God is a Conservative: Religion, Politics, and Morality in Contemporary America 9780814744796

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GOD I

SA

C O N S E R V A T I V

E

K E N N E T H J

G

o

d I

sa

. H E I N E M A

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C o n s e r v a t i v

Religion, Politics , an d Moralit y i n Contemporary Americ a

Witha

n

N e w Prefac e

NEW YOR

K U N I V E R S I T

NEW YOR K A N D L O N D O

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Y PRES

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e

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York an d Londo n www.nyupress.org © 199 8 by New York Universit y All right s reserve d First publishe d i n paperbac k i n 200 5 Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Heineman, Kennet h J. , 1962God i s a conservative : religion, politics, and moralit y i n contemporary Americ a / Kennet h J . Heineman . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-3554- 1 (alk. paper ) ISBN 0-8147-3555- X (pbk . : alk. paper ) 1. Unite d States—Politic s an d government—1989 - 2 . Unite d States—Politics an d government—1945-1989 . 3 . Presidents—Unite d States—Election—History—20th century . 4 . Conservatism—Unite d States—History—20th century . 5 . Religio n an d politics—Unite d States—History—20th century . 6 . Unite d States—Mora l conditions . I. Title . E839.5.H45 199 8 98-1109 3 976.92—dc2i CI P New York Universit y Pres s books ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durabiltiy . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a c 10 p 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1 1

For Theresa A n n H e i n e m a n and Natalie MacKenzi e H e i n e m a n

Contents

Preface t o th e Paperbac k Editio n i

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Preface xx

i

Introduction: Heave n Can' t Wai t 1 1 Reapin 2 Delug

g th e Whirlwind : 196 8 1 e '7 2 4

4 4

. C . Save s i n '76 66

3J 4 Th

e Grea t Awakening : 198 0 9

3

5 "It'

s Mornin g i n America" : 198 4 12

4

A Thousan d Point s o f Light" : 198 8 15

2

6"

7 "Godspeak" 8 "Don'

: 199 2 18

2

t Ask , Don' t Tell" : 199 6 21

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Epilogue: Ther e I s N o Mone y i n Social Conservatis m 24

7

Notes 26

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Index 32

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About th e Autho r 34

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vii

Preface t o th e Paperbac k Editio n

A da y befor e Presiden t Georg e W . Bus h delivere d hi s acceptanc e speec h at th e 200 4 Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Ne w York , h e appeare d at a rall y o f 21,00 0 i n Columbus , Ohio , capita l o f on e o f th e ke y battle ground state s i n th e presidentia l election . On e woul d no t likel y find a similar politica l even t i n th e Unite d Kingdom , Russia , o r France . Pro-lif e invocations b y Protestan t evangelical s intertwine d wit h Ohi o Stat e foot ball band song s like "Hang On , Sloopy , Hang On!" After on e hard-hittin g campaign vide o tha t charte d Democrati c presidentia l candidat e Joh n F . Kerry's position s o n th e Wa r o n Terror , th e audienc e joyousl y san g th e theme son g fro m th e 1960 s television serie s Flipper.1 Although man y medi a pundit s an d scholar s hav e justifiabl y empha sized th e dou r dogmatis m o f some religiou s traditionalists , that depictio n coexists uneasil y wit h socia l conservatives 5 boisterou s engagemen t wit h popular culture . After all , Flipper and Buckey e footbal l wer e not include d in th e Ne w Testament . Tha t said , religiou s conservativ e voter s ar e no t willing to embrac e al l contemporary socia l trends . One o f th e mos t revealin g reaction s o n th e par t o f GO P delegate s t o Bush's 200 4 conventio n speec h occurre d whe n h e enthuse d tha t mor e women tha n eve r wer e participatin g i n th e workforce . Delegate s gav e muted applaus e t o thi s line . Man y religiou s conservative s kno w tha t a competitive globa l econom y force s hundred s o f thousands o f women ou t of th e hom e an d awa y fro m childre n i n orde r t o suppor t thei r families . Yet thoug h free-marke t capitalis m ma y liberat e individual s an d promot e economic innovation , the y woul d argu e tha t thi s realit y i s no t alway s beneficial t o familie s an d communitie s i n th e short term . Libertarians an d social conservative s are , at best, tens e allie s in th e Republica n coalition . The 200 4 presidentia l campaig n underscore d severa l point s abou t IX

x Prefac e t o the Paperback Editio n American societ y and politic s that I discuss in God Is a Conservative. First, many Americans ar e more religiousl y observant an d distrustfu l o f government interventio n i n th e econom y tha n i s the cas e with Europeans . Second, Americans , whethe r conservativ e o r progressive , ofte n emphasiz e cultural, rathe r tha n class , issues when voting—again , i n star k contrast t o Europeans. Third , larg e number s o f American s se e th e futur e a s on e o f limitless opportunities . I t follows , then , tha t governmen t powe r mus t b e focused o n assurin g equalit y o f opportunity , bu t no t equalit y o f condi tion. Herei n lie s the faul t lin e separatin g American s fro m European s an d liberals fro m conservatives—o r Texan s fro m Ne w Yorkers. On th e surfac e th e result s o f th e 200 4 electio n confirme d politica l patterns i n place sinc e 1980. While Bus h swep t the white Protestant Sout h in 2004 , Kerr y wo n countie s tha t house d majo r publi c universitie s i n Florida, Georgia , Nort h Carolina , Texas , an d Virginia . Kerr y als o per formed wel l i n area s o f th e Sout h tha t containe d man y college-educated , public-sector employees. 2 Unlike electora l pattern s i n th e 1980s , however, fe w white Southerner s are votin g Republica n a t th e presidentia l leve l an d sendin g Democrat s t o Congress an d th e stat e legislature . Most white Southerners , it appears, n o longer identif y th e GO P wit h th e Civi l War . Nationally, Democrati c strategist s i n 200 4 wrot e of f th e Sout h an d small towns an d exurba n area s in th e West an d Midwest . Kerry's advisor s focused o n increasin g vote r turnou t i n tw o areas—blac k inne r citie s an d university town s situate d mainl y i n Midwester n enclave s an d bi-coasta l America. Whil e thei r effort s succeede d i n raisin g vote r turnou t amon g blacks an d whit e middle-clas s colleg e student s an d professors , Kerr y fel l short.3 A number o f Democratic leaders , as well as their allie s in academ e an d the media , faile d bot h befor e an d afte r th e electio n t o understan d wha t their politica l opponent s ha d i n play . Ther e ar e n o shortag e o f progres sives wh o believ e tha t Bus h wo n b y fannin g th e flames o f intolerance — especially toward gay s and lesbians . Certainly , i t would b e fai r t o sa y that religiously conservativ e (mostl y Protestant ) congregation s an d pastor s combined vote r registratio n wit h effort s t o pass ballot initiative s in eleven states bannin g ga y marriage . I t woul d als o b e fai r t o observ e tha t a fe w evangelical Protestant s were , i n tone , no t incline d t o follo w th e Catholi c lead an d "condem n th e sin , but no t th e sinner. " Yet fo r al l th e progressiv e han d wringing , Republica n ga y bashing di d not wi n critica l state s suc h a s Ohio . Indeed , th e Ohi o ballo t initiativ e

Preface t o the Paperback Editio n x i banning ga y marriage, Issue 1, proved mor e popular tha n Bus h and score d well wit h tw o Democrati c vote r blocs : religiousl y observan t black s an d Jews. In Clevelan d an d Columbu s wher e th e Democrati c Part y registere d thousands o f ne w voters , black s overwhelmingl y supporte d bot h Kerr y and Issu e 1. Similar ballo t initiative s als o passed i n Michigan an d Oregon , states that Kerr y won. Both Republica n an d Democra t opponent s o f same-se x marriag e re gard heterosexual matrimon y as culturally inviolate, but, at the same time, have no proble m securin g gay s and lesbian s equal access to education an d employment, a s wel l a s assurin g the m safet y i n thei r home s an d i n th e streets. Althoug h suc h attitude s may , a t a minimum , appea r confused , they accor d wel l wit h mos t Americans ' comfor t level . Pollin g dat a ove r the las t fe w decade s ha s consistentl y show n tha t American s hav e grow n more toleran t o f racial , religious , an d sexua l diversity . Simultaneously , Americans hav e been expressin g greate r concer n abou t th e mora l climat e of the nation , henc e thei r drawin g th e lin e a t ga y marriage. 4 Americans embrac e diversity—o r wha t use d t o b e calle d pluralis m when applie d t o ethni c an d religiou s groups—and fee l anxiou s a s a result of tha t embrace . I f thi s mindse t i s frustrating t o progressive s the y shoul d recall how much calmer Americans—including most social conservatives— are when i t come s t o homosexual s tha n ha s been th e cas e historically . Liberals compounded thei r errors in interpreting the results of the 2004 election b y citin g poll s emphasizin g tha t mora l issue s (purportedl y cod e for ga y bashing ) wer e mor e importan t t o voters—particularl y GO P voters—than nationa l security . Th e initia l polls , though , wer e flawed . Separating th e Wa r o n Terro r fro m th e Iraq i War— a distinctio n mos t liberals mad e bu t man y conservative s di d not—artificiall y lowere d th e saliency o f nationa l securit y relativ e t o mora l issues . Further , th e typica l phrasing o f questions relatin g t o socia l issue s left enoug h ambiguit y ope n to encourag e respondent s t o vie w terrorism an d nationa l defens e a s mat ters o f morality. 5 There ar e tw o set s o f activist s wh o sa w i t usefu l i n advancin g thei r political interest s t o asser t th e primac y o f cultura l issue s i n th e 200 4 election: secula r progressive s an d religiou s conservatives . Progressiv e ac tivists nee d t o conjur e image s o f right-win g religious-nut-bogeyme n t o motivate their follower s t o open thei r wallets. Likewise, conservative activists find thei r fundraisin g effort s amon g thei r bas e voter s easie r i f the y feature over-the-to p progressive s i n thei r direc t mailing . Conservative religiou s activist s hav e emphasize d th e significanc e o f

xii Prefac e t o the Paperbac k Editio n moral issue s i n re-electin g Bus h becaus e i t make s the m th e ke y constitu ency within th e GO P coalition . However , winnin g 5 1 percen t o f the pop ular vote— a fea t admittedl y no t accomplishe d b y a Republican o r Dem ocratic presidential candidat e sinc e 1988—means that everyone and no one can clai m the y wer e responsibl e fo r Bush' s victor y an d th e continue d GOP contro l o f the U.S . House an d Senate . While religiou s conservative s ca n properl y argu e tha t i f the y cease d voting Republica n th e GO P woul d los e it s nationa l power , th e defectio n of a few millio n Hispani c Catholic s an d Protestants , Orthodo x an d Con servative Jews , blac k Pentecostal s an d Baptists , an d youn g libertarian s would hav e resulte d i n sendin g Kerr y t o th e Whit e House . I f thi s GO P electoral majorit y appear s paper-thi n an d inherentl y unstable , it is well to remember tha t th e Ne w Dea l coalitio n effectivel y operate d unde r simila r conditions fo r tw o generations . As I argu e i n th e page s tha t follow , religio n an d politic s hav e alway s been intertwine d i n ou r elections . Sinc e th e 1960s , mora l politic s hav e enormously influence d presidential , congressional , an d stat e elections . Moreover, ther e wa s a time , a t leas t u p t o Jimm y Carter' s presidency , when Republican s di d no t seemingl y have a lock on religiousl y motivate d voters. I t ma y see m improbabl e fro m today' s vantag e poin t t o observ e that bot h Mora l Majorit y leade r Jerr y Falwel l an d Christia n Coalitio n founder Pa t Robertso n wer e Democrat s wh o supporte d Carte r i n 1976 . Moral politics , a s I contend , ar e no t ne w t o th e American electora l proc ess. Indeed , bot h majo r partie s onc e vie d fo r th e suppor t o f religiousl y engaged an d ofte n morall y conservativ e voters . Tha t competition , how ever, apparentl y ende d i n th e 1980s . Now, a s a paperback versio n o f God Is a Conservative is released, understandin g th e relationshi p betwee n mo rality an d politic s i s perhap s mor e paramoun t tha n eve r i n appreciatin g today's political scene. As I would argu e central to the misreading of social conservatives an d electora l politic s ha s bee n th e failur e t o understan d Bush's religiou s an d cultura l values . M y hop e i s tha t thi s boo k wil l she d fresh ligh t o n th e Bus h presidenc y an d o n America n politic s more gener ally. In th e 200 0 electio n scholar s an d medi a pundit s eithe r expresse d deri sion whe n Bus h informe d televisio n viewer s tha t hi s favorit e philosophe r was Jesu s Christ , o r contende d tha t h e wa s panderin g t o wha t the y char acterized a s the "wing-nu t base " of the GOP . Pandering, however , i s best directed a t a targe t audience , no t somethin g don e fo r th e majorit y o f

Preface t o the Paperback Editio n xii i voters a s was this T V audience. Th e progressiv e retort , conservativ e com mentator Joh n Podhoret z noted , ha s been : Bus h i s Stupid—a n attitud e that disregard s hi s successfu l legislativ e trac k recor d tha t bega n befor e 9/11, his reelection i n th e fac e o f a controversial Iraq i War, th e acquisitio n of a Harvard MBA , and a n abilit y to pilo t jet planes. 6 In discussin g Bush' s religion , tw o libertaria n Britis h journalists , Joh n Micklethwait an d Adria n Wooldridge , have written: "Ronal d Reaga n sup ported th e churc h lik e a flying buttress , fro m th e outside . Bush , a born again Methodist , i s more a pillar i n th e nave. " At Presiden t Ronal d Rea gan's funera l i n 2004 , Ro n Reaga n Jr. , drawin g upo n hi s progressiv e political fait h an d Buddhis t spiritua l values , implicitl y chide d Bus h whe n he sai d tha t hi s fathe r was , "[A ] deeply , unabashedl y religiou s man , bu t he neve r mad e th e mistake , th e fata l mistak e o f s o man y politicians — wearing hi s fait h o n hi s sleev e to gai n politica l advantag e . . . H e accepte d [his faith ] a s a responsibility , no t a mandate . An d ther e i s a profoun d difference."7 Compared t o Presiden t Reagan , Bus h i s more outwardl y religiou s an d more willin g t o ris k politica l capita l t o promot e moral-base d initiative s regardless o f ho w the y poll . Revisionist s sympatheti c t o Reagan— a be sieged minorit y i n academ e an d th e medi a t o b e sure—hav e contende d that Reaga n wa s staunchl y pro-lif e eve n thoug h a s governor o f Californi a he ha d signe d int o la w a very liberal abortion-right s law . As President, s o I discus s i n th e followin g pages , Reaga n neve r brok e a swea t supportin g legislation concernin g divisiv e cultura l issues . Reaga n gav e socia l conser vatives rhetorica l inspiration , bu t devote d hi s energie s t o winnin g th e Cold Wa r an d cuttin g taxes . As Reagan' s advisor s ha d calculate d i n th e 1980s , tax cut s woul d stim ulate a sluggis h econom y an d ha d th e advantag e o f appealin g t o bot h free-market libertarian s an d socia l conservatives . I f b y cuttin g taxes , th e growth o f domestic governmen t program s an d spendin g coul d be slowed , both conservativ e sect s could be appeased. Libertarian s hated governmen t on principle while many religious traditionalists—a numbe r o f which had once bee n Democrats—resente d federa l agencies tha t champione d abor tion an d banned schoo l prayer. Ta x reduction was , depending upo n one' s viewpoint, th e glue , o r th e lowes t commo n denominator , tha t hel d th e conservative coalitio n together . Resistin g communism—short o f going to war—also kep t conservative s relativel y united . In som e way s Bus h followe d th e Reaga n politica l playboo k i n 2001 , advancing ta x cuts i n th e teet h o f mainstream medi a an d Democrati c an d

xiv Prefac e t o the Paperbac k Editio n Republican congressiona l opposition . Bush , however, departe d fro m Rea gan's scrip t eve n a s he champione d a n overhau l o f the nation' s syste m o f taxation. First , Bus h wante d t o us e th e powe r o f th e federa l governmen t to strengthe n America' s K-1 2 education system , insisting, "no chil d be lef t behind." Wher e som e conservative s though t tha t publi c educatio n wa s beyond salvaging , an d others—includin g a fe w libera l educators — doubted tha t poor black and Hispani c children were capable of improving their academi c performance , Bush , a s h e argue d i n th e 200 0 election , rejected "th e sof t bigotr y o f low expectations. " Second, Bus h embrace d "faith-base d initiatives, " whereb y th e federa l government woul d no t discriminat e agains t religiou s institution s tha t sought t o comba t dru g and alcoho l addiction , illegitimacy , and lack of job skills. A s Princeto n professo r Rober t Georg e explaine d th e rational e o f faith-based initiatives : "Bus h want s t o b e a n exponen t o f limited govern ment bu t a t th e sam e tim e a compassionat e conservative , becaus e he' s interested i n escapin g th e dilemm a tha t link s limite d governmen t wit h radical individualism . S o Bus h say s tha t governmen t jus t can' t retrea t from th e socia l spher e altogether ; governmen t mus t cooperat e wit h th e institutions o f civil society in a kind of partnership that brings compassio n to peopl e i n need." 8 Bush appointe d mor e blacks , Hispanics , Asians , an d wome n t o posi tions o f influenc e tha n ha d bee n th e cas e wit h an y previou s president , including Democra t Bil l Clinto n wh o ha d vowe d t o appoin t a cabine t "that looke d lik e America." I n fracture d bu t earnes t Spanish—muc h lik e his English a t times—Bush pledge d immigration refor m an d decent treat ment o f Mexican s seeking jobs , education , an d a bette r life . H e wen t t o black churche s an d looke d mor e comfortabl e tha n an y Republica n i n living memory. After 9/11 , Bush contende d tha t i n a n ag e of atomic weapons an d catastrophi c terroris t attacks , containment—whic h ha d worke d relatively wel l durin g th e Col d War—wa s no t a n option . Th e Unite d States, whethe r b y diplomac y o r b y arms , woul d assis t i n reformin g th e political cultur e o f the Middl e East . When al l his domesti c an d foreig n polic y initiatives ar e taken together , what ha s s o disoriente d critic s acros s th e ideologica l spectru m i s tha t George W . Bus h i s America's firs t ecumenical , multicultura l conservative. The Democrati c Part y ha d produce d variation s o f this strain , mos t nota bly with Bil l Clinton an d Frankli n Roosevelt . Moreover, som e Republica n presidential candidate s ha d trie d t o appea r Rainbo w Coalition—like , bu t only Bus h succeeded . Althoug h ther e ma y well be a Republica n backlas h

Preface t o the Paperback Editio n x v against Bush , i t will be hard fo r man y Americans t o shak e of f image s of a supporting cas t o f character s tha t ha s include d a thick-accente d immi grant actio n sta r turne d Californi a governor , a blun t Italian-America n Godfather-quoting Ne w York Cit y mayor, an d a black femal e secretar y of state whos e preache r fathe r kep t a shotgu n nea r th e doo r t o shoo t ma rauding Klansme n i n Birmingham , Alabama . While Bus h chippe d awa y a fe w vote s fro m amon g traditiona l Demo cratic constituencies—registerin g margina l improvemen t amon g black s but stil l losin g the m decisively , an d scorin g muc h bette r wit h Mexican American Catholic s an d Protestants—strategis t Kar l Rov e an d tacticia n Ken Mehlma n se t ou t t o buil d a n electora l majority . Rov e an d Mehlma n understood tha t th e 9/1 1 terroris t attack s ha d brough t foreig n polic y t o the forefron t o f America n politic s i n a way tha t ha d no t bee n see n sinc e World Wa r II . Still , tha t di d no t mea n publi c apprehensio n ove r Ira q might ye t defea t Bush . Critically , the y too k advantag e o f demographi c changes tha t ha d accelerate d i n th e 1990 s to secur e victory . While Kerr y improve d upo n Vic e Presiden t Gore' s 200 0 tally—in creasing Democrati c turnou t b y 16 percent—Republicans improve d eve n more upo n thei r 200 0 turnout , whic h ros e 2 3 percent . Mos t o f thes e Republicans reside d i n th e 9 7 o f th e 10 0 fastes t growin g countie s tha t Bush carried . I n Ohio , whic h Bus h campaigne d i n extensivel y an d whic h he neede d t o wi n th e Electora l College , th e thre e fastes t growin g exurba n counties turne d ou t fo r th e Republicans. 9 Voters i n thes e countie s wer e mor e likel y to be culturall y conservative , concerned abou t urba n crim e spillin g int o thei r sanctuaries , an d frus trated wit h soarin g taxes . The y als o regarde d Kerry' s Vietna m Wa r service—which h e emphasize d repeatedl y during the Democratic primar ies and th e genera l election—a s a wash. While they may have appreciate d his fou r month s o f combat , man y Ohi o voter s outsid e th e citie s recoile d at hi s i970s-er a accusation s tha t U.S . soldier s routinel y committe d wa r crimes. Advertisement s targetin g Kerry' s mos t provocativ e statement s while leading th e Vietnam Veteran s Agains t th e War wer e effective . Focusing o n increasin g turnou t i n urba n area s spelle d doo m fo r Dem ocrats i n Ohio—an d elsewher e fo r tha t matter . I n 1940 , Franklin Roose velt ha d wo n 6 2 percen t o f th e vot e i n Cuyahog a Count y (Cleveland) , providing hi m wit h nearl y al l hi s margi n o f victor y i n Ohio . Sixty-fou r years later , Kerr y improve d upo n Roosevelt' s performance , securin g 66 percent o f the vote i n Cuyahog a County . Moreover, th e number o f voters in Cuyahog a wa s 14 percent greate r i n 200 4 than i n 1940 . But fo r al l that,

xvi Prefac e t o the Paperbac k Editio n Kerry would hav e neede d ove r 85 percent of the vote i n Cuyahog a Count y to hav e beaten Bus h i n Ohio . The differenc e betwee n 200 4 an d 194 0 i n Ohi o wa s tha t i n th e 1990 s metropolitan Clevelan d los t 200,00 0 peopl e an d centra l Ohi o gaine d 200,000. Althoug h man y i n th e nationa l new s medi a an d th e nationa l Democratic Part y spok e o f Ohio' s falterin g manufacturin g econom y an d seemingly hig h unemploymen t rate , the y wer e no t lookin g a t large r eco nomic an d demographi c realities . Th e norther n industria l tie r o f Ohio , a bastion o f organize d labo r an d th e Ne w Dea l Democrati c Part y sinc e th e 1930s, had bee n replace d b y a prospering centra l an d souther n regio n tha t had neve r bee n a center o f union s an d Ne w Dea l voters. Three o f Ohio' s four fastes t growin g an d mos t heavil y Republica n countie s ar e located i n the centra l an d souther n region . If journalists an d Democrati c activist s had don e an y historical researc h they woul d hav e know n tha t Virginian s followe d th e Ohi o Rive r int o th e southern par t o f th e Northwes t Territor y i n th e 1790 s while Connecticu t Yankees, a generatio n later , followe d Lak e Eri e int o th e norther n tie r o f Ohio. Th e Buckey e State' s foundin g politica l familie s wer e mainl y south ern Protestant s an d it s central and souther n resident s regarded themselve s as politicall y an d culturall y mor e attache d t o Dixi e tha n t o Yankee derived Cleveland . The Civi l Wa r di d no t chang e souther n Ohio' s politica l allegiances . Indeed, th e mos t "radical " residen t o f th e souther n tier , Lancaste r nativ e William Tecumse h Sherman , believe d i n fighting a wa r t o preserv e th e Union, no t t o abolis h slavery . Journalist s an d Democrati c activist s migh t have als o bee n edifie d t o kno w tha t Democrati c Senato r Zel l Mille r o f Georgia campaigne d fo r Bus h extensivel y i n th e sectio n o f Ohi o know n as "Th e Virgini a Militar y District. " It s settler s wer e Revolutionar y Wa r veterans from , yes , Virginia. Mille r di d no t spea k wit h a n unrecognizabl e accent i n "Dixi e North. " A fe w month s afte r th e 200 4 election , The New York Times, muc h t o its credit , gav e a sta b a t visitin g centra l Ohi o an d tryin g t o understan d what ha d transpired . Focusin g o n centra l Ohi o an d Fairfiel d Count y i n particular, I wa s amuse d t o se e that , accordin g t o th e Times, I liv e an d work i n th e epicente r o f George W. Bush' s New Christian Right . Amused, because onl y a fe w years , o r eve n months , ag o enlightene d peopl e i n academe assure d m e tha t centra l Ohi o wa s a backwate r i n a politicall y irrelevant flyove r state. 10 While th e Times stor y wa s ver y balanced , i t lacke d historica l contex t

Preface t o the Paperback Edition xvi i and a deepe r knowledg e o f actua l loca l politics . Protestan t clerica l activ ism i s no t a ne w phenomeno n i n Fairfiel d an d Frankli n (Columbus ) counties. Westerville ha d bee n th e hom e o f the nineteenth-centur y Anti Saloon Leagu e an d th e cit y onl y just allowe d th e sal e o f alcoho l i n 2004 . (Stalwart RepubKcd n congressme n an d Fo x New s Channe l hos t Joh n Kasich—once talke d abou t a s a possibl e vic e presidentia l nominee — claims Westerville a s his home. ) In Fairfiel d County , th e Protestan t clergy—backe d K u Klu x Kla n i n the 1920 s ha d create d a fron t organizatio n tha t controlle d th e sheriff s office, th e Lancaster police department, th e Lancaster public school board, the Lancaste r mayor' s office , an d th e count y commissioners . Cros s burn ings wer e a regula r occurrence . Quickl y runnin g ou t o f Catholic s an d Jews t o harass , th e Fairfiel d Count y Kla n targete d Lutheran s sinc e th e United State s ha d jus t finished fighting German s i n Worl d Wa r I . Th e state headquarters o f the Kla n i n th e 1920 s is just u p th e roa d fro m m e i n the communit y o f Buckeye Lake . To thi s da y you d o no t ofte n se e statues of the Madonn a displaye d o n people' s fron t lawns . The Times surprisingly , give n it s progressive bent , als o missed th e dirt . A number o f years ag o Fo x News Channe l pundi t Ca l Thomas , a forme r media affair s adviso r t o th e Mora l Majority , warne d religiou s conserva tives o f sullyin g thei r goo d name s b y becomin g to o involve d i n secula r politics. Thoma s coul d hav e bee n talkin g abou t th e stor y th e Times missed. Focusing o n Fairfiel d Christia n Churc h an d Worl d Harvest , th e Times did no t see m awar e tha t ther e ha d bee n onl y recentl y a thir d religiou s player i n loca l politics . That church' s congregation , however , became less overtly political afte r it s pastor wa s fired fo r sleepin g with choi r member s and solicitin g se x fro m teenager s whil e cruisin g cit y park s i n hi s sport s car. Fairfiel d Christia n ha s bee n muc h bette r behaved—an d commenda bly ecumenical—ye t has , to it s chagrin , backe d tw o questionabl e Repub lican politicians . On e o f thes e politicians , a sheriff , no w sit s i n priso n having bee n convicte d o f severa l hundre d count s o f corruption . Anothe r politician, a judge , ha s bee n convicte d o f arson , insuranc e fraud , an d soliciting the murde r o f his girlfriend . Since the 200 4 election a few liberal politicians , chiefl y Ne w York Sen ator Hillar y Rodham Clinton , have tried to burnish thei r nationa l securit y and religiou s credentials . A s Hillar y Clinto n an d he r allie s hav e correctl y argued, ther e i s a venerabl e traditio n o f religiousl y inspire d progressiv e activism. Whil e th e Protestan t Socia l Gospel—fro m whic h bot h Hillar y

xviii Prefac e t o the Paperback Editio n Clinton an d 197 2 Democrati c presidentia l nomine e Georg e McGover n have draw n som e o f thei r values—neve r achieve d widesprea d electora l acceptance, ther e ar e historica l example s o f successfu l libera l religiou s activism. Mos t famously , o f course , was th e civi l right s movemen t i n th e 1950s an d 1960s , born i n blac k churche s an d ultimatel y s o morall y com pelling that Georg e W. Bus h exhort s Republican s t o remembe r thei r spir itual deb t t o peopl e the y ma y hav e onc e criticized . Les s know n i s th e crucial rol e Roma n Catholi c clerg y and lait y played i n building the industrial unio n movemen t i n th e 1930 s while offerin g simultaneou s condem nations o f communism an d unbridle d laissez-fair e capitalism. 11 The challeng e fo r Hillar y Clinton , i f sh e intend s t o follo w he r hus band's pat h t o th e Whit e House , i s revivin g thi s traditio n o f religiou s activism within the Democratic Party without alienating the secular liberal base. Bot h Catholi c labo r activist s o f th e 1930 s and blac k civi l right s cru saders i n th e 1960 s embrace d a n economi c populis m o r "socia l justice " credo whe n i t cam e t o matter s o f povert y an d wages . At th e sam e time , however, th e religiousl y inspire d activist s wh o regarde d th e Democrati c Party as a vehicle to promote economi c reform wer e socially conservative. They rejecte d sexua l liberation , emphasize d th e mora l regeneratio n o f society, an d th e ran k an d fil e sen t (an d sends ) mor e o f it s son s an d daughters int o th e militar y tha n i s th e cas e wit h th e secula r liberal s wh o so influenc e th e academic , media , an d thin k tan k allie s o f th e post — 1960s Democratic Party . It woul d see m tha t bot h majo r partie s hav e reache d a poin t o f maxi mum opportunit y an d danger . Wil l th e GO P embrac e multicultura l con servatism o r tea r itsel f apar t ove r immigratio n reform ? Ca n libertarians , who hav e grow n increasingl y restiv e ove r th e Wa r o n Terror , increase d federal spendin g o n educatio n an d nationa l security , an d effort s t o rei n in som e feature s o f th e post-i96o s cultura l revolution , remai n loyal Re publican voters ? I s i t possibl e fo r a Democrati c Part y tha t i s politicall y and financiall y tie d t o it s sociall y liberal an d antiwa r Hollywood , univer sity, an d public-secto r unio n constituencie s t o brea k fre e an d elec t a Franklin Roosevel t fo r th e twenty-firs t century ? I hav e n o answers , thoug h i f histor y i s an y guide , America n politic s will remai n distinctl y differen t fro m continenta l Europe . Th e poin t t o remember—one whic h perturb s libertarian s o n th e Righ t an d socia l liberals o n th e Left—i s tha t religiousl y inspire d activists , whether Republi can o r Democratic , tempe r th e excesse s o f secula r humanis m an d free market capitalism . A s fo r religiou s activist s themselves , whethe r

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conservative o r progressive , the y woul d b e wis e t o remembe r th e Biblica l injunction tha t everyon e i s a sinne r wh o shoul d no t b e castin g stone s a t his o r he r enemies . Bil l Clinto n survive d impeachmen t an d Georg e W . Bush secure d reelectio n knowin g tha t thos e wh o hat e destro y themselves . Kenneth J . Heinema n Sugar Grove , Ohio , 200 5 Notes 1. Kennet h J . Heineman, revie w of John Micklethwait an d Adrian Wooldridge, The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America, publishe d i n The Christian Century 12 1 (14 December 2004) : 43, 45-48. 2. Ronal d Brownstein , "GO P Ha s Loc k o n Sout h an d Democrat s Can' t Fin d Key," Los Angeles Times, 15 December 2004 , online edition , www.latimes.com. 3. Michael Barone , "America n Politic s i n th e Networkin g Era, " National Journal, 25 February 2005 , online edition , http://nationaljournal.com. 4. Rober t J. Blendon, et . al., "America's Changin g Political and Moral Values," in, E . J. Dionne, Jr. , an d Joh n J . Dilulio, Jr. , Eds. What's God Got To Do with the American Experiment? (Washington , DC : Brooking s Institutio n Press , 2000) , 2531. 5. Lind a Feldman , "Ho w Line s o f the Cultur e Wa r Hav e Bee n Redrawn, " The Christian Science Monitor, 1 5 Novembe r 2004 , onlin e edition , www.csmonitor .com. 6. Joh n Podhoretz , Bush Country: How Dubya Became a Great President while Driving Liberals Insane (Ne w York: St . Martin's Press , 2004). 7. Stev e Malzberg , "Ro n Reagan , Jr. : Bus h Hater? " www.NewsMax.com, 1 5 June 2004 ; John Micklethwai t an d Adria n Wooldridge , The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (Ne w York: Pengui n Press , 2004), 144. 8. Elisabeth Bumiller , "Bus h Find s Affirmation i n a Frenchman's Words," New York Times, 1 4 March 2004 , online edition , www.nytimes.com. 9. Ronal d Brownstei n an d Richar d Rainey , "GO P Plant s Fla g on Ne w Votin g Frontier," Los Angeles Times, 2 2 Novembe r 2004 , onlin e edition , www.la times.com. 10. Jame s Dao , "Movemen t i n th e Pew s Trie s t o Jol t Ohio, " New York Times, 27 March 2005 , online edition , www.nytimes.com. 11. Fo r th e lesse r know n stor y o f Catholic s an d socia l refor m i n th e 1930s — and implication s fo r th e 1960s—see : Kenneth J . Heineman, A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Reform in Depression Pittsburgh (Universit y Park : Pennsylvania Stat e University Press , 1999) , and , Kennet h J . Heineman , "Iro n Cit y Trinity : Th e Tri umph an d th e Trial s o f Catholi c Socia l Activis m i n Pittsburgh , 1932-1972, " U.S. Catholic Historian 2 2 (Spring 2004) : 121-145.

Preface

This i s a work o f broad socia l commentary , no t a n academi c monograp h intended fo r a handfu l o f specialists . M y intentio n i s t o reac h a large r audience o f reader s wh o ar e intereste d i n America n politics , mora l de bates, an d recen t history . I mak e a numbe r o f observation s o n contem porary mora l politic s while, I hope, writing a story that will sustain reade r interest. A traditional scholarl y book would have subsections and repeate d tag lines signalin g ever y time a n analytica l statemen t wa s coming in sight . The schola r migh t eve n dispens e wit h chronolog y an d organiz e idea s around certai n concept s suc h a s American foreig n polic y and evangelicals , religious conservative s an d race , an d s o on . Mos t folks , however , mar k the passag e o f political tim e i n four-yea r intervals—i n othe r words, presidential elections. We do not tend t o think of presidential politics in term s of carefully segregate d theme s tha t spa n severa l decades . For bette r o r fo r worse , a fa r large r proportio n o f American s vot e i n presidential election s tha n i n stat e legislativ e contests . Peopl e ar e mor e likely t o kno w th e name s o f th e majo r presidentia l candidate s tha n wh o represents the m o n cit y council, th e schoo l board, an d i n Congress . Presidential election s ar e nationa l contests , providing American s wit h th e op portunity t o pas s judgmen t ever y fou r year s o n variou s economi c an d social developments . Fo r tha t reaso n the y ar e usefu l i n bringin g ou t th e interplay o f local , sectional , an d nationa l politics . Presidentia l election s also underlin e th e success , failure , an d futur e o f particula r vote r coali tions. An academi c specialis t woul d probabl y sa y that everybod y know s tha t in 198 8 A l Gor e (no t Georg e Bush ) firs t accuse d Michae l Dukaki s o f letting blac k prisoner s ou t o n weeken d furlough s t o rap e whit e women . Or, tha t i n 197 6 Jimm y Carte r ra n t o th e righ t o f Geral d For d o n mora l xxi

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issues, seekin g endorsement s fro m Pa t Robertso n an d th e ver y religiou s leaders wh o woul d g o o n t o foun d th e Mora l Majorit y an d hel p Ronal d Reagan defea t th e southerne r fou r year s later . Or , tha t Ralp h Ree d o f the Christia n Coalitio n trie d t o tur n socia l conservative s agains t Pa t Bu chanan an d helpe d giv e th e 199 6 GO P presidentia l nominatio n t o Bo b Dole. (Mora l conservative s fel t betraye d whe n Dol e subsequentl y an nounced tha t h e wished t o softe n GO P oppositio n t o abortion. ) I am no t so sur e tha t thes e ar e generall y well-know n fact s outsid e (o r eve n neces sarily inside) academi a an d th e newsroom . I am happy to admit u p front tha t I do not accep t the tenets of modern liberalism. The n again , I a m uncomfortabl e wit h wha t ofte n passes fo r contemporary conservativ e politics . Basically , I am a New Dea l conserva tive in tha t I believe government ha s a responsibility to protect deserving , hardworking citizens . Ultimately, however, people have to accept the consequences fo r th e mora l an d economi c choice s the y make . Large , imper sonal institutions—th e federa l government , th e corporation , th e nationa l labor union , th e university , an d th e media—canno t sav e peopl e fro m their ow n self-destructiv e tendencies . Th e elite s (Democrati c o r Republi can) wh o ru n suc h institution s ma y ofte n b e par t o f the problem . More over, I d o no t lik e a politica l syste m tha t frequentl y compel s citizen s t o choose betwee n tw o equall y unpleasan t "leaders"—Tedd y Kenned y o r Jesse Helms . The n again , perhap s i n a societ y tha t ha s becom e a s cultur ally polarized a s ours ther e ca n b e n o othe r choice s but extrem e ones . Of course , moderation , o r compromise , o r "pragmatism " fo r th e sak e of gettin g alon g ha s it s downside . Heate d argumen t an d th e shatterin g o f consensus ca n b e goo d thing s fo r a democracy . (The y ma y eve n b e una voidable.) Sinc e th e sixties , left-leaning figures i n th e medi a an d th e uni versity hav e attempte d t o silenc e dissentin g voice s b y arguin g tha t criti cism o f racia l quotas , crimina l rights , an d abortio n wa s racist , sexist , an d fascist. Conversely , all federal legislativ e initiatives and judicial rulings that promoted th e cause s o f socia l liberalis m wer e good , progressive , an d properly understoo d t o b e compensatin g variou s oppresse d group s fo r past persecution . No w tha t voter s hav e applie d th e brakes , an d eve n Bil l Clinton ha d to , at least publicly, disavo w his ties to gay, feminist, an d civil rights groups , socia l liberal s hav e modifie d thei r tactics . The y no w con demn thei r conservativ e critic s as "divisive." Folks like Pat Robertson an d Pat Buchana n shoul d just kee p quiet . I can discer n n o logical reason a s to why th e Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Wome n an d th e Nationa l Abortio n

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Rights Action Leagu e ar e no t equall y a s "divisive " as the Christia n Coali tion an d th e conservativ e Heritag e Foundation . A littl e les s hypocris y amon g ou r cultura l elite s woul d b e nice . Bu t don't misunderstan d me . I have bee n jus t a s frustrate d wit h th e Right . A few year s ago , whil e attendin g a semina r a t th e Heritag e Foundation , former Attorne y Genera l E d Meese held fort h o n th e accomplishment s o f the Reaga n administration . Now , Ronal d Reaga n wa s no t a s bad a presi dent a s libera l historian s lik e Arthu r Schlesinger , Jr. , an d Garr y Will s would hav e yo u believe . The n again , Reaga n ha d hi s failings . I asked Meese abou t on e suc h failing ; th e fac t tha t th e law-and-orde r presiden t saw crac k abus e an d drug-relate d murder s skyrocke t durin g th e eighties . Meese replie d tha t th e Whit e Hous e ha d reduce d dru g abus e amon g it s target constituency—meanin g white , middle-clas s suburbanites . Afte r Meese's session , a souther n conservativ e an d forme r U . S . attorney, wh o had nothin g goo d t o sa y abou t affirmativ e action , shoo k hi s hea d an d told m e he was appalled. As he saw things, poor, law-abiding black people living in th e ghett o ha d th e sam e righ t no t b e shot dow n b y dope pusher s as suburban whites . I learne d tw o thing s fro m thi s encounter . First , I am no t a n E d Mees e conservative. Second , morall y uprigh t conservative s ar e probabl y mor e attuned t o th e aspiration s o f ordinar y peopl e tha n thos e wh o purpor t t o lead th e GOP . Thi s ma y b e tru e a s well fo r individual s o n th e Left . Tha t was part o f the argument I advanced i n Campus Wars, a history of student antiwar activis m i n th e sixties . There were people i n th e ranks of the Ne w Left wh o di d no t celebrat e the violence of the Black Panthers and castigat e the morall y conservativ e whit e workin g class . Such activists , however, di d not se t th e politica l agend a fo r th e Ne w Lef t an d it s offspring—socia l liberalism. Indeed , reasonabl e activist s were ofte n politicall y marginalize d and generall y forgotten b y the medi a an d th e academy . There ar e i n th e rank s o f contemporar y liberalis m a fe w folk s whos e political visio n i s profoundl y ethical . Thi s boo k doe s no t questio n th e religiosity o f peopl e lik e Jimm y Carte r o r Congressma n Joh n Lewi s o f Georgia. Th e proble m wit h th e post-Ne w Dea l Democrati c Part y i s tha t Teddy Kenned y helpe d destro y Carte r an d tha t Jess e Jackson , no t Joh n Lewis, speaks for th e civil rights establishment. Jus t once has Jesse Jackson sounded lik e Lewis—whe n h e lamente d tha t whil e walkin g dow n th e street h e fel t safe r aroun d white s tha n youn g black males. Jackson quickl y "clarified" hi s remarks , onc e agai n blamin g th e problem s o f th e blac k

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underclass o n whit e racism . Lewi s doe s no t doub t tha t racis m persist s i n America, bu t h e think s tha t poo r peopl e nee d t o behav e morally . Wit h Lewis, honest argumen t ove r racia l quota s i s possible. With Jackson , yo u run th e ris k o f being dismisse d a s divisive or brande d a racist . Now tha t I have lai d ou t th e structur e an d vie w o f God Is a Conservative, I shoul d tel l yo u a littl e bi t abou t th e researc h undergirdin g thi s work. On e o f the difficultie s i n doin g contemporar y socia l commentary is gaining acces s t o archiva l documents . I foun d tha t man y donor s place d restrictions o n thei r papers . Mos t often , organization s an d individual s insisted tha t thei r paper s coul d no t b e examined , o r a t least quote d from , for a perio d o f fifteen year s fro m th e dat e o f thei r donation . I n som e cases, donor s require d tha t thei r paper s b e seale d unti l th e tim e o f thei r death o r unti l everyon e mentione d i n thei r paper s wa s dead . Thi s mean t that m y archiva l researc h ha d t o sto p jus t shor t o f th e 198 4 presidentia l election. Othe r archive s impose d eve n mor e onerou s restriction s o n thei r materials. If nothing else , at least I was spared fro m additiona l travel. This helps t o explain , i n part , wh y th e amoun t o f archiva l researc h decline s and th e numbe r o f book , newspaper , magazine , an d journa l citation s increases b y the fifth chapter . Nearly every person mentione d i n God Is a Conservative has left behin d memoirs, articles , interviews , an d th e like. That woul d no t hav e necessar ily been th e cas e in a bygone era . In the thirties , Roosevelt administratio n players mostl y kep t thei r ow n counsel—a t leas t unti l FD R died . Eve n then, thei r memoir s trickle d fort h ove r th e spa n o f five decades. I n con trast, Reagan , Bush , an d Clinto n staffer s regularl y knife d on e anothe r i n the medi a an d wrot e instan t memoir s a t th e en d o f thei r (ofte n short ) tenure i n office . The researc h for , an d writin g of , God Is a Conservative, would no t hav e been possibl e withou t th e assistanc e o f a number o f people. I express m y heartfelt thank s t o Janyc e Nasgowit z an d th e wonderfu l staf f o f th e Bill y Graham Archives , Wheato n College ; Willia m McNitt , Gei r Gundersen , and th e exceptiona l archivist s a t th e Geral d R . For d Librar y a t th e Uni versity o f Michigan ; an d Kevi n Cawley , Wend y Clausen , an d the,ex tremely helpfu l staffer s a t th e Universit y o f Notre Dam e Archives . At th e Lancaster Campu s o f Ohio University , I gratefully acknowledg e the indispensable assistanc e o f our referenc e librarian , Juli a Robinson , ou r interli brary loa n staffers , Ambe r Landi s an d Tamm y Walker , an d ou r librar y director, Susi e Phillips . Fo r a regional campus , we have a truly outstand -

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ing librar y an d a staf f willin g t o g o th e extr a mil e t o locat e somewha t obscure book s an d journa l articles . Th e Geral d R . For d Presidentia l Li brary an d th e Ohi o Universit y Researc h Committe e provide d smal l bu t vital grant s tha t pai d fo r photocopying , lodging, meals, and mileage . At New York University Press , Colin Jone s an d Nik o Pfund generousl y gave me thei r time , ideas, and encouragement . The y are appreciated. Several friend s provide d grea t advic e an d stimulate d m y thinking : Cur t Miner, Kevi n Dunphy , Joh n Zimmerman , Hele n Killoran , Me l Small , Andy Dowdle, and Kyl e Sinisi. I must als o thank Charlie Alexander, Paul a Baker, an d Lo n Hamb y fo r supportin g m y gran t applications . Finally, I thank m y wife fo r he r woman-on-the-street commentar y an d keeping our delightfu l bab y diverted o n the weekends. We were extremel y lucky t o b e blesse d wit h a daughte r wh o too k naps , establishe d a regula r nighttime sleepin g schedul e earl y i n he r life , an d messe d u p he r diaper s and demande d feedin g al l i n goo d humor . Regiona l campu s facult y hav e larger teachin g load s tha n ou r main-campu s counterpart s an d seldo m receive cours e reductions . Consequently , ever y minut e o f writin g tim e Theresa an d Natali e gav e m e wa s essential . No t fo r nothin g hav e I dedi cated God Is a Conservative to them .

Introduction Heaven Can' t Wai t

Twenty-two year s afte r Leonar d Bernstei n hoste d a cocktai l soire e an d fund-raiser fo r th e Blac k Panthe r Party , libera l chi c wa s bac k i n style . A smiling Yok o Ono , a s alway s wearin g larg e sunglasse s whethe r outdoor s or in, stood nex t to a laughing Jann Wenner. I n the sixties Wenner prove d that on e coul d b e a hi p capitalist , packagin g th e countercultur e t o mil lions o f youth s wh o smoke d dope , proteste d agains t th e Vietna m War , and ha d mone y t o spen d o n records . Now th e publishe r o f Rolling Stone, who woul d shortl y leav e hi s wif e fo r a man , wa s aglow . Wha t ha d mad e Ono an d Wenne r s o happ y a s the y sippe d cocktail s int o th e night ? Jus t two weeks before, Bil l Clinton ha d bee n electe d president. Even if Clinton had wo n onl y because Ros s Pero t spli t th e Republica n vote , Boome r lib erals were determine d t o tak e thei r victorie s wher e the y could . Thei r jo y was understandable . Fo r twelv e year s the y ha d bee n los t i n a Republica n wilderness. Durin g hi s reig n a s governo r o f California , Ronal d Reaga n had cracke d dow n o n antiwa r protester s a t Berkeley. In th e eighties , President Reaga n gav e rhetorica l suppor t t o a constitutional ba n o n abortion . A fathe r figure fro m thei r wors t nightmares , Reaga n ha d cas t a pall ove r the protes t generation' s youth . No w th e conservative s wer e banished , never t o return. 1 Unlike On o an d Wenner , a fe w blue-colla r unio n me n expresse d dis may at the prospect o f a Clinton presidency . As the governor o f Arkansas, Clinton gav e ta x break s t o anti-unio n corporations . B y the eighties , Ar kansas ha d becom e a have n fo r low-wag e employer s lik e Wal-Mar t an d Tyson Foods . Wal-Mar t wa s s o please d wit h th e governo r tha t th e cor poration appointe d Hillar y Rodha m Clinto n t o it s boar d o f directors . 1

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Certainly hangin g ou t i n th e boardroo m wa s mor e fulfillin g tha n tryin g to teac h la w students a t th e Universit y o f Arkansas. Just a s tellin g wa s Clinton' s relationshi p wit h ga y activis t Jame s Hor mel. A wealthy industrialis t an d generou s Clinto n campaig n contributor , Hormel wa s a champio n o f equa l right s fo r homosexuals . Unfortunately , Hormel di d no t exten d th e sam e consideratio n t o hi s employees . I n th e eighties, th e Horme l corporatio n brok e th e meat-packer s unio n a t it s midwestern plants . Many workers los t thei r jobs; others returne d t o Hor mel, where the y receive d reduce d wage s an d a loss of health benefits. Th e backbone o f th e Democrati c Part y sinc e th e thirties , whe n Joh n L . Lewis established th e Congres s o f Industria l Organizations , blue-colla r union s possessed fe w friend s amon g lifestyl e liberals . Hormel, slate d to become a U.S. ambassador , sa w n o contradictio n betwee n hi s politica l pronounce ments an d hi s business operations . All o f this would hav e com e a s no surpris e t o Ale x Barkan, th e forme r political directo r o f th e AFL-CIO . A feisty working-clas s Jew , Barka n ar gued tha t afte r th e 196 8 electio n th e Democrati c Part y ha d bee n take n over "b y thos e phon y liberal s an d feminists. " T o th e agin g AFL-CI O leadership, nothin g wa s mor e disturbin g tha n watchin g white-colla r un ions lik e th e Nationa l Educatio n Associatio n promot e multiculturalism , women's liberation , an d alternativ e lifestyles . I n a n er a when good-payin g industrial job s wer e disappearing , th e Rustbel t unio n chief s believe d tha t organized labo r shoul d focu s o n bread-and-butte r issues , not th e cultura l agenda o f middle-clas s professionals . (I n 1996 , 4 2 percen t o f th e AFL CIO's membershi p wa s mad e u p o f white-collar, public-secto r employee s —most o f who m wer e affiliate d wit h th e America n Federatio n o f State , County, an d Municipa l Employees . Overall, just 1 5 percen t o f the nation' s work forc e belonge d t o a union. ) Boome r liberal s wer e delighte d tha t North Carolin a senato r Jess e Helm s too k ai m a t thei r friend . A forme r segregationist an d all y of th e tobacc o lobby , Helm s discredite d an y caus e with whic h h e was associated. 2 The conservativ e write r Pegg y Noonan di d no t receiv e a n invitatio n t o trade bo n mot s wit h On o an d Wenner . Tha t however , di d no t dete r he r from expressin g a n opinio n o f Clinton . Sh e di d no t appreciat e tha t Clinton—who ha d evade d the Vietnam draft—compare d himsel f to John Kennedy, a World Wa r I I comba t hero . Althoug h Kenned y an d Clinto n both cam e to the White House while in their forties , the similarities ended there. A s Noona n argued , "Kennedy' s generatio n wa s no t shocke d t o b e

Introduction 3 governing at the age of forty-three. The y had alread y been me n fo r twent y years."3 A chil d o f th e Catholi c preserve s o f Lon g Island , Noona n ha d flirted with th e counterculture . Bu t i n 1971 , during a peace marc h o n Washing ton, sh e gre w disguste d wit h th e protesters ' anti-America n sentiments . Noonan conclude d tha t he r McGover n campaig n butto n woul d mak e a better marijuan a cli p tha n politica l statement . Thi s bega n he r ideologica l odyssey. B y the eighties , Noona n wa s a Reagan speechwriter . I n 1988 , she wrote th e acceptanc e speec h Georg e Bus h delivere d a t th e Republica n National Convention . He r word s becam e th e cor e o f Presiden t Bush' s "vision thing. " Noona n embrace d voluntaris m an d hope d t o spar k " a thousand point s o f light " tha t woul d illuminat e th e nation . Al l everyon e had t o d o was just hel p on e another. Boome r liberals ridiculed the speech, failing t o understan d tha t mos t American s thin k o f themselve s a s chari table people . O n th e othe r hand , Bus h expresse d himsel f s o poorl y tha t Noonan's idea s were easil y lost i n th e translation. 4 There wa s a t leas t on e othe r Boome r conservativ e wh o share d Noonan's skepticis m o f contemporary liberalism: Newt Gingrich . A Pennsylvania carpetbagger , Gingric h ha d spen t tw o decades on his march fro m Atlanta t o th e Hous e Speaker' s chair . I n 1994 , with th e apparen t implo sion o f Clinton' s presidency , th e Republican s capture d th e Senat e an d gained contro l ove r th e Hous e fo r th e first tim e i n fort y years . Gingric h promised t o brin g abou t a conservativ e revolution , ye t close d hi s first speech a s Hous e Speake r b y exaltin g th e godfathe r o f twentieth-centur y liberalism: If you truly believe in representative self-government, yo u can never study Franklin Delan o Roosevel t to o much . H e did brin g u s out o f the Depression . H e did lead the Allied movement i n World War II. In many ways he created the modern world. H e wa s clearly , I think , a s a politica l leade r th e greates t figure o f th e twentieth century . And I think his concept tha t we have nothing to fear bu t fea r itself, that we'l l take an experiment , an d i f it fails, we'll do another one—an d if you g o bac k an d rea d th e Ne w Deal , the y trie d agai n an d again . The y didn' t always get it right, and we would hav e voted agains t much of it, but th e truth is we would have voted for muc h of it.5 Gingrich an d Noona n spok e fo r Sunbel t Protestant s an d norther n Catholics wh o ha d bee n firmly Democrati c unti l th e lat e sixties . As Gin grich had sai d on th e fiftieth anniversar y of Roosevelt's death, the remark able fac t abou t th e Ne w Deal was that i t addressed th e economi c need s of

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Mississippi racist s an d Chicag o blacks . I n th e thirties , souther n Protes tants wh o refuse d t o vot e fo r a Catholi c a t th e to p o f th e Democrati c ticket wen t alon g wit h federa l legislatio n tha t protecte d th e right s o f Po lish-American steelworker s i n Pennsylvania . Roosevelt , wh o earne d th e lasting hatre d o f th e Coor s an d DuPon t families , forge d a n electora l ma jority ou t o f minorities. Souther n whit e Protestants , norther n blac k Prot estants, urban Catholic s an d Jews , and Iv y League professors vote d Dem ocratic. Culturally , thes e group s ha d nothin g i n common . Onl y th e crisi s of th e Grea t Depressio n an d th e militar y challenge s pose d b y Naz i Ger many and the Soviet Union kep t them together . The New Deal Democrat s offered somethin g t o everybody : labo r law s t o urba n Catholics , color blind hirin g policie s o n federa l project s t o norther n blacks , an d agricul tural subsidie s t o whit e southerners. 6 A grea t weaknes s o f th e Ne w Dea l coalitio n wa s tha t th e Democrat s could no t affor d th e defectio n o f an y group . Althoug h mos t America n voters wer e Protestant , Roosevel t neve r receive d th e majorit y o f thei r votes. Wha t ther e wa s o f a Democratic Protestan t vot e cam e fro m south ern white s an d norther n blacks . I f civi l right s eve r becam e a n issue , th e Democrats woul d b e i n trouble . Likewise , th e Democrati c Part y ha d t o keep th e loyaltie s o f Catholics . Nex t t o souther n evangelicals , Catholic s were th e mos t anti-Communis t an d sociall y conservativ e voter s i n th e nation. Michae l Novak , a Slova k so n o f Johnstown , Pennsylvania , recog nized jus t ho w conservativ e Catholic s wer e whil e arrangin g campaig n stops i n 197 2 for Sargen t Shriver , th e Democrati c vice-presidentia l nomi nee: Shriver was greeted with scarcely veiled disdain, I thought, by workers at the gates of the Homestead [Pennsylvania ] Stee l mills—my own kind of folks, who would normally b e wit h u s b y upward s o f 8 9 percent. I n Joliet , Illinois , o n a factor y floor wher e I encountere d dozen s o f Slova k face s tha t mad e m e thin k o f m y cousins i n Johnstown , worker s di d no t wan t t o shak e McGovern-Shriver hands. Trying t o find ou t why , I me t wit h ou r "advanc e person"— a youn g woma n wearing a miniskirt, high white boots, and a see-through blouse, with a large proabortion butto n o n he r collar . O n tha t factor y floor in 1972 , the clas h o f social classes and cultural politics could scarcely have been more discordant. 7 By the seventies , Roosevelt' s part y la y i n ruins . Colleg e students , pro fessors, an d communit y activist s wer e championin g everythin g fro m a military withdrawa l i n Vietna m t o affirmativ e actio n an d ga y liberation . Liberal reformer s capture d th e Democrati c Party' s presidentia l nomina tion machiner y i n 1972 . The chie f objectiv e o f Boome r liberalis m wa s t o

Introduction 5 achieve freedo m fro m repressiv e mora l authority . Abortio n right s an d sexual experimentatio n wer e par t o f thi s Boome r liberationis t ethos . Upon graduation , suc h liberal s becam e journalists , professors , an d film makers. Although fe w i n number , thei r cultura l influenc e wa s enormous . If Boome r liberal s wo n contro l o f Hollywood , th e new s media , an d liberal art s faculties , the y los t th e wa r fo r th e heart s an d mind s o f th e American electorate . (A s sixtie s radica l Tod d Gitli n lightl y pu t it , "Th e Right too k ove r th e government , th e Lef t too k ove r th e Englis h depart ment.") I n 1972 , Georg e McGover n sa w workers , Catholics , an d whit e southerners vot e fo r Richar d Nixon . (The y di d no t ye t suppor t a straigh t Republican ticket , believin g tha t thei r loca l Democrati c representative s remained reliabl e Ne w Dealers. ) Eve n thoug h McGover n wa s a Worl d War I I veteran an d th e so n o f a Methodist minister , h e became identifie d with th e countercultural excesse s of the sixties. Worse, his followers tosse d Richard Dale y an d Georg e Mean y ou t o f th e Democrati c Nationa l Con vention. Replacin g th e Chicag o machin e bos s an d th e AFL-CI O president—both Catholic—wit h Jess e Jackso n an d Glori a Steine m wa s not savv y politics. Catholic s accounte d fo r one-quarte r o f America's electorate, blacks an d Jewis h feminist s littl e more tha n 1 0 percent. 8 Four year s later , Jimm y Carte r barel y manage d t o defea t Geral d Ford , whose pardo n o f Nixo n i n th e aftermat h o f th e Watergat e scanda l mad e him on e o f th e weakes t Republica n candidate s eve r nominated . Carte r paraded hi s southern , evangelica l origin s fo r al l t o se e i n 1976 , winnin g back enoug h Dixi e vote s fro m th e Republican s t o secur e th e Whit e House. O n th e othe r hand , Carter' s Souther n Baptis t rhetori c mad e a number o f norther n Catholic s nervous . S o desperat e di d th e situatio n become durin g th e electio n tha t Carte r mad e repeate d campaig n trip s t o Pittsburgh. H e ha d enoug h priest s i n hi s retinu e t o ris k bein g mistake n for a cardinal . I n 1980 , a s th e natio n reele d fro m inflation , humiliatio n overseas, and a suspicion tha t Boome r liberalis m wa s promoting a breakdown i n publi c morality , evangelicals deserte d Carte r i n droves . Although Reagan wa s a produc t o f Hollywoo d an d a divorce d ma n wh o ha d strained relation s wit h hi s children , h e seeme d mor e mora l tha n Carter . Meanwhile, man y Catholic s became Reaga n Democrats . To Moral Majority founde r Jerr y Falwell, who did much t o bring abou t Carter's defeat , Go d wa s th e ultimat e lawgiver. I n contrast , Boome r lib erals emphasize d individua l choice . Go d o r governmen t shoul d no t ba n abortion o r punis h homosexua l acts . Regardles s o f whic h sid e ha d th e better sens e o f wher e mora l authorit y originated , a s Boome r liberalis m

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lost a t th e ballo t box , i t als o hur t th e mainstrea m Protestan t denomina tions. I n reactio n t o th e libera l stance s o f Episcopalia n an d Presbyteria n church leaders , membershi p i n fundamentalis t an d Pentecosta l churche s has grow n sevenfold . Resentfu l o f their declinin g fortunes , an d frightene d by th e Religiou s Right , Boome r politician s an d clerg y condemne d socia l conservatives lik e Falwel l an d Pa t Robertson . Accordin g t o th e socia l liberals, Falwel l an d Robertso n wer e attemptin g t o breac h th e allege d con stitutional wal l separatin g churc h an d state . Conservatives countere d tha t the Religiou s Lef t ha d alread y politicize d th e churc h i n th e sixtie s b y supporting civi l right s an d opposin g th e Vietna m War . Marti n Luthe r King, Jr. , an d Fathe r Danie l Berrigan , not the Moral Majority, firs t scale d the judicial barriers betwee n churc h an d state . While th e initia l impetu s fo r civi l right s an d peac e i n th e sixtie s cam e from th e churches , man y Boome r liberal s los t sigh t o f th e religiou s root s of socia l reform . Berriga n earne d grea t acclai m fro m Boome r liberal s fo r his protests a t American missil e sites . On th e other hand, th e Boomer Lef t could no t fatho m wh y Berriga n als o engage d i n nonviolen t demonstra tions a t abortio n clinics . To Berrigan , followin g Catholi c teachin g tha t al l human lif e i s sacred , opposin g nuclea r wa r an d abortio n wer e comple mentary, no t contradictory , acts . In 1983 , a t a Washingto n rall y agains t America n foreig n policy , th e sixties countercultur e briefl y ros e again . Agin g hippie s an d colleg e stu dents stage d bizarr e politica l theater . Som e protester s hel d "die-ins, " complete wit h chal k line s draw n aroun d thei r corpses . Other s dresse d u p as Reagan' s U N ambassado r an d menace d th e crowd . Afte r Peter , Paul , and Mar y playe d thei r repertoire—a s 50,00 0 demonstrator s pretende d t o remember th e lyrics—Rev . Jess e Jackso n spoke . T o th e surpris e o f th e politically uninitiated , whit e feminist s booe d Jackso n fro m th e stage . Although a shar p criti c o f Falwell' s anti-Communism , Jackso n wa s als o a n opponent o f abortio n an d ga y rights . Jackson' s libera l allie s viewe d hi m only a s a civi l right s champion , forgettin g tha t h e wa s a Baptis t ministe r as well. I n term s o f theolog y an d culture , Jackso n ha d mor e i n commo n with Falwel l tha n h e di d wit h secula r liberals . Th e inabilit y o f liberal s t o recognize tha t mos t American s ar e religiou s an d ca n b e excite d b y mora l exhortation ha s tickle d conservative s fo r mor e tha n tw o decades . As a medi a adviso r t o Nixo n i n 1972 , Patrick Buchana n ha d urge d th e White Hous e t o pu t th e Vietna m Wa r behin d i t an d t o concentrat e o n cultural issues . According t o thi s pugnaciou s Catholi c conservative , cam pus an d urba n unrest , abortion , pornography , an d ga y liberation were the

Introduction 7 issues aroun d whic h t o buil d a ne w Republica n majority . Meanwhile , Michael Nova k advise d McGovern' s campaign , hopin g t o retur n th e Democrats t o their sociall y conservative, economically populist roots . Novak faile d an d graduall y move d t o th e Right . Durin g th e civi l rights revolution, Falwel l ha d criticize d Kin g fo r politicizin g th e church . Go d an d politics di d no t mix . By the seventies , in th e wake of the Suprem e Court' s decision t o legaliz e abortion , Falwel l ha d a chang e o f heart . Wit h hi s moral univers e turned upsid e down , Falwel l followed Kin g in becoming a crusader agains t governmen t tyranny . I n 1979 , Falwell founde d th e four million-member Mora l Majority . Protestan t evangelical s had a t last foun d an organize d politica l forc e t o represen t them , accountin g fo r 2 5 percent of th e Republica n vote . Most o f thes e religiou s conservative s haile d fro m the South , which , a s earl y a s th e Civi l War , ha d twic e th e numbe r o f Protestant churche s an d worshiper s tha n coul d b e foun d i n th e North . The Mora l Majorit y an d Pa t Robertson' s Christia n Coalition — founded a yea r afte r hi s failur e t o wi n th e 198 8 Republica n presidentia l nomination—have thei r differences . Falwel l ha s walke d awa y fro m hi s dream o f capturin g Congres s an d th e White House . Indeed , Ca l Thomas, a forme r Mora l Majorit y medi a adviso r whos e syndicate d newspape r col umn i s rea d b y millions , ha s exhorte d evangelical s t o se t individua l ex amples o f commendabl e Christia n behavio r rathe r tha n focusin g exclu sively o n th e ballo t box . Falwel l an d Thoma s hav e urge d som e degre e o f Christian separatis m fro m th e secula r culture . In contrast , Robertso n ha s enthusiasticall y embrace d th e ballo t box . After all , evangelicals an d religiou s traditionalists represente d one-thir d of the electorat e an d 4 0 percen t o f th e Republicans ' primar y voter s i n th e nineties. Despite gran d vision s o f achieving national political power, however, Robertso n ha s bee n frustrated . I n 1996 , Christian Coalitio n directo r Ralph Reed , wh o wa s i n diaper s whe n Presiden t Kenned y wa s assassi nated, learne d tha t h e coul d no t reliabl y delive r hi s group' s vote s t o th e preferred Republica n primar y candidates . The bonds between leader s an d rank an d file i n th e Christia n Coalitio n o f th e ninetie s ar e no t a s tight a s those i n th e forties-er a CIO . I n 1996 , Reed an d Robertso n endorse d Bo b Dole becaus e the y loathe d Buchanan' s anti-corporatio n rhetoric . Nearl y half o f the Christia n Coalitio n voter s i n th e Louisian a an d Iow a caucuse s supported Buchanan . As fundamentalists, Falwel l an d mos t o f the ran k an d file of the Mora l Majority neve r though t tha t Americ a coul d b e mad e perfec t throug h fed eral intervention . Punishin g immora l behavio r woul d mak e Americ a a

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better plac e bu t no t a paradise . A s Pentecostals , Robertso n an d man y Christian Coalitio n supporter s believ e tha t th e Secon d Comin g o f Chris t is imminent . Heaven' s thousand-yea r reig n wil l begin o n th e eart h soon . Consequently, Christia n conservative s mus t hel p prepar e th e wa y for th e establishment o f Christ' s earthl y Kingdom . Thi s i s a theology, a s well as a program fo r politica l action , that Baptist s and Catholic s find troublesome . Sunbelt Protestant s an d norther n Catholic s hav e thei r difference s a s well. Catholics wer e muc h mor e likel y to join labo r union s i n th e thirtie s and undertak e collectiv e socia l actio n tha n Protestants . The unio n move ment o f the thirtie s (an d afterwards ) faile d miserabl y i n th e mos t Protes tant regio n o f the country—th e South . Catholi c communalis m an d Prot estant individualis m continu e t o b e a t odds . Catholi c conservative s lik e the patricia n Willia m F . Buckley , Jr. , an d th e neoconservativ e Michae l Novak ar e no t welcome d i n th e rank s o f th e Sunbel t Right . Whil e th e southern win g o f th e conservativ e movemen t i s a champio n o f th e fre e market, Buckley , Novak , an d Patric k Buchana n hav e contende d tha t where corporat e practice s undermin e th e family , busines s mus t giv e way to socia l regulation . T o Catholi c conservatives , eliminating American jobs and relocatin g oversea s i n searc h o f cheape r labor , o r producin g obscene , violent movie s an d ra p musi c ar e morall y unjus t corporat e acts . Catholic an d Protestan t conservative s als o hav e contrastin g idea s con cerning federa l powe r an d economics . Sunbel t conservative s ar e mor e individualistic tha n thei r norther n Catholi c counterparts . A s Falwel l ha s observed o n numerou s occasions , "Go d i s in favo r o f freedom , property , ownership, competition , diligence , work , an d acquisition . Al l o f thi s i s taught i n th e wor d o f God , i n bot h th e Ol d an d Ne w Testaments. " I n 1996, Christia n Coalitio n leader s reassure d th e busines s communit y tha t they wer e "th e mos t libertaria n grou p i n America, " intereste d onl y i n having th e governmen t outla w abortion , no t plan t closings . Buchanan' s economic populis m an d Novak' s cal l fo r mora l capitalis m wer e no t posi tions embrace d b y Reed. 9 Even thoug h man y Catholic s vote d fo r conservative s i n th e seventie s and eighties , they did no t join th e Moral Majority i n great numbers. Most Catholics chos e t o wor k withi n thei r churc h organization s t o lobb y against abortio n o r plac e pressur e o n th e televisio n network s t o clea n u p their acts . Jus t one-thir d o f th e Mora l Majority' s membershi p wa s Cath olic, an d th e sam e wa s tru e o f th e Christia n Coalitio n i n th e nineties . When Sunbel t Protestant s i n th e ninetie s expres s suppor t fo r Buchanan , they dwel l upo n hi s socia l conservatis m an d ignor e hi s economi c popu -

Introduction 9 lism. Buchanan' s Catholi c supporter s plac e equa l emphasi s upo n socia l and economi c concerns . The Heritag e Foundation , a leading conservativ e thin k tan k i n Wash ington, bega n attackin g Buchana n i n 199 2 and ha s lon g ignore d Catholi c critiques o f unbridle d capitalism . Free-marke t champion s suc h a s Josep h Coors exercis e grea t influenc e a t th e Heritage . Whe n Willia m Bennet t spoke a t Falwell' s Libert y Baptis t Colleg e i n th e eighties , a studen t ex pressed amazemen t tha t Reagan' s educatio n secretar y believe d i n God . After all , h e wa s Catholic . Bennett , a produc t o f norther n Ne w Dea l sensibilities, earne d th e scor n o f Senato r Helm s fo r havin g written kindl y of th e civi l right s movement . Moreover , Sunbel t conservative s di d no t appreciate how animated th e scrappy philosophy professor becam e whenever h e recounte d th e tim e h e wa s assaulte d b y Mississipp i thug s fo r defending Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. 10 Every s o ofte n th e theologica l crack s withi n th e Religiou s Righ t ar e exposed fo r al l t o see . Religiou s Righ t activis t an d Pentecosta l ministe r Jimmy Swaggart reache d a television audienc e o f three million weekly and had a n operatin g budge t o f $3 0 millio n i n th e earl y eighties . While con demning Boome r liberal s fo r promotin g pornography , Swaggar t pro claimed tha t Catholic s wer e no t Christian s and , consequently , wer e des tined t o burn i n hell . Swaggart, who temporarily lost his pulpit afte r bein g caught performin g kink y se x act s wit h a Louisian a prostitute , wa s no t atypical. The Bo b Jone s Universit y Pres s was a major publishe r o f anti-Catholi c books an d tract s i n the seventies and eighties . Indeed, university presiden t Bob Jone s eve n referre d t o Pop e Pau l VI—th e churc h leade r wh o urge d abstinence rathe r tha n birt h contro l i n th e sixties—a s th e "arc h pries t o f Satan" an d "th e anti-Christ. " I t should b e recalled tha t th e Reagan Justic e Department ha d side d wit h Bob Jone s Universit y i n it s struggl e t o avoi d racial integration . Boome r liberal s wh o reporte d o n th e cas e focused o n the racia l issue s involve d bu t faile d t o mentio n th e Christia n school' s record o f anti-Catholicism . Thi s i s not to o surprising . Catholics , wh o ar e often sociall y conservativ e an d white , ar e no t o n th e liberals ' lis t o f ap proved minorit y groups . Mor e surprisin g wa s th e sigh t o f th e Reaga n administration allyin g wit h anti-Catholi c fundamentalists . I t woul d b e difficult t o conjur e a mor e effectiv e wa y t o wrec k th e conservativ e reli gious coalitio n tha t brough t Reaga n t o powe r i n 1981. n When th e American Spectator, th e entertainin g tabloi d o f th e conser vative movement , ra n a favorable stor y on Pop e Joh n Pau l I I i n 1995 , one

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evangelical too k grea t offense . He r lette r t o th e magazine' s edito r echoe d the sentiment s o f Swaggar t an d Bo b Jones : There ar e foundationa l reason s wh y Protestant s rejec t Catholicis m an d it s doctrines. This country was founded mainl y by Protestants who used the Bible rather than the Catholic Church as their guide... . Do you really want to promote Catholicism ? You're opening a Pandora's box if you do . Are you read y t o defen d faith/work s salvation , prayin g t o Mar y and Catholic saints , th e rosary , th e Mas s an d sacraments , th e Pop e a s hea d o f th e Church, etc. ? These ar e no t quain t an d harmles s traditions ; either the y are true or they are heresies. Many Catholic traditions contradict th e Bible and its teachings. America's first cultur e war , th e on e pittin g Protestant s agains t Catholics , has no t bee n entirel y supplante d b y th e ne w struggl e betwee n religiou s conservatives—both Catholi c an d Protestant—an d Boome r liberals. 12 Choosing t o ignor e theologica l an d cultura l division s amon g socia l conservatives an d t o depic t th e Religiou s Righ t a s a monolithi c move ment, Boome r liberal s hav e bee n makin g som e questionabl e judgment s regarding th e issu e o f rac e a s well . Man y progressive s hav e asserte d tha t the conservativ e assaul t o n federa l program s tha t bega n i n th e seventie s was raciall y motivated . Becaus e 6 0 percen t o f th e blac k middl e clas s i s employed b y som e local , stat e o r federa l agency , an d becaus e th e Demo cratic Congres s an d libera l judge s hav e promote d affirmativ e action , an y criticism o f hiring quota s an d welfar e i s seen a s inevitably racist . Boome r liberals hav e lon g ignore d th e fac t tha t black s provid e pollster s wit h ver y conservative response s t o question s dealin g wit h abortio n an d pornogra phy. T o Bennett' s dismay , souther n Protestant s hav e no t exploite d th e values gul f betwee n middle-clas s whit e liberal s an d working-clas s blac k Democrats. Catholics an d souther n white s initiall y became Republican s fo r differ ent reasons . Whil e bot h group s cam e t o resen t coerciv e federa l power , southern white s wer e reactin g agains t th e impositio n o f civi l right s fro m Washington. Catholics—th e grea t beneficiarie s o f federa l interventio n since th e Ne w Deal—di d no t fea r civi l rights . Man y Catholic s move d t o the Righ t whe n th e federa l court s sanctione d abortio n an d libera l judge s failed t o cur b a violen t crim e rat e tha t ha s rise n 56 0 percen t sinc e i960 . Today, souther n religiou s conservative s rejec t racia l segregation, althoug h in Mississipp i i t is understood tha t th e Democrati c Part y is for black s and the Republica n Part y fo r whites . Rather tha n accusin g religiou s conservative s o f being racist , a n inquir y

Introduction 1

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might b e mad e o f thei r attitud e towar d Jews . A numbe r o f liberal s hav e charged tha t Robertson' s idea s ar e lifte d fro m th e anti-Semiti c trac t Protocols of the Elders ofZion. Conservativ e Jew s suc h a s Adam Meyerso n o f the Heritag e Foundatio n ar e quic k t o defen d Robertson . O n th e othe r hand, on e doe s no t se e man y thirtysomethin g evangelical s joining Ada m Bellow, Joh n Podhoretz , an d Lis a Schiffre n o n thei r Georgetow n pu b crawls. The clas s an d intellectua l ga p betwee n conservativ e Jew s educate d at Harvar d an d Christia n activist s wh o graduate d fro m Libert y Baptis t i s too grea t t o mak e fo r eas y socia l mingling . Jew s are th e mos t libera l cultural grou p i n th e country . Wit h it s emphasi s upo n th e her e an d no w (with n o plan s fo r th e Resurrection) , Judais m i s mor e incline d t o us e government t o buil d a better worl d tha n i s orthodo x Christianity . Ther e is a class as well as a theological dimensio n tha t shoul d b e noted. Jew s are the mos t affluen t religiou s grou p i n America , Pentecostal s th e poorest. 13 To som e conservatives , Jew s ar e suspiciousl y overrepresente d i n th e ranks o f politicall y correc t academics , immora l Hollywoo d screenwriters , gay activists, and recor d producer s fo r gangst a ra p performers. Lis a Schiffren migh t eve n want t o b e o n th e cove r o f Rolling Stone: She wrote Da n Quayle's "Murph y Brown " speech , crusade s agains t illegitimacy , an d rocks to the "Pulp Fiction " soundtrack . Wil l she go medieval on Clinton' s butt i n '96 ? (Th e answe r wa s no, bu t ho w muc h coul d a social conserva tive d o o n behal f o f a divorce d caree r politicia n lik e Bo b Dole ? The n again, ho w muc h would a social conservativ e d o o n behal f o f a candidat e who wante d th e GO P t o b e mor e toleran t o f prochoice Republicans? ) Jews ar e no t th e onl y grou p whos e way s ar e alie n t o Christia n conser vatives. Beyon d th e persisten t Catholi c an d evangelica l strains , ther e ar e cultural tension s betwee n old-mone y Protestant s an d evangelicals . Al though alcoho l i s Satan' s drink—ofte n th e caus e o f famil y breaku p an d crime—the Christia n Coalitio n advance s it s mora l crusad e wit h suppor t from th e Coor s bee r empire . Tha t politica l realit y doe s no t sto p Robert son's staf f fro m visibl y wincin g wheneve r th e obligator y case s o f Coor s are haule d ou t a t Heritag e Foundatio n get-togethers . Pentecostal s usuall y flee th e scene ; Catholic s an d libertarian s drin k deepl y an d debat e th e merits o f censorin g Hollywood . I f bored b y that , libertarian s migh t the n ogle th e Coor s televisio n an d billboar d advertisements . Th e messag e Coors appear s t o be sendin g i s that blonde s with impressiv e cleavages will be attracte d t o frisky , beer-drinkin g men—non e o f who m ar e member s of the Christia n Coalition. 14 Of grea t concer n t o Republica n businessme n i s the suppor t Buchana n

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receives from religiou s conservatives . So desperate di d the Heritage Foun dation's financia l backer s becom e i n 199 6 tha t the y encourage d million aire Stev e Forbe s t o ente r th e Republica n primaries . H e immediatel y at tacked Buchana n fo r fomentin g clas s warfare whil e championing a flat ta x that woul d ne t th e wealth y million s o f dollars . Th e clas s gul f betwee n those wh o pla y th e pol o fields an d thos e wh o wor k th e assembl y line s i s no les s tha n th e cultura l ga p dividin g Jew s an d Souther n Baptists . Para doxically, suc h captain s o f industry , whil e toutin g conservativ e values , would no t giv e a secon d though t t o hirin g a libera l Columbi a graduat e over a conservative produc t o f Libert y Baptist . Whenever moral s conflic t with th e botto m line , i t become s difficul t t o tel l Republica n businessme n and Boome r liberal s apart . In man y ways the clas s and cultura l division s afflicting th e Republican s mirror thos e tha t tor e apar t th e New Deal coalition. I f it is hard t o pictur e Yoko On o an d Ale x Barkan meetin g i n a bowling all y for beer , chips , and political fence-mending, th e imagination reel s at the thought o f Robertson and Buchana n debatin g th e mora l regulatio n o f capitalis m ove r severa l glasses o f stout . On e possibl e questio n immediatel y present s itself : Wil l religious conservatis m becom e just a s politically irrelevan t a s Boomer liberalism? Probabl y not . Afte r all , sinc e th e sixtie s i t ha s bee n eviden t tha t there i s a moral majorit y i n America—although no t quit e the one Falwel l envisioned. I f thi s wer e no t so , issue s suc h a s abortion , pornography , crime, dru g addiction , an d famil y dissolutio n woul d no t resonat e wit h s o many voters . Ther e ha s bee n a Republica n presidentia l majorit y sinc e 1972. Th e Republica n captur e o f Congres s i n 1994 , eve n i f conservative s subsequently los e contro l o f it , stil l underline s th e realit y tha t American s have rejecte d man y o f the tenet s o f Boome r liberalism . Yok o On o shoul d also no t thin k tha t he r stepso n Julia n Lenno n i s a typica l Clinton-lovin g member o f the Baby Buster generation . I n 1990, for th e first time in nearl y sixty years , a pluralit y o f registere d voter s unde r th e ag e o f thirt y wer e Republicans. Th e next-larges t blo c o f youn g voter s identifie d themselve s as independents . Ne w Dealer s an d Boome r liberal s ar e no t replenishin g their ranks . A probabl e scenari o fo r th e futur e o f America n politics , an d o f socia l conservatism an d economi c populis m i n particular , woul d b e this : th e Democratic Part y continue s it s decline , becomin g n o mor e tha n 2 5 per cent o f th e electorate . Meanwhile , a t leas t tw o ne w Republica n partie s appear. A s Sunbelt Protestant s an d free-marke t champion s berat e the Big Government cred o o f Boome r liberals , th e secon d Republica n Part y

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would positio n itsel f between th e tw o extremes . I t would advocat e a conservative socia l agenda , a s wel l a s populis t economi c policies . Buchana n might well be the John th e Baptist o f this movement. Hi s political baggage and polarizin g rhetoric , however , woul d preven t hi m fro m becomin g th e leader o f a reconstituted Ne w Dea l Republica n Party . God Is a Conservative proposes t o examin e th e natur e o f morality-base d politics an d th e ris e o f socia l conservatis m sinc e th e sixties . Thi s socia l history of moral politics hopes to answer the question implied above: Will Christian conservatis m prov e t o be a s ineffectual, divisive , and obnoxiou s as Boome r liberalism ? Ho w d o rac e relation s fi t int o thi s discussio n o f morality an d politics ? Coul d Boome r liberal s los e blacks , on e o f thei r most reliabl e constituencies , i f they becom e convince d tha t conservative s are no t racists ? An d on e mor e question . Wit h traumati c economi c dislo cation alread y here , an d wit h mor e o n th e horizon , ar e mora l politic s a diversion fro m ou r pressin g problems , o r a cure fo r wha t ail s the nation ?

