pl. 7, 119. 8c, 120.1a, 120.6a (coin of Seleucus I), Bopearachchi 1991, p. 225, pl. 26, série 3, 4 (coin of Heliocles)

16  (344)  Fig. 338 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view, holding a long sceptre in his left hand and on his right hand stands goddess Nike, stretching her hand with a wreath towards him, down on the left side is the forepart of an elephant to the right or to the left Reverse of silver tetradrachma or drachma of Antialcidas (115–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 271, 272, 274–276, pl. 39–41, série 1–5, 9, 12, 13

17  (345)  Fig. 339 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view, on his right hand stands goddess Nike with a wreath, a wheel on the left Reverse of silver drachma of Menander II (90–85 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 314, pl. 49, série 4

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18  (346)  Fig. 340 Zeus sitting on a throne, holding a palm leaf in his right hand, down on the left side is a forepart of an elephant to the right Reverse of silver drachma of Antialcidas (115–95 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 274–276, pl. 40, série 10, 11

19  (347)  Fig. 341 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view, on his right hand stands the goddess Athena, in his left he holds a long sceptre and a palm leaf Reverse of silver double decadrachma, tetradrachma and drachma of Amyntas (95–90 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 299–303, pl. 46–47, série 1, 3–12

20  (348)  Figs. 342–343 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view to the left, holding a long sceptre in his left hand, blessing with the right one251 20a) Reverse of silver tetradrachma and drachma and of bronze coins of Hermaeus (90–70 BC), Obverse of bronze coins of Telephos (75–70 BC), fig. 342, and 20b) Reverse of bronze coins of Indo-Scythian king Spalirises (about 65 BC), fig. 343 Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 326–343, pl. 52–60, série 1–5, 7, 8, 10–22, Crossroads of Asia p. 61, 75, cat. no. 24, 57 (coins of Hermaeus); Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 344, 345, pl. 60, série 2, 3 (coin of Telephos), Mallon-McCorgray 1996 (coin of Spalirises)

251 Described as “Mithra depicted in the manner of Zeus” in Crossroads of Asia.

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21  (349)  Fig. 344 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view to the left, holding a long sceptre in his right hand, the left one resting on an armrest of the throne Reverse of silver drachma of Hermaeus (90–70 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, p. 328, pl. 53, série 6

22  (350)  Fig. 345 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view to the left, holding an unknown object in his right hand (crown with ribbons?) and a long sceptre in his left hand Obverse bronze coins Hippostratus (65–55 BC) Published: Bopearachchi 1991, pp. 359, 360, pl. 66, série 10, 11

23  (351)  Fig. 346 Zeus sitting on a throne in three-quarter view to the left, holding a long sceptre in his left hand, the right one rests on the head of a figurine – personification of thunderbolt Obverse of bronze coins of Maues, Scythian king in Gandhara (90-80 BC) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 75, cat. no. 58

24  (352)  Fig. 347 Zeus standing frontally, holding a sceptre (?) in his left hand, in his right one holds a phiale above an altar, white plaster-cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 15

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25  (353)  Fig. 348 Foot of Zeus, wearing elaborate sandal, fragment of an acrolithic statue, marble Kabul Museum Ai Khanoum, Afghanistan Published: Nehru 1989, fig. 32; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 146

Mithra – Zeus252 26.  (354)  no picture Mithra depicted as Zeus, sitting on a throne in three-quarter view to the right, holding a sword and diadem, inscription “Lord Mithra” Reverse of bronze coins of Ardashir, Sasanian king in Bactria (230–245 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 75, cat. no. 60

252 See also entry for Zeus nos. 6 and 20.

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2.3   Other schemes of Greek origin 2.3.1 Various themes In Gandharan art we also encounter other complex schemes taken over from Greek mythology, i.e. the scenes connected not directly with a particular god but representing mortals, who take part in the myths. The first example is the famous episode with a wooden horse from the Trojan War (1). This relief belongs to the most frequently published examples of Gandharan sculpture in general. On the relief, there is depicted a horse standing on a desk furnished with wheels. Two male figures try to put the horse into motion from behind and from the side, probably those Trojans, who wanted the horse to be pulled in the city. The third male figure standing in front of the horse has, nevertheless, an opposite role and we even have an acquaintance with his identity. Vergil wrote that Laocoon ran out of the crowd of Trojans and “... he hurled his mighty spear with great strength at the creature’s side and the curved framework of the belly: the spear stood quivering, and the jarred cavern of the womb sounded hollow and uttered a groan. …“.253 The figure in front of the horse faithfully reflects this text and the relief is even more valuable, because there is no other example of this scene in ancient art. To the left of this group stands a woman in an opened doorway with her hands raised above her head. She is naked from the waist up and her chest is decorated only with a necklace. Boardman believes this figure to be Cassandra who is trying to prevent the wooden horse from entering the city.254 For such a representation of Cassandra some models existed, although in this interpretation it seems to be unlikely that the creator knew the exact meaning of the scene. Another example of the same scheme – a fragmentary relief – has been discovered quite recently (2). As far as the plaster casts of emblemata from the Begram treasury are concerned, it is possible to state that their models were art works of prime quality. As a direct parallel for the scenes with the theft of Palladium, Richter mentions a gem signed by Felix.255 She even believes that the casts were taken from the famous Phiale of Pytheus mentioned by Plinius (NH 33, 148) or from its copy. The other scenes from Greek/Roman mythology, which made their appearance among the Begram plaster casts I leave without any commentary (3–10). 253 Vergil, Aeneid II, 50–53, transl. by J. W. Mackail; original: “Sic fatus validis ingentem viribus hastam In latus inque feri curvam compagibus alvum Contorsit. Stetit illa tremens, uteroque recusso Insonuere cavae, gemitumque dedere caverne.” 254 Crossroads of Asia, p.131. 255 Richter 1958, pp. 372, 373, pl. 90, fig. 12; the item is kept in Ashmolean Museum, see online http://www.ashmolean.org/ash/objectofmonth/2004-10/theobject.htm’ and dated to 1–40 AD.

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It is possible to hold for certain that they have no significant influence as to local artistic production. Only two objects in this part of the catalogue, apart from the Trojan horse reliefs, do not belong to the group of plaster casts and we can classify them among theatrical motifs. Both items represent theatrical masks of a man with comic grimace. The first one – a unique miniature maskaron – was found on the site of Shakhri-Gul’gul’ya about 20 km from Dalverzintepa in southern Uzbekistan (11) and the other one, dated to the 2nd century BC, once formed a decorative gargoyle of the Ai Khanoum fountain (12). In this respect, let us remind you of the Silenus mask from Begram (see Dionysus no. 27) and particulary Eros hiding behind a more seriously looking theatrical mask (see Eros no. 9). The last three mentioned examples are clearly connected with a Greek element – be it a Greek polis in Ai Khanoum or a treasure of imported items in Begram. Disputable is the mascaron from Shakhri-Gul’gul’ya where the Greek context is not obviuos, but its origin in the East Mediterranean is most probable.

Trojan cycle 1  (355)  Fig. 349 Scene with Trojan horse, schist relief (description above in the text) British Museum, OA 1990.10-13.1 Peshawar area, Pakistan Published: Allan 1946, fig. 1; Crossroads of Asia p. 131, cat. no. 133; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 300

2  (356)  no picture Scene with Trojan horse, fragment of schist relief Size, location and provenance not mentioned Published: Khan 1990, pp. 315–319

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3  (357)  Fig. 350 Diomedes stealing the Palladium from Troy, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Richter 1958, pp. 372–373, pl. 90, fig. 10; Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 18

5  (359)  Fig. 352 Odysseus stealing the Palladium from Troy, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 19

4  (358)  Fig. 351 Diomedes stealing the Palladium from Troy, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Richter 1958, pp. 372–373, pl. 90, fig. 11; Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 20

6  (360)   Fig. 353 Odysseus standing to the right, fragment of white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 21

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Chimer a 7  (361)  no picture Chimera recumbent to the left, fragment fragment of white plaster cast of emblema, imported Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 22

Ganymede 256 8  (362)  Fig. 354 Ganymede (on the left) sitting, facing right, feeds Zeus’ eagle (on the right), white plaster cast of emblema, imported Diameter 12.8 cm Kabul Museum, MK 04.1.22 Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 26; Afghanistan p. 238, cat. no. 187, dated to the 1st c. AD

Theatre and poets 9  (363)  Fig. 355 Tragic poet (on the left) reclining to the right, on the right two female figures, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Diameter? Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 27

256 The fusion of Indian Garuda and Greek Ganymed has been dealt with by Martina Stoye recently (Stoye 2008). She mentions one more imported object with the scene of kidnapping of Ganymed by an eagle from the Begram hoard (painted glass vessel, cf. Gandhara, p. 120, Abb. 4) as well as two local reworkings of this scene, this time with Garuda, see Gandhara, cat. nos. 209 (Lahore Museum, old inv. no. 1045) and 210 (Peshawar Museum, inv. no. PM-3019, old no. 497).