C H A P T E R O N

E

Reaping th e Whirlwin d 1968

Rev. Nelso n Bel l o f Montreat , Nort h Carolina , ha d no t bee n i n goo d humor eve r sinc e th e Suprem e Court , i n Brown v . the Board of Education (Topeka, Kansas) , rule d tha t raciall y segregate d school s wer e unconstitu tional. H e ha d bee n besid e himsel f whe n hi s son-in-law , Rev . Bill y Gra ham, forme d a friendshi p wit h a blac k Baptis t ministe r name d Marti n Luther King , Jr. Although Bel l could endors e Graha m an d King' s crusad e against sexuall y suggestiv e roc k 'n ' rol l lyrics , th e Nort h Carolinia n ha d no us e fo r civi l right s activism . T o Bell' s relief , Graha m ha d no t bee n a forceful advocat e o f the Montgomery, Alabama , bus boycott tha t Kin g led in 195 5 an d 1956 . O n th e othe r hand , Bell' s son-in-la w insiste d tha t hi s revival meetings , whethe r hel d i n th e Nort h o r th e South , b e raciall y integrated. Give n thi s history , th e lette r tha t arrive d a t Bell' s home i n th e spring o f 196 8 was mos t welcome . Writin g shortl y afte r King' s assassina tion, a Charlotte televisio n statio n directo r informe d Bell : I wrot e t o AB C .. . hopeful tha t the y migh t ceas e th e glorificatio n o f Marti n Luther Kin g and tur n t o somethin g tha t woul d serv e a constructive purpose . Somebody need s to d o something t o try to save the republic from suicide . It appears obvious that n o politician i n sight possesses both the will and the ability to d o it. Kindest personal regards. Cordially, Jesse Helms1 Other whit e southerner s wer e n o les s exasperate d wit h th e civi l right s movement. Followin g th e rac e riots that swep t th e natio n i n 1968, a Chattanooga woma n complaine d t o Bell . "I a m heartil y tired, " sh e wrote, "o f 14

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having th e matte r o f colo r use d a s a criticis m an d accusatio n agains t th e churches becaus e the y hav e no t throw n ope n thei r door s t o th e colore d race, who would probably be most dissatisfie d wer e they to become mem bers of a white congregation , excep t i n the cas e of a very few." Bell readily agreed wit h th e sentiment s expresse d b y hi s correspondents . Thre e year s earlier, whe n th e Watt s neighborhoo d o f Lo s Angele s ha d gon e u p i n flames, Kin g demande d th e resignatio n o f th e city' s whit e mayo r an d police chief. Although unemploye d blac k youths had starte d the riot, King blamed th e whit e powe r structur e fo r th e destructio n o f propert y wort h $40 million . Bel l countere d tha t i t wa s agitator s lik e Kin g wh o ha d pro voked th e riot . As far a s Bell was concerned , Kin g and hi s ilk, not th e Los Angeles Polic e Department , ha d th e bloo d o f thirty-fou r peopl e o n thei r hands. "Th e unfortunat e thing, " Bel l apprise d th e pasto r o f a Louisvill e Presbyterian Church , "i s that w e now hav e an elemen t i n ou r societ y who consider themselve s abov e th e law , an d whe n the y brea k it , conside r themselves martyr s i f they ar e punished." 2 In th e cit y wher e Kin g firs t ros e t o nationa l prominence , th e Mont gomery Advertiser delivere d a strang e eulog y t o th e slain activist . Whil e King wa s "a t leas t gli b an d adroi t i n th e guil e b y whic h h e manage d t o flummox a n alarmin g numbe r o f Americans, " hi s successo r a s leade r o f the Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conference , Rev . Ralp h Abernathy , could b e describe d onl y a s "a n unprinciple d an d unspeakabl e bu m with out an y redeemin g qualitie s whatever. " Th e Montgomer y Advertiser gleefully reminde d it s whit e reader s o f th e 195 8 incident i n whic h a jealous , hatchet-wielding husban d ha d gon e afte r King' s protege . Montgomery' s blacks close d rank s behind Abernathy , eve n thoug h h e was guilty of seeking "unnatura l se x acts " wit h anothe r man' s wife . Whil e th e enemie s o f the civi l right s movemen t sprea d tale s abou t Abernathy' s adulterou s be havior, Yanke e journalist s ofte n refuse d t o listen . Agains t a backdro p o f Ku Klu x Kla n bombing s o f black churche s an d th e murde r o f civi l right s activists, liberal s refuse d t o repor t o n th e mora l ga p betwee n th e publi c and persona l behavio r o f som e civi l right s leaders . I n an y event, th e larg e billboards alon g Alabam a roadside s tha t depicte d Kin g a s a Communis t only made norther n reporter s mor e hostil e towar d th e whit e South. 3 To th e northerner s wh o watche d th e civi l rights struggl e unfol d o n th e evening news , ther e seeme d t o b e tw o Souths : on e blac k an d on e white . Quite clearly , shotgun-wielding yahoo s i n picku p truck s were intent upo n brutalizing blacks . A t th e sam e time , however , opinio n survey s o f whit e southerners conducte d fou r year s befor e th e passag e o f th e 196 5 Votin g

16 Reapin

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Rights Ac t reveale d tha t 9 5 percen t though t tha t black s shoul d hav e th e right t o vote. A slim majorit y o f southern white s eve n state d that they did not min d sharin g a bus sea t with a black. On e Greensboro , Nort h Caro lina, textil e mil l superviso r i n 196 8 bes t summe d u p th e complicate d mind-set o f whit e southerners . Whil e h e boaste d tha t i f riotin g black s tried t o se t fire to hi s house h e would "ti e the m u p i n the stree t an d bur n them," th e sixty-year-ol d superviso r supporte d th e 196 4 Civil Right s Act, which banne d discriminatio n i n publi c accommodations . " I ain' t fo r holding th e colore d down, " h e tol d a pollster. 4 The proble m fo r whit e southerner s wa s no t jus t racial . Thei r experi ence wit h a faile d revolution , a humiliatin g militar y occupation , an d a century o f grinding povert y led man y souther n white s to be suspicious of the federa l government . The y wer e ster n believer s i n self-help , protectiv e of thei r propert y rights , and , havin g live d wit h economi c limits , ha d n o sense tha t ther e wa s enoug h t o shar e wit h les s fortunat e whites , let alon e blacks. Whe n Montgomery' s civi c leader s spen t $100,00 0 t o commemo rate th e centennia l o f Jefferso n Davis' s inauguratio n a s presiden t o f th e Confederate State s o f America , souther n white s wer e doin g mor e tha n symbolically slapping civi l rights activists in the face. They were thumbin g their nose s a t th e arrogan t Yankees i n Washington. 5 With th e en d o f th e Civi l War , souther n black s embrace d th e federa l government an d th e Republica n Part y a s their persona l champions . Con versely, souther n white s becam e arden t Democrat s an d foe s o f Bi g Gov ernment. (Thei r oppositio n t o Bi g Government di d have its limits. Southern planter s expresse d war m appreciatio n fo r th e cotton , peanut , an d tobacco subsidie s tha t Frankli n Roosevel t provided. ) Fe w northerner s i n the earl y sixties sympathize d wit h th e white South' s vie w that no t servin g blacks a t a restauran t wa s a basi c righ t o f privat e propert y ownership . Two northerner s who di d believe businesses had a constitutional righ t no t to serv e black s wer e National Review edito r Willia m F . Buckley , Jr. , an d Robert Bork—the n a little-know n membe r o f th e Yal e La w Schoo l fac ulty. Accordin g t o th e Yal e professor , relyin g upo n Congres s an d th e federal court s t o promot e racia l equalit y wa s mor e obnoxiou s t o consti tutional la w an d propert y right s tha n segregatio n itself . Bor k wa s no t going to b e invite d t o a lot o f Manhatta n soirees. 6 In spit e o f th e souther n racia l divide , an d i n spit e o f th e 196 2 rio t a t the Universit y o f Mississipp i tha t kille d tw o me n whe n racist s trie d t o stop a blac k fro m enrollin g a s a student , ther e wer e hopefu l develop ments. A year afte r th e cc O!e Miss " riot , th e Mississipp i Stat e Universit y

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basketball tea m quietl y sneake d ou t o f Starkvill e i n orde r t o compet e i n the NCA A tournamen t a t Eas t Lansing , Michigan . Stealt h wa s necessar y since Governo r Ros s Barnet t ha d forbidde n whit e Mississipp i athlete s from playin g agains t college s with blac k players. Even though the y lost t o an integrate d Loyol a o f Chicag o team , applaus e an d cheer s shoo k th e rafters o f th e auditoriu m a s th e Mississippian s shoo k hand s wit h thei r black an d Catholi c counterparts . "Ol e Miss " may have been th e school of choice fo r Dee p Sout h gentlemen , bu t th e cotto n chopper s i n Starkvill e showed tha t the y had fa r mor e class. 7 If on e believe d th e rhetori c o f the 10 1 Dixie congressme n wh o pledge d their unyieldin g oppositio n t o publi c schoo l integratio n i n 1956 , black s and white s live d completel y separat e fro m on e another . I n reality , ther e had alway s bee n place s i n th e segregate d Sout h wher e member s o f bot h races foun d harmony , crap s games , sex , an d bootle g whiskey . A t night , far of f th e stat e route s an d dee p i n th e cotto n fields , a humble sharecrop per's cabi n woul d b e transforme d int o a raucous "blin d pig. " Black bootleggers, wh o investe d pennie s i n th e manufactur e o f moonshine , woul d happily charg e thirst y whit e folk s sixtee n dollar s a gallon fo r thei r wares . Only th e handfu l o f patron s wh o wer e stil l standin g a s th e mornin g su n arose fel t cheated . Blac k musician s o n thei r wa y to Chicag o wer e know n to rais e th e roo f a t th e reefer-drenche d blin d pigs. 8 The cultur e spawne d o n th e margin s o f souther n lif e wa s shockin g t o religiously uprigh t white s an d blacks . On e ha d onl y t o liste n t o th e lyric s of hillbill y musi c an d rhyth m an d blue s t o hea r th e voic e o f mora l de pravity. Theme s o f adultery , drinkin g onesel f blind , illegitimacy , an d spousal murde r predominated . I t wa s n o wonde r tha t whe n th e musi c o f poor black s an d white s move d Nort h an d becam e repackage d a s rock V roll an d country-western , Bill y Graham an d Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., were aghast. T o th e consternatio n o f God-fearin g Baptists , th e musi c the y s o despised reflecte d unwelcom e truths . A s earl y a s th e thirties , th e Sout h had th e highes t illegitimac y an d syphili s rate s i n th e nation , an d si x Dixie states ranke d first i n th e incidenc e o f black-on-black homicide. 9 Yankee reformer s mistakenl y believe d tha t th e whit e powe r structur e sought onl y t o kee p lower-clas s blacks i n check . Littl e di d the y know tha t lower-class white s wer e als o targets . Whe n disfranchisemen t swep t th e South a t th e beginnin g o f the twentiet h century , almos t al l blacks, as well as a thir d o f whites , los t th e righ t t o vote . Moreover , whil e norther n liberals pointe d t o th e 3,40 0 black s wh o ha d falle n pre y t o lync h mob s since th e en d o f Reconstruction , the y faile d t o not e tha t 1,30 0 white s ha d

18 Reapin g the Whirlwin d met th e sam e fate . Paradoxically , th e middle-clas s white s an d black s wh o fought eac h othe r ove r civi l right s ha d lon g bee n unite d i n a culture wa r against th e dissolut e member s o f their respectiv e races. Near Plains, Georgia, durin g th e Grea t Depression , a man sexuall y assaulte d a ten-year-ol d black girl . After h e attacke d a white polic e officer , are a resident s sho t th e pedophile. Although liberal s chalked this incident u p a s a "mob lynching " of a n innocen t blac k man , the y coul d no t hav e been mor e wrong . Black s and white s wante d th e moleste r executed . Th e issu e her e wa s morality , not racism. 10 As champion s o f mora l order , th e te n millio n member s o f th e segre gated Souther n Baptis t Conventio n regarde d th e civi l rights movement a s less than Christian . I n 1965 , a handful o f black colleg e student s i n Tuske gee, Alabama, sough t t o atten d worshi p service s with whites. The deacon s of th e Baptis t churc h gav e ne w meanin g t o th e son g "Onwar d Christia n Soldiers," pummeling thei r blac k counterparts . A t Georgia' s Merce r Uni versity, a Souther n Baptis t college , a whit e ministe r los t hi s pulpi t whe n he criticize d hi s deacon s fo r barrin g blacks . Birmingham' s whit e clerg y closed rank s i n 1963 . They decrie d Kin g fo r claimin g t o lea d a nonviolen t movement tha t thrive d upo n th e provocatio n o f "hatre d an d violence. " King countere d tha t God' s commandment s transcende d secula r segrega tion laws . Consequently , black s ha d a mora l imperativ e t o marc h i n th e streets. I t wa s no t thei r faul t tha t th e Birmingha m Polic e Departmen t responded b y beating an d hosin g dow n helples s black children . Souther n black an d whit e clerg y were readin g fro m differen t Bibles. 11 Dismayed tha t blac k ministers wer e bringing their politica l agenda int o the sanctuar y o f God' s house , th e pasto r o f th e Thoma s Roa d Baptis t Church chastise d King . Fro m Lynchburg , Virginia , a communit y whos e name ha d becom e par t o f America's cultura l landscape , Rev. Jerry Falwell argued i n 196 5 tha t black s shoul d hee d th e word s o f Jesus . Th e Savior , after all , believed tha t individua l sin , no t discriminatio n an d segregation , was th e cru x o f humanity's problems . Moreover : If churc h leader s fee l tha t th e churc h shoul d tak e part i n socia l reforms , the n I am forced t o ask why the church is not concerned abou t the alcoholism problem in America . Ther e ar e almos t a s man y alcoholic s a s ther e ar e Negroes . Thre e times a s much mone y i s spent annuall y i n America fo r liquo r a s for education . More money is spent annuall y for tobacc o than fo r suppor t o f religious institutions. There seems to be a good bit of hypocrisy evident here. Why is the church not concerne d abou t th e libera l tren d i n ou r theologica l schools ? Why i s there not a like display of concern about the lowering of moral standards among young people today?12

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The dynami c youn g ministe r ha d goo d reaso n t o believ e tha t religiou s crusades agains t alcoho l an d immoralit y wer e mor e importan t tha n "th e alleged discriminatio n agains t Negroe s i n th e South. " Falwell' s father , a dance-hall operato r fro m th e wron g sid e o f th e tracks , ha d kille d hi s brother durin g a heate d argument . Althoug h th e elde r Falwel l ha d acte d in self-defense , h e neve r forgav e himsel f an d subsequentl y committe d th e slow suicide o f an alcoholic. 13 Falwell's unwillingnes s t o confron t racia l discriminatio n wa s under standable. Lik e man y whit e clergymen , h e coul d no t escap e th e peculia r history tha t ha d shape d souther n Christianity . Slaver y ha d existe d i n th e South mor e tha n a centur y befor e a Virginia n plante r name d Thoma s Jefferson ha d writte n tha t al l whit e me n wer e create d equal . Souther n planters enslave d Africans , ye t fel t morall y oblige d t o conver t the m t o Christianity. Englis h evangelica l Georg e Whitefiel d preache d th e Gospe l to black s i n th e eighteent h centur y whil e seekin g t o exten d slaver y t o Georgia. Whe n th e abolitionis t caus e swep t norther n Baptis t congrega tions i n th e nineteent h century , southerner s decide d t o secede . Founde d in 1845 , th e Souther n Baptis t Conventio n champione d slavery , temper ance, an d biblica l inerrancy . Whil e norther n Baptist s ha d n o problem s outlawing alcoho l an d believin g tha t everythin g i n th e Bibl e shoul d b e taken literally , human bondag e wa s anothe r matter. 14 Separation fro m thei r co-religionist s i n upstat e Ne w Yor k an d Ne w England ha d a number o f consequences fo r th e Souther n Baptists . Where Yankees champione d publi c schooling , wit h th e understandin g tha t th e schools woul d teac h Protestan t values , Souther n Baptist s balked . Dixie' s Protestants feare d tha t a n anti-religiou s secularis m woul d inevitabl y infec t public schools . Consequently, Mississipp i di d not establis h a public schoo l system unti l 1919 , eight y year s afte r Ne w England . I n th e South' s segre gated schools , blac k teacher s receive d hal f th e salar y o f whites. A s late a s 1945, th e majorit y o f souther n teachers , blac k o r white , di d no t hav e college degrees . Loca l schoo l board s did , however , mak e sur e tha t th e teachers wer e Christians. 15 At th e beginnin g o f th e twentiet h century , a numbe r o f Protestan t congregations i n th e Nort h embrace d th e Socia l Gospel . Her e wa s a the ology o f refor m tha t emphasize d th e economi c foundation s o f socia l in justice an d argue d tha t governmen t ha d a rol e i n combatin g poverty . Hailing fro m th e mor e affluen t Protestan t sects , advocate s o f th e Socia l Gospel als o tende d t o rejec t th e doctrin e o f biblica l inerrancy . In shor t order, th e sectiona l schis m tha t aros e fro m th e disput e ove r slaver y

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evolved int o a theological conflic t ove r religiou s practic e an d th e respon sibility o f governmen t t o chang e economi c an d racia l relations . Thos e who embrace d th e fundamenta l tenet s o f Protestantism becam e known as fundamentalists. Draw n fro m th e rank s o f the lowe r middl e class , funda mentalists scorne d th e Socia l Gospel. To Souther n Baptists , reformers lik e Martin Luthe r King , Jr. , were th e Pharisee s o f the moder n world . Hidin g behind thei r clerica l garb , the y sough t t o subver t th e messag e o f God' s church.16 Through th e fifties , liberal s an d fundamentalist s foun d on e are a o f agreement: Catholic s an d Communist s pose d seriou s threat s t o America n religious freedom . Rev . Norma n Vincen t Peale , a n autho r o f religiousl y tinged self-hel p books , an d Marti n Luthe r King , Sr. , warne d agains t a Vatican takeove r o f Americ a i f Joh n Kenned y wer e electe d presiden t i n i960. A nomina l Catholi c wh o though t tha t th e commandmen t agains t adultery wa s merel y a suggestion , Kenned y coul d no t believ e tha t th e father o f th e civi l right s leade r wa s a bigot. I t neve r occurre d t o Kenned y that ther e migh t hav e bee n a religious reaso n behin d wh y th e King s were named afte r th e leade r o f the Protestan t Reformation. 17 One othe r grou p i n th e Sout h ha d remaine d voiceles s i n th e region' s political affairs , partl y b y choic e an d partl y b y economi c circumstance . While fundamentalist s wer e revoltin g agains t a federa l governmen t tha t championed civi l rights , Pentecostal s seeme d t o b e a t peace . Althoug h most American s i n th e sixtie s di d no t kno w th e differenc e betwee n Pen tecostals an d fundamentalists , Souther n Baptist s an d member s o f suc h holiness congregation s a s the Assemblie s o f Go d di d no t nee d t o b e told . Pentecostals believe d i n fait h healin g an d spiri t possession . Go d coul d make the m spea k i n ancien t tongue s an d thereb y revea l Hi s word. Unfor tunately, Go d wa s no t th e onl y spiri t clos e a t hand . Sata n als o dwelle d among th e wretche d o f th e earth , constantl y temptin g the m wit h moon shine an d illici t sex . Man y o f th e wizene d Okie s wh o lef t th e Dus t Bow l for Californi a durin g the Great Depressio n wer e Pentecostals. Unlike John Steinbeck's fictional character s i n The Grapes of Wrath, thes e stoi c indi vidualists decline d federa l assistanc e an d scorne d farm-labo r organizers . (For tha t matter , rea l Okie s woul d no t hav e warme d t o an y lyric s fro m "The Battl e Hym n o f the Republic, " a Yankee Civil War song.) 18 Sin wa s no t a n abstrac t concep t t o Pentecostals . The y expecte d tha t everyone, includin g thei r religiou s leaders, would succum b t o temptation . In 1926 , whe n Lo s Angele s evangelis t Aime e Sempl e McPherso n appar ently went of f t o a "lov e nest " an d the n trie d t o cove r u p b y claimin g t o

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have been kidnapped , he r follower s wer e understanding . Th e intellectual s were no t s o forgiving. Sinclai r Lewi s mocked McPherso n i n Elmer Gantry, his searing indictment o f money-grubbing fundamentalist s an d lust y Pentecostals. I f Lewi s ha d closel y studie d th e peopl e h e purporte d t o writ e about, h e migh t hav e discovere d a fe w seemin g anomalies . Whit e an d black Pentecostal s ofte n worshippe d together . Indeed , i n th e dirt-poo r reaches o f Louisian a durin g th e forties , Jimm y Swaggar t preache d t o hi s black friend s whil e hi s cousin , Jerr y Le e Lewis , hun g ou t i n blin d pig s learning rhyth m an d blues . Whe n respectabl e whit e southerner s enacte d poll taxe s an d literac y test s a s par t o f thei r effor t t o disfranchis e blacks , they likewise had th e Lewi s and Swaggar t familie s i n mind . You just neve r knew whe n Jesu s wa s goin g t o tel l th e Pentecostal s tha t th e planter s wer e servants o f the Devil. 19 Not ever y Pentecostal cam e from a deprived background. Occasionally , a privilege d individua l discovere d tha t lif e withou t a n ever-presen t Go d lacked meaning . In Lexington, Virginia, in a universe far fro m Lynchburg , where Jerr y Falwell struggled t o overcom e famil y tragedy , a southern aris tocrat wa s born . Th e much-indulge d secon d so n o f Senato r A . Willi s Robertson, Pa t Robertso n coul d hav e bee n mistake n fo r on e o f th e princely Tarleto n twin s i n Gone With the Wind. Rura l povert y an d th e Great Depressio n neve r touche d Pa t Robertson . I n college , hi s friend s came fro m th e rank s o f th e dissipate d gentry . Roommat e Joh n Warner , with th e Social Directory at hi s side , scanne d th e yearbook s fro m nearb y women's college s looking fo r a suitable heires s t o marry. 20 Pat Robertso n followe d th e conventiona l pat h se t fo r a souther n gen tleman. Fro m colleg e h e entere d th e military , the n graduate d fro m Yal e Law School , an d soo n embarke d upo n a caree r a s a businessman . Th e next logica l ste p woul d hav e bee n t o retur n t o Virgini a an d prepar e fo r election t o Congress . Fo r Robertson , however , lif e remaine d empty . B y the fifties , th e Virginia n decide d t o becom e a clergyma n an d serv e th e poor. Forsakin g hi s family's wealth , Robertso n wen t t o a Brooklyn garde n spot know n a s Bedford-Stuyvesant . Desirin g t o liv e a s Jesu s di d amon g society's outcasts , Robertson , hi s wife , an d thei r childre n move d int o a rat-infested churc h center . Robertso n raciall y integrate d churche s i n th e New Yor k Cit y area , ministere d t o th e poor , an d le d a Bibl e stud y grou p for Jew s interested i n convertin g t o Christianity. 21 His experience s i n Bedford-Stuyvesan t taugh t th e senator' s so n a fe w things. Robertso n watche d on e ma n fathe r sixt y children , eac h o f the m on welfar e an d condemne d t o live s o f poverty . A s fa r a s Robertso n wa s

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concerned, ther e wa s to o muc h governmen t around—showerin g check s upon th e undeservin g poo r an d sappin g thei r desir e t o work—an d no t enough churches . A t th e sam e time , th e Pentecosta l brok e sharpl y wit h his fathe r o n th e questio n o f race . Senato r Robertso n ha d take n hi s plac e among othe r souther n congressme n wh o vowe d t o defea t th e civi l right s movement. Hi s so n accepte d black s a s brothers i n th e Hol y Spirit : I was much more open toward assimilation t o the blacks in society than were the Old-Guard Southerners . I wa s uncomfortabl e wit h th e massiv e resistanc e tha t went on , the unwillingness t o allow black people into school , and segregation in general, which put on e class of people down. They had a feeling of white superiority. That was their cultur e and i t was a blind spot , although thos e people were mostly Christians who just couldn't accommodate the emerging status of blacks.22 When Robertso n cam e home , i t was to preach , no t t o ru n fo r politica l office. Learnin g o f a ramshackl e UH F televisio n statio n fo r sal e i n Nor folk, Robertso n bough t i t fo r a fe w thousan d dollars . Th e Pentecosta l could no t hav e know n i n 196 1 tha t h e wa s helpin g t o giv e birt h t o a Christian counterculture . Robertson' s Christia n Broadcastin g Networ k (CBN) graduall y acquired televisio n an d radi o station s across the country . Wherever Appalachia n Pentecostal s migrate d nort h durin g World Wa r II, from th e hill s o f Alabama , Kentucky , an d Wes t Virginia , t o th e boo m towns o f Akron , Columbus , an d Detroit , CB N ha d a n audience . Whil e the new s medi a devote d muc h o f it s time t o chroniclin g th e youth rebel lion o f th e sixties , th e Christia n countercultur e wen t largel y unnoticed . When Hollywoo d mad e th e Pa t Boon e vehicle , The Cross and the Switchbladey Ne w Yorker s hoote d th e Pentecosta l her o wh o preache d amon g impoverished black s an d Puert o Ricans . Mor e often , thes e outlandis h Pentecostals di d no t eve n intrud e tha t muc h int o th e live s o f th e smar t set. I n an y event , s o long a s suc h southerner s kep t t o themselve s an d di d not vote , who care d i f they watche d CBN , sen t donation s t o Oklahoma' s Oral Roberts, and joined th e "Pentecostal Rotary"—th e Ful l Gospel Business Men' s Fellowship? 23 The actio n i n th e religiou s world , s o libera l reporter s an d politician s believed, wa s t o b e foun d i n th e respectabl e Protestan t denomination s and amon g progressive Catholics . Religious orthodoxy was out, while civil rights an d protes t agains t th e escalatin g Vietna m Wa r wer e in . Desirin g to mak e th e churc h mor e appealin g t o Catholi c colleg e students , som e East Coas t priest s brough t radica l politic s an d roc k 'n ' rol l musi c t o th e Mass. At countercultura l Masses—hel d i n activis t center s rathe r tha n th e parish church—clerg y an d lait y substitute d Beatles ' song s fo r mor e tra -

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ditional hymns . Afte r readin g passage s fro m Henr y Miller' s eroti c nove l Tropic of Capricorn, the lait y san g a n offertor y choru s o f " A Littl e Hel p from M y Friends. " Instea d o f picture s o f Christia n saint s hangin g fro m the wall s o f th e improvise d church , parishioner s wer e surrounde d b y photographs o f activist s like King an d Malcol m X. 24 Northern religiou s reformer s marche d wit h Kin g an d organize d pro tests agains t America' s anti-Communis t foreig n policy . Thoma s Merton , a Trappis t mon k whos e mystica l writing s wer e becomin g th e rag e o n college campuses, viewed the Vietnam Wa r a s a continuation o f America's history o f genocid e an d racism . Similarly , Fathe r Phili p Berriga n asserte d that Wester n civilizatio n wa s "th e enem y of man." On e Catholi c theolog y professor compare d Communis t leade r H o Ch i Min h t o Jesu s Chris t an d President Lyndo n Johnso n t o Satan : Depart from me , you cursed Americans, into the eternal fire for the devil and his angels; for I was a hungry North Vietnames e an d you gave me no food , I was a thirsty Viet Cong and you gave me no drink, I was a napalmed child and you did not welcom e me... . In fact , i t i s yo u wh o mad e me , th e Vietnames e Christ , hungry an d thirsty , a n outla w hidin g ou t i n m y own forests , an d i t i s you who maintain m y suffering b y bombing my people and villages and razing my land.25 In Milwaukee , libera l Catholic s establishe d a branc h o f th e Christia n Family Movement . Thi s grou p advocate d th e busin g o f white student s t o black schools , arguin g tha t racia l integratio n woul d improv e minorit y education. (Blac k Powe r advocate s di d no t appreciat e th e implici t ration ale behind busing ; that thei r childre n coul d no t lear n without th e intellectual stimulation o f white students an d teachers.) Suburbanite s and parent s who sen t thei r childre n t o privat e schools—lik e man y supporter s o f th e Christian Famil y Movement , fo r instance—woul d no t fee l th e effect s o f busing. Durin g a 196 7 open-housin g march , Milwaukee' s working-clas s Poles wave d basebal l bat s a t th e libera l Catholi c pries t wh o le d th e dem onstration. Tw o years before that , Selma , Alabama, racist s murdered Rev . James Reeb , a Unitarian ministe r an d Bosto n civi l rights activist . Viewing such incidents , an d the n linkin g America' s racia l trouble s t o th e never ending Vietnam conflict , Catholic , Jewish, and Protestan t reformer s cam e to a conclusion : Th e South , whit e workers , an d a foreig n policy-makin g Establishment i n Washington ha d declare d wa r o n God. 26 To th e youn g white s an d black s wh o filled th e rank s o f th e Ne w Left , it di d no t matte r i f racist AmeriKKKa wa s waging war agains t God . Man y activists worshippe d a t th e alta r o f H o Ch i Minh , Ma o Tse-Tung , Ch e Guevara, an d Fide l Castro . Other s wer e insatiabl e hedonists , revelin g i n

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immediate physica l gratificatio n throug h drug s an d sex . Even i f the num ber o f gonorrhe a case s amon g youth s increase d 20 0 percen t durin g th e sixties, fe w o f the m seeme d concerned . Ther e wa s n o suc h thin g a s a n incurable socia l disease. Nothing mor e was required t o be rid of a sexually transmitted diseas e tha n a quic k tri p t o th e fre e clini c an d a sho t o f penicillin. I n Sa n Francisco , where refrigerator s coul d contai n mor e LS D than food , straight s an d gay s bragged abou t thei r sexua l conquests. Man y could mar k a scor e i n th e tripl e digits . Antiwa r activist s a t Berkele y en listed i n th e cause , founding th e militan t Sexua l Freedom League . Regular orgies, an d th e legalizatio n o f pornograph y an d pedophilia , wer e bu t a few projects o f the Ba y Area freedo m fighters. Thes e folk s were not seein g much o f the insid e o f churches o r synagogue s o n th e weekends. 27 Although th e civi l right s movemen t ha d bee n bor n i n th e blac k churches, wit h Kin g deliberatel y callin g hi s organizatio n th e Souther n Christian Leadershi p Conference , th e religiosit y o f it s ne w recruit s wa s minimal. A s secula r white s an d black s fro m th e Nort h di d battl e i n Bir mingham an d Selma , fewe r activist s attende d churc h o r expresse d a belief in God . B y 1964 , barel y a thir d o f whit e civi l right s activist s fro m th e North though t religiou s belie f relevan t t o th e caus e o f socia l justice. Go d was dead . Describin g hi s thought s a t hi s first antiwa r demonstration , a member o f th e radica l Student s fo r a Democrati c Societ y (SDS ) bes t summed u p th e attitud e o f th e Ne w Lef t towar d religion , " I fel t th e wa y I di d whe n I gave u p religion . I felt I had kicke d something . I was free." 28 A desire t o "d o m y ow n thing, " couple d wit h a hostility towar d whit e workers, southerners, authorit y figures, an d a government tha t waged war on Marxis t guerrilla s i n Southeas t Asia , forme d th e basi s o f Ne w Lef t ideology. Col d Wa r Democrats , th e politician s wh o stoo d a t th e "vita l center" o f America n society , represente d th e tru e adversarie s o f progres sive reform . Som e SDSer s became revolutionaries , robbin g banks , bombing militar y bases , an d rumblin g wit h whit e policemen—th e occupatio n army o f America' s ghett o colonies . Othe r Ne w Leftist s sough t contro l o f the Democrati c Party , intendin g t o driv e ou t it s racis t urba n machin e bosses an d anti-Communis t labo r leaders . Stil l mor e dreame d o f makin g "the lon g marc h throug h th e professions, " movin g int o position s o f cul tural powe r i n th e university , th e media , an d Hollywood . Radical s als o entered th e lega l profession i n orde r t o shap e th e federa l judiciary . Just as they nationalize d th e civi l right s conflict , challengin g repressiv e loca l or dinances i n th e federa l courts , radical s planne d othe r lega l crusades . I n

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their minds , norther n communitie s tha t prohibite d abortio n an d ga y sex were little different fro m th e souther n state s that sanctione d segregation. 29 A few observer s o n th e Righ t notice d tha t a growing numbe r o f young conservatives wer e n o les s hedonisti c tha n thei r counterpart s i n th e Ne w Left. Th e National Review, reflectin g th e angs t o f its conservative Catholi c editors, warne d tha t th e libertarians ' rejectio n o f Bi g Governmen t coul d go to o far . Scrappin g a federa l bureaucrac y tha t interfere d wit h th e con duct o f business was one thing, but th e wholesale repudiatio n o f all moral authority wa s anothe r matter . Libertarian s wante d t o legaliz e marijuan a and abolis h th e draft . (Onl y th e poo r woul d b e compelle d b y th e fre e market t o enlist. ) Eve n thoug h th e libertaria n Righ t an d th e Ne w Lef t stood a t opposit e end s o f th e politica l spectrum , the y ha d muc h i n com mon. Bot h wante d dominio n ove r th e federa l government , wit h libertar ians hopin g t o fre e busines s fro m healt h an d safet y regulations , an d radi cals wantin g t o outla w racis m an d den y militar y suppor t t o anti-Communist regimes . Libertarian s an d leftist s avoide d th e Vietna m War throug h college-studen t deferments , smoke d po t (som e eve n in haled), an d entere d th e rank s o f th e uppe r middl e class . Th e libertaria n Right usuall y coul d ge t alon g wit h th e Ne w Left ; i t wa s thos e Souther n Baptists, orthodo x Catholics , an d angr y white worker s who were s o trou blesome.30 The blac k Ne w Lef t wa s no t withou t it s ow n quirks . Althoug h racis m pervaded America n society , black leftist s frequentl y exaggerate d thei r suf fering fo r politica l ends. No objectiv e whit e would hav e denied that black s found i t difficult t o obtai n decen t jobs an d housin g in Lansing , Michigan , during th e Grea t Depression . Ye t Malcol m Little , upo n becomin g th e Black Muslim leade r Malcol m X , invented a story in which white suprem acists murdered hi s father. Actually , a jealous husband ha d ambushe d th e senior Little . I n th e Ocea n Hill-Brownsvill e distric t o f Brookly n i n 1968 , black militant s accuse d whit e teacher s an d publi c schoo l administrator s of bein g racists . Man y o f th e white s wer e libera l Jew s who ha d marche d in civi l right s demonstrations . Th e blac k militant s seize d contro l o f th e school district' s governin g board , employin g vicious anti-Semiti c rhetori c to justify th e expulsio n o f Jewish teachers. 31 Black Panthe r leade r Eldridg e Cleave r argue d tha t th e rap e o f whit e women b y black me n represente d "a n insurrectionar y act. " Stokele y Carmichael, a leadin g proponen t o f Blac k Power , proclaime d tha t "ever y courthouse i n Mississipp i shoul d b e burnt dow n tomorro w s o we can ge t

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rid o f the [white ] dirt. " A militant black college student i n Ohio informe d a pollster tha t h e welcomed riotin g because it would driv e all of the whites from th e cities . However , thi s youn g ma n coul d no t understan d wh y "these Je w merchant s kee p comin g back. " Anyon e wh o criticize d th e black militants ' anti-Semitis m an d exhortation s t o violence against whites was scorne d b y th e Ne w Left . A s victim s o f racism , black s coul d no t themselves b e racist . I n an y event , th e white radical s who went sout h ha d rejected th e blac k clerg y a s "Uncl e Toms. " Th e authentic blac k peopl e whom the y cam e t o rescu e fro m oppressio n were—lik e Malcol m X an d the Blac k Panthers—t o b e foun d i n th e prison s an d blin d pigs . Sure the y were rough , bu t tha t mad e the m real . Souther n Baptist s neede d n o mor e confirmation tha t th e civi l right s movemen t wa s a n incubato r o f immor ality.32 In th e earl y sixties , libera l northerner s expresse d n o littl e satisfactio n that America' s rac e proble m wa s a southern problem . Th e Lo s Angele s riot o f 196 5 shoo k thei r complacency . B y 1968 , i n th e aftermat h o f on e hundred rac e riot s tha t kille d 22 5 people an d cause d $11 2 billion i n prop erty damage , ther e wa s littl e caus e fo r Manhatta n t o fee l superio r t o Birmingham. Norther n liberal s wer e puzzled . Afte r all , ther e ha d neve r been an y racial disturbance s i n thei r white-collar neighborhood s an d suburbs. Th e professor s an d lawyer s o f Brookline , Massachusetts , fo r in stance, prided themselve s o n creatin g a community ope n t o anyone in th e upper middl e class . Blacks , Greeks , Refor m Jews , and Anglo-Saxo n Prot estants establishe d excellen t publi c schools , ar t galleries , an d restaurant s for th e sophisticate d diner . Everyon e go t alon g i n Brookline . Wh y coul d those people i n Boston , Buffalo , an d Milwauke e no t emulat e thei r worth y example?33 It require d littl e effor t t o discer n wh o those people were that th e liberal professionals foun d s o distasteful: working - an d lower-middle-class Cath olics. Thei r friend s generall y referre d t o the m a s white ethnics . Less kin d critics, namel y suburba n liberal s an d collegiat e Ne w Leftists , calle d the m racist, hawkis h har d hats . Alon g th e easter n seaboard , mos t Catholic s hailed fro m Ital y and Ireland . Th e Irish an d th e Italian s arrived i n Bosto n and Ne w Yor k i n th e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centur y wer e me t with discrimination i n employment, housing, and higher education. Often as not , i t wa s th e Episcopalia n grandparent s o f th e libera l Brookliner s who ha d discriminate d agains t whit e ethnic s lik e Pano s Dukakis . (Faced with discrimination , Greek s an d Jew s were mor e pron e t o assimilat e tha n

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Slavs, putting thei r immigrant , blue-colla r root s fa r behin d them. ) In th e industrial center s o f th e heartland , representative s fro m corporation s lik e U.S. Stee l ha d gon e t o Croatian , Polish , an d Slovakia n village s t o recrui t workers. Slavs worked fo r pennie s an d appeare d t o be docile . Since man y of th e Easter n Europea n Catholic s haile d fro m th e Austro-Hungaria n Empire, th e Presbyteria n mil l bosse s mockingl y labele d the m "Huns " o r "Hunkies." Souther n blac k migrant s pronounce d "Hunkie " a s "Hon kie."34 White ethni c an d blac k relation s ha d neve r bee n cordial . Durin g th e 1919 stee l strike , U.S . Steel , Bethlehem , an d Republi c recruite d ten s o f thousands o f black scabs from th e South. Eighteen years later, recent black migrants side d wit h th e mil l bosses , defeatin g CI O organizin g effort s i n Johnstown, Pennsylvania , an d th e cities o f Ohio' s "Stee l Valley"—Can ton, Massillon , an d Youngstown . Racia l violence flare d i n th e mil l town s while Nationa l Guardsme n an d compan y "goo n squads " fired int o th e picket lines. Although black scabs became legendary in the Midwest, white Appalachian migrant s als o brushe d asid e th e Catholi c strikers . Catholic s had n o us e fo r blac k o r souther n Protestan t strik e breakers . Indeed , eth nics woul d hav e give n a muc h friendlie r receptio n t o a pro-CI O blac k than t o Bul l Connor , a n enthusiasti c membe r o f U.S. Steel's Birmingha m goon squad . Fo r the Catholi c Ne w Dealers who ha d fough t th e labor wars of th e thirties , ther e wa s n o reservoi r o f goodwil l towar d Connor . Whe n Birmingham's viciou s polic e commissione r fough t Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., i n 1963 , the Unite d Stee l Workers Unio n an d th e Unite d Automobil e Workers sen t mone y t o th e Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conference. 35 With th e adven t o f th e Secon d Worl d War , nearl y tw o millio n south ern black s heade d t o th e Midwes t an d California . Onc e Dixie' s cotto n fields becam e full y service d b y mechanize d picker s i n th e fifties, thre e million mor e blac k southerner s wen t north . Chicago' s blac k populatio n grew fro m 492,00 0 i n 195 0 t o mor e tha n on e millio n b y th e en d o f th e sixties. Whites wh o coul d affor d suburba n housin g lef t th e cities , leavin g behind strugglin g Catholic s an d Appalachians . Convince d tha t Catholic s possessed "white-ski n privilege, " upscal e Ne w Leftist s cam e t o regar d working-class ethnic s a s par t o f th e racis t powe r structur e tha t rule d America. The y wer e deluded . I n th e sixties , two-third s o f Italian Americans live d no t muc h abov e the poverty level and onl y 7 percent ha d college diplomas. Similarly, four-fifths o f Polish-Americans collected min imal wage s an d jus t hal f ha d complete d hig h school . Postwa r affluenc e

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for th e typica l Catholic , Souther n Baptist , an d Pentecosta l mean t havin g a ca r paymen t an d a mortgag e o n a smal l bungalow . I t di d no t mea n living in a spacious Brooklin e abod e an d attendin g Harvard. 36 In 1964 , President Johnso n announce d hi s intentio n t o build th e Grea t Society, whic h woul d d o awa y wit h racis m an d poverty . Civi l right s leg islation outlawe d discriminatio n an d protecte d blac k votin g rights , whil e a host o f social-welfare program s eithe r expande d upo n thei r earlie r char ter o r wer e create d whol e cloth . I n Chicago , Johnson' s Communit y Ac tion Progra m awarde d grant s t o "authentic " blac k communit y leaders, in most case s bypassin g th e clergy . (Secula r liberal s wishe d t o maintai n th e separation o f churc h an d state , an d radical s disdaine d mos t blac k minis ters. On e Brookly n ministe r concede d tha t th e churc h wa s a "trainin g ground fo r equippin g folk s wit h th e middle-clas s value s o f upwar d mo bility/' Fe w blac k clerg y calle d fo r th e overthro w o f capitalism. ) Black s were then expecte d t o establish businesses that would eas e unemploymen t in th e inne r city . Unfortunately, amon g th e ne w minority business organ izations create d wer e th e Vice Lord s an d th e E l Rukns. Ethnic Democrat s were no t amuse d tha t Washingto n bureaucrat s wer e usin g thei r taxe s t o subsidize dru g dealing , extortion , murder , an d prostitution . Grea t Societ y liberals denie d tha t ther e wer e an y problem s an d accuse d critic s o f th e Community Actio n Progra m o f bein g racists . (Presiden t Johnso n cu t hi s losses, abandoning th e Communit y Actio n Program.) 37 During th e sixtie s welfar e program s fo r singl e mother s becam e mor e generous. Wit h th e poo r receivin g federa l checks , subsidize d housing , Medicaid, an d foo d stamps , th e cycl e o f poverty , crime , an d illegitimac y would surel y b e broken . I n 1965 , one-quarte r o f blac k childre n di d no t have fathers . Nearl y all illegitimate childre n live d in poverty. The next fe w years sa w federa l spendin g o n th e poo r expan d 400 percent , whil e th e caseload fo r Ai d t o Familie s wit h Dependen t Childre n (AFDC ) ros e 12 5 percent. I n th e sam e spa n o f time , th e numbe r o f single , black , teenag e mothers gre w 80 0 percen t an d th e proportio n o f blac k childre n wh o di d not hav e father s wen t fro m one-quarte r t o one-third . Th e violen t crim e rate wen t u p 12 6 percent a s th e numbe r o f murderers , rapists , an d dru g dealers throw n int o priso n fel l substantially . Thos e mos t affecte d b y violence wer e whit e ethnic s an d blacks . Th e affluen t suburb s wher e Grea t Society liberals lived remaine d saf e havens. 38 The leve l o f trus t betwee n ethnic s an d Protestan t liberal s ha d neve r been high . Durin g th e fortie s an d fifties, i n a n er a whe n ethnic s wer e supposed t o hav e becom e full y accepte d member s o f America n society ,

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prominent libera l voice s wer e hear d criticizin g Catholics . Th e Nationa l Education Associatio n oppose d providin g publi c transportatio n t o paro chial schoolchildren . Takin g th e NEA' s side , forme r firs t lad y Eleano r Roosevelt claime d tha t effort s t o giv e ta x break s t o parent s wit h childre n in parochia l schools , o r eve n transportin g Catholi c children , wer e par t o f a Vatican-directed schem e t o seiz e control o f American education . To th e NEA an d Eleano r Roosevelt , i t di d no t matte r tha t Catholic s ha d t o pa y property taxe s to suppor t th e public school s their childre n di d no t attend , as well a s come u p wit h parochia l schoo l tuition. 39 Protestant educator s had wanted t o destroy the parochial school system since it s inception i n th e nineteent h century . Th e passing of one hundre d years ha d change d littl e i n th e publi c schoo l establishment' s attitud e to ward Catholi c schools . I t mattere d hardl y a t al l t o th e NEA , an d t o th e editors o f suc h libera l magazine s a s the Christian Century an d th e Nation that th e bishop s o f Ne w Orleans , St . Louis , an d Washingto n ha d raciall y integrated thei r parochia l school s year s befor e th e Brown decision . Ironi cally, whe n integratio n cam e t o Washington' s public schools y Senato r George McGover n an d Suprem e Cour t Justic e Ear l Warren enrolle d thei r children i n eithe r privat e o r suburba n schools . A s Alabama' s combativ e governor Georg e Wallac e tartl y pu t it , "The y ar e buildin g a ne w bridg e over th e Potoma c fo r al l the white liberal s fleein g t o Virginia." 40 The crim e proble m simpl y adde d anothe r bric k i n th e wal l separatin g socially conservative ethnic s fro m Grea t Societ y liberals. Prior t o the War ren Court' s expansio n o f civil liberties fo r violen t offenders , a s well as the Great Society' s provision o f free lega l aid to criminals , urban polic e force s served a s armie s o f occupation . Th e Ne w Lef t ha d tha t muc h right . Po licemen routinel y beat confession s ou t o f miscreants—black, hillbilly , and Italian. O n th e othe r hand , polic e officer s kep t a lid on crime . Those mos t likely t o becom e victim s o f violence—th e poor—coul d wal k th e street s of their neighborhood s withou t fea r o f being gunne d dow n b y drug deal ers. Ther e wa s a trade-of f betwee n civi l libertie s an d safet y tha t urba n people ha d bee n makin g sinc e the first Iris h co p slamme d a South Bosto n thug ont o th e cobbleston e pavement . T o th e refine d member s o f th e American Civi l Libertie s Union , thi s trade-of f wa s n o longe r acceptable . But then , th e ACL U attorney s di d no t hav e t o liv e with th e consequence s of thei r lega l initiatives . Muggers , dop e dealers , an d gunslinger s ha d no t found thei r wa y to Brookline. 41 Great Societ y liberal s mad e muc h o f thei r effort s t o ope n u p middle class employmen t opportunitie s fo r blacks . Conservative s countere d tha t

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the blac k standar d o f livin g ha d bee n improvin g befor e federa l interven tion. I n th e decad e befor e Johnso n gav e birth t o th e Grea t Society , large r numbers o f norther n black s wer e obtainin g colleg e degrees . A new blac k middle class , eithe r self-employe d o r workin g i n th e privat e sector , wa s appearing. I n th e sixties , th e federal , state , an d municipa l government s brushed asid e th e privat e secto r a s th e employe r o f choic e fo r th e blac k middle class . Black s becam e socia l worker s an d teachers , directe d Com munity Actio n Programs , an d manage d publi c housin g projects . Two thirds o f al l public-secto r employmen t i n th e sixtie s wa s relate d t o th e operation o f the welfare state . More than hal f of these jobs went t o blacks. To th e averag e blue-colla r Democrat , i t appeare d a s i f th e Grea t Societ y intended t o gra b large r chunk s o f hi s paychec k i n orde r t o benefi t blac k welfare recipients . H e coul d discer n littl e differenc e betwee n th e blac k social worker an d th e blac k welfare mother . Bi g Government wa s becoming identifie d a s Black Welfare Government. 42 If th e issue s dividin g ethnic s an d upper-middle-clas s liberal s ha d re mained confine d t o Bi g Government , welfare , an d crime , ther e migh t have remaine d som e smal l hop e fo r reconciliation . Afte r all , both group s still embraced man y o f the tenet s o f New Deal liberalism; namely, a belief that governmen t shoul d promot e equa l opportunit y fo r al l Americans . Rapprochement, however , wa s no t i n th e cards . With libertaria n sensibil ities swellin g amon g liberal s an d radicals , ne w protes t movement s aros e out o f the bowels o f the Blac k Power movement . Feminis m an d th e legalization o f abortion too k cente r stag e among the cause s of social liberalism in th e sixties. 43 In 1966 , secula r Jew s an d Protestant s founde d th e Nationa l Organiza tion fo r Women . NO W wa s a politica l pressur e grou p tha t spok e o n behalf o f women wit h careers , not working-clas s wome n wit h low-payin g jobs an d strugglin g families . Ninet y percen t o f NOW' s member s wer e college graduates , one-thir d possesse d graduat e degrees , and a substantia l number wer e lesbians. It would hav e been difficul t t o hav e found a grou p more alie n t o th e averag e high-school-educated , marrie d woman . No t surprisingly, NOW' s advocac y o f abortio n deepl y offende d Catholic s an d fundamentalists. Althoug h NO W trie d to frame abortio n right s as an issue pitting wome n agains t men , th e pollin g evidenc e showe d th e hollownes s of it s contentions . Throughou t th e sixties , working-clas s Protestan t women expresse d th e greates t oppositio n t o th e legalizatio n o f abortion . Conversely, unchurche d me n i n thei r twentie s wer e th e mos t ferven t ad vocates o f abortion . ("I f yo u can' t b e wit h th e on e yo u love, " Stephe n

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Stills sang, "Love the on e you're with." However , i f you get pregnant, tha t is your problem.) 44 The mos t annoye d Catholic s establishe d politica l network s t o comba t the force s o f socia l liberalism . Phylli s Schlafly , a "housewife " an d devou t Catholic, conclude d tha t th e onl y hop e fo r socia l conservative s wa s t o wrest th e Republica n part y awa y fro m it s libera l Eas t Coas t leaders . B y her lights , th e Democrat s ha d alread y gon e to o fa r t o th e lef t t o b e re deemed. I n 1968 , a grou p o f religiou s traditionalist s founde d Catholic s United fo r th e Faith . Thes e conservative s oppose d se x educatio n i n th e schools, embraced th e Vatican's oppositio n t o all unnatural form s o f birth control, an d viewe d libera l priest s wit h repulsion . Althoug h Schlafl y an d Catholics Unite d fo r Fait h spok e fo r onl y fifteen thousan d o r s o cor e activists, thei r constituencie s wer e alread y muc h large r an d mor e politi cally formidabl e tha n th e Catholi c Left . B y focusin g o n countercultura l Masses, libera l journalist s onc e agai n misse d a majo r developmen t i n American religion. 45 Since th e Grea t Depression , Catholic s ha d see n th e nationa l Demo cratic Part y an d th e federa l governmen t a s friends . Fo r al l o f th e Repub lican rhetori c abou t Ne w Dea l socialis m an d tyrannica l Bi g Government , the Democrats ha d fairl y modest ambitions . Washington create d a welfare state, bu t it s beneficiaries wer e th e deservin g poo r wh o ha d bee n throw n out o f wor k throug h n o faul t o f thei r own . Widow s receive d AFDC . (Single women , afte r all , di d no t hav e childre n ou t o f wedloc k an d me n did no t deser t thei r families. ) Washingto n expecte d businessme n an d la borers t o contribut e t o Socia l Securit y an d unemploymen t compensatio n funds. Thos e wh o di d no t wor k woul d no t collec t governmen t checks . Anyone wh o committe d a crim e agains t lif e an d propert y wen t t o jail . Finally, th e federa l governmen t regulate d labor-managemen t relations , not persona l morality . Sexua l liberatio n an d abortio n right s wer e no t o n the plate . So long a s Washington an d th e Democrati c Part y remained tru e t o th e New Deal , Catholic s truste d governmen t t o d o good . Whe n i t cam e t o issues o f moralit y an d poverty , communitie s an d churche s di d wha t Washington di d no t an d shoul d no t do . In Catholi c theology, this empha sis upon mora l solution s to local problems was called subsidiarity. Schools belonged unde r th e contro l o f parents , no t city , state , o r federa l bureau crats. Poverty i s not abolishe d b y giving the poo r check s but b y expectin g them t o work . A t th e loca l level , th e churche s an d charitabl e individual s must teac h th e poo r skill s an d plac e the m i n jobs . The Grea t Society , th e

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Warren Court , an d th e Ne w Lef t rejecte d ever y componen t o f Catholi c social instructio n an d Ne w Dea l philosophy . Fo r th e firs t tim e sinc e 1933, many Catholic s cam e t o regar d Washingto n a s an unfaithfu l friend. 46 Facing growin g division s withi n th e Ne w Dea l coalitio n ove r welfare , crime, an d abortion , Grea t Societ y liberals onl y compounde d thei r prob lems. Presiden t Johnson' s escalatio n o f th e Vietna m conflic t i n 196 5 opened th e wa y fo r additiona l rift s i n th e Democrati c Party . Althoug h Johnson's anti-Communis t foreig n polic y wa s i n keepin g wit h principle s set dow n b y Harr y Truma n afte r Worl d Wa r II , a ne w anti-Col d Wa r constituency ha d appeared . Wit h it s base growin g o n th e universit y cam puses an d i n th e white-colla r professions , th e Ne w Lef t sough t t o under mine Col d Wa r liberalism . Johnso n mad e som e effor t t o appeas e dovis h critics b y wagin g a limite d wa r i n Southeas t Asi a an d keepin g line s o f communication ope n t o Hanoi . Sinc e the presiden t woul d no t conside r a unilateral withdrawa l fro m Vietnam , hi s foreig n polic y onl y infuriate d Democratic dove s an d radicals . Antiwar protest s becam e large r an d mor e confrontational. With Johnso n unwillin g t o unleas h America' s ful l militar y migh t against Nort h Vietnam , ethnic s an d fundamentalist s becam e disen chanted. Althoug h Souther n Baptist s an d Catholic s ha d vigorousl y disa greed with on e anothe r o n issue s ranging from Prohibitio n t o labor unio n recognition, the y wer e unite d i n a t leas t on e thing . Bot h group s wer e extraordinarily patriotic . During World Wa r II , Catholics and southerner s had outdon e themselve s i n supportin g th e crusad e agains t German y an d Japan. As a proportion o f the American population , they shouldered mor e than thei r shar e o f th e comba t burde n i n th e Europea n an d Pacifi c thea ters. Further , Catholic s wer e mor e likel y tha n Protestant s an d Jew s t o think tha t th e surrende r o f Japa n di d no t reall y mea n th e wa r wa s over . American Catholic s believe d tha t th e Sovie t Unio n woul d inevitabl y be come a dangerou s foe . Souther n Protestants , unlik e thei r norther n coun terparts, did no t la g far behin d Catholic s in thei r suspicion o f the USSR — even i f man y fundamentalist s an d Pentecostal s remaine d fearfu l o f th e Vatican.47 Although forme r Vic e Presiden t Henr y Wallac e though t wel l o f th e Soviet Union , mos t Democrat s appreciate d Truman' s effort s t o restrai n Joseph Stalin . Croatian , Polish , an d Slovak-America n Democrats , whos e ancestral home s wer e no w unde r Communis t subjugation , vote d agains t any candidate—regardles s o f party—wh o di d no t promot e a strong mil itary defens e agains t th e Sovie t Union . I n 1948 , Henry Wallace challenge d

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Truman, declarin g himsel f th e presidentia l candidat e o f th e leftis t Pro gressive Party . Although Wallac e claime d no t t o kno w tha t th e America n Communist Part y provide d hi m wit h th e bul k o f hi s fund s an d volun teers, i t was a n ope n secret. 48 Euphoric ove r Wallace' s spectacula r defea t an d quic k disappearanc e from th e politica l scene , Col d Wa r liberal s overlooke d a fe w warnin g signs. Wallac e ha d racke d u p enoug h vote s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y amon g secular Jew s an d Anglo-Saxo n professional s t o den y Truma n th e state' s electoral votes . I f ther e ha d bee n mor e suc h Wallac e voter s i n othe r cos mopolitan locales , th e Republican s woul d hav e capture d th e Whit e House. I n 1948 , there wer e no t a sufficien t numbe r o f colleg e professors , journalists, an d secula r voter s t o constitut e a blo c capabl e o f inflictin g electoral damag e upo n anti-Communis t Democrats. 49 Liberals expresse d greate r concer n whe n Sout h Carolin a governo r Strom Thurmon d stalke d ou t o f th e 194 8 Democratic convention . Thur mond an d hi s follower s wer e protestin g Truman' s modes t civi l right s concessions t o th e growin g northern-blac k votin g bloc . Eve n thoug h Thurmond wo n a few souther n state s a s the Dixiecra t presidentia l candi date, an d late r becam e th e firs t Dee p Sout h Republica n senato r sinc e Reconstruction, Truma n hel d nearl y al l o f th e region . Th e Democrati c Party rallie d th e Catholics , brushe d of f th e Left , thre w a fe w crumb s t o northern blacks , an d retaine d th e loyaltie s o f mos t whit e southerners . As far a s Johnson wa s concerned , wha t worke d i n '4 8 shoul d wor k i n '68. 50 Johnson's failur e t o win a quick victory in Vietnam was not the greatest cause o f distres s amon g ethnic s an d southerners . Throug h th e provisio n of deferments fo r colleg e student s an d thos e who worked i n Great Societ y agencies, 6 0 percen t o f draft-ag e male s avoide d militar y service . Mor e than four-fifth s o f al l colleg e student s cam e fro m th e middl e an d uppe r classes, an d th e lega l ai d lawyer s an d socia l worker s wh o flocke d t o th e ghetto ofte n ha d impeccabl e pedigrees . During the Vietnam War onl y one student eac h fro m Harvard , Princeton , an d Yal e died i n combat . B y 1968, working-class ethnics , lik e mos t Americans , ha d grow n wear y o f the war . Dearborn, Michigan , a lower-middle-clas s Catholi c subur b o f Detroit , voted fo r a resolutio n agains t th e war . Thi s vot e dumbfounde d man y campus activist s sinc e Dearbor n ha d a well-deserved reputatio n fo r bein g hostile towar d antiwa r student s an d blacks . An n Arbor' s constituenc y o f conscience shoul d no t hav e bee n puzzle d b y it s neighbors ' disgus t wit h Vietnam. A s a resul t o f th e 196 8 Te t Offensive , Dearbor n ha d los t mor e of it s childre n i n th e war tha n an y othe r communit y i n th e nation. 51

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Like thei r Catholi c counterparts , Souther n Baptist s an d Pentecostal s were raisin g thei r voices agains t Johnson , th e doves , and th e campus Left . While larg e number s o f Presbyteria n an d Episcopalia n clerg y wanted a n immediate withdrawa l fro m Vietnam , o r a t leas t a bombin g hal t a s a prelude t o peac e negotiations , th e majorit y o f fundamentalist s an d Pen tecostals calle d fo r a militar y escalation . Nort h an d South , th e religiou s traditionalists wer e one . I n Carbondale , a souther n Illinoi s communit y largely compose d o f Pentecostal s an d Italians , th e loca l newspape r de nounced th e dove s o f 196 8 as rioter s an d killers . The majorit y o f folk s i n the hinterlan d remaine d patriotic . The y were , however , losin g fait h i n government leader s wh o seeme d unabl e t o defea t Communis m oversea s and quel l domestic unrest . Contrar y t o the imag e presented by the media , most students , particularl y thos e fro m humbl e backgrounds , were no less critical o f the peac e protesters. 52 By 1968 , a yea r o f hig h casualtie s i n bot h Vietnames e an d America n cities, Joh n Kennedy' s presidenc y ha d take n o n mythi c proportions . Through mist y eyes, liberals referre d t o th e earl y sixties as a golden ag e of peace an d prosperity . Kennedy' s electio n i n i96 0 ha d change d th e cours e of America n history . American s wante d th e idealis m an d glamou r o f th e Kennedys, no t th e cynicis m an d drearines s o f the Nixons . O f course , thi s was, demographicall y speaking , nonsense . Kennedy' s electio n b y 100,00 0 votes hardl y represente d a mandat e fo r ambitiou s libera l reform . I f any thing, Nixon' s near-victory , an d th e fac t tha t twenty-tw o Democrat s los t their Hous e seats , indicated ho w far th e Republican s were cutting into th e New Deal's constituencies. Kennedy's efforts t o reassure Southern Baptist s that a s president h e would no t b e a t th e bec k an d cal l of the pop e score d some points i n the South . (Despit e his efforts, Boston' s most lapsed Cath olic stil l los t Florida , Mississippi , Tennessee , an d Virginia. ) A t th e sam e time middle-clas s Iris h Catholic s wh o believe d tha t Kenned y ha d dis tanced himsel f to o fa r fro m th e churc h defecte d t o Nixon . Slav s wer e more sympatheti c t o Kennedy' s religiou s balancin g act , enablin g hi m t o carry th e electora l vote-ric h state s o f Illinois , Michigan , Ne w York , an d Pennsylvania.53 President Kenned y avoided engagemen t wit h the civil rights movemen t for a s long as possible. His position wa s understandable. The segregation ist win g o f th e Democrati c Part y rule d Congres s wit h a magnoli a fist . Kennedy neede d souther n congressiona l suppor t fo r hi s anti-Communis t foreign polic y initiatives . Domesti c polic y di d no t interes t him . Tellingly , it ha d bee n Vic e Presiden t Richar d Nixo n wh o fough t fo r th e 195 7 Civil

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Rights Ac t i n th e Senate , no t Kennedy . Afte r th e gu n smok e cleare d i n Dallas, al l o f this woul d b e forgotten . A s far a s Brookline an d Manhatta n were concerned , th e usurpe r o f Camelot's thron e receive d littl e credi t fo r the Grea t Society' s welfar e an d civi l right s legislation . Kenned y wa s th e real author , no t Lyndo n Johnson . Moreover , Kenned y woul d no t hav e escalated th e Vietna m War . Neve r min d tha t i t wa s Kenned y wh o ha d radically increase d th e numbe r o f America n militar y advisor s servin g i n Vietnam. N o wonder Johnson , a man whos e oversize d eg o could be easil y bruised, flew int o fits o f rag e a t th e mentio n o f th e Kennedys . Johnson' s mistake wa s to allo w the famil y t o ge t unde r hi s skin . At leas t i n thi s on e instance, Nixon was content t o stand asid e and allo w the family to indulg e in it s self-destructive tendencies. 54 In 1964 , convince d tha t h e wa s th e Secon d Comin g o f Frankli n Roo sevelt, Lyndo n Johnso n score d impressiv e victorie s i n Congres s an d th e Electoral College . Knowin g wel l the way s o f the un-Reconstructe d South , the Texan rounde d u p congressiona l suppor t fro m th e liberal Republican s of the North . Th e Civi l Rights Act o f 1964 passed wit h bipartisan support . Considered mor e closely , however , Johnson' s legislativ e wi n wa s almos t entirely sectional . Northern Democrat s an d Republicans , no t souther n Democrats an d wester n Republicans , followe d th e president . Althoug h Johnson concede d tha t h e migh t hav e hur t th e Democrats ' futur e pros pects i n the South , Grea t Societ y liberals hoped t o mak e up thos e possibl e losses elsewhere . I n particular , libera l Democrat s looke d forwar d t o a n ideological an d regiona l spli t i n th e Republica n Party . I f conservative s from th e Sunbel t capture d th e GO P i n '64 , Republican s lik e Ne w Yor k governor Nelso n Rockefelle r woul d lea d GOP liberals into the Democrati c camp. Liberal Republican s agree d wit h Johnso n o n foreig n policy , sup ported civi l rights, and endorse d mos t o f his anti-poverty programs. Their only caveat was that the y could ru n Bi g Government mor e efficiently tha n the Democrats. 55 To Governo r Rockefeller' s astonishment , th e conservative s no t onl y denied hi m th e presidential nominatio n i n '64 , they also repudiated ever y aspect o f country-clu b Republicanism . Le d b y Senato r Barr y Goldwate r of Arizona, the conservative s vowed t o privatize Social Security, dismantl e federal safet y regulation s i n the workplace, wage war on labor unions , and halt th e racia l integratio n o f publi c accommodation s an d schools . Her e was a visionary political agend a tha t succeede d i n alienating every constituency in America wit h th e exception o f the Chambe r o f Commerce. Con servatives though t tha t mos t American s wer e tire d o f Bi g Government .

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Likewise, the y expecte d t o pic k u p vote s fro m whit e southerners . Eve n though Eisenhowe r an d Nixo n ha d don e wel l amon g minorities , conser vatives chose to write of f th e norther n blac k vote. As Goldwater informe d one Georgia n audience , "We'r e no t goin g t o ge t th e Negr o vot e a s a bloc in 196 4 and 1968 , so we ought t o g o hunting wher e th e duck s are." 56 Looking t o ethnics , Goldwate r mad e cursor y attack s o n Grea t Societ y liberals, who m h e accuse d o f promotin g crim e an d pornography . Th e overwhelming majorit y o f Catholics perceive d Goldwate r a s a defender o f libertarian economics , no t morality . Besides , th e advanc e o f socia l liber alism ha d no t becom e sufficientl y alarmin g t o spar k hug e Catholi c defec tions t o th e GOP . Ethnic s sa w Goldwate r an d hi s Sunbel t fan s a s littl e more tha n greed y Republican s wh o enjoye d steppin g o n hard-workin g folks lik e themselves . I t di d no t hel p GO P prospect s amon g norther n workers whe n Ronal d Reagan , a forme r Hollywoo d actor , stumpe d fo r Goldwater. A corporate spokesma n an d millionaire , Reaga n calle d Socia l Security " a welfar e program. " I n Reagan' s mind , senio r citizen s an d un wed mother s wer e parasite s wh o live d of f th e federa l welfar e trough. 57 Johnson wo n a landslide , whic h h e interprete d a s a clario n cal l fo r liberal legislation . Reform-minde d Democrat s picke d u p congressiona l seats i n th e North , usuall y a t th e expens e o f Johnson' s Republica n allies . With libera l Republican s al l bu t endorsin g Johnson , bipartisanshi p wreaked havo c upo n th e norther n GOP . The survivin g congressiona l Re publicans tende d t o be conservative westerners. More worrisome t o John son, Goldwate r ha d carrie d five Dee p Sout h states . Afte r 1964 , Grea t So ciety liberals counte d upo n makin g u p som e o f their souther n losse s with the enthusiasti c suppor t o f newl y registere d blac k voters . The y di d no t expect th e conservativ e whit e Sout h an d Wes t woul d eve r gai n enoug h population t o shif t powe r i n th e Electora l Colleg e awa y fro m th e libera l northeast. Havin g kep t th e ethnic s i n line , while gaining th e votes of silk stocking Republicans , liberal s wrot e of f th e GOP . The Democrat s shoul d not hav e been s o cocky . Although Catholic s pulle d th e leve r fo r Johnso n i n th e nationa l elec tion, quit e a fe w ha d sen t a personal messag e t o th e nationa l Democrati c Party durin g th e primaries : W e hav e some concer n fo r socia l issues . In 1964, presidentia l primarie s wer e littl e mor e tha n beaut y contests . Con gressional leaders , unio n chiefs , an d machin e bosse s generall y gav e th e nod t o acceptabl e Democrati c candidates . O n th e othe r hand , smar t pol iticians di d no t entirel y ignor e th e primarie s sinc e the y gav e a roug h measurement o f rank-and-fil e disaffectio n o r approval . Dissident s foun d

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the primarie s usefu l i n expressin g thei r displeasur e wit h th e nationa l party. Alabama' s Georg e Wallac e decide d t o becom e th e Democrati c spoiler i n th e '6 4 primaries . Wallac e garnere d a quarte r o f th e vot e i n Wisconsin, wit h muc h assistanc e comin g fro m Milwaukee' s ethni c pre cincts. Onl y libera l Republican s wh o crosse d ove r t o vot e fo r Johnso n prevented a n embarrassin g developmen t i n Wisconsin . Th e situatio n wa s the sam e i n Indiana . Hoosie r liberal s accuse d Wallace' s follower s o f no t being rea l red-bloode d natives . Rather , the y wer e Souther n Baptis t an d Pentecostal migrant s wh o brough t K u Klu x Kla n politic s t o Indiana . (Hoosiers di d no t nee d transplante d southerner s t o hel p the m discove r the Klan . I n th e twenties , one-thir d o f the stat e belonged t o th e Kla n an d the organizatio n ra n th e legislatur e an d governor' s office.) 58 Without a doubt , Wallac e playe d upo n ethnics ' prejudice s an d fears . However, th e southerne r mad e som e excellen t openin g shot s i n th e earl y days o f America' s cultur e war . Hi s favorit e fo e wa s th e Fift h Circui t Court's Judg e Fran k Johnson , wh o ha d ordere d th e racia l integratio n o f Alabama's publi c schools . Eve n a s Judg e Johnso n integrate d Alabama' s public schools , h e wa s foundin g a privat e academ y fo r hi s ow n son . Th e governor's childre n wen t t o integrate d publi c schools . Judg e Johnson' s boy attende d schoo l wit h th e wealth y Episcopalians , Unitarians , an d lib eral Republican s o f Montgomery . (I n th e sixties , Fran k Johnson' s so n obtained a college-studen t defermen t an d becam e a Ne w Lef t activist . With s o man y southerner s perishin g i n Vietnam , th e judg e ha d fe w friends outsid e hi s segregate d countr y club. ) Positionin g himsel f a s th e spokesman fo r th e workin g poor , Wallac e als o aime d barb s a t th e segre gationist Baptis t minister s o f th e South . A s Wallac e contended , thei r church-sponsored Christia n academie s wer e littl e differen t fro m th e school Judg e Johnso n established . Th e middl e clas s an d th e ric h coul d avoid integrate d publi c school s an d recreationa l facilities . Onl y poo r blacks an d white s woul d remai n behin d t o us e cash-strappe d municipa l schools an d parks. 59 In attackin g th e 196 4 Civi l Right s Act , Wallac e warne d tha t th e Equa l Employment Opportunit y Commissio n (EEOC ) woul d mandat e hirin g quotas. Senato r Huber t Humphre y o f Minnesot a an d Ro y Wilkins o f th e NAACP denie d tha t th e legislatio n require d racia l quota s t o correc t per ceived disparitie s i n privat e an d publi c secto r employment . Th e wor d quota ha d a specia l resonanc e wit h whit e ethnics . Man y stat e universitie s and th e Iv y Leagu e ha d lon g maintaine d religiou s admission s quota s t o limit o r t o exclud e outrigh t Catholi c an d Jewis h students . Corporation s

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often woul d promot e onl y a fe w Catholic s an d Jew s t o low-leve l mana gerial positions . Moreover , th e 192 4 immigratio n restrictio n la w estab lished a national-origin s quot a explicitl y aime d a t keepin g Easter n Euro pean Catholic s an d Jew s out o f the country. 60 As Wallac e predicted , civi l right s leader s di d deman d quota s or , a s i t was euphemistically called , "affirmative action, " in college admissions and employment. Thos e white s mos t likel y to los e ou t o n educationa l an d jo b opportunities wer e poo r southerners , Catholics , an d lower-middle-clas s Jews. Federa l an d stat e agencies , schoo l districts , polic e departments , an d colleges bega n creatin g preferentia l hirin g mandate s fo r blacks . Paradoxi cally, Alabam a Stat e University , th e cradl e o f th e Montgomer y bu s boy cott, violate d al l o f th e anti-discriminatio n provision s o f th e 196 4 Civi l Rights Act . Th e historicall y blac k colleg e usuall y decline d t o hir e white s and mad e lif e miserabl e fo r th e handfu l o f non-blac k faculty . Accordin g to Grea t Societ y liberal s an d radicals , onl y racist s lik e Georg e Wallac e argued tha t ther e wa s suc h a thing a s discrimination agains t whites. 61 President Johnson' s dream s o f erectin g th e Grea t Societ y an d contain ing Communis m i n Vietna m ha d turne d t o ashe s month s befor e th e '6 8 campaign began . Durin g th e lon g ho t summe r o f '6 7 American rac e rela tions hi t thei r nadir . I n Newark , Ne w Jersey , th e whit e chaplai n o f th e Essex Count y Yout h Hous e wa s caugh t u p i n pitche d battle s an d looting . Writing t o hi s Hom e Missio n supporter s i n Nort h Carolina , th e ministe r noted a n especiall y absurd incident . "Wome n an d childre n wer e still looting stores, " th e urba n missionar y observed , whe n "on e woma n sen t he r son bac k int o a Foodtow n t o ge t th e righ t thing—'Wonde r Bread, ' (which build s twelv e differen t ways.) " Mos t Newar k white s coul d no t relate t o nutrition-consciou s looters . Shortl y afte r th e riot, Newar k wen t from a cit y that wa s two-third s whit e t o on e i n whic h black s an d Puert o Ricans were th e majority. 62 Less tha n a week afte r th e Newar k uprising , a Detroi t polic e rai d o n a blind pi g precipitate d a n eve n wors e riot . Forty-thre e peopl e die d a s a result. Wit h th e polic e unabl e t o contai n th e arsonist s an d looters , th e Michigan Nationa l Guar d occupie d Detroit . Th e Guar d prove d n o mor e successful i n restorin g order , forcin g Presiden t Johnso n t o sen d th e 101st Airborne Divisio n int o Detroit . On e squar e mil e o f th e cit y ha d alread y gone u p i n flame s b y th e tim e th e divisio n tha t ha d halte d Hitler' s Ar dennes Offensiv e i n 194 4 arrived. Th e whit e fligh t ou t o f Detroi t acceler ated. I n i960 , Detroit' s populatio n ha d bee n 7 0 percen t white . Black s

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became a majorit y withi n a fe w year s o f th e riot . (Today , Detroi t i s 8 0 percent black.) 63 Exulting i n th e spectacl e o f Catholic s fleein g thei r crime-plague d neighborhoods, a black municipa l employe e i n Clevelan d informe d a reporter, "I t make s m e fee l goo d t o kno w we can chas e them. Whites don' t understand w e don' t car e abou t bein g aroun d the m either. " Thi s blac k home owne r wa s not atypica l i n hi s hatred o f working-class whites. Four fifths o f th e rioter s arreste d i n Detroi t fo r lootin g white-owne d propert y had job s an d homes . Man y wer e member s o f th e aut o worker s union . The onl y explanatio n liberal s coul d com e u p wit h wa s tha t successfu l blacks, thei r expectation s risin g yearl y wit h thei r incomes , wante d in creased politica l an d economi c clout . Onc e Cleveland , Detroit , an d New ark becam e blac k cities , racia l minoritie s obtaine d politica l power . Eco nomic clout , however , di d no t follo w sinc e man y employer s chos e t o relocate to the safer suburbs . After 1967 , the only large employers of blacks remaining i n th e norther n urba n center s tende d t o b e federal , state , an d municipal agencies . A proble m loomin g o n th e horizo n wa s tha t urba n tax bases were shrinkin g just a s municipal payroll s swelled. 64 A Gallu p pol l i n th e earl y day s o f 196 8 revealed that , fo r th e first tim e since th e Grea t Depression , mos t American s di d no t ran k unemploymen t and povert y a s leadin g concerns . Instead , American s sai d tha t the y wer e fed u p wit h crime , inflation , an d hig h taxes . (I n 1950 , 2 percent o f annua l family incom e wen t t o pa y federa l taxes . A s th e year s progresse d an d government spendin g rose , nearly a quarter o f annual famil y income went for federa l taxes. ) Liberals , however , faile d t o provid e a n astut e respons e to th e electorate' s mountin g mora l an d fiscal conservatism . Instead , th e President's Nationa l Advisor y Commissio n o n Civi l Disorder s blame d social unres t o n "whit e racism. " Resurrecte d fro m th e politica l dead , Richard Nixo n score d Johnson' s commissio n fo r "blamin g everybod y fo r the riot s excep t th e perpetrator s o f th e riots. " Nixo n realize d tha t th e majority o f American s ha d a t leas t on e firm belief : peopl e wer e t o tak e responsibility fo r thei r actions . Defending looter s was not a smart politica l strategy. Spending mor e mone y o n anti-povert y programs , as commission chair Ott o Kerne r recommended , wa s eve n les s intelligent. Suc h a cours e of actio n woul d mak e liberal s loo k lik e the y wer e rewardin g crimina l behavior.65 Nixon di d no t nee d t o tel l Johnso n an y o f this . Th e presiden t kne w that th e Democrat s ha d t o pu t th e Vietna m Wa r behin d the m an d ge t

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tough o n crime . Unfortunatel y fo r Johnson , voca l element s i n th e radica l wing o f th e Democrati c Part y wer e no t listenin g t o hi s counsel . Senato r Eugene McCarth y o f Minnesot a entere d th e Democrati c presidentia l pri mary i n Ne w Hampshire . Poet-philosophe r an d peac e activis t "Clea n Gene" lost, but hi s tally was sufficient enoug h t o alarm Johnson . Paradox ically, dove s misinterprete d McCarthy' s showin g a s a sig n o f thei r elec toral strength . Bobb y Kennedy, the younger brothe r o f the martyred pres ident, quickl y declare d hi s ow n candidacy . Onl y th e part y regular s understood tha t th e insurgent s ha d gotte n th e Ne w Hampshir e result s wrong. Three-fifth s o f McCarthy' s vote s cam e fro m hawk s an d Republi cans who wer e upse t wit h Johnson . The y wanted a n escalatio n o f the wa r and a n en d t o libera l reform . Goin g blithel y o n hi s wa y t o th e Indian a and Californi a primaries , Bobb y Kenned y promise d t o en d th e wa r an d extend th e wri t o f the welfare state . While McCarth y an d Kenned y trade d barbs , Johnson , havin g with drawn fro m th e race , gav e Vic e Presiden t Huber t Humphre y th e nod . Humphrey ma y hav e won onl y 1 percen t o f th e party' s primar y vote , bu t he ha d th e suppor t o f organize d labor , th e big-cit y mayors , an d th e ma jority o f Democrati c congressmen . Wit h Bobb y Kenned y gunne d dow n in Californi a an d th e disorganize d McCarth y campaig n los t i n it s ow n existential universe , Humphre y easil y snagge d th e Democrati c nomina tion. Th e televise d clashe s betwee n antiwa r protester s an d polic e officer s at th e Chicag o convention , however , underline d th e hollownes s o f Hum phrey's victory . A party tha t promise d t o en d socia l unres t ye t coul d no t maintain orde r a t it s ow n conventio n di d no t inspir e fait h i n th e elector ate. Strange r still , havin g decisivel y prove d i n Chicag o tha t Humphre y should no t b e place d anywher e nea r hostil e students , th e vic e presiden t made i t a poin t t o campaig n o n colleg e campuses . Th e result s wer e pre dictable. Goin g int o th e fal l campaign , Nixo n le d Humphre y b y fifteen points. Nixon's campaig n was , dependin g upo n who m yo u asked , eithe r bril liantly evasiv e o r evasivel y brilliant. Havin g spen t hi s post-196 0 exil e cultivating libera l an d conservativ e Republicans , Nixo n ha d littl e proble m securing ke y endorsement s an d breezin g throug h th e part y primaries . A late challeng e b y Californi a Governo r Ronal d Reaga n prove d ineffectual . Although conservativ e activist s like d Reagan' s anti-Bi g Governmen t rhet oric, mos t Republican s feare d hi s earlie r attack s o n Socia l Securit y would once agai n alienat e disaffecte d ethnics . Nixon , o n th e othe r hand , mad e

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distinctions betwee n Grea t Societ y an d Ne w Dea l programs , wit h th e former embodyin g al l th e evil s o f contemporar y liberalis m an d th e latte r representing truth , justice , an d th e America n Way . (I t wa s a shrew d po sition t o take . Forty percent o f Nixon's votes in the general election woul d come fro m peopl e wh o ha d vote d Democrati c i n '64. ) O n th e issu e o f Vietnam, Nixo n tol d voter s h e woul d someho w en d th e war . Strivin g t o be a hip , with-i t Republican , Nixo n appeare d o n th e satirica l televisio n show "Laugh-In. " Nixon' s line , "Soc k i t t o me, " wa s on e tha t liberal s could endorse. 66 Great Societ y liberal s an d radical s denounce d Nixo n fo r usin g racia l code words . Accordin g t o them , Nixo n wa s makin g whit e southerner s and ethnic s fee l morall y justifie d i n thei r racism . Whethe r o r no t callin g the Democrati c Party' s larges t blo c o f voter s bigot s fo r respondin g t o denunciations o f violence, illegitimacy , an d welfare , wa s a wise strategy, it was inaccurate . Socia l concern s ar e vali d issues , particularly i f your com munity i s th e on e bein g mugge d b y criminal s an d Washingto n bureau crats. Fo r hi s part , Nixo n deteste d upper-middle-clas s whit e liberals , in ner-city rioters , an d dovis h Jews . He hate d al l liberals an d leftist s equally . He mad e n o effor t t o concea l that . O n th e othe r hand , lik e man y Anglo Saxon Republicans , Nixo n fel t il l a t eas e aroun d black s an d Jews . Onc e they prove d thei r loyalty , however , Nixo n ha d n o compulsio n agains t deploying black an d Jewis h Republican s agains t th e Left . For al l of Nixon's efforts , h e defeate d Humphre y b y 1 percentag e poin t in th e popula r vote . Th e AFL-CI O rallie d enoug h o f it s ran k an d file behind Humphre y t o tighte n u p th e rac e bu t ultimatel y fel l short . T o organized labor' s chagrin , i t wa s Independen t presidentia l candidat e George Wallace who cu t int o th e Democrati c tally . In Sout h Philadelphia , the hom e o f "Rock y Balboa, " Wallac e garnere d 1 2 percen t o f th e vote , enough t o mak e Humphre y th e first Democra t i n fort y year s t o los e th e district. Sout h Phill y ha d bee n th e scen e o f increase d mugging s an d mili tant blac k demonstrations . Ignorin g politica l directive s fro m th e AFL CIO, Ne w Jerse y an d Illinoi s UA W local s gav e Wallac e mor e tha n 8 0 percent o f thei r vote . I n th e crucibl e o f industria l unionis m an d th e Ne w Deal, Pittsburgh stee l workers serve d a s Wallace volunteers . Those ethni c precincts i n Buffal o tha t bordere d upo n blac k neighborhood s o r had see n radical studen t commune s sprou t u p turne d ou t fo r Nixo n o r Wallace . The southerne r als o picke d u p ethni c vote s i n Clevelan d an d fro m th e Appalachians wh o ha d migrate d t o Akro n an d Columbus . (A s a conse -

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quence, Ohi o wen t t o Nixon. ) Give n thi s situation , i t was understandabl e that Humphre y di d no t mak e th e Gallu p poll' s lis t o f most admire d men . Wallace, Nixon, an d Pop e Pau l VI did. 67 Wallace cu t mos t deepl y int o th e Democrati c Party' s souther n front . The governo r carrie d Alabama , Georgia , Louisiana , Mississippi , an d Ar kansas. Wallace ran second to Nixon i n Tennessee , Nort h Carolina , an d South Carolina . Th e governo r score d bes t i n th e souther n precinct s tha t favored closin g dow n honky-tonk s an d blin d pigs . In th e blue-collar sub urbs o f Richmond , Wallac e di d wel l amon g whit e voter s wh o oppose d welfare an d ta x levie s t o suppor t communit y colleges . Suc h peopl e fel t that welfar e benefite d th e laz y and tha t thei r childre n woul d neve r atten d college. So why fund highe r education ? Eve n though Wallac e had tweake d Protestant churche s fo r establishin g segregate d academies , man y Baptist s did no t hol d i t agains t him . Wallac e receive d nearl y hal f o f th e Souther n Baptist vote . Indeed , th e governo r di d bes t amon g Baptist s an d Method ists and score d poorl y with Episcopalian s an d Jews . In a development tha t foreshadowed th e shap e o f thing s t o com e fo r th e Democrats , Wallac e strongly appeale d t o working-clas s voter s unde r th e ag e o f thirt y wh o were no t goin g to follo w thei r parent s int o th e party of liberalism. Worse, just 3 5 percent o f whites voted fo r Humphrey , compare d t o 9 7 percent o f blacks. Racial and cultura l polarizatio n spelle d disaster for the Democrati c Party.68 Nixon's campaig n strategist s learne d firs t han d wha t a potent electora l force coul d b e harnesse d b y embracin g socia l conservatism . T o secur e a Republican presidentia l majorit y i n '72 , th e GO P ha d t o wi n Wallace' s ethnic an d souther n base . No t al l th e conservativ e faithful , however , viewed Wallac e a s a desirabl e rol e model . Willia m F . Buckley , lik e othe r fiscal conservatives, foun d th e governor' s economi c populis m distasteful . As a stat e legislato r i n th e fortie s an d fifties, Wallac e ha d authore d a bill to provid e fre e tuitio n t o Alabam a widow s an d orphans . Thank s t o thi s legislation, fort y thousan d peopl e i n hi s state , one-quarte r o f them black , received colleg e diplomas . Wallac e wa s als o instrumenta l i n establishin g six new technical schools for member s o f both races . As governor, Wallace raised taxe s o n Birmingha m an d Montgomery' s elit e to finance hospitals , roads, an d school s tha t benefite d working-clas s black s an d whites . Th e segregationist governo r di d mor e t o advanc e th e materia l condition s o f poor Alabam a black s tha n Judg e Fran k Johnson , th e Warre n Court , an d Great Societ y liberal s wer e willin g t o admit . Buckle y kne w a craft y tax and-spend populis t whe n h e sa w one . Th e challeng e fo r th e GO P wa s t o