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10  (364)  Fig. 356 Comedic poet (on the left) sitting to the right under a tree, on the right female (?) figure, white plaster cast of emblema, imported Diameter? Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 28

11  (365)  Fig. 357 Theater mask, marmor sculpture H. 8 cm, w. 5 cm, depth 4 cm Present location not mentioned Shakhri-Gul’gul’ya, Surkhandarya, Uzbekistan, accidental find (found by Mr. Navruzov Kadirbobo) Published: Turgunov 1976, pp. 103–106, ris. 1, figure also on the cover of the book, context dated to the end of the 1st and beginning of the 2nd c. AD, Turgunov assumes that it is import from Mediterranean; Culture and Art of Ancient Uzbekistan, p. 93, cat. no. 86, dated to 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD

12  (366)  no picture Theater (comic) mask, limestone sculpture – gargoyle in the fountain 21 × 40 × 19 cm National Museum Kabul, MK 05.42.17 Ai Khanoum (fountain), Afghanistan Published: Leriche 1986, Figs. 72 and 73 (context), 87–90 (details); Afghanistan pp. 162 and 269–270, cat. no. 34, dated to 2nd c. BC

Depiction of the Lighthouse of Alexandria 13  (367)  Fig. 358 Lighthouse of Alexandria with monumental statue, relief glass goblet Size not mentioned Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Boardman 1994, p. 120, fig. 4.57

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14  (368)  no picture Flying Pegasus, carneilan sealstone 1.6 × 1.7 × 0.4 cm Victoria and Albert Museum, LS.39-1948 North-west Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia p. 151, cat. no. 151, dated by J. Boardman to 1st c. BC.

2.3.2 Drinking, dancing and erotic scenes Erotic scenes classified in this chapter would have been categorized by the same token as Dionysiac. The connotation of many of them seems not unambiguous to me and that is why they were listed among “Other scenes of Greek origin”. However, the basis as well as conclusion is the same as with the Dionysic circle. In the following part of the catalogue only one imported item is presented. Several artefacts of local origin are quoted only in the footnotes.257

1  (369)  Fig. 359 A man lying on decorated cline, holding a cup in his right hand, one woman stands behind, crowns him with a wreath, the other one with a cup sitting frontally on the right, toilet tray made of soapstone Diameter: 13.5 cm Museum Karachi, no. 8494 Sirkap, Taxila (Stratum V – Greek period), Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 178, cat. no. 488, cited Marshall’s dating to the 1st c. BC; Marshall 1960, pl. 12, fig. 14

2  (370)  Fig. 360 A man lying on decorated cline, holding a cup in his right hand, one woman stands behind, crowns him with a wreath, the other one with a cup sitting frontally on the right, toilet tray made of soapstone Diameter: 12.7 cm Museum Peshawar, no. 715 The site of Tordher, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 177, cat. no. 487

257 Ingholt nos. 481–483; Crossroads of Asia, p. 159, no. 159; p. 155, no. 155; Tanabe pp. 84–85, Figs. 12–17.

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3  (371)  Fig. 361 A man giving a drink from a cup to woman, toilet tray made of soapstone Diameter: 14.4 cm Museum Peshawar, no. 1105 Exact provenance unknown, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 177, cat. no. 486

4  (372)  Fig. 362 A man (on the left) and woman (on the right), standing frontally and holding cups, toilet tray made of steatite Diameter: 14.9 cm Museum Karachi, no. 8490 Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 177, cat. no. 486, Marshall dates to the 1st c. BC

5  (373)  no picture Extensive drinking scene with twelve figures, toilet tray made of steatite Diameter: 15.75 cm Museum of New Delhi Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 177, cat. no. 486; Marshall 1960, pl. 14, fig. 16, Marshall dates to the 1st c. BC

6  (374)  no picture Symplegma of Siren and a sleeping man (Satyr?), an Eros figure flying above the man’s head, white plaste cast of emblema Diameter 16 cm Kabul Museum Begram, Afghanistan Published: Richter 1958, p. 374 (she quotes a parallel for symplegma in marmor relief from former Fröhmer collection); Auboyer 1968, p. 145, cat. no. 9b; J. Auboyer dates to the 1st c. AD; Boardman 1994, p. 120, fig. 4.58; Menninger 1996, cat. no. M 31

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Stair-riser reliefs In this subhead, a very specific group of artefacts is examined, known as stairriser reliefs, for their size and proportions suggest original installation of these reliefs in slots on the vertical surface of the staircases’ steps. Most likely it was staircases in (Buddhist) shrines or – let us say – stupas. Altogether, sixteen such reliefs are known to us, fifteen of these are included in the present catalogue. Some of the scenes are flanked by Corinthian columns/pilasters placed in niches. A peculiar position of this group of artefacts among the Gandharan sculpture lies in its certain closed nature. All the examples with more or less secure provenance come from the notheastern part of ancient Gandhara, predominantly from the region of Buner or from its borderlands. Yet another group of reliefs belongs to the stair-risers – several trinagular panels, usualy bearing representations of sea monsters, are in fact side panels of the steps. Some of the examples we deal with here supposedly come from the same monument, as goes for no. 1 here and the above described panel with Ichtyocentaur (Nereids no. 18). Despite the fact that panels depict a whole range of figures originating in different backgrounds, be it Greek, Scythian, Kushan or purely Indian, all the stair-risers share a common Hellenistic or hellenized style. Figures are differenciated primarily by their clothes and hairstyles. Together with the toilet-trays, stair-riser reliefs are often seen as examples of early Gandharan art, emerging before development of Buddhist iconography itself.258 Yet the first panel is unique. On the elongated relief in the British Museum (7) we can see six male figures with acanthus-leaf skirts. Each holds a paddle in his left arm, except for the figure on the left, which leans against it. Abdomen musculature is divided into fine waves. The hair above their foreheads is combed out into a V-shaped hairstyle, which is a characteristic feature of marine deities.259 All these features lead to the determination of these creatures as marine deities and an even more precise intepretation has been expressed that they could represent the five rivers of Punjab with the sixth figure personifying the sea itself.260 Another similar panel is kept in the Metropiltan Museum of Art, New York. The participants of the scene on the panel no. 10, today housed in the Peshawar Museum, wear, with no exception, Greek clothes. Five ladies are depicted frontally and all of them are attired in long chitons covered with hymation. 258 Czuma 1985, p. 176; Stančo 2000, pp. 49–52. 259 Czuma 1985, p. 176. 260 Marshall 1960, p. 37.

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The chitons are tied up under the breasts. Some of them hold cups or received them from four servants261, three of them wear exomis. All of the servants are bearded and have long hair. The cups are high shaped vessels, such as those found in Taxila excavations. Marshall claims that this type, made of silver, copper or bronze, was typical for the Parthian period and was absent in other strata.262 The male figure in the central position wears a hymation and differs from the others also by his vessel, a tankard, which he holds and does not give to the ladies. Thus, his function could be somehow different, maybe it is a host. I do refuse Ingholt’s interpretation of these figures as male and female donors. More likely, the scene is associated with the drinking scenes, whether interpreted as Dionysiac or not. Decoration of the other relief panel, housed in the British Museum (9) is stylisticaly related to the previous object to such a degree that J. Marshall supposed their origin in the same workshop.263 There are seven figures in this scene because the right margin of the panel is not preserved. Two servants give the cups to the ladies, but the third man holds a flower. The central male figure this time wears both the chiton with short sleeves and the hymation. He impresses much more Grecian in his appearance than the other figures. The entire scene looks like a banquet. It has been interpreted as an introduction of the bride to Siddharta. For such an interpretation I cannot find any reasonable evidence. Neither J. Marshall nor J. Boardman have expressed their opinion to this issue.264 Also another example, a relief in the Victoria and Albert Museum (8), is of similar nature as the two previous panels. This one is just a smaller scene and consists of six figures. Two male servants bring cups and one man and one woman hold palm leafs (?). The scene is closely related to the relief panel in the Cleveland Museum of Art (17). Here, one female figure holds a lanceolate leaf, while being served by a manservant with a big cup. The other woman sips from smaller a cup and the servant is ready with a big jug to replenish the wine. The third servant plays a drum in the centre and the fourth one (all of them wearing exomis), even brings forth a new wine skin. All six figures wear wreaths on their heads. The last panel of this type is kept in the Royal Ontario Museum. Only the left part of the scene is preserved (21). Only one of the supposed four female figures survived. She is drinking from a cup. Three servants are playing musical instruments while the other, together with a bald-headed man 261 Ingholt 1957, p. 160 262 Marshall 1960, p. 34, fig. 42. 263 Marshall 1960, p. 34, pl. 27, fig. 41. 264 Marshall 1960, p. 34, Crossroads of Asia, p. 129.

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in the centre speak to each other or – judging according to their gestures – clap their hands in rhythm. It is exactly the depiction of music and dance in general, which can be seen as evidence against the usage of these panels in the context of Buddhist monuments, for music and dance were regarded as unbecoming. A panel in the Cleveland Museum of Art can be seen as a step further from the hellenized scenes described above and those bearing Indian figures (18), where there are two figures of not obvious sex wearing rich clothes and jewellery and holding fruits in their hands. They are likely going to offer the fruit. They are accompanied by odd chubby naked figures with necklaces, bracelets and anklets. One of them is playing a long pipe, the other clasps his hands and the third holds a long leaf. Five reliefs have an Indian character from an iconographic point of view. Again, the panels present the row of male and female figures wearing Indian clothes, jewellery and turbans and holding flowers in their hands (11–14, 20). No one is drinking, dancing or playing a musical instrument. There is also no obvious hierarchy among the participants of the feast. The scene may be perhaps intepreted as a “flower festival”. The last two reliefs depict a row of figures wearing Scythian (16) and Kushan (19) clothes. The former panel, held in the Cleveland Museum of Art, presents six male figures wearing Phrygian caps, three of them playing musical instruments and the others clap their hands. The latter scene consists of six male figures wearing soldierly clothes of the Kushan aristocracy and long swords. This relief from the Peshawar Museum is possible to compare to the sixteenth panel, which is not included in the catalogue and which is kept in the Royal Ontario Museum. The scene comprises six Kushan warriors armed with long swords. They have heavier beards and are depicted frontally, one of them in three-quarter view and one in profile, unlike the figures on the previous Peshawar object. An interesting detail is represented in the figure of yakshi, who replaces the usual Corinthian half-column.265 S. Czuma, who has published several of these reliefs in the catalogue of an exhibition in Cleveland, remarks among his arguments for dating to the 1st century AD “the placement of the figures against a plain background without any overlapping of images”, typical predominantly in Hellenistic and early Roman art.266

265 Czuma 1985, p. 179, cat. no. 92. 266 Czuma 1985, p. 174.

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7  (375)  Fig. 363 Six male figures with paddles, Corinthian column on the right, stair-riser relief made of schist267 43.4 × 17.8 × 5 cm British Museum OA 1889.10-16.1 Peshawar valley Published: Marshall 1960, p. 37, pl. 30, fig. 47; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 308; Czuma 1985, cat. no. 89; Crossroads of Asia, p. 126, cat. no. 129, Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

8  (376)  Fig. 364 Three drinking couples flanked by two Corinthian columns, stair-riser relief made of schist 46.8 × 16.5 × 5.2 cm Victoria and Albert Museum I.S.3-1971 Peshawar valley, Pakistan Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 127, 128, cat. no. 130, Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

267 Probably belongs to the same group of finds with the items listed here as Ichtyocentaur (Nereids no. 18) and relief no. 2 in this subhead.

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9  (377)  Fig. 365 Three female and one male figures accompanied by three servants, stair-riser relief made of schist 33 × 14.5 × 5 cm British Museum OA 1900.4-14.13 Takht-i-Bahai, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, p. 35, fig. 41; Crossroads of Asia, pp. 128, 129, cat. no. 131, Boardman dates to the 1st–2nd c. AD

10  (378)  Fig. 366 Five female and four male figures (three servants?), soapstone stair-riser relief H. 14 cm, w. 44.8 cm Museum Peshawar, no. II Exact provenance unknown (originally Guides Mess, Mardan), Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 160, cat. no. 411, classifies to his group I (144–240 AD); Marshall 1960, p. 33, pl. 27, fig. 40 11  (379)  no picture Three female and three male figures wearing Indian clothes and holding flowers in their hands, soapstone stair-riser relief H. 16.8 cm, w. 34.6 cm Museum Karachi, no. 22 L (number from Peshawar) Provenance not mentioned, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 161, cat. no. 412, classifies to his group I (144–240 AD)

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12  (380)    no picture Three female and three male figures wearing Indian clothes and holding flowers in their hands, Corinthian column on the right, soapstone stair-riser relief H. 17.14 cm, w. 41.9 cm Museum Karachi, no. 23 L Provenance not mentioned, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 161, cat. no. 413, classifies to his group I (144–240 AD); Marshall 1960, p. 35, pl. 28, fig. 44

13  (381)    no picture Three female and three male figures wearing Indian clothes and holding flowers in their hands, flanked by two Corinthian columns, soapstone stair-riser relief H. 17.5 cm, w. 48.3 cm Museum Peshawar, no. 24 L Provenance not mentioned, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 161, cat. no. 414, classifies to his group I (144–240 AD); Marshall 1960, p. 35, pl. 28, fig. 43

14  (382)    no picture Three female and three male figures wearing Indian clothes and holding flowers in their hands, flanked by two Corinthian columns, soapstone stair-riser relief Size not mentioned Museum Peshawar Provenance not mentioned, originally deposited in Mardan, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, p. 35, pl. 29, fig. 45

15  (383)    no picture Six male figures with paddles, Corinthian column on the left, schist stair-riser relief 43.2 × 16.9 cm Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Roger Fund, 1913 Gandhara, Buner, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 90, Czuma dates to 1st c. AD

16  (384)    no picture Six male figures wearing Scythian or Iranian clothes, Corinthian column on the right, stair-riser relief made of grey schist 44.5 × 17.1 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art, Dudley P. Allen Fund 30.328 Gandhara, Buner, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 87A, Czuma dates to 1st c. AD

17  (385)    no picture Two female and four male figures wearing Greek dress, Corinthian column on the right, stair-riser relief made of grey schist 43.2 × 16.5 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art, Dudley P. Allen Fund 30.329 Gandhara, Buner, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 87B, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

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18  (386)  Fig. 367 Couple wearing wealthy cloth, they carry fruit for offering and four naked men, flanked by Corinthian columns, stair-riser relief made of grey schist 53 × 16 cm The Cleveland Museum of Art, Dudley P. Allen Fund 30.330 Gandhara, Buner, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 87C, Czuma dates to 1st c. AD

19  (387)    no picture Six male figures wearing Kushan clothes and carrying swords, flanked by two Corinthian columns, soapstone stair-riser relief Size not mentioned Museum Peshawar Provenance not mentioned, originally stored in Mardan, Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, p. 36, pl. 29, fig. 46

20  (388)  Fig. 368 Three female and three male figures wearing Indian clothes and holding flowers in their hands, flanked by two Corinthian columns, schist stair-riser relief H. 18.4 cm, w. 51.9 cm Royal Ontario Museum, no. 924.27.11, Toronto Buner, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 88A, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

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21  (389)  Fig. 369 One female and five male figures with goblets and musical instruments, Corinthian column on the left, schist stair-riser relief H. 18.5 cm, w. 42.8 cm Royal Ontario Museum, no. 930.19.2, Toronto Buner, Gandhara, Pakistan Published: Czuma 1985, cat. no. 88B, Czuma dates to the 1st c. AD

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2.4   Greek deities identified with Iranian or Indian ones While searching for suitable types of depiction of particular divine characters, newly developing Mahayana iconography often took over models, which originally had played a different role in the Greek or Roman pantheon. In a similar way, deities on the reverse of Kushan coins, sought for their models and above all substantial attributes, among the Greek deities. The following overview summarizes all important examples of this phenomenon in Gandharan art and Kushan coinage. To be specific, some features of the goddess Tyche were used for Indian Hariti and Lakshmi, as well as for Iranian Ardokhsho. Likewise, certain attributes of Hermes were used for the image of the Iranian deity Pharro and Indian Panchika; attributes of Heracles were taken over by Buddha’s bodyguard Vajrapani; and finally, images of Poseidon, Heracles, Zeus and Indian Shiva merged into a depiction of Iranian Veshparkar. The fusion of Zeus and Mithra, as well as Apollo and Mithra was dealt with above.268

2.4.1 Tyche-Hariti-Ardokhsho-Lakshmi In this place I want to follow with comments on the goddess Tyche, although in some cases it is very difficult to distinguish between what was understood as Tyche and what was seen as Hariti. Let us admit that the viewer could choose himself and that the author could have turned to a broader range of spectators, which was definitely an advantage. An Iranian could have gained an impression that the image represents Ardokhsho (see below). Hariti was perceived as the goddess of fertility and fruitfulness, hence her relation to Tyche and her cornucopia. A group consisting of Hariti and her mate, the god of affluence Panchika, typically occurs in Gandharan art. Besides depictions on schist reliefs, there are also examples of this group in small-scale objects and on coins. The very first representative presented in this catalogue shows a sitting figure of the goddess Hariti, executed in fired clay. The image constitutes a part of a large group dominated by the cult image of Buddha in the Buddhist monastery of Tepe Shotor, Hadda (1). The other sculptures from this group are dealt

268 F. Grenet dealt with Mithra in Central Asia after finishing my thesis. He finds very similar inspiration sources for this god’s depiction in the East, i.e. Apollo (with an arrow), ApolloHelios (as a charioter) and Zeus (enthroned, rayed). The latter, according to Grenet, is in fact the first model for Mithra here, being minted on the Greco-Bactrian coins already (Heliocles I) and continuing on coins of Greek kings in the Kapisa region a bit later (Amyntas and Hermaeus). The second mentioned model had a long history in Sasanid Iran and in Sogdiana and around, as Grenet supports with rich evidence, cf. Grenet 2006.