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3

divorce socia l conservatis m fro m economi c populism . Vilifyin g Bi g Government an d th e Democrati c Part y a s promoters o f immorality woul d d o the trick . Luckil y fo r Nixon , libera l reformer s woul d provid e vita l assis tance t o th e GOP. 69

C H A P T E R T W

O

D e l u g e '7 2

For a ten-year-ol d politica l junki e growin g u p i n Miami , 197 2 wa s a n exciting year : bot h majo r partie s hel d thei r nationa l convention s i n tha t city. The Republica n Nationa l Conventio n gav e television viewer s the im pression o f a coronation ; th e Democrat s ye t agai n provide d excitement . As many reporter s noted , th e dissident s o f '6 8 were no w i n charg e o f th e Democratic Party . The Democrati c conventio n wa s a loud, raucou s affair . Delegates were so wired tha t intellectua l debate s and floo r demonstration s delayed Georg e McGovern' s acceptanc e speec h unti l 2:3 0 in th e morning . Glued t o th e televisio n set , cherub-face d Ralp h Ree d coul d no t hel p bu t anticipate tha t th e fal l campaig n woul d pi t Richar d Nixon' s well-oile d machine agains t liberal s who would rathe r b e ideologically pure than hav e a Democra t i n th e Whit e House . I f onl y Ree d kne w ho w nea r t o disaste r the Nixo n campaig n ha d been. 1 Nixon's effort s t o b e th e law-and-orde r presiden t ha d misfire d fro m the start . Hi s inauguratio n wa s th e first i n America n histor y t o b e dis rupted b y antiwa r protests . Club-wieldin g cop s an d bottle-throwin g mili tants di d no t mak e fo r reassurin g television . Whe n gun-totin g blac k rad icals seized a building a t Cornel l Universit y and threatene d whit e student s and facult y i n 1969 , Nixon's pledg e t o restor e orde r t o th e nation' s cam puses ran g hollow . Th e slayin g o f four student s a t Ken t Stat e University a year late r di d no t enhanc e Nixon' s reputation . Mos t American s though t that th e Ohi o Nationa l Guar d ha d don e th e righ t thing , bu t the y als o criticized Nixo n fo r escalatin g campu s protest s b y invadin g Cambodia . The electorat e di d no t lik e peac e demonstrator s o r th e Indochines e war . Voters wanted Nixo n t o en d the Vietnamese conflic t withou t withdrawin g in defea t o r committin g th e necessar y militar y resource s t o win . Instea d of becoming enrage d a t peace activists, the president migh t mor e honestl y 44

Deluge "72 4 5 have tol d th e American peopl e tha t thei r expectation s wer e idiotic . Onl y one incumben t president , however , ha s ever blame d voter s fo r bein g the architects o f thei r ow n frustrations . An d Jimm y Carte r di d no t wi n a second term. 2 Since Nixo n ha d take n office , assault s o n publi c schoo l teacher s ha d increased 8 5 percent. Th e numbe r o f weapon s confiscate d i n th e class room ros e b y half. Tee n pregnanc y als o ballooned . Accordin g t o a series of secre t poll s conducte d fo r Nixo n b y Republican consultan t Bo b Teeter in lat e '7 1 and early '72 , the GOP could los e the White House . Beyond the Vietnam War , socia l issue s wer e killin g Nixon . H e receive d lo w rating s for hi s efforts t o combat drug s an d crime. Additionally , two-third s o f the voters surveye d hel d hi m responsible fo r failing t o reform welfar e an d cut taxes. Catholic s seeme d likel y t o retur n t o thei r politica l home . Teete r bluntly note d tha t blue-colla r Catholic s wer e a grou p "tha t ha s dislike d Republicans fairl y intensel y fo r a lon g time. " Wit h crim e rate s an d the cost o f living rising , Nixo n exercise d littl e appea l t o ethnics an d workingclass Americans . Nixo n coul d no t eve n coun t upo n whit e southerners . His bes t hop e fo r reelectio n wa s that th e Democratic Part y woul d bypas s Senator Edmun d Muski e of Maine an d nominate a strident socia l liberal. 3 The presiden t mad e seriou s effort s t o shor e u p his southern front . H e directed Solicito r Genera l Rober t Bor k to delay court-ordered schoo l busing. Libera l federa l judge s ha d hope d t o integrat e publi c educatio n b y forcing whit e suburban student s to attend blac k inner-city schools. Busing affected Richmon d n o less tha n Detroi t and , therefore, wa s an issu e tha t united ethnic s an d southerners . Nixo n furthe r directe d th e forme r Yal e professor t o find conservativ e souther n judge s who m h e could nominat e to th e Supreme Court . Norther n liberal s lik e Teddy Kenned y rejecte d hi s nominees an d thereby angere d th e white South . Som e conservatives won dered whethe r Nixo n ha d intende d thi s result , bein g mor e intereste d i n symbolic gesture s tha n reversin g the liberal cours e of the federal judiciary . Even amon g hi s Republica n brethren , Nixo n coul d no t overcom e hi s image a s a shift y used-ca r salesman . I f nothin g else , Nixo n ha d the self awareness t o appreciate tha t h e had not won the presidency because peo ple loved an d trusted him. 4 Looking t o buil d a bas e amon g religiou s conservatives , Nixo n culti vated tie s to Billy Graham. Althoug h hi s friendship wit h Graha m date d to the fifties, Nixon ha d not previously sough t politica l advantage by appearing wit h th e North Carolin a Baptist . Graham , wh o had been a confidan t of sort s o f Dwight Eisenhowe r an d Lyndon Johnson , delivere d a n impas-

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sioned invocatio n a t Nixon' s inauguratio n an d mad e frequen t publi c ap pearances wit h th e wil y politician . I f Presiden t Kenned y ha d spen t a s much tim e wit h a Catholi c bisho p a s Nixo n spen t wit h Graham , dar k tales o f Vatica n influenc e woul d hav e swep t th e nation . Fortunatel y fo r the duo , th e Protestan t double-standar d remaine d aliv e and well . Among conservatives, Willia m F . Buckle y wa s th e rar e commentato r wh o foun d Graham's relationshi p wit h Nixo n troubling . Buckle y took offense a t Gra ham's hint s tha t "Go d i s a middle-clas s Republican. " H e believe d tha t politics—even conservativ e politics—coul d easil y sull y God' s church . The secula r coul d no t b e mad e holy . Buckle y fel t tha t religiou s activist s such a s Graha m shoul d b e mor e carefu l i n approachin g th e politica l arena.5 Buckley suffere d fro m th e America n Catholi c syndrome . Belongin g t o a minorit y tha t ha d experience d religiou s discriminatio n fo r mor e tha n a century, Buckle y felt th e nee d t o keep some distanc e between th e Catholi c Church an d a polit y tha t reflecte d th e value s o f th e Protestan t majority . Conservative Protestant s ha d a n entirel y differen t mind-set . The y ha d taken thei r ownershi p o f th e federa l governmen t t o b e th e natura l orde r of American politics . Complacenc y gav e way to militanc y when th e secu lar lef t appeare d o n th e scen e t o challeng e Protestan t traditionalist s fo r control o f the nation's cultur e an d politics . An enormousl y comple x man , Billy Graham possesse d a sense o f moralit y tha t le d hi m t o embrac e bot h Martin Luthe r King , Jr., and Richar d Nixon . With Kin g dead an d th e civil rights movemen t havin g move d i n a secula r direction , Graha m ha d onl y Nixon. Th e evangelis t persuade d himsel f tha t hi s friend wa s the Defende r of th e Faith . Buckley , on th e othe r hand , remaine d a Nixon agnostic. 6 If the ne w cultura l orde r le d Graha m t o cleav e mor e closel y to Nixon , it knocke d th e old-styl e souther n politician s of f thei r feet . Virgini a black s had waste d n o tim e i n registerin g t o vot e and , i n allianc e wit h Washing ton's libera l suburbanites , sendin g Senato r A . Willi s Robertso n packing . The day s o f segregationis t appeal s wer e a t a n end . O f course , Virginia n conservatives coul d legitimatel y attac k whit e liberal s wh o refuse d t o sen d their childre n t o schoo l wit h Washington' s poo r blacks . The n again , jus t as blacks were assertin g thei r politica l powe r i n th e Distric t o f Columbia , middle-class minoritie s move d int o th e Virgini a an d Marylan d suburbs . The rac e issue that ha d s o long warped th e politics of the South was being supplemented b y clas s considerations . Wit h middle-clas s minoritie s ex pressing thei r desir e no t t o liv e nex t doo r t o poo r black s an d "whit e

Deluge '72 4 7 trash," Virginia politic s required mor e ta p dancin g than ha d been the case in th e past . Ironically, wher e black s ha d struggle d t o wi n th e righ t t o vote , poo r southern white s saw that plu m droppe d i n thei r laps. For every two blacks who registere d t o vote , seve n ne w whit e voter s showe d u p a t th e poll s i n the sixtie s an d seventies . Whil e black s entere d th e rank s o f th e souther n Democratic Party , a larger numbe r o f formerly disfranchise d white s voted a straigh t Republica n ticket . Eve n thoug h souther n black s an d white s often share d a lif e o f poverty , man y coul d no t se e themselve s belongin g to th e sam e party . Racia l grievance s wer e to o dee p t o b e uproote d over night. Moreover , ho w coul d Dixie' s blacks an d white s eve r reconcil e thei r sharply contrastin g view s o f Bi g Government ? Clas s solidarit y woul d b e one wa y t o unit e th e races . However , tha t ha d neve r bee n th e souther n way. Working-clas s southerner s wer e lik e scabb y alle y cat s fighting ove r who woul d lic k clea n th e botto m o f th e garbag e can. 7 Many impoverishe d black s di d no t eve n bothe r t o vote . Fo r on e blac k who toile d o n a Louisian a sugarcan e plantation , electora l politic s wer e irrelevant. T o him , th e civi l right s revolutio n wa s somethin g h e ha d see n on television . In th e large r schem e o f things , Martin Luthe r King , Jr., ha d simply give n hi m th e abstrac t righ t t o din e a t restaurant s an d sta y a t hotels tha t wer e beyon d hi s financial means : 1 doesn't vote because sometimes you votes for the right man and sometimes you votes fo r th e wron g one . An d whoeve r get s i n isn' t goin g t o car e abou t m e anyway, so what difference doe s it make? I tell you the truth. I think what that Martin Luthe r King did was good. That's for sure . But it never made much difference t o me.8 Not everyon e experience d suc h feeling s o f politica l estrangement . There wer e southerner s wh o becam e politicall y engage d i n th e aftermat h of the sixtie s rebellion . Jerr y Falwell sa w about hi m a nation rapidl y going to hel l i n a handbasket. Eve n Lynchburg , a place considere d s o far of f th e beaten pat h tha t th e Yankee s ha d no t bothere d burnin g i t t o th e ground , was experiencin g a n economi c boo m an d influ x o f cosmopolita n outsid ers. Lik e anothe r religiou s visionary , Falwel l announce d hi s inten t t o launch a Reformation . Instea d o f foundin g a ne w religion , th e Virginia n established "God' s University. " I n 1971 , Lynchburg Baptis t College , wit h 124 students , opene d fo r business . Rejectin g th e secula r cultur e o f th e contemporary college , an d seekin g t o prepar e youn g socia l conservative s for career s i n politics , teaching , an d journalism , Falwel l poste d hi s ow n

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theses. A s h e note d i n retrospect , fe w pai d attentio n t o hi s pres s confer ence a t whic h Lynchbur g (late r Liberty ) Baptis t enliste d i n th e cultur e war: I use d word s lik e "unashamedl y Christian"—academi c excellence—youn g champions fo r Chris t who will change the world . .. commitmen t t o an inerrant Bible—no compromise of theological integrity—no tenure—a strong behavioral and hono r code , dres s code , an d curfews—n o immorality , alcohol , o r drug s allowed—respect fo r authority—devotion t o America—commitment to political conservatism, capitalism , an d fre e enterprise, " an d othe r concept s an d idea s which mus t hav e sounded of f th e wal l to th e medi a i n attendance , especiall y in the midst of the "rebellious, counterculture youth generation" back in 1971.9 Falwell represente d jus t on e tendenc y i n America' s mountin g mora l revolt. I n 1969 , Uprisin g fo r Decency , a southwester n anti-pornograph y organization, cam e int o existence . Tha t sam e year, th e Midwester n Inter denominational Citizens ' Counci l fo r Decenc y mobilize d fo r action . While th e nationa l medi a devote d muc h in k t o th e 196 9 peace marc h o n Washington, the y overlooke d countles s grassroot s protest s agains t adul t bookstores an d theaters . Man y o f th e mora l crusader s wer e small-town , lower-middle-class Protestants . To a person, the y viewed federa l judges as partisans o f immorality . Al l o f th e wa y u p t o th e Suprem e Court , libera l judges prohibite d childre n fro m prayin g i n th e publi c school s and , a t th e same time , overturne d loca l ordinance s agains t pornography . A t the roo t of the problem , th e smu t opponent s argued , wer e radica l colleg e student s and professor s wh o though t tha t pornograph y wa s constitutionall y pro tected fre e speech . Liberal s had quit e simpl y debase d America n culture. 10 The opponent s o f skin flick s an d campu s radicalis m wer e Nixon's kin d of people . Seein g a n opportunit y t o scor e som e politica l points , the president toute d th e work o f the Commissio n o n Obscenit y and Pornograph y (Johnson ha d originall y appointe d th e commission) . Beyon d that , th e White Hous e di d little . I n 1970 , to Nixon' s embarrassment , th e presiden tial commissio n conclude d tha t pornograph y wa s "therapeutic " an d urged th e repea l o f all local obscenit y laws . In a letter t o a North Carolin ian smu t fo e writte n a year afte r th e commissio n report , Rev . Nelson Bel l opined tha t h e sa w nothin g harmles s abou t Playboy magazines an d pee p shows: "Pornograph y i s mora l sewag e designe d t o corrup t an d subver t people—particularly th e youth—and it s end resul t i s a debauching o f the minds an d bodie s o f thos e wh o com e unde r it s influence. " Bel l assure d his correspondent tha t son-in-la w Bill y Graham supporte d he r efforts . H e

Deluge '7 2 4 9 did no t reassur e he r tha t Graham' s frien d i n th e Ova l Offic e wa s on thei r side.11 While social conservatives mounte d a n unsuccessfu l assaul t on pornog raphers, anothe r crusad e wa s i n th e offing . Ne w York ha d legalize d abor tion i n 1970 . (B y 1972 , Ne w Yor k doctor s ha d performe d 270,00 0 abor tions.) I n Texas , liberals ha d persuade d a federal cour t t o declar e al l stat e laws tha t banne d abortio n t o b e unconstitutional . Appeal s wer e wendin g their wa y t o th e Suprem e Court . (Th e justice s rule d o n Roe v . Wade i n 1973.) Thos e supportin g abortio n mad e an y numbe r o f argument s o n behalf o f thei r cause . I f a famil y coul d no t affor d t o hav e an y mor e children, the n th e optio n t o hav e a n abortio n shoul d b e available . Simi larly, unmarrie d wome n o n welfar e migh t find thei r live s easie r i f the y did no t hav e t o rais e additiona l childre n i n poverty . O n th e othe r hand , if single women chos e to bear mor e children , then th e federal governmen t must increas e thei r AFD C payments . Socia l liberal s misse d a defec t i n their argumen t tha t would cos t them politicall y among the citizenry. Mar ried, working-class mother s wh o di d no t terminat e thei r pregnancies were generally no t eligibl e fo r welfar e t o suppor t thei r children. 12 As a group, th e abortio n activist s bor e littl e resemblanc e t o th e natio n at large. The highl y educated whit e male and , to a somewhat lesse r extent , white female , promote d th e legalizatio n o f abortion . Eighty-tw o percen t of Jews supported abortio n o n deman d fo r reason s rangin g fro m protect ing th e healt h o f th e mothe r t o th e desir e t o en d a n inconvenien t preg nancy. Although man y Episcopalian s an d Presbyterian s approve d o f abortion, overall only one-third o f Protestants supporte d abortio n o n demand . Conversely, thos e wh o regularl y attende d church , particularl y Catholic s and Baptists , regarde d th e fetu s a s a livin g child . Abortio n wa s murder . To socia l liberals , th e fetu s wa s jus t a collectio n o f tissue . Lif e di d no t begin a t conception . Further , wome n shoul d hav e th e righ t t o d o wit h their bodie s a s the y pleased . I f wome n desire d t o terminat e a pregnancy , then loca l communities an d churche s ha d n o legal right to interfere. State based effort s t o maintai n th e prohibitio n agains t abortio n wer e aki n t o attempts b y souther n segregationist s t o den y blacks thei r huma n rights. 13 In 1971 , the Catholi c bishop s o f Texa s addresse d thei r parishioner s o n the abortio n issue . The Texa s bishop s deplore d th e federa l cour t decisio n that overturne d stat e statute s agains t abortion . A t th e sam e time , the y recognized tha t socia l liberalism , i n it s championship o f individual rights , exercised enormou s appea l amon g activis t judges . Th e Texan s als o real -

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ized tha t the y ha d no t bee n sufficientl y organize d an d politicall y astut e enough t o sto p th e Roe v. Wade cas e i n it s tracks: . . . religiou s voices are being drowned ou t by an abortion lobb y which is singleminded, well-organized , an d exceedingl y skille d a t makin g the mos t o f the civil and political arguments which carry greater weight in courts and legislatures than abstract moral arguments stressing the respect to be paid to human life. By virtue of thei r inabilit y t o agre e o n substantiv e huma n goods , pluralisti c societie s are forced t o settl e issue s i n term s o f maximu m individua l choice . Sadly , onc e th e abortion debat e was successfully cas t in terms of individual freedom th e political and lega l outcome was predictable. Little heed was thereafter give n to those who urged th e necessit y o f recognizin g tha t ther e ar e certai n prope r an d necessar y limitations o n th e freedo m o f individual s i n society , an d tha t th e prim e reaso n for existenc e o f the stat e i s the protectio n o f life agains t force s tha t cheape n o r destroy it . Seemingl y forgotte n wa s the fac t tha t tw o live s are involve d i n every abortion.14 Although th e Catholi c bishop s i n Massachusett s joine d thei r Sunbel t brothers i n condemnin g abortion , Senato r Tedd y Kenned y sidesteppe d the issue . Hi s respons e wa s that , a s a Catholic , h e personall y though t abortion wrong , but, a s a member o f the civi l government, h e had to obey the stricture s o f th e federa l courts . Republica n liberal s wer e les s evasiv e than Kennedy . Ne w York' s Nelso n Rockefelle r enthusiasticall y supporte d abortion. Sensin g tha t Republica n an d Democrati c liberal s woul d neve r take thei r mora l an d economi c concern s seriously , Fathe r Gen o Baroni , a child o f th e Pennsylvani a coalfields , exhorte d whit e ethnic s t o becom e a third forc e i n America n politics . Catholic s shoul d stan d apar t fro m op portunistic Republican s an d elitis t socia l liberals. 15 A highl y skille d publicist , Baron i attracte d t o hi s caus e som e excep tional Catholi c intellectual s wh o believe d tha t moralit y an d justic e coul d not b e divorced . I n thei r minds , socia l an d economi c libertarianis m sprang fro m selfishness . Ther e wa s n o though t give n t o th e peopl e leas t able to defen d themselves—unbor n childre n an d strugglin g workers. Baroni's greates t discipl e wa s Michae l Novak . Th e so n o f humbl e Slovak s from Johnstown , Pennsylvania , Nova k ha d grow n u p durin g th e Grea t Depression. When h e was four year s old, the Bethlehem Stee l Corporatio n brutally suppresse d a strike fo r unio n recognition . Th e union officer s an d organizers wer e al l pious Catholics . No strange r t o socia l injustice, Nova k had littl e sympath y fo r Willia m F . Buckley' s anti-Ne w Dea l politics . T o this forme r seminar y student , Buckley' s "Anglo-Saxon " styl e an d privi leged background mad e him ill-suite d t o speak to working-class Catholics. As Novak confesse d i n late r years , "Lik e man y youn g Catholic s an d Jews,

Deluge '7 2 5 1 I ha d imbibe d fro m a n earl y ag e a se t o f suspicion s concernin g bi g busi ness, capitalism , Marlbor o ma n individualism , an d Anglo-Saxo n ethni c superiority." Buckle y seemed t o be on e o f them rathe r tha n on e o f us. 16 In th e sixties , Nova k becam e a reporte r fo r th e libera l Catholi c maga zine Commonweal, promote d th e antiwa r caus e throug h th e Catholi c Peace Fellowship , an d taugh t religio n a t Stanford . Dismaye d b y th e mounting violenc e o f th e campu s Left , an d disturbe d b y wha t h e sa w a s an anti-Catholi c bia s i n th e new s media , Nova k reache d hi s breakin g point durin g th e 197 2 presidential campaign . When colleg e professors an d students complaine d abou t Nixon' s "Silen t Majority " o f hawkish ethnics , Novak becam e exasperated . "Antipersonne l bomb s wer e no t invente d b y men o n a constructio n gang, " h e replied . "Guy s o n bee r truck s di d no t dream u p napalm . Ph.D.' s fro m universities , wh o abho r bloodshed , thought the m up. " His experience s a s an adviso r t o vice-presidential can didate Sargen t Shrive r le d t o Novak' s disavowa l o f the Democrati c Party . Novak coul d no t endors e abortio n an d schoo l busing . (H e eventuall y joined th e staf f o f th e America n Enterpris e Institute , a neoconservativ e think tan k headquartere d i n Washington.) 17 At leas t on e Catholi c i n th e Nixo n Whit e Hous e sa w a n opportunit y to buil d a Republican majorit y wit h th e hel p o f social conservatives. Born into a middle-clas s famil y o f devou t Catholic s i n 193 8 an d raise d i n th e hothouse atmospher e o f Col d Wa r Washington , Patric k Buchana n suck led o n religio n an d politic s with equa l vigor . T o Buchanan , th e decad e o f the fifties was th e "Golde n Ag e o f American Catholicism, " an d hi s Jesui t teachers wer e "th e Pope' s Marines, " doin g battl e wit h Communist s an d juvenile delinquents . Protestant s an d Jew s largel y di d no t exis t i n Buch anan's physical and menta l worlds. His heroes tended t o be Irish Catholic s who rejecte d Ne w Dea l liberalism : Wisconsi n Senato r Josep h McCarth y and Fathe r Charle s Coughlin, a controversial depression-er a radi o personality. (Buchana n did , however , hav e a hig h regar d fo r Genera l Dougla s MacArthur, a Protestan t conservativ e wh o ha d urge d Presiden t Truma n to escalat e th e Korea n Wa r b y attackin g China. ) Buchana n serve d Nixo n as a low-leve l speec h write r an d ide a man . H e neede d n o cajolin g fro m the presiden t t o savag e antiwa r liberals . Hi s brothe r fough t wit h th e 101st Airborne i n Vietnam . (A n arthriti c kne e place d th e forme r Arm y ROT C cadet o n 4 F status—unfi t fo r militar y duty . Unlik e man y othe r youn g Republicans, Pa t Buchana n wanted t o fight.) 18 The feist y conservativ e urge d Nixo n t o ignor e th e antiwa r movement , civil rights , an d th e Catholi c Left . Mos t Catholics , Buchana n contended ,

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were concerne d wit h socia l issues : abortion , crime , an d pornography . I f the Republican s appeare d t o b e de-escalatin g th e Vietna m War , the n th e liberals di d no t hav e a chanc e t o win . Catholics , lik e othe r Americans , were tire d o f the wa r an d suspecte d peac e activist s of being un-American . To secur e a landslid e reelection , Buchana n realized , Nixo n ha d t o wi n Wallace voters to hi s side an d distanc e himsel f fro m th e Republican Part y label. As Buchanan late r noted , wha t mad e Wallace such a force i n Amer ican politic s was tha t h e ha d bee n "th e onl y vehicle throug h whic h work ing-class Democrat s coul d cas t a vote agains t th e increasingl y leftis t poli cies of their nationa l party—withou t votin g for a Republican/' O f course, attracting th e majorit y o f Wallac e voters , Buchana n admitte d t o Nixon , meant placin g eve n mor e distanc e between th e White Hous e an d th e civil rights establishment . "Th e secon d er a o f Reconstructio n i s over," h e tol d Nixon, "th e shi p of integration i s going down; it is not ou r ship ; it belongs to nationa l liberalism—w e canno t salvag e it ; an d w e ough t no t t o b e aboard."19 Buchanan's rac e strategy was misguided. A law-and-order constituenc y existed amon g black s an d Hispanic s tha t Nixo n coul d hav e cultivated . I n 1970, three o f fou r Harle m black s favore d a minimum priso n sentenc e o f ten years for heroi n pushers . Sixty-five percen t would have sent marijuan a dealers t o jai l fo r th e sam e lengt h o f time . Meanwhile , hundred s o f Pen tecostal churches i n Brookly n mobilize d thei r Puert o Rica n flocks to com bat crime . Buchana n mad e th e mistak e o f thinking tha t Manhatta n liber als an d Blac k Panther s wer e th e spokesme n o f th e urba n poor . In reality , most minoritie s di d no t regar d dop e dealer s a s th e innocen t victim s o f a racist lega l system . Inner-cit y black s an d Hispanic s sa w neighborhoo d drug pusher s a s th e violen t emissarie s o f a white organized-crim e syndi cate tha t seeme d beyon d th e reac h o f th e lega l system . A n aggressiv e posture towar d th e dru g lords , a s wel l a s th e stree t dealers , coul d hav e won vote s for th e GO P an d defuse d racia l tensions between urba n minor ities an d whit e polic e officers. 20 If off-bas e i n hi s approac h towar d racia l minorities , Buchana n di d know ho w t o dea l wit h whit e liberals . A s Buchana n argued , wh y no t encourage gays , black militants , an d Iv y Leagu e SDSer s t o mak e a dona tion t o Nixon' s Ne w Hampshir e primar y challenger , Representativ e Pet e McCloskey of California? "Whe n th e check i s cashed," Buchanan advised , "that fac t shoul d b e brought t o th e attentio n o f the voters o f New Hamp shire by the Mancheste r Union Leader." McCloskey, however, was not th e most seriou s threa t t o Nixon . I n Buchanan' s eyes , th e nominatio n o f

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3

Senator Muski e woul d prov e disastrous . "Muskie, " h e noted , "i s a figur e ideally situate d t o unit e th e warrin g faction s o f hi s party , an d i f they ar e united tha t i s bad new s fo r us. " Conservative s coul d no t hur t Muski e i n the Ne w Hampshir e primary , Buchana n observed . Instead , "ou r interest s dictate tha t Georg e McGover n . . . b e give n a s muc h assistance , publicity wise an d otherwise , a s we ca n muster . Statement s b y [Nixon ] people , o n background an d of f th e record , tha t McGovern' s organizatio n ma y sur prise everyone , tha t Muski e ma y be i n trouble—i n additio n t o heated in fighting amon g Democrats—ar e t o b e encouraged , i n an y wa y possi ble."21 To Buchanan' s subsequen t astonishment , othe r mor e influentia l Nixo n staffers too k "an y wa y possible" t o mea n b y an y illega l wa y possible. Th e Committee t o Re-Elec t th e President , know n rathe r tellingl y a s CREEP , engaged i n dirt y campaig n trick s tha t range d fro m th e humorou s t o th e felonious. I n Florida , durin g tha t state' s Democrati c primary , th e Whit e House fra t boy s arrange d fo r a youn g woma n t o rac e throug h a retire ment communit y cla d onl y in a Muskie fo r Presiden t banner . Meanwhile , CREEP'S personnel brok e int o th e Washington headquarter s o f the Dem ocratic Nationa l Committe e t o plan t listenin g devices . (CREEP' S opera tives specialize d i n trackin g dow n th e source s o f new s leak s i n th e Whit e House. Henc e thei r nickname , "th e Whit e Hous e plumbers." ) Stil l othe r staffers, learnin g tha t Joh n Lenno n migh t picke t th e Republica n Nationa l Convention, place d th e singe r an d hi s wife unde r FB I surveillance. All the FBI wa s abl e t o ascertai n wa s tha t Yok o On o "can' t eve n remai n o n key."22 Although th e escapade s o f th e Nixo n Whit e Hous e ultimatel y topple d the administratio n an d brough t grie f t o th e GOP , th e iron y wa s tha t th e Democrats require d n o assistanc e i n destroyin g themselves . Tedd y Ken nedy, whos e name , wealth , an d profil e mad e hi m a natura l presidentia l candidate i n '72 , ha d take n himsel f ou t th e running . A late-nigh t auto mobile plung e of f a Chappaquiddick , Massachusetts , bridg e an d th e un seemly deat h o f hi s femal e passenge r ende d hi s presidentia l ambition s i n one fel l swoop . Georg e Wallace , returne d t o th e Democrati c fold , migh t have wo n th e party' s nomination . Hi s attack s o n court-ordere d busin g gave hi m th e Marylan d an d Michiga n primaries . Overall , Wallac e le d McGovern b y one millio n vote s i n th e primaries , eve n thoug h McGover n claimed mor e delegates . However , a n assassinatio n attemp t tha t lef t hi m paralyzed remove d hi m fro m th e nationa l politica l scene . (Jus t t o mak e sure Wallac e remaine d ou t o f th e picture , Bill y Graham urge d th e south -

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erner no t t o ru n a n independen t campaig n i n th e fal l tha t woul d hur t Nixon's reelection. ) Muskie , or eve n Huber t Humphrey , appeare d strong . Both ha d th e suppor t o f th e part y regulars . Onl y whe n i t wa s to o late , however, di d Humphre y an d hi s '68 runnin g mat e realiz e tha t th e rule s of the gam e ha d bee n change d whe n the y were no t looking. 23 Following th e Democrats ' embarrassin g Chicag o convention , Sout h Dakota senato r Georg e McGover n ha d le d a n effor t t o refor m th e party' s method o f pickin g presidentia l candidates . Th e senato r increase d th e number o f primaries , reduce d th e powe r o f th e union s an d part y bosses, and impose d gende r an d racia l quotas o n th e selection o f delegates. While primaries appeare d t o plac e th e nominatio n machiner y directl y int o th e hands o f ordinar y people , th e opposit e prove d true . Mos t working-clas s Democrats pai d littl e attentio n t o primaries . The y ha d labo r leader s an d machine bosse s t o tak e car e o f th e mundan e busines s o f choosin g candi dates. Th e typica l vote r di d no t follo w campaign s unti l th e genera l elec tion. Thos e mos t likel y t o vot e i n a primar y wer e middl e class , colleg e educated, an d motivate d b y a cherished cause , whether i t was endin g th e Vietnam Wa r o r legalizin g abortion . A t th e sam e time , les s affluen t bu t more conservativ e activist s migh t sho w u p a t th e poll s t o advanc e thei r agenda. Give n lo w turnout , th e Democrati c primarie s wer e perfec t fo r any candidat e wh o represente d th e ideologica l extreme s o f his party: McGovern o r Wallace . Moderate s lik e Muski e an d Humphre y ha d fe w friends amon g activis t primar y voters . Sinc e Nixon' s nominatio n wa s a foregone conclusion , th e GOP' s paralle l effort s t o enhanc e th e rol e o f it s primaries woul d no t wrec k havo c unti l th e '7 6 election. 24 McGovern's supporter s ha d a limite d understandin g o f th e averag e American. On e libera l professo r o f religio n reasone d tha t "America n na tional self-respect , i f i t ha d an y valu e a t all , was certainl y no t fragil e an d could easil y surviv e a quic k withdrawa l fro m a mistake n war. " Th e pro fessor late r admitte d hi s erro r i n judgment. Mos t American s di d fee l tha t "national a s well a s persona l self-respec t wa s no t onl y fragil e bu t imper iled." I n Milwaukee , th e Christia n Famil y Movement , whic h ha d cham pioned schoo l busin g i n th e sixties , forme d th e cor e o f McGovern' s vol unteers i n '72 . Ethnic s di d no t appreciat e them , o r thei r candidate . (Milwaukee's conservativ e Catholic s soo n create d a national organizatio n to comba t th e Religiou s Lef t an d th e libera l media : th e Catholi c Leagu e for Religiou s an d Civi l Rights. ) Publi c opinio n poll s indicate d tha t churchgoing Catholic s found Nixo n les s offensive tha n McGovern. 25 Angered b y the presenc e o f so many blue-collar socia l conservatives i n

Deluge '7 2 5 5 the Catholi c Church , Monsigno r Charle s Owe n Ric e of Pittsburgh argue d that progressive s mus t purg e th e regressiv e majority : The ran k an d fil e ar e a problem, no t onl y becaus e the y d o no t appreciat e th e outspoken an d rebellious young, but because they tend to be racially bigoted and militaristic. On e i s tempted t o sa y that w e must pus h ahea d regardles s o f cost , even i f th e cos t shoul d tur n ou t t o b e a goo d proportio n o f th e ran k an d file ; after al l Catholicism ha s no t bee n makin g muc h o f an impressio n o n the m no r influencing thei r lives in the most important area s of conduct. However, one has to hav e compassio n fo r all , even th e bigote d ordinar y Catholi c wit h hi s narrow outlook. H e himsel f i s exploite d an d hi s famil y endangere d fro m abov e an d below; he need s understandin g an d help , although h e cannot b e allowed t o ru n the show. We have to reassur e thes e people, but neve r hid e the truth o r discar d principles.26 Rice ha d com e a long wa y fro m th e thirtie s whe n h e ha d helpe d buil d the steelworker s unio n an d fough t Communis m i n th e CIO . Repudiatin g his anti-Communis t belief s i n th e sixties , Ric e becam e a radica l peac e activist. Significantly , mos t o f hi s antiwa r organizin g too k plac e a t th e University o f Pittsburg h an d Carnegi e Mellon , no t a t th e city' s Catholi c college, Duquesn e University . Whe n Ric e ra n a s a peace an d Blac k Powe r candidate fo r th e city council i n 1971 , he scored best in Pittsburgh's secula r university an d Jewis h precincts . Th e pries t traile d miserabl y i n Catholi c and working-clas s neighborhoods. 27 Like Monsigno r Rice , th e libera l evangelical s wh o enliste d i n th e Mc Govern campaig n foun d tha t the y wer e swimmin g agains t th e tide . I n 1972, a n organizatio n calle d Evangelical s fo r McGover n appeare d o n th e scene. Despit e havin g onl y 35 8 contributors, th e libera l Protestan t grou p boldly announce d tha t "Bill y Graha m doe s no t spea k fo r al l o f th e na tion's evangelicals. " Eschewin g matter s lik e pornography an d dru g addic tion, Evangelical s fo r McGover n argue d tha t th e rea l mora l issue s i n th e presidential rac e wer e "racism , poverty , an d th e grossl y unjus t distribu tion o f wealth here and abroad. " Upo n receivin g campaign literature fro m Evangelicals fo r McGovern , a professo r o f religio n a t Maryland' s Wash ington Bibl e Colleg e expresse d hi s dismay . H e rebuke d th e religiou s lib erals, contendin g tha t th e McGover n campaig n wa s profan e an d sacrile gious: Our facult y members , students, and man y others hav e received copie s of advertising materia l whic h i s being use d i n th e McGovern-Shrive r campaig n wit h the title, "How in the Hell can you vote for Nixon?" In this area, and possibly in other area s as well, one of the McGovern-Shriver

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campaign song s is set to the tune of "Jesus loves me, this I know," and goes like this, "Nixo n bug s me, this I know; Martha Mitchel l [wif e o f CREEP chair John Mitchell] tells me so." 28 In response , a supporte r o f Evangelical s fo r McGover n argue d tha t although profanit y wa s deplorable , distinction s ha d t o b e mad e betwee n "social moralit y an d persona l morality. " Character , o r persona l morality , was far les s significant tha n th e candidate' s politics . He defended McGov ern "becaus e hi s positio n o n socia l question s suc h a s poverty an d milita rism t o m e i s closer t o Christia n standard s tha n tha t o f President Nixon. " A history professor an d evangelica l echoe d his colleague's response. Character aside , "Mr . Nixo n i s hardl y th e ma n wh o ough t t o comman d suc h uncritical backin g b y m y brethren, " th e historia n wrote . " I a m particu larly outrage d a t hi s shameles s exploitatio n o f evangelical s i n genera l an d Mr. Graha m i n particular . I hav e spoke n ou t i n othe r place s abou t th e dangers o f the coz y relationships tha t exis t between American evangelical s and politica l conservatism." 29 Although thei r conservativ e counterpart s cause d the m n o little amoun t of frustration , th e libera l evangelical s di d spea k som e thing s that Graha m and Falwel l would hav e endorsed. Evangelical s for McGover n complaine d that th e secula r new s medi a trivialized , o r ignored , anyon e wh o ap proached politic s wit h a religiousl y informe d se t o f values . Accordin g t o the Christia n liberals , a t leas t on e networ k new s personalit y flatl y tol d them tha t mora l issue s di d no t concer n th e electorat e i n '72 . Instead , American voter s wer e intereste d i n onl y the econom y an d foreig n policy . It neve r occurre d t o th e secula r medi a tha t morality , economics , an d diplomacy migh t bea r som e relationshi p t o on e another. 30 To a n exten t i t wa s understandabl e tha t th e secula r media , a s wel l a s religious conservatives , pai d littl e attentio n t o McGovern' s Christianity . His religiou s belief s wer e to o complicate d t o b e conveye d i n a televisio n sound bite . The so n o f a Methodist minister , McGover n ha d forsake n hi s father's fundamentalism . Eve n befor e h e receive d a doctorat e i n histor y from Northwester n University , McGover n scoffe d a t th e ide a o f biblica l inerrancy. On e ha d t o approac h th e Bibl e a s an allegorica l work o f literature rathe r tha n a s a historica l document . Durin g th e '7 2 campaign, Mc Govern appeare d a t Wheato n Colleg e i n Illinois , wher e h e explaine d hi s religious beliefs : "I n ou r family , ther e wa s no drinking , smoking , dancin g or card-playing . . . . I n al l candor , I regar d tha t kin d o f stric t legalis m a s somewhat besid e the poin t toda y and a s not a necessary or totally positive part o f a Christian upbringing. " (N o on e coul d faul t McGover n fo r bein g

Deluge '7 2 5 7 overly cautious . Wheato n Colleg e wa s Bill y Graham' s alm a mater. ) Mc Govern the n informe d hi s audienc e tha t th e tru e Christia n issue s i n America revolve d aroun d racism , th e Vietna m War , an d poverty . A president wit h th e correc t mora l outlook , McGover n insisted , coul d eradicat e social injustic e an d creat e a secula r paradise . Fundamentalist s an d Cath olics needed n o mor e confirmatio n tha t McGover n wa s unworthy o f their support.31 In truth , th e vas t majorit y o f McGover n supporter s di d no t wan t thei r candidate identifyin g wit h an y kin d o f Christia n belief . Fa r fro m linkin g McGovern t o th e Socia l Gospe l reformer s o f th e earl y twentiet h century , as evangelical liberals attempted t o do in their literature, his secular troop s looked t o th e campus-base d Left . Th e cultura l agend a o f th e Ne w Left , not th e economi c objective s o f th e Socia l Gospel , informe d th e belief s o f McGovern's champions . The y wanted a government tha t woul d immedi ately withdra w fro m Vietna m whil e promotin g abortion , busing , ga y rights, an d racia l hirin g quotas . Antiwa r Democrats , i n thei r ques t t o build a n ideologicall y inclusiv e movement , ha d give n th e Ne w Left entre e into th e party . Havin g mobilize d feminists , abortion-right s activists , an d other cultura l radical s behind McGover n i n the Democratic primaries, the New Lef t expecte d t o shap e th e party' s direction. 32 The McGover n delegate s t o th e Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n gen erally cam e fro m th e rank s o f th e highl y educate d professiona l class . (I n contrast, just 2 9 percent o f the electorat e ha d eve r se t foot insid e a college classroom, le t alon e obtaine d a degree. ) McGovern' s peopl e wer e als o profoundly libera l i n thei r attitude s towar d socia l issues . Tw o o f thre e McGovern delegate s favored busing , compared t o 15 percent o f blue-collar and middle-clas s Democrats . Thre e o f fou r believe d tha t th e constitu tional right s o f criminal s ha d t o b e give n precedenc e ove r crie s fo r la w and order . Afte r all , povert y an d racia l discrimination , no t immora l be havior, bre d crime . Onl y 3 6 percent o f th e party' s traditiona l constituen cies saw things thi s way. Fifty-seve n percen t o f McGovern's delegate s also dismissed an y criticism o f federal welfar e programs , arguing that Americ a had t o abolis h povert y b y an y mean s a t hand . Wit h nearl y a quarte r o f McGovern's Californi a delegatio n collectin g welfare, thei r emphasi s upo n expanded anti-povert y program s wa s understandable . Working-clas s Democrats migh t hav e wondered , though , ho w welfar e recipient s coul d set asid e tim e fo r campaignin g bu t no t fo r finding a job.33 To hea p insul t upo n injury , th e McGover n staf f denie d Chicag o mayo r Richard Dale y an d AFL-CI O presiden t Georg e Mean y a rol e i n th e con -

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vention. Rev . Jess e Jackso n too k Daley' s plac e a t th e Miam i convention , and Glori a Steinem , a leade r o f th e Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Women , "replaced" Mean y a s powe r broker . Thu s a blac k militan t an d a n abor tion-rights crusade r replace d tw o sociall y conservativ e Catholi c part y leaders. Strangely , th e McGover n peopl e though t tha t th e humiliate d Daley an d Mean y woul d hav e littl e choic e bu t t o suppor t thei r candidat e and platform . I t wa s a miscalculatio n o f epi c proportions . Althoug h th e percentage o f socia l liberal s ha d swolle n i n th e sixtie s with th e expansio n of th e professions , ther e wer e no t enoug h secula r lawyers , humanitie s professors, an d medi a personne l t o win a general election . (Ninetee n per cent o f th e electorat e wa s mad e u p o f professionals , compare d t o 1 6 percent i n 1964. ) McGover n believe d hi s abilit y t o wi n th e Democrati c pri maries woul d translat e int o a genera l electio n triumph . Ironically , McGovern lacke d a sens e o f history . N o Democra t sinc e Roosevel t ha d secured th e White Hous e withou t Catholic s an d workers. 34 Underscoring it s contemp t fo r working-clas s Democrats , th e McGov ern campaig n refuse d t o giv e union official s an y passes to th e conventio n floor an d gallery . At the sam e time, long-haired writer s from th e counter cultural pres s move d abou t freely . Benefitin g fro m rigi d quota s t o selec t delegates, feminist s an d black s wer e wel l represented . Organize d labo r and big-cit y ethnic s di d no t far e a s well. Thi s stat e o f affair s migh t hav e been excuse d b y th e inexperienc e o f McGovern' s campaig n manager , Gary Hart , a thirty-three-year-ol d Colorad o attorney . Hart , however , shared wit h McGover n activist s a suspicio n o f labo r leader s an d ethnics , viewing the m a s racist s a s wel l a s anti-Communis t extremists . Har t ex pressed n o littl e amoun t o f class snobbery an d nativis m b y observing tha t many anti-Communist s ha d funny , non-America n (meanin g Slavic ) sur names. Althoug h raise d i n th e fundamentalis t Churc h o f th e Nazarene , Hart ha d abandone d hi s religio n (alon g wit h hi s birt h name , Hartpence ) by the tim e h e entere d Yal e Law School. He ha d a n "ope n marriage " an d developed clos e friendship s wit h Hollywood' s sex y set , amon g the m th e actor Warre n Beatty . Lik e man y secula r liberals , Har t wa s a ma n wh o thought h e ha d transcende d histor y an d th e mora l hang-up s o f a dea d God.35 McGovern's campaig n rhetoric , overheate d i n th e primaries , becam e more shril l i n th e genera l election , where smar t candidate s usuall y moved to captur e th e political center . Fo r the first time in his career, Nixon face d an opponen t wh o cam e mor e easil y unglue d tha n himself . Nixo n wisel y kept abov e the fray , appearin g presidential. Simultaneously , he eliminate d

Deluge '7 2 5 9 Vietnam a s a campaig n issue . Nixon' s rapprochemen t wit h Chin a an d detente wit h th e Sovie t Unio n effectivel y isolate d Nort h Vietna m fro m it s military benefactors . Wit h enoug h pressur e fro m th e U.S . Ai r Force , i t was only a matter o f time before Hano i agree d t o a truce that would mak e it appea r a s i f Nixo n ha d conclude d th e wa r o n a victoriou s note . Mc Govern apparentl y though t h e understoo d th e Nort h Vietnames e regime , having me t wit h it s diplomati c representative s i n 1971 . North Vietna m should mak e peac e wit h th e antiwa r liberal s wh o ha d sympathize d wit h their plight , no t wit h th e bellicos e Nixon. 36 Clutching a t straws , McGover n attempte d t o mak e th e buggin g o f th e Democratic Nationa l Committee' s headquarter s i n th e Watergate Hote l a campaign issue . Th e Watergat e affair , h e argued , wa s reminiscen t o f th e tactics deploye d b y Hitle r agains t hi s opponents . Take n wit h hi s Hitle r analogy, McGover n the n compare d th e president' s Vietna m polic y to th e Nazis' exterminatio n o f the Jews . Although hi s strident rhetori c resonate d with CB S Evenin g New s an d th e New York Times, mos t American s wer e not impressed . I n contras t t o libera l reporters , working-clas s voter s wer e not sheddin g tear s i n respons e t o McGovern' s "profoun d decency. " Wit h an insigh t tha t coul d hav e applie d jus t a s well to himself , Nixo n privatel y recorded th e epitap h o f the antiwa r movemen t an d it s media champions : "I thin k a s the wa r recede s a s an issue , some o f these peopl e ar e goin g t o be los t souls . The y basicall y ar e haters , the y ar e frustrated , the y ar e alienated—they don' t kno w wha t t o d o wit h thei r lives." 37 To Nixon' s delight , conservativ e Democrat s wer e mobilizin g agains t McGovern. Durin g th e Democrati c primarie s Humphre y ha d ridicule d his opponent' s plan s t o rais e taxe s o n th e middl e clas s in orde r t o finance more anti-povert y programs . I n Florida , th e ma n wh o ha d onc e champi oned th e Grea t Societ y brazenl y courte d th e backlas h vot e agains t Bi g Government. Humphrey' s campaig n advertisement s pledge d tha t h e would "sto p th e flow o f you r ta x dollar s t o thos e wh o chise l thei r wa y onto th e welfar e roll s throug h fraud. " A n unconvincin g fo e o f Bi g Gov ernment, Humphre y coul d no t bea t Georg e Wallac e i n th e South . Onc e Wallace wa s ou t o f th e race , however, th e Minnesot a senato r hope d con servative Democrat s woul d thro w thei r suppor t t o him . I n California , Humphrey denounce d McGovern' s proposa l t o giv e ever y welfare recipi ent a n additiona l thousan d dollars . "I'l l b e damne d i f I' m givin g every body i n th e countr y a thousand-dolla r bill, " Humphre y fumed . "Peopl e in thi s countr y wan t jobs , no t handouts. " Humphre y di d no t realiz e tha t the shar e o f conservative s votin g i n California' s Democrati c primar y ha d

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been steadil y shrinkin g sinc e th e sixties . Traditiona l Sunbel t Democrat s wanted Wallac e o r Muskie , not Lyndo n Johnson' s junior partner. 38 Trying t o rall y Nebraska's considerabl e blo c o f Iris h Catholi c voters t o Humphrey's banner , conservativ e Democrat s decrie d McGover n a s th e candidate o f amnest y (fo r draf t dodgers) , acid , an d abortion . Impressed , CREEP adopte d "amnesty , acid , an d abortion " a s it s ow n attac k slogan . (McGovern hope d t o sideste p th e abortio n controversy , claimin g tha t h e opposed legalization eve n as his supporters promoted i t in the Democrati c platform. I n realit y McGover n ha d onc e arrange d fo r hi s rebelliou s daughter t o terminat e he r politicall y embarrassin g pregnancy. ) Governo r Jimmy Carte r o f Georgi a publicl y state d tha t McGover n wa s to o radical , as well a s too inept , t o b e president . Unlik e McGovern , Carte r wa s seem ingly a n unabashe d socia l conservative . Followin g th e Ken t Stat e slayings, Carter vowe d t o sen d th e Nationa l Guar d t o an y restles s campu s "wit h live ammunitio n an d wit h order s t o shoo t t o kill. " Tw o year s later , h e called for a constitutional amendmen t t o ban schoo l busing. Social liberals viewed th e souther n partisa n o f the anyone-but-McGovern-movemen t a s a cornpon e versio n o f Governo r Ronal d Reagan . I n turn , Carte r accuse d McGovern Democrat s o f willfully ignorin g souther n concern s an d mora l values.39 Like Carter , Mayo r Richar d Dale y let i t be know n tha t McGover n wa s a difficult , i f no t impossible , candidat e t o support . Hi s disgus t wit h Mc Govern predate d hi s snubbin g a t th e Miam i convention . A t th e hearing s held by the McGovern Commissio n o n Delegate Selection, antiwar activist David Mixne r insiste d tha t Dale y be force d t o apologiz e fo r hi s actions a t the '6 8 convention . Bowin g t o Mixner' s demands , McGover n confronte d Daley an d denounce d th e Chicag o polic e forc e fo r provokin g violence . Outraged, Dale y stalke d ou t o f th e hearings . Mixne r an d othe r Boomer s did no t res t unti l Dale y had bee n rea d ou t o f the party. "No longe r woul d the powe r o f th e bosse s prevai l ove r th e vot e o f th e America n people, " Mixner gloated , convenientl y overlookin g th e fac t tha t th e American peo ple generally preferred part y bosses over ga y countercultural enthusiasts. 40 Following Daley' s example , th e AFL-CI O informe d th e pres s tha t or ganized labo r coul d no t endors e McGovern . Georg e Mean y personall y told Nixo n tha t h e woul d no t vot e fo r eithe r presidentia l candidate . I n a post-convention speech , Meany , afte r denouncin g th e McGover n cre w as upper-class elitists , offered hi s opinio n o f the socia l liberals : We listened for three days to speakers who were approved to speak by the powersthat-be a t tha t convention . W e listene d t o th e ga y lib people—yo u know , th e

Deluge '7 2 6 1 people who want t o legalize marriages between boy s and boys and legalize marriages between girl s and girls... . We heard fro m th e abortionists, and we heard from th e people who looked like Jacks, acted like Jills, and had the odors of Johns about them. If Meany sounde d a lot lik e the fictional bigo t Archie Bunke r o n th e CBS series All in the Family, h e spok e fo r man y socia l conservative s wh o di d not lik e chi c liberal s o r Republica n businessmen . (Unlik e Meany , how ever, Archi e Bunke r neve r woul d hav e hel d a pres s conferenc e a t whic h he expresse d longin g fo r a n old-fashione d socialis t candidate.) 41 At th e outse t o f hi s campaig n McGover n ha d turne d hi s bac k o n th e New Dea l coalition , vowin g t o buil d a n insurgen t politica l movemen t "around th e poo r an d th e minoritie s an d th e youn g peopl e an d th e anti war movement. " Pursuin g hi s vision wit h missionar y zeal , he very nearl y lost the Democratic Party' s most reliabl e constituency: Jews. In the Orthodox precinct s o f Brookly n an d Philadelphia , Jewis h voice s wer e raise d against crime , drugged-ou t hippies , an d racia l quotas . Philadelphia' s 1969 mayoral rac e sa w Republica n Fran k Rizzo , a flamboyan t polic e commis sioner, receiv e hal f th e Jewis h vote . During th e Democrati c Part y primar ies, McGover n ha d swep t affluent , secula r Jewis h neighborhood s i n Bev erly Hill s an d Cleveland' s Shake r Heights . However , Humphre y ha d scored wel l i n Californi a an d Ohi o amon g religiousl y observan t Jews . Trying t o pu t som e distanc e betwee n himsel f an d hi s Ne w Lef t foo t sol diers, McGover n reassure d th e America n Jewis h Committe e tha t h e wa s sympathetic t o Israel and was not wedded to hiring quotas. In 1968, Humphrey had capture d 9 7 percent o f the Jewish vote. McGovern's tally would be 2 7 percentage point s belo w that. 42 Catholic intellectual s articulate d a damning indictmen t o f socia l liber alism. To Fathe r Andre w Greeley , a syndicated newspape r columnist , an d Jeane Kirkpatrick , a Georgetow n politica l scienc e professor , McGovern' s followers wer e member s o f a New Clas s that wa s fundamentally hostil e to the moral values of the averag e American. I n Kirkpatrick' s mind , McGov ern's ban d o f colleg e professors , journalists , an d lawyer s wa s a threa t t o democracy. "Th e politica l temptatio n o f th e Ne w Class, " sh e observe d after th e '7 2 election , "lie s i n believin g tha t thei r intelligenc e an d exem plary motive s equi p the m t o reorde r th e institutions , th e lives , an d eve n the character s o f almos t everyone—thi s i s th e totalitaria n temptation. " No mor e kind , Fathe r Greele y turne d hi s fire o n Catholi c liberal s lik e Monsignor Ric e an d autho r Garr y Wills . "Th e America n Catholi c com munity," Greele y lamented , "ha s finally succeede d i n producin g a n intel -

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ligentsia s o take n wit h itsel f tha t i t eithe r doe s no t kno w anythin g abou t the Catholi c communit y a s a whole o r simpl y think s tha t th e masse s ar e too dul l t o bothe r with." 43 The elitis m an d self-righteousnes s o f th e McGover n movemen t alien ated mor e tha n sociall y conservative intellectuals . At Georgetown Univer sity, a Vietna m vetera n name d Jame s Web b encountere d a n extremel y hostile la w professor. Th e antiwa r professo r deliberatel y include d Webb' s name i n a final exam questio n tha t ha d hi m shippin g hom e piece s of jade inside th e bodie s o f falle n comrades . Th e libera l academi c woul d neve r ridicule black s o r gays , but h e believe d Vietna m comba t veterans—bab y killers all—wer e fai r game . Webb , a n Annapoli s graduat e wh o woul d someday serv e as President Reagan' s nav y secretary, develope d a n abidin g distrust o f liberals. 44 Webb wa s no t alon e i n hi s disenchantmen t wit h McGover n an d th e New Class . Pegg y Noona n attende d he r first antiwa r demonstratio n i n 1971. On th e bu s rid e t o Washington , sh e listened t o th e protesters : There wa s contemp t fo r th e nineteen-year-ol d boy s who wer e carryin g gun s in the war or in the [National ] Guard. It was understood that they were uneducated, and somewhat crude. There was contempt for America: —What ca n yo u expec t o f a culture tha t raise s John Wayn e [ a conservative Hollywood actor] to the status of hero? —We were founded o n violence and will meet our undoing in violence. —We're a t th e collectiv e merc y o f a bunc h o f insecur e male s wh o hav e a phallic fascination wit h guns. —We're a racist, genocidal nation with an imperialistic lust for land that isn't ours, and . .. an d . .. And get me off this bus\ I looked around, an d I saw those mouths moving and shrank i n m y seat. What a m I doing with thes e people ? What a m I doing with these intellectual s o r whateve r the y are , what a m I doin g wit h this—thi s con temptuous elite?45 Patrick Buchana n ha d mappe d ou t a campaig n strateg y designe d t o "portray McGover n a s the pe t radica l o f Eastern liberalism , th e darling of the New York Times, th e her o o f th e Berkele y Hil l Je t Set , Mr . Radica l Chic." CREEP , however , di d no t hav e t o g o ou t o f it s wa y t o mak e McGovern loo k ba d t o socia l conservatives . McGover n an d Har t di d jus t fine o n thei r own . Whe n th e campaig n conclude d an d th e vote s wer e counted, Nixo n ha d wo n 6 1 percent o f the popula r vote . Among evangel icals, Nixon capture d 8 0 percent o f their vote, beating McGovern thirtee n million vote s t o thre e million . McGover n los t th e Catholi c an d working class vote, with Nixo n capturin g 6 0 percen t o f th e ethni c an d blue-colla r

Deluge '7 2 6

3

electorate. I n Buffalo' s working-clas s suburbs , conservativ e congressma n Jack Kem p wo n a stunnin g reelection , garnerin g a 90,000-vot e victor y margin i n a n are a where the Democrat s ha d a registration edg e of 25,000. Two year s earlier , Kem p ha d wo n wit h jus t 6,00 0 votes . Sociall y conser vative Catholic s an d worker s like d th e forme r Buffal o Bill s footbal l player—far mor e tha n the y care d fo r Nixon , actually. 46 There wa s som e goo d new s fo r liberals . McGover n wa s th e firs t Dem ocrat i n living memory to win the majority o f upper-middle-class, collegeeducated voters—th e cor e o f th e Ne w Class . Harvar d la w student s sup ported McGover n 69 8 t o 131 ; just fou r o f thei r thirty-eigh t professor s voted fo r Nixon . Suc h result s wer e repeate d a t Yale , wher e brigh t la w students lik e Hillar y Rodha m wante d t o assis t th e Democrati c Congres s in investigatin g th e Watergat e affair . Reporter s fo r th e nationa l network s and prestig e pres s wer e n o mor e fon d o f Nixon . Eight y percen t o f th e media elit e voted fo r McGovern . Not surprisingly , most high-profile jour nalists di d no t com e fro m th e conservativ e South , an d 8 6 percent di d no t usually g o t o churc h o r temple . I t wa s a rar e newspape r columnist , lik e Chicago's Greele y o r Mik e Royko , who articulate d th e fear s o f blue-collar ethnics. Working-class American s wer e to o fa r remove d th e office s o f th e New York Times an d th e Brooklin e home s o f Harvar d la w professor s t o receive seriou s attentio n fro m th e McGover n partisans. 47 Despite thei r smal l numbers , th e cultura l liberal s i n th e New Clas s had the money , medi a influence , an d socia l positio n t o carr y o n a twiligh t struggle agains t conservatism . A t th e sam e time , ther e wer e free-marke t libertarians amon g th e Ne w Class who ha d th e mean s t o wage war o n th e New Dea l economi c order . Conservativ e intellectual s tende d t o overloo k the fac t tha t th e Ne w Class had man y libertarians who were just a s hostile to mora l crusade s a s th e Left . (Th e fam e o f suc h libertarians , however , did no t sprea d unti l th e eighties , when Davi d Stockma n an d Phi l Gram m championed th e Reaga n Revolution. ) During th e Democrati c primarie s an d i n th e genera l election , McGov ern ha d tappe d int o a tremendous sourc e o f campaign funds : Hollywood . Directors an d producer s funnele d million s o f dollar s int o McGovern' s coffers whil e entertainer s sponsore d roc k concert s an d mad e publi c ap pearances. Pau l Newma n an d Shirle y MacLaine , amon g othe r "Lef t Coast" actors , ha d lon g participate d i n antiwa r an d civi l right s protests . With n o les s vim , thes e performer s gav e thei r al l fo r McGovern . Warre n Beatty becam e a n unofficia l adviso r t o Gar y Hart ; hi s sister , Shirle y MacLaine, serve d a s a Californi a delegat e t o th e Democrati c Nationa l

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Convention. MacLain e dre w grea t medi a attentio n a s a n outspoke n ad vocate o f abortion. Fro m televisio n produce r Norma n Lear , creator o f All in the Family whic h mocke d working-clas s whites , t o Jan e Fonda , wh o had pose d fo r a photograph astrid e a North Vietnames e anti-aircraf t gun , the Democrati c Part y ha d a new , culturall y powerfu l constituency . Bo b Hope wa s th e onl y majo r sta r t o mak e a large contributio n t o th e Nixo n campaign.48 In on e o f th e wors t blunder s o f hi s presidency , Nixo n ha d mad e littl e effort t o gai n GO P seat s i n Congres s durin g th e '7 2 election . Democrat s remained securel y i n charg e o f th e Hous e an d Senate . Moreover, Demo crats wer e gu n sh y an d extremel y war y o f Nixon' s domesti c an d foreig n policy initiatives . Congressiona l Democrat s woul d no t hav e sanctione d Nixon's secre t agreemen t wit h th e Sout h Vietnames e government . I n th e event o f a massiv e attac k b y Hanoi , Nixo n ha d promise d tha t Americ a would com e t o Sout h Vietnam' s defense . Th e Democrat s wer e als o suffi ciently annoye d b y the Watergat e wiretappin g t o organiz e specia l investigative hearings . Al l o f thi s di d not , however , mea n tha t congressiona l Democrats wer e fan s o f McGovern's. Onl y a handful ha d been selecte d a s delegates to the Democrati c convention . (Th e few female an d black mem bers o f th e Hous e wer e mor e likel y t o b e chose n a s delegate s tha n th e white me n wh o dominate d Congress. ) Brooklin e an d it s similarly affluen t suburban neighbor s migh t elec t antiwa r liberal s t o publi c office , bu t th e South an d th e industria l heartlan d di d not. 49 At the sam e time, Nixon face d shar p critic s from th e conservative wing of th e GOP . Buckle y an d othe r anti-Communis t activist s ha d bee n ap palled b y th e president' s diplomati c overture s t o Chin a an d th e Sovie t Union. S o fa r a s th e Republica n Righ t wa s concerned , arms-reductio n talks an d openin g u p trad e wit h Chin a bordere d o n treason . (Privately , Nixon sai d tha t Willia m F . Buckley and hi s brother, Senato r Jame s Buck ley o f Ne w York , wer e "nuts." ) Conservativ e Democrat s lik e Jean e Kirk patrick an d Senato r Henr y "Scoop " Jackso n o f Washingto n concurre d with th e Republica n hawks . T o mak e conservative s eve n mor e irate , Nixon ha d outdon e Lyndo n Johnso n a s a champio n o f Bi g Government . Nixon wen t alon g wit h Congres s i n th e establishmen t o f federa l agencie s to regulat e pollutio n an d workplac e safety . Man y corporatio n executives , particularly thos e i n th e Sunbelt , regarde d th e Environmenta l Protectio n Agency an d th e Occupationa l Safet y an d Healt h Ac t a s socialistic . I n a rare understatement , Buchana n muse d tha t Nixo n wa s "the leas t ideolog ical statesman I ever encountered." 50

Deluge '7 2 6 5 The Nixo n administratio n furthe r irke d conservative s b y mandatin g quotas i n federa l hirin g an d universit y employment . Whil e openin g u p a future o f reverse discrimination t o young working-class white men, Nixon bought of f th e senio r citizen s an d earne d th e goo d grace s o f th e agin g World War I I generation. All Nixon ha d to do was increase Social Security spending b y 5 5 percen t an d expan d entitlemen t program s acros s th e board. Fisca l responsibility migh t hav e been a wise policy to pursue i n th e long term , bu t i t wa s suicida l politics . Moreover , whil e Nixo n talke d tough o n affirmativ e action , busing , an d pornography , h e ha d n o inten tion o f providin g Americ a wit h mora l leadership , curbin g th e libera l ex cesses o f th e federa l judiciary , an d cuttin g taxes . He ducke d th e abortio n issue a s well . Sinc e ther e wa s n o credibl e alternativ e i n th e presidentia l election, ethnic s an d southerner s ha d t o conten t themselve s with Nixon' s empty rhetoric. 51 Although th e GO P establishe d th e Nationa l Republica n Heritag e Groups Counci l i n 197 1 to compet e fo r th e whit e ethni c vote , i t wa s a sham organization . Mos t Republican s di d no t wan t t o dea l seriousl y with controversial issue s like abortion, urban decay , and stagnan t wages. Moreover, th e ethni c leadershi p o f th e Heritag e Group s Counci l include d in dividuals know n fo r thei r anti-Communis t foreig n polic y views, not thei r sensitivity t o domesti c matters . Co-chai r Ann a Chennault , th e Chines e widow o f Genera l Clair e Chennault , ha d bette r contact s wit h th e Centra l Intelligence Agency than wit h Michae l Novak' s beer-truck drivers. 52 Where liberal s accuse d Nixo n o f shrewdl y promotin g affirmativ e ac tion i n orde r t o driv e a wedge between blac k an d Jewis h Democrats, mos t conservatives sa w treachery. I n Nort h Carolina , Jess e Helms won a Senate seat a s a conservativ e Republican . Beyon d castigatin g "restles s Negroes, " Helms ha d spen t year s soundin g of f abou t libera l colleg e student s wh o spent "riotou s weekend s a t beache s i n Florid a . . . wher e orgie s an d may hem ar e highly advertised." A media entrepreneur , a s well as a polemicist, Helms spok e o n sevent y radio station s an d wrot e diatribe s fo r fifty southern newspapers . Denyin g tha t h e wa s racist , Helm s le d wit h hi s chin , arguing tha t "crim e rate s an d irresponsibilit y amon g Negroe s ar e fact s o f life whic h mus t b e faced. " Helm s als o attacke d Socia l Security , labo r unions, Medicare , an d detent e wit h Chin a an d th e Sovie t Union . Th e senator woul d quickl y mak e hi s presenc e fel t i n th e nationa l Republica n Party. Nixo n migh t hav e wo n a landslid e b y assaultin g McGovern-styl e liberalism, bu t conservative s woul d no t stan d b y hi m i f th e goin g go t rough.53

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Never befor e ha d a presiden t gon e befor e th e peopl e t o reassur e the m that h e was "no t a crook." Unfortunatel y fo r Richar d Nixon , fe w Americans believe d him . Whit e Hous e personnel , whethe r i n cour t o r befor e a congressional investigatin g committee , ratte d eac h othe r out . I n th e course o f th e Watergat e hearings , American s learne d tha t Nixo n ha d se cretly tape d hi s meeting s wit h variou s staffers . I n wha t becam e know n a s the "smokin g gun " o f th e scandal , th e tape s reveale d tha t Nixo n ha d actively participate d i n th e cover-u p o f th e Watergat e break-in . Clingin g tenaciously t o office , Nixo n stonewalle d th e court s an d directe d Solicito r General Rober t Bor k t o fire th e Watergat e specia l prosecutor. Makin g u p in enthusias m wha t h e lacke d i n politica l sense , Bor k execute d Nixon' s orders. (Attorne y Genera l Ellio t Richardso n resigne d rathe r tha n dismis s the specia l prosecutor . Unlik e th e Massachusett s Brahmin , Bor k wa s a team player.) 1 While conservative s care d littl e that Nixo n ha d bugged th e Democrats ' Watergate headquarters , the y wer e disturbe d b y othe r mora l lapses . T o begin with , Spir o Agne w ha d forfeite d th e vic e presidenc y i n 197 3 afte r pleading n o contes t t o charge s tha t h e accepte d bribes . Nixon' s fou l lan guage, capture d o n tap e i n al l o f it s teamster-wannab e glory , destroye d his reputatio n amon g conservativ e clergy . Christian s wh o vote d fo r Nixon, Pa t Robertso n lamente d i n 1974 , had bee n "th e victim s o f a crue l hoax." Rebukin g a fello w membe r o f th e clergy , Robertso n informe d viewers o f th e Christia n Broadcastin g Networ k tha t "Dr . Bill y Graha m has bee n use d fo r political-imag e building. " Fo r hi s part , Graha m con fessed t o vomitin g whe n h e rea d transcript s o f th e Nixo n tapes . Wit h Nixon's resignatio n i n 1974 , and th e elevatio n o f House Republica n leade r Gerald For d t o th e presidency , Graha m abandone d th e politica l arena. 2 66

J. C. Saves in "76 6 7 As a resul t o f th e Watergat e debacle , couple d wit h rampan t inflation , high unemployment , an d a disruptive Ara b oi l embargo , Democrat s cap tured forty-nin e Hous e seat s an d fou r governorships . I n 1974 , Michae l Dukakis o f Brooklin e becam e governo r o f Massachusetts , an d Jerr y Brown succeede d Ronal d Reagan . Bot h pledge d t o mak e governmen t services les s costl y an d t o promot e economi c growth . Eve n thoug h th e respective governor s ha d bee n raise d i n Gree k Orthodo x an d Roma n Catholic households, their sensitivit y to religious issues was sorely lacking. Neither Brow n no r Dukaki s questione d th e moralit y o f abortion . (Sus pecting tha t Brow n wa s a charlata n a t heart , libera l cartoonis t Gar y Tru deau ha d th e California n sa y t o cheerin g supporters , "M y programs.. . emerge throug h th e dialectica l process . The y come , the y go ; thing s jus t happen. I don' t hav e th e answers . I hav e th e questions." ) Meanwhile , Boston's affluen t suburb s sen t a radica l Catholi c pries t t o th e House . I n Colorado, McGovern' s erstwhil e campaig n manager , Gar y Hart , wo n a Senate seat. 3 Amid th e celebration s o f the Congressiona l Clas s of '74, a discouragin g trend wen t largel y unnoticed. Working-clas s white s di d no t com e back t o the Democrati c Part y i n droves . Mos t o f th e ne w Democrati c Hous e members owe d thei r election s t o suburba n professionals , no t t o reli giously observan t member s o f the middlin g classes . Having learned noth ing, Senato r McGover n blame d hi s '7 2 rou t o n Nixon' s dirt y trick s an d the fac t tha t h e ha d alienate d th e Lef t b y movin g to o fa r t o th e righ t (!) . McGovern exhorte d th e Democrati c Part y t o remai n uncompromisingl y true t o it s libera l principles . Th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f Americans , McGovern believed , supporte d abortion , affirmativ e action , busing , an d gay liberation . Ther e wer e onl y a handfu l o f racist s wh o woul d vot e fo r Republicans i n th e future. 4 Convinced tha t the y coul d buil d a presidential majorit y wit h jus t pro fessionals an d inner-cit y blacks , socia l liberal s sowe d th e seed s o f thei r eventual destruction . I n Boston , a libera l federa l judg e assume d contro l of the city's public schools. The council o f advisors he chose to implemen t his busing order s include d blacks , activist clergy , and corporat e leaders — all o f who m wer e resident s o f th e upper-middle-clas s suburbs . Severa l hailed fro m Governo r Dukakis' s Brooklin e neighborhood . Thos e mos t affected b y busing—blac k an d white—ha d n o voic e i n th e educatio n o f their children . Working-clas s black s an d Catholics , thei r income s eate n away b y inflation , struggle d t o pa y fo r th e burdensom e propert y taxe s that financed publi c education . Littl e househol d mone y remaine d fo r pa -

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rochial o r privat e schoo l tuition . Fo r th e workin g poor , ther e wa s n o escape from busin g and crumblin g urba n schools . Resentment against this state of affairs cu t across racial lines. According to a nationwide 1976 Louis Harris poll , 51 percen t o f blacks an d 8 1 percent o f whites oppose d busing . White liberal s lamel y retorte d tha t black s wh o criticize d busin g di d no t know an y better. I f Georg e Wallac e ha d advance d tha t kin d o f argumen t he would hav e been calle d a racist. 5 In 1974 , th e Rockefelle r Foundatio n gav e th e Bosto n branc h o f th e NAACP $100,00 0 t o assis t i n it s busin g battles . Michae l Nova k angril y resigned fro m th e boar d o f directors . "N o swea t of f th e foundation' s back," Nova k fumed , "le t th e Bosto n Iris h pa y fo r th e sin s o f slavery. " Calling busing "th e Vietna m o f the 1970s, " Novak declare d a class war o n social liberalism : Many Americans seem to feel that something important i n the busing conflict in Boston i s eludin g them . The y understan d wel l enoug h nake d racism . Bu t stra y bits of evidence, flappingin the wind, suggest that something more than racism— and mor e importan t tha n racism—i s a t stake . For the citizen s of South Bosto n have at least as much contempt for affluent, church-going , liberal white Brahmins as they have animosity against blacks, and perhaps more. If one can read the signs correctly, man y white s i n beleaguere d Bosto n see m t o regar d a certain clas s of blacks as infested wit h a kind o f plague, a plague that may be catching, a "tangle of pathologies/' and they seek a form of quarantine. They do not regard all blacks, but the y d o regar d suc h blacks , a s victims. The y regar d whit e liberal s i n thei r university drawing rooms, paneled bank offices, an d editorial chambers as hypocritical and duplicitous: incarnations of a classic type of morality-spewing villain, the new version of the pious Robber Barons of the past. 6 By the midseventies , Novak wa s no longe r a lonely voice in the wilder ness. Evangelical s fo r Socia l Actio n ruefull y observe d tha t "conservativ e religious tide is sweeping the country." (Unlik e Novak, liberal evangelicals blamed "institutiona l racism " fo r th e ris e o f socia l conservatism. ) I n Al toona, Pennsylvania , a member o f th e loca l schoo l boar d spearheade d a n effort t o brin g Go d bac k int o th e classroom . Sh e wanted a constitutiona l amendment tha t woul d overtur n th e Suprem e Court' s 196 2 ruling agains t prayer i n th e public school s (Engel v. Vitale). "Th e moral s o f our younge r generation hav e deteriorate d a t a n alarmin g pace, " sh e contended . "I f prayer an d Bibl e readin g ar e onc e agai n permitte d i n ou r publi c schools , there woul d b e les s corruption , les s demonstrating, an d mor e lov e in thi s country." Wit h suppor t fro m th e Fundamentalis t Ministeria l Associatio n of th e Altoon a Area , thi s conservativ e activis t als o wante d t o ba n The Catcher in the Rye and othe r "dirty " book s fro m publi c schoo l libraries. 7

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9

Where Altoona' s Fundamentalis t Ministeria l Associatio n blame d lib erals fo r debasin g America n society , othe r conservative s pointe d t o th e worsening economy . The y believe d tha t recen t economi c trend s wer e damaging th e family—th e essentia l buildin g bloc k o f a moral society . By 1976, the proportion o f wage workers whose incom e had falle n behin d th e rate o f inflatio n stoo d a t 4 3 percent . Fo r th e averag e household , post World Wa r I I earning s peake d i n 197 3 and decline d thereafter . I n a his torical first fo r th e Unite d States , ove r hal f o f th e wome n wit h school aged childre n wer e i n th e labo r force . The y worke d ou t o f necessity , no t because the y sough t self-discover y an d a rewarding career . Consequently , their childre n receive d les s parenta l guidanc e an d littl e religiou s instruc tion. Takin g th e plac e o f paren t an d church—traditionalist s feared — were pot-smokin g peer s an d a hedonisti c medi a culture . Unde r suc h ec onomic pressure s an d cultura l influences , familie s fel l apar t an d th e white illegitimacy rate climbe d throughou t th e seventies. 8 According t o socia l conservatives , man y minister s wer e unwillin g t o condemn divorc e an d illegitimacy . Suc h clerica l progressive s ha d accom modated themselve s t o th e secula r worl d an d thei r cosmopolita n flocks. Chicago Tribune columnis t Andre w Greele y bluntly wrot e tha t th e libera l clergy ha d faile d God . Wher e coul d teenager s wh o wer e thinkin g abou t becoming sexuall y activ e tur n fo r mora l direction ? Wh o coul d comfor t the chil d o f divorce , o r provid e wholesom e recreationa l activitie s t o chil dren whos e parent s wer e still at work whe n th e children cam e home fro m school? Greeley' s emphati c answe r wa s no t th e Episcopalia n o r Presbyte rian churches : If suc h cultist s a s Sun Myun g Moo n [th e hea d o f th e controversia l Unificatio n Church] hav e so much followin g i t is precisely because so many of the offsprin g of upper-middle-class Protestantism have discovered that the local church doesn't stand for anything at all, except what the local pastor picks up from th e New York Times Op-Ed page, The Christian Century, o r the New York Review of Books.9 Conservative clerg y an d lait y sough t t o fill thi s mora l void . Actin g independently o f th e Altoon a fundamentalists , Joh n Cardina l Kro l o f Philadelphia calle d fo r mora l instructio n i n th e publi c schools . Cardina l Krol informe d th e new s medi a tha t "ever y studen t ha s th e righ t t o hea r about God , abou t religion , an d abou t mora l value s i n th e norma l cours e of hi s o r he r studies. " Wit h nearl y twelv e millio n o f th e fifteen millio n Catholic student s attendin g secula r schools , Kro l believe d tha t subject s like abortion , euthanasia , an d birt h contro l shoul d b e avoided o r "treate d with extrem e sensitivity. " Philadelphia' s cardina l expresse d contemp t fo r

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atheists an d libera l Jew s wh o attacke d "th e righ t o f Catholi c parent s t o their shar e o f th e educationa l ta x dollar s fo r secula r subjects. " Secula r Jews and WASPs , Krol argued, "exud e hatred , resor t t o lies, distortions of fact, an d form s o f sarcas m tha t on e ca n onl y b e describe d a s hateful. " Krol denie d tha t hi s sentiment s wer e anti-Semitic . H e jus t di d no t lik e social liberals , regardless o f their cultura l origins. 10 More circumspect , Timoth y Cardina l Mannin g o f Lo s Angeles identi fied an ethnicall y generic "paga n culture " a s the enemy of God. Abortion , divorce, pornography , an d a militantl y secula r publi c schoo l establish ment, h e contended , wer e destroyin g th e family . Othe r Catholic s echoe d Manning's words , whil e notin g tha t ther e wa s a n additiona l threa t t o th e well-being of the Christian family : the proposed Equa l Rights Amendment (ERA). Champione d b y NO W an d th e Nationa l Educatio n Association , the ER A wa s suppose d t o provid e a constitutiona l guarante e o f equalit y between th e sexes. Conservativ e Catholi c la y persons lik e Phyllis Schlafly , however, discerne d somethin g mor e sinister . Socia l conservative s argue d that th e ER A woul d lea d t o ga y marriage s an d unise x restrooms . More over, th e ER A would undercu t long-standin g legislativ e effort s t o compe l irresponsible me n t o suppor t thei r families . Whethe r o r no t th e first tw o items were true, ERA opponents wer e o n t o somethin g i n their las t point . Fully equal women, b y NOW's ow n logic , did no t nee d chil d suppor t an d alimony. I f tha t wa s no t th e intentio n o f ERA' s feminis t supporters , cer tainly connivin g divorc e attorney s woul d pu t suc h a readin g o n th e amendment i f it were ratified b y thirty-eight o f the fifty state legislatures. 11 For th e first tim e i n American history , a large number o f Catholics an d Protestants foun d themselve s o n th e sam e sid e o f a cultura l conflict . To gether the y worke d agains t th e ER A i n Florida , Illinois , Nort h Carolina , and Texas . I n 1975 , twenty-fiv e hundre d ER A opponent s i n Texa s ap peared a t th e stat e legislatur e t o urg e representative s t o rescin d thei r ear lier endorsement o f the amendment . Catholics , fundamentalists, an d Pen tecostals line d u p agains t thei r libera l foes . Ninety-eigh t percen t o f th e anti-ERA wome n wer e activ e churc h members . Non e wer e Jewish . Th e conservative activist s emphasize d tha t the y approache d th e legislatur e a s concerned individual s an d Texans , not a s members o f a national—that i s to say , un-Texan—organization lik e NOW. In contras t to NOW, the ERA opponents wh o cam e t o testif y ha d a lis t o f tip s o n ho w t o behav e i n front o f a legislative committee . Amon g thei r direction s wa s t o "b e lady like an d courteous , n o matte r what, " and , whe n finished, t o "than k th e committee an d exi t lik e Lorett a Young. " Fo r feminist s raise d o n sexuall y

J. C. Saves in y y6 7 1 aggressive Jan e Fonda movies , the demur e Lorett a Young style was not a n option.12 The legalization o f abortion prove d eve n more important tha n th e ERA battle i n cementin g th e allianc e betwee n Catholic s an d fundamentalists . In 1973 , the Suprem e Court , wit h a les s tha n firm majority , decide d t o resolve th e abortio n controvers y onc e an d fo r all . As an earlie r Cour t ha d done o n th e issu e o f slavery, the justices inserte d themselve s int o a debate that ha d polarize d th e nation—an d se t the stag e for a civil war. Althoug h New Yor k ha d legalize d abortio n befor e th e Roe v. Wade ruling , th e leg islature subsequentl y vote d t o rescin d it s action . Onl y Governo r Nelso n Rockefeller's vet o ha d kep t abortio n legal . (Becaus e For d ha d picke d Rockefeller a s hi s vic e president , socia l conservative s wer e directin g thei r ire a t th e Whit e House , a s well as the Suprem e Court. ) I n 1972 , Michigan and Nort h Dakot a voter s sho t dow n ballo t initiative s t o legaliz e abor tion.13 Although Planne d Parenthoo d publishe d pollin g dat a provin g tha t th e majority o f American s favore d abortion , it s method s wer e flawed . Whe n polling question s wer e mor e specificall y worded , th e response s showe d that mos t American s oppose d discretionary abortion. Fe w believed abor tion shoul d b e lega l pas t th e first trimeste r o f a woman' s pregnancy . A t best, a plurality supporte d abortio n i n th e even t o f rap e o r incest , an d t o save the lif e o f the mother . NO W an d Planne d Parenthoo d wante d abor tion o n demand—an d a s lat e a s th e thir d trimeste r o f pregnancy . Fe w Americans too k suc h a radica l position . I n 1975 , a year i n whic h doctor s performed on e millio n abortions , 7 0 percen t o f women oppose d th e ter mination o f a pregnancy afte r th e first trimester . A s had bee n tru e i n th e sixties, me n wer e mor e sympatheti c t o abortio n tha n women . Th e femi nist clai m tha t me n wante d t o kee p wome n barefoo t an d pregnan t con tributed nothin g t o th e debate . Abortion wa s just a s much a religious an d class issu e a s a gende r issue . Th e les s religio n an d th e mor e wealt h on e had, th e likelie r on e wa s to suppor t abortion. 14 In 1968 , Catholics ha d take n th e lea d i n opposin g abortion , foundin g the Nationa l Righ t t o Lif e Committee . It s lobbyin g effort s wer e modest . The Roe decision , however , invigorate d th e organizatio n an d inspire d conservative Protestant s t o tak e a greate r rol e i n resistin g abortion . Th e three-million-member Missour i Syno d o f th e Luthera n Churc h enliste d in th e battl e agains t Roe. Founde d b y Germa n immigrant s i n th e 1840s , the Missour i Syno d brok e awa y fro m it s Luthera n ki n a centur y later . While libera l Lutheran s champione d abortio n an d ga y right s i n th e sev -

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enties, th e Missour i Syno d clun g t o th e old-tim e socia l orthodoxy . (De spite losin g one-thir d o f it s flock, th e Luthera n Churc h believe d i t wa s better t o b e ideologicall y pur e tha n t o b e grea t i n number. ) Seekin g legal protection fo r th e unborn , representative s o f the Missour i Syno d testifie d before th e Hous e Judiciar y Subcommitte e o n Civi l an d Constitutiona l Rights i n 1976 . Taking a stance tha t woul d hav e ha d Marti n Luthe r spin ning i n hi s grave , th e conservativ e Lutheran s condemne d libera l journal ists an d politician s fo r bashin g thei r Catholi c brethren. Socia l liberals, the Missouri Syno d stated , were indulgin g themselve s i n religiou s prejudice. 15 Missouri Syno d ministe r Eugen e Lins e informe d Congres s tha t Chris tians woul d n o longe r remai n silen t o n abortio n an d othe r mora l issues . The Constitutio n belonge d t o th e religiousl y devout just a s much a s it di d to Planne d Parenthoo d an d NOW : I hav e hear d i t state d tha t t o enac t proposal s prohibitin g abortion , excep t i n limited an d medica l emergenc y situations , int o la w o r int o a constitutiona l amendment i s itself a violation o f the guarantee s o f freedom o f religion, that is, the freedo m t o follo w th e dictate s o f one' s conscience , protecte d i n th e Firs t Amendment. That, in my judgment, is an argument involvin g a distortion of the first magnitude . I n addition , moreover , t o argu e tha t thos e wh o hav e religiou s convictions should remain silent lest they foist thei r views on those who disagree with them , i s a classica l denia l o f th e freedo m o f dissen t an d th e freedo m t o petition for redress of grievances, both protected by the same First Amendment.16 Missouri Syno d Lutheran s an d Catholic s quickl y discovered tha t man y politicians, Democra t an d Republica n alike , di d no t wan t t o dea l wit h divisive socia l issues . This seeme d t o b e particularl y th e cas e if there wer e more campaig n contribution s t o be found i n liberal Hollywood an d Man hattan tha n i n stodg y Sout h Bosto n an d St . Louis. Moreover, a s Catholi c activists i n th e Ne w Yor k chapte r o f Righ t t o Lif e observed , sympatheti c politicians ha d a knack fo r pullin g disappearin g act s whe n pus h cam e t o shove. "M y hear t wa s with you, " a New York assemblyma n tol d prolifer s during a 1970 legislative debate o n legalizing abortion. "Bu t I would surel y have bee n defeate d unles s I vote d fo r abortion... . I kno w yo u ar e fai r and wil l look a t m y entir e record . Yo u ar e to o matur e an d to o intelligen t to vote agains t a man o n just on e issue. " Six years later i t was evident tha t some voter s woul d tr y t o defea t a candidat e solel y o n th e basi s o f "jus t one issue." 17 Coming ou t o f th e libera l win g o f th e GOP , Geral d For d wante d t o keep socia l an d economi c conservative s a t arm' s length . H e accepte d Bi g

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3

Government a s a fac t o f life , althoug h som e federa l programs , h e felt , might b e slightl y reduce d s o lon g a s suc h initiative s di d no t offen d an y powerful politica l constituency . A s fa r a s mora l issue s wer e concerned , President For d appeare d conten t t o hav e hi s wife , Betty , spea k fo r him . In a n intervie w o n th e CB S newsmagazine sho w Sixty Minutes, Bett y Ford said tha t premarita l se x migh t reduc e th e divorc e rate , compare d mari juana smokin g t o drinkin g "you r first beer, " an d praise d Roe v. Wade fo r bringing abortio n "ou t o f the backwoods" and puttin g "i t i n the hospital s where i t belongs." Conservatives di d no t find Bett y Ford's candor refresh ing. ( A divorce e an d onetim e performe r o f moder n dance , Mrs . For d would neve r b e a favorite o f socia l conservatives.) 18 The For d administration' s dealing s wit h mora l traditionalist s wer e breathtakingly cynical . Irvin g Kristol , edito r o f th e neoconservativ e jour nal th e Public Interest, summe d u p th e attitud e o f many i n th e GO P wh o were mor e comfortabl e discussin g foreig n polic y an d free-marke t eco nomics tha n socia l issues . A s Kristo l wrot e t o presidentia l adviso r Bo b Goldwin, a fellow neoconservative , "Thi s lette r concern s itsel f with abor tion, o f al l things.... I n a heterogeneous societ y such a s ours, it's foll y t o try t o dictat e t o th e citizenr y a nationa l polic y o n suc h a controversia l moral issue. " However , sinc e abortio n wa s on e o f th e man y socia l issue s that rippe d apar t th e Democrati c coalition , For d shoul d appear t o b e doing something abou t i t without actuall y doing much o f anything. Ford's campaign strategist s concurre d wit h Kristol . No t surprisingly , Souther n Baptists neve r entirel y truste d Jewis h neoconservative s lik e Kristo l an d Goldwin. Likewise , urban e Jewis h neoconservative s fel t uneas y aroun d right-wing populist s an d Christia n moralists. 19 When leader s o f th e Coalitio n fo r Life—representin g twelv e hundre d anti-abortion groups—sough t a meetin g wit h For d i n 1974 , his appoint ments secretar y replie d tha t th e presiden t wa s to o bus y t o se e them . Privately, Ford' s advisor s tol d hi m t o avoi d suc h peopl e a t al l costs . I n turn, th e Coalitio n fo r Lif e wondere d ho w th e extremel y activ e presiden t found tim e t o hos t representative s fro m NOW . "Soone r o r later, " Coali tion fo r Lif e directo r Rand y Enge l wrot e t o a presidentia l assistant , "[Ford] wil l hav e t o fac e [America's ] man y mora l problems. " Enge l crit icized the federal governmen t fo r providin g grants to Planned Parenthoo d and allowin g welfar e recipient s t o us e thei r Medicai d benefit s t o pa y fo r abortions. (Hal f of the abortions performe d i n 1976 were covered by Medicaid.) Whil e Ford' s representative s tol d Enge l tha t th e poo r ha d a righ t

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to suc h federa l funds , th e administration , i n a mov e worth y o f Machia velli, ordere d Rober t Bor k t o file a brief wit h th e Suprem e Cour t agains t Medicaid-sponsored abortions. 20 As Bor k argue d i n Beal v . Doe (1976) , "th e fac t tha t a woma n ha s a qualified righ t t o a n abortio n doe s no t impl y a correlativ e constitutiona l right t o fre e treatment... . Th e Equa l Protectio n Claus e doe s no t affir matively requir e a state t o cove r th e cost s incurre d b y indigents in under going suc h procedures. " Bor k undertoo k hi s tas k wit h missionar y zeal . However, th e For d administratio n ha d littl e expectatio n tha t Bork' s lega l reasoning woul d prevail . Whil e Bor k crosse d sword s wit h th e Suprem e Court, th e presiden t opene d a second front , arguin g tha t i t shoul d b e lef t up t o th e individua l state s t o decid e i f they wanted abortion . Rathe r tha n have th e Whit e Hous e ge t directl y involve d i n th e controversy , For d be lieved, i t would b e fa r bette r i f a constitutional Righ t t o Lif e Amendmen t went befor e th e state s fo r ratification . Plainly , For d hope d t o appeas e prolifers wit h symboli c gesture s whil e winkin g a t GO P liberals . I n th e event tha t libera l Republican s becam e upset , Bork , no t Ford , woul d tak e the hit . (Bork' s argument s befor e th e Suprem e Cour t ultimatel y wo n th e day, thereb y placin g hi m o n NOW' s an d Planne d Parenthood' s enemie s list.)21 Although man y o f Ford's staf f peopl e were nonplussed abou t th e abor tion issue , other s wer e clearl y panicking . A t leas t on e aid e urge d th e president t o muzzl e hi s wife , pointin g ou t tha t ever y tim e th e New York Times and th e Washington Post praised Betty , Ford lost Catholic and bluecollar support . Anothe r adviso r noted , "Th e abortio n issu e ca n provid e President For d wit h th e mean s b y whic h h e ca n mak e th e necessar y in roads int o th e traditionall y Catholi c Democrati c constituency , a s wel l a s the equall y Democrati c Souther n fundamentalis t one , votes that provide d the margin s tha t electe d bot h [Dwight ] Eisenhowe r an d Nixon. " For d paid som e attentio n t o hi s worried advisors , choosin g t o mee t personall y with representative s fro m th e Nationa l Conferenc e o f Catholi c Bishop s rather than—a s h e ha d don e wit h Protestan t prolifers—passin g the m along t o low-leve l assistants . Still , th e presiden t promise d nothin g t o th e bishops' prolif e spokesman , Josep h Cardina l Bernardi n o f Cincinnati . Meanwhile, Bett y reiterated he r suppor t fo r abortion. 22 A year later , wit h a presidential electio n approaching , For d me t a second tim e with th e Catholi c bishops. This time, Ford sai d he would exhor t the stat e legislature s t o ratif y a Righ t t o Lif e Amendment . For d followe d up thi s meetin g with a letter t o Cardina l Bernardi n emphasizin g that "th e

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government ha s a responsibilit y t o protec t life—an d indee d t o provid e legal guarantee s fo r th e wea k an d unprotected. " For d late r whippe d u p delegates a t a Catholic Eucharisti c Congress , denouncin g liberal s fo r har boring a n "irreverenc e fo r life. " Th e presiden t sough t furthe r politica l advantage b y coyly suggesting tha t Democrati c Part y elites were hostile t o the mora l value s o f decent , ordinar y Americans . Fo r al l o f Ford' s efforts , however, th e Yale-educate d Episcopalia n ha d difficult y i n persuadin g th e majority o f Catholic s o f his sincerity. 23 Catholic oppositio n t o busin g an d racia l quota s pose d eve n greate r problems t o Ford . I n 1975 , Novak an d severa l prominen t academic s an d Catholic politician s me t wit h For d t o discus s th e concern s o f whit e eth nics. Eve n a s the y met , Nova k recounted , "th e presiden t betraye d us. " Ford withdre w administratio n suppor t fo r th e Ethni c Heritag e Act . (Thi s legislation funde d Easter n Europea n fol k festival s an d white ethnic studie s at the colleg e level.) Additionally, th e president's advisor s warned hi m no t to addres s matter s suc h a s illegitimacy , busing , crime , "revers e discrimi nation cour t decisions, " an d welfar e sinc e libera l Republican s di d no t want t o appea r racist . On e Whit e Hous e aid e informe d Nova k tha t an y gesture o f friendship For d mad e t o big-cit y Catholic s coul d b e only inter preted a s anti-black. Nova k wa s astounded. 24 If th e Whit e Hous e though t Catholic s wer e prickly , Ford' s staffer s found fundamentalist s an d Pentecostal s utterl y baffling . Durin g hi s shor t tenure a s vice president , For d onc e receive d a letter fro m th e pasto r o f a fundamentalist churc h i n Tennessee . Th e ministe r wa s writin g o n behal f of hi s flock, whic h wante d t o kno w i f For d wa s a Christian . Afte r all , "Our peopl e ar e suspiciou s b y nature , i f you kno w mountai n folks, " th e southerner wrote , "an d the y ar e eve n mor e s o abou t government. " For d replied tha t h e wa s a n Episcopalian , no t understandin g tha t souther n fundamentalists migh t hav e a hard tim e considerin g tha t t o b e soli d evi dence o f Christia n faith. 25 In 1976 , Presiden t For d addresse d fou r thousan d delegate s a t a join t convocation o f th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Evangelicals an d th e Nationa l Religious Broadcasters . H e confine d himsel f t o som e vagu e statement s about wh y Go d wa s good . Afte r For d departed , activist s counsele d evan gelicals t o mov e ou t "fro m th e pew s t o polls " an d elec t rea l Christians . When on e ministe r note d tha t th e "mora l cesspool s o f America ar e over flowing," conservative s ha d t o wonde r wh y th e president—goo d Chris tian tha t h e was—had no t bee n ou t cleanin g th e nationa l sewe r system. 26 Ford's appearance s befor e religiou s organization s lik e the Nationa l As-

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sociation o f Evangelical s an d th e Souther n Baptis t Conventio n wer e carefully programme d t o ensur e tha t h e di d no t sa y anythin g offensiv e t o liberals o r conservatives . Actually , th e presiden t kne w nex t t o nothin g about Souther n Baptists , whil e Pentecostal s remaine d eve n furthe r be yond hi s ken tha n Catholics . Invited t o spea k to CBN' s viewers, Ford sen t a tape d messag e eleve n sentence s long . Hi s advisor s ha d t o appris e For d of the fac t tha t th e so n o f a former Virgini a senato r owne d CBN . Beyon d Ford's brie f message , hi s staffer s seeme d unintereste d i n developin g a relationship wit h Pentecostals . The y shoul d hav e don e som e additiona l research. B y 1976 , CB N aire d program s o n 1,20 0 cabl e system s wit h a potential audienc e o f 11 0 million . CBN' s first nationwid e special , "It' s Time t o Pray , America, " broadcas t i n hono r o f th e Bicentennial , wa s shown o n 22 8 televisio n stations . A n election-yea r invitatio n fro m Rev . Jerry Falwel l t o tal k t o th e 15,00 0 member s o f th e Thoma s Roa d Baptis t Church elicite d a thirteen-sentence tape d message . Clearly, Ford had littl e to sa y to southerner s an d socia l conservatives. 27 Conservatives als o ha d littl e t o sa y t o Ford . I n 1975 , th e America n Conservative Unio n an d th e Youn g American s fo r Freedo m sough t t o promote Ronal d Reaga n a s a third-part y presidentia l candidate . Richar d Viguerie, a forme r fund-raise r fo r Georg e Wallace , like d th e ide a an d pledged t o buil d a formidabl e direct-mai l operatio n t o finance a conser vative party . Senato r Jess e Helm s coul d se e the sens e i n establishin g suc h a ne w party , bu t hope d tha t Reaga n coul d receiv e th e GO P nomination . All For d an d Vic e Presiden t Rockefelle r ha d t o do , Helm s argued , wa s t o step asid e an d allo w rea l Republican s t o ru n th e Whit e House . One-tim e Nixon campaig n strategis t Kevi n Phillip s considere d libera l Republican s obstacles t o economi c an d mora l reform . Pa t Buchanan , havin g lef t th e Ford administration , lamente d tha t th e presiden t ha d n o "visio n fo r th e future." For d wa s a rudderless politicia n "muc h les s interested i n alterin g the composition , o r influencin g th e directio n o f the Suprem e Court , tha n in havin g his nominees acceptabl e t o everyone. " The president, Buchana n concluded, wa s guilt y "o f committin g liberalism, " and , therefore , shoul d be sentence d t o a n earl y retirement. 28 Ford ha d identifie d Reaga n a s a threat almos t fro m th e da y he becam e president. T o stav e of f a primary challenge , the Ford s visite d Ronal d an d Nancy Reaga n i n California . The y mus t hav e discusse d politic s i n ver y general terms , fo r For d sai d h e ha d a n enjoyabl e time . Whe n Reaga n wrote t o For d i n 197 4 abou t adoptin g California' s welfar e reform s o n a national level , the presiden t expresse d onl y polite interest. Meanwhile, the

J. C. Saves in y y6 77 White Hous e sen t it s operative s int o action , collectin g intelligenc e o n th e erstwhile actor . Ford' s peopl e trie d t o lear n whic h o f Reagan' s advisor s could b e bough t of f wit h Whit e Hous e jobs . The y conclude d tha t Mik e Deaver wa s th e onl y prospec t sinc e h e ha d " a sociall y ambitiou s wife. " The res t wer e dedicate d conservatives , wit h a t leas t on e o f the m o n th e Coors payroll an d "loaned " t o Reagan. California Assemblyma n Pet e Wilson di d hi s part , sendin g a repor t t o For d detailin g wh y Reagan' s claim s to bein g a welfare reforme r an d ta x cutte r wer e fraudulent . Reagan , Wil son felt , shoul d b e disqualifie d "fro m holdin g an y leadership position." 29 Reagan signale d severa l month s befor e th e primarie s tha t h e intende d to tak e n o prisoners . Th e Oklahom a Citizen s fo r Reaga n maile d a bitte r fund-raising lette r t o Republicans . According t o th e Reaganites , Ford an d Nixon wer e jus t a s responsibl e a s Kenned y an d Johnso n fo r th e growt h of the welfare stat e an d th e Communis t conques t o f Sout h Vietnam : We are oppose d b y the powerfu l force s whic h hav e brought u s the welfare way of life, the largest federa l budge t deficits eve r proposed o r enacted, total amnesty for draf t dodger s an d deserters , a weak foreign policy , our first defeat i n war.. . the list goes on and on. What might we see next? Giving away the Panama Canal? Clothing stamps with abuses as wild as in the food stam p program? Gun registration, possibl y confiscation ? Eve r increasin g federa l deficits ? Thes e programs ar e all proposed! Where will it end? Disgusted, Oklahom a Senato r Henr y Bellmo n warne d moderat e Republi cans tha t th e conservative s wer e inten t upo n destroyin g Ford , eve n i f i t led t o th e Democrat s capturin g th e Whit e House. 30 At first, Reaga n floundere d i n th e primarie s an d For d use d ever y ad vantage o f incumbenc y h e coul d muster . Whe n al l appeare d lost , Helm s came t o th e rescue , rallyin g Nort h Carolin a behin d Reagan . Hi s fortune s turned around , Reaga n marche d triumphantl y throug h th e South , win ning three-quarter s o f th e region' s delegates . Th e Wes t prove d eve n friendlier t o Reagan , wit h th e California n garnerin g four-fifth s o f th e delegates. Ford' s staffer s wer e stunned . Working-clas s white s wh o onc e could hav e been counte d upo n t o sta y away from GO P primarie s flocke d to Reagan . I n privat e poll s tha t th e For d staf f kep t ver y quiet , th e presi dent learne d tha t jus t 1 percent o f blac k Republican s ha d vote d fo r Rea gan. Althoug h thei r number s wer e no t large , blacks mad e enoug h differ ence i n th e Kentuck y an d Tennesse e primarie s t o giv e Ford tw o rar e win s in th e South . Whateve r souther n vote s For d receive d cam e fro m black s and libera l white Republicans . (Jod y Powell, the press secretary to Georgi a governor Jimm y Carter , provide d th e bes t descriptio n o f th e souther n

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GOP befor e th e Ag e o f Reagan . Accordin g t o Powell , Dixie' s whit e Re publicans wer e backwood s Baptist s wh o move d t o th e Atlant a suburbs , joined th e Episcopalia n Church , foun d a good countr y club, and "learne d to tel l jokes abou t redneck s a s well as blacks.") 31 Although th e Midwes t an d th e Northeas t provide d hi m wit h th e sli m eighty-delegate margi n h e neede d t o wi n th e GO P nomination , For d stil l experienced difficulties . Onc e again , blacks, this tim e i n Chicag o an d De troit, prove d crucia l t o Ford' s Illinoi s an d Michiga n victories . Large r numbers o f Catholi c Democrats , lik e their Protestan t counterpart s i n th e Sunbelt, vote d fo r Reaga n s o lon g a s the primarie s wer e no t restricte d t o registered Republicans . Moreover , prolif e group s wer e no t bashfu l abou t standing outsid e Catholic churches to "educate" parishioners about which GOP candidat e wa s trul y oppose d t o abortion . For d hi t back , assertin g (accurately) tha t welfar e roll s an d governmen t employmen t gre w sharpl y in Californi a durin g Reagan' s tenur e a s governor. H e als o reminded blue collar ethnic s tha t Reaga n ha d recentl y suggeste d makin g Socia l Securit y a voluntar y program . (Onc e voluntary , ther e woul d b e n o Socia l Secu rity.) I n a n asid e t o libera l whit e an d blac k Republicans , For d charge d that Reagan' s attack s o n welfar e wer e raciall y motivated . B y way o f evi dence, For d pointe d ou t tha t Reaga n ofte n mad e referenc e t o a blac k "Welfare Queen " i n Chicag o who m h e accuse d o f defraudin g th e federa l government o f $150,000 . (T o b e fai r t o Reagan , h e neve r identifie d the woman' s race . However , tha t di d no t dete r libera l Republican s fro m contending tha t "Welfar e Queen " wa s a cod e wor d fo r black . Newl y sensitized, perhap s hypersensitize d t o th e issu e o f race , moderate Repub licans ha d becom e jus t a s skittis h a s libera l Democrats . I t appeare d a s if the Lef t ha d successfull y place d an y discussio n o f welfar e refor m ou t o f bounds.) 32 Luckily fo r Ford , man y socia l conservative s continue d t o vot e i n th e Democratic primaries . I n 1976 , two-third s o f th e voter s wh o identifie d themselves a s conservatives wer e either Democrat s o r independents . Even if three-quarters o f the country' s liberal s were Democrats, a large share of traditionalists remaine d loya l t o th e part y o f Roosevelt—a t leas t fo r on e more presidentia l election . Throughou t th e primarie s an d int o th e GO P National Convention , wher e Reaga n continue d t o disput e Ford' s leader ship, libera l Republican s calle d th e Sunbel t politicia n hopeless . "Reagan' s constituency," the y claimed , "i s muc h to o n a r r o w . . . h e canno t defea t any candidat e th e Democrat s pu t up. " Thi s wa s no t true . I f Republican s remained th e part y o f northeaster n an d midwester n Protestan t liberals ,

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then, of course, a conservative could not win. However, if the GOP broad ened it s appea l t o attrac t whit e southerner s an d norther n Catholics , playing up socia l issue s an d fuelin g resentmen t o f taxes and Bi g Government , a conservativ e electora l majorit y coul d b e forged . However , Republica n liberals di d no t wan t th e GO P t o retai n th e Whit e Hous e an d tak e Con gress i f it mean t opposin g abortion , quotas , an d welfare. 33 Aced ou t o f th e nomination , conservative s force d For d t o dum p Rockefeller fro m th e ticke t an d trie d t o hav e thei r wa y with th e Republi can Part y platform . Helms , th e Senat e sponso r o f a Right t o Lif e Amend ment, insiste d tha t th e GO P tak e th e onl y correc t postur e o n abortion . Assisting the prolife conservative s were activists like Bishop James Malon e of Youngstown , Ohio . Malon e movingl y testifie d befor e th e GO P plat form committe e agains t abortion . However , conservative s pai d littl e heed to th e res t o f hi s message . Speakin g fo r th e nation' s bishops , Malon e contended tha t stagnan t wage s and th e lack of affordable healt h insuranc e were just a s detrimental t o the family a s abortion. S o far a s the libertarian s were concerned , Catholi c prolifer s seeme d a littl e to o Ne w Dealis h fo r their tastes. 34 Conservatives als o wante d th e GO P t o rejec t th e ERA . T o thei r con sternation, Bett y For d le d a narrowl y successfu l counterattack . He r foe s insisted tha t the y supporte d equa l right s fo r wome n bu t ha d t o oppos e the ER A du e t o th e radica l cultura l agend a hidde n beneat h th e amend ment's innocuou s language . ER A opponent s clashe d wit h libera l Repub licans, callin g the m "petulant " an d ou t o f touc h wit h th e wil l o f th e people. Surveyin g th e scene , For d decide d tha t rathe r tha n runnin g o n the Republica n platfor m i n th e genera l election , h e would ru n awa y fro m it.35 "Hi! I' m Jimm y Carter , a peanu t farmer . D o yo u accep t Jesu s Chris t a s your persona l savior? " Thu s di d Pennsylvanian s ge t thei r first glimps e o f the toothy Georgian . Havin g lost his first gubernatorial bid in 1966, Carter had a religiou s awakenin g tha t prompte d hi m t o d o missionar y wor k i n benighted Pennsylvania . Man y peopl e foun d th e smilin g evangelica l wh o knocked o n thei r door s t o b e eithe r charmin g o r disturbing . Littl e coul d they kno w tha t Carte r woul d b e back—th e nex t tim e runnin g fo r presi dent.36 President Jimmy Carter ? O n th e fac e o f it , th e notio n tha t a one-ter m governor fro m Georgia , whose chie f (no t t o mentio n false ) clai m to great ness wa s tha t h e ha d reduce d th e stat e payroll , seeme d ludicrous . Ye t a

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few development s conspire d t o mak e Carte r th e Democrati c presidentia l nominee. Th e 196 9 Chappaquiddic k inciden t remaine d to o vivi d t o per mit Tedd y Kenned y a '76 run. Wit h th e best-know n candidat e ou t o f the way, twelv e senators , governors , an d Hous e member s o f lesse r renow n entered th e Democrati c primaries . Eigh t wer e socia l liberal s an d a t leas t two o f th e fou r conservative s ha d limite d appeal . "Scoop " Jackson , wit h great suppor t fro m Jew s wh o appreciate d hi s Zionis t sympathies , coul d win Ne w York but littl e else. In the South , Carter face d of f against Georg e Wallace, assuring white voters that h e was a traditionalist lik e Wallace but with a n importan t difference—th e Georgia n coul d win th e White House . To souther n an d norther n blacks , Carte r pledge d hi s undyin g friendship . Martin Luthe r King , Sr. , and othe r civi l rights activist s accompanie d Car ter o n th e campaig n trail , makin g sur e black s understoo d tha t thi s ma n was n o rednec k southerner. 37 Carter ha d th e bes t o f al l possibl e worlds . Liberals , wh o mad e u p th e majority o f voter s i n th e Democrati c primaries , faile d t o clos e ranks . I n Massachusetts, the y spli t thei r vote s amon g severa l candidates . A t th e same time, Jackson an d Georg e Wallace shared the blue-collar anti-busin g vote. Carte r wo n blac k Boston . Wit h les s tha n a quarte r o f th e vote , Jackson's victor y wa s hollow . I n Pennsylvania , AFL-CI O leader s wer e friendly t o Senato r Jackson . Unfortunatel y fo r th e Washingto n senator , the unio n ran k an d fil e staye d a t home , wishin g Huber t Humphre y ha d entered th e race . Philadelphi a black s gav e Carte r a majo r wi n i n th e in dustrial North . Th e sam e hel d tru e i n Michigan , wit h blac k Detroi t put ting Carte r ove r th e top . Overall , Carte r wo n jus t 4 0 percen t o f th e pri mary vote . Churchgoin g blacks , Souther n Baptists , an d Pentecostal s formed th e cor e o f Carter' s supporters . (Carte r receive d littl e suppor t from black s an d white s wh o di d no t regularl y atten d religiou s services. ) Hoping t o attrac t mor e socia l conservative s t o hi s cause , Carte r wa s n o Ford—he sough t ou t Pa t Robertso n fo r a n endorsement . Robertso n obliged. Libera l Democrats (a s well as President Ford ) shoul d have looked a littl e mor e closel y a t al l o f thos e Pentecosta l churche s blanketin g blac k neighborhoods i n Boston , Detroit , an d Philadelphia. 38 Both McGover n liberal s an d norther n Ne w Dea l Democrat s wer e up set. A conservativ e souther n Democrat , a ma n whos e ancestor s owne d slaves no less , had separate d the m fro m thei r black allies. Washington Post reporter Jule s Witcove r ridicule d Carte r a s a "peanut-farme r Bill y Gra ham," publicl y ventin g hi s contemp t fo r America' s fifty million evangeli cals an d charismatics . Carte r campaig n strategis t Hamilto n Jorda n wa s

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not surprise d b y Witcover's attacks . Jorda n ha d believe d fro m th e outse t of the primaries tha t Carte r would have to run agains t the "Eastern libera l news establishmen t whic h ha d tremendou s influenc e i n thi s countr y al l out o f proportio n t o it s actua l audience. " Meanwhil e Humphre y sput tered tha t i f voter s close d thei r eye s an d listene d t o Carter' s criticis m o f the libera l new s medi a an d Bi g Government , the y migh t thin k Ronal d Reagan wa s speakin g wit h a mush-mouthe d accent . Ronal d Reagan , though, woul d neve r hav e sai d tha t h e wanted th e federa l governmen t t o be "a s goo d an d hones t an d decen t an d truthfu l an d fai r an d competen t and idealisti c an d compassionate , an d a s filled with lov e as are the Amer ican people. " Reagan wante d Bi g Government dispose d of , no t healed. 39 Like Joh n F . Kennedy, Carter' s religiou s backgroun d bot h helpe d an d hindered hi m i n th e genera l election . O n th e positiv e sid e o f th e balanc e sheet, his Baptist faith—mor e freel y expresse d an d deepl y held than Ken nedy's Catholicism—serve d hi m wel l amon g a growin g segmen t o f th e electorate. Willia m Rusher , th e publishe r o f th e National Review, spok e approvingly o f Carter's religiosity , makin g hi m th e first Democra t eve r t o receive a kin d wor d fro m th e waspis h commentator . (Oozin g insincerit y from ever y pore, Senator Birc h Bayh , one o f the liberal contender s fo r th e Democratic presidentia l nomination , sai d durin g th e primarie s tha t h e felt "close r t o God " b y living i n Indiana . Rushe r ha d t o as k why, "i n tha t case, h e wa s tryin g s o har d t o tak e u p residenc e o n Pennsylvani a Ave nue.") 40 In Jimm y Carter , man y Souther n Baptis t clerg y initiall y though t the y had foun d a man wh o would redee m th e nation. After all , the Democrati c presidential nomine e proudl y identifie d himsel f a s a "born-agai n Chris tian," hi s sister , Rut h Stapleton , wa s a faith-healin g evangelist , an d hi s son Jef f wa s a divinity student . Carte r wa s not , however , a typical South ern Baptist . H e di d no t believ e everythin g i n th e Bibl e shoul d b e take n literally. A t th e sam e time , h e clun g t o on e traditiona l Baptis t belie f tha t many conservativ e minister s were in the process of abandoning—keepin g the churc h separate d fro m th e corruptin g influence s o f political office . As Carter argued , a religiou s sec t tha t trie d t o mak e law s fo r civi l societ y could find itsel f co-opte d b y th e secula r state . I n essence , Carte r believe d in persona l moralit y bu t woul d neve r allo w hi s religiou s belief s t o influ ence judicia l appointment s an d socia l policy . Sinc e th e Suprem e Cour t had legalize d abortion , Carte r di d no t fee l tha t i t woul d b e prope r fo r him, i f th e occasio n eve r arose , t o appoin t prolif e judge s t o th e bench . Although Carte r oppose d abortion , an d ha d doubt s abou t th e ERA —

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which hi s wif e an d adviso r Rosalyn n di d no t share—a s presiden t h e would no t distur b th e libera l statu s quo . S o fa r a s religio n went , Carte r was no t tha t muc h differen t fro m Georg e McGovern . Bot h viewe d them selves as instruments o f America's salvation. 41 Protestant socia l conservative s shoul d hav e ha d som e advanc e inklin g that Carte r wante d thei r votes , no t thei r advice . Whe n th e edito r o f th e liberal Christian Century magazin e ende d u p a s Illinoi s stat e chai r o f th e Carter campaign , fundamentalist s ough t t o hav e conclude d tha t some thing wa s amiss . The y migh t als o hav e rea d Carter' s intervie w wit h a reporter wh o wrot e fo r variou s progressiv e Catholi c journals . Carte r praised famil y plannin g and , s o fa r a s bannin g abortio n went , reiterate d his belie f tha t a presiden t "ha s n o rol e t o pla y i n th e constitutiona l amendment process. " The n again , Souther n Baptists , i f the y wante d th e best insigh t int o th e tenet s o f Carter' s Christia n faith , coul d hav e read hi s freewheeling interview s i n Playboy and th e New York Times Magazine. 42 In a plo y t o reassur e th e Democrati c Party' s lef t win g tha t h e wa s n o holy roller , Carte r playe d swinge r i n th e premier e magazine s o f socia l liberalism. Th e presidentia l nomine e informe d Playboy s reader s tha t "Christ say s don't conside r yoursel f better tha n someon e els e because on e guy screw s a whol e bunc h o f wome n whil e th e othe r gu y i s loya l t o hi s wife." Carte r the n admitte d t o havin g luste d i n hi s hear t afte r othe r women. I f on e followe d a stric t interpretatio n o f th e Te n Command ments, Carte r argued , the n h e wa s guilt y o f committin g adultery . I n a racy New York Times Magazine interview , Carte r use d th e cc f-word" t o refer t o sexua l intercourse . (Republica n vice-presidentia l candidat e Bo b Dole tol d a n Ohi o audienc e tha t Carte r "ha s bee n givin g a grea t man y interviews lately , an d som e I haven' t read . Other s ar e stil l lookin g a t th e pictures.")43 Bailey Smith, a leader o f the Souther n Baptis t Conventio n an d a Carter supporter, rebuke d th e Georgian . "We'r e totall y agains t pornography, " Smith said . "And , well , 'screw ' i s no t a goo d Baptis t word. " Anothe r Carter backer , th e reveren d W . A . Criswell , representin g th e larges t Bap tist churc h i n America , switche d hi s allegianc e t o Ford . "Ther e ar e othe r public medi a throug h whic h w e ca n discus s th e mora l issue s o f lif e an d government tha n th e page s o f a salacious , pornographi c magazine, " th e Dallas Baptis t stormed . Equall y outraged , Falwel l vowed t o d o everythin g within hi s powe r t o den y Virginia t o Carte r i n th e genera l election . Mor e disappointed tha n angry , Pat Robertson reluctantl y followed Criswell , Falwell, an d Smit h int o th e For d camp . H e woul d not , however , campaig n

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for Ford . Robertso n believe d tha t neithe r politica l part y offere d muc h t o social conservative s othe r tha n empt y symboli c gesture s an d th e al l to o frequent ac t o f betrayal. 44 Rev. Harol d Lindsell , edito r o f th e evangelica l magazin e Christianity Today, concurre d wit h Robertson . Bot h nominee s wer e "mediocr e can didates." I n man y ways , though , Carte r wa s th e wors e "o f tw o lesse r candidates." Amon g Carter' s offenses , accordin g t o Lindsell , wa s hi s de liberate misinterpretatio n o f Christ' s words . Contrar y t o Carter , Jesu s condemned adulterer s an d expecte d hi s follower s t o d o likewise . A moral society could no t tolerat e th e wicked an y more tha n i t should pu t u p wit h politicians wh o gav e interview s t o Playboy an d use d "scatologica l lan guage." Respondin g t o Carter' s defender s i n th e new s media , Lindsel l insisted tha t "an y analysi s o f a candidat e runnin g fo r publi c offic e mus t take int o accoun t hi s persona l lif e an d hi s language , a s wel l a s hi s gift s and abilitie s fo r occupyin g th e offic e t o whic h h e aspires. " O n tha t basis , Carter wa s unfi t t o b e president. 45 The response to Lindsell's editorials and sermon s underscored just how badly divided white Protestant s were about Carter' s character. One femal e correspondent fro m Virgini a praise d Lindsell' s stanc e an d assaile d Carter . "It seem s t o m e al l h e di d wa s advertis e fo r thi s magazin e [Playboy] that we woul d no t allo w i n ou r homes , an d i f h e win s on e sou l fo r Chris t through thi s interview , I sur e woul d lik e t o kno w abou t it. " Other s criti cized Lindsell. A liberal Baptis t fro m Marylan d informe d th e minister tha t he resente d "ver y muc h th e interferenc e o f religion int o politica l matters . . . . I t seem s t o m e tha t you r attac k wa s i n th e sam e vei n a s th e Catholi c bishops wh o hav e trie d t o injec t th e abortio n issu e int o th e politica l scene." Similarly, a theologically liberal Presbyterian fro m th e Washington suburbs castigate d Lindsell' s "foolis h criticism, " hypocrisy , an d stupidity . "I don' t hea r evangelical s soundin g of f abou t divorc e anymore—Mrs . Ford, [Robert ] Dole , [Ronald ] Reaga n [Th e thre e wer e o n thei r secon d marriages i n 1976.]... . Please d o no t mak e th e mistak e o f thinkin g tha t most Christian s ar e a s narro w o r on e dimensiona l a s you r comment s indicate tha t yo u are." 46 If white Protestant s foun d Carter' s genera l electio n campaig n divisive, Catholics remaine d leer y o f th e governor . Carte r responde d t o suc h sus picions wit h severa l contradictor y tactics . I n seekin g t o rall y Dixie , Car ter's staf f woul d tel l fundamentalis t an d Pentecosta l group s tha t socia l liberals an d norther n Catholic s were prejudiced agains t Southern Baptists . (New York' s favorit e Iris h Catholi c journalis t an d pu b connoisseur ,

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Jimmy Breslin , admitte d tha t h e coul d neve r vot e fo r a Southern Baptist . Then again , on e Irishma n di d no t mak e a Vatican horde. ) Eve n a s Carte r obliquely conjure d u p horrifyin g image s o f schemin g bishop s an d Man hattan trendsetters , h e hope d t o pla y t o th e prejudice s o f ethnics . Th e southerner praise d th e mora l cohesio n o f white-ethni c neighborhood s and reassure d Catholic s tha t h e woul d no t promot e ope n housin g fo r blacks. "I se e nothing wrong with ethni c purity being maintained." Carte r said. "I woul d no t forc e a racial integration o f a neighborhood b y government action. " When Jess e Jackson crie d foul , Carter' s black supporters let it b e know n tha t th e governo r di d no t reall y mea n wha t h e ha d tol d Catholics.47 Father Greele y and Michae l Novak, amon g othe r Catholi c intellectuals , hurled brickbat s a t Carter . The y detecte d i n Carte r a n anti-Catholi c bias, as well a s a n inclinatio n t o delive r t o th e civi l right s establishmen t what ever i t wanted, n o matte r ho w detrimenta l i t was to th e interests of working-class ethnics . "I t i s th e urba n ethnic s wh o mus t pic k u p th e ta b fo r every majo r socia l chang e goin g o n i n thi s society, " Greele y wrote . "Bu t that's al l right, because they're guilt y and inferio r anyway. " Echoing Greeley, but expressin g eve n greate r loathin g o f Carter , Nova k thundered : On th e issu e o f white s an d black s i n th e majo r citie s o f th e Nort h an d Nort h Central states, Carter is plainly owned by blacks, as in Detroit. His candidacy may be healing in the South , but divisiv e in th e North. H e may be "laying down th e burden o f race" in the South. It looks as though hi s scapegoats in the North will be the Catholics who live in the inner cities and the inner ring of suburbs around the cities. Carter is no Robert Kennedy, nor even a Hubert Humphrey , uniting both the whites and blacks of Gary, and Pittsburgh, and Chicago, under one set of symbols and policies . On th e contrary , Carte r reinforce s th e perceptions tha t th e Democrats ar e intereste d i n "affirmativ e discrimination " agains t working-clas s an d white-collar Catholics. 48 Novak's mentor , Fathe r Gen o Baroni , wa s calme r tha n hi s peers , be lieving that a more culturall y sensitive Carter coul d build a black-Catholic alliance. Calling o n a Carter supporter , Baron i chastise d th e campaign fo r implying tha t mos t Catholic s wer e bigots . "Urba n ethnics, " Baron i fumed, "hat e th e ide a tha t the y ar e red-necke d racists. " Baron i soo n joined Carter' s genera l electio n campaign . Seekin g t o improv e Carter' s image amon g whit e ethnics , Baron i persuade d hi m t o visi t Pittsburgh' s Polish Hil l neighborhood. Th e priest fel t Carte r would attrac t better Cath olic media coverag e by shaking hands with Polish-America n butcher s an d

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smiling parochia l schoo l students , tha n b y speakin g downtow n t o a n au dience of city and count y employees whose union demande d warm bodie s for campaig n events . In thi s instance, Baroni showe d rea l political savvy. 49 Despite hi s bes t efforts , Fathe r Baron i coul d no t sav e Carte r fro m th e left win g o f th e Democrati c Party . Havin g bee n caugh t flat-foote d i n th e primaries, socia l liberal s wer e wel l prepare d fo r th e Democrati c Nationa l Convention. Libera l activist s intende d t o writ e th e Democrati c platfor m and stee r Carte r towar d a n acceptabl e runnin g mate . I n thi s case , th e preferred vice-presidentia l candidat e wa s Senato r Walte r Mondal e o f Minnesota. Althoug h a proteg e o f Huber t Humphrey's , Mondal e ha d adapted himsel f t o th e McGover n win g o f th e party . I n 1973 , Mondal e earned NOW' s friendshi p b y sponsoring Senat e hearings intended t o promote feminis t program s i n th e universities . Unfortunatel y fo r th e Carter Mondale ticket , bein g to o closel y identifie d wit h NO W cause d som e dis comfort. O n Jul y 4 , 1976 , th e presiden t o f NO W joine d thirt y thousan d radicals i n Philadelphi a fo r a n anti-Bicentennia l march . Feminists , gays , and blac k militant s lambaste d Americ a a s racis t an d genocidal . NOW' s actions undercu t Carter' s effort s t o depic t himsel f a s mor e sociall y con servative than McGovern. 50 NOW an d th e NEA , with a few hundred conventio n delegate s between them, insiste d tha t th e Democrati c platfor m endors e abortion , busing , criminal rights , an d th e ERA . The Congressiona l Blac k Caucu s joined in , exacting fro m Carte r pledge s t o impos e mor e racia l hiring quotas , appropriate large r amount s o f federal ta x dollar s t o th e cities , and avoi d seriou s welfare reform . Carte r complie d bu t hedge d hi s bet s whereve r h e could . To th e electorat e a t large , Carte r spok e movingl y abou t th e injustic e o f racial discrimination , avoidin g an y mentio n o f quotas . Indeed , Carte r gave the impression tha t h e was not sympatheti c to the idea of preferentia l treatment fo r blacks . Afte r all , wit h th e passag e o f th e 196 4 Civi l Right s Act, th e natio n ha d move d beyon d th e "constan t preoccupatio n wit h th e racial aspec t o f almos t ever y question. " Carter' s officia l statemen t o n th e matter o f risin g crim e rate s wa s nin e sentence s long . Followin g th e pat h blazed b y th e architect s o f th e Grea t Society , Carte r blame d th e risin g crime rat e o n th e lac k o f goo d jobs . Unlik e th e Grea t Societ y liberals , Carter sai d h e woul d happil y impriso n thos e sam e putativ e victim s o f inner-city unemployment. 51 To mollif y th e moralist s i n hi s party , Carte r mad e a somewha t longe r than usua l statemen t o n th e America n family . Wher e h e emphasize d be fore blac k churc h audience s tha t th e lac k of public-sector job s bred urba n

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crime, Carte r seeme d t o b e tellin g working-clas s white s tha t divorce , illegitimacy, an d sexua l promiscuit y contribute d t o anti-socia l behavior . Bu t then h e retreate d fro m th e ful l implicatio n o f hi s remarks , onc e agai n emphasizing joblessnes s a s the chie f caus e o f socia l decay . Taking a swipe at Ford , Carte r asserte d tha t th e 2 0 percen t unemploymen t rat e i n th e automobile manufacturin g tow n o f Flint , Michigan , ha d le d t o startlin g rises i n alcoholism , dru g consumption , an d chil d abuse . Carter' s genera l election strateg y was unmistakable. At al l costs, he had t o direc t attentio n from socia l issues . Onl y b y focusin g o n double-digi t inflatio n an d a n 8 percent nationa l unemploymen t rate , an d accusin g th e GO P o f plottin g to abolis h Socia l Securit y an d Medicar e coul d th e Ne w Dea l coalitio n b e reunited. Fo r goo d measure , Carte r go t som e mileag e from th e Watergat e scandal, implyin g tha t For d ha d agree d t o pardo n Nixo n i n exchang e fo r the keys to th e White House . All in all , Carter ha d th e right idea. Whether he coul d b e successful , however , wa s unclear. 52 Certainly, th e Catholi c bishop s di d no t cu t Carte r an y slac k o n th e abortion issue . To ope n a dialogue wit h th e bishops, Fathe r Baron i urge d Carter t o mee t wit h Cardina l Bernardin . Carter' s staffer s tol d hi m tha t h e would onl y mak e matter s worse . Carte r forge d ahead . A s feared , hi s ses sion wit h th e bishop s wa s disastrous . Place d o n th e defensive , Carte r denied havin g had anythin g to do with th e drafting o f the prochoice plank in th e Democrati c Part y platform. Bu t the bishops knew that Carter' s staf f had helpe d writ e it . (The y als o kne w tha t a s governo r o f Georgia , Carte r had advocate d voluntar y abortion s an d sterilization. ) Confronte d wit h his inconsistent statements , Carte r reverte d t o hi s standar d attac k o n Repub lican inflation , Republica n unemployment , an d Republica n corruption . Taken abac k by Carter's performance, Bernardi n immediatel y held a press conference. Th e cardina l contende d tha t th e Democrats ' "abortio n plan k is irresponsible." Moreover , Bernardi n sai d i n referenc e t o Carter , it ha s become rathe r commonplac e o f late fo r som e electe d official s an d candi dates fo r publi c offic e t o alleg e persona l oppositio n t o abortio n an d persona l disagreement with the Supreme Court's abortion rulings—but to couple this with opposition t o amendin g th e Constitutio n t o correc t th e situatio n the y sa y they oppose. I do not think many Americans find thi s either persuasive or responsible. 53 Carter coul d onl y hope tha t th e Catholi c lait y paid greate r attentio n t o its pocketboo k tha n t o th e bishops . Afte r all , Tedd y Kennedy' s positio n on abortio n differe d littl e fro m Carter's , an d th e Massachusett s senato r

J. C. Saves in "76 8 7 appeared t o hav e littl e difficult y i n gettin g reelected . Th e proble m wit h that lin e o f reasoning , though , wa s tha t Kenned y relie d les s o n Catholic s and mor e o n th e Ba y State's larg e populatio n o f blacks, Jews, and subur ban professional s t o kee p hi m i n office . I t wa s suc h voters , not Catholics , who gav e th e stat e it s nickname , "Th e People' s Republi c o f Massachu setts." I n th e Massachusetts , Ne w York , an d Ne w Jerse y primaries Carte r had wo n fe w working-clas s Catholi c votes . Carte r coul d no t blam e tha t development o n th e fac t tha t Catholic s dislike d candidate s who wore their Protestantism o n thei r sleeve s (thoug h Carte r di d jus t that) . Afte r all , Catholics i n Connecticu t an d Michiga n len t enthusiasti c suppor t t o Ari zona's Mormon congressman , Morri s Udall . Eve n afte r th e primarie s an d the Democratic convention , man y Catholics kept their distanc e from Car ter. Jus t a s worrisome, Carte r coul d not , lik e Kennedy, coun t upo n socia l liberals an d Jew s to compensat e fo r th e los s o f white ethnics. 54 The Georgian's difficultie s wit h Jew s and socia l liberals were enormous. During th e Ne w Yor k primary , Carte r ha d flippantl y remarke d tha t "Scoop" Jackso n woul d ge t th e Jews , an d h e woul d ge t th e Christians . While a n accurat e assessmen t o f th e situation , Carte r shoul d no t hav e articulated ever y though t tha t cam e t o mind . Eve n Jew s wh o loathe d McGovern di d no t conside r Carte r t o b e muc h o f a n improvement , eve n if the Baptis t di d sa y that h e liked Israel . (Fo r al l they knew, Carte r migh t have mean t tha t h e like d th e ide a o f Jew s livin g i n Israel , a s oppose d t o Long Island. ) Givin g a n intervie w t o Playboy did no t reassur e man y Jew s that Carte r wa s a mensc h amon g evangelicals . A s fo r college-educate d suburbanites, Carte r ha d won fe w over when h e argued tha t "McGovern' s biggest mistak e [wa s to ] mak e th e Vietna m Wa r a n issue. " Fo r white collar liberals , whos e politica l passion s ha d bee n arouse d b y th e peac e movement, Georg e McGover n remaine d a revered prophet. 55 Carter compounde d hi s problem s wit h socia l liberal s b y aggressivel y cultivating thei r arc h enemie s Mayo r Richar d Dale y an d th e AFL-CIO' s "voter education " leade r Ale x Barkan . Th e Democrati c nomine e cooll y calculated tha t i f th e Dale y machin e an d organize d labo r mobilize d thei r followers o n hi s behalf , h e coul d affor d a fe w defection s i n th e white collar suburbs . (Carte r di d bu y of f on e sizabl e blo c o f socia l liberals , promising th e nearl y tw o millio n member s o f th e NE A tha t h e woul d create a financially munificen t departmen t o f educatio n i f electe d presi dent.) Courte d wit h a n ardo r h e ha d no t see n sinc e '68 , Dale y anointe d Carter a s America's mora l leader :

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He's got a religious tone in what he says and maybe we should have a little more religion i n ou r community... . The man talk s about tru e values. Why shouldn't we b e sol d o n him ? Al l o f u s recogniz e th e violen t an d filth y movie s an d th e newspapers with al l the mistresse s o n th e first page stripped dow n t o th e waist. What are the kids going to do in the society that see that all around?56 Daley's enthusias m fo r Carte r wa s partl y misplaced . Wher e th e Chi cago part y bos s sa w a mora l tribun e o f th e people , othe r voter s coul d reasonably ask : Wha t wil l Carte r d o t o hel p th e family—othe r tha n de clare that promiscuit y i s bad? Carter ha d given his answer to that questio n during th e Massachusett s primary . Th e Georgia n promise d t o eliminat e the hom e mortgag e interes t deductio n i n orde r t o balanc e th e federa l budget. I f Carter followe d suc h a cours e o f action , working-class familie s would los e thei r onl y majo r ta x break . Moreover , a grea t man y familie s were abl e to buy a home onl y because o f the mortgage interest deduction . Organized labo r chos e no t t o tel l th e ran k an d fil e abou t Carter' s pro posed assaul t o n homeowners . Instead , Barka n rouse d th e troops , spen t millions i n th e genera l electio n t o defea t Ford , an d focuse d labor' s atten tion o n unemploymen t an d inflation . "W e sta y away from divisiv e issue s like abortion , busing , crime , an d mortgag e interes t deductions, " Barka n boasted t o reporters . Not eve n Ronal d Reagan , the champio n o f the ope n shop, suggeste d balancin g th e budget o n th e backs of working-class hom eowners. Instead, Reaga n preferre d stickin g it to th e politically unpopula r recipients o f federa l aid : welfar e mothers , colleg e students , an d big-cit y mayors.57 As Carter' s problem s wit h socia l liberals , blue-collar voters , Catholics , and Souther n Baptist s loome d larger , For d bega n t o ge t hi s ac t together . It i s wort h recallin g tha t For d wa s America' s firs t unelecte d president . Moreover, prio r t o 1976 , the Gran d Rapid s congressma n ha d neve r eve n run a statewide—le t alon e a national—campaign . B y pardoning Nixo n for hi s role in the Watergate cover-up , Ford had angere d many Americans who wante d th e disgrace d politicia n punished—no t sen t t o a sun-soake d retirement i n California . T o mak e matter s worse , th e forme r footbal l player wa s incredibl y clums y of f th e playin g field . Hi s pratfall s becam e legendary, givin g youn g comedia n Chev y Chas e o f Saturday Night Live his bi g brea k o n television . I n on e skit , Chase , playin g Presiden t Ford , heard th e Ova l Offic e phon e ring . No t payin g attentio n t o wha t h e wa s doing, Chas e picke d u p a stapler instea d o f th e phone—wit h predictabl e results. Wha t mad e th e ski t eve n mor e bizarr e wa s tha t th e ma n playin g Ford's pres s secretar y really was his press secretary. I n August , havin g

J. C. Saves in "76 8 9 barely survived a challenge fro m th e GO P Right , and with unemploymen t and inflatio n soaring , the polls showed For d trailing Carter by thirty-three points. Ford di d no t lac k for advice . Pat Buchanan , whose newspaper column s had angere d man y i n th e administration , urge d hi s onetime employe r no t to conced e th e mora l issue s to th e Baptis t Sunda y schoo l teacher. Rather , Ford shoul d singl e ou t Mondal e fo r bein g "th e leadin g champio n o f forced busin g i n th e U.S . Senate" an d ridicul e Democrati c legislator s fo r serving i n th e "Playboy Congress. " Buchana n wa s making mor e tha n jus t a sl y referenc e t o Carter' s Playboy interview . Th e mistres s o f on e Demo cratic congressiona l leade r ha d recentl y bare d al l t o Playboy. Althoug h only 1 5 percent o f th e publi c expresse d "grea t confidence " i n Congress , most American s coul d stil l be shocked b y the fac t tha t congressiona l staff ers wer e sometime s hire d fo r reason s othe r tha n thei r typin g skills . Gar y Trudeau wa s no t surprise d b y th e behavio r o f politicians . I n on e "Doo nesbury" series , a n investigatin g committe e ask s a congressman' s sex y secretary t o recit e th e alphabet . Perplexed , sh e replies , "Th e alphabet ? All of it?" 58 Few Whit e Hous e staffer s agree d wit h Buchanan . The y implore d th e president t o ru n t o th e lef t o f Carte r o n th e socia l issue s an d t o mak e Betty th e centerpiec e o f hi s campaign . Suc h advisor s viewe d Carter' s moral beliefs—softene d thoug h the y ha d becom e fo r th e Novembe r election—as something that could contribute significantly to his defeat. The image of a "holier than thou " re-bor n Christia n imposin g hi s persona l bran d o f moralit y o n th e nation will "wear thin" in an intense campaign with great numbers of Americans. Many Easter n liberals , Jews , and , Roma n Catholic s alread y ar e concerne d ove r the heavy religious tone found i n his remarks and speeches. 59 To execut e thi s winning strategy , Ford' s advisor s concluded , th e president ha d t o conced e th e Sout h t o Carter . I t was not simpl y that For d ha d little chanc e t o defea t Carte r i n hi s hom e region . Instead , th e For d cam paign di d no t wan t anythin g t o d o wit h th e mos t sociall y conservativ e bloc o f voter s i n th e country . Th e Whit e Hous e believe d tha t th e Brah mins, Jews , and socia l liberal s who gav e Ford th e GO P nominatio n coul d carry hi m t o victor y i n November . Th e onl y concessio n t o realit y Ford' s staffers mad e wa s t o tr y t o attrac t th e norther n Catholic s wh o ha d vote d for Reaga n i n th e primaries . B y endorsing th e Right-to-Lif e Amendmen t that Helm s wa s sponsorin g i n th e Senate , For d hope d t o ne t Catholi c support. I t did no t matte r tha t th e GO P liberals regarded Helm' s abortio n

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initiative a s a joke. ( A Democrati c candidat e fo r Congres s fro m Tennes see, however , too k th e Helm s amendmen t ver y seriously . A l Gore , Jr. , identified himsel f as an evangelica l who believed tha t life began at conception. Meanwhile , Jess e Jackso n decrie d Medicaid-funde d abortion s a s a form o f racia l genocid e because mos t wer e performe d o n blacks.) 60 In a remarkable turnabou t fo r Ford , Carter' s commandin g lea d erode d daily. A s predicted , Carte r di d carr y th e South—wit h th e exceptio n o f Falwell an d Robertson' s Virginia . Carter' s suppor t amon g Pentecostal s and fundamentalist s melte d awa y i n th e wak e o f th e Playboy intervie w and th e selectio n o f Mondale a s his running mate . By election day , Carter actually lost the whit e souther n vot e t o Ford—4 6 percen t t o 5 4 percent . However, Carte r ra n te n percentag e point s bette r tha n McGover n ha d i n the Sout h amon g whites . Couple d wit h dramati c rise s i n th e souther n minority turnout , i n additio n t o Carter' s captur e o f nin e i n te n blac k votes, he carrie d th e region . O f course , for al l of Carter's effort s t o ru n a s a social conservative, if he had alienate d just a few more Souther n Baptist s he coul d hav e written of f Dixi e and th e White House. 61 The Carte r campaig n als o claimed credi t fo r bringin g the Catholic vote home. I n Philadelphia , Carte r avoide d prolif e picket s b y moving a political rally from a Catholic paris h t o a liberal Luthera n church . Although h e consistently ducke d prolif e protesters , Carte r muddie d th e water s suffi ciently enoug h t o lea d man y Catholic s t o believ e tha t h e supporte d a constitutional ba n o n abortion . (Amazed , th e reporter s coverin g Carte r composed a specia l son g se t t o th e tun e o f "Jesu s Love s Me. " A s the y sang o n th e pres s plane , "Jimm y love s me , yes, I know, Jod y Powel l tell s me so . I n Catholi c group s h e come s o n strong , unbor n babe s t o hi m belong.") Cardina l Bernardi n an d th e bishop s wer e to o circumspec t t o inform th e lait y tha t Carte r wa s les s tha n truthful . Besides , wit h th e un employment rat e an d th e cos t o f livin g risin g amon g wag e earners — many o f who m wer e Catholic—th e bishop s wer e no t abou t t o endors e GOP economic s an y mor e tha n the y were prepare d t o bles s liberal socia l policies. Consequently , Carte r receive d 5 4 percen t o f th e Catholi c vote . Once again , Carte r improve d upo n McGovern' s showin g amon g Catho lics, yet fel l twent y percentag e point s shor t o f bringing abou t a n electora l restoration.62 Among Jew s an d college-educate d liberals , Carte r di d wors e tha n Mc Govern. Carte r receive d almos t two-third s o f the Jewis h vote . To a num ber o f Jewish voters, Carter was either too muc h o f a liberal or not enoug h of one . Eve n Jew s wh o supporte d Carte r i n y y6 were no t strongl y com -

J. C. Saves in '76 9 1 mitted t o him . A t th e sam e time , th e California , Massachusetts , an d Ne w York suburb s tha t ha d th e highes t proportio n o f Ne w Clas s voter s pun ished Carte r fo r hi s apparen t socia l conservatism . Th e upper-incom e "McGovern counties " foun d For d t o b e mor e ideologicall y acceptabl e than Carter . I n wha t ha d becom e a political truis m sinc e '68 , whenever a presidential candidat e di d poorl y i n affluen t precincts , h e score d wel l i n white working-class neighborhoods . Carter' s twenty-one percentage-poin t gain ove r McGover n i n th e blue-colla r precinct s mor e tha n mad e u p fo r the los s o f upper-middle-clas s socia l liberals . Carte r ha d organize d labor , and a poor economy , t o than k fo r hi s decisiv e wi n amon g workers . (Or , as George Meany observed, "Carter' s biggest asse t is that the vast majorit y of th e America n peopl e hav e n o respec t fo r Ford . H e ha s n o class ; he's a fumbler. H e come s throug h a s a symbol o f mediocrity.") 63 Viewing himsel f a s a resurrecte d Roosevelt , Carte r ha d kicke d of f hi s fall campaign a t FDR's vacation hom e i n Warm Springs , Georgia. Usually, a Democrati c presidentia l candidat e launche d th e fal l electio n seaso n b y marching i n th e Detroi t Labo r Da y parade . Michigan , however , wa s Ford's hom e stat e an d Carte r fel t mor e a t eas e i n th e Southland . Sinc e Carter kne w tha t th e unio n vot e wa s i n hi s pocket , h e ha d th e luxur y o f being abl e t o plac e som e distanc e betwee n himsel f an d a cit y tha t man y white southerner s di d no t regar d a s quit e American . (Detroi t serve d a s the headquarter s o f th e UAW , spawne d libera l Republican s lik e forme r Michigan governo r an d automobil e executiv e Georg e Romney , an d ha d earned th e nicknam e "Murde r City.") 64 Buoyed b y Carter' s victory , hi s staffer s crowe d tha t the y ha d reconsti tuted th e New Deal electoral coalition. Blacks, white southerners, workers, Catholics, an d Jew s ha d al l vote d fo r Carter . The n again , member s o f those group s als o vote d fo r Ford—some , lik e whit e southerner s an d Catholics, almos t evenl y dividin g thei r vot e betwee n th e tw o presidentia l candidates. Carte r bea t For d b y just tw o percentag e points , hardly a landslide worth y o f FD R o r LBJ . Carter face d a countr y that , regardles s o f it s religious fait h o r lac k thereof , place d littl e confidenc e i n th e publi c schools, labo r unions , th e Suprem e Court , Congress , bi g business , an d the media . Th e majo r economic , government , an d socia l institution s o f the countr y di d no t inspir e trust . Carter—muc h lik e Reagan—playe d t o the voters' scor n fo r professiona l politician s an d Washington bureaucrats . One o f th e potentia l shortcoming s o f Carter' s strategy , though , wa s tha t he neede d th e hel p o f the ver y constituenc y group s tha t h e had implicitl y defined a s bein g par t o f th e problem . NOW , th e NEA , an d th e 700,00 0

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members o f th e America n Federatio n o f State , County , an d Municipa l Employees (AFSCME) , regarde d Carter' s denunciation s o f Bi g Govern ment, th e growin g federa l deficit , an d th e mora l deca y o f society a s cam paign ploys , no t a s hi s closel y hel d persona l feelings . But , wit h Carter , who reall y knew? 65 Other difficultie s loome d fo r th e president-elect . Sinc e Carte r ha d n o electoral coattails , and i n many congressional district s ran behind the local Democratic candidate , bot h th e party' s traditionalist s an d suburba n lib erals fel t tha t the y owe d hi m littl e loyalty. Part y politic s aside , Carter ha d been electe d t o comba t inflatio n an d unemployment , reduc e th e defici t and th e federa l ta x burden , scal e back Bi g Government, an d mak e Amer ica economicall y competitive . A t th e sam e time , Carte r ha d bee n electe d to expan d federa l ai d t o th e Snowbel t cities , increas e th e cost-of-livin g adjustments fo r Socia l Securit y recipients, expand th e Medicaid-Medicar e health insuranc e programs , improv e th e qualit y o f American publi c edu cation, impos e mor e environmenta l an d safet y regulation s upo n industry , and creat e additiona l public-secto r employment . And , dependin g upo n whether on e aske d a southern whit e o r black , a Catholic o r a Jew, Carte r had bee n electe d t o expand/eliminat e racia l hirin g quotas , ban/defen d abortion, an d halt/champio n busing . The n again , For d ha d promise d al l these thing s a s well . A foolis h consistency , a s a wis e ma n said , i s th e hobgoblin o f little minds . Having sa t ou t th e '7 6 presidential election , Bill y Graham wrot e a prescient condolenc e lette r t o Ford : I a m sur e tha t Go d i n Hi s wisdo m ha s spare d yo u fro m havin g t o carr y th e terrible burdens that ar e going to fall on this country in the next four years . The storm cloud s seem to be gathering on every front. I am convinced tha t only God can see us through, no matter who is president. 66

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Jimmy Carte r kne w tha t a successful presiden t ha d t o maintai n th e peace, promote economi c growth , an d avoi d entanglemen t i n mora l issues . Voters migh t forgiv e a recession—provide d tha t i t wa s ove r a t leas t a yea r before th e nex t presidentia l election . Mos t o f th e electorat e coul d eve n tolerate a fe w misstep s overseas . S o lon g a s America n live s wer e no t threatened, fe w care d whethe r dictator s i n som e far-of f (o r nearby ) lan d tortured thei r ow n people . An d wit h th e socia l issues , Carte r neede d lib eral Democrat s wh o kne w enoug h no t t o attac k th e mora l value s o f reli gious-minded voters . Nothin g ende d u p goin g Carter' s way . Religiou s conservatives mobilize d agains t th e partisan s o f socia l liberalism , th e economy soured , an d development s abroa d humiliate d th e America n people. Surveying Carter' s foreig n polic y advisors , Bob Tyrrell , th e bitin g edi tor o f th e American Spectator, observe d tha t th e presiden t ha d hire d "every McGovernit e no t the n employe d b y a rock band." Unite d Nation s ambassador Andre w Youn g calle d Israe l a racis t natio n an d defende d Communists' militar y interventio n i n Angola . " I don' t believ e tha t Cub a is i n Afric a becaus e i t wa s ordere d ther e b y th e Russians, " th e blac k activist argued . " I believ e tha t Cub a i s i n Afric a becaus e i t reall y ha s a shared sens e o f colonia l oppressio n an d domination. " Outlinin g hi s for eign policy objectives i n 1977, Carter informe d a commencement audienc e at th e Universit y o f Notre Dam e tha t anti-Communis m wa s a discredite d policy o f th e past . "W e ar e no w fre e o f tha t inordinat e fea r o f Commu nism which, " Carte r tol d hi s stunne d Catholi c audience , "onc e le d u s t o embrace an y dictato r wh o joined u s i n ou r fear." 1 93

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In th e thre e year s followin g Carter' s Notr e Dam e address , th e Sovie t Union expande d it s nuclear arsenal , acquired militar y bases in Africa an d Southeast Asia , invade d Afghanistan , an d supplie d weapon s t o Marxis t guerrillas i n Nicaragua . Meanwhile , Cambodia n Communist s extermi nated tw o millio n o f thei r fello w citizens . A s American prestig e fell , ter rorist groups , man y o f whic h wer e arme d an d traine d b y th e Soviets , stepped u p thei r assault s o n variou s democracies . I n 1971 , the Wes t en dured seventee n terroris t bombing s an d assassinations . By 1980, the num ber o f terroris t incident s i n th e Wes t ros e t o 1,169 . In Iran , Islami c fun damentalists overthre w th e sha h an d seize d th e America n embassy . Fo r 444 days, fifty-two American s wer e prisoner s o f a regime tha t had , by the rules o f internationa l law , committe d a n ac t o f wa r agains t th e Unite d States. Fro m Tehra n t o th e killin g fields o f Cambodia , Americ a wa s a laughingstock.2 Two Cold War Democrat s diagnose d th e problem wit h Carter's foreig n policy. Zbignie w Brzezinsk i o f th e Nationa l Securit y Counci l considere d the Vietna m Wa r t o hav e bee n "th e Waterlo o o f th e WAS P elite. " Ac cording t o Brzezinski , th e daze d an d confuse d Iv y Leaguer s i n th e Stat e Department n o longe r ha d th e wil l t o projec t America n militar y powe r overseas. Their lac k o f resolv e invite d aggression . I n th e sam e vein, Jean e Kirkpatrick declare d Carte r di d no t understan d tha t th e sha h an d hi s il k were pussycat s compare d t o th e totalitarian s waitin g i n th e wings . Pro American dictators , Kirkpatric k allowed , ma y kil l a fe w hundre d dissi dents ever y no w an d then , bu t the y di d no t usuall y bothe r othe r coun tries. Islami c cleric s an d Communists , o n th e othe r hand , slaughtere d their subject s b y th e thousand s an d wage d war s o f conques t agains t thei r neighbors. America , t o paraphras e country-wester n singe r Tamm y Wy nette, mus t stan d b y its despots. 3 Clear-eyed analyst s tha t the y were , Brzezinsk i an d Kirkpatric k shoul d have bee n a little les s fixated o n Sovie t imperialis m an d mor e concerne d about America' s friends . Japan , fo r example , generousl y subsidize d it s export industries . Every inexpensive Toyota that entere d the United State s cost American s goo d job s an d lef t devastate d communitie s i n it s wake . Instead o f updatin g thei r plants , companie s lik e U.S . Stee l investe d i n more promisin g fields. Th e Bi g Three automaker s continue d t o produc e costly, gas-guzzling rust-buckets. When Chrysle r went bankrupt, Congres s bailed ou t th e corporation . A s part o f the Chrysle r deal , Carter adde d th e K-Car t o th e governmen t fleet . Federa l worker s discovere d tha t K-Car s often stalle d goin g uphil l whe n th e ai r conditionin g wa s on . However ,

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this did no t loo m a s too large a problem sinc e the K-Car's air conditioner , like its radio, seldo m worked . There wer e mor e reason s fo r th e nation' s economi c woe s tha n jus t cheap imports an d the incompetence o f American manufacturing . I n 1945, America ha d ha d th e onl y functionin g econom y i n th e world . Lackin g any industria l competitors , th e Unite d State s ha d enjoye d a n unprece dented perio d o f prosperity . B y th e sixties , refurbishe d industrie s ha d risen fro m th e ashe s o f Europ e an d Asia . Whil e Americ a devote d muc h of it s technologica l expertis e t o containin g revolutionar y Communism , the Germans an d Japanes e were making more, and ofte n better , consume r goods. The n cam e th e Vietna m Wa r an d thre e president s wh o wer e un willing t o reduc e federa l socia l spendin g t o pa y fo r thei r adventure . Thu s began th e firs t roun d o f th e Grea t Inflation . T o mak e matter s worse , th e Arab oil-exportin g countrie s punishe d Americ a fo r it s support o f Israel . The federa l governmen t exacerbate d America' s economi c problems . Layer afte r laye r o f regulation s (100,00 0 page s worth) , adde d t o th e cos t of doin g business . B y 1979, businesses wer e spendin g $10 0 billio n a yea r to compl y wit h th e stricture s o f OSHA , th e EPA , an d othe r agencies . While som e o f th e regulation s mad e sense , other s wer e questionable . A t one point , Washingto n halte d a majo r constructio n projec t becaus e i t threatened th e habita t o f a n endangere d fish. Th e snai l darter , a s i t late r developed, wa s hardly o n th e brink o f extinction. Deprive d o f their unio n wages, constructio n worker s wer e displease d wit h th e ma n the y ha d elected president . Suc h worker s shoul d hav e directe d thei r ange r a t th e Democratic Congres s a s well Whe n apprise d o f the fac t tha t hi s clean ai r bill woul d rais e manufacturin g cost s an d thereb y forc e th e Bi g Thre e t o fire thousand s o f peopl e i n Michigan , Senato r Edmun d Muski e replied , "There aren' t an y aut o work s i n Maine. " Havin g shelve d hi s presidentia l ambitions, Muski e n o longe r courte d organize d labor. 4 Muskie's parochialis m aside , th e economi c statistic s tol d a n alarmin g tale. I n 1976 , Carter ha d criticize d For d fo r toleratin g hig h level s o f infla tion. A s president , Carte r sa w inflatio n reac h 1 8 percent—mor e tha n three time s th e figure unde r Ford . Inflatio n artificiall y raise d th e value o f real estate . As a consequence, propert y ta x assessment s soared . Californi ans, fo r instance , sa w thei r propert y taxe s ris e 12 0 percent i n fou r years . (The state' s irat e resident s promptl y passe d a ballot initiativ e t o rol l bac k property taxes. ) Roun d tw o o f th e Grea t Inflatio n als o le d t o tax-bracke t creep. Whil e wage s ros e i n th e seventies , thei r rea l valu e fell . Th e IRS , however, di d no t adjus t rate s accordingly . Wher e jus t 5 percent o f Amer -

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icans paid th e highes t margina l ta x rate s i n th e sixties , by 1980 half o f the working populatio n foun d itsel f i n th e Rockefelle r stratosphere. 5 Like inflatio n an d taxes , unemploymen t spu n ou t o f control . Te n per cent o f the workers i n Toled o an d Youngstown wer e thrown ou t o f work. As a presidential candidate , Carte r ha d decrie d th e 2 0 percent unemploy ment rat e i n Flint . Afte r Carter' s fou r year s i n office , a quarte r o f Flint' s workers wer e jobless . Meanwhile , th e prim e interes t rat e soare d t o 2 1 percent, lockin g mos t youn g peopl e ou t o f th e housin g market . Gasolin e prices ros e 5 2 percent i n 1979 , thanks t o a deliberate reductio n i n Arab oil production. Th e Bi g Three' s ga s sucker s becam e eve n les s appealin g t o the public . Not surprisingly , si x of ten American s believe d tha t thei r chil dren woul d neve r enjo y a decent standar d o f living. Their fear s ha d som e foundation. Unlik e previou s recession s wher e peopl e returne d t o wor k once th e econom y recovered , man y industria l job s wer e gon e forever . I n Michigan, a quarte r o f a millio n automobil e job s vanishe d betwee n 197 9 and 1982 . Th e Clas s o f 198 0 wa s th e first no t t o mak e th e tre k t o th e assembly line. 6 Politicians had spen t years bargaining with the devil, not expectin g that the day of reckoning was nigh. Entitlement spendin g had risen three times faster tha n wage s i n th e seventies , wit h fifty millio n American s collectin g $200 billion. I n 1979 , a family o n welfare receive d AFDC and subsidie s fo r food, rent , an d utilitie s tha t place d the m $1,50 0 above th e media n house hold income . I t mad e mor e sens e fo r th e poo r t o g o o n welfar e tha n t o continue working . B y the tim e Carte r entere d th e Whit e House , th e fed eral governmen t wa s spendin g a thir d o f th e nation' s Gros s Nationa l Product. Washingto n coul d cove r it s entitlemen t obligation s onl y by deficit spendin g an d raisin g th e regressiv e Socia l Securit y payrol l taxe s o n younger workers . Thes e wer e th e ver y peopl e wh o coul d leas t affor d t o see thei r income s diminished . Give n th e all-consumin g need s o f the welfare state , th e presiden t an d th e Democrati c Congres s wer e no t abou t t o have th e IR S seriousl y adjus t th e ta x brackets . Washingto n wante d ever y penny i t coul d snag. 7 Social Securit y pose d a great dange r t o th e fiscal health o f the country . In 1940 , Socia l Securit y ha d bee n a $3 5 million progra m ($35 0 millio n i n 1997 dollars ) wit h 220,00 0 recipients . B y 1977 , Socia l Securit y gav e $10 0 billion t o thirty-thre e millio n individuals . Sinc e mos t American s i n 194 0 did no t liv e t o sixty-five , fe w eve r collecte d thei r pensions . Lif e expec tancy, however , increase d afte r 1940 , swelling th e rank s o f retirees . I n th e sixties, Presiden t Johnso n se t asid e th e origina l formul a b y whic h recipi -

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ents received roughl y what the y had contributed . Th e Great Societ y established a paymen t floor tha t reduce d th e proportio n o f elderl y wh o live d at th e povert y line—from 2 5 percent t o 5 percent. (A t the sam e time, the proportion o f young Americans who live d in poverty went from 5 percent to 2 5 percent. Ther e was a relationship her e that fe w Great Societ y liberals cared t o explore. ) I n th e seventies , congressional Democrat s attache d cos t of livin g allowance s t o Socia l Security , ensurin g tha t pension s staye d above th e inflatio n rate. 8 So fa r a s member s o f th e Worl d Wa r I I generatio n wer e concerned , inflation raise d thei r income s an d enhance d th e valu e o f thei r homes . Escalating propert y taxe s di d no t usuall y bothe r senior s becaus e man y states offere d rebate s t o th e elderly . When th e stee l and aut o corporation s announced layoffs , middle-age d worker s di d no t worry . Th e unio n pro tected thei r seniorit y privileges , negotiated generou s cost-of-livin g adjust ments fo r them , expande d thei r healt h car e benefits , an d secure d corpo rate pension s t o supplemen t thei r Socia l Security . Whe n employer s tol d the union s tha t withou t concession s fe w youn g peopl e coul d b e hired , they refuse d t o listen . Th e agin g ran k an d fil e neve r understoo d wh y s o many blue-colla r member s o f th e Clas s o f '8 0 scorne d organize d labor . Once retired , som e senior s went t o Arizon a an d Florida , other s remaine d behind i n industria l ghos t town s like Johnstown, Pennsylvania , which was in th e proces s o f losing hal f o f it s population . Not sinc e World Wa r I I ha d s o man y white peopl e migrate d i n searc h of work. I n the late seventies, 1.5 million Americans move d to the Sunbelt . (As th e sayin g wen t i n Michigan , "Wil l th e las t perso n leavin g th e stat e please tur n ou t th e lights?' 5) Arizona , Florida , an d Texa s experience d enormous residentia l gain s while the population s o f New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania stagnate d o r declined . Th e Sunbelt' s econom y expanded , offering wor k i n agribusiness , aerospace , an d computers . Job s tha t re quired colleg e degrees pai d excellen t salaries . Unskilled laborers, however, did no t prospe r i n th e Sunbel t a s they onc e ha d i n Michiga n aut o plants . On th e othe r hand , a low-wage, non-unio n jo b i n Texa s wa s bette r tha n unemployment i n Michigan . Besides , who care d whether o r no t ther e was union representation ? Th e UA W ha d mad e i t clea r tha t i t di d no t wan t youngsters millin g aroun d th e Oldsmobil e gate s looking fo r work. 9 By 1980 , si x o f th e te n greates t America n urba n center s wer e i n th e Sunbelt. Ne w York, onc e th e nation' s larges t city , lost on e millio n peopl e in th e seventies . Th e 198 0 U.S . Censu s reveale d tha t a sli m majorit y o f citizens lived in the South an d West. Congressional redistricting soon gave

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the Sunbel t hal f o f the seat s in th e House . A new American econom y an d politics wer e comin g o f age . Conservativ e commentato r Kevi n Phillip s concluded tha t a politician wh o celebrate d th e fre e market , supporte d th e high-tech frontier , an d reconcile d Souther n Baptist s an d Sunbel t libertar ians coul d readil y capture th e Whit e House. 10 Against thi s backdro p o f economi c dislocatio n an d th e growin g clou t of th e conservativ e Sunbelt , socia l liberal s raise d thei r politica l profile . Eleanor Smea l an d Glori a Steine m o f NO W demande d tha t th e Carte r administration provid e federa l fund s fo r abortion . Whe n Carte r de murred, feminist s chaine d themselve s t o th e Whit e Hous e fence . (Pres s Secretary Jod y Powel l hope d tha t Smea l an d Steine m woul d tak e a cu e from Vietnam' s Buddhis t monks , whos e ide a o f protest i n th e sixtie s ha d been t o se t fire t o themselves. ) Forme r Ne w Yor k representativ e an d antiwar activis t Bell a Abzu g ridicule d th e "white-mal e dominate d Whit e House/' Othe r feminist s attacke d Carte r fo r employin g to o man y Catho lics whos e religiou s belief s marke d the m a s sexist s an d enemie s o f abor tion. Indeed , on e feminis t sociologis t claime d tha t Christians—especiall y Catholics—were congenita l reactionarie s wh o disguise d thei r politic s i n order t o infiltrat e progressiv e organizations . Fo r he r part , Steine m looke d forward t o th e da y when "w e will, I hope, rais e ou r childre n t o believ e in human potential , no t God." 11 Feminist write r Barbar a Ehrenreic h referre d t o opponent s o f abortio n as "jeerin g right-to-lifers. " Homemakers , accordin g t o NOW , wer e "do mestic drudges " an d th e "lowes t orde r o f humanity. " Anyon e wh o wor ried abou t th e economi c prospect s o f th e traditiona l famil y wa s a sexist , racist, uneducate d reactionary . (Radica l feminist s ignore d th e fac t tha t greater number s o f fundamentalist s wer e goin g t o college . Wha t reall y irked the m wa s th e fac t tha t fundamentalists , unlik e ever y othe r grou p that wen t t o college , di d no t becom e mor e liberal . T o th e Left , bein g educated ha d nothin g t o d o wit h schoolin g an d everythin g t o d o wit h whether th e individua l embrace d th e prope r politica l position. ) I n 1977 , with a $ 5 million gran t fro m Congress , Abzu g an d Steine m helpe d orga nize the National Women' s Conference . Tw o thousand delegate s gathered in Housto n t o denounc e "white-mal e racism " an d pas s resolution s i n support o f lesbia n liberation . A handfu l o f conservativ e delegate s fro m the South , tire d o f bein g denounce d a s K u Klu x Kla n troopers , stalke d out o f th e conference . Th e televisio n network s di d no t permi t thei r cam eras t o linge r o n placard s tha t rea d "Th e Pop e Ha s Clitori s Envy—H e Wears Skirts , Doesn't He?" 12

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While th e event s i n Housto n disturbe d conservativ e Democrats , the y were nothin g compare d t o wha t wa s takin g plac e o n th e Lef t Coast . B y the lat e seventies , Sa n Francisc o ha d becom e a countercultur e carnival . One hundre d thousan d gays , mostl y college-educate d professional s i n their twentie s an d thirties , ha d settle d i n Sa n Francisco . Wit h ninet y ga y bars an d a variet y o f bathhouse s se t u p fo r anonymou s sex , th e cit y became a major touris t sto p for homosexuals . (Accordin g to a 1978 Kinsey Institute study , 4 0 percen t o f Ba y Area gay s ha d bee n wit h five hundre d sex partners . A t th e en d o f th e decade , tw o o f ever y thre e Sa n Francisc o homosexuals ha d contracte d a venereal disease. ) I n th e 1978 Gay Freedo m Day Parade , thre e hundre d thousan d gay s and lesbian s marche d throug h the Sa n Francisc o streets . Som e me n dresse d u p a s nuns , mockin g th e Catholic Church , which condemne d ga y sex. Others poked fu n a t Califor nia's Pentecostal s b y puttin g o n "Okie " clothing . Sa n Francisco' s homo sexuals ha d caus e t o celebrate . The y wer e a formidabl e forc e i n loca l Democratic politics , an d thei r succes s inspire d homosexual s i n othe r communities t o demand , amon g othe r things , th e lega l recognitio n o f same-sex marriages . Meanwhile , sympatheti c ga y character s appeare d o n television show s lik e Barney Miller an d th e Villag e Peopl e brough t disc o music ou t o f the close t an d ont o th e "To p Forty " playlist . I t seeme d a s if gays were everywhere—bu t especiall y i n th e Democrati c Party. 13 If gays and feminist s wer e no t troublesom e enough , Carte r als o had t o contend wit h voca l blacks . Althoug h Carte r me t regularl y wit h th e Con gressional Blac k Caucu s an d trie d t o mee t it s ever y demand , it s member s blasted hi m fo r no t doin g enoug h t o advanc e affirmativ e action , busing , and welfare . Thei r complaint s abou t Carter' s lukewar m affirmativ e actio n policies were unfounded. Carte r ha d sen t memos t o his cabinet secretarie s directing the m t o ceas e hirin g white , ofte n Jewish , males . Still , Whit e House hirin g quotas , an d th e fac t tha t Carte r ha d appointe d thirt y blac k activists t o federa l judicia l posts , merel y whette d th e appetit e o f th e civi l rights establishment. 14 Seeking approva l fro m th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucus , Carter' s IRS , the EEOC , an d th e Departmen t o f Health , Education , an d Welfar e launched a new crusade agains t racia l segregation . The EEOC and the IRS first move d t o revok e th e tax-exemp t statu s o f th e South' s privat e reli gious academies . Liberal s contende d tha t suc h school s promote d racia l segregation. A s segregationist institutions , th e churc h academie s were no t charitable organization s an d mus t pa y taxes . (I n Memphis , twenty-tw o thousand student s enrolle d i n private academie s durin g the seventies. The