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with elsewhere in the catalogue; see specifically Dionysus (no. 23), HeraclesVajrapani (no. 2) and “Alexander the Great”.269 In this case, we can speak of a very successful Hellenized depiction of the goddess, including an elaborate cornucopia and so-called wet drapery. The majority of the other depictions of Hariti, however, do not demonstrate the typical features of Tyche. The next object – a relief panel – ranks among the best pieces bearing this scheme within Gandharan art. The pair of  deities Panchika and Hariti is depicted frontally (2), he holds a big cup of wine, she has a big cornucopia in her left arm while touching her mate with her right hand. Notice the good-looking detail: a fallen shoulder strap on the goddess’ right shoulder creates together with a gauzy draped cloth the real impression of a fertility goddess. At her knees, a figure of a small child wearing a short shirt stretches out its hands towards her. There is another bearded figure behind Panchika’s shoulder, which passes a pouch of money to him. The whole scene impresses as an idyll well illustrating the symbolical meaning of both deities. We know of many variations on this theme.270 This couple appears as a standing group, although less frequently (3). The simple depiction of the goddess alone is more usual (4). We encounter representations of Hariti on small-scale objects as well, for example on a gold discoid medallion, where the goddess holds a flower in her left hand and the cornucopia in her right one271 or on another gold plaque decorated with the “repoussé” technique, where is she depicted together with Panchika.272 The goddess of good fortune Ardokhsho, originally an Iranian deity, adopts in the Kushan period the essential attribute of her Greek colleague Tyche – the cornucopia. Ardokhsho does not overtake the second symbol of Tyche, a mural crown. Ardokhsho occurs on the coin reverses of all Kushan kings since Kanishka (127–153 AD) onward except for Vasudeva I (191–227 AD).273 Beside the standard type of goddess with the cornucopia in her left hand, as presented on the Huvishka coin (5), Ardokhsho sitting on a throne with the cornucopia in her left hand and a diadem in her right one became very popular (6). But we find her not only on Kushan mints. The scheme was taken over by Samudragupta, Gupta king in India. On his coins we encounter not only Ardokhsho, but also 269 Stančo 2007, p. 189. 270 Marshall 1960, fig. 144, Tissot 1986, Figs. 140, 193, 194, 198. 271 The first of two examples is kept in the Victoria and Albert Museum I.S. 9-1948 and dated by C. Fabregues to the 4th century, for she finds there some Sasanian decorative details, see Crossroads of Asia, p. 143, cat. no. 143, while the second is in the Cleveland Museum of Art and reportedly comes from Sirkap. S. Czuma dates it to the 2nd century, see Czuma 1985, p. 157, cat. no. 75. Ibidem is mentioned yet another disc with Hariti, decorated in the repoussé technique and dated to the 1st–2nd century AD. It is kept in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, see ibid. cat. no. 74. 272 Crossroads of Asia p. 144, cat. no. 144, C. Fabrégues dates to the 4th c. AD. 273 Crossoads of Asia p. 84.

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the Indian goddess Lakshmi depicted along the same lines.274 In the latter case, the cornucopia later changed into a lotus blossom. The goddess with a horn of plenty underwent her last transformation perhaps on the coins of a 6th century Hun king in Punjab with the incomplete name/title “Jari...” One can see an unidentified goddess sitting frontally on the lions back facing right. Again, in addition to a cornucopia she laso holds a diadem. Recently, two other representations of Tyche/Ardokhsho have been published in the catalogue De l’Indus à l’Oxus.275 The goddess is depicted in threequarter view facing right. The first cut stone – an agate gem – was purchased in a Peshawar bazaar. Ardokhsho wears low polos and holds the cornucopia in her right hand. The other is made of chalcedony and has the same provenance. The goddess here has more elaborated clothes and in her left hand holds some flowers (lotus and palm leaf?). Moreover, a halo surrounds her head.

1  (390)  Fig. 370 Tyche / Hariti sitting on the Buddha’s left side, sculpture made of unfired clay Present location not mentioned Tepe Shotor, Hadda, Afghanistan Published: Boardman 1994, pp. 141–143, fig. 4.88

2  (391)  Fig. 371 Tyche / Hariti sitting together with Panchika, wearing simplified crown of Tyche, holding a big cornucopia with her left, schist relief 27.3 cm × 25.4 cm × 11.5 cm British Museum, OA 1950.7-26.2 Takht-i-Bahi, Pakistan Published: Tissot 1986, fig. 139; Bussagli 1996 (1984), p. 171; Crossroads of Asia pp. 134–135, cat. no. 136; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 98

274 Crossroads of Asia p. 78, cat. no. 68, for an image on the obverse of this coin see entry for Apollo (standing). 275 See De l’Indus à l’Oxus pp. 194, 195, cat. nos. 186, 187; the former is dated by Fussman to the 1st– 2nd c. AD, the latter to the 1st c. AD. They are kept in the Cabinet des médailles in Paris.

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3  (392)  Fig. 372 Tyche / Hariti wearing a polos, stands next to Panchika (?) and gives a pouch or a cup to him (?), schist relief 19 cm × 9.9 cm × 5 cm British Museum, OA 1939.1-19.18 Published: Crossroads of Asia, pp. 132–133, cat. no. 135; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 101

4  (393)  Fig. 373 Sitting female figure wearing a polos and a long chiton and himation, holding a cornucopia in her left hand (TycheHariti?), schist sculpture H. 11.75 cm, w. 7.3 cm Museum Karachi, No. 32 Sirkap, Taxila, Pakistan Published: Ingholt 1957, p. 148, cat. no. 347–348, dated by context to the beginning of the 1st c. AD; Nehru 1989, fig. 124

5  (394)  Fig. 374 Ardokhsho standing to the right, holding a cornucopia in her left hand276 Reverse of bronze tetradrachma Huvishka, (153–191 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 84, cat. no. 83

276 There is also a unique example presenting a depiction on a gold charm, the obverse of which is a copy of a coin portrait of the Roman emperor Constantine (307–337 AD). Its reverse copies the mints of Kanishka or Huvishka with an image of a standing Ardokhsho holding a cornucopia, see Crossroads of Asia p. 146, cat. no. 146.

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6  (395)  Fig. 375 Ardokhsho sitting frontally, holding a cornucopia in her left hand and a diadem in her right one Reverse of gold staters of Kushan kings Kanishka II (227–249 AD), Vasishka (249–267 AD), Vasudeva II (250–290 AD), and Shaka (290–330 AD), this one illustrated; reverse of gold stater of Samudragupta, Gupta ruler in India (330–380 AD); reverse of bronze coins of Mihiragula, Hun ruler in Punjab (515–540 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 69, cat. no. 40 (coin of Kanishka II); p. 69, cat. no. 41 (coin of Vasishka); p. 70, cat. no. 43 (coin of Vasudeva II); p. 70, cat. no. 44 (coin of Shaka); p. 70, cat. no. 45 (coin of Samudragupta); p. 72, cat. no. 52

7  (396)  Fig. 376 Lakshmi sitting frontally, holding a cornucopia in her left hand (later a lotus blossom) and a diadem in her right hand Reverse of gold stater of Samudragupta, Gupta ruler in India (330–380 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 78, cat. no. 68

8  (397)  Fig. 377 Unknown goddess sitting frontally on a lion’s back, attributes as the previous one Reverse of bronze coins minted in the name of “Jari...,” Hun king in Punjab (6th c. AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 87, cat. no. 94

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2.4.2 Heracles-Vajrapani Some basic iconographic characteristics of Heracles were adopted by the Buddhist protective deity Vajrapani. This bodyguard is sometimes represented wearing a lion skin, frequently also with a beard. There are several depictions of Vajrapani, the resemblance of which to the iconography of Heracles is striking. One of those reliefs is kept in the British Museum (1), where Vajrapani stands along with a group of Buddhist monks in the margin of a bigger scene. The central part, probably with a sitting Buddha, has not been preserved. Vajrapani stands frontally in a relaxed “Praxitelean” posture, with his head slightly inclined and facing left and covered with a lion skin with paws being tied on his chest in a typical knot. Unlike other depictions of Vajrapani, this one has just a moustache, not a heavy beard. In addition to an ordinary thunderbolt, which he holds loosely in his right hand, he possesses a mighty sword hidden in an elaborated scabbard hanging on his left hip. Variations of this type we can find on many relief panels with scenes of the Buddha’s life. A unique image of Heracles-Vajrapani represents a sculpture from the Buddhist monastery of Tepe Shotor in Hadda, near Jalalabad in eastern Afghanistan (2), which was found in 1974. If the figure would lean on a club instead of the thunderbolt against its thigh, we could easily consider this stucco sculpture to be a copy of work of Lysippos or of his pupils from the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Heracles-Vajrapani is sitting to the right from the main group, his right leg is bent and he leans the mighty thunderbolt against the knee. His left leg is stretched. The figure is naked, except for the lion skin being tied around his waist. Illogically, a scalp of the lion skin hangs forward from the left shoulder. The muscular structure is executed very carefully, even if it does not form a heavy mass of Lysippan pattern. The best part represents the depiction of the head, which is turned slightly to right. It is characterised by a heavy beard and thick hair, both executed lifelike. The expression of the face looks melancholic, even tired. It is exactly this figure of Vajrapani, which perfectly illustrates the metamorphosis of the Greek iconographic scheme and its shift to the Indian one. Mustamandy speculated in an interesting way about the move of Greek artists and craftsmen, who being expelled from Bactra by the warlike Yuezhi, headed south and found their use and work in the decoration of Buddhist monasteries.277 Despite the discrepancy seen from a chronological point of view – the sculptors would arrive to the southern lands in the forties of the 2nd century BC, which is too early for the monasteries – we can imagine the second or third generation of Greek refugees being involved in Buddhist building activities. 277 Mustamandy 1984, p.179.

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In any case, I do agree with Mustamandy’s further considerations concerning their engagement: He holds that they got a task to depict some figure/character from the Buddhist pantheon, which was maybe beyond their awareness, and mingled only a description given by the patron together with some patterns or models known to them. For the warrior, protector of Buddha himself, the image of the mythical hero Heracles was most suitable. The club, his main attribute, was replaced by the thunderbolt. From the same building complex in Tepe Shotor as Heracles-Vajrapani also come other sculptures, interpreted as Vajrapani-Alexander278 and Vajrapani-Dionysus (see entry for Dionysus). Vajrapani occurs in the Buddhist reliefs very often. Several other selected examples will be presented here, without any additional comment.279

1  (398)  Fig. 378 Heracles-Vajrapani amongst monks, schist relief 53.9 × 25 × 6 cm British Museum, OA 1970.7-18.1 Origin unknown Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 132, Boardman (dates to the 2nd – 3rd c. AD), cat. no. 134; Zwalf 1996, cat. no. 293

2  (399)  Fig. 379 Sitting Heracles-Vajrapani with a thunderbolt leaning against his right thigh, stucco sculpture Probably destroyed in Kabul Museum Tepe Shotor, Hadda, Afghanistan, found 1974 Published: Mustamandy 1984, pp. 177–179, frontispiz, Abb. 4, 5; Boardman 1994, pp. 142, 143, fig. 4.87; Mustamandy 1997, Figs. 4, 5; Schwab 1998

278 Stančo 2007, p. 189. 279 For other interesting examples see Marsahll 1960, pl. 40, fig. 63; pl. 42, fig. 66; a recent study on Vajrapani and its role in Buddhist iconography published Monika Zin (2009).