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city's school s wen t fro m 5 0 percent blac k t o 7 0 percent. Nationally , mor e than te n thousan d religiou s academie s wer e founde d i n thi s decade. ) Southerners argue d tha t th e academie s enable d students , black and white, to avoi d th e balefu l influenc e o f secula r humanism . Religious , no t racial , segregation was the issue. If the religious schools lost their tax exemptions, tuition woul d double . Although Georg e Wallace had onc e been correc t t o characterize th e academie s a s middle-clas s preserves , tha t situatio n changed radicall y in the seventies . Sixty percent o f the pupils at the south ern academie s cam e fro m working-clas s an d lower-middle-clas s back grounds. Thei r parent s coul d no t affor d t o se e thei r tuitio n bill s double . Having been audite d himself , Jerry Falwell groused tha t th e IRS had mad e it "easie r t o ope n a massage parlo r tha n t o ope n a Christian school/' 15 HEW Secretar y Josep h Califan o als o wage d wa r o n Dixie . Appointe d to Carter' s cabine t a s a concessio n t o th e Left , th e unrepentan t Grea t Society libera l wen t afte r th e universit y syste m o f Nort h Carolina . Alien ating Democrat s acros s th e South , Califan o threatene d t o seiz e control o f North Carolina' s colleges . He wante d mor e whit e student s t o atten d col lege with blacks. To achiev e that goal , Califano ordere d college s with large white enrollment s t o eliminat e severa l majors , whic h woul d the n b e of fered onl y at school s with heavil y black student populations . Additionally, Califano expecte d th e Nort h Carolin a legislatur e t o spen d large r sum s o f money o n blac k education . Thi s wa s socia l engineerin g a t it s worst, wit h Washington bureaucrat s scannin g th e cours e offering s an d enrollment s a t North Carolin a universitie s t o mak e sur e tha t the y me t Califano' s requi rements.16 A stalwar t defende r o f "numerica l goals a s benchmark s o f progress, " Califano lai d int o th e white mal e professor s a t the Cit y University of New York. I n a squeez e pla y pittin g Cit y University' s margina l student s an d blase administrator s agains t th e faculty , Califan o embrace d lowere d ad missions an d academi c standards . Identifyin g th e Jewis h facult y a s th e most vociferou s opponent s o f dumbin g dow n th e curriculum , Califan o implied tha t academi c standard s wer e racist . I n th e wake of his assault o n City University, tension s betwee n blac k student s an d Jewis h facult y worsened. (Eve n before Califano' s speech , City University's administrators ha d annoyed Jewis h professor s b y seekin g t o "diversif y it s faculty. " B y that , they mean t Cit y University woul d avoi d hirin g an y mor e Jewis h males.) 17 City University , whic h ha d produce d eigh t Nobe l Priz e recipients , ha d no choic e bu t t o teac h eighth-grad e math . I n a n er a o f economi c stagna tion an d a shrinkin g poo l o f traditiona l students , colleg e administrator s

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needed war m bodie s an d th e federa l tuitio n grant s tha t cam e wit h them , standards b e damned . Knowin g firsthan d tha t th e academi c jo b marke t offered disma l employmen t prospect s fo r whit e males , mos t professor s went alon g wit h th e ne w order . The y di d no t wan t t o b e strippe d o f tenure becaus e o f thei r "racist " belie f tha t miserabl e students , regardles s of color , shoul d b e failed . Fro m th e UCL A Schoo l o f La w t o Brandeis , where a representativ e o f NO W ensure d universit y complianc e wit h fed eral affirmativ e actio n directives , preferentia l admission s an d hirin g quo tas, a s well a s debased standards , became th e norm. 18 In 1974 , Allan Bakk e filed a discriminatio n sui t agains t th e Universit y of Californi a a t Davis . Bakk e ha d bee n denie d admissio n t o th e medica l school, but black s with inferio r grade s an d tes t score s had bee n accepted . His cas e reache d th e Suprem e Cour t thre e year s later. Califan o leap t int o action, composin g a lega l brie f supportin g th e university' s admission s policy. H e als o ridicule d Bakke , callin g hi m a white-mal e enginee r wh o was no t brigh t enoug h t o b e admitte d t o an y decen t medica l school . Th e ACLU, th e NAACP , an d th e NEA , amon g othe r libera l organizations , devoted thei r considerabl e fund s t o crushin g Bakke . Ther e wer e a fe w twists t o 'The Regents of the University of California v. Bakke. T o begi n with, Bakk e ha d mor e practica l medica l learnin g tha n Califan o wishe d t o concede. H e ha d serve d a s a comba t medi c i n Vietnam . Bakk e wa s als o Jewish.19 The symbolis m wa s riveting . A decorated vetera n denie d admissio n t o medical schoo l b y liberal s wh o ha d oppose d th e Vietna m War . A Je w unable t o pursu e hi s dream s becaus e o f a quot a system . I n 1978 , th e Supreme Cour t ordere d Bakk e t o b e le t int o th e Davi s Medica l School , but rule d five t o fou r tha t admission s "goals " wer e acceptable . Justic e Thurgood Marshall , th e blac k attorne y wh o ha d argue d th e Brow n cas e before th e Cour t year s before , contende d tha t Americ a wa s suc h a perva sively racis t societ y tha t quota s wer e necessary . T o hi s colleague s o n th e Court, Marshal l chuckle d tha t i t wa s no w th e whit e man' s tur n t o suffer . Even thoug h Bakk e los t th e wa r agains t quotas , an d i n spit e o f th e fac t that th e Justic e Departmen t ha d filed sui t agains t fifty-one city , county , and stat e government s fo r no t hirin g enoug h minorities , blac k activist s continued t o criticiz e Carter . The y wanted quota s impose d o n al l employers i n th e country. 20 Only a handful o f blac k conservative s questione d th e wisdo m o f quo tas. Clarenc e Thomas , a poo r Bab y Boome r wh o ha d bee n admitte d t o the Yal e La w Schoo l unde r it s specia l progra m t o recrui t talente d blacks ,

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posed a troubling questio n tha t fe w liberal s wante d t o hear : "Woul d yo u go t o a blac k lawye r i f yo u fel t h e wa s ther e jus t becaus e h e wa s black ? Would yo u hav e you r ca r o r stere o repaire d b y someon e i f yo u fel t h e had th e jo b jus t becaus e o f rac e an d wa s no t reall y qualified? " On e ha d to wonder wh y the blacks admitted t o the medical schoo l under th e quot a system stil l coul d not , afte r fou r year s o f preferentia l treatmen t i n thei r undergraduate programs , mak e th e grade . How long would suc h student s receive preferentia l treatment—forever ? An d wha t o f th e brigh t minori ties wh o earne d thei r credentials ? Woul d the y also , a s conservativ e blac k economist Thoma s Sowel l feared , b e suspec t i n th e eye s o f whites ? Eve n resented? Unwillin g t o dea l with suc h questions , social liberals called Thomas an d Sowel l "Uncl e Toms." 21 Like man y socia l liberals , Marshal l an d Califan o ignore d a hos t o f recent development s i n America n rac e relation s tha t woul d hav e place d the affirmativ e actio n controvers y i n it s proper context . T o begi n with , if America wa s so racist, why did 9 7 percent o f whites tel l pollsters that the y believed black s shoul d hav e equa l jo b an d educationa l opportunities ? (Two o f thre e white s i n 198 0 opposed quotas, not equal opportunity.) B y the seventies , th e incom e o f blac k colleg e graduate s wa s 9 percent abov e that o f white college graduates; the number o f blacks employed i n privatesector, white-collar jobs increased 22 2 percent; and two-third s of all blacks were middl e class . In th e sam e decade , the rat e o f black suburba n growt h surpassed tha t o f whites . Affirmativ e actio n migh t hav e bee n responsibl e for som e o f this progres s but , a s Sowel l said , tha t di d no t give n sufficien t credit t o black s who worke d har d t o achiev e thei r improve d status. 22 In thei r effort s t o champio n affirmativ e action , socia l liberal s faile d t o deal wit h clas s an d mora l issues . Blac k familie s tha t remaine d togethe r prospered an d thei r childre n di d no t becom e criminals . Fatherles s fami lies, black an d white , however, remaine d mire d i n povert y an d thei r chil dren di d poorl y i n school—i f the y graduate d a t all . I n 1980 , the illegiti macy rat e amon g black s wa s 5 5 percent, doubl e th e figure i n 196 5 whe n the Grea t Societ y launche d th e Wa r o n Poverty . Th e whit e illegitimac y rate was 11 percent, but i n decayin g steel towns suc h as Portsmouth, Ohio , a quarte r o f al l whit e birth s wer e t o singl e welfar e mothers . Hig h schoo l graduation rate s fel l an d violen t crim e increased. 23 Preferential admissio n t o medica l schoo l di d littl e t o assis t impover ished blacks . Affirmative actio n wa s a middle-class entitlemen t and , muc h to consternatio n o f th e civi l right s establishment , three-quarter s o f

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the peopl e benefitin g fro m hirin g quota s wer e white females. I n th e slum s that th e black middle clas s had lef t behind , violen t crim e rose 367 percent, with mor e tha n a millio n assaults , murders , an d rape s committe d i n th e seventies. Nearl y two-third s o f th e nation' s mugger s an d fou r o f ten rap ists wer e member s o f th e blac k underclass . B y 1980, eight time s a s man y blacks a s white s wer e i n prison . A racis t judicia l syste m coul d no t b e blamed. I n "progressive " Iowa , incarcerate d black s outnumbere d white s twenty-one t o one . The ratio i n "reactionary " Mississipp i was three blacks jailed fo r ever y white. (Th e ratios are even more startlin g when on e recall s that black s wer e a thir d o f Mississippi' s population , compare d t o 2 per cent i n Iowa. ) Middle-clas s black s feare d tha t the y woul d b e judge d b y the behavior o f th e minorit y underclass. 24 Weary o f blac k an d feminis t militants , Carte r an d Jod y Powel l als o grew impatien t wit h th e media . O n on e occasion , Carter' s pres s secretar y seethed a s reporter s refuse d t o stan d fo r th e playin g o f th e Nationa l An them. Accordin g t o Powell , Carte r mad e th e press uncomfortable becaus e the president , unlik e th e reporters , wa s a mora l man . Columnist s wh o ridiculed Carte r reminde d Powel l o f "th e kin d o f peopl e wh o vie w th e bloody conflic t fro m afa r an d then—whe n th e fighting i s don e an d th e warriors hav e departed—com e dow n fro m th e hill s t o shoo t th e wounded." Powel l claime d tha t a Bosto n Globe reporter privatel y calle d Carter " a redneck , Baptist , Bible thumper." Bot h Powell and the presiden t loathed th e Washington Post. (White House official s als o despised the New York Times, regarding it as a Zionist propagand a ra g that skewered anyon e who dare d t o mak e diplomati c overture s t o th e Arabs. ) Remarkably , th e television network s an d newspaper s tha t Carte r hate d th e mos t wer e th e very one s Richar d Nixo n ha d believe d wer e ou t t o ge t him. 25 Carter's vie w o f th e new s medi a wa s no t excessivel y paranoid . Sinc e 1972, whe n 8 0 percen t o f reporter s vote d fo r McGovern , th e medi a ha d become even more liberal. A new generatio n o f Boome r journalists , radi calized b y th e antiwa r movemen t an d Watergate , entere d th e profession . In term s o f breeding, income , an d schooling , th e Boome r reporter s wer e the mos t elit e i n th e histor y o f America n journalism . Hal f claime d n o religious affiliation . Three-quarter s o f th e Boome r medi a elit e approve d of homosexuality, 8 2 percent endorse d abortio n o n demand , an d hal f saw nothing wron g wit h adultery . Whe n the y di d storie s o n welfar e three quarters o f Boome r journalist s wen t t o libera l organization s fo r informa tion. A s journalists , th e Boomer s disdaine d "racist " opponent s o f affir -

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mative actio n an d busing . A s privat e individuals , Boome r reporter s sen t their childre n t o private o r suburba n school s and supporte d hirin g quota s so long a s they di d no t affec t thei r ow n careers. 26 Boomer journalists , blacks , and feminists , however , wer e no t th e pres ident's onl y critics . Th e Democrati c Congres s prove d t o b e a n immens e thorn i n Carter' s flesh . I n 1969 , souther n Democrat s chaire d te n o f th e sixteen mos t importan t Senat e committees . Sinc e then , liberal s ha d mounted a cou p d'etat . B y 1979 , just thre e conservativ e souther n chair men survived . Tedd y Kennedy , th e mos t libera l membe r o f th e Senate , presided ove r th e powerfu l Judiciar y Committee . Congressiona l Demo crats jealousl y guarde d thei r prerogatives , writin g Carte r of f a s a rub e even befor e h e too k th e oat h o f office . Hous e Speake r Thoma s "Tip " O'Neill o f Massachusetts se t down th e groun d rule s immediatel y afte r th e 1976 election. Unde r n o circumstance s was Carter t o bypass Congress an d appeal directl y t o th e America n peopl e fo r th e passag e o f legislation . When Carte r mad e th e mistak e o f suggesting tha t Socia l Security reform s were necessary , O'Neil l an d Kenned y savage d him . Carter' s effort s t o reduce th e numbe r o f congressiona l pork-barre l project s earne d hi m more il l will. One Hous e libera l fume d tha t Carter' s staffer s "thin k we'r e just a pack o f crooked whores. " B y 1979, House an d Senat e liberals urge d Kennedy t o challeng e Carte r fo r th e presidentia l nomination. 27 His publi c approva l rating s havin g plummete d s o lo w tha t Nixo n looked goo d i n comparison , Carte r seeme d vulnerable to a challenge fro m Kennedy. (S o reduced i n statur e wa s Carter b y 1979, that when h e horne d his wa y int o th e Pittsburg h Pirates ' locke r roo m t o bas k i n thei r Worl d Series victory , th e player s an d th e pres s ignore d him. ) Hi s dismissa l o f Califano i n 1979—lat e thoug h i t was—mollifie d a fe w southerner s bu t angered liberals . Moreover , Carter' s nationall y televise d speec h i n th e summer o f '7 9 furthe r damage d hi s politica l prospects . Unlik e hi s prede cessors i n office , Carte r argue d tha t America' s problem s coul d b e blame d on a n apathetic , lazy, pessimistic, an d spendthrif t public : For th e first time in th e history o f our countr y a majority o f our peopl e believe that th e next five years will be worse than th e past five years. Two-thirds o f our people do not eve n vote. The productivity of American workers is actually dropping and the willingness of Americans to save for the future ha s fallen below that of all other people in the Western world. . .. [W]e'v e got to stop crying and start sweating. .. . 28 Kennedy's candidac y galvanize d liberals . Th e Bosto n Globe contended that a candidate' s character , marita l fidelity, an d sobriet y were irrelevant .

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After all , Joh n Kenned y ha d bee n a philandere r an d a grea t president ; Nixon ha d bee n a faithfu l husban d an d a corrup t leader . Harvar d histo rian Arthu r Schlesinger , Jr. , claime d tha t th e senato r ha d grow n becaus e of hi s sufferin g ove r th e Chappaquiddic k incident . Indeed , Tedd y Ken nedy wa s muc h lik e Frankli n Roosevelt . "Eve r sinc e Chappaquiddick, " Schlesinger asserted , "[Kenned y had ] bee n spendin g hi s lif e tryin g t o re deem himsel f fo r thos e hour s o f panic. He has become eve r more serious , more senatorial , mor e devote d t o th e publi c good . I thin k thi s ceaseles s effort a t self-redemptio n ma y b e fo r Tedd y Kenned y wha t poli o wa s fo r FDR." I n sophistry , Schlesinge r ha d fe w peers. 29 Unfortunately fo r Kennedy , no t man y voter s too k thei r cue s fro m lib eral journalist s an d academics . Working-clas s Catholics , disguste d wit h Kennedy's mora l lapse s and suppor t fo r abortion , repudiate d hi m i n Ne w England an d Iowa . Although h e took Ne w York, Carter's staf f ha d alread y concluded tha t th e stat e wa s hopeless . Amon g al l Democrati c primar y voters, Ne w Yor k City' s resident s were , accordin g t o Whit e Hous e polls , the leas t concerne d abou t a candidate' s morals . Moreover , th e stat e ha d an amazingl y larg e publi c employe e payroll . Jus t one Ne w Yor k loca l o f the America n Federatio n o f State , County , an d Municipa l Employee s en rolled 225,00 0 members . Ne w York' s legio n o f publi c worker s glowe d when Kenned y promise d t o expan d governmen t employment . (Kenned y did no t worr y abou t mountin g deficit s an d taxes. ) T o kee p AFSCM E i n line, Carte r sai d h e would increas e federal spendin g o n public-sector jobs. In th e res t o f th e country , wit h th e notabl e exceptio n o f Hollywood , Carter turne d bac k Kennedy' s challenge. 30 Beyond th e hammerin g th e senato r too k fo r hi s characte r flaws an d the implicatio n tha t h e wa s givin g comfor t t o th e Iranian s wh o wer e holding Americans hostage , Kennedy's ow n incompetenc e helpe d d o hi m in. Offere d a chanc e t o discus s hi s candidac y o n networ k television , th e senator coul d giv e no reaso n a s to wh y he wanted t o be president—othe r than tha t h e ha d a n ancestra l clai m t o th e office . I f forced t o spea k with out a script, Kenned y stumble d an d ofte n sounde d lik e this: "I wil l speak to i t an d outline— I mean , I mentioned that—and—bu t I mean—that I think i s th e bes t example. " (Governo r Reagan , who m libera l journalist s accused o f being a pre-programmed chuckl e head, had no problem speak ing of f th e cuff . O f course , hi s anecdote s migh t b e irrelevan t t o th e issu e at hand , o r jus t plai n goofy—tree s caus e mor e ai r pollutio n tha n industry—but Reaga n a t leas t sounde d assured . Kenned y gav e voters th e appearance o f being dee p i n hi s cups.) 31

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The nominatio n Carte r wo n i n 198 0 wa s no t wort h much . Three quarters o f al l th e criticis m hurle d a t th e presiden t durin g th e electio n season cam e fro m Kenned y an d th e Left . Consequently , th e GO P coul d afford t o ignore Carte r a s he bled fro m Kennedy' s knifing. Worse, Carter's position i n hi s ow n part y was s o weak tha t h e ha d n o choic e but t o mak e crippling concession s t o hi s enemies . Kenned y insiste d tha t hi s aid e Ste phen Breye r b e appointe d t o a federa l judgeship . Regardin g Breye r a s a political hack, White Hous e staffer s rationalize d tha t it was not a s if Carter was puttin g hi m o n th e Suprem e Court. 32 More seriou s wa s Kennedy' s dictatio n o f th e part y platform . Carter' s policy o f relativ e fiscal an d socia l moderatio n wen t ou t th e window . NOW, whos e tw o hundre d delegate s supporte d Kennedy , successfull y de manded tha t an y Democrati c candidat e oppose d t o th e ER A b e denie d party funds. Th e NEA, claiming five hundred delegates , expected the president t o suppor t ga y affirmativ e actio n an d provid e Medicai d fund s fo r abortions. (Wh y an organizatio n representin g th e nation's schoo l teachers should involv e itsel f i n th e abortio n issu e an d ga y liberatio n wa s neve r adequately explained. Of course, Carter was not abou t to question a group whose representative s accounte d fo r a sixt h o f th e conventio n delegates . That wa s wh y th e NE A ha d recentl y receive d it s "own " cabinet-leve l Department o f Education. ) Th e seventy-seve n openl y ga y delegates spen t $100,000 t o lobb y th e platfor m committee . Responsiv e t o thei r desires , Kennedy compelle d th e part y t o recogniz e sexua l orientatio n a s a civi l rights matter. 33 Kennedy's platfor m victor y ensure d tha t conservativ e Democrat s ha d no rol e i n shapin g th e party' s policies . Carter' s primar y win s i n '76 an d '80 ha d no t route d th e McGovernites . Socia l liberal s believe d tha t th e country wa s moving lef t an d tha t onl y Carter' s incompetent , conservativ e presidency hur t th e party . Fo r al l of their Iv y League pedigree s an d expe rience a s activists , liberal s possesse d a n abysma l knowledg e o f politics . The winds ha d bee n blowin g rightwar d sinc e the sixties , yet liberals neve r adapted. Thei r failur e a t the polls was always the fault o f someone else . In 1972, Nixon ha d stole n th e presidential election . Four years later, a Republican disguise d a s a Democra t foole d th e part y int o nominatin g hi m fo r President. Liberal s dismisse d al l evidenc e tha t contradicte d thei r preju dices. That wa s a formula fo r disaster . In 1974 , at th e ver y moment whe n liberal s topple d a Republican presi dent, event s i n a Wes t Virgini a coal-minin g communit y pointe d t o th e final breakdow n o f th e Ne w Dea l coalition . Concerne d parent s an d fun -

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damentalist ministers , heir s t o th e part y o f Roosevelt , objecte d t o publi c school text s tha t seeme d t o teac h mora l relativism . Th e ACL U an d th e NEA lined u p t o quas h th e Kanawh a Count y revolt . Instea d o f retreating, West Virginia' s socia l conservative s fough t back , receivin g politica l sup port fro m fundamentalis t minister s acros s th e country . A s Kanawha sim mered, religiou s traditionalist s engage d th e IR S in battle. White Pentecos tals, wh o ha d ye t t o thro w themselve s full y int o th e politica l ring , no w felt tha t ther e wa s n o alternativ e bu t t o engag e th e secula r world . The y felt besiege d b y a n aggressive , immoral government. 34 The Heritag e Foundation , establishe d i n 197 3 by activist s wh o though t Nixon a dangerous leftist , provide d lega l advice to the religiou s academie s and th e Kanawh a fundamentalists . Pa t Robertso n als o joine d battle , in forming hi s thirty-seve n millio n viewer s o f th e issue s involved . I n th e meantime, Souther n Baptist s assure d Yankee s that th e spiri t o f racial segregation di d no t resid e i n thei r academies . Th e on e thousan d student s enrolled a t th e Arlington , Virginia , Baptis t schoo l wer e taugh t t o plac e "God an d Hi s Hol y Word a t th e center " o f their education . Parent s wer e exhorted "t o wi n you r chil d t o Jesu s Chris t a s hi s persona l Savior , an d then t o trai n hi m u p fo r Christia n service. " Th e Arlingto n academ y di d not instruc t whit e childre n t o becom e racists . A paucity o f black s i n th e southern religiou s academie s di d no t necessaril y translat e int o a n inten tion t o maintai n segregate d schoo l facilities . Catholi c educators , who op erated th e mos t raciall y integrate d privat e schoo l system i n th e country , took th e fundamentalist s an d Pentecostal s a t thei r word . T o America' s Catholic an d Protestan t faithful , th e proble m wa s no t racis m bu t secula r interference i n religiou s matters. 35 Homosexual advocacy , a s social conservative s describe d it , cause d fur ther alarm . Arkansa s fundamentalist s objecte d t o Governo r Bil l Clinton' s sex educatio n progra m fo r th e publi c schools . Thei r bloo d roile d whe n they rea d passage s lik e thi s fro m th e Clinto n se x educatio n guidelines : "At som e tim e o r other , i t occur s t o mos t boy s t o tr y t o pu t thei r ow n penises int o thei r mouths. " I n Dallas , Rev . Jame s Robison , a Boome r Baptist, ha d hi s televisio n pulpi t take n awa y whe n h e criticize d th e ga y lifestyle. A protest marc h b y twelv e thousan d rile d Texan s persuade d th e station t o brin g hi m back . Meanwhil e i n Miami , a former Mis s America , Anita Bryant, fough t a ballot initiativ e that would have granted affirmativ e action claim s t o gays . According t o th e Oklahom a native , "Homosexual s do no t suffe r discriminatio n whe n the y kee p thei r perversion s i n th e privacy o f thei r homes. " Bryan t di d no t min d gay s "s o lon g a s the y d o

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not flaun t thei r homosexualit y an d tr y t o establis h rol e model s fo r th e impressionable youn g people—ou r children." 36 Rushing t o Bryant' s side , Jerr y Falwel l rallie d th e faithfu l wh o tune d into an y one o f the fou r hundre d televisio n station s that carrie d hi s show, The Old Time Gospel Hour. Inspire d b y Bryant' s example , Arkansas, Cal ifornia, an d Oklahom a legislator s sough t t o prevent gay s from bein g hired as public-schoo l teachers . Rev . Harold Lindsel l o f Christianity Today als o entered th e lists , insistin g tha t ther e wa s n o suc h thin g a s a Christia n homosexual. I n turn, Sa n Francisco Democrats compare d Bryan t to Hitle r and charge d tha t fundamentalist s wer e plottin g a Nazi-styl e holocaust . More seriously , gay s boycotte d an y produc t tha t Bryan t endorsed . Free market economic s dictate d wha t followed . Sh e los t he r commercia l en dorsements afte r advertiser s conclude d tha t gay s wer e a mor e desirabl e market demographi c tha n Baptists . Shunne d b y secula r society , Bryant , like Pa t Boon e befor e her , woul d hav e t o mak e a livin g i n th e Christia n counterculture. Religiou s aparthei d thoug h i t was , Christia n entertainer s and writer s coul d ear n a livin g i n th e fundamentalis t an d Pentecosta l counterculture. However , the y woul d neve r hav e thei r book s an d stag e shows reviewe d b y the New Yorker. And, s o the liberal shibbolet h went , if it was no t i n th e New Yorker, it di d no t matter. 37 As with ga y rights , th e abortio n controvers y cas t a pall ove r America n politics. I n th e 197 8 congressiona l elections , thre e senator s an d twenty three representative s who supporte d abortio n an d th e ERA lost their seats. The New York Times an d Planne d Parenthoo d minimize d th e exten t o f the politica l damage—mainl y b y cheerin g th e reelectio n o f Patrici a Schroeder, a prochoic e feminist . On e triumphan t Hous e membe r fro m the Colorad o resor t an d universit y communities , however , di d no t mak e for a libera l resurrection . Indeed , prio r t o th e midter m elections , whe n the numbe r o f socia l liberal s i n Congres s reache d it s zenith , th e Hous e still vote d b y a large margi n fo r th e so-calle d Hyd e Amendment. Name d for Republica n Henr y Hyd e o f Illinois , a pious Catholic , the amendmen t prohibited federa l fundin g fo r abortions . Conservative Democrat s crosse d the aisl e to suppor t th e minorit y party' s initiative . At the sam e time, GOP liberals, an d libertarian s lik e Davi d Stockma n o f Michigan , vote d agains t any restrictio n o f abortio n rights . Whe n i t cam e t o mora l issues , part y labels were becomin g les s meaningful. 38 The '7 8 election s underscore d th e fac t tha t conservativ e voter s di d no t regard abortio n an d th e ER A as separat e issues . This was understandabl e

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since socia l liberal s too k th e sam e view . Th e Nationa l Abortio n Right s Action Leagu e (NARAL ) endorse d th e ERA , believin g tha t th e amend ment woul d enshrin e unrestricte d abortio n right s i n th e Constitution . The Roe decision , NARA L felt , permitte d to o man y limitation s o n abor tion. Phylli s Schlafl y pointe d ou t tha t th e ACL U ha d recentl y argue d tha t "the denia l o f taxpaye r fund s t o pa y fo r abortion s i s 'se x discrimination ' within th e meanin g o f th e Equa l Right s Amendment. " Abortio n o n de mand, no t t o mentio n ga y liberation, Catholi c conservative s warned , an imated th e ERA movement. Prolif e Catholi c feminists demurred , chargin g that bot h NARA L an d Schlafl y ha d distorte d th e inten t o f th e ERA . On e feminist Catholi c admitte d t o feelin g uncomfortabl e amon g Schlafly' s fol lowers. O n th e othe r hand , socia l liberal s wer e downrigh t hostil e towar d anyone wh o diverge d fro m th e part y line. At a Washington ER A rally, the ACLU, NOW , an d Planne d Parenthoo d prohibite d Catholi c feminist s from passin g ou t prolif e literature . Th e ACLU , prolif e feminist s con cluded, di d no t believ e tha t th e constitutiona l righ t t o fre e speec h ex tended t o religiou s activists. 39 By 1978, when congressiona l liberal s extende d th e ratificatio n deadlin e of the ERA , lifestyle politic s wa s badly dividing church activists . The ERA, abortion, an d th e defens e o f th e traditiona l famil y ha d becom e jus t a s emotionally wrenchin g a s th e Vietna m War . A t a Chicag o gatherin g o f America's Catholi c bishop s i n 1978 , libera l nun s an d lait y clashe d wit h anti-ERA activists . The National Assembly of [Catholic ] Religiou s Women insisted that the ERA would no t har m th e family. Indeed , the ERA "would help provid e equa l pa y fo r eve r large r number s o f women wh o ar e head s of families. " Besides , the Suprem e Cour t ha d settle d th e abortio n issu e in 1973 so there wa s n o sens e fo r th e churc h t o continu e it s prolife agitation . Nuns fro m Columbus , Ohio , t o Ne w Orlean s quickl y resigne d fro m th e church organization , rejectin g th e Religiou s Women's "tendenc y t o com e off a s anti-life, " "us e o f libera l jargon, " an d divorcin g "th e mora l fro m the legal." 40 At a n ecumenica l conferenc e o f abortion foe s i n 1980, Catholics Unite d for th e Fait h assaile d th e libera l value s o f the moder n age : As for divorc e an d abortion , just a s we are able to dispos e o f our spouse s if we feel like it, so are we able to do away with our children i f we feel like it. There is no Go d fo r thi s ne w morality, muc h les s any divine law except th e pleasures of the moment. Abortion i s a form o f killing engaged in to evade the consequences of sex. These people do not shrin k eve n at killing in order t o carry on the tenets

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of the sexual revolution, an d th e stage is then se t to allow killing as the solution to othe r responsibilities . I t i s by this rout e tha t w e arrive a t th e justification o f legalized euthanasia. 41 Catholic liberal s wer e quic k t o counte r tha t th e prolif e movemen t served a s a protective fig leaf fo r right-win g reactionarie s wh o were inten t upon persecutin g th e poor . Th e Religiou s Left , however , discovere d tha t only a handful o f churchgoers share d it s worldview. When the Association of Chicag o Priest s sen t letter s t o th e Illinoi s legislatur e o n behal f o f th e ERA, a Protestan t legislato r chide d th e group : " I canno t believ e i n m y heart tha t an y degre e o f praye r o r tru e belief s i n Christia n tenet s woul d lead yo u t o th e conclusio n tha t w e shoul d suppor t a n amendmen t tha t tears apar t th e famil y whic h al l Biblica l teaching s tell s u s t o sustain . I would hop e yo u woul d revie w your persona l positio n o n thi s matter." 42 In Florida , Catholic s an d evangelical s overcam e long odds to defeat th e ERA. The Carters , Vice Presiden t Mondale , an d Bett y Ford mad e appear ances i n th e stat e o n behal f o f th e amendment . NO W an d th e NE A poured volunteer s an d cas h int o th e ratificatio n campaign . A s the seven ties cam e t o a n end , however , pro-ER A Democrat s disappeare d fro m th e Florida legislature . Conservative Republican s gained sufficien t number s t o shoot dow n th e amendment . Althoug h feminist s accuse d mal e preacher s of underminin g thei r caus e i n Florid a (a s wel l a s i n Illinois) , th e trut h was quit e different . Evangelica l women—no t men—playe d th e leadin g role i n turnin g asid e th e ERA . Churc h wome n woul d no t endors e an y cause the y associate d wit h abortion , no-faul t divorce , an d ga y marriage . (They di d not, however , rejec t th e notio n o f equa l pa y fo r equa l work . Given th e stat e o f "th e Carte r economy, " man y evangelica l wome n ha d to find job s outsid e th e home.) Th e ERA's champions—who wer e mostl y single o r divorced—though t the y wer e leadin g thei r gende r i n a battl e against mal e oppression . Instead , feminist s foun d mos t marrie d wome n arrayed agains t them . Radica l feminist s conclude d tha t th e wome n wh o opposed th e ER A an d abortio n suffere d fro m a fals e politica l consciousness—one roote d i n religiou s superstitions. 43 During th e '76 election , Carte r ha d promise d evangelicals tha t h e would sponso r a White Hous e conferenc e o n th e American family . Nearl y four year s passe d befor e h e mad e goo d o n hi s word . Th e conference , however, di d no t liv e u p t o evangelicals ' expectations . T o begi n with , liberals contende d tha t th e definitio n o f famil y ha d t o b e mor e inclusive . As a result o f th e sexua l revolution , ther e wer e man y kind s o f families i n America. Som e familie s di d no t hav e fathers , other s wer e compose d o f

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unmarried couple s an d o f ga y partners . Consequently , th e Whit e Hous e Conference o n th e Famil y became th e Whit e Hous e Conferenc e o n Families. Socia l conservative s gre w mor e disturbe d whe n th e Whit e Hous e kept Phylli s Schlafly ou t o f the proceedings yet invited liberals like Marian Wright Edelma n o f th e Children' s Defens e Fun d t o participate . Confer ence chai r Ji m Gu y Tucker , a forme r Arkansa s representativ e an d some time-ally o f Governo r Clinton , dismisse d conservativ e quibble s wit h a patronizing smile . Jus t becaus e Edelma n wa s a clos e frien d o f Hillar y Rodham Clinto n di d no t mea n tha t th e welfare-right s activis t receive d any special consideration. 44 NOW an d NARA L mobilize d thei r membership , dominatin g th e Ne w York delegatio n whil e exercisin g enormou s influenc e i n state s outsid e Dixie. O f th e 1,50 0 conferenc e delegates , just 25 0 were mora l traditional ists. Th e conferenc e tha t Carte r ha d organize d t o improv e hi s reputatio n among socia l conservative s ende d u p endorsin g th e ERA , abortio n o n demand, an d ga y rights. Connie Marshner , a former membe r o f the Sout h Carolina Youn g American s fo r Freedo m an d edito r o f the Family Protection Report, staged a walkout o f the conference. Th e Boomer conservative , who believe d tha t federa l famil y plannin g program s promote d homosex uality, pornography , an d promiscuity , ha d nothin g goo d t o sa y about th e conference either . "Families, " Marshne r stated , "consis t o f people relate d by heterosexual marriage , blood, an d adoption . Familie s ar e no t religiou s cults, familie s ar e no t Manso n families , familie s ar e no t heterosexua l o r homosexual liaison s outsid e o f marriage. " Gays , wh o di d no t appreciat e being lumped togethe r wit h mas s murderer Charli e Manson, bade Marsh ner "goo d riddance." 45 The Carte r administratio n ha d (ye t again ) spu n lea d fro m straw . Eve n the religiou s liberal s wh o ha d campaigne d fo r McGover n i n '72 accuse d the presiden t o f promotin g "sinfu l lifestyles. " Democrati c Governo r Fo b James announce d tha t Alabam a woul d boycot t "suc h conference s whic h do no t establis h traditiona l Judeo-Christia n value s concernin g th e family , the foundation o f our natio n unde r God. " Th e Indian a legislature , as well as an Orthodo x Jewis h group , followe d suit , chargin g tha t th e conferenc e was dominate d "b y thos e opposin g traditiona l religiou s an d famil y val ues." I n Arkansas , fundamentalist s hel d praye r meeting s t o protes t th e conference. The y als o lai d plan s t o dea l with thei r boyis h governor . Hop ing t o men d politica l fences , Carte r invite d Falwell , Ora l Roberts , an d other trouble d churc h leader s t o th e Whit e House . Fa r fro m reassurin g the ministers , however , the y conclude d tha t th e presiden t le d a n "un -

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Christian" administration . Wit h th e politica l current s runnin g strongl y against th e Democrats , Carte r an d Clinto n wer e i n fo r som e perilou s white water. 46 Convinced tha t Americ a wa s i n morta l danger , Howar d Phillips , Ed ward McAteer , an d Pau l Weyric h aske d Falwel l t o hea d a ne w politica l organization, th e Mora l Majority . Th e socia l activist s wer e a divers e lot . In th e Nixo n administration , Phillips' s missio n ha d bee n t o dismantl e Johnson's Offic e o f Economi c Opportunity . Upo n leavin g th e Whit e House, Phillip s establishe d th e Conservativ e Caucus , whic h coordinate d protests agains t busin g an d taxe s i n 15 0 congressiona l districts . Phillip s came fro m a background o f government servic e and was a practicing Jew; McAteer haile d fro m th e worl d o f busines s an d Protestan t fundamental ism. A forme r Colgate-Palmoliv e executive , McAtee r founde d th e Reli gious Roundtable . Hi s follower s wer e mostl y Sunbel t clerg y who wante d the Religiou s Roundtabl e t o becom e a theologica l counterweigh t t o th e liberal Nationa l Conferenc e o f Churches. 47 Weyrich wa s th e od d duc k o f conservativ e activism . Th e so n o f work ing-class, Easter n Rit e Catholics , Weyric h ha d helpe d giv e birt h t o th e Heritage Foundation . Unlik e man y o f hi s colleague s i n th e Ne w Right , however, Weyric h di d no t sin g th e praise s o f th e fre e market . "Laissez faire i s not enough , there has to be some higher value in society," Weyrich argued. "Ther e ca n b e n o suc h thin g a s a n entirel y fre e market . Th e market ha s t o b e responsiv e t o socia l responsibility. " Richar d DeVos , th e president o f the Amway Corporation an d a Heritage Foundatio n benefac tor, di d no t agree . According to DeVos , the free marke t was a moral entit y that require d n o socia l regulation . A s DeVo s viewe d th e orde r o f th e universe, whe n businessme n bough t luxur y cars , mansions , an d yacht s they wer e doin g God' s wor k o n th e earth . Thei r conspicuou s consump tion create d jobs . Meanwhile , Protestan t clerg y lik e McAtee r an d Falwel l regarded federa l regulator s an d labo r bosse s as thieving atheists. Although Weyrich an d othe r conservativ e populist s denigrate d union s an d govern ment bureaucrats , the y stil l believe d tha t som e businesse s migh t hav e t o be coerce d int o servin g th e commo n good . T o them , th e marke t wa s under th e contro l o f corruptibl e men , no t a perfect God. 48 Carter ha d onl y himsel f t o blam e fo r th e remarkabl e coalitio n o f fre e marketers an d socia l conservatives tha t cam e together t o defeat him . Robert Billings , the first executiv e directo r o f the Mora l Majority , ha d le d th e National Christia n Actio n Coalitio n agains t th e IRS . Indeed , hal f o f th e Moral Majority' s stat e chair s wer e affiliate d wit h th e ver y Christia n acad -

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emies tha t Carter' s IR S ha d sough t t o ta x ou t o f existence . Whe n th e Moral Majority' s supporter s turne d ou t fo r th e Republica n Nationa l Con vention i n Detroit , the y mad e sur e that th e party platform denounce d th e IRS "vendetta " agains t th e Christia n schools . Lik e thei r black counter parts, whit e fundamentalist s fro m Austi n t o Indianapoli s registere d thei r flocks t o vote . Th e chai r o f th e Indian a chapte r o f th e Mora l Majority , who als o serve d a s th e ministe r o f th e Indianapoli s Bibl e Temple , regis tered a thousan d ne w voter s o n jus t on e Sunday . Althoug h mos t o f th e nation's thre e millio n ne w fundamentalis t an d Pentecosta l voter s joine d the GOP, a few hoped t o save the soul of the Democratic Party . In Gainesville, Florida , a ministe r an d hi s flock too k ove r th e loca l Democrati c committee. Baskin g in their victory, the conservative ministe r boasted tha t "we're runnin g fo r everythin g fro m dogcatche r t o [state ] senator." 49 The Mora l Majority' s rhetori c wa s militant , eve n apocalyptic . "Th e stage i s set, " Rev . Jame s Robiso n informe d seventee n thousan d evangeli cals a t a 198 0 Dalla s politica l rally , "wher e w e ar e eithe r goin g t o hav e a Hitler-style takeover , a dictatorship , Sovie t Communis t dominatio n o r we're goin g t o ge t righ t wit h Go d i n thi s country . I t i s time fo r Christian s to craw l ou t fro m unde r thei r pews. " Falwel l warned th e devou t tha t "w e are losin g th e wa r agains t homosexuals. " H e als o decrie d abortion , th e banning o f schoo l prayer , an d th e proliferatio n o f smut . "Man y Ameri cans," th e Lynchbur g Baptis t roared , "ar e sic k an d tire d o f th e wa y thei r government ha s bee n run . The y ar e tire d o f bein g tol d tha t thei r value s and belief s don' t matte r an d tha t onl y thos e value s hel d b y governmen t bureaucrats an d libera l preacher s ar e worth y o f adoptio n i n th e are a o f public policy. " T o lower-middle-clas s Protestants , Mormons , an d Catho lics who fel t tha t thei r familie s wer e endangered b y galloping inflation an d moral degeneracy , Falwel l an d Robiso n appeare d prophetic. 50 Hoping t o exploi t th e estrangemen t betwee n whit e fundamentalist s and Carter , Reaga n wen t t o Lynchbur g an d addresse d Falwell' s flock. H e also joine d Robiso n a t hi s Dallas rally . As Reagan coyl y observed i n Texas, "I kno w yo u can' t endors e me , bu t I wan t yo u t o kno w tha t I endors e you an d wha t yo u ar e doing. " O f cours e th e religiou s activist s coul d no t formally endors e Reaga n withou t attractin g th e attentio n o f Carter' s IRS , but ther e wa s n o mistakin g tha t socia l conservative s wer e i n th e Republi can camp . I f th e IR S questione d th e tax-exemp t statu s claime d b y th e Moral Majority , conservative s coul d repl y tha t th e Souther n Christia n Leadership Conferenc e ha d bee n campaignin g fo r Carter . Bot h th e SCL C and th e Mora l Majorit y claime d exemptio n fro m taxe s becaus e the y were

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nonpartisan, church-relate d institutions . Neithe r organizatio n wa s bein g candid. Liberals , however , di d no t se e thing s tha t way . Accordin g t o th e Left, ther e wa s nothin g wron g wit h blac k clerg y enterin g th e politica l sphere; conservative white Christians, o n th e othe r hand , ha d n o busines s getting int o politics. 51 Desperate, the Carte r Whit e Hous e too k th e low road. Durin g an Ohi o State University rally , Andrew Young contended tha t i n Reagan's America "it's goin g t o b e al l right t o kil l niggers. " I n Chicago , Carte r admonishe d voters, "You'l l determin e whethe r o r no t thi s Americ a wil l be unifie d or , if I lose thi s election , whethe r American s migh t b e separated , blac k fro m white, Je w from Christian , Nort h fro m South , rura l fro m urban. " Speak ing a t th e Ebeneze r Baptis t Churc h i n Atlanta , th e presiden t pointe d ou t to Marti n Luthe r King , Sr.'s , floc k tha t Reaga n an d th e K u Klu x Kla n both champione d states ' rights . Therefor e i t followe d tha t anyon e wh o wanted t o curtai l federa l powe r wa s a racist. O n anothe r occasio n Carte r and Reaga n addresse d a Catholic audience a t New York's annual Al Smith Dinner. Wher e a n amiabl e Reaga n tol d Iris h jokes, Carter barke d tha t th e Moral Majority' s supporter s wer e lik e th e anti-Catholi c nativist s o f th e twenties. Unfortunatel y fo r Carter , hi s effort s t o driv e a wedg e betwee n Southern Baptist s an d norther n Catholic s backfired . Althoug h th e Mora l Majority remaine d a largel y Protestan t organization , man y Catholic s en dorsed it s positions o n socia l issues . Just a s bad fo r th e president , Reaga n finally accepted Carter' s dar e to debate him o n nationa l television. Having seen Carte r flounder a t a traditiona l Democrati c forum , Reaga n realize d that h e coul d tak e hi m dow n fo r th e count. 52 Weak thoug h Carte r was , Reagan an d th e Mora l Majorit y were susceptible t o attac k o n th e rac e issue . Reagan ha d calle d th e 196 5 Voting Right s Act "humiliatin g t o th e South " an d wen t o n vacatio n i n orde r t o avoi d addressing a NAAC P convention . Th e Republica n presidentia l nomine e made th e mistak e o f thinking tha t th e civi l rights establishmen t spok e fo r America's minorities , no t a n entirel y accurat e assumption . Black s wer e among th e mos t frequen t viewer s o f religiou s broadcasting . Pa t Robert son, fo r instance , ha d a good-sized minorit y audience—a n understanda ble developmen t sinc e hi s talk show , The 700 Club, was the first i n Amer ica t o emplo y a black-male co-host . O n issue s like abortion an d th e ERA, blacks wer e les s libera l tha n whites—eve n thoug h th e Congressiona l Black Caucu s embrace d NOW . Whe n Representativ e Loui s Stoke s o f Cleveland pushe d a bil l t o provid e federa l fundin g fo r abortio n o n de mand, h e was not representin g th e views of his black constituents. Fright -

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ened b y th e widenin g mora l gul f separatin g ordinar y black s fro m socia l liberals, th e civi l right s establishmen t playe d it s trum p card . Th e SCL C leadership warne d tha t Reaga n planne d t o reimpos e disfranchisement an d segregation. Joinin g th e chorus , th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucu s accuse d conservatives o f advocatin g racis t policies. 33 White socia l conservative s recognize d tha t the y ha d a problem . A s a conservative pollste r lamented , "Tak e a black Souther n Baptis t lady . It' s very har d t o tel l her , 'Yo u shoul d vot e wit h th e fat-ca t Republicans. ' Bu t if you loo k a t a lot o f he r attitudes , sh e shoul d vot e conservative , a t leas t on som e issues. " Pau l Weyric h admitte d t o hostil e reporters , ' T m no t going t o ki d yo u tha t w e hav e minoritie s runnin g ou t ou r ears . Thi s i s not a minorit y movement. " Hopin g t o chang e thi s stat e o f affairs , Jere miah Denton , Alabama' s Republica n candidat e fo r th e Senate , reache d out t o souther n blacks . Havin g spen t seve n year s i n a Vietnames e PO W camp, th e conservativ e Catholi c kne w somethin g abou t persecutio n an d suffering. (Th e Communist s torture d Dento n an d othe r pilots , includin g John McCain . Ironically , Hano i produce d mor e Republica n senator s tha n the Heritag e Foundation. ) Dento n campaigne d amon g blac k churc h groups an d exhorte d th e Mora l Majorit y t o recrui t minorities. 34 Falwell wa s listening . H e joine d Jess e Jackso n a t a blac k churc h an d apologized fo r hi s oppositio n t o civi l right s i n th e sixties . Falwel l the n went t o Lynchburg' s blacks an d extende d hi s han d i n friendship . Mor e dramatically, h e invite d Jackso n t o preac h a t th e Thoma s Roa d Baptis t Church. A s opponents o f abortion an d ga y liberation, Jackso n an d Falwel l should hav e bee n allies . Publi c opinio n poll s showe d tha t nearl y hal f o f America's blacks , compare d t o a third o f whites, hel d th e Mora l Majorit y in hig h regard . Yet , student s o f minorit y votin g behavio r concluded , blacks remaine d responsiv e t o racia l appeals . Th e memorie s o f Ji m Cro w were to o fres h t o permi t a moral-base d politica l realignmen t amon g southern blacks . Moreover , whil e man y black s accepte d Falwell' s offe r o f fellowship, the y di d no t trus t Reagan . O f course , Reaga n ha d give n black s little reaso n t o thin k otherwise . Eve n Reagan' s mora l conservatism , whic h most blacks endorsed , appeare d suspect . A s governo r o f California , Rea gan ha d signe d a permissiv e abortio n bil l int o la w an d oppose d a ballo t initiative t o prohibi t gay s fro m teachin g i n th e publi c schools . (Reaga n counted Roc k Hudso n an d Barbar a Stanwyc k amon g hi s closeted-ga y libertarian friends . Stanwyc k believe d tha t governmen t ha d n o busines s regulating economi c o r sexua l behavior.) 33 Having live d wit h black s fo r fou r centuries , souther n religiou s conser -

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vatives a t leas t kne w wha t mad e the m tic k (o r ticke d off) . Jews , however, tended t o b e a mystery . The y coul d b e allie s o r the y coul d b e th e bes t organized foe s o f socia l conservatism . Ideologicall y speaking , libertaria n Jews outnumbere d religiousl y conservativ e Jew s thirtee n t o one . Secula r liberal Jew s swampe d thei r counterpart s i n th e Religiou s Righ t twenty one t o one . Th e Mora l Majorit y mad e a poin t o f identifyin g founde r Howard Phillip s a s a Jew precisely because ther e wer e s o fe w i n it s ranks. Rev. Baile y Smith , th e presiden t o f th e Souther n Baptis t Convention , di d not advanc e th e caus e o f interfait h understandin g an y when h e observe d at a 1980 rally that "Go d doe s no t hea r th e praye r o f a Jew." (Standin g i n the wings , Reaga n advisor s E d Mees e an d Mik e Deave r cringed. ) Smith' s point wa s tha t sinc e Jew s di d no t accep t Jesu s a s th e Messiah , Go d ha d no us e fo r them—o r fo r Buddhists , Hindus , an d Hollywoo d pagans . From a theologica l perspective , Smith , wh o wa s a prominen t all y o f th e Moral Majority , ha d no t sai d anythin g startling . Orthodo x Jews , after all , believed tha t Christian s had embrace d a false Messiah and, therefore, were estranged fro m God . Tw o factor s mad e th e situatio n touchy . First , Jew s were a small , sociall y insecur e minority . Second , n o on e ha d recentl y attempted t o thro w Souther n Baptist s int o ga s chambers. 56 Rabbi Alexande r Schindler , a libera l politica l activis t fro m Ne w York , alleged tha t th e "ris e o f right-win g Christia n fundamentalis m ha s bee n accompanied b y th e mos t seriou s outbrea k o f anti-Semitis m sinc e th e outbreak o f World Wa r II. " In Schindler' s mind , th e Mora l Majorit y wa s a fascis t movement . Blac k anti-Semite s i n th e Carte r Whit e Hous e an d Congress were , presumably , jus t misunderstood . Televisio n produce r Norman Lea r pu t i n hi s tw o cents ' worth. Unwillin g t o expos e himsel f t o attack a s a libera l Hollywoo d Jew , Lea r persuade d severa l left-leanin g Protestant minister s t o fron t fo r him . Th e Protestan t clerg y placed news paper advertisements , whic h Lea r pai d for , denouncin g th e Mora l Major ity a s bigote d an d un-American . Lea r als o quietl y produce d a televisio n commercial tha t depicte d a working-class stif f wh o di d no t car e fo r activ ist preachers. (Politicall y correct black and white clerg y were exempt fro m Lear's indictment.) 57 Of course , there was little foundatio n fo r Rabb i Schindler' s allegations . Academic studie s demonstrate d tha t th e Christia n Righ t wa s n o mor e religiously intoleran t tha n an y othe r grou p i n America , includin g Jews . (Moreover, comparin g th e Mora l Majorit y t o th e Naz i Part y showe d a remarkable lac k o f historical knowledge . After all , the first thing the Nazis

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did whe n the y cam e t o powe r wa s t o attac k Christians, closin g dow n church school s an d executin g th e bisho p o f Berlin. ) T o mak e sur e tha t religious Jew s di d no t fea r Christia n activists , Falwel l me t wit h Jewis h organizations an d champione d th e Zionis t cause . (Christia n conservative s regarded th e establishment o f Israel as the fulfillment o f biblical prophecy. In th e lon g run , though , Israe l was destine d t o be destroye d b y the Beast , and Jew s would eithe r conver t t o Christianit y o r bur n i n hell. ) Orthodo x Jews turned thei r back s o n Lea r an d Schindler . The y felt mor e threatene d by black anti-Semitism , racia l hiring quotas , and urba n crim e tha n b y the Southern Baptis t Convention. 58 Lear woul d hav e bee n surprise d t o lear n tha t Pa t Robertso n share d some o f hi s concern s abou t th e politicizatio n o f th e church . Robertso n had bee n Weyric h an d McAteer' s firs t choic e t o lea d th e Mora l Majorit y but th e Pentecosta l declined . I n April of 1980, 500,000 social conservative s took par t i n a "Washington fo r Jesus " rally. (Thi s event attracted arguabl y more peopl e tha n an y o f the civi l right s an d antiwa r rallie s of the sixties. ) Although th e evangelis t endorse d th e sprin g get-together , h e admonishe d his colleague s t o remembe r tha t "Go d i s no t a right-winge r o r a left winger." Clerg y like Falwell, Robertson warned , "stan d i n danger o f being used an d manipulated " b y conservative politician s who ha d n o rea l inter est i n America' s mora l salvation . (Robertso n woul d neve r forge t ho w Nixon exploite d Bill y Graham.) 59 Not onl y di d Robertso n no t campaig n fo r Reaga n i n th e fall , he point edly withdre w fro m th e Religiou s Roundtable . CBN' s leade r feare d tha t partisan politic s detracte d fro m th e mor e importan t "missio n o f reachin g people fo r th e Lor d Jesu s Christ , an d helpin g t o brin g spiritua l mora l revival i n Americ a throug h al l the mean s o f communicatio n a t ou r com mand." Whe n Robertso n founde d CB N Universit y i n 1977 , he hope d it s graduate program s woul d "infiltrat e secula r societ y wit h committe d Christians [and ] permeat e th e socia l fabri c wit h biblical values." The Vir ginian fel t tha t th e bes t wa y t o re-creat e Americ a wa s t o star t fro m th e bottom. Th e Mora l Majority , i n contrast , se t it s sight s o n th e Whit e House, seekin g t o impos e orde r fro m th e to p down . Robertso n rejecte d the Mora l Majority' s strategy . Christians , h e believed , mus t firs t struggl e to salvag e th e culture . Eve n politician s wit h th e bes t o f intention s coul d not sav e a nation tha t lacke d a moral center . A writer i n Charisma, Amer ica's leadin g Pentecosta l magazine , concurred , an d the n admonishe d readers no t t o becom e enamore d wit h th e "Pharisee s wh o see m deter -

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mined t o inflic t o n thi s natio n a governmen t ru n b y religiou s zealots. " Pentecostals woul d hav e preferred t o hav e been lef t alone , undisturbed b y IRS agents, gay activists, and th e GOP. 60 The secula r medi a wer e unabl e t o pic k u p o n th e theologica l an d ideological difference s amon g socia l conservatives . Worse, journalists rid iculed Christia n conservatives , callin g them racists , anti-Semites, and "er rand boy s o f old-line, right-win g extremism. " (New Yorker writer France s FitzGerald adde d anothe r offens e t o thi s list : Falwell' s wome n follower s wore "Charlie' s Angels ' " hairdos , irrefutabl e evidenc e tha t th e Christia n Right ha d n o fashio n sense. ) Blinde d b y their hatre d o f conservatism, th e media coul d no t provid e a n informe d analysi s o f politica l developments . In Januar y o f 1980 , member s o f Washington' s Nationa l Pres s Clu b pre dicted tha t Carte r (or , bette r yet , Kennedy ) woul d vanquis h th e probabl e Republican presidentia l nominee , Georg e Bush . Onl y 2 9 o f th e 25 2 elit e political journalist s though t tha t Reaga n migh t hav e a chanc e a t winnin g the GO P nomination . Accordin g t o th e Nationa l Pres s Club , liberal Yan kees like Bus h an d Joh n Anderso n continue d t o dominat e th e GOP . Rea gan ha d bee n rejecte d i n y y6 by a party tha t supporte d abortion , affirma tive action , an d th e ERA . Conservative claim s t o th e contrary , American s wanted mor e governmen t regulatio n an d di d no t min d payin g highe r taxes. Reagan , th e medi a concluded , wa s a candidat e o f th e past , whil e Bush, wit h hi s "splendi d resume, " wa s a leade r fo r th e future . Whe n Reagan easil y won hi s party' s nomination , th e New York Times refused t o admit tha t i t ha d bee n wrong . Instead , th e newspape r crowe d tha t Carte r would rou t th e "wors t candidate " eve r t o ru n fo r president." 61 Dismayed b y th e prospec t o f a Carter-Reaga n race , socia l liberal s pu t their financial an d politica l resource s behin d Representativ e Joh n Ander son o f Illinois . Although Anderso n faile d t o wi n a single GO P primary — even hi s hom e stat e decisivel y vote d fo r Reagan—hi s follower s encour aged hi m t o ru n a s a n independent . Norma n Lea r spen t $200,00 0 t o produce Anderso n commercials . Th e ACLU , th e Nationa l Abortio n Rights Action League , Planne d Parenthood , an d th e Sierr a Clu b als o provided Anderso n wit h fund s an d volunteers . Medi a personalitie s di d thei r part, givin g Anderso n th e mos t favorabl e pres s o f an y candidate . CB S Evening New s calle d hi m "forthright " an d "th e freshes t face " o n th e political scene . Some liberal Republican s move d int o th e Anderson camp , unwilling t o se e th e GO P becom e a conservativ e "Sunbel t club. " Othe r Republican liberal s wer e afrai d t o vot e fo r Anderson , instea d o f Carter , lest the y threw th e electio n t o Reagan. 62

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Senator Charle s Perc y o f Illinoi s castigate d th e socia l conservatives . He particularly resente d thei r insistenc e tha t Reaga n appoin t "judge s a t al l levels o f th e judiciary wh o respec t traditiona l famil y value s an d th e sanc tity o f innocen t huma n life. " Accordin g t o Percy , th e prolifer s ha d slammed throug h "th e wors t plan k tha t ha s eve r bee n i n a platform. " Helen Milliken , th e wif e o f Michigan' s libera l Republica n governor , an d Kansas senato r Nanc y Kassebaum , wer e equall y pu t off . T o thei r disgust , the platfor m committe e refuse d t o endors e th e ERA . Upset , th e libera l co-chair o f th e Republica n Nationa l Committe e resigne d an d quickl y joined th e Anderso n campaign . Th e onl y concessio n libera l Republican s received wa s th e selectio n o f Bus h a s Reagan' s runnin g mate . Bush , a n ardent champio n o f th e ER A an d abortion , however , disappointe d man y GOP liberal s b y embracin g th e conservativ e economi c an d socia l agenda . On th e othe r hand , man y socia l conservative s di d no t trus t Bush , finding his conversio n o n th e roa d t o Damascu s a little difficul t t o swallow . (In terestingly, Bus h ha d score d bes t i n th e GO P primarie s wher e h e spen t the leas t amoun t o f money introducin g himsel f t o th e electorate . The less voters kne w abou t Bus h th e bette r the y liked him.) 63 The Democrati c Party' s allie s i n th e medi a wer e panickin g a s the elec tion dre w closer . Ther e bein g n o credibl e wa y t o buil d Carte r up , the y focused o n tearin g Reaga n down . Th e Washington Post claimed tha t Rea gan wa s to o ol d t o b e presiden t an d note d tha t h e ha d th e "turkey-nec k of thos e approachin g thei r seventies. " Moreover, th e Post informed read ers, Reagan was not ver y bright. CBS , ABC, and NB C charged that Reaga n was misleading voter s o n hi s positions. (Presumably , Carte r an d Kenned y had neve r misle d th e electorate. ) Th e New York Times an d Newsweek depicted Reaga n a s a grenade-throwing extremist , close t bigot, and enem y of progressive causes . New Yorker writer an d PB S commentator Elizabet h Drew dismisse d Reaga n an d conservativ e senatoria l candidate s lik e Jere miah Dento n a s "nihilistic , counter-reformationists. " Reagan , o f course , was a fo e o f so-calle d progressiv e causes . Tha t wa s th e poin t o f bein g a conservative presidentia l candidate . Journalist s quickl y learned , t o thei r chagrin, tha t voter s di d no t car e what the y said abou t Reagan . He seeme d more lik e a kindl y uncl e o r grandfathe r tha n a wild-eye d revolutionary . Carter, o n th e othe r hand , appeare d hysterica l an d nasty . The media wer e throwing awa y any remaining publi c respec t an d credibilit y that the y ha d garnered fro m th e Watergate scandal. 64 Carter mad e repeate d trip s t o Ohio , tryin g t o persuad e worker s tha t Reagan pose d a danger t o thei r ver y existence. Campaignin g i n the Cleve-

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land subur b o f Parma , th e presiden t confronte d angr y Slavi c faces . Ap parently, n o on e ha d apprise d Carte r o f th e fac t tha t hi s Justic e Depart ment ha d charge d th e blue-colla r communit y wit h housin g discrimination agains t blacks. If three generations of working-class ethnics lived i n th e sam e neighborhoo d an d sol d thei r home s t o on e another , then ther e mus t b e a racis t conspirac y t o exclud e blacks . Th e possibilit y that Catholi c familie s migh t want t o remain clos e to childhood parish an d kin wa s no t eve n worth contemplating. 65 Hoping t o diver t thei r attentio n fro m th e Justic e Department , Carte r warned Parma' s Democrat s tha t i f Reaga n wer e electe d unemploymen t and inflatio n woul d mount , factorie s woul d close , an d interes t rate s would clim b s o hig h tha t th e youn g coul d no t drea m abou t buyin g a house. Carte r overlooke d a sligh t problem . H e ha d jus t describe d th e present. Th e bes t televisio n advertisemen t tha t th e GO P sponsore d de picted a n unemploye d whit e Boome r walkin g through a shuttered factor y and saying , "I'v e go t jus t on e questio n fo r th e Democrats . I f you'r e s o good fo r th e working people , how com e s o many people aren't working? " Thanks t o McGovern , th e Democrat s ha d alread y lost their clai m to being the part y o f nationa l defens e an d th e traditiona l family . B y 1980, liberals surrendered thei r las t hol d card—th e economi c issue . Carte r mad e i t impossible fo r Democrat s t o kee p runnin g agains t Herber t Hoover. 66 As the election result s revealed, Carte r di d poorly among working-clas s voters—formerly th e Democrats ' mos t reliabl e supporters . H e receive d barely half of the unio n vote . (Georg e Meany , having given Carter a grade of C— for hi s performance a s president, droppe d dea d before th e election, leaving th e AFL-CI O rudderless. ) T o th e amazemen t o f medi a pundits , defectors fro m organize d labo r wen t t o Reagan—no t Joh n Anderson . This developmen t shoul d no t hav e bee n startling , an d no t onl y becaus e of th e miserabl e economy . Reaga n revele d i n tellin g labo r audience s tha t he ha d bee n th e presiden t o f a union—th e Scree n Actor s Guild . More over, Anderson' s legislativ e recor d showe d hi m t o b e fa r mor e hostil e t o unions tha n Reagan . Anderso n score d bes t amon g upper-middle-clas s professionals an d libera l Republicans . Th e independen t presidentia l can didate, wh o receive d 7 percent o f th e vote , swep t WAS P an d Jewis h pre cincts fro m Cap e Co d t o Sa n Francisco . In universit y an d high-tec h com munities lik e Boulder , Anderson' s tallie s wer e tw o t o thre e time s highe r than hi s overal l vote. 67 Seeing a n opportunit y t o cu t deepe r int o th e Ne w Dea l coalition , Rea gan vigorousl y worke d th e North' s Catholi c an d Jewis h precincts . Unlik e

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Nixon, wh o ha d pu t fort h littl e persona l effor t t o attrac t th e ethni c vote , Reagan haunte d Slavi c fraterna l hall s an d neighborhoods . Playin g t o hi s blue-collar, law-and-orde r audience , Reaga n blame d Carte r fo r risin g crime rate s an d th e stat e o f th e economy . Reagan' s tactic s worke d well . He no t onl y beste d Carte r amon g Catholic s bu t score d a remarkabl e 3 9 percent o f th e Jewis h vote . Three-quarter s o f th e Orthodo x Jewis h voter s in Brookly n wen t fo r Reagan . Carter' s quotas , Andre w Young' s dislik e o f Israel, an d interna l religiou s division s ove r abortio n an d ga y liberatio n shattered th e Jewis h votin g bloc . (Seventee n percen t o f Jewish voters sup ported Anderson . The y feare d Reaga n an d regarde d Carte r a s insuffi ciently liberal. ) Carte r wa s th e first Democra t i n fifty years no t t o wi n th e majority o f Jewis h voters . Luckil y fo r congressiona l Democrats , mos t o f Reagan's Jewis h follower s spli t thei r votes . Sociall y conservativ e Jew s trusted thei r loca l Democrati c representatives , i f no t th e nationa l party , to safeguar d publi c morals.* 8 Carter too k a horrendous beatin g i n th e South . Hi s shar e o f the South ern Baptis t vot e droppe d fro m 56 percent i n 197 6 t o 3 4 percen t i n 1980 . Among souther n whit e Protestants , jus t one-thir d stoo d b y thei r nativ e son. Indeed , th e greates t electora l swin g betwee n '76 an d '8 0 occurre d among Carter' s ow n brethre n Souther n Baptists . Moreover , th e souther n white vote r turnou t ros e sharply , thank s t o th e effort s o f th e Mora l Ma jority. A s ha d bee n tru e i n "76, nine i n te n black s vote d fo r Carter , bu t this tim e aroun d fa r to o man y souther n white s wen t Republica n t o giv e the president a Dixie sweep . Reagan racke d u p 7 0 percent o f the southern white vote . (Anderso n wa s a cipher i n th e South ; neithe r whit e no r black social conservative s ha d an y us e fo r him. ) I n th e Sunbel t citie s o f Ana heim, Dallas , an d Phoenix , tw o o f thre e voter s chos e Reagan . Carte r car ried th e blac k industria l center s o f the Rustbelt , bu t thei r population s ha d declined t o th e poin t wher e the y mattere d littl e i n nationa l politics . Le e Atwater, Reagan' s rakis h Sout h Carolin a operative , vividl y summe d u p the situation : "We'v e go t [Carter ] bleedin g lik e a stuc k pi g i n hi s ow n base.'v° More tha n a quarte r o f GO P liberal s vote d fo r eithe r Anderso n o r Carter; no t sinc e Barr y Goldwater' s disastrou s rac e i n '6 4 ha d s o man y Brahmins deserte d thei r party . Bu t the y were outnumbere d tw o t o on e by conservative Democrat s wh o line d u p behin d Reagan . Wherever For d ha d done wel l i n '76 , Reaga n di d poorly . Conversely , i n th e blue-colla r Prot estant an d Catholi c district s tha t For d ha d lost , Reaga n score d landslides . Seventy-one percen t o f th e Reaga n Democrats , a s th e medi a quickl y

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dubbed them , believe d tha t blac k povert y wa s th e resul t o f illegitimac y and crimina l behavior , no t whit e racism . Suc h voter s clun g t o Ne w Dea l programs, bu t wante d al l vestige s o f McGover n liberalis m eliminated . Reagan Democrat s wer e willing t o giv e the Mora l Majorit y a hearing—a t least u p t o a point. Lik e Pau l Weyrich , the y remaine d leer y o f the GOP' s libertarians. Unwillin g t o be t th e far m o n th e Ne w Right , man y o f Rea gan's Democrati c supporter s spli t thei r votes , hopin g thei r congressiona l representatives ha d enoug h sens e to be sociall y conservative an d econom ically liberal . I n th e earl y sixtie s split-ticke t voter s wer e a rarity . B y 1980, a thir d o f th e electorat e judge d candidate s o n th e issues , no t thei r part y affiliation.70 Up t o th e final day s o f th e election , th e media—relyin g mor e o n wishful thinkin g tha n informe d analysis—asserte d tha t th e presidentia l race wa s close . Moreover, Democrat s woul d easil y retai n contro l o f Con gress. The y wer e wron g o n al l counts . Reaga n defeate d Carte r b y te n percentage points . In Michigan , a state that reporter s ha d predicted migh t go to Carte r i n a squeaker, Reaga n wo n b y a landslide margi n o f 250,00 0 votes. Texas , anothe r "Carte r state, " wen t t o Reaga n b y a staggerin g 700,000 votes . Moreover , Republican s gaine d thirtee n Senat e an d thirty three Hous e seats . For th e first time since 1952, the Republicans controlle d the Senat e an d prominen t liberal s lik e McGover n an d Birc h Bay h o f In diana wer e turned ou t o f office. Th e election result s underscored just ho w deceitful an d cynica l Carte r ha d bee n durin g th e campaign . Alabam a an d Oklahoma fundamentalist s who , accordin g t o Carter , wer e anti-Vatica n nativists, sen t Catholi c Republican s t o th e Senate . Finally , th e Republi cans, wit h th e cooperatio n o f conservativ e souther n Democrats , ha d se cured workin g contro l o f th e House . Congressiona l leaders , however , were to o bus y throwin g dart s a t Carte r an d denyin g tha t Reaga n ha d scored a landslide t o notic e tha t development. 71 Not onl y ha d th e Republica n part y recovere d fro m th e Watergat e de bacle, man y McGover n liberals , includin g Bil l Clinton , ha d los t thei r gu bernatorial an d legislativ e seats . Th e Republican s wo n th e soli d suppor t of socia l conservatives , wh o mad e u p a quarte r o f th e electorat e i n 1980 . Libertarians represente d a quarter o f th e electorate . (Thes e voter s tende d to b e seriou s ticke t splitters , mor e intereste d i n a candidate' s ideolog y than part y affiliation. ) Anothe r 2 0 percen t o f th e electorat e wer e Demo cratic an d Republica n populist s wh o ha d n o us e fo r Bi g Government an d Big Business . Reagan' s coalitio n wa s no t ver y stable , particularl y i f an d when socia l conservatives , libertarians , an d populist s decide d tha t thei r

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common enemy—Bi g Government—pale d besid e thei r distrus t o f on e another. Reaga n Democrat s remaine d a n extremel y touch y constituenc y that oppose d an y rollbac k o f the Ne w Deal , eve n i f it mean t lettin g Socia l Security an d othe r entitlemen t program s ru n amok . Beyon d thes e consid erations, on e migh t hav e wondere d i f i t wer e possibl e fo r Reaga n t o in crease defens e spending , reduc e taxes , eliminate th e budget deficit , ge t Big Government of f people' s backs , an d refor m Americans ' mora l conduct . These goal s appeare d contradictory . But , a s Reaga n ofte n responde d t o naysayers an d worrywarts , "Ther e yo u g o again." 72

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"It's M o r n i n g i n A m e r i c a " 1984

Pamela Digb y Churchill Haywar d Harrima n o f Georgetown an d Pari s was bored. Althoug h ridin g afte r th e hound s o n he r Virgini a estat e ha d it s moments, "Pammy" wanted a new hobby. In short order she found one — Democratic politics . Draw n b y her charmin g personalit y an d dee p purse , Washington's glitterin g liberal s mad e th e Harrima n townhous e thei r sec ond hom e i n 1981 . With $1 2 million i n politica l contribution s dangle d i n front o f them , Democrati c congressme n wer e understandabl y loat h t o pass u p a n invitatio n t o a "Pammy " soiree . Amids t scrumptiou s feasts , delightful hor s d'oeuvres , an d fine spirits , Washington Post reporte r Haynes Johnson , Arkansa s senato r Dal e Bumpers , an d forme r defens e secretary Clar k Cliffor d denounce d Republica n gree d an d incompetence . Clifford dismisse d Presiden t Ronal d Reaga n a s "an amiabl e dunce" whose administration woul d b e " a hopeles s failure. " Senato r Bumper s assure d colleagues tha t al l th e Democrat s ha d t o d o wa s wai t fo r th e inevitabl e economic collapse . Then voter s woul d retur n liberal s t o power. 1 Democratic Hous e Speake r Ti p O'Neil l ha d alread y sized Reaga n u p as a loser. At their first face-to-fac e meeting , O'Neill playe d "Do n Corleone " to Reagan' s "Mr . Rogers. " Lookin g acros s hi s des k a t th e smilin g presi dent-elect, th e "Don " informe d Reaga n tha t th e conservativ e legislativ e agenda wa s no t goin g anywhere . Althoug h Reaga n ma y hav e ha d a suc cessful partnershi p wit h California' s Democrati c stat e assembly , O'Neil l said, "tha t wa s the mino r leagues . You're i n th e big leagues now." Believing i t wa s "sinfu l tha t Ronal d Reaga n eve r becam e president, " O'Neil l made hi m a n offe r tha t h e coul d no t refuse . I f Reaga n wishe d t o avoi d being expose d a s a n idiot , the n h e shoul d si t bac k an d d o nothin g unti l 124

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the Democrat s wo n bac k th e Whit e Hous e i n '84 . O'Neil l ha d n o inten tion o f permittin g thi s "cheerleade r fo r selfishness " t o b e a successfu l president.2 As O'Neil l trie d t o strong-ar m Reagan , a revol t agains t th e Hous e Speaker simmere d i n Congress . Forty-fou r southerner s expresse d disma y with thei r party' s liberal leaders. O'Neill scolde d the so-called Boll Weevils for underminin g hi s authority . Whe n Texa s Democra t Phi l Gram m helped ushe r Reagan' s ta x cuts and budge t reform s throug h Congress , the Speaker responde d b y strippin g awa y hi s importan t committe e assign ments. Gram m switche d partie s an d successfull y ra n fo r reelectio n a s a Republican. I n 1984 , grateful Texan s sen t th e one-tim e economic s profes sor t o th e Senate . O'Neil l als o directe d hi s invectiv e a t a grou p o f youn g backbenchers. Le d b y New t Gingric h o f Georgia , th e "C-Spa n Boys " played t o th e camera s o n th e Hous e floor . Miffed , O'Neil l ordere d C Span t o pa n th e empt y legislativ e chamber . Fe w congressmen , O'Neil l gloated, wer e listenin g t o conservativ e attack s o n Bi g Government . Un beknownst t o O'Neill , h e had falle n int o Gingrich' s trap. Gingrich wanted voters t o ge t th e impressio n tha t liberal s wer e to o bus y attendin g partie s to han g aroun d th e Hous e discussin g crime , taxes, and welfare. 3 Democrats lik e O'Neil l an d Josep h Califan o refuse d t o recogniz e tha t their policie s wer e no t solvin g America' s economi c an d socia l problems . The erstwhil e HE W secretar y woul d no t countenanc e th e ide a tha t Grea t Society initiative s migh t hav e eve n contribute d t o th e unravelin g o f th e nation's socia l fabric . Califan o pine d fo r a retur n t o th e Grea t Society , claiming tha t Presiden t Johnso n ha d successfull y fough t povert y an d ad vanced racia l justice . I f America' s welfar e roll s an d rate s o f illegitimac y and violen t crim e explode d i n th e seventies , the n urba n unemploymen t and poorl y funde d anti-povert y program s wer e t o blame . Libera l policie s themselves wer e no t a t fault . Voters , liberal s insisted , ha d no t endorse d conservatism i n th e 198 0 election. Th e American peopl e believed i n abor tion, affirmativ e action , sexua l liberation , an d welfare . Folk s wer e upse t with th e stat e o f th e economy , no t wit h America' s mora l climate . Onc e the electorat e realize d tha t Reaga n wa s wors e tha n Carter , conservative s would b e brushed aside. 4 Many liberals , however , wer e no t abou t t o si t idl y b y awaitin g thei r restoration. Angr y Democrat s lashe d ou t a t th e Right . On e essayis t i n Harper's asserte d tha t conservative s "operat e i n near-tota l ignoranc e o f intellectual disciplin e an d scholarl y integrity. " Worse, they were stranger s "to th e democrati c process. " Convince d tha t th e Religiou s Righ t wa s un -

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democratic, a t leas t a s the y define d th e notion , secula r liberal s poure d large sum s o f mone y int o th e Democrati c Party' s coffers . Suc h donors , whose wealt h gav e the m enormou s influenc e i n part y circles , rejecte d organized religio n i n any of its ideological manifestations—liberal o r conservative. T o th e Left , i t wa s almos t a s i f Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , an d Daniel Berrigan ha d neve r been member s o f the clergy. (Leftis t academics , embarrassed b y th e fac t tha t Kin g wa s a Baptis t minister , dismisse d hi s religious belief s a s little mor e tha n windo w dressing . The y depicte d Kin g as a secula r socialist . Whit e supremacist s ha d bee n doin g th e sam e thin g since the fiftie s fo r quit e differen t reasons.) 5 An unrepentan t McGover n deride d religiou s traditionalists . Moralist s who feare d fo r th e futur e viabilit y o f th e America n family , McGover n contended i n 1981 , reall y wante d t o pu t "wome n bac k i n th e kitchen , stripping the m o f an y decisio n o n th e questio n o f abortion. " Elaboratin g on hi s view s i n Playboy, McGover n charge d socia l conservative s wit h "zealotry, self-righteousness , an d vindictiveness. " H e the n characterize d the Mora l Majorit y a s McCarthyite , Nazi-like , an d Stalinist . (Richar d Nixon's policies , in contrast , ha d bee n merel y Nazi-like an d McCarthyite . After Reagan' s election , McGover n mus t hav e fel t tha t hi s rhetorica l rep ertoire needed t o be expanded.) Ove r the course of the eighties McGovern haunted th e nation' s colleg e campuses , ridiculin g mean-spirite d socia l conservatives an d decryin g Republican gree d and racism. In the meantim e conservatives charge d tha t h e profite d fro m gentrifyin g slu m propert y fo r upscale whites . Reagan's ta x cut s di d no t hur t hi s financia l profil e either. 6 At th e hear t o f th e Reaga n Revolution , whic h McGover n loathe d (an d profited from) , wa s a libertarian zea l t o cu t taxe s an d starv e Bi g Govern ment t o death . Reagan' s directo r o f th e Offic e o f Managemen t an d Bud get, Davi d Stockman , embodie d th e spiri t o f libertaria n radicalism . Lik e many younge r member s o f th e Reaga n administration , Stockma n ha d evaded th e Vietna m Wa r throug h studen t deferments . H e als o worke d with th e Student s fo r a Democrati c Societ y o n antiwa r organizing . Tha t fact mad e Stockma n a standou t amon g hi s peers . Conservative s typicall y joined th e Young Americans fo r Freedo m i n the sixties, not SDS. (Defens e Secretary Caspa r Weinberger , a World Wa r I I comba t veteran , i s sai d t o have referre d t o Stockma n a s "th e blow-drie d draf t dodger." ) I n th e sev enties, Stockma n ha d bee n th e onl y Michiga n representativ e t o oppos e the Chrysle r bailout , believin g tha t managemen t an d labo r shoul d b e punished fo r makin g inferio r automobiles. 7 Stockman resente d "th e irrationa l righ t win g an d screamin g Mora l

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Majoritarians." I n 1976 , the one-tim e divinit y student wrot e off Reagan as a mindless Bibl e thumper. Stockman' s staff , i n Congres s an d i n the White House, advocate d hug e defens e cut s an d argue d tha t th e Consume r Pro tection Agenc y wa s a n unwarrante d interferenc e i n th e righ t o f corpora tions t o conduc t thei r busines s i n an y manne r the y sa w fit . Impresse d with hi s knowledg e o f th e federa l budget , a s wel l a s wit h hi s oppositio n to governmen t regulation , Reaga n overlooke d Stockman' s antiwa r activ ism an d suppor t fo r abortion . Wit h Stockman' s appointment , th e Whit e House mad e i t clea r tha t i t intende d t o emphasiz e a n economic , rathe r than a social, agenda. 8 Stockman, Buffal o representativ e Jac k Kemp , an d Whit e Hous e eco nomic polic y adviso r Marti n Anderso n advocate d a ne w kin d o f fisca l policy. The y believed tha t reducin g taxe s would mak e corporation s mor e inclined t o inves t i n ne w plants . Million s o f workers coul d the n b e hire d and, a s th e econom y expanded , federa l ta x receipt s woul d actuall y in crease. Ther e woul d b e mor e tha n enoug h federa l revenu e comin g i n t o pay fo r Reagan' s $1. 5 trillion defens e buildup . Kemp , sensitive to the fear s of hi s white-ethni c congressiona l district , insiste d tha t Socia l Securit y di d not hav e t o b e cu t i n orde r t o balanc e th e budget . A s fa r a s Republica n elites wer e concerned , Kem p remaine d to o attache d t o th e Ne w Dea l welfare stat e an d hi s ow n working-clas s roots . Bu t then , wha t coul d on e expect fro m a person wh o drov e trucks an d playe d footbal l t o pay his way through college ? Gentleme n ha d trus t fund s t o tak e car e o f thei r school ing.9 "Supply side " economic s enjoye d som e success . A s predicted , th e ta x cuts ultimatel y increase d federa l receipt s and capita l investment. Libertar ians lik e Marti n Anderso n als o expresse d satisfactio n a t havin g slashe d federal spendin g o n education , jo b training , an d regiona l developmen t projects by 22 percent. Bu t for al l of that, there were some small problems. To gai n th e suppor t o f Sunbel t congressmen—Republican s an d Democrats—the Reaga n administratio n mad e numerou s concessions . Federal subsidie s t o farmer s an d rancher s ros e 25 2 percent. (Jess e Helm s insisted tha t Nort h Carolin a tobacc o grower s shar e i n th e Republica n largess.) Farm-state Republicans—chiefly Senat e finance chair Bob Dole— joined th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucu s i n defendin g th e foo d stam p pro gram. Thank s t o Dole , an additiona l five million American s receive d foo d stamps an d overal l spendin g o n anti-povert y program s wen t u p steadily . Meanwhile, Socia l Securit y expenditure s nearl y doubled , an d almos t hal f of th e nation' s non-far m household s receive d som e kin d o f federal bene -