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3  (400)  Fig. 380 Bearded Heracles-Vajrapani standing frontally, holds a thunderbolt in his left hand, fragment of schist relief Museé Guimet, no. N3462, Paris Origin not mentioned Published: Tissot 1986, colour plate

4  (401)  Fig. 381 Bearded Heracles-Vajrapani standing frontally on the right side of Buddha holds a thunderbolt in his left hand, right hand akimbo Museum Kolkata Origin not mentioned Published: Tissot 1986, fig.6

5  (402)  Fig. 382 Bearded Heracles-Vajrapani standing frontally, wearing exomis, holds a thunderbolt in his left hand, schist sculpture Museum Peshawar, no. 2069, originally in Guide’s Mess Mardan Sikri (?), Pakistan Published: Marshall 1960, pl. 38, fig. 61; Tissot 1986, fig. 138

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2.4.3 Pharro / Panchika / Hermes Pharro – Kushan god of good fortune – is a counterpart of Ardokhsho and they complement each other. If Ardokhsho adopted the main attribute of Tyche, Pharro appears to be derived in his representation from another Greek deity, Hermes. Among his attributes belong a winged cap and a pouch with money. Unlike Ardokhsho, Pharro never gained such popularity as she did, judging according to the coins at least. Pharro occurs only on the coins of Kanishka I and Huvishka. Pharro and Ardokhsho frequently make their appearance in Gandharan reliefs. In descriptions, this couple is usually called Panchika and Hariti, i.e. by names of their Indian eqvivalents. Only one example for illustration is listed here.280

1  (403)  Fig. 383 Pharro standing frontally, facing left, holding a pouch in his right hand and a long stick in his left one Reverse of bronze tetradrachma of Kanishka I (127–153 AD) and Huvishka (153–191 AD) Published: Crossroads of Asia, p. 84, cat. no. 84 (coin of Kanishka and Huvishka)

2.4.4 Shiva – Vesho – Veshparkar with attributes of Poseidon, Zeus and Heracles From the time of Vima Kadphises to the reign of Vasudeva II, all the Kushan kings minted an image of Shiva and this model was taken over by their KushanSasanian successors in Bactria as well as Kidarites. This Shiva was identified with the Iranian gods Vesho and Veshparkar.281 Let me state that on different mints we can encounter different attributes, among the others with a thunderbolt, a trident or a club.

280 For reliefs with depiction of Panchika and Hariti cf. Entry for Tyche-Hariti-Ardokhsho, but see also fro example Crossroads of Asia pp. 132–135, cat. nos. 135–136, p. 144, cat. no. 144; Czuma 1985, pp. 162, 163, cat. no. 80; Marshall 1960, Pls. 104, 105, Figs. 143 (without Hariti), 144. 281 See Crossroads of Asia pp. 85–88, cat. nos. 89–94; Giuliano 2004.

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3  Conclusions

The continuity of an image’s use In the introduction to this work I included a chapter on political continuity. Its aim was to show that Greeks and Macedonians had a political presence in the easternmost parts of the Hellenistic world until the turn of the millennium. This is essentially my starting point, something that I view as verified historical fact. The conclusion may be similarly termed, and deals with the continuity of use of Greek iconographic schemas and their individual figures and elements.282 In the areas of the eastern dominions of the Greeks and later the Kushan Empire we may distinguish three groups of pictures, or depictions of figures of Mediterranean origin. The difference between the first two lies in whether the high point of their popularity in the east correlates with the period of Greek political hegemony, or with the period in which these areas were ruled by “barbarians”, whether Parthians, Scythians or Kushans. The third group comprises figures that are present continuously, and which are gradually taken on independently of the political situation. The first and third group may understandably overlap in some aspects. In the first group we may include the gods that dominated on coins minted by Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek rulers. More precisely, these are the characters from Greek mythology which several of these rulers put on their coins 282 I have presented some particular aspects of the following results in the form of a poster with the title “Hellenistic Iconographic schemes in the Art of Ancient Central Asia” in the conference “Contact Zones of Empires in Asia and Europe: Complexity, Contingency, Causality. Fukuoka, Japan: 27 February – 04 March 2010.”

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and which appeared in several iconographic schemas, including their representative symbols: an owl, hats, a club and so on. They are Athena, Apollo, the Dioscuri, Heracles, Nike and Zeus. The single most common figure in the second century BC is Zeus, with seventeen various coins minted, while in the first century it is Athena, also with seventeen coins minted. The incidence of coins with pictures of these gods then falls rapidly in the period of Indo-Scythian and Indo-Parthian rule, and under the Kushans we come across only isolated use. During the first century AD the most commonly found is Nike, with six various coins minted, while Athena during the same period has only half that number, and others even fewer. Only occasionally do other gods appear on Graeco-Bactrian coins: Artemis, Dionysus, Hermes, Poseidon and Triton. It should be mentioned that in the east the Greeks struck coins with exclusively Greek gods. There are only two exceptions: coins of Agathocles (190–180 BC) which feature Indian gods, on the obverse Samkarshan with a Greek inscription, on the reverse Vasudeva-Krishna with an inscription in Brahmi script.283 This practice did not continue beyond these coins, which appear to have been an attempt to get close to the local population. It is interesting that these are coins struck in the Paropamisadae area, so not yet in the proper Indian regions. The second attempt is a symbol reminiscent of a dharmachakra on the reverse of Menander’s coins, reflecting this particular ruler’s positive relationship with Buddhism. In percentage terms, however, these coins do not play any role, and may be labelled chance attempts. In general, the Greeks really did stick to their gods, and with the exception of Menander’s alleged conversion to Buddhism, we have no proof of any particular openness on the part of the Greeks to local cults. This may, however, be the fault of a lack of data, rather than the nonexistence of such a phenomenon. Returning to the first group it is fairly clear that the Bactrian Greeks chose these few gods as their patrons and as part of their propaganda. In general it can be said that they were inspired by their predecessors, the Seleucids, not only in their choice, but also in the types depicted, as I have shown in the chapters above. This is particularly true of Zeus and Apollo. Most of the depictions of gods on coins are connected by their warlike or warrior character. Zeus throws a thunderbolt; Athena only appears in armour and with a spear, while Heracles is a symbol of the victorious warrior. Whether he is actually fighting or resting on a boulder after battle, he always has a club. The Dioscuri, on horseback and with long spears, represent cavalry. It is cavalry that is supposed to have played a key role in the military successes of Eucratides I, the ruler who used the Dioscuri the most on his coins, and it is thus possible to assume that he 283 Bopearachchi 1991, p. 175, pl. 7, series 9.

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used them to symbolise this victory. The personification of all these military victories is Nike, who as well as being depicted alone is also seen crowning Zeus or Athena with a wreath. The ambivalent Apollo never appears in the east as a poet with a lyre, but is always armed with a bow and arrows. The predominance of depictions of this type indicates that society, and in particular the narrow ruling class, was continuously subjected to heavy pressure (both internal and external, as we know from history) and forced to wage a permanent battle to maintain its internal power and external borders. Neither in Bactria nor in India did the Greeks and Macedonians enjoy much peace time. Evidence for the worship of two of the above-mentioned gods also comes from sources other than coins. In the only well-researched Greek city in the east, Ai Khanoum in Bactria, a fragment of a cult statue of Zeus has been found, providing evidence that a shrine to him existed. In another Greek centre, a city that some researchers considered to be the ancient Eucratidia (Dilberjin in north Afghanistan) a temple has been found where the Dioscuri were worshipped, judging by the wall paintings depicting them. Unfortunately the state of research into the most prominent Greek centres, Bactra and Sirkap, is pitiful. It is there that there is likely to be a fair amount of further evidence regarding the worship of gods in the first group. The only clear evidence of the dominant Greek taste in the Graeco-Bactrian environment therefore remains the results of research in Ai Khanoum. In addition to the objects mentioned above in the catalogue (the acrolithic statue of Zeus, the depiction of Cybele and a number of coins) there are works of a secular character, such as a statue of a woman, a  statue of a victorious athlete, mosaics, an inscription with a philosophical text, and also details of architectural decoration and city layout. The second group consists of subject matter that is not found initially, but which comes to dominate later. This mostly concerns depictions of Atlantes and Erotes/cupids as garland-bearers. Both subjects are connected almost exclusively with the high period of Gandharan art (2nd–3rd century AD) and, with a few minor exceptions, are confined to Gandhara geographically as well. The context in which they are found is usually demonstrably Buddhist. In the case of the cupids and other garland-bearers their popularity may reflect the popularity that they enjoyed on Roman sarcophagi of the same period – it would thus be some kind of fashion. However, doubt is cast on this assumption by the find of garland-bearers in the decoration of the palace at Khalchayan from the turn of the millennium. Atlantes, on the other hand, are represented in very large numbers on Gandharan reliefs, but have no corresponding forerunners, either in terms of type or quantity. Their popularity in Gandhara might be ascribed to the joining of a classical subject with a similar one in India, that of the