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fits. A t best , conservative s succeede d onl y i n slowin g dow n th e rate o f spending. Whateve r additiona l revenu e th e governmen t collecte d quickl y disappeared. Reagan , wh o ha d criticize d Carte r fo r runnin g $4 0 billio n deficits, adde d a trillion dollar s to America' s debt. 10 Unwilling "t o sta y the course " a s Reagan desired , Dol e raise d taxes . In a remarkabl y brainles s politica l move , Dol e lef t th e Reaga n ta x cut s i n place fo r higher-incom e Americans . Rathe r tha n ta x th e affluent , Dol e gave blue-colla r citizen s a $9 8 billion bill . The Kansa s senato r wen t afte r waitresses, claimin g tha t the y wer e underreportin g thei r tips . Dol e als o thought tha t th e interes t o n individuals ' saving s account s merite d th e attention o f the IRS. (White-collar professional s pu t their money into taxsheltered mutua l funds , no t saving s accounts , a s th e workin g clas s did. ) Congressional Democrat s promise d Dol e that the y would cu t spending by three dollar s fo r ever y dollar the y raised taxes . He is still waiting for thos e cuts.11 To Kemp' s chagrin , Stockma n endorse d th e Dol e ta x hik e an d de manded shar p reduction s i n Socia l Securit y benefits. Foolishly , Stockma n rejected a n offe r o f assistanc e fro m Sout h Carolina' s Democrati c senator , Ernest Hollings . The southerne r tol d Stockma n tha t he could put togethe r a bipartisa n coalitio n tha t woul d scal e bac k th e cost-of-livin g allowance s for Socia l Securit y recipients . Littl e di d Holling s kno w tha t th e budge t director oppose d undertakin g an y seriou s Socia l Securit y reforms . Stock man's call s fo r Socia l Securit y cut s wer e fo r publi c consumption . H e actually hope d tha t th e progra m woul d g o bankrupt . Frustrate d i n hi s attempts t o slas h th e defens e budge t an d undermin e Socia l Security , Stockman conclude d tha t Kem p and Reaga n were closet New Dealers who lacked th e courag e t o cu t senio r citizen s an d veteran s of f a t th e knees . (Reagan, afte r all , had vote d fo r FD R all four times.) Disgusted , Gingric h wailed tha t Stockma n an d Dol e wer e "committe d t o th e traditiona l GO P attitudes—cheap an d negative . I t goe s bac k t o th e way s o f th e stupi d party."12 Libertarians soo n learne d tha t Dol e an d Stockma n wer e no t thei r onl y problems. The y complaine d tha t Reagan' s advisors , notabl y Mik e Deave r and Ji m Baker , a s wel l a s Vic e Presiden t Georg e Bush , wer e thwartin g their revolution . Thei r complaint s ha d merit . Deaver , wh o ha d champi oned th e Dole tax hike, routinely intercepted hard-cor e conservative magazines lik e th e American Spectator an d Human Events befor e the y coul d reach Reagan . I f Reaga n di d rea d a Human Events article , Deave r and Whit e Hous e staffe r Dic k Darma n provide d a rebuttal . Whit e

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House counselo r E d Mees e believe d tha t libera l Republican s leake d derogatory storie s abou t hi m an d othe r conservative s t o th e Washington Post. Bob Tyrrel l o f th e American Spectator observed tha t "treacher ous" GO P liberal s lacke d an y mora l an d politica l principles . Hi s descrip tion o f the typica l Bus h Republica n wa s not flattering : "Th e country-clu b Republican see s politic s a s a n opportunit y t o mee t peopl e fro m othe r states, an d occasionall y eve n othe r countries , an d t o wea r lim e slack s with one' s blazer—occasionall y th e slack s ar e beige , havin g whale s and littl e duck s o n them. " Suc h people , Tyrrel l concluded , detes t radica l change.13 Arizona senato r Barr y Goldwater reserve d hi s wrath fo r Christia n con servatives. " I hav e see n man y new s item s tha t referre d t o th e Mora l Ma jority, prolife , an d othe r religiou s group s a s c the ne w right ' an d th e 'ne w conservatism,' " Goldwate r snorted . "Well , I hav e spen t quit e a numbe r of year s carryin g th e fla g o f th e 'ol d conservatism. ' An d I ca n sa y wit h conviction tha t th e religiou s issue s o f thes e group s hav e littl e o r nothin g to d o wit h conservativ e o r libera l politics. " Goldwate r continue d i n th e same vein, stating that "ever y good Christia n ough t to kick [Jerry ] Falwel l right i n th e ass. " Goldwater' s ran t subsequentl y appeare d o n ten s o f thousands o f politica l buttons . Give n th e thrust , an d color , o f th e mes sage, social liberals coul d hardl y resist quotin g the father o f contemporar y conservatism.14 Libertarian magazine s chide d socia l conservative s fo r seekin g t o regu late peoples ' sexua l behavior an d choic e o f drugs . I n th e libertaria n view , morality shoul d b e define d "i n term s o f a lif e o f excellence , a lif e o f achievement, a lif e o f ambitio n an d accomplishment. " Materia l accom plishment, no t a belief in God, made people worthy. Although Bob Tyrrell lamented th e fact tha t fundamentalis t Christian s an d libertarians had little in common , h e wa s no t abou t t o subordinat e economi c freedo m t o reli gious dogma . Tyrrel l praise d Willia m F . Buckley's religiou s fait h precisel y because i t wa s "shor n o f al l thos e Papa l phobia s agains t commerc e tha t have bee n th e economi c stumblin g bloc k o f Catholi c countries. " O f course, it was Buckley's opposition t o the social regulation of capitalism— a stanc e tha t ha d bee n endorse d b y th e America n Catholi c bishop s an d Pope Piu s XI in th e thirties—that distresse d blue-collar ethnics . To them , Buckley was Catholic onl y in name , no t i n hear t an d mind. 15 Like th e libertaria n intellectuals , corporat e executive s kep t religiou s traditionalists a t arm' s length . Amon g th e fourtee n hundre d corporat e political actio n committee s tha t contribute d larg e sum s o f mone y t o th e

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GOP, just 1 4 percent o f their leader s had a favorable opinio n o f the Mora l Majority an d socia l conservatives . I n general , barel y a third o f th e coun try's economi c conservative s sai d tha t the y felt clos e to th e Mora l Major ity. When Budweiser , Coors , Miller, an d Stroh s gave money to New Right congressional candidate s i n 198 0 an d 1982 , they wer e lookin g t o advanc e the caus e of market deregulation , no t promot e Baptist-styl e temperance. 16 Having writte n Mandate for Leadership, th e blueprin t fo r th e Reaga n economic revolution , th e Heritag e Foundatio n suddenl y became respect able. It s mornin g praye r breakfast s wer e discontinue d an d free-marke t matters clearl y too k precedenc e ove r abortion , busing , an d th e ERA . Meese, a fa n o f th e Heritag e Foundatio n an d late r a boar d member , explained tha t th e econom y an d America' s militar y defens e ha d t o b e placed a t th e to p o f th e nationa l agenda . Th e president , h e insisted , wa s not "indifferen t t o socia l issues. " Afte r all , Reagan , wit h th e Heritag e Foundation's advice , appointe d hal f o f th e federa l judiciary . Unlik e Car ter's judges , Mees e boasted , Reagan' s appointee s wer e no t likel y t o sup port affirmativ e actio n an d the rights of criminal defendants. Robert Bork, Reagan's choic e to serv e on the Unite d State s Court o f Appeals (Washing ton Circuit) , wa s certainl y no t a socia l liberal . (I n 198 4 Bor k uphel d a Georgia sodom y law , rulin g tha t "w e find i t impossibl e t o conclud e tha t a righ t t o homosexua l conduc t i s fundamental o r implici t i n th e concep t of ordere d liberty , unles s an y an d al l privat e sexua l behavio r fall s withi n those categories , a conclusion we'r e unwillin g t o draw.") 17 Paul Weyric h di d no t tak e a s generou s a vie w o f th e Reaga n Whit e House. A t best , wher e mora l traditionalist s ha d bee n locke d ou t o f th e White Hous e b y Nixon , Carter , an d Ford , "i n th e Reaga n administratio n we have been le t i n th e bac k doo r an d w e ar e enjoyin g th e crumb s a t th e servants' table. " No t onl y had Reaga n refuse d t o atten d a massive prolif e rally i n Washington , Weyric h an d othe r socia l conservative s complained , he ha d appointe d a n ER A an d abortio n right s supporter , Sandr a Da y O'Connor, t o th e Suprem e Court . Jus t a s troubling , th e presiden t ha d failed t o develo p tie s t o ordinar y blac k American s wh o fel t threatene d b y drugs an d crime . Socia l issues , Weyric h believed , offere d conservative s a chance t o bypas s th e civi l right s leadershi p an d brin g abou t racia l recon ciliation. H e als o aime d a sho t a t th e GOP' s country-clu b "Tories, " a s well as the "bi g corporations [that ] ar e as bad a s Big Government. They'r e in be d together. " Goldwater' s respons e wa s cutting : "Wh o th e hel l i s th e New Righ t anyway ? Wh o i s Pau l Weyrich ? He' s no t a leade r o f th e Re publican Party." 18

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Cal Thomas, th e Mora l Majority' s vic e president fo r communications , was jus t a s disappointe d wit h th e Reaga n Whit e Hous e a s Weyrich : "I f we balanc e th e budge t an d w e stil l kee p murderin g a millio n an d a hal f babies ever y year, there's n o way we can sa y we're better of f than w e were four year s ago. " Ta x cut s migh t mak e th e natio n materiall y strong , bu t they di d nothin g t o nouris h th e spirit . Falwell , understandin g Thomas' s concerns, observe d tha t "Mik e Deave r probabl y couldn' t spel l 'abor tion.' " Still , th e Lynchbur g ministe r gav e Reaga n a n "A+"—eve n i f h e was gradin g o n a curve . Conni e Marshner , th e chie f criti c o f Carter' s Conference o n Familie s an d no w a Washington-base d religiou s activist , provided a mor e ambivalen t assessmen t o f th e Reaga n Whit e House . "There's bee n a lot o f goo d rhetoric , n o questio n abou t that, " Marshne r conceded. "Bu t beyon d that , it' s ver y nebulous." Phylli s Schlafly , i n con trast, vigorousl y defende d Reagan . Sh e told Weyric h an d other s tha t the y were providin g letha l ammunitio n t o th e libera l media . Conservatives , Schlafly argued , ha d t o maintai n a unite d fron t i f ther e wa s t o b e an y hope fo r progress . Although sh e would no t hav e appreciated th e compar ison, th e civi l right s establishmen t too k th e sam e positio n i n answerin g its internal critics. 19 If socia l conservative s though t the y wer e bein g treate d badl y b y liber tarians and White Hous e staffers, Republica n regular s were no more kind . Lee Atwater , th e GOP' s Boome r strategis t fo r th e Southland , exhorte d Reagan t o emphasiz e economi c deregulatio n an d no t t o worry about life style issues . No t surprisingly , religiou s conservative s regarde d Atwate r a s an amora l cyni c wh o woul d d o anythin g t o wi n a n election . Indiana' s newly electe d Republica n senator , Da n Quayle , denie d tha t th e Mora l Majority an d othe r religiou s group s ha d bee n responsibl e fo r hi s victor y over libera l stalwar t Birc h Bayh . Indeed , Quayl e said , suc h peopl e hur t him an d th e GOP . Placin g furthe r distanc e betwee n himsel f an d th e Re ligious Right , Quayl e insiste d tha t h e wa s a Stockma n libertarian . (Lik e Stockman, Quayl e avoide d th e Vietna m War . Unlik e Stockman , Quayl e had a trus t fun d t o fal l bac k upo n i f hi s politica l caree r eve r cam e t o a n abrupt end. ) Durin g th e 198 0 Senate campaig n Quayl e ha d side d with th e Christian academie s agains t th e IRS . Privately, h e admitte d tha t th e fun damentalists mad e hi m uncomfortable . The y wer e to o religiou s an d to o serious fo r hi s country-club tastes. 20 Quayle's fello w golfer-in-arms , Georg e Bush , chime d i n wit h hi s ow n criticism o f socia l conservatives . Whe n urge d t o becom e mor e activ e i n the prolif e movement , Bus h snappe d back , " I a m no t intimidate d b y

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those wh o sugges t I better he w th e line . Hell with them. " (Bush , fo r tha t matter, ha d n o us e fo r Kemp' s tax-cuttin g agenda . Som e conservative s wished tha t Reaga n ha d chose n a Democratic runnin g mat e i n 1980 — namely, Senato r Sa m Nun n o f Georgia. ) Anothe r libera l Republica n as sured th e Washington Post that th e Whit e Hous e woul d giv e socia l con servatives "symbolism, " no t action . Then , usin g a quot e fro m Michae l Corleone i n The Godfather —Part II, th e unidentifie d aid e explaine d wh y a fe w toke n staf f position s ha d gon e t o Christia n rightists , " 'Hol d you r friends close , hol d you r enemie s closer. ' " Wha t th e administratio n planned t o d o i s "t o kee p th e Mora l Majorit y type s s o clos e t o u s the y can't mov e thei r arms. " Secretar y o f Educatio n Terre l Bel l blasted socia l conservatives a s ignoran t racist s an d "cocksure " ideologues . Whe n Bel l delivered hi s 198 3 repor t o n America n education , A Nation at Risk, h e told reporter s t o ignor e Reagan' s cal l fo r schoo l prayer . Reaga n an d Meese, Bel l claimed, wer e no t intereste d i n curriculu m reforms , jus t tele vision soun d bite s t o appeas e thei r reactionar y constituency. 21 While libertarians , socia l conservatives , an d GO P preppie s fough t among themselves , liberal s recovere d som e los t ground . Sinc e Richar d Daley's departur e t o tha t grea t politica l clubhous e i n th e sky , Tip O'Neil l had take n i t upo n himsel f t o serv e a s the Democrati c Party' s gran d tacti cian. O'Neill' s direction s t o Democrat s i n th e '8 2 midterm election s wer e simple: accus e th e Republican s o f plottin g agains t Socia l Securit y an d Medicare an d blam e th e GO P fo r continue d hig h level s o f unemploy ment. Unde r n o circumstances , O'Neil l warned , shoul d Democrati c can didates discus s th e budge t deficit . Liberals , he admitted , wer e "no t credi ble o n fisca l responsibility. " Instead , Democrat s mus t characteriz e Republicans a s ric h countr y clubber s wh o ha d don e "nothin g fo r th e middle class. " O'Neill covere d al l the bases. At the Hous e Speaker' s direction, Californi a representativ e Ton y Coelho threatene d corporat e politica l action committee s wit h investigatio n an d legislativ e retributio n unles s they gav e mor e mone y t o Democrats . Convince d tha t th e GO P woul d never secur e forma l contro l o f th e House , Republica n businessme n com plied. (Coelho' s freewheelin g ethic s eventuall y force d hi m t o relinquis h his seat.) 22 O'Neill's hardbal l tactic s pai d off . Democrati c liberal s recovere d twenty-six Hous e seats—jus t enoug h t o shu t dow n th e Bol l Weevil-GO P alliance. Most o f their victories , however, too k plac e in the decaying Midwest, not the economically dynamic South. Midwestern retiree s and unio n

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members di d not understan d tha t th e Democrats would d o little for them . After th e election , O'Neil l raise d th e Socia l Securit y retiremen t age , i n effect cuttin g benefit s fo r futur e recipients . Congressiona l Democrat s knew tha t Socia l Security , lik e Medicar e an d Medicaid , wa s doome d i n the lon g run . The y woul d neve r admi t thi s becaus e th e Socia l Securit y and Medicar e program s wer e usefu l i n rallyin g thei r loya l constituency of seniors agains t th e GOP. 23 The recessio n tha t Democrat s blame d o n Reaga n ha d begu n unde r Carter. In 1979 , Carter's Federa l Reserv e Boar d chos e t o ste m inflatio n b y raising interes t rates . Thi s wa s th e onl y Carte r polic y Reaga n endorsed . By creatin g a shortag e o f finance capital , Federa l Reserv e chai r Pau l Volcker offere d inefficien t Rustbel t industrie s th e choic e betwee n radica l restructuring o r death . Chrysler , Ford , an d Genera l Motor s survive d b y replacing hundred s o f thousand s o f employee s wit h robot s an d offerin g overtime t o thei r remainin g workers . (Payin g time-and-a-hal f wa s les s costly t o th e Bi g Thre e tha n hirin g new , full y insured , employees. ) Th e unemployment rat e i n th e aut o industr y rapidl y ros e to 2 3 percent. Othe r companies, lik e Youngstow n Shee t an d Tube , vanished . Fo r decade s th e effluents dumpe d int o Youngstown' s Mahonin g Rive r ha d kep t i t fro m freezing durin g bitterly cold winter months . Then, as if by magic, children were ic e skating o n it . Meanwhil e thei r parent s downe d a few boilermak ers before spendin g anothe r futil e da y a t th e unio n hal l looking fo r work . Despite mountin g povert y i n th e mil l town s o f Ohi o an d Pennsylvania , the steelworkers ' leader s gav e nearl y a millio n dollar s t o Democrati c can didates i n 1982 . Unio n due s wer e bein g spen t o n politicians , no t o n re training unemploye d workers. 24 Steelworkers an d autoworker s demande d tarif f protectio n agains t cheaper import s an d rejecte d wag e concessions , eve n thoug h the y wer e the best-pai d worker s i n th e world . A s on e Pennsylvani a steelworke r pu t it, "I' d rathe r b e unemploye d tha n a slave." In Milwaukee , union worker s voted agains t a wage freeze a t the Schlit z brewery and the n wen t o n strike , daring th e compan y t o shu t dow n operations . Schlit z obliged . Fo r thos e workers wh o ha d union-protecte d seniorit y rights , lif e wa s prett y good . Employed member s o f th e UA W an d th e Unite d Stee l Worker s Unio n typically mad e $40,00 0 a yea r i n wage s an d benefits . Thi s place d the m solidly in th e rank s o f the middl e class . Tellingly, a n olde r UA W membe r from Ohi o di d no t lamen t th e pligh t o f his jobless neighbors . H e boaste d to a New York Times reporte r tha t "I' m jus t makin g a lo t mor e mone y

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now" because , wit h al l o f th e layoffs , ther e wa s mor e overtim e available . The thirties-er a UA W fight song , "Solidarity Forever," ran g hollow by the eighties.25 Bob Carr , wh o wo n bac k hi s Michiga n congressiona l sea t i n 198 2 with the hel p o f the UAW , pledged federa l assistanc e t o th e autoworkers. Carr , however, di d littl e to hel p th e unemployed . Instead , he focuse d hi s effort s on buildin g a power bas e a s chair o f the Hous e Transportatio n Spendin g Committee. H e wrot e specia l legislatio n undercuttin g variou s environ mental law s in orde r t o benefit favore d constructio n contractors . Gratefu l businessmen gav e Carr hundred s o f thousands o f dollars in contributions . In Arkansas , Bil l Clinto n playe d populis t champio n o f th e workin g clas s while assurin g Tyso n Food s tha t i f h e go t bac k th e governor' s chai r h e would overloo k littl e things like pollution an d employe e health and safety . (Clinton ha d alread y se t hi s sight s o n th e Whit e House . Onc e restore d t o the governor' s mansio n h e waste d n o tim e i n snaggin g a n invitatio n t o "Pammy's.") Hillar y Rodha m Clinto n helpe d ou t b y gettin g a conserva tive haircut an d projectin g a more patrioti c imag e to Arkansas voters. The first lad y o f Arkansa s ofte n coul d b e hear d i n th e earl y mornin g hour s exhorting laggar d stat e troopers t o rais e "th e f in g flag." 26 The unio n ran k an d file face d disaster . Fe w unemploye d industria l workers wer e goin g t o acquir e good-payin g job s a s compute r softwar e engineers. Besides , fo r ever y computer-programme r positio n create d i n the eighties , there wer e five low-wage, dead-en d job s spawne d i n the fast food industry . Poorl y pai d janitor s outnumbere d compute r system s ana lysts fou r t o one . Overall , th e numbe r o f middle-incom e job s fel l b y 2 0 percent whil e low-incom e employmen t increase d b y half. Full y a third o f the ne w jobs create d durin g th e 198 3 Reagan recover y were part-time an d seldom offere d healt h an d pensio n benefits . Wha t libera l critic s too ofte n overlooked i n thei r recitatio n o f suc h gri m statistics , though, wa s the fac t that th e middl e clas s wa s shrinkin g fo r anothe r reason . I f million s o f Americans wer e experiencing downwar d mobility , millions of others were entering th e rank s o f th e uppe r middl e class . Onl y b y th e en d o f th e eighties would underemploye d Bab y Busters coin a term fo r thi s phenom enon: th e "Brazilification " o f th e America n economy . I n th e brav e ne w world o f MBA s an d Mcjob s on e woul d eithe r b e extremel y comfortabl e or u p agains t th e wall. 27 Lane Kirkland , havin g take n ove r th e AFL-CI O fro m Georg e Meany , changed th e union' s politica l direction . H e first se t ou t t o reconcil e labo r with feminist s an d gays . In part, Kirklan d was responding to the declinin g

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fortunes o f th e aut o an d stee l affiliates . Immediatel y afte r Worl d Wa r I I 35 percent o f wor k forc e ha d bee n unionized . Mos t unio n membershi p was localize d i n heav y manufacturing . B y the eighties , jus t 1 7 percent o f America's worker s belonge d t o a union . Th e smokestac k affiliate s wer e decimated. Whil e th e sociall y conservative stee l and aut o union s lost thei r clout, th e libera l public-secto r affiliate s double d thei r representation . B y 1984, unions lik e AFSCME and th e NEA accounted fo r a third o f the AFLCIO's membership . Moreover , the y wer e th e onl y affiliate s tha t success fully recruite d ne w member s i n th e eighties . Recognizin g th e enhance d clout o f the public-employe e unions , Kirklan d believe d i t best t o suppor t their socia l causes . Kirklan d als o joine d NOW' s abortion-right s demon strations, embrace d hirin g quotas , an d develope d alliance s wit h ga y ac tivists. In exchange , h e expecte d t o hel p selec t th e 198 4 Democratic presi dential nominee . Hi s choice was Walter Mondale , a candidate who vowed to protec t Rustbel t industrie s fro m foreig n competition . Eve n better , NOW foun d Mondal e t o b e acceptable. 28 Thanks t o Kirkland , Mondal e defeate d on e o f hi s mos t bothersom e primary opponents, Senato r Gar y Hart o f Colorado. Hart briefly appeare d on th e verg e o f winnin g th e Democrati c nomination . Then , Mondal e counterattacked, depictin g Har t a s a younger , hippe r versio n o f th e dreaded Ronal d Reagan . Mondal e ha d a point. O n economi c issues , Har t was a libertarian . A spokesma n fo r th e Ne w Class , Har t looke d forwar d to th e da y whe n smokestac k industrie s wer e supplante d b y environmen tally correc t high-tec h boutiques . Fortunatel y fo r Mondale , libera l part y activists remaine d neutra l o r supporte d him—expectin g a payof f a t th e party convention . Hart' s volunteers , i n contras t t o Mondale's , di d no t tend t o b e closel y affiliate d wit h NO W o r an y othe r libera l organization . Indeed, th e Young Urban Professionals , o r Yuppies, who backed Har t ha d little regar d fo r eithe r party . Yuppie s value d th e fre e marke t an d a char ismatic politica l style . The y als o believe d i n abortio n o n demand , ye t discounted Reagan' s prolif e statement s a s "boo b bai t fo r th e Bubbas. " Many o f Hart' s supporter s i n th e primarie s subsequentl y vote d fo r Rea gan.29 Although Mondal e easil y brushe d Har t aside , h e foun d Jess e Jackso n more troublesome . Fe w Democrats, le t alon e Republicans , wanted t o dea l with the problems confrontin g th e black underclass. Academic leftists an d militant activist s brought littl e to th e discussio n o f race and poverty . They leveled th e usua l charge s agains t th e Ne w Right , assertin g tha t "racis m was centra l t o it s emergenc e an d remain s crucia l fo r it s overal l appeal. "

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Roger Wilkins—th e nephe w o f civi l right s leade r Ro y Wilkins—claime d that Reaga n practice d "smilin g racism " i n hi s effort s t o "kee p th e nigger s in thei r place. " Th e presiden t ma y hav e sai d tha t h e wa s no t a racist , Wilkins argued , but Reagan' s criticis m o f inner-city crime and affirmativ e action prove d otherwise . On e Mississipp i civi l right s activis t denie d tha t southern black s wer e bette r of f no w tha n the y ha d bee n thirt y year s be fore. Whit e southerner s wer e stil l racist s wh o "se e th e blac k populatio n as a cheap , abundant , exploitabl e labo r force , an d the y inten d t o kee p i t that way. " Mississipp i minorities , h e insisted , neede d hirin g quota s an d more federa l welfar e programs. 30 Only rarel y di d a black clergyma n o r academi c brea k ranks . Th e Rev erend T . J . Jemison , th e presiden t o f th e Norther n Baptis t Convention , met wit h Reaga n an d the n tol d reporter s tha t Whit e Hous e policie s were not s o muc h racis t a s the y wer e misguided . Jemiso n als o obliquel y chas tised liberal s fo r indiscriminatel y smearin g anyon e wh o disagree d wit h them. Suc h militant s wer e discreditin g th e civi l right s cause . Takin g a different tack , economis t Glen n Lour y tol d activist s no t t o blam e white s for thei r problems . Instead , black s shoul d recogniz e tha t many of the problems of contemporary black American life lie outside the reach of effective governmen t action , and require for their successful resolutio n actions that ca n onl y b e undertake n b y th e blac k communit y itself . Thes e problem s involve at their core the values, attitudes, and behaviors of individual blacks. They are exemplified b y the staggering statistic s on pregnancies among young, unwed black women and the arrest and incarceration rat e among black men. Such complicated problems , par t caus e an d par t effec t o f th e economi c hardshi p readil y observed i n th e ghetto s o f America, def y eas y explanation. Thes e problems will not go away with the return of economic prosperity, with the election of a liberal Democrat t o th e presidency , o r wit h th e doublin g i n siz e of th e Congressiona l Black Caucus.31 The socia l statistic s concernin g th e blac k underclas s were , a s Lour y said, staggering . B y the earl y eighties, one-quarter o f the income o f inner city black s cam e fro m crimina l activities , usuall y dru g dealing . (I n Rea gan's firs t ter m th e numbe r o f death s fro m narcotic s overdose s i n Ne w York Cit y doubled . Middle-clas s white s tende d t o kil l themselve s wit h cocaine; poo r black s ha d t o conten t themselve s wit h les s expensiv e her oin.) I n 1984 , black juveniles—mos t o f whom wer e fatherless—commit ted hal f o f the nation' s violen t crimes . Blac k teens becam e sexuall y active at a younger ag e than white s an d wer e les s inclined t o protec t themselve s against socia l disease s an d pregnancy . Nearl y fou r o f ever y fiv e teenag e

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girls i n Washingto n wer e unwe d welfar e mothers . I n Chicago' s Cabrini Green publi c housing project, 8 9 percent o f the teens dropped ou t o f high school. Mos t belonge d t o th e project' s on e hundre d gan g factions . Singl e women heade d 8 0 percent o f Cabrini-Green' s households . Me n mad e a n appearance onl y o n "Mother' s Day"—th e first o f th e mont h whe n th e welfare check s arrived . Fe w residents attende d church , althoug h girl s who did s o wer e les s likel y to bea r childre n ou t o f wedlock. Non e o f Cabrini Green's tenant s receive d facult y appointment s t o th e Universit y o f Chi cago o r Northwester n unde r thei r affirmativ e actio n plans. 32 As a candidate fo r th e Democrati c presidentia l nomination , Jess e Jackson mute d hi s criticis m o f abortio n an d illegitimacy . H e als o reversed hi s position o n homosexuality , thereb y earning the endorsement o f San Fran cisco's Stonewal l Ga y Democratic Club . Instead o f lifestyle issues , Jackson emphasized economi c matters . Hi s approach , however , bor e littl e resem blance t o on e take n b y Kirklan d an d O'Neill . Jackso n blame d whit e ra cism fo r destroyin g th e live s o f inner-cit y blacks . Whe n amon g blac k reporters, Jackso n single d ou t Jew s fo r specia l abuse . Fo r year s h e ha d called Willia m Singe r o f Chicag o "th e littl e Jew. " (I n 1972 , Singe r ha d helped ous t Richar d Dale y fro m th e Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n s o that Jackso n coul d tak e hi s seat. ) Moreover , Jackso n di d no t appea r t o have an y problem wit h th e "poetry " o f his militan t black ally LeRoi Jones (a.k.a. Amir i Baraka) : " I go t somethin g fo r y o u . . . I go t th e extermina tion blues , Jew boy." 33 To Jackson an d th e black professionals wh o flocke d t o his banner, Ne w York Cit y wa s "Hymietown, " a plac e filled wit h rapaciou s Jewis h land lords an d price-gougin g merchants . Whe n Milto n Coleman , a blac k re porter fo r th e Washington Post, publicize d Jackson' s "Hymietown " epi thet, Natio n o f Isla m leade r Loui s Farrakha n warne d Colema n tha t "on e day w e wil l punis h yo u wit h death. " Addressin g himsel f t o Jackson' s Jewish critics , Farrakha n praise d Hitle r an d contende d tha t "yo u hat e u s because w e dar e t o sa y tha t w e ar e th e chose n peopl e o f Go d an d ca n back i t up . W e ar e read y t o d o battl e wit h yo u whereve r yo u com e fro m on th e earth . I t i s th e blac k peopl e i n Americ a tha t i s th e chose n peopl e of Almighty God." 34 Far fro m repudiatin g Farrakhan , Jackson' s campaig n embrace d him . The Democrati c Party , Jackso n volunteer s asserted , coul d d o without th e support o f ric h racis t Jews . The y als o complaine d tha t th e medi a wer e singling ou t Jackso n fo r abus e becaus e h e wa s black . Thi s wa s no t true . Ohio senato r Joh n Glen n sa w hi s presidentia l ambition s thwarte d afte r

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the New York Times reporte d tha t h e wa s no t a tru e champio n o f Israel . Glenn foolishl y confide d t o colleague s tha t Zionist s exercise d to o muc h power i n Congres s an d dictate d America's Middle Eastern policy. An irate Glenn staffe r fume d tha t th e Jewis h medi a ha d destroye d th e senator' s candidacy. Jews , according t o Glenn' s assistant , dominate d th e "Magnifi cent Seven" : th e New York Times, th e Washington Post, Time, Newsweek, ABC, NBC, and CBS. 35 Coming t o Farrakhan' s defense , a Jackso n campaig n organize r asked , "Why shoul d [Jackson ] renounc e someon e who i s registering and turnin g out th e vot e fo r hi m t o curr y favo r wit h whit e Americ a whe n whit e America i s not goin g t o vot e fo r hi m anyhow? " Luciu s Barker , a Jackso n delegate an d politica l scienc e professo r a t th e Universit y o f Illinois , ac cused Colema n o f betrayin g hi s race . A t th e 198 4 Democrati c Nationa l Convention, three-quarter s o f the whit e delegate s expresse d thei r distast e for Farrakhan . O n th e othe r hand , hal f o f th e blacks—man y o f who m were Jackso n delegates—ha d a good opinio n o f Farrakhan. Althoug h th e Nation o f Islam was said to have its greatest followin g amon g poor blacks, Jackson's fou r hundre d delegate s wer e solidl y middl e class . Barke r observed—with pride—tha t wheneve r Jackso n delegate s go t togethe r fo r cocktails h e fel t himsel f i n familia r surroundings—a s i f h e wa s a t a n academic conference. 36 Despite th e fac t tha t hal f o f th e whit e civi l right s worker s wh o wen t south i n th e sixtie s wer e Jews , anti-Semitis m permeate d th e rank s o f th e black middl e class . Indeed , publi c opinio n survey s reveale d prosperou s blacks t o be fa r mor e anti-Semiti c tha n conservativ e whites. Black Boomers resente d th e Jew s who occasionall y led, and ofte n financed , civi l rights organizations lik e the Urba n Leagu e an d th e NAACP . Now tha t s o man y blacks had entere d the professions, th e civi l rights struggle shifted ground . Jews, no t souther n whites , stoo d i n thei r way , holdin g dow n professor ships and law-fir m partnership s tha t college-educate d black s felt belonge d to them . Mos t liberal s wer e to o timi d t o cry foul . Mondal e sidesteppe d the Farrakhan controversy , McGovern praise d Jackson, and the party platform onc e agai n embrace d quota s an d th e expansio n o f the welfare state . Not a word wa s sai d abou t blac k anti-Semitism . The n again , white Dem ocrats neede d t o b e pragmatic . Jackso n ha d alread y registere d 700,00 0 new blac k voters . I n th e primarie s h e ha d carrie d three-quarter s o f th e black vote . Besides , Jewis h liberal s di d no t wan t t o confron t blac k anti Semitism les t they divid e the Democrati c Party. 37 Jackson's platfor m demand s an d hint s tha t h e might no t campaig n fo r

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Mondale mad e th e nomine e appea r spineless . Matter s gre w wors e whe n NOW insiste d tha t Mondal e selec t a woman a s his runnin g mate . More over, th e woma n ha d t o b e eithe r prochoice , o r a t leas t no t incline d t o challenge Roe. Mondal e hemme d an d hawed , insistin g tha t h e woul d choose a candidat e base d o n merit , no t gender . The n h e cave d in . NO W had Representativ e Geraldin e Ferrar o o f Queens i n min d fo r th e number two slot . I n additio n t o NOW , Ferrar o possesse d othe r powerfu l connec tions. Ferrar o counte d Ti p O'Neill , corporat e lobbyis t Ann e Wexler , an d actress Jan e Fond a amon g he r backers . Delighte d b y Ferraro' s nomina tion, Fond a organize d a Hollywood politica l actio n committe e t o help th e ticket. Fonda's twentysomething protege s included Ro b Lowe and Daphn e Zuniga, wh o late r demonstrate d he r politica l consistenc y an d actin g skill s on th e televisio n serie s Melrose Place. Feignin g enthusiasm—o r wha t Mondale considere d t o b e enthusiasm—th e nomine e sai d tha t Ferrar o would attrac t vote s fro m feminist s and ethnics . Mondale's politica l sense s were neve r keen . I n hi s nationall y televise d acceptanc e speech , Mondal e promised t o raise taxes. He expecte d peopl e t o appreciat e hi s honesty an d vote fo r him. 38 Mondale quickl y discovere d tha t Ferrar o wa s radioactive . Th e Demo crats ha d planne d t o mak e th e "Reaga n Sleaz e Factor " th e centerpiec e o f their '8 4 campaign . Sinc e 1981 , forty-five member s o f th e Reaga n admin istration ha d bee n investigate d fo r variou s conflict-of-interes t matters . Labor Secretar y Ra y Donova n stoo d accuse d o f havin g Mafi a ties . (Don ovan wa s cleare d o f an y wrongdoing, bu t th e ordea l irreparabl y damage d his reputation. ) A t th e outse t o f th e election , Ton y Coelh o ha d con demned th e "lon g an d growin g patter n o f ethica l misconduc t b y Reaga n administration appointees, " an d Gar y Hart ha d criticize d Republican s fo r abusing thei r position s o f power. 39 The "sleaz e factor " ble w u p i n Mondale' s face . I t seeme d tha t Ferrar o and he r husband , Joh n Zaccaro , ha d undertake n som e creativ e busines s arrangements. The y wer e als o highl y successfu l i n locatin g ta x loopholes . (Ferraro's criticis m o f Republica n gree d appeare d hypocritica l i n ligh t o f her incom e ta x returns. ) N o soone r ha d thes e tidbit s cam e ou t tha n th e Wall Street Journal and th e Ne w York Post revealed tha t he r father-in-la w once ha d organize d crim e ties . Mor e recently , Zaccar o ha d rente d offic e space t o th e Gambin o crim e famil y fo r it s pornograph y operations . Fer raro denie d ever y allegation , explaine d inconvenien t fact s away , and , ful l of self-pity , sai d sh e was being persecute d b y the Righ t becaus e sh e was a woman. Boome r reporter s too k u p he r cause . William Henr y o f the Bos -

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ton Globe dismissed th e Wall Street Journal a s "rightis t an d occasionall y loony." Henry' s effort s t o mudd y th e waters , however , cam e t o naught . After th e election , Zaccar o ple d guilt y t o fraud . I n a bizarre sidebar , Fer raro's so n wa s later convicte d o f dealing cocain e a t his exclusive Vermon t college.40 While Mondal e recede d int o th e background , Ferrar o move d squarel y to th e cente r o f th e campaign . A smar t politicia n woul d hav e dumpe d Ferraro fro m th e ticke t th e minut e he r financial affair s cam e t o light . (Then again , an y politician wort h hi s salt would hav e investigated Ferrar o before selectin g he r a s his runnin g mate. ) A s the "affirmativ e actio n can didate," however , Ferrar o wa s untouchable. A t best, Mondal e coul d hop e that th e voter s forgo t abou t her—muc h a s the y wer e forgettin g abou t him. To th e disma y o f part y loyalists , Ferrar o seeme d t o see k ou t contro versy. He r mos t embarrassin g performanc e cam e i n th e debat e ove r reli gion an d abortion . Ferrar o argue d tha t ther e wa s n o contradictio n be tween billin g hersel f t o ethnic s a s a devou t Catholi c whil e refusin g t o embrace churc h teaching s tha t proscribe d abortion . Indeed , Ferraro' s support fo r abortio n wa s much greate r tha n sh e had le t o n a t th e Demo cratic convention . Whe n questione d abou t he r view s on abortio n Ferrar o changed th e subject , decidin g tha t i t wa s tim e t o attac k Reagan' s morals . "The presiden t walk s aroun d callin g himsel f a goo d Christian, " Ferrar o snarled, "bu t I don't fo r on e minut e believ e i t because th e policie s ar e so terribly unfair." 41 Archbishop (late r Cardinal ) Joh n O'Conno r o f Ne w Yor k questione d how anyon e wh o calle d hersel f a Catholi c coul d b e prochoice . Ferrar o quickly deride d O'Connor , Joh n Cardina l Kro l o f Philadelphia , Bisho p James Malon e o f Youngstown, an d he r othe r churc h critic s a s little mor e than Reaga n underlings . Sh e then asserte d tha t th e prolife movemen t wa s filled with "violent , "narrow-minded, " an d "mean-spirited " Republican s who wer e "anti-woman. " Archbisho p O'Conno r pointe d ou t that , unlik e the GOP , he supported labo r unions . Moreover, th e prolife bishop s of the U.S. Catholi c Conferenc e ha d criticize d Whit e Hous e proposal s t o elimi nate federa l welfar e programs . Whil e th e bishop s agree d tha t America' s churches neede d t o pitc h i n an d d o more , n o on e churc h ha d enoug h volunteers an d fund s t o assum e the entire federa l welfare obligation . Even corporations, man y bishop s warned , coul d no t resurrec t Youngstow n o r Detroit o n thei r own . Shiftin g ground , Ferrar o countere d tha t the bishop s placed abortio n abov e th e economi c pligh t o f working families . Thi s was

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a peculia r accusatio n comin g fro m someon e wh o ha d mor e friend s i n Planned Parenthoo d tha n i n th e steelworker s union. 42 Ferraro refuse d t o liste n t o prolif e Catholics . In 1981 , Terence Cardina l Cooke o f Ne w York , a prolif e activist , ha d testifie d befor e Congress . Hi s thoughts deserve d som e attention . "Al l o f u s ar e concerne d abou t th e growing evidenc e o f violenc e i n ou r nation, " Cardina l Cook e observed . "I a m convince d tha t a society is doomed t o violence when it allows direct attacks o n th e mos t fundamenta l o f al l huma n rights , th e righ t t o lif e itself." Havin g turne d a dea f ea r t o Cardina l Cooke , Ferrar o wa s no t about t o giv e O'Connor a serious hearing. As O'Connor contended : Life is of one piece. Assaulted in any way it is open to assault in a thousand other ways.... It wa s prophesied wit h Roe v. Wade, in 1973 , that onc e we legitimized killing o f th e unborn , ultimatel y n o lif e woul d b e safe—"hopelessly " retarded , blind, wheel-chaired, cancer-ridden , elderly, or simply those who eat food, drin k water o r occup y crowde d space ! Easy recourse t o deat h t o resolv e problems related to the unborn constantl y leads to easy recourse to death to resolve a host of other problems. 43 Incensed tha t mora l issue s had bee n injecte d int o a political campaign , Teddy Kenned y an d Sydne y Schanber g o f th e New York Times attacke d O'Connor. Th e Massachusett s senato r decrie d "blatan t sectaria n appeals " and insiste d tha t Americ a coul d no t writ e "ever y mora l command " int o law. Perhap s realizin g tha t th e abortio n controvers y presente d a no-wi n situation t o Democrats , Kenned y shifte d gears . Settin g asid e matter s o f evidence, logic , an d relevance , Kenned y characterize d th e Republica n Party a s a have n fo r anti-Semites . Anyon e wh o oppose d Ferrar o an d abortion, Kenned y implied , wa s a religiou s bigot . (Onl y whit e conserva tives coul d b e anti-Semites . Blac k liberal s lik e Jess e Jackso n wer e sacro sanct.) Schanber g too k th e sam e route , claimin g tha t socia l conservative s were "intoleran t an d divisive. " Religiou s beliefs , o r a t leas t conservative religious beliefs, Schanber g argued , had n o place in a democratic society. 44 New York governo r Mari o Cuom o als o entere d th e fray . Amon g othe r sins, Cuom o blame d th e Catholi c bishop s fo r defeatin g th e ER A an d politicizing th e abortio n issue . Although personall y oppose d t o abortion , Cuomo reassure d fello w Catholics , electe d official s i n a secula r societ y could no t permi t thei r religiou s belief s t o shap e publi c policy . I f the ma jority of Americans voted t o ban abortio n the n Catholi c politicians would be fre e t o ac t upo n th e tenet s o f thei r faith . A s member s o f a religiou s minority, however , Catholic s shoul d no t impos e thei r prolif e belief s upo n others. Reaga n fired back , asking , "Wh y d o thos e wh o clai m t o represen t

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the part y o f compassio n fee l n o compassio n whatsoeve r fo r th e mos t helpless amon g us—th e unborn? " Charle s Colson , a Christian evangelis t and forme r Nixo n Whit e Hous e aide , als o rejecte d Cuomo' s reasoning : "So God' s trut h i s bindin g onl y whe n ratifie d b y a majorit y vote. " Cuomo, Colso n concluded , "reduce s Christianit y to a religion of personal tastes tha t ha s n o plac e i n th e politica l arena." 45 Ralph Reed , the executive director o f the National College Republicans, had n o mor e patienc e fo r Cuomo' s abortio n views . Th e proble m wit h liberals lik e Cuomo , Ree d believed , wa s thei r propensit y t o remai n silen t on mora l issue s s o a s no t t o b e "divisive. " B y that logic , the abolitionist s should hav e kept quie t abou t slavery . After all , the anti-slavery movemen t split severa l Protestan t denominations , destroye d a political party, and se t the stage for th e Civil War. I n truth, Cuom o feare d tha t the abortion issu e did resembl e th e slaver y controversy . Bannin g abortio n coul d lea d onl y to religiou s schism , civi l disorder , an d th e collaps e o f th e Democrati c Party. Thoug h Cuom o regarde d himsel f a s a worth y successo r t o Abra ham Lincoln , h e mor e closel y resemble d Jame s Buchanan—enforcin g divisive laws in th e vain hop e o f avoiding division . Archbishop O'Conno r was Cuomo' s Joh n Brown. 46 If Cuomo' s an d Ferraro' s onl y critic s ha d bee n th e Catholi c bishop s and a fe w Republicans , the y migh t hav e won th e day . However , tha t wa s not th e case . Th e Catholi c Churc h ha d spen t th e pas t decad e discussin g the ethics of abortion wit h it s parishioners. Many priests even led off Mass by petitioning Go d t o eliminat e "th e scourg e o f abortion." While middleclass Catholi c liberal s migh t accep t Roe v. Wade a s th e immutabl e la w of the land , othe r member s o f th e churc h di d not . Cuomo' s gubernatoria l predecessor, Hug h Carey , a Catholi c politicia n wit h impeccabl e Demo cratic credentials , lamente d tha t th e liberal s wer e "gloatin g an d gleefu l that thei r part y wil l kil l mor e fetuse s tha n th e othe r party. " Eugen e Mc Carthy, onc e th e darlin g o f th e Democrati c Left , chide d Cuomo , arguin g that "abortio n i s a legitimat e politica l issu e an d fa r fro m sectarian , sinc e more tha n jus t Catholic s oppos e it. " Ne w Yor k senato r Danie l Patric k Moynihan, thoug h a frien d o f th e Mondal e campaign , nevertheles s lav ished prais e upo n prolif e activists : "Of al l the groups which appea l for th e attention an d suppor t o f a senator fro m Ne w York, th e on e tha t b y far i s the mos t broadl y based i n th e electorat e an d leas t self-interested—save a s the publi c confirmatio n o f persona l mora l belief s i s a matte r o f self interest—is th e Righ t t o Lif e movement." 47 While th e abortio n controvers y rippe d apar t th e Democrati c Party , the

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GOP wrestle d wit h ga y rights . Sinc e th e adven t o f AIDS , sexua l politic s had becom e a matter o f life an d death . Between 198 0 and 1984 , thousands of gay s an d heroi n addicts—-a s wel l a s th e recipient s o f bloo d transfusions—had contracte d th e letha l disease . Include d amon g th e af flicted wa s libertaria n activis t Terr y Dolan , th e closete d leade r o f the Na tional Conservativ e Politica l Actio n Committee . A t first, th e diseas e wa s known a s Ga y Relate d Immun e Deficiency . Gays , however , demande d a less "homophobic"-soundin g name . (Callin g i t th e Acquire d Immunit y Deficiency diseas e lef t u p i n th e ai r ho w mos t peopl e contracte d th e virus.) Althoug h unprotecte d ana l se x clearl y accounte d fo r mos t o f th e five thousand AID S fatalities , th e partisan s o f th e Stonewal l Ga y Demo cratic Clu b denie d tha t thei r lifestyl e pu t the m a t risk. By 1984, half of San Francisco's ga y populatio n ha d AIDS , ye t activist s oppose d closin g th e bathhouses o r eve n postin g warnin g signs . Only a third o f the Ba y Area's gays informe d publi c healt h official s an d se x researcher s tha t the y wer e using condom s an d cuttin g bac k o n th e numbe r o f partner s wit h who m they ha d ana l an d ora l sex. 48 Many opponents o f the gay lifestyle argue d that AIDS should be treated as a public healt h matte r rathe r tha n a civil rights issue . They tended no t to b e to o concerne d i f gay s los t thei r job s an d healt h insuranc e becaus e of their affliction . Som e socia l conservative s hope d tha t th e diseas e coul d be containe d withi n th e ver y population s tha t ha d neve r foun d favo r i n traditional society : heroi n addicts , homosexuals , prostitutes , Broadwa y players, dancers , an d Hollywoo d stars . Th e Reveren d W . A . Criswel l o f the First Baptis t Churc h o f Dallas lef t n o doub t a s to wher e h e stoo d o n gay rights : "I n ou r lifetim e w e ar e scoffin g a t th e wor d o f G o d . . . an d opening u p societ y an d cultur e t o th e lesbia n an d sodomit e an d homo sexual . .. an d no w w e hav e thi s disastrou s judgment.. . th e diseas e an d sin o f AIDS. " I n th e sam e vein , newspape r columnis t Patric k Buchana n wrote, "Th e poo r homosexuals . The y hav e declare d wa r o n natur e an d now natur e i s exacting a n awfu l retribution. " Jerr y Falwell , believing tha t homosexuality wa s part o f a larger mora l failin g i n America, declare d tha t "AIDS an d syphili s an d al l sexuall y transmitte d disease s ar e God' s judg ment upo n th e tota l societ y for embracin g wha t Go d ha s condemned: se x outside o f marriage. " Falwell , though , hastene d t o add , " I don' t believ e that stat e punishmen t o f homosexual s provide s an y answe r whatever . I personally believ e tha t homosexual s shoul d b e afforde d tota l civi l rights."49 Other socia l conservative s trie d t o "separat e th e si n fro m th e sinner, "

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condemning th e ga y lifestyle bu t no t consignin g homosexual s t o th e pit s of hell. The evangelical magazine Christianity Today featured storie s about fundamentalist an d Pentecosta l minister s wh o "ar e helpin g gay s escap e from homosexua l lifestyles. " T o thes e clergy , Sa n Francisco , Ne w York , and Washingto n wer e missionar y outpost s wher e Christian s wen t t o transform homosexual s int o married , monogamous , heterosexuals . I n New York, th e Catholi c Churc h an d O'Conno r lobbie d agains t ga y rights legislation. At the sam e time , however, O'Conno r opene d th e city' s Cath olic hospitals t o AIDS-afflicted homosexual s an d dru g addict s who woul d never b e abl e t o pa y fo r thei r medica l care . ("Homophobic " Catholic s never receive d th e recognitio n the y deserve d fro m th e libera l media . On e wonders ho w man y New York Times reporter s woul d hav e accepte d a regular tithin g o f thei r salaries t o cove r th e hospitalizatio n cost s o f AIDS patients?)50 O'Connor's chie f liberal critic , Mario Cuomo , ma y have talked a good game abou t tolerance , but hi s actions betraye d him . I n hi s 1977 New York City mayora l race , a s wel l a s hi s successfu l 198 2 gubernatoria l bid , th e Cuomo campaig n ha d cas t aspersion s upo n it s Democrati c primar y op ponent, E d Koch . Th e governor' s "unofficial " campaig n sloga n i n bot h primaries wa s "Vot e fo r Cuomo , No t th e Homo. " A bachelor wh o sup ported man y homosexual causes , Koch denied that he was gay. O'Connor , who constantl y crosse d sword s wit h Koch ove r abortio n an d ga y rights , often ha d hi m ove r fo r dinne r an d genuinel y enjoye d hi s company . Cuomo, o n th e othe r hand , wa s not th e kind o f man wh o would socializ e with peopl e whos e politic s wer e no t pur e enoug h fo r hi s refined intellec tual tastes . Th e wonderfu l thin g abou t bein g Mari o Cuom o wa s tha t h e never ha d t o live up t o his own exactin g standards. O'Connor an d Reaga n were selfish , mean-spirite d bigot s who slandere d thei r foes . And Koch was a homo. 51 Where Ferraro , Cuomo, and Kenned y flung themselves into the cultur e wars o f the eighties , Reaga n remaine d abov e th e fray . (Mondal e ha d bee n missing i n actio n sinc e th e Democrati c convention. ) Le e Atwater's elec toral strateg y wa s a simpl e blen d o f patriotis m an d morality—bot h o f which mad e boisterou s celebration s o f th e goo d lif e g o dow n tha t muc h smoother. Th e Reaga n campaig n commercial s sai d i t all: "It's Morning i n America." America' s econom y wa s booming—-a t leas t fo r thos e wh o adapted. T o underscor e th e administration' s devotio n t o spiritua l values, Falwell, Criswell , an d Texa s evangelis t Jame s Robiso n receive d invitation s to th e Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Dallas . A t a praye r breakfas t

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held durin g th e convention , Reaga n observed , "Th e trut h is , politics an d morality are inseparable. And a s morality's foundation i s religion, religion and politic s ar e necessaril y related. " Reagan' s foreig n polic y stance s wer e similarly lade n wit h religiou s import . I n 1984 , Reagan ha d gon e s o fa r a s to tel l a cheerin g audienc e o f Christia n broadcaster s tha t Russi a wa s "a n evil empire. " Reagan , th e McGover n liberal s sneered , ha d confuse d him self with Ob i Wan-Kenobi. 52 Christian conservative s geare d u p fo r th e '8 4 election . Rev . LaVern e Butler, th e leade r o f th e Kentuck y Mora l Majority , lef t littl e doub t a s t o which part y Go d endorsed . Butle r observe d tha t th e respectiv e Demo cratic an d Republica n convention s "wer e a s differen t a s a se x orgy an d a Sunday Schoo l picnic. " Another religiou s conservativ e informe d hi s flock that i f electe d president , Mondal e woul d "tur n Americ a int o Sodo m an d Gomorrah." Charle s Colson , o n th e othe r hand , admonishe d hi s friend s in th e Religiou s Righ t no t t o ge t carrie d awa y wit h "th e seduction s o f power": Our well-intentioned attempt s to influence governmen t can become so entangled with a particular politica l agend a tha t i t become s ou r focus ; ou r goa l becomes maintaining political access. When that happens, the Gospel is held hostage to a political agenda , an d w e becom e par t o f th e ver y syste m w e wer e seekin g t o change.53 Few Christia n conservative s heede d Colson' s warning . Mondale , afte r all, ha d a lon g histor y o f supportin g busing , abortio n o n demand , an d gay affirmativ e action . Hal f o f th e Mora l Majority' s member s wer e Bap tists wh o require d n o promptin g t o wor k agains t th e Mondale-Ferrar o "abortion ticket. " The y als o di d no t hesitat e t o cit e appropriat e biblica l verses o n th e socia l issue s o f th e day . Th e Democrat s wer e clearl y no t measuring u p t o th e standard s Go d ha d se t dow n i n Genesis , Exodus , Leviticus, Numbers , an d Deuteronomy . (Lik e Orthodo x Jews , Christia n fundamentalists focused thei r attentio n o n th e morall y exactin g Penta teuch. Pentecostal s ofte n cite d scriptur e fro m th e mystical , apocalypti c books Revelatio n an d Daniel . Catholic s wen t fo r th e redemption-minde d New Testamen t Gospels . Jesu s offere d mankin d a ne w deal ; th e Go d o f Moses and Danie l sent infidels t o their graves . One Bible—many differen t emphases.) Nationally , th e Mora l Majorit y registere d tw o millio n ne w voters, dwarfing Jackson' s effort s o n behal f o f the Democrati c Party. 54 Rev. Lamarr Moneyham , th e Mora l Majority' s field director , pai d trib ute t o Jackson' s pioneerin g effort s t o registe r churchgoer s : "Yo u kno w Jesse Jackso n wa s right . H e showe d u s th e way . I a m indebte d t o him. "

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Falwell wen t further , citin g th e earl y civi l right s movemen t a s a worth y predecessor o f the Mora l Majority : I firmly believe it is a religious duty to be a good citizen, and that it is one's duty as a good citizen to participate in politics. But I can be true neither to my country or my God if I separate my religious convictions from m y political views. This is not "radical" fundamentalist theory . It is the basic belief that drove the Pilgrims to our shores—an d th e spirit with which the Rev. Martin Luthe r King, Jr., too k hi s messag e o f racia l harmon y an d equalit y fro m th e pulpi t t o th e streets.55 Ideological difference s aside , the Mora l Majorit y an d th e Lef t share d a sense o f the melodramatic . Moneyham , fo r example , frame d th e '8 4 election i n Jacksonia n end-of-the-worl d terms . "If the liberals gai n contro l of the Whit e Hous e an d th e Senat e i n th e comin g election, " Moneyha m cried, "i t wil l be ove r fo r fre e election s b y 1988. Oh, we ma y vote i n 1988, but i t wil l b e n o contest , fo r b y the n th e liberal s wil l hav e curtaile d ou r access to th e mind s o f th e America n people. " O n th e Left , Norma n Lear , the Democrati c Nationa l Committee , an d th e ACL U warne d tha t Rea gan's reelectio n woul d mea n th e abolitio n o f civi l libertie s fo r al l Americans. Concentratio n camp s woul d surel y follow . Jud y Goldsmit h o f NOW, i n a desperat e attemp t t o lin k severa l recen t attack s o n abortio n clinics t o th e Whit e House , claime d tha t Reagan' s "irresponsibl e an d in flammatory anti-abortion , anti-wome n rhetori c . . . incite s an d encour ages right-win g terrorists. " Th e radica l Christi e Institut e asserte d tha t Reagan an d th e Religiou s Righ t wer e preparin g fo r a n apocalypti c clas h between th e Unite d State s an d th e Sovie t Union . Eve n Mondal e briefl y resurfaced, chargin g Reagan , an d socia l conservative s i n general , wit h "moral McCarthyism." 56 Prior t o Reagan' s appearanc e a t its 1984 convention, B'na i B'rith passe d a resolutio n condemnin g Christian s wh o sough t t o restor e praye r t o th e public schools . On e B'na i B'rit h delegat e informe d th e Washington Post, "Sometimes I thin k [Reagan ] want s t o mak e Israe l stron g s o tha t whe n he make s th e Unite d State s int o a Christia n country , h e ca n sen d u s al l over there. " Brooklyn' s Orthodo x Jews , however , di d no t find Reagan' s relationship wit h th e Mora l Majorit y t o b e particularl y disturbing . On e twenty-two-year-old Jewis h woma n wave d asid e Reagan' s critics : "As fo r Reagan talkin g abou t Christianity , wh y shoul d I care ? A s a Christian , h e has righ t t o spea k i n th e contex t o f his ow n values." 57 Paradoxically, severa l right-win g clerg y joine d Lea r an d th e ACL U i n denouncing th e Mora l Majority . Rev . Bo b Jone s o f Sout h Carolina—th e

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proprietor o f th e segregate d Bob Jone s University—objecte d t o Falwell' s recruiting effort s amon g Catholic s an d blacks . (Falwell , lik e Pa t Robert son, wa s n o fa n o f Bo b Jones . Still , the Reaga n administratio n expende d great effor t t o defen d Bo b Jone s Universit y fro m civi l right s suits . I n hi s dealings wit h clerg y activists , Reagan , apparently , coul d no t distinguis h the saint s fro m th e sinners. ) Followin g i n Bo b Jones's footsteps , Rev . Tim LaHaye, th e chai r o f th e America n Coalitio n fo r Traditiona l Value s (ACTV), denounce d Catholicis m a s a "fals e religion. " Whe n LaHay e ex horted "ever y Christian , ever y church , ever y Christia n radi o statio n an d television statio n owner " t o suppor t Reagan , h e mean t tha t h e wante d every Protestant to vot e Republican. 58 Sectarian quibble s aside , socia l conservative s wer e unite d behin d Rea gan. Further, whateve r tension s existe d amon g moralists , libertarians, and country-club Republican s di d no t hinde r th e GOP . Th e Mondal e cam paign wa s a differen t matte r altogether . Takin g a leaf fro m Carter , Mon dale studiousl y avoide d th e Detroi t Labo r Da y parade . H e di d no t wan t the electorat e t o associat e hi m wit h th e decaying , crime-ridde n "Murde r City" eve n thoug h urba n area s lik e Detroi t wer e hi s onl y dependabl e friends. Instead , Mondale headed of f to New York on Labor Day, thinking that a t leas t th e city' s socia l liberal s woul d tur n ou t fo r Ferraro . H e wa s wrong. Ferraro an d Mondal e marche d pas t mostly empty sidewalks. Small knots o f AFSCME worker s di d sho w up , bu t man y other s ha d heade d t o the beach . I n November , two-third s o f New York City' s Italian-America n voters wen t t o Reagan . Th e presiden t racke d u p impressiv e tallie s i n Fer raro's congressiona l district . Nationally , th e muc h toute d "gende r gap " that NO W hope d t o exploi t b y placing Ferrar o o n th e ticke t neve r mate rialized. Althoug h a somewhat greate r percentag e o f men supporte d Rea gan tha n wa s th e cas e fo r women , th e presiden t easil y won th e majorit y of the so-calle d women' s vote. 59 As i n th e '8 0 election , Reaga n whistle d Dixi e withou t missin g a note . Visiting Nashville' s Gran d Ol e Opry , Reaga n tol d cheerin g country western musi c fan s tha t th e liberal s woul d no t kno w ho w t o behav e i n such a n America n setting . "They'l l jus t sin g th e blues, " Reaga n laughed . (The presiden t intende d n o racia l slight—thoug h th e blue s wa s no t th e kind o f musi c tha t Okie s fro m Muskoge e listene d t o o n th e radio. ) I n contrast t o Reagan , Mondal e di d no t enjo y himsel f i n th e Southland . During a Democratic rall y in Elvi s Presley's hometown o f Tupelo, Mississippi, a teenag e gir l questione d Mondale' s morality : "Yo u sai d you care d about th e huma n race , yo u car e abou t th e peopl e an d stuff . Wel l wha t

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about abortion ? That' s killin g people? " Mondal e wince d whil e th e audi ence cheere d th e teen . A Universit y o f Mississipp i studen t characterize d the Democrati c Part y platform a s "pro-abortion, pro-ga y rights, and antireligion," and the n told Mondale, "Those may represent America's values, but the y don' t represen t Mississippi' s values . Pleas e tel l u s ho w yo u ca n come t o Mississipp i a s a goo d Christia n an d represen t suc h perversion s as this? " Mondal e pointe d ou t tha t Reaga n wa s no t a parago n o f virtu e either, bu t no t eve n a resurrecte d Elvi s coul d hav e persuade d Mississip pians t o giv e Mondale a break. 60 Mondale's Tupel o ordea l wa s repeate d throughou t Dixie . Souther n Democratic leader s anxiousl y informe d th e campaig n tha t thei r constitu ents wer e askin g the m wh y thei r part y "i s agains t Go d an d religion. " I n November, Reaga n won almos t three-quarter s o f the southern-white vote. (Yet again , nin e o f ever y te n souther n an d norther n black s voted Demo cratic. Indeed , one-thir d o f Mondale' s entire vote came from blacks.) Meanwhile, Texas , onc e a bulwark o f th e Democrati c Party , sen t Repub lican Dic k Arme y t o Congress . A vigorous champio n o f th e fre e marke t and bitte r fo e o f th e Ne w Deal , Arme y advocate d th e abolitio n o f foo d stamps an d Socia l Security . H e receive d enormou s assistanc e fro m Chris tian activist s wh o ha d thei r ow n reason s fo r wantin g t o dismantl e Bi g Government. (Limitin g th e wri t o f th e federa l government , the y hoped , would sen d abortio n right s th e wa y o f welfare.) Sinc e 1980 , 400,000 ne w Republican voter s ha d appeare d i n Texas . Many Texa s Republican s iden tified themselve s a s social conservatives. 61 The Democrat s ha d littl e mor e succes s i n th e blue-colla r precinct s o f the North . Reaga n carrie d th e ethnic , working-clas s suburb s o f Parma , Ohio, an d Macomb , Michigan , 67 percen t t o 3 3 percent . I n i960 , th e Democrats ha d swep t thos e communitie s b y th e sam e margins . Nation ally, th e percentag e o f whit e worker s wh o identifie d themselve s a s Dem ocrats had plummete d b y fifteen points sinc e 1980. Younger workers , who were pron e t o votin g Republican , regarde d union s a s barrier s t o thei r employment. Meanwhile , blue-colla r socia l conservative s resente d th e al liances Kirklan d ha d forge d wit h lifestyl e liberals . The majorit y o f Catho lics an d working-class women polle d afte r th e electio n cite d a n improve d economy, socia l issues , an d th e presenc e o f Ferrar o o n th e Democrati c ticket, a s reason s tha t the y vote d fo r Reagan . A retire d brewer y worke r from Texa s summe d u p th e goo d feeling s Reaga n engendere d amon g blue-collar Democrats : "H e reall y isn' t lik e a Republican . He' s mor e lik e an American." 62

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During th e fal l campaig n Lan e Kirklan d ha d take n hear t when wester n Pennsylvania steelworker s greete d Vic e Presiden t Bus h wit h jeers . Th e very fact tha t Bus h ha d mad e a n appearanc e i n a Democratic stronghold , however, shoul d hav e alarme d Kirkland . Reagan' s campaig n staffer s kne w that sociall y conservativ e Catholic s wer e trendin g towar d thei r man . A s for th e steelworker s wh o heckle d Bush , the y represente d n o on e othe r than themselves . Kirklan d wa s not alon e i n misreadin g th e situation . On e prominent politica l historia n utterl y faile d t o gras p recen t socia l trends . The Pennsylvani a professo r happil y informe d hi s graduat e student s tha t organized labor , allie d wit h a full y mobilize d Sierr a Club , woul d swee p Mondale t o victory . Surely , th e professo r continued , voter s kne w tha t Reagan wa s too ol d an d incompeten t t o b e reelected. 63 In a developmen t tha t n o Democra t anticipated , Mondal e relive d th e McGovern debacl e o f 1972 . Th e GO P wo n bac k seventee n Hous e seats , not enoug h t o exercis e informa l contro l o f the chambe r bu t stil l sufficien t to kee p Ti p O'Neil l o n hi s guard . Reaga n capture d nearl y two-third s o f the yout h vote . Lik e thei r grandfatherl y president , th e twentysomething s of th e eightie s tende d t o b e optimist s on-the-make . No t b y acciden t wa s Reagan's advertisin g agenc y th e sam e on e tha t cam e u p wit h th e "Peps i Generation" campaign . Fee l good , b e cool , drin k Pepsi , moc k th e Boom ers, an d vot e fo r Reagan . Th e Democrat s coul d no t win . Eve n th e angr y blue-collar anthem s tha t Bruc e Springstee n envisione d a s attacks o n con temporary conservatis m becam e Reaga n them e songs : "Born i n th e U . S . A., Kick butt o n th e Commie s someday." 64 Overall, Mondal e los t ever y constituenc y i n th e countr y excep t fo r blacks, Refor m Jews , unio n members , an d elit e journalists . (A s i n 1980 , the medi a wer e overwhelmingl y agains t Reagan . O n th e televisio n net works anti-Reagan coverag e outdistanced pro-Reaga n coverag e by a factor often t o one. ) I n shar p contras t t o th e 198 0 election, secula r Jew s close d ranks behin d th e Democrati c candidate , thoug h Reaga n score d wel l wit h Orthodox Jews . Mondale secure d jus t 4 1 percent o f th e popula r vot e an d carried onl y th e Distric t o f Columbi a an d Minnesota . A t that , Mondal e barely too k hi s hom e state , beatin g Reaga n b y just unde r fou r thousan d votes ou t o f tw o millio n cast . Mondale , wh o ha d spen t littl e tim e i n Minnesota sinc e Carter' s defeat , reacte d to o lat e t o th e organizin g effort s of religiou s conservatives . Grea t number s o f prolifer s ha d move d int o both parties . Minnesota' s Democrati c delegatio n a t th e '8 4 conventio n contained a larg e segmen t o f mora l traditionalists . The y vigorousl y ob jected t o puttin g Ferrar o o n th e ticket . Whe n al l wa s sai d an d done ,

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Mondale's ow n folk s bac k hom e wer e no t particularl y enthusiasti c sup porters.65 Although Reaga n racke d u p a n impressiv e tall y among regula r church goers, the y tende d no t t o b e Mora l Majoritarians . Mos t wer e neithe r followers no r necessaril y admirer s o f Falwell , Criswell , an d LaHaye . Th e moral traditionalist s wh o vote d fo r Reaga n regarde d themselve s a s bein g in th e mainstrea m o f America n life . The y believe d i n th e separatio n o f church an d stat e an d wer e no t incline d t o impos e thei r religiou s belief s on others . However, suc h voters, many o f whom wer e once reliabl e Dem ocrats, conclude d tha t socia l liberal s desire d mor e tha n th e separatio n o f church an d state . Mondale' s allie s wante d t o ba n God . New Republic essayist an d Mondal e booste r Charle s Krauthamme r understoo d th e sit uation perfectly. Accordin g t o Krauthamme r ther e wa s a "secula r ten dency" i n libera l politic s tha t doome d th e Democrat s t o electora l defeat : The secularists are the grinches who try to steal Christmas creches. It is the ACLU that sued Pawtucket, Rhode Island, charging that the city's forty-year traditio n of sponsoring a public nativity display at Christmas time violated the First Amendment prohibitio n agains t establishmen t o f religion.... But the goal of the secularists is not simpl y to extirpate Christia n symbolis m fro m America n publi c life. Their nemesis is religion. Religion is to be kept private. Any public manifestatio n is t o b e fought , fro m schoo l praye r (eve n a momen t o f silence , becaus e o f it s religious connotations) t o the nationa l mott o (i n 1970 the government was sued for "In God We Trust," and won in the Supreme Court).66 Republicans coul d hardl y be blamed fo r exploitin g the political oppor tunities presente d t o the m b y th e ACLU , NOW , NARAL , an d Ferraro . That i s no t t o say , though , tha t th e Reaga n campaig n coul d hav e bee n a little mor e circumspect . Reaga n wa s o n firm, albei t controversial , groun d when h e said things like "There i s no questio n tha t many well-intentione d Great Society-typ e program s contribute d t o famil y breakups , welfar e de pendency, an d a larg e increas e i n birth s ou t o f wedlock." Bu t when Rea gan tol d religiou s conservative s tha t i f they "sometime s go t a busy signa l when the y wer e praying , i t wa s just m e i n ther e ahea d [o f them], " som e might hav e though t hi m t o b e transparentl y insincere . Further , whil e Reagan migh t hav e bee n justifie d i n thinkin g tha t Go d spare d hi m fro m an assassi n i n 198 1 so tha t h e coul d d o th e Lord' s work , hi s effort s t o redeem Americ a ha d bee n prett y minimal. 67 Ralph Ree d though t tha t Reagan' s suppor t fo r a constitutional amend ment t o legalize public schoo l prayer was nothing but a "sop" to religiou s conservatives. Reaga n kne w tha t th e amendmen t woul d neve r ge t ou t o f

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Congress, an d h e di d no t min d tha t fac t a t all . As Ree d late r recounted , when youn g Republican s lik e himsel f ha d gon e t o Washingto n i n 1981, "We viewe d ourselve s a s the mirro r imag e o f th e leader s o f th e Ne w Lef t of the sixties . We sa w ourselve s a s . .. entrepreneur s wh o wer e building a new generationa l consciousnes s tha t wa s pro-Reagan , conservativ e [and ] very aggressive, very creative." Three year s later , finding lif e i n th e politi cal fast lan e to o spirituall y shallow , Ree d had qui t drinkin g an d joined a n evangelical church . Wa s genuin e mora l refor m to o muc h t o as k o f th e contemporary America n politica l system ? Upse t wit h th e "li p service " White Hous e staffer s wer e givin g t o "famil y values, " Ree d heade d of f t o graduate school . Go d migh t no t b e a t Emor y University , but H e certainl y was no t i n Washington. 68

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Lt. Colone l Olive r Nort h kne w tha t Go d wante d hi m t o ar m th e anti Communist freedo m fighter s i n Nicaragu a an d secur e th e releas e o f American hostage s i n Lebanon . God , however , works in mysteriou s ways; He require d Iran' s hel p t o fre e th e prisoners . I f th e Iranian s demande d sophisticated weapon s i n exchang e fo r thei r assistance , s o be it . North le t the infidel s pa y to p dolla r fo r thei r arm s an d the n transferre d th e profit s to a n accoun t h e se t u p t o finance th e contras . Th e Whit e Hous e woul d not mind . Afte r all , Attorney Genera l E d Mees e champione d th e contra s and ofte n pointe d ou t tha t "Nicaragu a i s jus t a s clos e t o Miami , Sa n Antonio, Sa n Diego , an d Tucso n a s thos e citie s ar e t o Washington. " Communist Latino s threatene d th e militar y securit y o f th e Sunbelt , ye t Yankee liberal s di d nothing . Besides , wha t wa s s o wron g wit h th e Sun belt's havin g it s ow n foreig n policy ? Effet e Ne w Englander s ha d give n America Worl d Wa r I an d th e CIA . I t onl y seeme d fai r tha t viril e south erners hav e thei r chance . Nort h woul d hav e t o wor k covertl y sinc e h e believed congressiona l Democrat s to be "treasonous" allies of Communis t Nicaragua. Moreover , i f th e publi c foun d ou t tha t th e Nationa l Securit y Agency wa s tradin g arm s fo r hostages , a terribl e politica l fallou t woul d result.1 In 1986 , North' s dealing s wit h Ira n an d Nicaragu a becam e publi c knowledge. Go d tol d Nort h t o eras e hi s compute r disk s an d shre d al l hi s papers pertainin g t o th e Iran-Contr a affair . Unfortunately , Go d forgo t t o mention tha t th e agency' s compute r syste m automaticall y mad e backu p copies of North's incriminatin g E-mail . North refuse d t o answer his critics in th e medi a an d Congress , promptin g Reaga n t o cal l hi m " a nationa l 152

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hero." Later , Nort h spu n a tale tha t implicate d Reaga n and , by extension , Vice Presiden t Georg e Bush . Som e Whit e Hous e staffer s insiste d tha t Reagan was too inattentive to have been involve d in North's schemes. The Reagan the y kne w relie d o n hi s cabine t t o ru n th e government . Nort h was obviously lying. Other staffer s depicte d a president wh o never misse d a detail—wit h one notable exception . Saturday Night Live offered it s own take o n th e Reaga n Whit e House . Phi l Hartman' s Reaga n wa s a smiling , shallow glad-hande r wh o pose d fo r picture s wit h children . Bu t whe n re porters lef t th e Ova l Office , Reaga n becam e supe r president—fluen t i n Arabic, able t o calculat e internationa l currenc y conversion s of f th e top o f his head, an d handle militar y logistics for th e contras. Many conservative s wanted Nort h t o ru n fo r th e Senate . Other s wishe d Nort h woul d "fal l o n his swor d an d no t b e hear d fro m again." 2 The tid e appeare d t o b e agains t Reagan . I n th e 198 6 congressiona l elections, Republican s los t contro l o f th e Senate . Fiv e souther n Republi cans, includin g Jeremia h Dento n o f Alabama , wer e cas t ou t o f office . Although th e buddin g Iran-Contr a scanda l hur t th e GOP , a larg e blac k turnout i n the South helped the Democrats. Barely 40 percent of Southern whites vote d Democratic . O n th e othe r hand , th e souther n Senat e race s were tight . Dento n los t b y onl y 7,00 0 votes . Moreover , th e Dixi e Demo crats wer e staunc h socia l conservatives . Th e onl y thin g the y had i n com mon wit h norther n liberal s wa s their sensitivit y to th e black vote. If there were n o clea r civi l right s issue s involve d i n th e matter s tha t cam e befor e the Senate , souther n Democrat s side d wit h Republicans . (Denton' s victorious challenger , Richar d Shelby , later joined th e Republica n Party . When Shelby switched partie s afte r th e '9 4 congressional elections , barely a third of souther n white s supporte d th e Democrats . Bushels o f blac k ballot s could no t mak e u p fo r th e wholesale defectio n o f whites.) 3 Unhappily fo r th e Whit e House , th e first importan t matte r tha t cam e before th e Democrati c Senat e concerne d civi l rights . I n 1987 , Reaga n nominated Rober t Bor k to th e Suprem e Court . Norma n Lea r o f the Peo ple fo r th e America n Wa y le d th e charg e agains t Reagan' s nominee . I n all, Lear's group , the ACLU, the Nationa l Abortio n Right s Action League , AFSCME, and th e NAAC P spen t $1 5 million o n televisio n an d newspape r advertising. Lea r sough t t o persuad e th e publi c that Bor k was the person ification o f evi l i n judge' s robes . Neve r i n America n histor y ha d a well financed lobb y intervened s o effectively i n a Supreme Cour t nomination. 4 Syndicated columnis t Garr y Wills also slammed Bork , taking exceptio n to th e jurist' s view s o n abortio n an d pornography . Accordin g t o Wills ,

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banning abortio n wa s unfai r sinc e th e burde n o f sacrific e reste d entirel y upon th e mother . Th e fetu s ha d n o caree r an d incom e t o giv e u p an d bore n o responsibilitie s t o society . Unabl e t o reciprocate , th e fetu s coul d not clai m mor e right s tha n th e mother . Th e fetus , therefore , ha d n o righ t to life. In the same vein, Wills argued that Bork' s criticism of pornography was nothin g les s tha n mora l totalitarianism . Pornography , Will s insisted , caused n o societa l damage . Religiou s belief s shoul d no t shap e publi c policy—unless, o f course , th e issu e was th e deat h penalty , an d no t abor tion o r pornography . The n Catholi c liberal s lik e Will s an d Ne w Yor k governor Mari o Cuom o claime d tha t thei r religiou s beliefs di d not permi t them t o endors e capita l punishment . Echoin g Wills , Tedd y Kenned y opined: "Rober t Bork' s Americ a i s a lan d i n whic h wome n woul d b e forced int o back-alle y abortions , black s woul d si t a t segregate d lunc h counters, rogu e polic e coul d brea k dow n citizens ' door s i n midnigh t raids." (And , perhaps , drunke n senator s wh o drov e of f bridge s an d al lowed thei r femal e passenger s t o drow n woul d g o to jail . Perhaps not.) 5 Bork's nominatio n wa s doomed . H e ha d n o mone y t o fight Lea r and , worse, th e Lef t ha d caugh t conservative s flat-footed . Moreover , Bork' s views o n ever y singl e politica l issu e o f th e pas t thirt y year s wer e wel l known. Althoug h h e migh t hav e been withi n hi s legal rights to hav e fired the Watergat e specia l prosecutor , politicall y i t stank . Worse , Bor k ha d gone the extra mile in the Ford administratio n t o combat federall y funde d abortions. (Mos t me n i n hi s positio n woul d hav e fete d th e prolifer s an d then betraye d them. ) Likewise , Bork' s argument s agains t th e civi l right s legislation o f th e earl y sixtie s cam e bac k t o haun t him . Althoug h h e ha d clearly eschewe d racis t argument s i n makin g a cas e fo r th e preservatio n of state' s right s an d fre e association , intellectua l subtletie s di d no t pla y well with th e civi l rights establishment. 6 The Senate' s souther n Democrat s coul d easil y dismis s Norma n Lear . They coul d not , however , affor d t o ignor e thei r angr y black constituents . EEOC chai r Clarenc e Thoma s an d Congressma n Jac k Kem p pointe d ou t that conservative s ha d onl y themselve s t o blam e fo r Bork' s defeat . Inten tionally o r not , th e Righ t fostere d distrus t amon g blacks an d fair-minde d whites. Thomas , fo r instance , ha d lon g chastise d conservativ e supporter s of the segregate d Bo b Jone s University . Kem p agreed , concluding : Bork stoo d fo r th e ide a tha t th e court s shoul d interpre t th e law , no t legislate . Americans believe this, but also believe it matters whether the law being faithfull y interpreted i s righ t o r wrong . And , unti l conservative s gai n a mor e consisten t

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reputation a s defenders o f equal opportunity (no t the liberals' racial quotas), they will be in a poor position t o allay fears that they don't want to, or are unable to, correct any legal anomalies that might crop up.7 Racial politic s an d hi s pape r trai l aside , Bor k simpl y di d no t com e across well at th e televise d Senat e hearings . He mad e n o effor t t o disguis e his contemp t fo r liberals . Granted , listenin g t o Kenned y tal k abou t lega l ethics would hav e taxed anyone' s patience . S o too, Senate Judiciary Com mittee chai r Jo e Bide n o f Delawar e di d no t impres s Bork . Delaware' s "Golden Boy " senator ha d just been force d t o drop ou t o f the Democrati c presidential primaries . No t onl y ha d h e plagiarize d hi s stum p speeches , he created make-believ e working-class roots . Then i t came out tha t Biden , who like d t o portra y himsel f a s a scholar , ha d plagiarize d a la w schoo l paper. Moreover , i f studen t draf t deferment s ha d bee n strictl y base d o n academic achievement , Bide n woul d hav e bee n throw n aboar d th e first military transport t o Saigon. Certainly Biden and Kenned y merited Bork' s disdain. Practica l politics , though, demande d tha t Bor k no t sho w his tru e feelings les t he alienate the other senator s and look arrogant to the viewers at home . A s th e presiden t o f DePau w Universit y ofte n said , "Th e worl d is ru n b y ' C students. " (DePauw' s facult y cynic s recalle d thes e word s when Senato r Da n Quayle , a n academicall y undistinguishe d alumnus , received a n honorar y degree.) 8 With Reagan' s politica l magi c evaporating , disaste r loomed . O n Octo ber 19 , 1987, the stoc k marke t too k a plunge , wipin g ou t $56 0 billio n i n assets. Although th e marke t recovered , th e cras h unnerve d a lot o f Americans. In the cours e o f racking up a trillion-dollar deb t th e Reagan admin istration borrowe d mone y fro m foreigner s an d savv y American investors . Flushed wit h cas h an d collectin g interes t payment s fro m th e U.S . Treasury, German s purchase d RCA , Japanes e bough t Sony , Australian s ac quired Twentiet h Centur y Fox , and Britis h Petroleu m too k ove r Standar d Oil o f Ohio . Eight y percent o f the profit s generate d b y foreign-controlle d corporations wen t bac k t o Japa n an d Europe . America n executive s an d government bondholder s di d well , wit h th e numbe r o f billionaire s an d millionaires doublin g durin g th e Reaga n boom . I n 1979 , CEO s mad e twenty-nine time s wha t thei r assembly-lin e worker s earned . Nin e year s later, i n rea l dollars , CEOs were makin g ninety-three time s what the y paid their blue-colla r employees . Overall , a quarter o f the labor force—mostl y those bor n afte r i960—worke d part-time . "Temps " receive d lo w wage s and n o health-car e benefits . Meanwhil e senio r citizen s receive d $40 0 bil-

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lion annuall y i n entitlements . Their wealt h cam e fro m th e soarin g payrol l taxes deducted fro m th e earnings o f struggling Bab y Busters. Many Americans told pollster s that the y thought thei r futur e prospect s wer e bleak. 9 CEOs were not sh y about disclaimin g any responsibility for the suppor t of loca l communities , thei r employees , an d charities . U.S . Steel' s Davi d Roderick remarked , "Ther e i s a feelin g i n thi s country—wrongl y so — that corporation s ar e t o ste p u p an d fill the void. " (U.S . Steel abandone d many o f it s mil l operations , choosin g t o bu y a n oi l compan y instea d o f investing i n it s basi c produc t an d labo r force. ) Othe r CEO s complaine d that the y wante d Reaga n t o deregulat e business , no t exhor t the m t o in crease their charitabl e giving. Libertarians meanwhile praised the "creativ e destruction" unleashe d b y th e fre e market . The y contende d tha t govern ment shoul d eliminat e it s social welfare function s an d ste p out o f the way of privat e enterprise . Indeed , th e federa l defici t coul d b e abolishe d i f entitlements wer e eliminated. As for th e tens of thousands o f unemploye d steelworkers, the y shoul d sto p lookin g t o governmen t an d corporate sponsored charitie s fo r succor . Suc h people neede d t o move to the boom ing Sunbelt , abando n th e communitie s o f thei r childhood , an d lear n t o be self-reliant. 10 Some voice s o n th e Righ t dissente d fro m thi s ne w Socia l Darwinism . Christianity Today decrie d a n econom y tha t force d mother s t o work lon g hours fo r littl e retur n whil e thei r childre n wer e sen t t o da y care . Fre e marketers, Christia n conservative s warned , threatene d th e traditiona l family an d fostere d a materialistic , Godles s culture . Th e reporter s fo r Christianity Today offere d a n insightfu l observatio n o n "Supply-Sid e Morality." T o wit , a natio n tha t tolerate d unemploymen t an d povert y coul d never trul y prosper , economicall y o r spiritually : Unemployment i s dangerous t o al l because i t undermine s self-reliance , weakens individual character , an d keep s th e individua l fro m full y participatin g i n th e maintenance o f society as a whole. We have lost sight of this simple truth i n our own self-obsessions . Th e dignit y o f th e individua l an d th e moralit y o f a n eco nomic program are intimately related, and thus the critical importance of supplying meaningful jobs for al l people.11 Peggy Noonan, wh o ha d penne d Reagan' s bes t speeche s o n th e mean ing o f self-sacrifice , wishe d American s wer e les s acquisitiv e an d mor e willing t o voluntee r thei r tim e t o charity . Sh e als o expresse d he r annoy ance wit h corporation s tha t discarde d thei r hard-workin g employee s i n order t o enhanc e th e bottom line . Noonan ha d especiall y harsh word s fo r her forme r employer , CBS:

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What th e accountant s an d thei r bosse s di d no t understan d i s tha t whe n yo u "waste" money by keeping a great man who has passed his prime on the payroll years after hi s daily contribution ha s ended, the widest impact is not on the great man but o n the people who work around him. They realize the company cares about them in a careless world, they decide to care abou t th e company . An d s o the y com e u p wit h thei r shar e o f th e bargai n and . .. decide, a s the corresponden t Bruc e Dunnin g did , t o fight his way onto the last plane out o f Da Nang [i n 1975], where he huddled o n the floor an d kept his tap e recorde r rollin g an d reporte d liv e a s th e plan e barel y mad e i t up , a s desperate people fell from th e wheels. He didn't sto p talking, and you could hear the terror o f what was happening throug h th e terror o f his shaking voice. There has neve r bee n a bette r momen t i n broadcas t journalism . Dunnin g wa s late r demoted. CBS saved money , bu t i t spen t loyalt y a s i f i t wa s going ou t o f style , which perhaps it is.12 Noonan wa s n o happie r wit h th e country-clu b Republicans . Sh e late r wrote tha t GO P liberal s an d th e "paleo-conservatives " ha d no t welcome d blacks an d ethnic s wh o ha d lef t th e Ne w Dea l Church . (Paleo conservatives—so-called becaus e thei r belief s wer e t o b e foun d i n th e bedrock fa r beneat h th e Ne w Deal—castigate d "impostors " like Noonan , believing tha t suc h GO P convert s ha d retaine d thei r Democrati c sensibil ities.) Noona n raile d a t th e Iv y League Republicans whenever the y reviled religious conservatives . T o th e blu e bloods , Gar y Baue r an d othe r Chris tian staffer s i n th e Whit e Hous e wer e "trailer-park " religiou s nuts. Nancy Reagan, Noona n note d i n 1990 , was n o better . Th e first lad y ha d begge d her Beverl y Hill s friend s t o persuad e th e presiden t "t o sto p talkin g abou t abortion. It' s turnin g everybod y off . H e alread y ha s thos e people , i t doe s him n o good. " Noona n readil y admitte d tha t sh e wa s n o sain t herself . However, whe n sh e ha d use d off-colo r languag e aroun d Reagan' s blue blood staffer s i t was not because sh e took an y pleasure in swearing; rather, she swore because "that' s ho w Protestants wh o went t o Harvar d thin k th e working clas s talks." 13 Paul Weyric h concurre d wit h Noonan . H e argue d tha t th e countr y clubbers—"this elitis t grou p tha t ha s controlle d th e Republica n party" — felt threatene d b y religiou s idealists . Weyrich frette d tha t libera l Republi cans regarde d religiou s conservative s i n th e sam e wa y Democrat s viewe d blacks—as a blo c o f reliabl e voter s t o b e "trotte d ou t ever y fou r years " and the n ignore d unti l th e nex t election . Conservativ e activis t Gar y Jar min concurred , observin g tha t "you r three-martin i Episcopalian s jus t don't hav e a lot i n commo n wit h a tee-totaling Baptist . The y don' t mov e and liv e an d wor k i n th e sam e circles. " A Christian Voic e membe r fro m

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Virginia pu t i t i n mor e bluntly : "The y despis e thes e unwashe d low income Christian s comin g i n singin g thei r hymn s an d tryin g t o tak e th e party away. " Charle s Colso n sadl y conclude d tha t th e liberal , o r "prag matic," Republican s i n th e Whit e Hous e ha d wo n th e struggl e fo r th e soul o f th e GOP . "Despit e unprecedente d access t o th e Ova l Office, " Colson wrot e i n 1988 , "most item s o n th e evangelica l socia l agend a hav e been eithe r defeate d o r shelved. " Th e courts , th e universities , an d th e media remaine d firml y i n th e hand s o f socia l liberal s an d thei r GO P collaborators.14 Bob Tyrrell o f the American Spectator pointed ou t tha t i f social conser vatives faile d t o advanc e thei r agenda , i t wa s no t entirel y th e faul t o f Reagan's "preppie " advisors. The Moral Majority, Tyrrel l maintained, ha d failed t o reac h ou t t o libertarians an d mak e sufficien t ideologica l compromises. Tyrrel l ma y hav e bee n right . O n th e othe r hand , ther e wer e liber tarians wh o wante d nothin g t o d o wit h religiou s conservatives . As a lark, P. J . O'Rourk e ha d vacatione d a t Heritag e USA , a Pentecosta l resor t i n South Carolin a operate d b y evangelist Ji m Bakker. After observin g that he and hi s girlfrien d wer e "wearin g th e onl y natura l fibers fo r 2,30 0 acre s in an y direction, " O'Rourk e hel d fort h o n th e kin d o f peopl e wh o at tended prolif e rallies , spoke in tongues , and mad e pilgrimage s to Heritag e USA: You kno w wha t you'v e go t here ? Thi s i s white tras h behavin g itself—th e onl y thing in the world worse than white trash not behaving itself. These people aren't having any fun. They should join the Klan. They'd be better off. The y could hoot and holle r an d what-not . Th e Kla n doesn' t d o al l tha t muc h reall y ba d stuf f anymore because ther e ar e too man y FBI double agent s in it . And i f these folk s joined th e Klan , the y coul d smok e an d drin k again . Plus , they' d ge t t o wea r something halfway decent , like an all-cotton bed sheet. 15 Setting asid e th e feu d tha t ha d simmere d amon g libertarians , socia l conservatives, an d preppie s sinc e 1981 , ther e was the smal l matte r o f find ing a n hei r t o Ronal d Reagan . Eve n disillusione d socia l conservative s believed tha t sympatheti c rhetori c an d legislativ e inaction were preferable t o the alternative—th e electio n o f an activist social liberal. Of course, among some conservative s ther e wer e Republica n presidentia l candidate s les s popular tha n Walte r Mondale . Weyric h an d New t Gingrich—th e liber tarian-leaning representativ e fro m Georgia—emphaticall y agree d o n on e point: Vice President Georg e Bus h was an inarticulat e preppi e nightmare . Free marketer s though t Bus h wa s just anothe r tax-and-spen d liberal , an d

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a fe w Christia n conservative s sa w hi m a s a prolif e backslider . Th e vic e president's tongue-tie d pronouncement s di d no t enhanc e hi s appea l t o conservatives, no r di d the y impres s th e genera l public . Bus h ha d onc e angrily insiste d tha t h e wa s a ferven t conservative . "But, " h e continued , "I'm no t a nu t abou t it. " (Amon g friends , Bus h ha d thi s t o sa y abou t religious conservatives : "F — ' e m . . . . Yo u can' t satisf y thos e people." ) A t an officia l tou r o f Auschwitz , Bus h expresse d a though t tha t n o doub t came t o th e min d o f man y a reflectiv e Yalie : "Boy , the y wer e bi g o n crematoriums, weren't they?" 16 Some socia l conservatives ha d othe r reason s to find Bus h lacking. After eight years o f Republican rule , the mora l healt h o f America wa s no bette r than i t ha d bee n whe n Reaga n an d Bus h arrive d i n Washington . Indeed , the dominan t secula r cultur e corrupte d th e devou t a s wel l a s th e un churched. Accordin g t o a nationa l surve y o f fundamentalis t teenagers , a quarter ha d engage d i n sexua l intercourse . More tha n hal f o f these Christian youth s reporte d tha t the y ha d gleane d thei r knowledg e o f se x fro m Hollywood. Sex-fille d films wer e no t th e onl y reaso n teen s becam e spiri tually tarnished. Accordin g t o Christianity Today, heavy-metal roc k bands and thei r corporat e sponsors—notabl y CB S Records—place d teen s un der a "Satani c spell. " Band s like "Juda s Priest " brainwashed youn g male s into killin g thei r familie s an d themselves . Similarly , Bill y Idol, Madonna , and MT V video s promote d sexua l promiscuit y an d violence . Socia l con servatives als o aime d barb s a t Dr . Rut h Westheimer , a televisio n talk show host , author , an d self-style d "sexpert. " Christianity Today editorial ized tha t "Dr . Rut h writin g a book o n th e ethics of se x is a little lik e Jack the Rippe r writin g a book o n th e ethic s o f population control." 17 While roc k musi c an d "Dr . Ruth " corrupte d th e moral s o f youn g Americans, gay s move d int o th e sanctuar y o f th e church . Conservative s in th e Unite d Methodis t Churc h conteste d th e religiou s propriet y o f or daining ga y clergy. As Methodist minister s an d bishop s began dyin g fro m AIDS, th e questio n o f ga y right s wa s raise d mor e frequentl y a t churc h conventions. Yea r afte r yea r th e Unite d Methodis t Churc h experience d a widenin g cultura l rif t betwee n it s morall y traditional , small-tow n members an d it s cosmopolita n campu s an d seminar y constituencies . Th e Evangelical Luthera n Churc h ha d n o suc h problem . Gay s fro m the church' s Berkele y seminar y wer e readil y ordained . I n Chicago , ga y priests an d lesbia n nun s lobbie d o n behal f o f a homosexua l right s ordi nance. Cardina l Bernardi n gingerl y explaine d hi s oppositio n t o th e pro posed law :

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Four principle s shap e th e Catholi c Church' s teachin g abou t homosexualit y and gay/lesbian rights: 1. Som e people, through n o faul t o f their own , have a homosexual tendency or attraction. The tendency is not immoral or sinful . 2. Ther e is no place for arbitrar y discrimination an d prejudice agains t a person because of sexual tendency. All people have a right to decent employment, housing, and public accommodations. 3. However , homosexual activit y and its advocacy, as distinguished fro m ho mosexual tendency, is objectively morally wrong. 4. Parent s have a right to keep their children free during their formative years of an y person(s ) o r influence(s ) tha t woul d advocat e homosexua l prac tice.18 At Georgetow n University , th e federa l judiciar y ruled , th e Jesuit s ha d to provid e fund s t o ga y studen t organizations . Sinc e federa l mone y wa s involved i n som e studen t activities , th e court s decide d tha t the y ha d th e legal authorit y t o se t asid e religiou s doctrine . I n a case involving Pennsylvania's Grov e Cit y College , however , th e Suprem e Cour t conclude d tha t only educationa l program s directl y receivin g federa l fund s fel l unde r Washington's writ . Senato r Kenned y quickl y put forwar d th e Civi l Rights Restoration Ac t o f 1988 . Kennedy' s law , passe d ove r Reagan' s veto , as serted tha t i f students receive d federa l grant s an d loans , then Washingto n had jurisdictio n ove r all college functions . Th e onl y alternativ e universi ties had was to follow the example of Michigan's libertarian-minded Hills dale Colleg e an d no t certif y student s fo r federa l grant s o r guarantee d loans. Hillsdal e foun d othe r source s o f funding fo r it s students. However , not ever y college coul d g o to th e Coor s famil y an d as k for a check. Grov e City's presiden t warne d tha t n o employe r o r colleg e was safe: "Toda y th e federal bureaucrac y ca n reac h int o virtuall y an y grassroot s entity. " Sinc e "public policie s ar e increasingl y a t odd s wit h Biblica l values, " h e con cluded, "Christian s mus t segregat e themselve s fro m secula r society." 19 Although Reaga n ha d promise d fundamentalist s an d Pentecostal s tha t he woul d sav e th e America n lega l syste m fro m th e force s o f socia l liber alism, man y judge s continue d t o jum p wheneve r th e ACL U threatene d a lawsuit. Accordin g t o th e ACLU , an y mentio n o f religio n i n th e publi c schools wa s unconstitutional . Conservativ e Protestant s an d Catholic s complained tha t th e publi c schools , i n thei r effor t t o maintai n th e sepa ration o f churc h an d state , wer e promotin g anti-Christia n attitudes . Liberals curtl y dismisse d anyon e critica l o f the ACLU an d secula r education . If their childre n wer e enrolle d i n a public school— a big if—white-colla r professionals brooke d n o carpin g fro m th e les s enlightened . A s on e up -

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per-middle-class Protestan t sai d i n explainin g th e politica l an d educa tional controversie s takin g plac e i n hi s community , "Yo u hav e t o under stand th e neighborhoo d change d whe n th e white s move d ou t an d th e Irish Catholic s moved in." 20 Not surprisingly , religiou s academie s continue d t o flourish . S o too di d home schooling . In th e late seventies thirteen thousan d childre n had been taught a t home. By the en d o f the eightie s more than on e million childre n had bee n take n ou t o f th e publi c schoo l syste m an d educate d a t home . Christianity Today reporte d tha t on e benefi t o f hom e schoolin g wa s tha t the "childre n appeare d t o b e les s peer-oriente d tha n thos e i n [public ] schools." Rev . Mike Farris , the presiden t o f the Washington stat e chapte r of th e Mora l Majority , champione d hom e schooling . H e calle d secula r education " a Godles s monstrosity " an d exhorte d "ever y born-agai n Christian i n Americ a t o tak e thei r childre n ou t o f publi c schools. " (Th e Baptist ministe r an d hi s wif e taugh t thei r nin e childre n a t home. ) Farri s also explaine d wh y th e publi c school s ha d a n obligatio n t o censo r im moral materials : "Jus t a s I don' t thin k a blac k ki d shoul d b e force d t o read Mar k Twai n becaus e o f th e wor d 'nigger, ' religiou s Christian s shouldn't b e force d t o rea d book s offensiv e t o them. " Amon g th e book s Farris foun d objectionabl e wer e The Wonderful Wizard of Oz an d The Diary of Anne Frank. Th e forme r "condone d th e practic e o f witchcraft" ; the latte r "promote d th e belie f tha t al l paths lea d t o God. " (B y knockin g Anne Frank , Farri s unintentionall y mad e himsel f appea r anti-Semitic . Conservative Jews , locked i n a powe r struggl e wit h thei r libera l counter parts, di d no t nee d Christia n "friends " lik e Farris.) 21 In 1988 , the federa l judiciar y deal t a blow t o socia l conservatives . Fiv e years before , Larr y Flynt' s Hustler magazin e ha d publishe d a parod y ad vertisement whic h suggeste d a drunke n Jerr y Falwel l havin g se x with hi s mother i n a n outhouse . Falwel l filed a defamation sui t agains t Flynt . Th e clergyman wo n hi s sui t i n th e lowe r courts . Reagan' s Suprem e Court , however, rule d i n favo r o f Flynt . Th e justice s claime d tha t Flynt' s free speech right s outweighe d Falwell' s righ t t o protec t hi s famil y an d reputa tion. T o Falwell , th e issu e wa s no t th e Firs t Amendment ; rather , th e controversy wa s abou t pornography , whic h wa s "n o longe r a thin g re stricted t o back-alle y book shop s an d sordi d movi e houses . Now pornog raphy ha s thrus t it s ugl y hea d int o ou r everyda y live s an d i s multiplyin g like a filthy plague. " Th e stake s i n th e lawsui t wer e enormous . B y th e eighties pornograph y wa s a n $ 8 billion-a-yea r industr y whos e influenc e reached dee p int o America n society . Th e director s o f th e Playboy Foun -

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dation, fo r example , gav e $150,00 0 t o th e ACLU , an d severa l o f the m sa t on th e boar d o f it s Illinoi s chapter . Playboy als o share d th e wealt h wit h Planned Parenthoo d an d NARAL . Closing dow n th e pornograph y indus try, religiou s conservative s believed , woul d g o fa r t o "defund " th e Left . That consideratio n mad e Falwell' s lega l defea t al l th e mor e disappoint ing.22 Only afte r muc h pleadin g ha d E d Mees e establishe d th e Presidentia l Commission o n Pornography . Th e eleve n member s o f th e commissio n held hearing s i n 198 5 and 1986 . Unlike Nixon' s 197 0 Commission o n Por nography, Reagan' s grou p roundl y condemne d smut . Jame s Dobson , th e president o f Focu s o n th e Famil y an d a membe r o f th e Reaga n commis sion, insiste d tha t Hustler, Playboy, an d Penthouse gav e ai d an d comfor t to pedophiles . Commissio n witnesses , a number o f whom wer e minister s and professor s fro m religiou s colleges , claime d tha t pornograph y stimu lated sexua l promiscuit y an d wa s responsibl e fo r tw o millio n case s o f gonorrhea i n 1984 . I f th e connectio n betwee n pornograph y an d socia l diseases appeare d les s tha n firm , on e Calvi n Colleg e politica l scientis t raised a goo d point . I n respons e t o liberal s wh o claime d tha t smu t di d not influenc e socia l behavior, th e professor said , "I f they are to be consistent [they ] hav e t o argu e tha t goo d literatur e an d ennoblin g ar t als o have no effect"—a n admissio n Garr y Will s an d othe r libera l fan s o f th e Na tional Endowmen t fo r th e Arts seeme d unlikel y to make. 23 Dobson, a s well as Cal Thomas o f the Moral Majority, complaine d tha t Meese ha d give n th e commissio n littl e tim e an d mone y t o expos e th e pornography industry . The y regarde d Reagan' s pornograph y commissio n as little mor e tha n sop . Frustrated , religiou s conservative s too k thei r wa r against smu t t o th e streets . Churc h group s i n 15 0 cities pickete d Revco , 7-Eleven, an d othe r store s tha t sol d Playboy an d Penthouse. A t first, a 7-Eleven spokesma n defende d th e store' s policy , arguing , "W e ar e no t i n the position t o mak e moral judgments fo r ou r customers. " The picketing, however, too k it s toll o n convenience-stor e sales . Several thousand Revc o and 7-Eleve n shop s stoppe d carryin g pornographi c magazines . I n Min neapolis, Indianapolis , an d For t Wayne , Catholics , fundamentalists , an d Pentecostals joine d force s t o picke t se x shop s an d pas s anti-smu t ordi nances. For t Wayne' s homosexual s rallie d t o th e defens e o f thei r favorit e video stor e an d stage d counterpicketin g a t a Pentecosta l church . On e homosexual proteste r wor e a nun' s costume , seemingl y unawar e o f th e difference betwee n Catholic s an d Pentecostals. 24 Angered b y th e anti-smu t crusade , th e ACL U an d Representativ e Bar -

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ney Fran k o f Brookline , Massachussetts , asserte d tha t religiou s conserva tives wante d t o stifl e fre e speech . A n openl y ga y politician , Fran k wa s particularly irate , havin g n o us e fo r "homophobic " socia l conservatives . Frank's love r ha d operate d a male prostitutio n rin g ou t o f Frank's Wash ington apartment . Brookline' s tolerant voter s di d no t objec t t o the behavior o f thei r congressma n thoug h th e Religiou s Righ t ha d a field day . Cardinal Bernardi n defende d th e anti-pornograph y movement : "W e ar e against censorship , bu t w e ar e als o agains t obscenity , whic h i s no t pro tected b y th e Constitution. " Further , th e cardina l tol d Fran k an d th e ACLU, pornograph y wa s "morall y evi l becaus e i t undermine s huma n dignity."25 While smu t opponent s mobilized , a segmen t o f the prolif e movemen t was becomin g mor e militant . Havin g los t fait h i n th e politica l system , Randall Terry , a blue-collar Christian , founde d Operatio n Rescu e in 1987. Terry's group , modele d afte r King' s Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Con ference, stage d nonviolen t protest s a t abortio n clinics . Fro m Atlant a t o Los Angeles , Operatio n Rescu e blockade d abortio n facilitie s an d it s vol unteers wen t t o jai l b y th e thousands . Takin g a leaf fro m th e Left , Terr y engaged i n visuall y stunnin g politica l theater . H e wa s th e first prolif e protester t o carr y a n aborte d fetu s aroun d wit h hi m fo r th e benefit o f the television new s cameras . H e als o mad e n o apologie s fo r stirrin g u p con troversy an d provokin g confrontation : Every major politica l change in our society has been preceded by social upheaval. . . . We've been working on a political solution for fifteen years, and it has failed. Our rank s ar e growin g becaus e peopl e ar e realizin g w e hav e misse d th e boat . Instead o f tryin g t o fill the hall s o f Congress , w e shoul d hav e bee n filling the abortion clinics with people who want to stop the killing.26 Abortion sympathizer s i n the medi a decrie d Terry' s tactics, mocked hi s humble origins , an d ridicule d hi s religiou s fervor . Littl e di d the y under stand tha t thei r disdainfu l attitud e enhance d Terry' s credibilit y amon g prolifers wh o otherwis e woul d hav e bee n pu t of f b y hi s tactics . Falwell , Pat Robertson , an d Atlant a Archbisho p Eugen e Marin o endorse d Opera tion Rescue , althoug h othe r prolif e clerg y kep t Terr y a t arm' s length . Typically, liberal s misse d th e mos t strikin g featur e abou t Operatio n Rescue. Her e wa s a situation i n whic h conservative s revolte d agains t th e very government the y ha d brough t t o power . I t wa s almos t a s if radical aboli tionists ha d electe d Abraha m Lincol n presiden t an d the n turne d agains t him whe n the y realize d h e woul d en d slaver y onl y i f n o othe r option s remained open . (No t b y accident ha d Falwel l compared Operatio n Rescu e

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to th e Undergroun d Railroad. ) Fo r socia l conservatives , a question hun g in th e air : Was i t tim e t o ru n on e o f thei r ow n fo r president , t o separat e themselves fro m wha t the y considere d t o b e morall y illegitimat e author ity, or t o giv e the GO P anothe r chance? 27 Pat Robertso n gav e hi s answe r t o th e GO P regulars : h e entere d th e Republican presidentia l primaries . A t first, Georg e Bus h an d th e medi a laughed of f th e Robertso n challenge . Ho w coul d anyon e tak e seriousl y a candidate who , o n hi s ow n televisio n show , aske d Go d t o diver t a hurri cane fro m CBN' s headquarters ? Wha t Republica n countr y clubber s di d not appreciat e wa s tha t a perso n wh o coul d comfortabl y pra y o n televi sion whil e severa l millio n peopl e watche d wa s no t afrai d t o ac t o n hi s convictions. Suc h a person coul d attrac t hundred s o f thousand s o f com mitted supporter s whos e mora l belief s weighe d mor e heavil y tha n an y loyalty to Reagan's heir-apparent. Eve n while the Bush campaign ridicule d Robertson, th e Virginian ha d take n contro l o f the GOP in Alaska, Hawaii, Nevada, an d Washington . Robertso n als o organize d loyalist s i n Iowa , Michigan, an d Oklahoma . T o Bush's amazement, Robertso n place d ahea d of hi m i n th e Iow a caucuse s an d wo n Michigan . Onl y a grea t dea l o f backroom dealin g wit h Michiga n GO P leader s rescue d Bush' s fortunes . The count y GO P chair s wer e i n Bush' s corne r an d the y determine d ho w many delegate s eac h candidat e received . Robertso n inevitabl y faile d t o receive his fai r share. 28 In Michigan , prolif e Catholi c lait y an d blac k Pentecosta l clerg y ener gized Robertson' s campaign . Th e GO P legislator s wh o ha d falle n i n be hind Bus h di d no t kno w what wa s happening—an understandabl e devel opment sinc e fe w o f Robertson' s follower s ha d previousl y participate d i n Republican Part y functions. The y were the kinds o f folks who avoided th e caucuses an d primarie s o f eithe r part y an d the n vote d Republica n i n th e general election . Robertso n wa s leadin g a n insurgenc y i n Michigan , on e that implicitl y rebuked bot h majo r parties : If principled citizen s were in positions of governmental authority, would we have pornography runnin g unchecke d i n ou r communities ? Woul d Go d b e banne d from ou r publi c schools?.. . Would criminal s appea r t o hav e mor e right s tha n their victims? Would homosexualit y be applauded a s a viable alternative lifestyle and it s expression taugh t t o ou r childre n an d protecte d b y law? Would th e traditional Judeo-Christian view of the family be subjected t o ridicule and attack?29 GOP leader s wer e irate . Georg e Bush' s so n Nei l likene d th e factor y workers an d shopkeeper s wh o supporte d Robertso n t o "cockroache s is suing ou t fro m underneat h th e baseboard. " Michiga n stat e Senat e leade r

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John Engle r castigate d religiou s conservative s fo r placin g thei r mora l agenda ahea d o f th e party' s electora l interests . Engle r subsequentl y changed hi s tun e whe n h e neede d th e hel p o f socia l conservative s t o wi n the 1990 gubernatorial election . Jack Kemp joined the GOP chorus, grousing tha t "Robertso n ha s a ver y negativ e conservatism . I f yo u hear d hi m speak, i t woul d soun d lik e Reaga n los t i n 1980. " (Thi s was , o f course , precisely th e point . Reaga n ha d wo n an d ha d no t mad e muc h o f a differ ence s o fa r a s abortion , dru g abuse , an d illegitimac y wer e concerned. ) After Bus h secure d th e presidentia l nomination , Kem p assure d reporter s that Robertso n "i s a s welcom e t o ou r part y a s Jess e Jackso n i s t o th e Democratic Party. " Kem p kep t a straight face. 30 In th e South on e thousand cheerin g Amway distributors followe d Bus h from Atlant a t o th e sea . Amway wante d souther n voter s an d th e nationa l media t o thin k tha t Bus h wa s gainin g momentum . Senato r Goldwate r helped th e caus e b y givin g Bus h hi s blessing . Falwell , E d McAtee r o f th e Religious Roundtable, an d W. A. Criswell followed Goldwater' s lead. They believed tha t Bush' s nominatio n wa s inevitable—an d desirable . Fe w o f the fourtee n millio n Souther n Baptist s supporte d Robertson . Amon g th e leaders o f th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Evangelicals , jus t 1 2 percent pre ferred Robertso n t o Bush . Sout h Carolina , a bellwethe r stat e o f Dixi e conservatism, wen t decisivel y t o Bush . Acros s Dixie , two-third s o f th e South's voter s informe d pollster s tha t the y woul d neve r vot e fo r Robert son. Hi s charismati c fait h di d no t si t wel l wit h man y Souther n Baptists . Moreover, Robertso n ha d a streak o f patrician paternalis m tha t upse t th e GOP's anti-Bi g Governmen t legions . O n th e campaig n trai l Robertso n had sai d tha t h e wante d t o brin g a messag e o f hop e t o "th e steelworker s in Pittsburg h an d th e autoworker s i n Detroit , an d th e inner-cit y blac k people. I cared abou t the m an d I wanted t o se e a government tha t woul d make lif e bette r fo r them. " Thi s was evidenc e enoug h t o th e conservativ e Washington Times tha t Robertso n wa s a dangerous populis t wh o di d no t represent "mainlin e Republica n thought." 31 On The 700 Club Robertso n foun d i t eas y t o mobiliz e hi s viewer s i n the crusad e agains t evil . CBN sowe d th e seed s fo r a growing socia l movement, wisel y avoidin g sectaria n controversie s an d emphasizin g mora l is sues tha t unite d Baptists , Catholics , Orthodo x Jews , an d Pentecostals . What worke d i n th e CB N studio , however , di d no t translat e wel l ou t o n the hustings . Whereve r Robertso n went , troubl e followed . Hopin g t o demonstrate hi s commitmen t fo r justic e t o al l citizens , regardles s o f rac e or creed , Robertso n announce d hi s presidentia l candidac y i n th e Ne w

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York slu m wher e he had onc e preached—Bedford-Stuyvesant. Homosex uals an d Norma n Lear' s Peopl e fo r th e America n Wa y disrupte d th e event. Orthodo x Jew s wh o showe d u p t o suppor t Robertso n an d con demn homosexualit y wer e curse d an d calle d "Nazis. " I n turn , Robertso n referred t o hi s foe s a s "anti-Christia n atheists. " H e als o contende d tha t liberal Jews like Lear an d the founder s o f ACT-UP, a militant homosexua l lobby group , were "inten t o n diminishin g Christia n influenc e i n the pub lic life o f America." Secula r Jew s branded Robertso n a n anti-Semite ; Or thodox Jew s cheered him. 32 Social conservatives lik e Robertson blame d gay s for th e AIDS epidemi c and sa w the m a s a drivin g forc e behin d th e sprea d o f pornography . Re sponding t o liberal s wh o wante d t o spen d mor e federa l fund s t o comba t AIDS, CBN' s leade r said : You can' t thro w mone y a t a disease an d thin k it' s goin g t o g o away. That isn' t the wa y to solv e it. That's no t th e problem . There' s onl y so much researc h you can ge t out o f money. After a while, the answer's got to be in somebody's common sense . Why d o w e have AIDS ? Ninety-two percen t o f th e AID S cases are male homosexuals or intravenous drug users. All these people have to do is stop. If we want t o stop AIDS today all we have to do is practice abstinence and stop shooting intravenous drugs into our arms. 33 Although Robertso n correctl y pointe d ou t tha t action s ha d conse quences, politicall y h e di d hi s caus e littl e good . I n th e abstrac t mos t Americans believe d peopl e shoul d b e held accountabl e fo r thei r behavior . Consequently, violen t criminal s mus t b e sen t t o prison , no t therapy . O n the othe r hand , mos t American s ar e compassionat e folk s wh o d o no t lik e to se e anyone suffer . A deft politicia n ha d t o convey compassion and hol d people responsibl e fo r action s that hur t themselve s an d others . Robertso n was no t tha t kin d o f politician. Moralist s mak e politic s exciting and forc e entrenched elite s t o addres s importan t socia l problems . The y d o not , however, ascen d t o th e Whit e House . Lincol n talke d th e tal k bu t neve r walked th e walk . Eve n Frankli n Roosevelt , wh o castigate d th e mone y changers i n th e templ e o f democracy, di d no t threate n t o impoveris h th e DuPonts. Ta x till the y screamed, yo u bet ; destroy , no t hardly . Other development s als o hurt Robertson . Jus t a s he launched hi s presidential campaign , Ji m Bakke r an d Jimm y Swaggart brought sham e to th e Pentecostal faithful . Bakker , wh o onc e worke d fo r Robertson , ha d buil t his ow n religiou s televisio n empire , th e PT L ("Prais e th e Lord" ) Club . In some month s Bakke r solicite d $1 0 million i n donations fro m hi s workingclass viewers. Bakker preache d "see d faith, " o r "prosperit y gospel." If you

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sent mone y t o PTL , Go d woul d rewar d yo u te n time s over . Bakke r gav e himself a $600,00 0 a year salary , a s wel l a s severa l yacht s an d mansions . Even hi s doghous e ha d ai r conditioning . Alon g th e wa y Bakke r pai d a church secretar y $265,00 0 to keep quie t abou t thei r affair . Th e Assemblie s of Go d "minister"—Bakke r wa s neve r ordained—als o ha d homosexua l encounters. Althoug h homosexualit y offende d Pentecosta l sensibilities , the IR S wa s mor e concerne d tha t Bakke r ha d use d th e PT L Clu b a s a front t o avoi d payin g $5 6 millio n i n taxes . Bush , wh o ha d solicite d Bak ker's endorsemen t an d ha d thre e staffer s workin g fo r th e PT L Ministry , maintained a n ai r o f shock. As with th e Iran-Contr a affair , Bus h had bee n "out o f th e loop. " (Or , a s Bus h impersonato r Dan a Carve y said , " I wa s loopless.")34 Another Bus h partisan , Jimm y Swaggart , soo n foun d himsel f i n ho t water fo r havin g ha d intercours e wit h prostitutes . A crusader agains t por nography, Swaggar t enjoye d kink y sex . H e di d not , however , approv e o f rock 'n ' roll . Swaggar t ofte n preache d tha t roc k musi c wa s inspire d b y Satan. Swaggarf s cousin , Jerr y Le e Lewis, emphatically concurred , saying that h e hoped his song s wo n soul s fo r th e Anti-Christ . B y the tim e Swag gart5 s clandestin e se x lif e cam e t o light , h e wa s a wealth y ma n wit h a television audienc e tha t numbere d i n th e millions . Althoug h man y Pen tecostals forgav e him , on e cousi n wa s les s charitable . Commentin g o n a neighbor wh o ha d falle n int o disfavor , sh e said : "Thi s poo r littl e Assem blies o f Go d ma n wa s arreste d ove r here . H e rape d hi s fou r childre n an d the animal s tha t h e ha d there—tw o sons , tw o daughters , tw o dogs , an d they're lookin ' a t th e parakeet . Bu t th e rea l traged y i s that h e sen t hi s last five dollar s t o Jimm y Swaggart." 35 Robertson's campaig n suffere d i n th e wak e o f th e Swaggar t an d PT L scandals. Journalist s an d academic s mercilessl y ridicule d th e Christia n Right. Sometime s thei r witticism s wer e funny : "Wha t d o th e letter s PT L stand for ? Pas s th e Loot. " Mor e commonly , thei r comment s wer e lace d with th e kind s o f sneer s conservative s expecte d fro m Iv y Leagu e profes sors. Televangelist s wer e "bizarre " co n artist s whos e number-on e charit y was themselves . Tha t wa s unfair . Robertso n dedicate d million s o f dollar s to Operatio n Blessing , a charitabl e organizatio n tha t worke d wit h fiftee n thousand congregation s t o provid e dru g counseling , medica l care , an d other kind s o f assistanc e t o th e poor . Tha t fact , however , go t lost . Dona tions t o CBN , a s wel l a s t o Falwell' s Old Time Gospel Hour, fel l precipi tously. (Eve n befor e th e PT L scanda l broke , conservativ e clerg y had bee n experiencing difficulties . Falwel l disbande d th e Mora l Majorit y i n 198 6 so

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that h e coul d devot e mor e tim e t o improvin g th e financial positio n o f the Thomas Roa d Baptis t Church . Meanwhile , Timoth y LaHaye' s America n Coalition fo r Traditiona l Value s wa s wracke d b y scanda l i n '86 whe n reporters reveale d tha t th e cultis t Su n Myun g Moo n wa s a majo r spon sor.) Throug h 198 7 an d 1988 , CB N los t $1 6 million . A Gallu p pol l tha t asked peopl e who m the y woul d leas t lik e t o hav e a s neighbor s showe d born-again Christian s toppin g th e list . Episcopalia n an d Presbyteria n clergy, who had spen t the eighties watching angril y as their flocks defected to Pentecosta l an d fundamentalis t churches , were overjoyed a t their rivals' misfortunes.36 Flailing abou t helplessly , Robertso n questione d whethe r Bus h had any thing t o d o wit h th e IR S investigation o f the PT L Clu b an d th e exposur e of Bakker' s an d Swaggart' s sexua l adventures . Robertso n als o ha d t o b e gnashing hi s teet h a t just ho w unfai r th e whol e situatio n was : Bakker and Swaggart were Bush supporters yet their peccadilloes redounded to Robertson's discredit. To country-clu b Republican s Robertson' s gripe s were fur ther evidenc e o f hi s conspiratoria l mind-set , gallopin g paranoia , an d un justified feeling s o f persecution . Afte r all , woul d Georg e Bush , a forme r director o f th e CI A an d politica l proteg e o f Richar d Nixon , reall y reac h into a ba g o f dirt y trick s t o derai l Robertson' s presidentia l campaign ? Only a rantin g lunati c coul d eve r thin k o f suc h a thin g abou t "Popp y Bush." Whe n yo u "prep " wit h a man , an d late r shar e th e sam e caddie , you ca n vouc h fo r hi s character. 37 While Bus h handil y wo n th e Republica n presidentia l nomination , th e Democrats pu t o n a remarkabl e show . Representativ e Richar d Gephard t of Missour i ha d compile d a n impressiv e legislativ e recor d a s a fiscal an d moral conservative . H e vote d agains t extendin g th e ratificatio n deadlin e of the ERA, opposed raisin g the minimum wage , decried busing, ridicule d the Consume r Protectio n Agency , an d champione d a constitutiona l ba n on abortion . Th e Missour i Democra t eve n calle d Reaga n " a disappoint ment t o thos e i n Congres s wh o represen t constituencie s fo r w h o m . . . social issue s represen t th e government' s resolv e t o revers e th e misguide d social trend s o f th e sixtie s an d seventies. " Then , jus t befor e th e Demo cratic presidentia l primaries , an d afte r attendin g severa l o f Pamela Hard man's parties , Gephard t repudiate d ever y conservativ e positio n h e ha d ever taken. I t seeme d tha t h e had onl y been funnin g th e rube s back hom e in Missouri . Whe n hi s rival s contraste d th e 198 8 Gephard t t o th e 198 4 Gephardt, voter s walke d awa y from hi m i n disgust. 38 Senator A l Gore, Jr., o f Tennessee fare d n o better. A lackluster preppi e

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who ha d entere d politic s onl y t o sav e his father' s Senat e seat , Gor e bille d himself a s a true so n o f the South . (A l Gore, Sr., had though t tha t filmin g a campaign commercia l wit h junior i n unifor m an d astrid e a horse would help hi s ow n 197 0 reelection prospects . H e was wrong, and A l junior thu s became on e o f th e fe w ric h kid s t o g o t o Vietnam. ) Hopin g t o recreat e the magi c o f Jimm y Carter' s '76 primary run , youn g Gor e move d simul taneously t o th e lef t an d t o th e right . Prio r t o th e 198 8 primaries, Gore' s wife, Tipper , ha d orchestrate d a congressiona l hearin g tha t decrie d ob scene roc k lyrics . Onc e Gor e entere d th e primaries , h e wen t t o Lo s An geles t o infor m musi c industr y executive s tha t h e woul d b e delighte d t o take thei r campaig n contributions . Besides , Tipper ha d bee n onc e bee n a member o f a n all-gir l roc k 'n ' rol l band , an d the y bot h reall y du g Th e Grateful Dead . Whil e debatin g Governo r Michae l Dukakis , Gor e accuse d him o f bein g sof t o n Communis m an d deride d hi m fo r allowin g violen t criminals ou t o n weeken d furlough s s o that the y could commi t rape . The Massachusetts governor , Gor e insisted , wa s a McGovern libera l tryin g t o pass himself of f a s a moderate Democrat . Although Gor e floundered, wit h Jesse Jackson's blac k voter s deprivin g hi m o f a southern sweep , the sena tor ha d drafte d th e GO P playboo k tha t Le e Atwate r woul d us e agains t Dukakis.39 Colorado senato r Gar y Hart , wh o ha d bee n leadin g Dukaki s i n part y polls, self-destructed . A ma n wh o bragge d abou t havin g a n "ope n mar riage," wit h hi s wif e remainin g safel y tucke d awa y i n Colorad o whil e h e lived i n Washington , Senato r Har t ha d a n enormou s libido . Darin g th e tabloids an d scandal-hungr y journalist s t o follo w hi m around , Har t wa s caught wit h hi s pant s dow n an d i n th e arm s o f a young lady . He r nam e was Donn a Rice , a woman wh o wa s nearl y hal f hi s ag e an d whos e previ ous clai m t o fam e ha d bee n a n appearanc e o n th e stylis h televisio n serie s Miami Vice. 40 A photographe r aboar d th e goo d shi p "Monke y Business " capture d Rice an d Har t i n tigh t embrac e a s the y cruise d th e Caribbea n an d dis cussed foreig n affairs . Har t defende d hi s righ t t o commi t adultery , con tending tha t jus t becaus e h e lie d t o th e pres s abou t hi s persona l life , cheated o n hi s wife , an d accepte d cruise s fro m campaig n supporters , h e was no t unworth y t o b e president . Besides , Har t sai d self-righteously , unlike Reaga n h e ha d neve r bee n divorced . Repeatin g thei r 198 0 perfor mance wit h Tedd y Kennedy , libera l columnist s wrot e tha t a candidate' s character wa s irrelevant . Hendric k Hertzber g o f th e New Republic crie d that Har t wa s a victi m o f "Islami c justice" ; Washington Post columnis t

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Richard Cohe n fel t th e senator ha d been victimized by "sexual McCarthy ism." Pulitze r Prize-winnin g historia n Jame s MacGrego r Burns— a Ken nedy famil y friend—denounce d a pres s tha t use d "old-fashioned , puri tanical" standard s t o judg e a candidate' s character . Fe w Democrati c primary voter s heede d th e voice s o f the libera l elite . One Iow a Democra t put i t simply , "I f [Hart ] can' t b e tru e t o hi s family , wha t reaso n d o w e have t o thin k h e woul d us e prope r judgmen t abou t anythin g else? " Even Hart's Yuppi e follower s wrot e hi m off. 41 Once again , Jess e Jackso n entere d th e Democrati c primaries . T o stav e off charge s o f anti-Semitism , Jackso n surrounde d himsel f wit h Jewis h advisors. Gloria Steinem , Robert Borosag e of the leftist Institut e for Polic y Studies, and Barne y Frank's sister, Ann Lewis , climbed aboar d the Jackson campaign. (A s Orthodo x Jew s an d Zionist s asserted , on e wa s more likel y to fin d Jackson' s Jewis h supporter s a t a PL O fund-raise r tha n attendin g temple.) Jacki e Jackson urge d he r husban d no t t o mak e too many concessions t o "th e Jews. " H e heede d he r advice . Farrakha n remaine d a n im portant ally , an d th e campaign' s blac k staffer s di d no t hesitat e t o expres s their hatre d o f Jews . (I n th e Jackso n campaig n "Jew " ha d alway s bee n shorthand fo r "white." ) Jackson' s Pennsylvani a campaig n chai r begge d him t o sto p addressin g working-clas s white s an d t o focu s o n blac k Phila delphia. H e als o warne d Jackso n t o ge t ri d o f a "Jewis h lesbian " o n hi s staff an d blame d "th e Jews " for wreckin g Jackson' s electora l prospect s i n New York. Even thoug h secula r Jewis h reporter s fo r th e Village Voice and the Nation endorse d Jackson , Ne w York' s religiou s Jew s wanted nothin g to d o wit h him . Growin g increasingl y testy , Jackso n verball y an d physi cally abuse d hi s whit e staffers , hurlin g obscenitie s a t the m an d roughl y shoving the m ou t o f hi s way . Th e whit e liberal s wh o worke d fo r Jackso n put u p wit h thi s treatmen t becaus e the y viewed hi m a s a social democra t who woul d launc h anothe r Grea t Society , thi s tim e withou t a Vietna m War. On e just ha d t o separat e th e messag e fro m th e messenger. 42 To hea d of f medi a attacks , Jackson's supporters launched a preemptive strike. Anyon e wh o criticize d Jackson , accordin g t o th e Congressiona l Black Caucus, was a racist. Liberal white journalists, not wishing to appea r racist, gave Jackson the most favorabl e coverag e of any primary candidate , Democrat o r Republican . Th e medi a mad e muc h o f Jackson' s landslid e win i n Sout h Carolina , neglectin g t o mentio n tha t mos t o f th e state' s whites wer e votin g i n th e Republica n primary . So , too , i n Michiga n th e media marvele d a t hi s abilit y t o mobiliz e blacks , Hispanics , an d whites . Jackson mainl y owed his Michigan victory, however, to blacks. The whites

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who vote d fo r hi m live d i n th e affluent , libera l precinct s o f An n Arbo r and Eas t Lansing . (Nationally , a quarter o f Jackson' s voter s ha d graduat e degrees.) H e als o picke d u p considerabl e suppor t fro m Michigan' s Arab American voters . White ethnic s an d worker s were missin g fro m Jackson' s political equation , eve n though h e billed himself as the populist champio n of blue-colla r America . Afte r th e y 8S election Jackso n admitte d tha t h e thought i t pointles s t o reconstruc t th e Ne w Dea l coalition . Souther n whites an d norther n ethnic s wer e foreve r los t t o th e GOP—an d goo d riddance. Jackso n dreame d o f buildin g a ne w Democrati c majorit y wit h Arabs, blacks, feminists, gays , and Hispanics— a rainbo w coalition. 43 When al l was said an d done , Jackson's politica l crusad e never seriousl y addressed th e mora l dimension s o f poverty . Sinc e 197 0 the blac k under class ha d increase d b y a facto r o f three . N o matte r ho w extensiv e th e economic an d educationa l opportunitie s fo r black s were , ther e remaine d an intractable , violen t underclass . Whit e leftists , th e ver y peopl e wh o voted fo r Jackso n an d fille d hi s campaig n coffers , persiste d i n thei r deni gration o f th e traditiona l family . The y ignore d evidenc e tha t showe d tha t the childre n o f intac t familie s ha d fa r lowe r rate s o f incarceratio n an d welfare dependency . Whil e Jackso n criticize d illegitimac y o n th e cam paign trail , hi s whit e benefactor s insiste d tha t heterosexua l marriag e wa s a superfluou s reli c fro m a bygone, patriarcha l order . Inner-cit y teenager s seemingly concurred . Severa l unwe d mother s happil y informe d a CB S reporter tha t welfar e enable d the m t o avoi d marriage . They also observe d that i f welfare wer e abolishe d the y would hav e to sto p makin g babies. 44 Liberals painte d a world i n whic h racis t white s routinel y attacke d mi norities. Black assaults on whites seldom receive d muc h attention . Indeed , it wa s a federa l crim e fo r a whit e bigo t t o attac k a black , bu t raciall y motivated assault s o n white s wer e no t considere d civi l right s violations . In 1987 , a young black woman fro m Ne w York, Tawana Brawley, attracte d widespread sympath y whe n sh e claime d t o hav e bee n assaulte d b y whit e police officers. Sh e had lied, but blac k militants an d white radicals insisted that Brawle y was a typical victim o f "institutionalized racism. " The statistics o n violen t crim e contradicte d thei r claims . I n general , hal f o f th e victims of black crim e were white; barely 2 percent o f blacks were harme d in an y way by whites. 45 In th e eightie s more crime s tha n eve r were committed b y drug addicts . Eighty-four percen t o f th e criminal s arreste d i n Ne w Yor k i n 1988 , fo r instance, were stoned. Overall , between 197 9 and 198 8 New York State saw drug-related crime s increas e b y 50 0 percent . Nearl y nin e o f ever y te n

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Washington blacks—mos t o f them junkies—ha d a police record; 4 2 percent wer e eithe r i n jai l o r awaitin g tria l o n an y give n day . Dru g usage , and particularl y th e smokin g o f crack , soare d i n th e nation' s capital . Th e drug subcultur e i n Washingto n wa s s o pervasiv e tha t it s resident s spen t more mone y on crac k than o n foo d o r drink. Crac k was such a n addictiv e drug tha t femal e junkie s sol d thei r bodie s ove r an d ove r again . Sexuall y transmitted disease s soared . I n Reagan' s secon d ter m th e rat e o f syphili s infection i n Washingto n ros e 9 0 percent . Nationally , black s wer e fifty times mor e likel y than white s t o hav e contracte d a social disease. 46 Conservatives ha d lon g characterize d th e decade s o f th e sixtie s a s a n era o f escalating crim e an d gallopin g mora l decay . However, i t was in th e age o f Reaga n tha t America n citie s becam e virtuall y uninhabitable . Vio lent gang s wen t abou t thei r busines s unchecke d b y th e judicia l system . Meanwhile crac k an d heroi n showere d th e streets . Americ a ha d becom e more violent , mor e dangerous , an d mor e divide d raciall y an d economi cally. Reagan' s promise s t o comba t drug s an d crim e wer e no t kept . E d Meese was left wit h on e rejoinde r t o his critics: at least dru g usag e amon g white suburbanites decline d i n th e eighties . Mos t whit e American s coul d agree, though, tha t inner-cit y blacks had th e righ t no t t o be gunned dow n by dru g dealers . Federa l an d stat e la w enforcemen t agencie s seeme d t o have abandone d th e urba n poo r t o dope-dealin g predators . In 1987 , Detroi t recorde d 68 6 homicides . Th e city' s blac k academic s and politician s blame d whites , no t gangs , for th e "genocide. " Irresponsi bly, Mayo r Colema n Youn g oppose d al l call s t o disar m th e city' s gangs . His reason s wer e astounding : "I'l l b e damne d i f I' m goin g t o le t the m [white polic e officers ] collec t gun s i n th e cit y o f Detroi t whil e we'r e sur rounded b y hostile suburb s an d th e whole rest of the state who have guns, where yo u hav e vigilantes, practicing K u Klux Klan i n the wilderness with automatic weapons. " I n Young' s world , whit e suburba n parents—afte r they droppe d thei r childre n of f fo r socce r practice—careere d throug h th e city blastin g awa y a t blacks . Equall y deluded , Arthu r Johnson , th e leade r of th e Detroi t NAAC P an d a Wayn e Stat e Universit y vic e president , claimed tha t Detroi t woul d neve r become a better plac e to live until white racism wa s eradicated. Whit e racis m apparentl y force d poo r black s to kill one another , bea r childre n ou t o f wedlock , an d tur n twelv e hundre d buildings ever y year int o bombed-ou t crac k houses. 47 The Urba n Leagu e agree d wit h Youn g an d Johnson . Blac k victim s o f white racism coul d be saved only by affirmative action . Civil rights leaders never explaine d ho w preferentia l admissio n t o Berkele y woul d reduc e

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Detroit's homicid e rate . The y als o refuse d t o engag e i n a hones t discus sion o f affirmative action . Instead , black activists charged that Reaga n ha d undermined civi l rights enforcement an d declare d that quotas represente d a measur e o f justice fo r poo r minorities . Th e NAACP , the Urba n League , and th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucu s wer e wron g o n bot h counts . First , the Reaga n administratio n ha d don e nothin g t o abolis h quotas . Second , in th e cas e o f Berkele y an d othe r elit e universities , th e grou p tha t experi enced th e mos t inconvenienc e b y the creatio n o f admission s quota s wer e not "privileged " white s bu t th e childre n o f poor Asian immigrants . I f not for th e quotas , Asian American s woul d hav e constitute d half , instead o f a quarter, o f Berkeley's studen t body . A fifth of the Asian Americans denie d admission t o Berkele y ha d perfec t grad e poin t average s an d outstandin g Scholastic Aptitud e Tes t scores . Th e majorit y o f middle-clas s black s wh o were admitte d i n thei r plac e ha d les s admirabl e academi c records . Thousands flunke d ou t o r sough t sanctuar y i n blac k studie s programs. 48 Theologian Anthon y Evans , a member o f the Nationa l Blac k Evangelical Association , summe d u p th e dilemm a ordinary , law-abidin g minori ties face d ever y electio n year : "W e ar e sociologicall y Democratic , bu t morally Republican . I n m y opinion , a vote fo r Jess e Jackso n i s a vote fo r a very immoral platform . Bu t to vote Republica n i s to vote for a sociologically insensitiv e platform. " Eve n th e GOP' s sensitiv e whit e Christian s thought tha t th e preservatio n o f th e family , abortion , an d th e sprea d o f pornography wer e more importan t matter s than improvin g rac e relations. On th e othe r hand , Bisho p J . O . Patterson , th e presiden t o f th e four million-member Churc h o f Go d i n Christ , th e secon d larges t blac k de nomination i n America , offere d a wa y ou t o f th e dilemm a Evan s posed . Patterson endorse d Pa t Robertson . No t knowin g wha t t o mak e o f black s who di d no t suppor t Jackso n an d no t wishin g t o dea l with nationa l poll ing dat a tha t showe d mos t minoritie s t o b e fa r mor e sociall y conservativ e than th e civi l rights leadership , th e secula r medi a remaine d silent. 49 Racial reconciliatio n an d socia l responsibility , Pegg y Noonan believed , had t o b e a t th e hear t o f Bush' s '8 8 campaign. I n th e Republica n conven tion speec h sh e wrot e fo r Bush , Noona n envisione d a candidat e wh o would rejec t "th e careles s effulgence o f the Reagan era " and exhor t Amer icans t o embrac e th e etho s o f voluntarism . Al l Americans , blac k an d white, middl e clas s an d poor , coul d joi n together , becomin g " a thousan d points o f light " tha t woul d illuminat e th e land . Th e Catholi c socia l thought tha t infuse d Noonan' s writing , however , di d no t undergir d Bush's genera l electio n strategy . "Sain t Peggy " neve r ha d a chance agains t

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Lee Atwater , "Th e Republica n Princ e o f Darkness. " Atwater , fearfu l tha t the Reaga n Democrat s migh t retur n hom e i n 1988 , launched a full-scal e cultural wa r agains t Bush' s Democrati c opponent . I n 1984 , liberal s ha d griped tha t Reaga n mad e the m loo k lik e flag-burning , criminal-coddling , atheistic radicals . B y the tim e Atwate r finished wit h Michae l Dukakis , the Democrats wer e mournin g Reagan' s restrain t an d diplomacy. 50 Dukakis's victories in the Democratic presidential primaries were hardly a resul t o f hi s abilitie s a s a campaigner. Affluen t Greek-American s ha d showered Dukaki s wit h million s o f dollars , enablin g hi m t o pa y fo r a n army o f campaig n worker s an d spen d a fortun e o n advertising . Hi s pri mary rival s neve r caugh t u p t o hi m i n th e mone y race . Then luc k playe d a role . Bide n an d Hart , whos e passio n mad e the m fa r mor e attractiv e than th e bland , technocrati c Dukakis , fel l apart . Th e ma n Dukaki s ha d thought woul d b e a problem, A l Gore, fared miserably . Gor e had counte d on winnin g th e nominatio n b y sweepin g th e souther n primaries . Thank s to th e blac k vote , however , Gor e coul d no t carr y hi s ow n region . Onl y Jackson remained . Dukaki s staffer s banke d o n th e fac t tha t Democrati c primary voters , libera l thoug h the y were , woul d no t thin k a blac k man , this black man , wa s electable . (Man y Jew s flatly refuse d t o vot e fo r Jack son.) A s th e las t whit e gu y standing , Dukaki s wo n th e nominatio n b y default. Atwate r coul d no t believ e hi s good fortune : The happies t I was during th e entir e 198 8 campaign wa s the weekend afte r Du kakis' nominatio n whe n th e paper s an d televisio n ha d al l these photograph s of him sittin g around i n a wrought-iron leisur e chair with all his Brookline friend s on Martha' s Vineyard with a brand ne w pair of deck shoes, his little khakis, and his starched blu e shirt. I knew we had this guy's ass. They don't understan d tha t swing voters are antielite and antieffete. 51 The Bus h campaign , havin g bee n tippe d of f b y A l Gore , looke d int o Dukakis's recor d a s an enforce r o f law and order . Atwate r hi t pa y dirt. I n 1974, Willi e Horto n ha d brutall y murdere d a teenag e gas-statio n atten dant. H e wa s sentence d t o lif e i n priso n withou t an y chanc e o f parole . Twelve year s later , unde r a progra m administere d b y Massachusett s an d supported b y Governo r Dukakis , Horto n receive d a weeken d furloug h from prison . Horto n di d no t return . Instead , h e went t o Maryland, wher e he rape d a woman an d knife d he r husband . Horto n wa s black , al l o f hi s victims wer e white . I n th e aftermat h o f th e Horto n incident , Dukaki s refused t o chang e th e furloug h polic y an d informe d th e Marylan d coupl e that h e woul d no t mee t wit h them—le t alon e offe r the m a n apology . Only a n irat e stat e legislature, ove r Dukakis' s vehement objections , halte d

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the practic e o f givin g weeken d passe s t o convicte d murderers . Dukaki s later blame d hi s Republica n predecessor s fo r havin g create d th e weeken d furlough polic y i n th e first place . Dukakis , however , coul d hav e change d the polic y at an y time. The governo r di d no t d o s o because h e believed i n prisoner rehabilitation . Accordin g t o Dukakis , weeken d passe s wer e on e way t o mak e criminal s fee l bette r abou t themselves , socializ e them , an d thereby cur e thei r violen t natures. 52 Atwater insiste d tha t h e di d no t kno w Horto n wa s black . Moreover , Atwater claime d tha t h e studiousl y avoide d turnin g Dukakis' s law-and order recor d int o a racial issue. Liberal critic s an d blac k activist s were no t mollified. Sidne y Blumentha l o f th e New Republic charged tha t on e Bus h campaign advertisemen t deliberatel y showed black and Hispanic prisoner s leaving jail throug h a revolvin g door . Thi s wa s patentl y false . Durin g th e shooting o f th e commercia l a t a Uta h prison , Bush' s staffer s wer e horri fied t o se e tha t hal f o f th e actua l felon s bein g filmed wer e black . The y immediately replace d th e minorit y prisoner s wit h whit e actors—mos t o f whom wer e youn g Mormo n Republicans . Despit e thi s gesture , Demo cratic conventio n chai r Ro n Brown , a n all y of Jesse Jackson's, argued tha t no white politicia n ha d th e righ t t o brin g u p th e crim e proble m sinc e i t was implicitl y racist . Fe w Democrat s bothere d t o poin t ou t tha t Brown' s reasoning itsel f wa s racist . Brow n als o di d no t appea r t o b e bothere d b y the fac t tha t hal f of the victims o f violent crim e committed b y blacks were black. Similarly , Dukakis's campaig n manager , Susa n Estrich , insisted tha t any discussio n o f black rapist s wa s racist . B y what intellectua l avenu e th e Harvard La w School professor cam e to that conclusio n sh e did not reveal . Estrich had , however , bee n rape d b y a blac k ma n an d admitte d tha t sh e felt uncomfortabl e aroun d minorities . Her s wa s a cas e o f classi c libera l guilt.53 Bush hammere d awa y a t Dukakis . Befor e lon g i t looke d a s i f Willi e Horton ha d becom e Dukakis' s runnin g mate . Atwater als o went afte r th e governor fo r vetoin g a stat e bil l t o allo w student s t o recit e th e Pledg e o f Allegiance. Dukaki s asserte d tha t th e bil l was unconstitutional . H e knew , however, tha t i t wa s u p t o th e court s t o mak e suc h a ruling . Dukaki s made matter s wors e fo r himsel f by vigorously denouncin g th e deat h pen alty, even though 7 9 percent o f the public favored executin g killers. Amazingly, o n nationa l television , i n respons e t o a questio n abou t whethe r o r not h e would suppor t th e death penalt y for someon e who rape d and killed his ow n wife— a softbal l questio n tha t wa s virtuall y a n invitatio n t o Du kakis to she d hi s passionless, cold-fis h image—Dukaki s flatl y replie d tha t

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he coul d se e no lega l basis for suc h action . Many Reagan Democrats , who had bee n abandonin g Bush , wer e shocked . Pilin g mistak e upo n mistake , Dukakis als o boaste d o f hi s membershi p i n th e ACLU , bu t onl y afte r weeks o f runnin g fro m th e "L " word (liberal ) labe l with whic h Bus h was successfully taggin g him . Afte r observin g decade s o f politica l activis m i n the courts , man y American s mus t hav e though t tha t th e initial s ACL U stood fo r th e America n Criminal Libertie s Union . Atwater' s privat e poll ing persuade d hi m tha t whil e mos t voter s di d no t wan t legislatio n t o regulate privat e morality—muc h t o th e chagri n o f the Religiou s Right — they supporte d increase d governmen t actio n t o cur b crim e an d drugs . The Bus h campaig n woul d giv e voters wha t the y wanted. 54 Dukakis thought h e had severa l factors i n his favor. First , he took credit for th e "Massachusett s Economi c Miracle. " A s textil e mill s wen t ou t o f business, museum s an d high-tec h boutique s too k thei r place . Thousand s of new , good-payin g state-governmen t an d softwar e engineerin g job s sprung u p aroun d Boston . Dukaki s boaste d tha t eve n McDonald' s work ers mad e $1 0 a n hour . Ther e wer e a fe w problem s wit h thi s picture . T o begin with , i f McDonald's worker s mad e $1 0 an hour , thei r pa y scale was relative t o th e high cos t o f living. One-room apartment s i n Bosto n rente d for $1,20 0 a month . Moreover , muc h o f th e state' s economi c boo m de pended upo n federa l defens e spending . Dukaki s condemne d th e Reaga n arms rac e ye t rejoice d i n th e prosperit y tha t cam e wit h "Sta r Wars " re search grants . Sadl y fo r th e governor , th e botto m fel l ou t o f th e Massa chusetts econom y i n th e summe r o f '88 . Th e state' s finance s wer e i n disarray an d th e defici t ros e to $ 1 billion.55 Beyond competency , Dukaki s ha d claime d t o b e a n exempla r o f hon esty. Conversely, i t followed , th e Republican s wer e dishonest. "Fish, " Du kakis sai d i n referenc e t o th e Reaga n Whit e House , "ro t fro m th e hea d down." A t th e Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n an d o n th e campaig n trail, Dukaki s an d hi s supporter s trie d t o mak e Iran-Contr a an d th e pur ported ethica l lapse s amon g Reagan' s staffer s a n issue . A s i n 1984 , th e Democrats faile d t o mak e thei r case . Par t o f thei r difficult y migh t hav e been wit h th e party' s messengers . O n televisio n Tedd y Kenned y ha d mocked Bus h fo r hi s involvemen t wit h th e Iran-Contr a scandal , repeat edly saying , "Wher e wa s George? " Th e questio n wa s entirel y fai r bu t Kennedy shoul d no t hav e been th e perso n askin g it. 56 Failing everythin g else , Dukaki s trie d t o diver t attentio n fro m himsel f and forc e voter s t o tak e a close look a t Bush's runnin g mate , Senator Da n Quayle. Th e hei r t o Eugen e Pulliam' s billion-dolla r publishin g empire ,

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Quayle ha d bee n kep t awa y fro m th e day-to-da y operation s o f th e busi ness. Lik e Gor e an d Kennedy , Quayle' s fat e wa s t o ente r politic s an d liv e on a n allowance . Althoug h th e Pulliam s wer e arden t supporter s o f th e Vietnam War , youn g Quayl e use d hi s famil y contact s t o ge t hi m int o th e Indiana Nationa l Guard . Fewe r tha n 2 percent o f th e 400,00 0 me n luck y enough t o ge t int o a Guard uni t wer e sen t t o Vietnam. Dukakis , believing that turnabou t wa s fair play , wanted t o mak e Quayle' s patriotism a matter of publi c debate . Bush , afte r all , had bee n callin g hi s own patriotis m int o question ever y tim e h e mentione d Dukakis' s vet o o f th e Pledg e o f Alle giance bil l an d pose d fo r colorfu l picture s a t America n fla g factories . (Country-western sta r Lorett a Lynn , wh o campaigne d fo r th e vic e presi dent, brough t ou t int o th e ope n wha t Bus h ha d bee n insinuating . Sh e wanted t o kno w wha t kin d o f America n ha d a monike r lik e Dukakis : "Why, I can't eve n pronounc e hi s name!") 57 Quayle wa s no t a popula r choic e amon g Republicans . Indeed , part y leaders though t Bus h wa s joking wheneve r h e mentione d Quayle' s nam e as a possibl e vice-presidentia l candidate . Bo b Tyrrel l wrot e of f Quayl e a s an ingrat e whe n h e sai d h e preferre d th e libera l New Republic t o th e conservative American Spectator. Illinoi s congressma n Henr y Hyd e di d not regar d Quayl e a s a reliabl e all y i n th e prolif e movement . Hyd e tol d reporters tha t h e was "underwhelmed" b y Bush's choice. The Indianapoli s Star an d th e Arizon a Republic, bot h owne d b y the Pullia m family , chide d Quayle's decisio n t o avoi d th e Vietna m Wa r an d questione d hi s fitness for office . (Wit h Eugen e Pulliam' s passing , hi s board o f director s allowe d for mor e editoria l discretio n tha n ha d onc e bee n th e norm. ) Quayle' s military record , however , di d no t pla y muc h o f a rol e i n th e election . Quayle, afte r all , wa s jus t th e vice-presidentia l candidat e and , a s wit s pointed out , i f an assassi n eve r go t Bush , th e Secre t Servic e ha d order s t o shoot him. 58 There was a more importan t reaso n tha t Quayl e did no t have to answe r for hi s actions . Sixt y percent o f his peers ha d neve r serve d i n th e military . More Boome r voter s wer e sympatheti c t o draf t avoidanc e tha n not . Be sides, th e Democrat s coul d no t reall y tak e th e hig h ground . Althoug h Democratic vice-presidentia l candidat e Lloy d Bentse n ha d fough t i n World Wa r II , his son s sa t ou t th e Vietna m conflic t i n th e Texas Nationa l Guard. (Th e sam e wa s tru e fo r th e Bus h boys . Wit h s o man y son s o f millionaires i n it s ranks , th e Texa s Guar d wa s mor e exclusiv e tha n th e Newport Yach t Club. ) Eve n Dukakis , i t shoul d b e remembered , ha d hel d onto a colleg e studen t defermen t unti l th e Korea n Wa r ha d ended ; the n

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he di d hi s compulsor y militar y service . Cynica l voter s di d no t expec t Boomer politician s t o hav e eve r place d thei r live s a t risk . Quayl e admitted—and Arkansa s governo r Bil l Clinton concurred—tha t "fro m a political poin t o f view , i t look s bette r o n a resum e t o hav e serve d i n Vietnam." Better , bu t no t necessary . Ther e wer e seventy-si x millio n Boomers i n th e electorate . Jus t tw o millio n ha d gon e t o Indochina . I n contrast t o Boomers , Bab y Busters wer e mor e critica l o f the Quayle s an d Clintons. Boome r voters, however, fa r outnumbere d Bab y Buste r voters . As fo r Worl d Wa r I I vets , the y wer e eithe r dyin g of f or , i f aliv e an d kicking, unlikel y t o criticiz e an y Boome r politicia n wh o advocate d in creasing their Socia l Securit y payments. 59 Heading int o th e fina l day s o f th e fal l campaign , ther e appeare d t o b e no wa y Dukaki s coul d win . Despit e th e effort s o f Bush' s sociall y libera l followers t o mov e th e GO P awa y from hard-lin e oppositio n t o ga y rights and abortion , conservative s simpl y could no t brin g themselves to vote fo r Dukakis. Prolif e bishop s fro m Hartfor d an d Ne w York , ignorin g Cardinals Bernardin' s an d O'Connor' s call s t o stan d a littl e mor e apar t from politic s i n thi s election , charge d tha t Democrat s ha d "abandone d the Catholi c Church. " Unabl e t o trea t wit h respec t thos e peopl e whos e moral value s informe d thei r politics , Senato r Joh n Glen n o f Ohi o re sponded wit h innuendo : "Th e las t thin g w e nee d i s the Gospel s o f Mat thew, Mark , Luke , an d Joh n rewritte n b y Meese , Bakker , Swaggart , an d Falwell." Give n Glenn' s attitudes , an d th e studiousl y secula r ai r Dukaki s maintained, i t wa s no t surprisin g tha t socia l conservative s expecte d th e worst fro m Democrats . On e Californi a Pentecosta l wh o resente d th e way in whic h Bus h ha d treate d Robertso n stil l foun d Bus h t o b e th e lesse r o f two evils : Real born-agai n Christian s don' t vot e Democratic—i f the y read . They'r e no t going to put a guy in there that's against Christianity. There's n o way I [can ] vot e for Dukaki s and be a Christian. The guy doesn't believe in saluting the flag, he believes in abortion. He believes in taxpayers paying the bill , th e governmen t pickin g u p th e ta b fo r abortion . I don' t g o fo r hi s releasing these here guys on a lifetime sentence for the weekend. That guy'd never make a president we want.60 Jesse Jackso n gav e th e electorat e anothe r reaso n t o distrus t Dukaki s and writ e hi m of f a s a spineless politician . Dukaki s ha d neve r warme d t o Jackson, i n par t becaus e th e governo r di d no t believ e there was any roo m in politic s fo r passionat e preachers—libera l o r conservative . Additionally, Jackson reminde d Dukaki s o f th e backroom-dealing , on-the-mak e Iris h

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politicians wh o plague d hi m bac k i n Massachusetts . Moreover , Dukaki s did no t lik e talkin g abou t racia l issues . Durin g th e bitte r Bosto n busin g controversy o f th e seventie s Dukaki s too k n o positio n on e wa y o r th e other. Dukaki s was no bigot. H e ma y have even occasionall y waved to th e black maids who commute d fro m Roxbur y to Brookline four day s a week. That wa s al l wel l an d good , bu t Jimm y Carter , Mari o Cuomo , an d Ti p O'Neill gange d u p o n Dukaki s an d tol d hi m h e ha d t o mak e som e con cessions t o Jackson . Dukaki s promise d mor e federa l mone y fo r th e Rust belt cities and pledge d hi s suppor t fo r affirmativ e action. 61 Southern Democrat s wer e outraged . A s Virginia senato r Chuc k Robb , a founde r o f th e centris t Democrati c Leadershi p Council , said , th e part y should n o longe r appeas e it s blac k militants . Indeed , governmen t coul d not d o muc h t o hel p black s sinc e the y ha d create d man y o f thei r ow n problems. "Whil e racia l discriminatio n ha s b y n o mean s vanishe d fro m our society, " Rob b asserted , "it' s tim e t o shif t th e primar y focu s fro m racism—the traditiona l enem y without—t o self-defeatin g pattern s o f behavior—the ne w enem y within. " A l Gore an d Bil l Clinton agree d wit h Robb. Gor e seemingl y ha d littl e us e for liberal s who pandere d t o Jackson , and Clinto n dismisse d Dukaki s a s a hopeles s Yuppie . Dukakis , souther n Democrats complained , di d no t understan d th e aspiration s o f decent , hard-working whit e people. 62 Paradoxically, thoug h Dukaki s annoye d souther n Democrats , h e faile d to appeas e Jackson . Throughou t th e Democrati c conventio n an d int o th e general electio n campaign , Jackso n bad-mouthe d Dukakis . H e eve n cas t Dukakis i n th e rol e o f a n exploitativ e Mississipp i planter : "I t i s too muc h to expec t tha t I will g o ou t i n th e field an d b e th e champio n vote-picke r and bal e the m u p an d brin g the m bac k t o th e big house an d ge t a rewar d of thanks." Jackson's words ha d thei r intende d result . Black voter turnou t fell b y a s much a s ten percentag e points , costin g th e Democrat s dearl y in the Sout h an d th e norther n industria l states . I t i s interestin g tha t befor e the Democrati c conventio n Dukaki s ha d le d Bus h i n th e publi c opinio n polls b y te n point s o r more . Tha t is , Dukaki s decisivel y le d Bus h every where bu t th e South . I n Dixie , Bus h retaine d a considerabl e lea d ove r Dukakis. Whe n Dixie' s ballot s wer e counted , Bus h defeate d th e Demo cratic nomine e b y eightee n points—nearl y thre e time s hi s margi n o f victory i n th e norther n states . Dukakis's advisor s ha d bee n urgin g hi m sinc e the sprin g t o write of f th e South , bu t th e governo r doggedl y continued t o campaign there . Fe w southern white s woul d vot e fo r Dukakis , an d man y blacks were plannin g t o sta y home o n electio n day. 63

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Although th e medi a predictabl y line d u p agains t th e Republicans , thi s time th e flagships o f th e libera l pres s decline d t o endors e th e Democrati c candidate. Marti n Peretz , th e publishe r o f th e New Republic, pithil y ob served tha t "t o kno w Dukakis—t o kno w hi m eve n fro m afar—i s t o dislike him." Th e Washington Post did no t conside r Dukaki s worthy of its approval, mostl y becaus e h e ha d repeatedl y denie d tha t h e wa s a liberal . Rather, h e wa s a "progressive, " a Reaga n Democra t i f you will . I n truth , Dukakis wa s a socia l libera l whos e economi c policie s tende d towar d th e conservative. Dukakis , lik e Gar y Hart , though t tha t b y repudiatin g th e economic tenet s o f th e Ne w Deal , whil e embracin g abortion , h e coul d resurrect th e Democrati c majority . Working-clas s voter s were no t buyin g what Dukaki s ha d t o sell . Once again , th e Republica n presidentia l nomi nee wo n th e blue-colla r vote . I n Pennsylvania , Dukaki s basicall y told un employed steelworker s t o ge t a life an d the n threatene d t o take their guns. Sixty percent o f Pennsylvania' s adul t male s were gu n owners—man y be longed t o th e Nationa l Rifl e Association . Dukaki s mus t hav e neve r see n the movie The Deer Hunter; i f he had, he was so deracinated tha t he could not understan d th e almos t spiritua l allur e huntin g ha d fo r blue-colla r ethnics. Th e governo r pai d dearl y fo r hi s alienatio n o f workers , ethnics , and hunters . Bus h carrie d Pennsylvania , a s well as Ohio an d Michigan. 64 Dukakis manage d t o win te n states—thoug h onl y New York and Mas sachusetts offere d hi m a nic e po t o f electora l votes . H e improve d upo n Mondale's showin g i n 1984—n o grea t achievement . Dukaki s ra n bette r than Mondal e ha d wit h Boomers , middle-clas s retirees , an d singl e women. H e decisivel y los t Bab y Buster s an d marrie d mothers . Althoug h Bush experience d som e slippag e i n suppor t fro m fundamentalist s an d Pentecostals—ten percentag e point s fro m Reagan' s '8 4 tally—the y di d not defec t t o Dukakis . Suc h religiou s conservative s simpl y followe d th e example o f thei r blac k brethre n an d staye d home . Th e Democrat s re tained contro l o f th e Hous e an d Senate . Thei r actua l shar e o f th e ra w vote, however , gav e the m barel y a two-percentage-point margi n ove r th e Republicans. Overall , 4 5 percent o f the voter s spli t thei r tickets , the high est proportio n sinc e 1948 . The Republica n loc k o n th e Whit e Hous e re mained safe . Congressiona l Democrats , o n th e othe r hand , coul d no t breathe easy . Thei r contro l o f th e Hous e an d Senat e wa s weak. A mood y electorate migh t subsequentl y swin g to th e right. 65 George Bus h ha d wo n becaus e h e wa s no t Michae l Dukakis . In 198 0 and 1984 , Reagan ha d wave d th e flag and successfull y combine d economi c and cultura l issues . Bus h trie d t o perfor m th e sam e magi c i n '88 , but hi s

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was a soulless , cynica l campaign . A t leas t Reaga n believe d tha t abortio n was morally wrong, eve n i f he was not goin g to g o out o f his way to pus h for a constitutiona l ba n o n th e practice . Bus h simpl y recite d whateve r catchy phras e Atwate r place d i n fron t o f him . A s politica l issues , Willi e Horton an d th e Pledg e o f Allegiance di d no t las t a da y beyond th e presi dential election . La w and order , an d patriotis m wer e disposable campaig n tactics tha t ha d n o plac e i n Bush' s ideologica l makeup . And , s o fa r a s Bush's ideolog y went , h e believe d i n bein g president . Le e Atwater , wh o would shortl y di e fro m a brai n tumor , ruefull y summe d u p hi s ow n political life , "Yo u ca n acquir e al l yo u wan t an d stil l fee l empty. " Littl e could Atwate r kno w tha t h e ha d als o writte n th e epitap h fo r th e Bus h presidency.66

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"The liberation o f Kuwait ha s begun." With thos e words the Bush admin istration launche d a one-hundred-hour groun d wa r against the Iraqi army that occupie d Kuwait . Sinc e th e summe r o f 1990 , when Sadda m Hussei n invaded oil-ric h Kuwait , th e Lef t ha d snappe d a t Bush' s heels . Jesse Jack son an d essayis t Barbar a Ehrenreic h condemne d th e America n militar y buildup i n Saud i Arabia. As Ehrenreich argued , "I' m mor e worried i n th e long run abou t th e belligerence of George Bush than o f Saddam Hussein. " When Americ a an d it s allie s commence d bombin g Ira q i n Januar y 1991, the minuscul e campu s antiwa r movemen t becam e excited . In Ames, a few dozen demonstrator s fro m Iow a Stat e Universit y gathere d downtown . One studen t radica l summe d u p wha t sh e sa w as the connectio n betwee n Bush's domesti c an d foreig n policies . "Th e sam e governmen t tha t perse cutes Sadda m Hussein, " sh e argued , "persecute s me. " I t seeme d tha t white racisthomophobi c Americ a woul d no t giv e legal recognitio n t o he r lesbian marriage . N o on e listenin g t o th e youn g activis t pointe d ou t tha t if given th e opportunity , Hussei n woul d execut e peopl e lik e her. 1 Conservatives hav e ofte n sai d tha t th e studen t militant s o f th e sixtie s became th e tenure d radical s o f th e nineties . Ther e i s muc h trut h i n tha t contention. Academi c activist s openl y expresse d thei r hop e tha t protes t against th e Persia n Gul f War woul d spar k a sixties-style revolt . Theirs was an undyin g fait h tha t som e Boomer s proclaime d o n th e T-shirt s the y wore: "Th e Ninetie s Wil l Mak e th e Sixtie s Loo k Lik e th e Fifties. " (T o which cynic s replied , "Th e Ninetie s Wil l Mak e th e Sixtie s See m Lik e Thirty Year s Ago." ) O n a numbe r o f campuses , administrator s forbad e students fro m sellin g anti-Hussei n T-shirts . Suc h T-shirt s wer e racist . 182

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Looking abou t a t a reactionary , imperialisti c America , Wisconsi n chan cellor Donn a Shalal a proclaimed : "Th e university i s institutionally racist . American societ y is racist an d sexist. Cover t racis m i s just a s bad today as overt racis m wa s thirt y year s ago. " Fortunately , enlightene d academic s offered solution s t o comba t America n racis m an d colonialism : speec h codes, multicultura l curriculums , an d greater hirin g an d admissions quo tas. I f leftists coul d no t win at the ballot box , and failed t o stymie Bush' s foreign policy , a t leas t the y ha d the College o f Arts an d Letters . With 4 0 percent o f al l facult y member s workin g part-time , underemploye d Bab y Busters wondere d wh y senior professor s di d not focu s thei r attentio n o n more immediat e problems. 2 In man y way s th e academi c Lef t an d Presiden t Bus h ha d a lo t i n common. Bot h ha d n o understandin g o f th e America n people . Mos t Americans coul d laug h a t th e well-pai d whit e professor s wh o raile d against oppression . Bush , o n the other hand , wa s not so funny. Althoug h America triumphe d i n th e Persia n Gulf , th e celebration s ove r Hussein' s defeat wer e short-lived . (Th e fal l o f th e Sovie t Empir e i n 198 9 did no t even occasio n a victor y parade. ) Bus h waxe d happil y alon g wit h a 9 1 percent publi c approva l ratin g i n th e immediat e aftermat h o f Hussein' s defeat. However , ther e wa s no dept h t o hi s support . Bus h boaste d tha t America ha d learne d it s "lesson " fro m Vietnam ; w e were no w prepare d for a full-scal e war . The president, though , faile d t o gras p th e mos t im portant lesso n Vietna m ha d to teach. A failed foreig n polic y can cause no end o f politica l grief . Conversely , a successfu l foreig n polic y ca n d o a president littl e long-ter m good . American s expec t a winning foreig n pol icy as a matter o f course. Further, domesti c affair s ar e almost alway s more important t o voter s tha n diplomati c triumphs . President s an d professor s may car e abou t Sadda m Hussein ; ordinar y American s worr y abou t mak ing their mortgag e payments. 3 Paul Weyric h warne d fello w conservative s tha t victor y i n th e Persia n Gulf would no t help Bus h wit h voters . Indeed , three-quarter s o f the electorate i n 199 1 believed tha t th e natio n wa s o n th e wron g track . Voter s were o n t o something . Crime , unemployment , an d taxe s continue d t o mount. Whil e th e populatio n o f decayin g industria l center s fro m Ne w Haven t o Milwauke e declined , violen t crim e an d robberie s rose . I n th e case o f Ne w Haven , robber y ha d increase d b y 10,00 0 percen t sinc e th e sixties. Poorly finance d an d understaffed urba n polic e department s coul d not cop e wit h crime . Suburba n communitie s an d businesses understand ably los t patienc e wit h municipal , county , an d stat e la w enforcemen t

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agencies. B y th e en d o f Bush' s ter m 1. 5 millio n privat e securit y guard s were i n plac e to d o wha t governmen t coul d not : maintai n order. 4 The recessio n tha t bega n i n 199 0 worsene d ever y successiv e month . Nationally, th e unemploymen t rat e stoo d a t 7 percent. I n contras t t o th e '82 recession, white-collar worker s were hit hardest. Thos e born afte r i96 0 made u p two-third s o f th e unemployed , eve n thoug h the y accounte d fo r just 1 7 percent o f th e wor k force . Eve n th e Bab y Buster s wh o retaine d their job s o r foun d ne w employmen t di d no t ten d t o far e well . While th e incomes o f senio r citizen s gre w i n th e eightie s an d nineties , Bab y Buster s suffered a 2 7 percen t los s i n wages . Additionally , the y wer e tw o time s more likel y to b e underemploye d tha n Boomers . Employer s fro m Boein g to Greyhound—wit h unio n collaboration—establishe d a two-tie r wag e system, payin g Bab y Busters 4 0 percent les s than wha t the y gave Boomer s for th e sam e work . I t di d no t matte r i f the Bab y Buster wa s a meat cutte r at Kroger' s o r a recen t Ph.D . wh o ma y hav e gotte n a rar e tenure-trac k job. Th e wag e scal e punishe d th e young . Bab y Buster s foun d themselve s discriminated agains t b y the union s an d b y the very academics who wer e so inten t upo n promotin g socia l justic e i n America . Meri t ha d n o plac e in highe r educatio n an d th e unio n shop. 5 As had bee n tru e i n th e eighties , union s blame d unfai r Japanes e com petition an d th e GO P fo r underminin g thei r clou t i n th e labo r market . The UA W alon e spen t $2 0 millio n o n advertisin g t o attac k it s Japanes e and Republica n tormentors . (I n Latrobe , Pennsylvania , a UA W loca l raised it s publi c profil e b y implorin g youn g peopl e t o demolis h a Hond a Civic.) Labo r bosses sought t o persuade younger workers that they should join a union , hav e mandator y due s deducte d fro m thei r paychecks , an d accept th e impositio n o f a discriminator y wag e scale . Rustbel t corpora tions joine d labor' s choru s agains t Bus h an d th e Japanese . Desperat e t o appease Le e Iacocca , a charismati c Chrysle r executiv e an d possibl e presi dential hopeful , Bus h brough t th e Rustbel t CEO s along on a trip to Japa n in earl y 1992. To Bush' s dismay , th e Japanes e businessmen ridicule d thei r American counterparts . Thei r attitud e wa s understandable. Whe n a company lik e United Airline s see s its profits plumme t b y 71 percent , an d the n rewards it s chief executiv e office r wit h a n $1 8 million salary , mockery was appropriate. America n prestig e suffere d a furthe r blo w whe n Bus h vom ited o n th e Japanes e prim e minister. 6 While th e Bus h administratio n reveale d it s hollo w core , Charle s Mur ray, a conservative intellectual , dre w attentio n t o on e o f the socia l conse quences o f Reaganomics . Wrestin g wit h hi s libertaria n an d Catholi c sen -