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goblins that in earlier Indian sculpture also hold up burdens. Further subject matter that can be confined to the period of the second century AD concerns the several local depictions of the god Sarapis. Here, too, it is possible to talk about a reflection of his popularity in some parts of the Roman Empire, in particular eastern ones. Together with imports of statues of Harpocrates they point once more to the strong connections to Roman Egypt, in particular Alexandria. This second group might be the product of some sort of second wave of Mediterranean influences, which Boardman believes occurred at some time during the rule of Kanishka or a little later.284 It is clear that the subject matter of the two groups is completely different. If we had only this evidence available, we might think there could be no hope of showing any continuity in the use of a picture. For this reason we have to turn our attention to the third group. I shall return to some aspects of the second group below. The third group includes subjects that began to appear during the GraecoBactrian and Indo-Greek periods, were no less popular under the Scythians and Parthians, and retained some sort of significance even under the Kushans. In addition to some of the gods from the first group, above all Heracles, Nike and Athena, this phenomenon is best represented by two spheres: above all the Dionysian, in other words depictions of Dionysus and characters from his entourage (maenads, satyrs, Silenus), and then depictions of Nereids and other participants in the marine thiasos. In this summary I include among the works with Dionysian subject matter a group that is treated separately in the catalogue: erotic and drinking scenes where I have expressed doubts or uncertainty that they show demonstrably Dionysian themes. These spheres may be treated together for the purpose of forming general conclusions. Dionysus, in particular, enjoyed long-lasting popularity. Both the Dionysian and the marine sphere are different from the others mentioned in that they never served as a tool of political propaganda. On coins we come across just one occurrence of Dionysus, and also one triton. They are mostly depicted on items of small-scale art. In the case of Dionysus the occurrences of subject matter from the sphere has a broad geographical spread, practically throughout our area of interest. Together with written sources (mentions of his shrines) this indicates that some form of Dionysian cult really did exist in the east. Also characteristic is the growing trend of the occurrences of these depictions from the 2nd century BC to the high Kushan period. On the other hand, Nereids and sea creatures enjoy their greatest period of interest, if we accept the dating provided in the literature, in the first century BC and first century AD. With a 284 “But these belong to a new wave of inspiration from the west, which sets in with or after Kanishka and which cannot be traced back, I believe, through Indo-Greeks to Bactria.” Boardman 1997, p. 10.

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few exceptions, however, they are only found in Gandhara. The great majority of them are found on cosmetics palettes and on early Gandharan panel reliefs. Although I have included these units in a single group, it is clear that this group is defined more in terms of time, and includes subject matter that dominated during the transitional period between the government of the Greeks and that of the Kushans. There is no other way of connecting the two spheres. I am thinking here above all about Tanabe’s hypothesis that subject matter from these spheres was used to illustrate Buddhist symbolism of the crossing over to the other bank and the enticements of the heavenly world. I cannot accept it, not only because of the central idea, but above all because during the first century BC, and for almost all of the first century AD, they are not accompanied by any further Buddhist subject matter. Two depictions of the Buddha on palettes can be dated to the very end of the 1st century AD, and are not therefore relevant as evidence. The argument that sea monsters could be taken to be bearers of souls, as used with Roman sarcophagi, is non-functional purely because these sarcophagi are younger than most of the depictions in the east. And thirdly, depictions on palettes do not provide evidence that these palettes were used as part of Buddhist rituals. The contexts in which they were found vary considerably, and the fact that a few were found in Buddhist temples and shrines does not explain why a large number of palettes were found in secular environments. To sum up, I would leave the interpretation of Dionysian depictions on palettes and in small-scale art in its classical Greek sense and in the case of the Nereids open. The situation is different in cases where subject matter from both spheres appears on relief panels with a depiction of Buddha, or with scenes from his life, or as independent panels, but ones which clearly decorated Buddhist buildings – stupas, monasteries and shrines. This is something chronologically younger, and it has to be admitted that these works have a symbolic meaning, if only because all the other depictions on these monuments represent some kind of symbol or say something. Nothing here functions as mere filler-in decoration, or at least no figures have this role. Here, Tanabe’s hypothesis could be justified, above all as far as the use of sea creatures is concerned. It should be noted that the Ichtyocentaurs on such panels are more Indian in character, as can be clearly seen from the details of the jewellery, hairstyles and also gestures. No Nereids as such appear any longer. The evaluation of Dionysiac scenes in Buddhist shrines is more complicated, and if I were to attempt to do so without a good knowledge of the primary Buddhist literature I would be getting on to very thin ice. Nevertheless, I shall allow myself to agree with the assumption that the erotic and drinking scenes, and even the scenes with figures from the

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Dionysiac sphere, are not meant to represent an inducement here, either – they are not meant to motivate the devout monk or layman that this is what it will be like once they reach the other bank. They are more likely to be an illustration of Kama, one of the components of human existence connected with sensual pleasure. Only a precise reconstruction of such depictions in their original composition and arrangement with other scenes can answer the question of whether they were also meant to be a symbol of warning against Kama. Once again here I draw attention to similar reliefs in comparable contexts in the second significant centre of Buddhist art, Mathura. Nereids and Dionysiac subject matter are not the only representations of classical mythology on palettes, however, and in the small-scale art of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD there are a number of other subjects that, although they appear in isolation, indicate that a new impulse occurred during this period. This stimulus may have been intensive sea trade. The land route to the Mediterranean, leading through Iran and Mesopotamia, was controlled during this period by the Parthians, who, as we know, did not exactly have warm relations with either the Hellenistic rulers or the Romans. On the other hand, the weakness of the Parthians for Greek art is also well known. It is certain that not only did a number of Greek works of art and craftsmanship reach them, but so did the people who were able to produce them. By this relatively complicated path, some of this creative potential may have penetrated even further east. Nevertheless, I believe that these contacts via the land route were not particularly numerous – indeed, I would call them chance contacts. On the other hand, sea transport from the Ptolemaic ports in the Red Sea, as well as from Characene on the Persian Gulf, became significantly more intensive at the turn of the 1st and 2nd centuries BC through the discovery of the monsoon route to India. I do not intend here to analyse in detail the significance and specifics of this phenomenon, but for the questions that arise in this work it is important that a large part of the long-distance trade and thus cultural contacts took place by sea, in other words directly to the Indian peninsula. Evidence of this comes from countless finds of Roman coins and coin treasures not only from the south coast, but also from Gujarat and Sri Lanka. There is no need also to analyse the imports of transport amphorae and other ceramics, as well as small finds. What does this mean, however? Only that together with the main commodities traded285 it is possible that a number of items of small-scale art and craft reached the Indian peninsula, together with the people who were capable of producing 285 On this see above all Periplus Maris Erythraei, for trade and cultural relations in general see Rome and India 1991, Bouzek 1990, Bouzek 1993, Dihle 1978, Huntingford 1980, Karttunen 1997, Raschke 1978, Schlinghoff 1982.

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such items. Evidence of good-quality imports comes above all from the finds of whole depots, such as the treasures from Kolhapur and Begram. That imports produced in the eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 1st century BC to the middle of the 1st century AD came via the sea route and not by land is clear from the number of fragile items, such as glass or plaster casts, for which it is unlikely that anyone would risk transporting by land over such a distance. From the ports at the mouth of the Indus such goods could be further distributed via river transport down the navigable Indus and Kabul to Afghanistan. Thus far my answer to this question contains nothing new, and so we need to ask a further question. Why did these numerous impulses not result in some sort of local Indian artistic school? Why did the depiction of Greek mythological subjects not develop in any part of the Indian subcontinent, and why did local cults not make use of the rich iconographic source that offered itself for the depiction of their cults? The answer is simple: there was no prior tradition of this, and above all there was no partially-assimilated Greek population. Only in Gandhara and the Punjab did the Greek community cling on into the first century BC, and possibly also a century later. It was this community that was able to make use of these new impulses and even to employ the newly-arrived artists. It thus created a tradition in the north west of the subcontinent that could be continued even by the Kushans during the high period of Gandharan art. With the help of an immigrant from Hellenistic Egypt, a workshop could have been created for the manufacture of small palettes in Taxila, or a sculptural school creating reliefs for the risers in the staircases in Buner, Gandhara. The workshops would then have trained local craftsmen, evidence of whose work is provided by some unusual iconographic elements. The whole issue can also be looked at from another point of view. I have already mentioned here imports in general. It is, however, good to note what proportion of the depictions in individual iconographic schemas consists of imports, and what is local production, whether created by local Greeks or their local pupils. Even at first glance there is a clear predominance of local products over imports (fig. 385). In the main part of the catalogue (2.1), which contains a total of 354 entries, after the coins are deducted and all the sub-numbers allowed for (if there is more than one depiction of the same figure on one work) there are 275 items. These comprise 224 local products and only 51 imports. I should add that this only concerns works that depict Greek iconographic schemas, not all the items of western provenance. This ratio alone shows how strong the reflection of the western influence was. If we divide the era of the penetration of Hellenistic influence into four periods – the period up to the year 100 BC,

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120 100

number

80 import

60

local product

40 20 0

–100

100–0

BC

century

0–100

100–

AD

Fig. 385 Proportion of local and imported objects.

the period between 100 BC and the turn of the century, the period of the first century AD and the period from the end of the year 100 to the decline of the ancient world,2 we find the number of imports and bearded 3 that 0 the relationship between 16 the number of local products undergoes an interesting development. While in the first period the number of local products is only a little greater than the number of imports (6:8), in the first century BC there is a rapid increase in the of local moustached 0 number 3 1 1works, while imports 8 remain unchanged (6:36). In the first century there is a notable increase in numbers in both categories (31:52), only for a rapid fall in the number of imports to follow after the year 100, over the whole high phase of Gandharan art. Imports fell almost to zero, 2 1 6 continued to rise 12 beardless while the number of 5local products significantly (2:109). The sharp increase in the local production of works of art with originally Greek subject matter might indicate some new and strong impulse from outside, but if 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% we were to assume such an impulse, it would clearly also be accompanied by an weight on shoulders weight on one hand weight on hands increase in imports. These, however, have almost disappeared, which leads us weight on head without weight to conclude that the impulse came from within. The iconographic and creative potential already present in the east was merely used more intensely. The motor of development was, as one might guess, interest, in other words demand. The customer became the Buddhist community. The community of monks was certainly not itself a rich customer. The real commissioner was the lay part of the Buddhist Sangha. It was lay people – tradesmen and craftsmen – from citbeardedas Taxila (Sirkap, 12 Sirsukh), Purushapura (Peshawar), 9 ies such Pushkalavati (Shaikhan Dheri near Charsadda), Tarmita (Termez) and Dalverzintepa – who

moustached

8

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5

paid the sculptors for making reliefs and statues devoted to monasteries and stupas. During the height of Kushan power, the ruling class also became a supporter of the community. This symbiosis appears to have culminated under Kanishka and his successor, Huvishka. The king supported not only the craftsmen and artists, who worked on the decoration of Buddhist buildings, but also had new complexes built and old ones renovated. Kanishka had a picture of Buddha struck on his coins. A donation from Kanishka led to the creation of one of the most famous reliquaries, the bronze reliquary from Sheikhan Dheri. It shows not only Buddha with an accompanying inscription, but also garland-bearers. These also appear on many relief panels on many Buddhist monuments. This is an old schema that had already been used by the Kushans to decorate the palace in Khalchayan in Bactria, and it was meant only to enhance the decoration of stupas. Stupas had been decorated with garlands of flowers earlier than this, as is shown by the depictions of these buildings on the reliefs themselves,286 and also by finds of stone garland bearers from the 1st century AD. Now they received stone relief garlands as well as living ones. Some of the bearers have the appearance of cupids, while others are depicted as adults. Some are clothed, others naked. Their popularity, given that they can all be dated to the second half of the second century and the first half of the third, correlates with the popularity of this subject matter in Rome. It is possible that the popularity of the theme came from Rome, but not the knowledge of it. The actual impulse may also have come from Asia Minor, where a number of sarcophagi were produced. The significance of the second important group that dominates in the last period, Atlantes, is somewhat blurred, as is the source of inspiration for this schema. As the catalogue shows, it is a very frequent subject, and is the only specific group worth of statistical analysis by itself. The analysis shows that several basic forms grew up (see graphs). Atlantes can be divided according to age: there are young, beardless Atlantes, Atlantes in the prime of life, shown with moustaches, and older Atlantes, with large beards. Eighty percent of them are depicted sitting, while only twenty percent are kneeling. Let us look more closely at some of their characteristics. Most Atlantes (60%) are depicted in a relaxed position, and are not carrying any burden (fig. 386). Of those that are holding up some sort of weight, almost half of them are carrying it on one hand only (46%), while a number of them carry the sky on their heads (29%) and only a few on both hands (8%) as the real Atlas was supposed to have done, or on their shoulders (17%). Although the unburdened Atlantes dominate in all three age groups, in percentage terms the fewest unburdened ones are in the young category and the greatest number in the 286 e.g. Marshall 1960, Pls. 2, 3, 68, Figs. 2, 4 (two early examples from Sanchi), 97.

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bearded

2

moustached 0

3

3

2

beardless

0%

0

10%

16

1

1

5

1

20%

30%

8

6

40%

12

50%

60%

weight on shoulders

weight on one hand

weight on head

without weight

70%

80%

90%

100%

weight on hands

Fig. 386 Proportion of the types of Atlantes according to way they support the weight and to their basic appearance.

old category (75% of the latter are not carrying anything). With a little exaggeration it can be said that older Atlantes are allowed to rest more. The bearded above-mentioned data 12is intended to show what a 9heterogenous group we have here. This variability is further increased by iconographic elements such as clothing, jewellery, shoes and also the direction in which they are depicted. In all, 23% of them are naked, 54% are clothed in loin cloths and 20% wear 8 somemoustached sort of skirt instead of a loin cloth. Only in two cases 5do we come across Atlantes wearing an exomis. Wings are an element found in 72% of Atlantes. Once again, it is most often the young, beardless Atlantes – 88% of them – who have wings (fig. 387). Remarkable details that can be considered one of the few 23 3 beardless real Indian inventions are, in the given schema, elephants’ legs. They appear only rarely, but three beardless Atlantes and one with a moustache have them. In one case an0%Atlas wears jewellery, a large The 100% last detail 10% 20%a piece 30% of 40% 50% 60% 70%necklace. 80% 90% to which I would like to draw attention is the clear inspiration behind the depicwinged wingless tion of some Atlantes in a style similar to that in which Heracles is portrayed. In one case we even have an Atlas with a lion’s skin. The Indian Atlantes thus differ from their Mediterranean models in a number of details, and, surprisingly, from their potential conceptual forerunners in India itself. These were the kumbhanda goblins, which also hold up architectural elements. They can be seen on the western gate of the stupa in Sanchi, for example.287 Unlike the Greek types, they have large fat bellies, a large amount 287 Marshall 1960, fig. 12.

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bearded

12

moustached

9

8

5

23

beardless

0%

10%

20%

30%

40% winged

3

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

wingless

Fig. 387 Proportion of the types of Atlantes according to presence and/or absence of wings and to their basic appearance.

of jewellery, turbans and elongated earlobes, but they do not have wings or elephant’s feet. They are also depicted standing, not sitting or kneeling like the Gandharan Atlantes. The concrete source of inspiration for Gandharan Atlantes, as well as the real significance of these portrayals, is not yet clear. I, too, have to leave this question open, although Atlantes comprise almost 30% of the items that come under the heading of local production in the main part of the catalogue. The subjects that are then found the next most frequently are those from the third group, of which the occurrence culminates in the transitional period of the 1st century BC and first century AD: Dionysian (16%) and marine (14%) subjects. In fourth place are the Erotes/garland bearers. Their absolute number and thus their share in the Mediterranean subject matter would be even higher, but I have been far from able to include them all in the catalogue. It is interesting to compare these percentages with the figures from the import category. The most frequent subjects among the imports are Heracles and Dionysiac subjects, with 21% each, followed by Athena and Eros with 14%, while all the others have 2–4%. By reason of these numbers, as well as the qualitative evaluation of the monuments relating to Heracles and Dionysus, I presume that cults of these two gods existed in both Bactria and Gandhara, indeed across the whole north west of India. Heracles may account for only 4% of the locally-produced items in the catalogue, but in absolute numbers this is the same as the number of imports. The existence of a cult of Heracles is confirmed by a number of monuments, as well as the discovery of a shrine with

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Zeus 0%

Adonis 0% Aphrodite 5% Apollo 1%

Tyche 1% Sarapis 2%

Artemis 1%

Nike 5%

Athena 3%

Nereids 19% Atlantes 26%

Centaur 1% Hermes 0% Heracles 4% Cybele 0%

Helios 0% Erotes/putti 8%

Eros 5%

Dionysus 14% Dioskuroi 1%

Fig. 388 Proportion of individual deities – local products except for coins.

Harpocrates 6%

Heracles 18%

Eros 12% Hermes 4% Nike 2% Poseidon 4% Dionysus 18%

Sarapis 2% Tyche 4% Zeus 2% Adonis 2% Aphrodite 4% Apollo 2% Ares 4%

Demeter 2% Athena 12%

Artemis 4%

Fig. 389 Proportion of individual deities – imports except for coins.

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Proportion of imports and local products among the images of individual deities

60 50 40 local products

30

imports

20 10

Adonis Aphrodite Apollo Ares Artemis Athena Atlantes Centaur Cybele Demeter Dionysus Dioskuroi Eros Erotes/putti Harpocrates Helios Heracles Hermes Nereids Nike Poseidon Sarapis Tyche Zeus

0

Fig. 390 Proportion of imports and local products among the images of individual deities.

statues of Heracles from the second century AD at Dilberjin, Bactria. In the case of Dionysus, literary references are an indirect confirmation. Nevertheless, their further fates were different. While Heracles’ form was taken on by the Iranian Verethragna and Indian Vajrapani, and his club was even borrowed by Shiva himself, Dionysus appears to have remained himself, with no local gods making use of his elements. There is one more detail in which the iconography of these two conquerors of India differs; pictures of Heracles always keep to the form of some sort of classical schema, and compare very favourably with their Mediterranean models, as well as with Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coins. Depictions of Dionysus and scenes from his sphere, however, are usually very free copies, and do not adhere to particular schemas. It seems that the cult of Dionysus became significantly popularized, at least judging by the finds of small terracottas in Bactria with very coarsely-executed figures of satyrs, Silenus and so on. Heracles, on the other hand, had much more official support, and his cult appears to have been established from above. This is shown not only by the above-mentioned uniformity, and the frequent portrayal of Heracles in largerscale art, but also the earlier-mentioned find of a shrine meant for soldiers. It could be said that Heracles must have been more “visible”, and as a result his iconography was a source of inspiration for local gods. Barbarian coins from the first century BC, above all Indo-Scythian ones, as well as Kushan coins from the first century AD, show that even the new, non-Greek elite was fond of Heracles. In Bactria we find imitations of GraecoBactrian coins with Heracles as late as the second century BC, possibly even later. Dionysus, as has already been mentioned, appears only once on the coin – 248 –

18 16 18 16

number

14

number

12 10 8 6 4

Aphrodite Apollo Artemis Athena Aphrodite Dionysus Apollo Dioscuri Artemis Helios Athena Heracles Dionysus Hermes Dioscuri Nereids Helios Nike Heracles Poseidon Hermes Serapis Nereids Tyche Nike Zeus Poseidon Serapis Tyche Zeus

14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

datation

2 0

datation Fig. 391 Depiction of individual deities on the coins.

80 70 80 60 70 50

number

60

40

number

50

30 40 20 30 10 20 0 10

–200

200–100

100–0

BC

0 –200

200–100

100–0

0–100

datation 0–100

100–200

200–

AD 100–200

200–

Fig. 392 Types of images of Greek deities on local coins – number of individuals BC datation AD

of a Greek ruler, and is not found at all on barbarian coins. This is further evidence that his popularity was somewhat demotic. However, other gods were depicted on barbarian coins. The first century AD saw a triumph for Nike, for whom the Sakas had already shown a fondness, and – 249 –

who now appeared on coins struck by both Parthians and Kushans. It is she who appears most often during this period, whether alone or putting a wreath on a barbarian king. Although depictions of her in monumental art are somewhat speculative, we have a fair amount of evidence of her popularity as shown in gems and their prints. Like Heracles, Nike adhered to a stable schema with her attributes: a wreath and a palm branch. For the barbarians she seems to have been a symbol easy to understand and interpret as a symbol of victory. She thus retains her original significance, and does not gain any new significance. The marked predominance of Nike and, of course, Athena, over the others in depictions on gems is something that I ascribe to the state of research and publication. There are large gaps in the publishing of cut stones, partly because these are items popular with collectors and often end up in private hands. Athena also maintains her form in the transitional period. Although her appearance on coins is declining, we find her, too, on a number of gems and rings, both to the north and the south of the Hindu Kush. The rare depictions of Athena in the form of a statue in the second and third century may mean that even during this late period she retained her significance as a war goddess. At least I have not come across any new attempt at interpreting her.288 While Athena, Heracles and Nike retained their popularity, Zeus died out completely, despite a similar or even greater level of propaganda on coins. The fate of Aphrodite, who does not appear once on a coin, was similar to that of Dionysus. In the first century BC and the first century AD her popularity increases. However, her pictures are created exclusively of expensive materials, above all gold. Both in Bactria and in India we find several examples of Aphrodite with a mirror or a small Eros, which, if we disregard the style, are a faithful reflection of Mediterranean models. From Afghanistan we even have one very well-executed import, showing Aphrodite with a mirror. From the above-mentioned materials, Aphrodite appears to have been a goddess for the “upper classes.” Like Dionysus and Athena, the goddess of love does not take on any new names. The mirror in her hand symbolises beauty and the goddess’ awareness of it. In this respect she is close to some of the Nereids, who sometimes look at themselves in a mirror as they ride on sea monsters. As far as the transformation of gods in the local environment is concerned, Heracles and Tyche should be mentioned in particular, but we should also not forget Zeus, Apollo and Poseidon. As I have already mentioned, Heracles represented a plentiful source of iconographic inspiration. His reincarnation as 288 Quite recently I was given notice about well argumented identification of Athena with the Kushan Zoroastrian goddess named Rishto. In this form, we can follow this deity in later depictions in Dilberjin and Bamiyan, here being depicted as a companion of Mithra, see Grenet 1982, pp. 253–262.

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Verethragna is not something I shall analyse here; in the catalogue I refer to the relevant works. In India he was then seen as Vajrapani, the personal bodyguard of the Buddha, always ready to attack with a thunderbolt. In some cases his similarity to the Lysippan Heracles is so striking that it seems the creators of these statues must have seen the masterpiece with their own eyes, and were therefore Greek artists. Vajrapani is not included in the statistics, but if we were to list his occurrences under Heracles, the quantity would immediately exceed that of the Atlantes, so often does this figure appear on Gandharan reliefs. He is almost regularly present in many scenes from Buddha’s life, most frequently right next to him, on his left. Buddhism did not make use of many figures from the Hindu pantheon in its iconography in Gandharan art. Still, of those few, if we include the gods Indra, Brahma and Kubera, Vajrapani, Panchika and Hariti, three draw on Greek iconography. In addition to Vajrapani these are Panchika and Hariti. Hariti, the protector of the family and children, slowly takes on the main attribute of the goddess Tyche – her cornucopia – although she does not always appear with it. In some cases she also has polos on her head. However, we also frequently see little children with her, in various positions and renditions. These, like the sensitive treatment of the female body, suggest that the work was influenced by depictions of Aphrodite. The identification of her counterpart Panchika, the god of riches, with Hermes is less clear. The symbol that is supposed to illustrate his function is a purse full of money. Zeus clearly blends into Mithras, and in the perception of the Kushans, on whose coins the fusion gradually takes place, there does not appear to have been any difference between the two gods. However, Apollo is also connected with Mithras. The connection between Zeus and Shiva is less clear. As well as Zeus’ thunderbolt, Shiva’s attributes include Poseidon’s trident and Heracles’ club. It is not impossible that this combination of attributes was deliberate, and was meant to emphasise the significance of Shiva and his primacy above other gods. For understandable reasons, in my original Ph.D. thesis I have devoted a separate chapter to the portrait. While this category has been published elsewhere289, I  limit myself to a few words here. Portrait art produced some interesting and good-quality works during the Hellenistic period in Bactria and India, but not as good quality as some researchers in the field of classical archaeology and the history of ancient art would like. We know of portraits in the form of large sculptures from Takht-i Sangin and Ai Khanoum; they are statues of unfired clay on a wooden core and faience, and although stylistically they are based on Seleucid sculpture, they are far from achieving the quality of 289 Stančo 2007.

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stucco 2%

terracotta 4%

unfired clay 3% plaster 8% ivory 1% gemstones 7% stone 54% gold and silver 9%

bronze 12%

Fig. 393 Proportion of individual materials used for creation of items in present catalogue.

Mediterranean production. This is not the case with portraits on coins, and also gems (we know their imprints), which are fully comparable with the best that was produced in the Hellenistic empires in the West. Although with the end of Greek rule the quality of coins gradually falls, we still find interesting coin portraits here at the end of the 1st century AD. At the turn of the century, moreover, some well-executed cameos were made, carrying on from Indo-Greek production, which also includes depictions of queens. The Kushans learned a lot from the Greeks, and their portrait gallery in Khalchayan, also from the turn of the century, is a collection of unique works that undoubtedly show the individual features of the rulers. We do not learn as much about the portraits of Kanishka and other rulers from the height of Kushan power, since their portrait statues are unfortunately missing their heads. However, the torsos provide evidence of continuing schematisation. Also worthy of a small note is the graph showing the ratios of the materials used to create the works in the main part of the catalogue (fig. 390). Coins are understandably not included. Over half the works listed are stone sculptures and reliefs, which reflects my original plan to focus on Gandharan art itself. The second significant group consists of metal items, which form twenty percent of the catalogue. They are mostly bronze, with a smaller number of items made from precious metals. I find the number of gems and their imprints surprisingly large. These statistics may be of aid to someone interested in only a certain specific group of works from this area. – 252 –

The question posed in the introduction, whether the main source of inspiration for the art of Gandhara and adjoining areas was Greek or Roman, I suggest ought to be rejected as not the right question. From the previous pages it is clear that the period of Greek rule in Gandhara and Bactria brought considerable artistic impulses to these areas, and alongside imports a large number of local imitations of classical schemas appeared, however they were perceived by the local population. However, this period also brought, in a certain sense, a generalisation of Greek taste. The local populations were aesthetically educated to the extent that they began to use Greek iconographic motifs, not having much else in the way of inspiration for depicting their gods. The Roman Imperial period, which in the East corresponds more or less to the period of Kushan rule, did not bring the East much that was new. A few new motifs began to be used, and some older ones gained a new lease of life, but this occurred on a necessary basis of previous development from the era of the Greeks, Sakas and Parthians, who handed on the torch of Greek taste to each other and, according to fragmentary reports, Greek education, albeit to a limited extent. It cannot be assumed, of course, that the philhellenism of these barbarians reached the same extent as was the case with the Parthians in Iran and Mesopotamia, who watched performances of Greek dramas in their courts. This work, I believe, provides an answer to some of the questions that have arisen, leaves others open, and started to ask many more as it was taking shape. It does indeed contain in one volume the greatest number of items found in the East with depictions that have iconographic ties, whether close or more distant, to Greek art, above all Hellenistic art. The interpretation of this collection is, however, far from being complete. It is not yet sufficiently complex for more general conclusions regarding the influence of Hellenistic culture in the East to be drawn. To reach such conclusions will require the development of research into other aspects of art and crafts, in particular research in the fields of architectural and urban planning, as well as general archaeological data.

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