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sibilities, Murray confesse d tha t h e was "tryin g t o envisio n wha t happen s when te n o r twent y percen t o f th e populatio n ha s enoug h incom e t o bypass th e socia l institution s i t doesn' t lik e i n way s tha t onl y th e to p fraction o f one percen t use d t o be abl e to do. " Murray di d no t lik e to see America becom e lik e Brazil : a plac e i n whic h a highl y educate d post industrial elit e live d i n gate d communitie s whil e th e publi c institution s about the m collapsed . A "caste system, " Murra y lamented, ha d bee n tak ing shap e sinc e th e seventie s i n whic h th e aging , economicall y ravishe d city became "a n urba n analogu e o f the India n reservation." 7 Historian Christophe r Lasc h concurred . H e believe d tha t America' s elites—regardless o f whethe r the y wer e conservativ e stoc k analyst s o r liberal Hollywood directors—lacke d an y sense of social responsibility and national identity : To an alarming extent, the privileged classes—by an expansive definition, the top twenty percent—have mad e themselve s independen t no t onl y of crumbling in dustrial cities but of public services in general. They send their children to private schools, insure themselves against medical emergencies by enrolling in companysupported plans , an d hir e privat e securit y guard s t o protec t themselve s agains t the mountin g violence . It i s not just tha t the y see no poin t i n paying for publi c services they no longer use ; many of them hav e ceased to think of themselves as Americans i n an y important sense , implicated i n America's destin y for bette r or worse. Thei r tie s t o a n internationa l cultur e o f work an d leisure—o f business , entertainment, information , an d "informatio n retrieval"—mak e many members of the elite deeply indifferent t o the prospect of national decline. 8 Mainstream politician s wer e no t abou t t o tak e Lasch' s an d Murray' s concerns t o heart. Conservatives wished only to read Murray's devastatin g critiques o f welfare an d Lasch' s sympathetic essay s on famil y values. Their thoughts o n the spirit o f community were ignored. Similarly, liberals, who considered Lasc h t o b e a n apostat e an d Murra y a racist , refuse d t o ope n their minds . I n som e way s th e medi a wer e eve n les s helpfu l tha n th e politicians. Journalist s seeme d incapabl e o f addressin g th e big issues con fronting society . Often , the y place d politica l dram a befor e substance . Would Hous e Speake r Ji m Wrigh t o f Texa s an d Hous e Whi p Ton y Coelho b e force d t o resig n onc e New t Gingric h expose d thei r financial dealings t o th e public ? Woul d Bus h reneg e o n hi s 198 8 pledge: " R e a d . . . M y . . . Lip s . .. N o . . . Ne w . .. Taxes! " Th e answer s t o thes e question s were yes, yes, and, a s Bush sai d t o reporter s whe n h e raise d taxe s i n 199 0 by $13 4 billion, "Rea d M y Hips!" 9 The peccadilloe s o f Bush , Coelho , an d Wright , froth y thoug h the y

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were, di d no t begi n t o dea l wit h th e issue s Lasc h an d Murra y raised . Worse, n o on e i n Washingto n appeare d worrie d abou t th e prospect s o f a society i n whic h si x o f ever y te n wome n wit h pre-schoo l childre n ha d t o work. Three-quarter s o f wome n wit h childre n unde r eightee n wer e als o in th e jo b market . Mos t wer e workin g ou t o f economi c necessity—no t by choice . Youn g parent s eithe r pai d fo r da y car e ou t o f thei r sli m earn ings o r le t thei r childre n b e baby-sat b y the televisio n set. 10 There wa s a relate d developmen t tha t als o merite d attention . I n 1990 , just a quarte r o f al l household s ha d childre n livin g a t home . Senio r citi zens, olde r Boomer s whos e childre n ha d move d out , an d never-married s made u p th e bul k o f th e electorate . (I n 1991 , one-thir d o f America n women i n thei r twentie s wer e single , compare d t o on e i n te n jus t twent y years before.) Singles , seniors, an d "empty-nest " Boomer s were th e voca l majority wh o vote d agains t publi c schoo l an d municipa l playgroun d lev ies. No t surprisingly , politician s wh o though t abou t givin g ta x break s t o families ha d t o thin k twice . Afte r a decad e o f conservativ e governance , Americans ha d a n economi c syste m tha t hur t familie s an d a politica l culture tha t appeare d unwillin g t o preven t th e dissolutio n o f th e socia l order.11 Some conservative s trie d t o mak e light of the economic situation. They insisted tha t Reaganomic s ha d create d littl e socia l dislocation . Anyway , leaving asid e economi c an d mora l issues , Bush was destine d t o "g o dow n in histor y a s on e o f America' s grea t commanders-in-chief. " (Thi s obser vation wa s a littl e far-fetche d sinc e Hussein , th e ma n who m Bus h calle d "worse tha n Hitler, " remaine d i n power. ) Othe r conservatives , includin g a fe w margina l figures wh o serve d i n th e Bus h administration , wer e mor e agitated. Willia m Bennett , th e voca l educatio n secretar y i n Reagan' s sec ond term , an d no w Bush' s "Dru g Czar, " pulle d n o punches . H e blame d Hollywood fo r glamorizin g anti-socia l behavio r an d exhorte d American s to eradicat e th e crimina l element—withou t an y interferenc e fro m civi l libertarians: Imagine that you own a beach house and discover a school of great white sharks in th e water just of f your property . They don't leave . As the people continue to swim, the casualtie s mount . Wha t d o you do ? You certainl y should provid e fo r hospitals, healt h care , emergenc y services , rehabilitation , therapy , an d artificia l limbs. And you should certainl y teach people not t o go into the water, and take particular care to tell the children that they should not go near the water. But is there something else you should do, perhaps something else you should do before anythin g else ? Of course there is . You need to get the damn sharks out of the water. Drive the m out , surroun d them , ne t them , spea r them , yo u d o whatever it takes, but you get rid of them.12

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Jack Kemp , who m Bus h plucke d fro m Congres s t o serv e a s secretar y of housing an d urba n development , offere d a number o f innovative poli cies t o dea l wit h inner-cit y crim e an d joblessness . On e o f Kemp' s idea s was t o sel l discounte d publi c housin g unit s t o thei r tenants ; h e believe d that ownershi p promote d individua l responsibility . Th e HU D secretar y also champione d urba n enterpris e zones , hopin g tha t targete d ta x break s would encourag e businesse s t o locat e i n area s o f hig h unemployment . Whether o r no t Kemp' s solution s wer e workable, h e was at least trying to bridge th e ga p betwee n th e politica l establishmen t an d th e mostl y blac k prisoners o f urba n poverty . A s Kem p wa s fon d o f saying , conservative s "should hav e bee n ther e o n th e freedo m marche s an d bu s rides " o f th e sixties. (New t Gingric h agree d wholeheartedly. I n 1986, Gingrich, who had no significant blac k constituenc y t o answe r to , rounde d u p reluctan t Re publican vote s t o mak e th e younge r Marti n Luthe r King' s birthda y a national holiday. ) Unfortunatel y fo r Kemp , Bush di d no t appreciat e mor alists. Afte r all , h e ha d brough t Kem p an d Bennet t o n boar d onl y t o mollify conservatives . The presiden t wa s not intereste d i n thei r ideas. 13 Wall Street Journal editor Davi d Fru m dismisse d Bush' s staffers a s "un ideological opportunists. " Similarly , Joh n Podhoretz , a conservative jour nalist an d so n o f a prominen t intellectual , marvele d a t th e differenc e between th e Reaganite s an d "th e Bushies. " Man y o f th e Reaganite s ha d been "tru e believers " whos e famil y obligation s lef t n o tim e t o g o ou t fo r a drin k afte r work . Th e Bushie s wer e anothe r story . Podhoret z describe d the young women wh o worked fo r Bus h a s the "fines t flowerin g o f femal e Republicanism"—debutantes wh o would no t be caught dead in polyester . Male Bushies clothe d themselve s i n $75 0 suit s fro m th e bes t boutiques . No J . C . Penne y bargai n basemen t sale s fo r them . Whateve r thei r differ ences, whether thei r wealth cam e from trus t fund s o r personal allowances , or whethe r the y wer e graduate s o f Dartmout h o r Yale , th e Bushie s ha d one thing in common: the y loathed th e Reaganites . A number o f the older Bush staffer s ha d serve d i n th e For d administration . Afte r a long Reagan imposed exil e from federa l employment , the y were looking for paybacks. 14 GOP liberal s first wen t afte r Dou g Wead , a n evangelica l wh o ha d served Reaga n a s liaiso n betwee n th e Whit e Hous e an d th e Religiou s Right. I n a White Hous e tha t was , unofficially , prochoic e an d toleran t o f diverse lifestyles , Wea d clearl y di d no t belong . Whe n h e questione d th e wisdom o f inviting militan t gay s to th e White House , Wead wa s fired. Pat Robertson wa s no t surprised . Give n hi s experienc e wit h Bus h i n th e 1988 primaries, a s well a s the president' s oppositio n t o th e censorshi p o f text books an d television—"Closin g ou r childre n of f fro m th e outsid e worl d

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will no t protec t them, " Bus h insisted—Robertso n wa s no t incline d t o b e charitable. Confrontin g th e presiden t i n 1989 , Robertson mused , "Isn' t i t interesting tha t yo u hav e n o difficult y identifyin g evangelical s an d thei r allies durin g th e campaign , bu t yo u canno t find the m afte r th e election? " Randall Terry , th e organize r o f Operatio n Rescue , wa s eve n les s politic . Angered tha t Christi e Hefner , th e publishe r o f Playboy, could ge t a n au dience wit h Bus h whil e h e coul d not , Terr y accoste d th e Presiden t o n a New Englan d gol f course . Bus h fled , lettin g th e Secre t Servic e dea l wit h the prolif e activist. 15 Bush's relationshi p wit h ordinar y voter s wa s n o warmer . Hi s regim e saw regressive Socia l Securit y payrol l taxe s ris e an d 68,00 0 page s o f oner ous federa l regulation s becom e th e la w o f th e land . Bus h di d no t lik e making publi c appeals . H e preferre d cuttin g privat e deal s wit h a Demo cratic Congres s tha t wa s incline d t o rais e taxe s an d increas e entitlemen t spending. Bus h ha d n o commo n touch , le t alon e a sens e o f ho w t o pla y democratic politics . Thi s explaine d wh y h e trie d t o persuad e th e IR S t o stop investigatin g th e wealth y fo r ta x evasion . Afte r all , h e kne w thes e folks and , besides, they could affor d ta x attorneys to fight the government . It woul d b e fa r mor e financially productive , Bus h thought , fo r th e IR S to go afte r middle - an d working-clas s taxpayer s wh o lacke d th e financial means t o resist . Bus h als o opposed extendin g unemploymen t benefit s an d nodded whe n hi s budget director , Richar d Darman , tol d hi m tha t h e was so popula r tha t "yo u coul d g o ou t ther e an d tel l the m [th e America n people] tha t a depressio n i s upo n u s an d n o on e woul d eve n notice. " (Mario Cuom o an d th e Democrati c Party' s leading stars agreed with Dar man. Th e first strin g decline d t o ru n agains t Bus h leavin g i t up t o bench warmers lik e Arkansas governo r Bil l Clinton t o tak e o n th e president.) 16 To Bush' s shock , realit y finally intrude d upo n th e Whit e House . Pa t Buchanan, wh o ha d acquire d a personal followin g throug h hi s newspape r columns an d cabl e televisio n appearances , challenge d Bus h i n th e '9 2 primaries. A t first, th e administratio n argue d tha t " a vot e fo r Pa t Bu chanan i s a vot e fo r Te d Kennedy. " Whe n n o on e outsid e th e Whit e House coul d figure ou t wha t tha t meant , Bush' s staffer s calle d Buchana n "wacky." Buchanan , on e mus t remember , wa s the perso n wh o fantasize d about Jess e Helms' s takin g ove r CB S an d turnin g th e networ k int o th e "Conservative Broadcastin g System. " Mor e troublesome , Buchana n op posed Bush' s effort s t o reduc e internationa l tarif f barriers . Unlik e Bush , the pundit , linkin g trad e polic y t o foreig n ai d an d militar y interventio n abroad, responde d t o the issue s Lasch and Murra y had raised . Buchanan' s

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answer wa s "Americ a First—an d Second , an d Third. " Th e tim e ha d come, Buchana n contended , fo r a nationalis t trad e polic y tha t protecte d American job s fro m oversea s competitor s wh o pai d poverty-leve l wages . Taunting th e president i n New Hampshire, where the unemployment rat e was twic e th e nationa l average , Buchana n said , "Mr . Bush , yo u recall , promised t o creat e thirt y millio n jobs . H e didn' t tel l u s h e woul d b e creating the m i n Guandon g Provinc e [China] , Yokohama, o r Mexico." 17 America's financier s an d thei r libertaria n allie s in th e media crie d foul . The American Spectator, Human Events, an d th e Wall Street Journal tor e into Buchanan . Libertarian s argue d tha t chea p import s provided gainfull y employed consumer s wit h inexpensiv e goods . Moreover , th e illega l im migrants fro m Mexic o an d othe r Thir d Worl d countrie s tha t Buchana n denounced gav e Sunbel t employer s a n affordabl e labo r pool . Further , i f Bush an d th e Democrati c Congres s wer e successfu l i n negotiatin g a spe cial trad e agreemen t wit h Mexico , America n companie s woul d fin d i t easier t o relocate . Mexico gav e U.S. corporations a n idea l environment i n which t o work . Lo w wages , n o environmenta l regulation s t o conten d with, an d a governmen t tha t wa s mor e tha n happ y t o shoo t dow n mal contents wh o migh t wan t t o organiz e a n independen t union . Whil e suc h arguments wo n kudo s i n th e nation' s libertaria n thin k tanks , they did no t play wel l wit h million s o f Republicans . Buchana n carrie d 3 7 percen t o f the Ne w Hampshir e primar y vote. 18 Despite decen t showing s i n Ne w Hampshir e an d othe r primar y states , Buchanan wa s no t a n especiall y popula r figure. H e prove d eve n bette r than Georg e Wallace a t makin g enemies . O n th e cultura l fron t Buchana n went afte r th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Arts , chastisin g th e federa l agency fo r "subsidizin g bot h filthy an d blasphemou s art. " Whil e Brook line ridicule d hi s "Puritanism, " socia l conservative s wondere d wh y ho mosexual artist s wh o submerge d crucifixe s i n thei r ow n urin e o r photo graphed themselve s wit h bullwhip s shove d u p thei r anuse s had an y clai m to th e taxpayers ' money . A s Buchana n ha d sai d o n a n earlie r occasion : "A visceral recoi l fro m homosexualit y i s the natura l reactio n o f a health y society wishin g t o preserv e itself . A prejudic e agains t male s wh o engag e in sodom y with on e anothe r represent s a normal an d natura l bias in favo r of soun d morality. " Blindsided , th e Bushie s denounce d th e censorshi p o f "gay art. " Then , afte r consultin g thei r polls , they fired th e directo r o f th e endowment.19 For man y politicians , earnin g th e hatre d o f libertarians, countr y club bers, an d gay s would hav e been enoug h fo r on e lifetime . Buchanan , how -

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ever, neve r mince d word s wit h an y grou p h e foun d bothersome . Durin g the Persia n Gul f War , whic h h e vehementl y opposed , Buchana n claimed , "There ar e onl y tw o group s tha t ar e beatin g th e drum s fo r wa r i n th e Middle East—th e Israel i Defens e Ministr y an d it s ame n corne r i n th e United States. " I n cas e Jew s detecte d som e ambiguit y i n hi s words , Bu chanan clarifie d th e situatio n b y notin g tha t th e America n soldier s wh o would likel y di e i n th e wa r woul d b e "kid s wit h name s lik e McAllister , Murphy, Gonzalez , an d Lero y Brown. " Buchana n seeme d t o b e sayin g that th e foxhole s woul d no t b e filled wit h Shapiro s an d Rabinowitzes . Angered, Joh n Judi s o f the New Republic and A . M. Rosentha l o f the New York Times dredge d u p ever y allegedl y anti-Semiti c utteranc e Buchana n had eve r made . Willia m F . Buckle y distance d himsel f fro m Buchanan , though les s squeamis h member s o f th e Righ t backe d u p th e pundit . I n one o f it s mos t hypocritica l moment s th e Bus h administratio n implie d that Buchana n wa s a Naz i wh o ha d calle d int o questio n th e loyalt y o f American Jews . Privately, Secretar y of State James Baker, angered by what he considere d t o be Israel i intransigence o n th e Palestinian question , said, "F-— the m [th e Jews] . They didn' t vot e fo r us." 20 Far fro m bein g chastised , Buchana n steppe d u p hi s crusad e agains t Bush. I n Michigan , wher e G M ha d announce d ye t anothe r roun d o f la bor-force reductions , Buchana n tol d his white ethnic audiences that, "Mr . Bush's campaig n i s virtuall y a wholly owne d subsidiarit y o f Japan , Inc. " The president , h e continued , "ha s go t to o man y adviser s aroun d hi m o r close t o hi m wh o hav e interest s o r linkage s t o foreig n interest s an d ar e arguing fo r thes e interests , rathe r tha n objectivel y fo r wha t i s best fo r th e United States. " I n th e South , Bus h calle d Buchanan' s patriotis m int o question. Buchanan' s directo r o f communications retorted : "I don' t thin k Pat Buchana n i s vulnerabl e o n th e Gul f Wa r issue . Afte r all , Sadda m Hussein stil l ha s a job whil e a lot o f Americans d o not. " Fo r al l his rebe l fury, Buchana n di d no t swee p the South . His criticisms o f the free marke t and call s fo r trad e protectio n di d no t g o ove r wel l i n a regio n tha t ha d weathered th e recessio n bette r tha n th e Rustbelt . Indeed , Sout h Carolini ans ha d give n BM W $13 0 millio n t o hel p th e Germa n corporatio n buil d a factor y i n thei r state . (Southerner s lik e t o sa y tha t BM W stand s for , "Bubba Make s Wheels.") Fa r fro m keepin g foreign competitor s out , Sun belt entrepreneur s an d politician s wante d th e lower-paying—preferabl y non-union—jobs tha t cam e with oversea s investment. 21 If divide d economically , souther n white s an d norther n ethnic s foun d common groun d i n thei r oppositio n t o racia l quotas . Buchana n di d no t

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question whethe r black s deserve d equa l treatment . H e believe d al l law abiding, hard-workin g American s shoul d b e treate d th e same . Fo r Bu chanan, quota s wer e a class , no t a civi l rights , issue . H e argue d tha t th e affirmative actio n policie s champione d b y upper-clas s white s discrimi nated agains t humbl e citizens . Pointin g t o Bush' s suppor t fo r th e 199 1 Civil Rights Act, Buchana n rekindle d th e fires o f blue-collar populism : Mr. Bush promised he would veto a quota bill, and then . .. h e caved in... . Now if you belong to the Exeter-Yale GOP club, that's not going to bother you greatly because, as we know, it is not thei r childre n wh o get bused ou t o f South Boston into Roxbury, it is not their brothers who lose contracts because of minority setasides, it is not th e scions of Yale and Harvard wh o apply to become FBI agents and constructio n worker s and civi l servants and cops , who bear the onus of this reverse discrimination . I t i s th e son s o f middl e Americ a wh o pa y th e pric e o f reverse discriminatio n advance d b y the Walker' s Poin t [Bush' s Kennebunkpor t home] GO P t o salv e thei r socia l conscience s a t othe r people' s expense . I f I am elected, my friends, I will go through thi s administration, departmen t by department, agenc y by agency, and roo t ou t th e whole rotten infrastructur e o f reverse discrimination, root and branch. 22 After twent y year s o f quota s th e vas t majorit y o f whites , a s wel l a s a growing numbe r o f blacks , wer e questionin g th e wisdo m o f affirmativ e action. Paradoxically, while black education, income , and social status had greatly improve d sinc e th e sixties , man y activist s insiste d tha t discrimi nation wa s worse tha n ever . Liberal s argue d tha t onl y quota s coul d com bat "toxi c racism. " Corett a Scot t King , the wido w o f the slain civi l right s leader, an d libera l activis t Josep h Califan o contende d tha t mor e civi l rights legislatio n an d anti-povert y spendin g wer e necessary . (Combined federal, state , an d loca l welfar e spendin g i n 199 2 amounte d t o $30 5 bil lion.) I n contrast , whites , wh o ha d becom e mor e raciall y toleran t i n th e past thre e decades , wer e losin g patienc e wit h blacks . According t o a 1991 University o f Chicag o poll , thre e o f fou r white s though t black s preferre d to subsis t o n welfare , an d 5 6 percen t believe d minoritie s wer e pron e t o violence. Interestingly , a n equa l proportio n o f both races—two-thirds — thought tha t Asia n immigrant s wer e harde r worker s tha n blacks. 23 Whites wer e becomin g frustrate d wit h blac k activist s an d thei r whit e apologists. Ji m Sleeper , a Village Voice columnist, wa s a rar e perso n o n the Lef t wh o criticize d blac k militants . Accordin g t o Sleeper , ther e wer e "professional black s (no t t o b e confuse d wit h blac k professionals) whoV e developed a predictabl e stak e i n expandin g th e boundarie s o f racis m i n pursuit o f moral and practica l exemptions fro m socia l obligation." Sleeper hit it on th e head. Professiona l black s responded t o any criticism of crime,

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illegitimacy, and quota s by race-baiting their white critics. On the nation' s campuses race-baitin g wa s i n fashion . Fro m Smit h Colleg e t o SUNY Binghamton, blac k students, and a few secular Jews , filed false assaul t an d vandalism reports . The y the n use d suc h "racia l incidents " t o rall y th e community agains t discrimination . Fa r to o ofte n whit e journalist s re ported o n th e demonstration s withou t botherin g t o lear n th e facts. 24 Professional black s counte d o n minoritie s t o stan d blindl y b y thei r political leaders . I n 1991 , a gan g o f blac k teen s brutall y assaulte d thre e suburban white s wh o ha d com e downtow n t o vie w Detroit' s Fourt h o f July fireworks display . Th e blac k jur y acquitte d th e gan g leader . I n a strange twis t t o th e case , Mayor Colema n Youn g interviewe d th e eyewit nesses an d allegedl y questione d th e accurac y o f thei r accounts . Angered , the whit e victim s lashe d ou t a t Young , claimin g tha t h e ha d personall y footed th e lega l bill s fo r th e blac k defendants . Fo r al l o f that , however , Young's behavio r wa s a mode l o f restrain t compare d t o th e deed s o f hi s Washington counterpart . Whe n Mayo r Mario n Barr y stoo d tria l fo r smoking crack , blac k jurors an d th e minorit y electorat e a t larg e champi oned hi s cause . Ignorin g th e evidence , th e NAAC P an d Jess e Jackso n declared tha t Barr y wa s th e victi m o f a "racis t prosecution. " Jus t a s disturbing, eve n thoug h Washingto n ha d becom e America' s "murde r capi tal," few blacks held Barr y accountable. White liberals uttered patronizin g comments o n th e nee d fo r racia l sensitivit y an d the n retreate d t o thei r gated settlement s i n suburba n Chev y Chase. 25 In thei r fligh t fro m urba n decay , whites (an d middle-clas s blacks ) ha d made Americ a a suburban nation . (Conservativ e wit s noted tha t i n Cam den, Ne w Jersey , eve n th e Mafi a relocate d t o th e 'burbs. ) Th e cities tha t had onc e give n th e part y o f th e Ne w Dea l it s shoc k troop s n o longe r decided presidentia l elections . Suburba n an d small-tow n living , however , did not alway s offer a sanctuary from violence . The threatening underclas s could n o longe r b e confine d t o th e inne r cities . Travelin g wes t o n I-8 0 from Chicago , th e Crip s an d Blood s turne d Davenpor t an d De s Moines , Iowa, int o crac k distributio n centers . I n Davenport , a decaying industria l town o n th e Mississippi , twenty-fiv e hundre d gan g member s stalke d th e streets. T o th e astonishmen t o f Iowans , 4 0 percen t o f th e gan g recruit s were local white youths. "These little white s—heads," a Davenport police officer said , "ac t black , the y talk black, the y think they'r e tough , but the y are mutt s withou t thei r gangs , just idiots . They ge t recruite d b y the olde r black gan g member s wh o ru n the m lik e tops. " Paradoxically , gang s ha d become th e mos t raciall y integrated institution s i n America. 26

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William Bennet t argue d tha t th e recordin g industr y ha d t o tak e som e responsibility fo r lurin g white and black youths int o a life o f crime. TimeWarner, fo r instance , eagerl y markete d th e violent , sexist , ra p musi c o f the inne r cit y to it s most enthusiasti c customers—th e whit e teenage boys of the suburb s an d smal l towns. Rapper Ice-T , who easil y moved betwee n recording studi o an d Hollywoo d movi e lot , exhorte d teen s t o gu n dow n white polic e officer s an d Korea n merchants . Fa r fro m condemnin g suc h racist attitudes , th e Lef t praise d rapper s a s th e authenti c voice s o f blac k America. Fro m Pittsburg h t o Brookline , whit e liberal s droole d ove r ra p groups lik e 2 Live Crew and th e Get o Boys . Such rappers , liberal academ ics an d journalist s argued , shoul d no t b e dismisse d a s a misogynis t o r profane. I n reality , rapper s wer e liberatin g blac k sexualit y fro m th e racis t confines o f white middle-clas s norms , while, in the process, becoming th e Shakespeares o f th e contemporar y scene . "Suc k m y d—k , b—ch , an d make i t puke, " 2 Live Cre w rapped , "Lic k m y as s u p an d down . Lic k i t till your tongu e tur n doo-do o brown." 27 Against thi s backdro p o f gan g violence an d mora l decay , two develop ments force d American s t o examin e th e stat e o f rac e relations . I n 1991, Bush nominate d Clarenc e Thomas t o the "blac k seat " on Suprem e Court . Patricia Ireland , th e presiden t o f NOW, boaste d t o th e medi a tha t "we'r e going t o Bor k him. " Orego n senato r Bob Packwood , a liberal Republica n and all y of NOW , als o wen t o n th e attac k agains t th e prolif e jurist . Nor man Lea r and Teddy Kennedy reassembled th e anti-Bork coalition. Meanwhile, Virginia' s first blac k governor , Dou g Wilder , a prochoic e Demo crat, asserte d tha t Thomas , havin g bee n raise d a Catholic , wa s no t fit t o be o n th e nation' s highes t court . "Ho w muc h allegianc e i s ther e t o th e Pope?" Senato r Howar d Metzenbau m o f Ohi o weighe d in , claimin g tha t Thomas's conservativ e ideolog y mad e hi m a n unfi t judge . Eleve n year s before, whe n supportin g Rut h Bade r Ginsburg' s nominatio n t o th e U.S . Court o f Appeal s Washingto n Circuit , Metzenbau m ha d asserte d tha t ideology shoul d no t b e a basi s upo n whic h t o rejec t judicia l nominees . Ginsburg was , like Metzenbaum, a n advocat e o f abortion o n deman d an d racial quotas. 28 At first, th e hearing s wen t wel l fo r Thomas . Bu t the n Senat e liberal s sprang a surpris e o n th e jurist . Anit a Hill , a forme r EEO C staffe r wh o had worke d wit h Thomas , claime d tha t h e ha d sexuall y harasse d her . Although Hil l capture d muc h sympatheti c medi a attention , sh e ha d n o evidence t o suppor t he r charges . Worse , n o credibl e witnesse s cam e for ward t o corroborat e Hill' s story . Thi s wa s remarkable . I n case s o f sexua l

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harassment, especiall y when, a s in th e Thoma s matter , th e incident s sup posedly took plac e over a number o f years, there is usually more than on e victim. Senato r Packwood , fo r instance , had lon g mad e i t a habit t o stic k his tongue int o women' s mouths . With Packwood , ther e was a pattern o f abuse, a s wel l a s a numbe r o f potentia l witnesses . Unfortunately , Pack wood's victim s tende d t o be ardent feminist s wh o s o valued his prochoic e stance tha t the y wer e unwillin g t o expos e him . Instead , the y redirecte d their ange r agains t Thomas . (Feminist s als o di d no t sa y much abou t th e antics o f anothe r congressiona l champio n o f Anit a Hill . Ove r th e Easte r weekend i n 199 1 Teddy Kenned y ha d gon e ou t o n a drinkin g bing e wit h his nephew , Willia m Smith . Kenned y apparentl y passe d ou t befor e Smit h allegedly rape d a youn g woman . A s Buchana n sai d abou t Kennedy' s Easter escapade , "Wha t othe r fifty-nine-year-old d o yo u kno w wh o still s goes to Florid a fo r Sprin g break?") 29 Resenting th e attack s o n hi s character , Thoma s denounce d th e Senat e Judiciary Committe e hearing s a s a "high-tec h lynchin g o f a n uppit y black." Despit e th e hostilit y o f the NAACP , most black s believed Thoma s had bee n don e wrong . Ton y Brown , a televisio n journalist , embrace d Thomas an d ridicule d th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucus , whic h ha d com e out agains t th e conservative . "Wher e d o yo u ge t th e powe r t o organiz e thirty millio n blac k folks, " Brow n asked th e Congressiona l Blac k Caucus, "when onl y 2 7 percent o f them agree with you? " Brown furthe r endeare d himself t o civi l right s activist s b y accusin g the m o f practicin g a "crud e intellectual fascis m whe n a blac k stray s fro m th e libera l plantation. " Southern Democrats , fearing a backlash fro m thei r black constituents, had little choic e bu t t o confir m Thomas . Hill , onc e a n undistinguishe d la w professor i n Oklahoma , hi t th e lectur e circuit , pullin g dow n $10,00 0 fo r each appearanc e an d hobnobbin g wit h th e like s o f Donn a Shalal a an d Arkansas first lad y Hillary Rodham Clinton. 30 Intense coverag e notwithstanding , th e medi a faile d t o explor e a n im portant aspec t o f th e Thoma s story . Hi s nominatio n reveale d troublin g rifts withi n th e conservativ e movement . Socia l conservative s lik e Kem p and Bennet t backe d Thoma s t o th e hilt . T o Bennett , Thoma s showe d minorities tha t the y coul d escap e fro m th e clutche s o f a n irrelevan t civi l rights establishment . Thoma s ha d impresse d Bennet t an d Kem p wit h hi s eloquent testimon y o n th e importanc e o f moral value s an d hi s belief tha t blacks should no t permi t racis m t o driv e them int o self-destructive hatre d of whites . Bor n int o a dirt-poo r Georgi a family , Thoma s note d tha t " I

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grew u p unde r stat e enforce d segregation , whic h i s a s clos e t o totalitari anism a s I would lik e t o get. " Convince d tha t governmen t shoul d pla y a role i n combatin g discrimination , th e EEO C unde r Thoma s nearl y dou bled th e numbe r o f case s litigated i n th e court s an d (i n wha t migh t see m like a n ironi c developmen t t o some) , initiated th e firs t cas e against sexua l harassment i n th e workplace. 31 Where Kem p an d Bennet t cheere d Thomas , othe r conservative s ex pressed disgust . Llewelly n Rockwel l o f th e Alabama-base d Ludwi g vo n Mises Institute— a libertaria n thin k tank—thundered : "Thoma s call s the segregation o f th e Ol d South , wher e h e gre w up , 'totalitarian. 5 Bu t that' s liberal nonsense . Whateve r it s faults , an d i t certainl y ha d them , tha t sys tem wa s fa r mor e localized , decent , an d human e tha n th e reall y totalitar ian socia l engineerin g no w wreckin g th e country. " Senato r Jess e Helms , though no t opposin g Thomas , remaine d a n unreconstructe d rebel . In hi s 1990 campaign agains t Harve y Gantt , a black liberal an d arden t supporte r of abortio n an d affirmativ e action , Helm s aire d commercial s showin g a deserving whit e ma n losin g a job t o a n unqualifie d minority . Whil e pro vocative, th e commercia l di d sho w a probabl e consequenc e o f a Gant t victory. Ther e wa s n o excuse , however , fo r Helm s t o mai l notice s t o 125,000 black s warnin g the m tha t the y migh t b e guilt y o f voting frau d i f they showe d u p a t the polls. 32 Though havin g n o us e fo r Anit a Hill , th e American Spectator warned libertarians tha t Thoma s would no t eliminat e hirin g quotas . His record a t the EEO C and th e agency' s subsequent action s against employer s after hi s departure marke d Thoma s a s a man wh o wa s overly fond o f Big Government. Th e American Spectator ha d a point . On e wa s har d presse d t o understand wh y th e EEO C i n 198 9 prosecuted a freight-hauling compan y for refusin g t o hire driver s who ha d bee n convicte d o f larceny. The EEO C said tha t sinc e minoritie s disproportionatel y committe d felonies , th e firm's hirin g practice s resulte d i n racia l discrimination. A federal judge in Florida, wh o happene d t o b e Hispanic , heard th e EEO C case . He was no t impressed b y the "condescendin g attitude " o f the EEOC : [The] EEOC' s positio n tha t minoritie s shoul d b e hel d t o lowe r standard s i s an insult t o millions of honest Hispanics . Obviously a rule refusing hones t employment t o convicte d applicant s i s going t o hav e a disparate impac t upo n thieves . That apparently a higher percentage of Hispanics are convicted of crimes than of the "white " population ma y prove a number o f things such as: 1) Hispanics are not very good a t stealing; 2) whites are better thieve s than Hispanics ; 3) none of

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the above ; 4) al l o f th e above... . Regardless, the honest y o f a prospective em ployee is certainly a vital consideration in the hiring decision. If Hispanics do not wish to be discriminated agains t because they have been convicte d o f theft the n they should stop stealing. 33 Clarence Thoma s an d Anit a Hil l becam e foreve r linke d i n th e publi c mind jus t afte r Rodne y Kin g becam e famous . I n Marc h o f 1991 , Rodne y King, who ha d bee n racin g throug h Lo s Angeles while drun k an d stoned , was arrested . H e wa s ou t o n parol e fo r robbery . Th e LAPD , captured o n videotape, beat King . A public outcry forced L.A . officials t o put the police officers involve d i n th e Kin g beating o n trial . On e yea r late r a n all-whit e jury acquitte d th e defendants . Soon , thirty-fiv e thousan d Crips , Bloods , and member s o f othe r gang s le d a rio t tha t lef t fifty-eight peopl e dea d and cause d a billio n dollar s i n propert y damage . Th e rio t serve d notic e that th e meltin g po t wa s cracked . Illega l Mexica n immigrant s accounte d for one-thir d o f thos e arrested , whil e 8 0 percen t o f th e loote d an d burned-out businesse s were owned by Korean immigrants. Only one hundred o f th e twenty-fiv e hundre d Korea n shop s subsequentl y reopene d i n their ol d neighborhoods . Thousand s o f Korean s move d t o Seattl e o r re turned t o thei r homeland. 34 Assistant LAP D chie f Rober t Vernon , a born-again Christia n wh o ha d found th e Kin g beatin g reprehensible , blame d Mayo r To m Bradle y fo r crippling th e department . Bradley, Verno n charged , ha d reduce d th e siz e of th e polic e forc e and , a t th e urgin g o f civi l libertarians , mad e i t mor e difficult t o disrup t gan g activities. (Bradle y had bee n on e o f the first black members o f th e LAPD. ) Jess e Jackso n an d Watt s congressma n Maxin e Waters led rallie s against the "racist" LAPD . Conservatives countered tha t if th e LAP D wa s s o racist , wh y di d th e officer s wh o capture d Kin g no t beat u p hi s blac k passengers ? Worrie d abou t furthe r rioting , th e U.S . Justice Departmen t charge d th e officer s wit h violatin g King' s civi l rights . In the federal trial , with severa l black jurors o n board, th e policemen wer e convicted. (Whit e juror s feare d a secon d rio t an d thu s vote d t o convict. ) King wen t o n t o collec t nearl y $ 4 millio n i n civi l damage s fro m Lo s Angeles. Later , polic e officer s i n Californi a an d Pennsylvani a picke d hi m up o n a variet y o f offenses—includin g spousa l abuse . Fearin g advers e publicity, lawsuits , and federa l prosecution , th e cop s usually let King go.35 On th e left , Water s calle d th e L.A . riot s a "rebellion " agains t whit e racism an d Republica n fiscal policies. She and Jess e Jackson even arrange d for a "summi t meeting " wit h gan g leaders . At th e othe r en d o f the ideo logical spectrum , Buchana n proffere d a quic k remed y t o urba n disorder :

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"Rioters d o no t nee d t o hea r a lot o f bull hocke y abou t 'connecting ' an d 'dialogue/ " Buchana n contended . "The y nee d t o hea r throug h a polic e bullhorn th e three little words tha t sa y it all, 'Lock and load! ' " As conservatives wer e won t t o say , povert y coul d no t b e eradicate d unti l poo r blacks stoppe d preyin g upo n on e anothe r an d bearin g childre n ou t o f wedlock. T o th e surpris e o f som e conservative s an d liberals , Representa tive John Lewi s of Georgia, a black veteran o f the sixties civil rights movement an d onetim e seminarian , concurred : Increasingly ove r th e pas t thirt y years , crime an d violenc e hav e been allowe d to run virtuall y unchecked throug h poo r black communities. This widening gyre of destruction firs t strippe d communitie s o f businesse s an d jobs . I t brok e dow n housing. I t mad e school s place s o f fear , wher e a quarte r o f th e student s migh t carry weapon s fo r self-defense , an d learnin g wa s alway s a casualty . Fo r a s lif e became mor e dangerous , mor e subjec t t o hazardou s fate , s o it became progressively difficult t o rais e children i n th e settle d peac e they require . And mor e and more the most conspicuous models of success were the racketeers, the pimp, and the insidiou s dru g dealer . S o mor e an d mor e children , deprive d o f reasonabl e nurture, were sucked into the vortex, to become in their turn the abusers and the destroyers of the children who came after them . It i s not onl y poverty tha t ha s cause d crime . I n a very real sens e i t i s crime that has caused poverty, and is the most powerful caus e of poverty today. 36 Religious conservative s endorse d th e congressman' s heartfel t words . Indeed, Souther n Baptis t clerg y wante d black s lik e Lewi s to becom e par t of their spiritua l community . Sinc e 1989, the Southern Baptis t Conventio n had establishe d 15 0 churche s i n predominatel y blac k neighborhoods . Southern Baptist s pledge d tha t blacks , a s wel l a s Hispanic s an d Asians , would neve r agai n b e turne d awa y by white deacons . Th e Souther n Bap tist Convention , lik e fundamentalis t churche s i n general , gre w larger . Such churche s attracte d youn g whit e an d minorit y couple s wh o ha d grown disguste d wit h wha t the y regarde d a s th e mora l relativis m o f th e mainline Protestan t denominations . The y listened t o on e o f the thousan d Christian radi o station s operatin g i n th e natio n an d purchase d child rearing book s a t th e Christia n shop s tha t infiltrate d suburba n shoppin g malls. A 199 0 Gallu p pol l reveale d tha t 3 8 percen t o f voter s coul d b e described a s moral traditionalists . Thes e were peopl e wh o sough t sanctu ary fro m a violent, corrup t society . A t th e sam e tim e th e faithfu l wante d to mak e thei r communitie s bette r place s i n whic h t o live. 37 After th e '8 8 electio n Pa t Robertso n ha d sense d tha t th e tim e wa s rip e for a secon d wav e o f religiou s activism . Robertson , however , vowe d no t to mak e th e sam e mistake s tha t limite d th e politica l effectivenes s o f th e

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Moral Majority . GO P strategis t Ralp h Reed , with a freshly minte d histor y Ph.D. fro m Emory , cam e o n boar d t o ru n day-to-da y operation s o f th e Christian Coalition . Ree d announce d tha t th e Christia n Coalitio n woul d focus o n politica l contest s a t th e local—a s wel l a s the federal—leve l an d be mor e aggressiv e i n reachin g ou t beyon d it s Pentecosta l base . "W e believe tha t th e Christia n communit y i n man y way s misse d th e boa t i n the ninetee n eightie s b y focusing almos t entirel y on th e White Hous e an d Congress," Ree d stated , "whe n mos t o f the issue s tha t concer n conserva tive Catholic s an d evangelical s ar e primarily determine d i n th e cit y councils, school boards, an d stat e legislatures. " Castin g a wary ey e at the Bus h administration, Ree d quietl y mobilize d th e party' s grassroots . "W e thin k the Lor d i s goin g t o giv e u s thi s natio n bac k on e precinc t a t a time, on e neighborhood a t a time, an d on e stat e a t a time. We're no t goin g t o wi n it al l at onc e with som e kin d o f millennia l rus h a t th e White House." 38 While Bus h purge d th e Whit e Hous e staf f o f socia l conservatives , th e Christian Coalitio n ra n candidate s i n a thousan d loca l elections . Reed' s troops wo n 4 0 percen t o f th e contest s the y entere d i n 199 0 an d 1991 . Working almos t exclusivel y through th e churches, the Christian Coalitio n initially escape d th e attentio n o f th e GO P countr y clubber s an d hostil e reporters. (Eludin g notic e di d no t requir e muc h effort . I n 1990 , a yea r after th e foundin g o f th e Christia n Coalition , libera l academic s an d jour nalists were stil l writing the obituarie s o f the Religious Right.) Ree d urge d Christian activist s no t t o "stic k you r hea d up , yo u ca n b e shot. " Rather , a Christia n shoul d "pain t [one's ] fac e an d trave l a t night. " Ree d the n described th e churc h a s a nineties equivalen t o f the H o Ch i Minh Trail — a sheltere d rout e by which t o resuppl y guerilla forces . "Th e advantag e we enjoy," Ree d noted , "i s tha t liberal s an d feminist s don' t generall y g o t o church; the y don' t gathe r i n on e plac e thre e day s before th e election . W e can prin t twenty-fiv e millio n vote r guide s an d inser t the m i n the bulletin s often thousan d churche s acros s th e country." 39 One Orego n membe r o f th e Christia n Coalitio n succinctl y explaine d why h e ha d becom e politicall y active . "Th e thing s tha t I believ e i n an d that ar e importan t t o me , I felt wer e bein g targete d [b y liberals]. It's lik e when I wa s i n Vietnam . Whe n someon e wa s targetin g you , yo u knew. " This vet, like other s wh o enliste d i n Robertson' s crusade , fel t a s if secular society ha d declare d wa r o n Christians . Ca l Thomas , a syndicate d Chris tian columnist , ha d a n appearanc e o n ABC' s Good Morning America can celed i n 199 0 becaus e "producer s feare d h e woul d quot e Bibl e verse s o n the air. " Michae l Medved , a film criti c an d conservativ e lew , observe d

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that "fo r man y o f th e mos t powerfu l peopl e i n th e entertainmen t busi ness, hostilit y t o traditiona l religio n goe s s o dee p an d burn s s o intensel y that the y insist o n expressin g that hostility , eve n at the risk of commercia l disaster." Hollywood' s secularize d scriptwriters , directors , an d producer s loathed Judeo-Christia n moralit y an d wallowe d i n se x and violence. Since the sixtie s the proportio n o f G-rated film s suitabl e fo r famil y viewing had fallen fro m 4 1 percent t o 1 3 percent. Film an d televisio n producer s invar iably depicte d prolifer s a s bomb-wieldin g religiou s nuts . The y als o brought graphi c "splatte r shots " and soft-cor e se x to th e heartland. 40 The Christia n Coalitio n sen t nearl y two millio n postcard s t o televisio n executives implorin g the m no t t o advertis e condoms . I n Colorado , th e Christian Coalitio n successfull y amende d th e stat e constitutio n t o pro hibit ga y affirmativ e action . Meanwhil e i n Bovar d County , Florida , Bap tists, Catholics , an d Pentecostal s joine d force s t o defea t a gay-rights ordi nance. (A s i f hurtlin g throug h a n alternativ e universe , th e Unite d Methodist Churc h i n 199 2 narrowly decide d tha t homosexuality remaine d somewhat sinful . However , th e governin g bod y o f th e churc h did , a t th e prompting o f lesbia n delegates , sa y tha t prayer s coul d begi n wit h "Ou r Mother wh o ar t i n Heaven." ) Irat e a t effort s t o cur b ga y power , Tedd y Kennedy an d Brookline' s Barne y Fran k authore d legislatio n i n 199 2 tha t would gran t lega l recognitio n t o ga y marriage s an d nullif y loca l sodom y statutes. Socia l conservative s lambaste d th e propose d legislation , callin g it a morta l threa t t o "famil y values." 41 Paying littl e hee d t o th e Christia n Coalition , Bus h awok e to o lat e t o prevent socia l conservative s fro m acquirin g a presence a t th e '9 2 Repub lican Nationa l Convention . Fort y percent o f the GO P delegates , includin g many pledge d t o Bush , wer e evangelicals . Twent y percen t o f th e tw o thousand delegate s openl y affiliate d themselve s wit h th e Christia n Coali tion. Acros s th e nation , religiou s activists , havin g learne d thei r lesso n i n 1988, too k ove r th e GOP' s county-chai r positions . Bus h partisan s coul d not manipulat e th e delegate selection proces s a s effectively a s before. GO P liberals, Christianity Today reported , ha d n o choic e bu t t o lear n "God speak."42 Vice Presiden t Da n Quayle , who m th e Bushie s ha d virtuall y exile d from th e Whit e House , wa s no w calle d upo n t o shor e u p thei r "famil y values" image . Appearin g befor e variou s Protestan t groups , Quayl e rea d from a well-crafted speec h tha t linke d famil y dissolutio n t o the L.A . riots. He mentione d i n passin g tha t Hollywoo d glorifie d illegitimacy , citin g a s an exampl e th e televisio n serie s Murphy Brown. Medi a critic s recas t th e

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story t o mak e i t appea r a s i f Quayl e ha d spen t al l hi s tim e chastisin g a fictional unwe d mother . Quayle' s advisor s pai d littl e min d t o libera l pun dits. The y neede d t o scor e point s wit h th e GOP' s socia l conservatives . I n that, Quayle' s staf f achieve d a partia l victory . Conservativ e columnis t Mona Chare n heape d prais e upo n Quayl e an d accuse d "libera l elitists " of corrupting America' s morals . Quayle, though, di d little to improve Bush' s reputation wit h th e Right . A t th e Republica n conventio n i n Houston , Quayle le d a pe p rally . "D o w e trus t Bil l Clinto n [th e Democrati c presi dential nominee]?" , Quayl e asked . Th e crow d cried , "No! " The n Quayl e said, "Do we trust th e liberal media?" Again, the delegates shouted, "No!" Thinking tha t h e ha d whippe d u p enthusias m fo r Bush , Quayl e mad e hi s pitch: "Wh o d o w e trust?" The religiou s conservative s cried , "Jesus!" 43 Bush plunge d ahead , determine d t o b e th e "famil y values " president . A year befor e th e '9 2 election Bus h tol d severa l religious publications tha t he believed i n voluntary schoo l prayer. As for th e distribution o f condoms to teenager s i n th e publi c schools , the president note d tha t h e was against the practice. However, neithe r praye r no r condom s was a federal issue . In truth, Republica n liberal s di d no t thin k anythin g o n th e socia l agenda fel l under th e purvie w o f th e Whit e House—fro m abortio n t o crime , suc h matters wer e best lef t t o th e states . (Th e Bushie s had th e simila r thought s about th e economy : corporat e executives , no t government , woul d d o what wa s bes t fo r America. ) I n 1992 , religious conservative s noted , Bus h became a country-club messiah . T o th e disgus t o f liberal Republican s lik e California governo r Pet e Wilso n an d Massachusett s governo r Willia m Weld, th e Bus h platfor m grudgingl y remaine d tru e t o it s Reaganit e prin ciples. Th e Republican s oppose d abortion , criticize d same-se x marriages , and asserte d tha t "element s within th e media, the entertainment industry , academics, an d th e Democrati c Part y ar e wagin g a guerrill a wa r agains t American values." 44 Hoping t o reassur e th e party' s economi c populist s an d socia l conser vatives tha t the y trul y wer e born-agai n Republicans , Bus h permitte d Buchanan an d Robertso n t o addres s th e convention . Quayle' s wife , Mar ilyn, joine d th e lineup , a s di d Ronal d Reaga n i n wha t turne d ou t t o b e his last appearanc e a t a national politica l convention . (Whit e Hous e staff ers wer e worrie d tha t Reaga n woul d no t endors e Bush . The y ha d caus e for concern . Reaga n confide d t o friend s tha t h e ha d "reall y effe d i t up " by choosin g Bus h a s hi s runnin g mat e i n 1980. ) Attemptin g t o mak e u p in stridenc y wha t sh e lacke d i n commo n sense , Marilyn Quayl e observe d that man y o f he r fello w Boomer s neve r "too k drugs , joined i n th e sexua l

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revolution o r dodge d th e draft. " Sh e was absolutel y right . However , rais ing th e issu e o f militar y service—an d b y extensio n implyin g tha t Demo crats lik e Bil l Clinton wer e unpatriotic—wa s unwise . The Bus h adminis tration containe d a numbe r o f peopl e wh o avoide d Vietnam . I n additio n to Da n Quayle , Defens e Secretar y Dic k Chene y an d economi c adviso r Michael Boski n ha d ducke d th e draft . Ironically , Marily n Quayl e di d no t realize that whe n sh e condemne d Clinto n fo r participatin g i n a n oversea s antiwar protes t sh e als o implicate d Boskin . The economis t ha d organize d the 196 9 British demonstratio n i n whic h Clinto n too k part. 45 Buchanan prove d t o b e th e mos t riveting—an d controversial — speaker a t th e GO P convention . "M y friends, " Buchana n roared , this election is about more than who gets what. It is about who we are. It is about what w e believe an d wha t w e stan d fo r a s Americans. Ther e i s a religiou s war going on in this country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war as critical to the kind of nation we shall be as the Cold War itself. And in that struggle for the soul of America, Clinton and [Hillar y Rodham] Clinton are on the other side and George Bush is on our side. Of course , Buchana n kne w tha t Bus h ha d littl e choic e bu t t o b e "o n ou r side." The media, though, di d not appreciat e talk about a "culture war" — especially sinc e the y wer e "o n th e othe r side. " Newsweek calle d th e Re publican conventio n "wall-to-wal l ugly" ; Time accuse d Buchana n o f fo menting civi l unrest ; an d th e Bosto n Globe argue d tha t anyon e wh o wanted t o ba n pornograph y an d abortio n wa s a "puritanical" tyrant . No t used t o th e hostilit y o f th e medi a elite , Whit e Hous e staffers—mos t o f whom favore d unrestricte d abortio n an d ga y rights i n any event—wilted . After th e convention , libera l Republican s commence d th e lon g marc h back t o Newport . "Popp y Bush " woul d hav e t o wi n reelectio n withou t their assistance. 46 Unlike th e Bushies , th e Reaganite s ha d neve r give n muc h hee d t o th e liberal media . Reagan' s staffer s believe d tha t th e publi c pai d mor e atten tion t o happy pictures than t o the negative commentary that accompanie d his "photo opportunities. " Then again , if reporters were hostile to Republicans in '80 , '84, and '88 , it was also true that they had not been enamore d of th e Democrati c candidates . Th e '9 2 electio n wa s different . Thi s tim e newspaper reporter s an d televisio n correspondent s love d th e Democrati c nominee. Th e Washington Post gushe d tha t Bil l Clinto n an d vice presidential-candidate A l Gore wer e th e "Ne w Heartthrob s o f the Heart land." Predictably , 7 0 percent o f Bush' s networ k new s coverag e wa s negative. In contrast , th e majority o f television storie s on Clinto n wer e highly

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favorable. Whe n th e tabloid s reporte d o n Clinton' s affai r wit h Gennife r Flowers, th e New York Times an d th e Washington Post buried th e story . At PBS, the MacNeill/Lehrer NewsHou r trie d to ignore stories about Clin ton's se x life . Meanwhil e a produce r a t ABC' s Primetime Live offere d t o help Clinto n engag e i n "damag e control. " Hillar y Rodha m Clinto n weighed in , persuadin g he r medi a favorite s t o repor t tha t Bus h slep t around o n hi s matronl y wife. 47 Bill Clinto n ofte n tol d majo r politica l journalist s suc h a s Sidney Blu menthal, Ronal d Brownstein , E . J. Dionne, Thoma s Edsall , an d Jo e Klei n that h e ha d embrace d thei r ideas . Onl y hi s election , Clinto n informe d fellow Boomers , woul d transfor m thei r visio n o f America int o reality . I n turns flattered an d suspicious , th e high-profil e journalist s coul d no t hel p but fee l tha t the y di d hav e a stak e i n seein g Clinto n triump h ove r Bush . (Blumenthal eventuall y becam e a Clinton staffer. ) Initially , Jo e Klein was infatuated wit h Clinton . By the end of the campaign, however, Newsweek's ace corresponden t believe d tha t Clinto n mor e appropriatel y belonge d i n a seam y politica l novel , no t th e Whit e House . Klei n wa s wis e t o se e th e shadow o f Richar d Nixo n behin d th e Arkansa s governor . Whe n journal ists went t o Littl e Roc k t o as k th e local s abou t thei r hometow n hero , th e Clinton campaig n ha d the m taile d an d ordere d stat e employee s no t t o talk t o outsiders . Boome r journalist s cam e awa y fro m thei r Arkansa s so journ deepl y disturbed . Th e mor e paranoi d member s o f th e pres s corp s even bega n usin g publi c pa y phone s becaus e the y feare d tha t th e goo d people o f Dogpatc h ha d bugge d thei r hote l rooms . And these were liberal journalists who had harbored only goodwill toward Clinton.** In additio n t o th e media , th e Clinton s relie d o n thei r Hollywoo d con nections fo r advic e an d technica l expertise . (Fou r year s before , Dukaki s had contemptuousl y dismisse d th e activist s o n th e Lef t Coas t a s flakes. ) Producer Lind a Bloodworth-Thomaso n steere d th e medi a awa y fro m "bimbo eruptions. " The focus, sh e insisted, must be on Clinton's youthfu l dynamism an d th e dismal state of the Bush economy. Another Hollywoo d producer, Mor t Engelberg , wh o ha d enriche d America n cultur e wit h th e "Smokey an d th e Bandit " films, helpe d pu t togethe r a midwester n bu s tour fo r Clinto n an d Gore . Engelber g though t tha t th e tourin g "Bubb a Mobile" woul d underscor e Clinton' s attachmen t t o th e wonderfu l whit e folks wh o live d i n small-tow n America . Leavin g nothin g t o chance , Clin ton's Hollywoo d friend s directe d hi m towar d medi a outlet s wher e h e would no t hav e t o worr y abou t answerin g intelligen t questions . Whethe r playing the saxophon e o n Arsenio, feelin g someone' s pain o n Donahue, o r

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hanging ou t wit h th e pierced-nave l crow d o n MTV , Clinto n generate d feel-good medi a coverage. 49 In on e o f hi s mos t calculate d ploys , Clinto n repeatedl y snubbe d Jess e Jackson an d th e civi l right s establishment . A t th e 199 1 Democratic Lead ership Counci l meetin g i n Cleveland , Clinto n successfull y kep t Jackso n off th e speaker' s podium . Ignorin g Jackson' s crie s o f pain , Clinto n the n denounced th e '9 1 "quot a bill. " A yea r later , seekin g t o attrac t suppor t from Reaga n Democrat s an d whit e southerners , Clinto n stage d a n ap pearance a t a Georgi a prison , wher e h e stoo d wit h hi s bac k t o dozen s o f docile blac k prisoners . Th e photograp h evoke d disturbin g memorie s o f a bygone ag e when planter s herde d thei r slave s to th e cotto n fields. Clinto n counted o n souther n black s t o loo k a t th e pictur e fo r wha t i t reall y was: a shuck-and-jiv e sho w fo r th e rednec k senior s wh o stil l clun g t o th e Democratic Party . Race-baiting , apparently , wa s a permissibl e tacti c s o long as a liberal did it . Besides, the only people reall y harmed by Clinton' s actions wer e th e largel y black , sometime s mentall y incapacitated , prison ers h e pu t t o deat h i n Arkansas . Ther e wer e goo d argument s t o b e mad e for executin g violen t criminals , blac k o r white . However , wit h Clinton , one neve r kne w i f he actually believed i n retributiv e justice or—recogniz ing tha t th e vas t majorit y o f Americans embrace d capita l punishment — merely wanted t o stac k u p corpse s o n hi s way to th e Whit e House. 50 At Jackson' s 199 2 Rainbo w Coalitio n conferenc e Clinto n hi t pa y dirt . Sister Soulja h (a.k.a . Lis a Williamson) , a youn g colleg e graduat e wh o posed a s a ghett o gangst a rapper , praise d th e L.A . rioters . Sh e informe d the Washington Post y "If black peopl e kill black people ever y day, why not have a week an d kil l white people? " Clinton, knowin g tha t Jackso n woul d leap t o Siste r Souljah' s defense , sharpl y criticize d he r remarks . Jackson , whose decisio n no t t o ru n i n the Democrati c primarie s ha d enable d Clin ton t o captur e th e black vote, sourly informed reporter s tha t the governo r had ambushe d him . Siste r Soulja h charge d tha t Clinto n wa s makin g he r the "Willi e Horton " o f th e '9 2 campaign . Editor s an d reporter s fo r th e New York Times an d th e Bosto n Globe, as wel l a s member s o f th e Con gressional Blac k Caucus , concurre d wit h Souljah . On e sid e effec t o f Clin ton's remark s wa s a littl e additiona l suppor t fro m bitte r working-clas s whites. A Philadelphi a electricia n tol d th e politica l journalist s wh o inter viewed him , "Th e da y [Clinton ] tol d of f tha t f---in g Jackso n i s the day he got m y vote." 51 Whatever hi s own faults , Jackso n di d have Clinton's number. Althoug h liberals accuse d Buchana n o f being a racist , a t leas t hi s condemnatio n o f

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crime an d quota s wa s sincere . Clinton , o n th e othe r hand , effortlessl y bent t o th e prevailin g politica l wind s an d deceive d voter s wheneve r i t suited him . Fo r instance , Clinto n mad e i t a centerpiec e o f hi s campaig n that h e cam e fro m humbl e "Bubba " origins , having grow n u p th e so n o f a poo r wido w i n th e aptl y name d tow n o f Hope , Arkansas . Actually , Clinton wa s raise d b y a prosperou s uncl e i n th e state' s mos t infamou s city, Ho t Springs— a plac e wher e gamblers , prostitutes , an d back-alle y abortionists flourished . Th e American Spectators humorist s like d t o poin t out tha t "whe n Clinto n say s he grew up with outdoo r plumbin g he mean s he use d t o pe e i n th e famil y swimmin g pool. " While posing as a populist, Clinton spen t mos t o f his time eagerl y stroking industrialists, Georgetown socialites, an d Hollywoo d mover s an d shakers . Whe n th e tim e cam e t o run fo r president , Clinto n was , a s eve n th e New York Times admitted , " a money-raising dynamo. " Wal-Mart , Tyso n Foods , Washington lobbyists , Wall Stree t brokerag e firms , an d Pamel a Harrima n poure d million s o f dollars int o Clinton' s coffers . H e ha d n o troubl e outspendin g hi s wea k rivals i n th e Democrati c primarie s an d subsequentl y buryin g Bus h unde r a mountai n o f cash. 52 Desperate, Whit e Hous e staffer s trie d t o pain t Clinto n a s a McGover n liberal. Thei r effort s wer e no t wildl y successfu l becaus e Clinto n wa s abl e to blen d McGovernit e belief s wit h Nixonia n impulses . O f course , "Mc Nixon" wa s har d fo r anyone t o pi n down . Davi d Mixner , wh o wa s las t seen drivin g Richar d Dale y fro m th e 197 2 Democrati c convention , an swered Clinton' s cal l to work fo r hi s campaign. Clinto n me t with ga y and lesbian activist s lik e Sa n Francisc o superviso r Robert a Achtenber g an d industrialist Jame s Hormel , a s wel l a s Patrici a Ireland , NOW' s bisexua l leader. (B y 1992 40 percen t o f NOW' s membershi p wa s lesbia n o r bisex ual.) In return for their contributions—which amounte d to $3.5 million— Clinton privatel y endorse d ga y rights . Onc e elected , Mixne r believe d Clinton woul d kee p hi s word an d becom e th e gays-right s president. Afte r all, they had bee n friend s sinc e thei r day s in th e antiwa r movement. 53 An ecstati c Mixne r recounte d tha t meetin g wit h Clinto n an d hi s staf f was "lik e a reunio n fro m th e sixties. " B y that , Mixne r mean t Clinton' s advisors cam e fro m th e ranks o f the protest generation . Mixner , however , should hav e looke d mor e closel y a t th e seriousnes s o f Clinton' s commit ment t o the ga y agenda. After all , Clinton me t hi s gay friends o n the quie t and, whe n Bus h charge d tha t th e governor' s staffer s wer e McGovernites , he hotl y denie d it . Clinto n declare d tha t h e wa s n o stinkin g liberal , eve n

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as AFSCME, the NEA, NOW, an d NARA L filled his coffers an d mobilize d their troop s behin d hi s banner. 54 In public , Clinto n insiste d tha t h e wa s quit e conservative . H e note d with prid e ho w h e had , agains t th e vehemen t oppositio n o f the Nationa l Education Association , require d Arkansa s schoo l teacher s t o tak e compe tency exams . Wha t Clinto n di d no t sa y was tha t college-educated teachers took English and mathematics exams intended for eighth-grade students. I t appeared a s i f the NE A criticize d Clinton' s initiativ e simpl y to mak e hi m look goo d t o th e million s o f voters wh o though t tha t th e teacher' s unio n was the greates t obstacl e to education reform . Whe n questione d abou t hi s position o n providin g vouchers t o parents that woul d allo w them t o plac e their childre n i n th e privat e school s o f thei r ow n choosing , Clinto n said , yes, h e wa s i n favo r o f choice—bu t onl y fo r choic e withi n th e publi c educational system . I n othe r words , Clinto n believe d i n n o choic e a t all . Critics pointed ou t tha t Ne w York City' s parochial school s annually spen t $1,700 o n eac h studen t an d ha d a 99 percent graduatio n rate . In contrast , the publi c school s spen t $7,10 0 pe r chil d an d graduate d onl y 3 8 percen t of thei r students . Clinto n change d th e subject . Interestingly , h e was him self educate d a t privat e schools . Further , Clinto n ha d n o intentio n o f enrolling hi s daughter , Chelsea , i n Washington' s publi c schools . Luckil y for th e Clintons , the y di d no t nee d voucher s t o cove r Chelsea' s educa tional expenses . Hillar y mad e enoug h mone y t o sen d thei r chil d t o a fine private school. 55 "McNixon" playe d othe r games . H e claime d t o hav e cu t welfar e roll s in Arkansa s b y 17,000 . I n reality , th e welfar e caseloa d increase d b y 1 2 percent ove r th e cours e o f th e eighties . Recognizin g tha t th e majorit y o f Americans feare d Bi g Governmen t and worrie d abou t risin g healt h car e costs, Clinto n offere d t o def y logic . H e vowe d t o eliminat e on e hundre d thousand federa l jobs , cu t taxes , an d creat e a mammoth, no t t o mentio n lavish, national healt h insuranc e program . O n th e abortio n front , Clinto n claimed tha t h e wa s morall y oppose d t o th e procedure . Then , revealin g another aspec t o f his personality, Clinto n prevente d the Catholic governor of Pennsylvania, Bob Casey , fro m addressin g th e Democrati c convention . Clinton di d no t wan t prolif e speaker s at the podium—especially on e who had fough t Planne d Parenthoo d al l the wa y to th e Suprem e Cour t ove r a legislative effor t t o impos e limit s o n abortion . Havin g snubbe d Casey , Clinton the n snagge d a n invitatio n t o th e Universit y o f Notr e Dame , where h e touted th e joys of family life . Sounding defensive , Notr e Dame' s

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liberals tol d campu s prolifer s tha t Clinto n wa s a graduat e o f a Catholi c college—as i f tha t fac t mattere d mor e t o hi m tha n hi s relationshi p wit h NOW an d NARAL. 56 Despite image-enhancin g assistanc e fro m Hollywoo d an d th e media , most voter s di d no t trus t Clinton . Amon g Ne w York's an d Connecticut' s Democrats, mor e tha n hal f informe d pollster s tha t Clinto n wa s dishones t and lacke d integrity . However , the y would stil l vote fo r hi m becaus e the y blamed Bus h fo r th e recession . Hammerin g awa y a t th e Bus h economy , though, di d no t guarante e Clinto n victory . H e neede d Ros s Pero t t o ru n as a third-part y candidate . A s America' s "firs t welfar e stat e billionaire, " Perot ha d grow n ric h i n th e sixtie s b y creatin g sophisticate d compute r records fo r th e Socia l Securit y Administration . Th e Texa s businessma n appealed t o th e Sunbelt' s disaffecte d libertarians . The y di d no t lik e th e government's tellin g the m wha t t o do . Whethe r i t involve d highe r taxa tion o r th e curbin g o f abortion rights , Perot's follower s despise d religiou s conservatives an d libera l do-gooder s i n equa l measure . Fortunatel y fo r Clinton, Pero t coul d tak e million s o f votes away from Bus h without ther e being an y dange r o f the Texan' s winning . Pero t ha d reveale d a pattern o f arrogance, paranoia , an d a penchan t fo r spyin g o n hi s employee s tha t made Nixon loo k harmless i n comparison. (Davi d Fru m o f the Wall Street Journal called Pero t a "sinister demagogue.") 57 As Clinton expected , Pero t wo n 1 9 percent o f the popula r vote . Nearly every vote Pero t receive d cam e from angr y Republicans. Clinton's victory, however, wa s nothin g t o cro w about . B y winning jus t 4 3 percent o f th e popular vote , Clinto n expose d th e rotte n cor e o f th e Democrati c Party . Even thoug h th e Democrats ra n a n all-southern , an d purportedly centrist , ticket, Clinto n an d Gor e los t thei r nativ e regio n t o Bush . I n Georgi a an d in Gore' s hom e stat e o f Tennessee , onl y Perot' s presenc e turne d wha t would hav e bee n a Bus h blowou t int o a sli m wi n fo r Clinton . Mor e embarrassing, mor e tha n tw o hundre d Democrati c officeholders , mos t o f them southerners , switche d t o th e GOP . Souther n black s continue d t o vote Democrati c whil e white s confirme d thei r Republica n loyalties . I n Alabama, barel y 1 4 percent o f whit e me n considere d themselve s Demo crats. Among al l white voters in South Carolina , just 20 percent continue d to back Democrati c candidates . Almost without exception , every southern white wh o clun g t o th e Democrati c Part y wa s a senio r citize n wh o be lieved Clinto n whe n h e warned tha t th e Republican s would abolis h Socia l Security.58 Clinton's appea l t o seniors , souther n an d northern , wa s enormous .

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World Wa r I I veterans , wh o migh t hav e bee n expecte d t o loo k askanc e upon a n antiwa r activist , supporte d Clinton . (Wit h a n ey e t o th e future , Clinton i n 196 9 ha d frette d tha t hi s evasio n o f th e draf t migh t affec t hi s "political viability. " H e nee d no t hav e bee n worried. ) Bush , himsel f a World Wa r I I comba t veteran , coul d no t carr y hi s ow n generationa l co hort. The n again , Clinton , despit e effort s t o ta p int o th e "Peps i Genera tion" b y appearin g o n MTV , di d no t wi n ove r th e majorit y o f Bab y Busters. T o them , Clinto n wa s lik e th e smarm y Boome r uncl e wh o en couraged th e ol d folk s t o spen d a s i f ther e wer e n o tomorrow , too k hi s percentage of f th e to p a s executo r o f th e estate , an d the n lef t th e youn g heirs wit h backbreakin g debt . S o lon g a s senior s coul d b e bough t of f b y Social Securit y an d Medicare , ther e woul d b e Boome r liberal s clingin g desperately t o powe r an d writin g check s o n account s wit h insufficien t funds. Time , however , wa s runnin g ou t fo r th e Democrats . B y 1992 , 6 0 percent o f th e electorat e ha d bee n bor n afte r FDR' s death . Fe w Boomer s had an y real commitment t o th e New Deal. For those who cam e of voting age i n th e eighties , just a minorit y identifie d wit h th e Democrati c Party . Moreover, Baby-Buste r Democrat s wer e lifestyl e liberal s who , lik e thei r conservative counterparts , tende d t o regar d Socia l Securit y a s a genera tional scam . The Ne w Dea l Democrat s wer e trul y th e las t o f thei r tribe. 59 Of th e nation' s 43 5 congressional districts , Clinto n too k a majorit y o f the vot e i n onl y 98 . Clinto n ha d n o electora l coattails , runnin g behin d every single Hous e Democrat . H e capture d les s tha n hal f o f th e Catholic , union, an d working-clas s whit e vote . AFSCM E an d th e NE A ma y hav e pulled ou t al l stop s t o elec t Clinton , bu t blue-colla r worker s wer e wel l aware o f ho w coz y th e Arkansa s governo r wa s with low-wag e employers . In Pennsylvania , unio n member s recoile d fro m Clinton' s prolif e positio n and frette d tha t th e Democrat s woul d bankrup t th e countr y rathe r tha n cut entitlemen t spending . Blacks , Jews , an d senior s wer e th e onl y voter s to bac k Clinto n i n grea t numbers . Indeed , Bush' s Jewis h suppor t ha d fallen twent y percentag e point s sinc e 198 8 because o f hi s effort s t o pres sure Israe l to negotiate with the Palestinians. Jews also mistakenly believed that Buchana n ha d take n ove r th e GOP . A s fo r blacks , the y di d no t giv e Bush an y credi t fo r ultimatel y supportin g th e 199 1 "quota bill. " Bush los t what littl e blac k suppor t h e eve r ha d becaus e minoritie s wer e willin g t o accept criticis m fro m Clinto n bu t no t Buchanan . Th e GO P score d bes t among two-paren t familie s tha t wer e mor e sociall y conservative tha n sin gles, childless couples , an d empt y nesters . White familie s di d no t car e fo r abortion, ga y activism, an d Bil l Clinton. 60

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In th e postmortem s o n th e election , liberal s an d conservative s agree d that th e recessio n ha d wounde d Bush . Indeed , two-third s o f th e voter s considered th e econom y t o b e th e mos t importan t issu e i n th e '9 2 cam paign. GO P liberals , a s wel l a s medi a pundits , though , cam e u p wit h a n additional explanatio n fo r Bush' s defeat . Buchanan , th e Christia n Coali tion, an d socia l conservative s i n genera l ha d alienate d th e electorate . Although thi s interpretatio n becam e par t o f th e perceive d wisdo m o n th e '92 election an d encourage d libera l Republicans to try to "take back" their party befor e th e nex t presidentia l campaign , i t wa s wrong . Despit e wha t liberal Republican s said , the GO P platform o f 1992 was no mor e "extrem ist" tha n th e one s tha t Reaga n an d Bus h successfull y ra n o n i n '80 , '84 , and '88 . Moreover, variou s academi c studie s o f the '9 2 election reveale d a fact tha t th e countr y clubber s an d networ k broadcasters foun d to o incon venient t o accept . I f not fo r th e mobilizatio n o f social conservatives, Bush would hav e los t i n a landslide, no t a squeaker. Socia l conservative s coul d also poin t ou t tha t althoug h the y ma y no t hav e loved Bush , they did not , like libera l Republicans , deser t th e flawe d incumben t fo r th e smooth talking Clinton. 61 At th e stat e leve l religiou s conservative s score d impressiv e victories . In South Carolin a alon e th e Christia n Coalitio n distribute d 840,00 0 vote r guides jus t befor e th e election . Th e guide s ha d a n effect , sealin g th e fat e of on e Democrati c representative . Althoug h libera l Republican s i n Cali fornia battle d th e Christia n Coalitio n an d helpe d elec t Democrati c can didates, theirs was a losing caus e i n res t o f the country . Christia n conser vatives i n 199 2 wo n hundred s o f schoo l board , cit y council , an d stat e legislative race s i n Florida , Iowa , Kansas , Oregon, an d Texas . Ralph Ree d admonished th e petulant Bushie s that they would have to work with social conservatives i f the y expecte d t o rebuil d th e Republica n Party . Gar y Bauer, a forme r Reaga n administratio n staffe r an d no w presiden t o f th e Family Researc h Council , informe d GO P liberal s an d libertarian s tha t "radical individualism " mus t b e balance d "wit h a sense o f community , a sense o f havin g obligation s t o on e another. " Abortion , crime , an d ga y power wer e issues , Baue r believed , tha t wen t t o th e hear t o f wha t aile d America. Peopl e wer e goin g t o hav e t o giv e u p som e o f thei r right s "t o do thei r ow n thing " i f Americ a wa s t o endure . Th e Republican s wh o defected t o Pero t an d Clinto n woul d neve r accep t suc h restraint s o n thei r freedom.62 The GO P coalitio n ha d starte d t o com e apar t a t th e seams . Still , social liberals ha d caus e fo r circumspection . Wit h 4 3 percent o f th e vote , Clin -

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ton coul d hardl y be hailed a s the harbinge r o f an electora l realignment. If anything, the '9 2 election demonstrate d tha t th e class , racial, and religiou s divisions tha t tor e Americ a apar t i n th e sixtie s ha d onl y mutated—no t disappeared. Prolifer s migh t wi n a governorshi p i n Michiga n whil e pro choice liberals an d libertarian s would triump h i n Florida. Taken together , such electora l result s underscore d th e fac t tha t ther e wa s n o commo n vision, n o universall y accepte d belief s t o unit e th e country . Conservative s complained tha t Socia l Security was destroying America's future . Nothin g was done . Mor e an d mor e prolifers , frustrate d afte r twent y year s o f po litical stalemate , increasingl y believe d tha t the y live d i n a n genocidal , Nazi-like state . On e migh t hav e reasonabl y aske d afte r th e election : If the enormously popula r Reaga n ha d ultimatel y faile d t o restor e fait h i n America's civi l institutions , cur b federa l spending , an d brin g orde r bac k to the cities, how could someon e s o politically weak and flawe d a s Clinton possibly succeed? 63

C H A P T E R E I G H

T

"Don't Ask , Don' t Tell " 1996

Having ru n a s a conservative , Bil l Clinto n governe d a s a liberal . Th e results wer e disastrous . Honorin g hi s pledg e t o Davi d Mixner , Clinto n tried t o en d th e military' s prohibition agains t homosexual conduct . Roge r Wilkins laude d th e presidentia l initiative . Accordin g t o th e civi l right s activist, Clinto n wa s followin g i n th e footstep s o f Harr y Truman , wh o had ende d racia l segregatio n i n th e militar y decade s before . However , most Americans—whit e an d black—wer e no t a s enthusiastic . Senato r Sam Nun n o f Georgi a rallie d conservativ e Democrat s agains t Clinton , prompting Mixne r t o accus e th e southerne r o f being a sexua l bigot . Les bian activis t Robert a Achtenberg , whom Clinto n ha d installe d a s an assistant secretar y i n th e Departmen t o f Housin g an d Urba n Development , joined th e battle , dubbin g Nun n an d hi s il k "hat e mongers." 1 To Mixner' s astonishment , Genera l Coli n Powell , America' s highest ranking blac k officer , voice d th e opinio n tha t homosexual s shoul d no t b e in th e military . Give n Clinton' s ow n effort s t o avoi d militar y servic e i n the sixties , th e las t thin g h e neede d wa s a well-publicized battl e betwee n a blac k Vietna m vetera n an d a ga y antiwa r organizer . Lookin g fo r a way out o f a mes s o f hi s ow n making , Clinto n suggeste d a "don' t ask , don' t tell" policy . Soldier s shoul d neithe r b e aske d abou t thei r sexua l orienta tion no r tel l anyon e whethe r the y wer e gay . I n practice , Clinton' s polic y meant tha t gay s would continu e t o b e discharge d fo r sexua l misconduct . Mixner soo n foun d tha t h e n o longe r ha d acces s t o Clinton . Tellingly , when AID S activist s late r showe d u p a t th e Whit e Hous e fo r a meeting , Clinton's securit y personnel wor e rubbe r gloves. 2 Burned b y th e ga y right s controversy , Clinto n nonetheles s forge d 210

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ahead. T o appeas e NO W an d NARAL , Clinto n lifte d a ga g rul e tha t for bade federall y funde d clinic s from providin g informatio n o n abortion . H e also appointe d tw o prochoic e judge s t o th e Suprem e Court : Rut h Bade r Ginsburg an d Stephe n Breyer , a n acolyt e o f Tedd y Kennedy's . Sinc e Anthony Kennedy , Sandr a Da y O'Connor , an d Davi d Soute r wer e disin clined t o outla w abortion , Clinton' s action s helpe d maintai n a prochoic e majority. Th e Catholi c bishop s wer e displeased . Afte r all , som e o f th e judges who uphel d th e constitutionalit y o f Roe v. Wade had been brough t up i n th e Catholi c faith . Onl y Antoni n Scalia , Clarenc e Thomas , an d Chief Justic e Willia m Rehnquis t wer e reliabl e mora l traditionalists . (I n 1996, the y wer e th e onl y dissenter s whe n th e Suprem e Cour t kille d a Colorado la w that barre d ga y affirmative action . Scalia fumed, "Whil e th e present cour t sits , a majo r undemocrati c restructurin g o f ou r nationa l institutions an d more s i s constantly i n progress . Day by day, case by case, it i s busy designin g a constitution fo r a country I do no t recognize.") 3 During th e '9 2 electio n Clinto n ha d promise d t o giv e th e middl e clas s a ta x cut . Instead , h e raise d taxe s o n "th e rich, " definin g anyon e wh o made mor e tha n $30,00 0 a year a s wealthy. Amon g Clinton' s othe r cam paign pledges , h e ha d vowe d t o "review " federa l affirmativ e actio n poli cies, "en d welfar e a s w e kno w it, " an d t o refor m America' s healt h car e system. Clinto n quickl y "reviewed " affirmativ e action . No t onl y di d h e endorse quotas , Clinto n announce d tha t hi s administratio n woul d "loo k like America. " Althoug h Clinto n appointe d plent y o f blacks an d women , none o f his advisor s looke d lik e strugglin g workin g stiffs . (Eve n Clinton' s black cabine t appointee s wer e millionaires. ) S o fa r a s "endin g welfar e a s we kno w it, " Clinto n le t th e matte r drop . Whe n i t cam e t o reformin g health care , mos t Boomer s an d Bab y Buster s though t Clinto n ha d bee n talking abou t containin g Medicar e an d Medicai d costs . Instead , th e first lady, wh o heade d u p a federa l tas k force , wante d t o creat e a n elaborat e national healt h insuranc e progra m tha t woul d b e mor e costl y than Med icare an d Medicaid . Senior s wer e thrilled , bu t thei r grandchildre n ha d wanted Bi g Government curbed , no t expanded . The Clinton s foun d themselve s embroile d i n controvers y a t th e ver y beginning o f thei r Whit e Hous e tenure . First , Clinto n ha d pai d a privat e detective $100,00 0 t o visi t hi s girlfriend s an d threate n t o "shre d thei r reputations" i f the y tol d thei r storie s t o th e media . The n th e first lad y fired th e members o f the White Hous e trave l office an d placed it s director on tria l fo r financial misconduct . Ther e wa s n o trut h t o th e charges . I t seemed tha t som e o f Hillary's Hollywoo d friend s wante d t o run th e trave l

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office. Wishin g t o rewar d he r allies , th e firs t lad y sen t th e FB I afte r th e federal employer s sh e wante d ousted . Year s before , Hillar y ha d de nounced Presiden t Nixo n fo r abusin g hi s power . However , onc e i n th e White House , sh e ha d a change o f heart. I n additio n t o deployin g federa l agents agains t governmen t employees , Hillary obtaine d classifie d FB I files on severa l hundred Republicans . Conservative s suspecte d tha t Hillar y was looking fo r dir t o n he r politica l opponents . A disaffected FB I agent com plained tha t th e Clinton s wer e th e kin d o f "peopl e w e use d t o arrest." ' (Nixon, who m Clinto n ha d graciousl y invite d t o th e Whit e Hous e fo r a n overnight stay , foun d himsel f likin g th e eager-to-pleas e president . Hillar y was anothe r matter . Nixo n mus t hav e see n a dark , vindictiv e personalit y that hi t a little too clos e to home.) 4 In 1992 , Clinto n ha d complaine d abou t th e deterioratin g qualit y o f American life . H e implie d tha t onc e th e "Reagan-Bush " tea m wa s re placed, a renewe d sens e o f socia l responsibilit y woul d flouris h amon g al l sectors o f th e nation . T o hi s apparen t astonishment , Clinton' s ow n sup porters ha d n o intentio n o f bein g cooperative . Whe n Clinto n asked hi s friends a t th e televisio n network s t o restor e "th e famil y hour, " the y ada mantly refused . Show s featurin g profanity , simulate d sex , an d violenc e were broadcas t i n th e earl y evenin g slot s tha t ha d onc e bee n reserve d fo r The Wonderful World of Disney. To th e horro r o f social conservatives , the networks wer e televisin g eigh t scene s o f premarita l se x fo r ever y ac t o f affection betwee n a husband an d wife . Clinton' s Hollywoo d allie s insisted that show s abou t dysfunctiona l familie s an d horn y teen s wer e mor e real istic an d generate d greate r advertisin g revenu e tha n program s featurin g well-behaved childre n an d lovin g parents. 5 Were th e network s holdin g a mirro r u p t o societ y o r contributin g t o America's mora l debasement ? I n 1994 , forty-fou r millio n youn g peopl e were single, compared t o twenty-one millio n just twenty years before. Th e longer someon e remaine d unwed , the more sexua l partners he or she may have accumulated . Televisio n executive s claime d tha t show s lik e Melrose Place accurately reflecte d America' s single-se x scene . Perhaps . Bu t man y people tak e thei r cue s fro m th e Hollywoo d cultur e machine . I n Philadel phia, fo r instance , investor s built a n apartmen t comple x fo r singl e profes sionals. A publicist fo r th e comple x cheerfull y tol d reporters , "We'r e sell ing sex, " whil e resident s boaste d tha t thei r lifestyle s wer e reminiscen t o f Melrose Place and The Love Connection. One software consultant , who had been wit h si x women i n si x months , insiste d tha t h e wa s just tryin g ou t the merchandis e befor e settlin g down. 6

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While th e controvers y ove r televisio n se x raged, th e numbe r o f father less childre n continue d t o rise . B y 1993 , thre e millio n youngster s live d with thei r grandparents—usuall y becaus e thei r mother s coul d no t o r would no t parent . A t th e sam e time , rate s o f teenag e dru g addictio n an d suicide ros e t o a twenty-five-year high . On e o f Clinton's first act s as president ha d bee n t o slas h fundin g fo r th e Whit e Hous e Offic e o f Dru g Strategy, whic h coordinate d al l federal anti-dru g programs . Teenag e nar cotics abus e soo n sho t u p b y 7 8 percent . Marijuan a als o enjoye d a ne w surge i n popularit y amon g junio r hig h schoo l student s wh o coul d poin t to th e fac t tha t Presiden t Clinto n ha d smoke d "doobies " i n th e sixties . (In 1992 , Clinto n asserte d tha t h e ha d neve r inhaled . Afte r h e becam e president, Clinto n informe d a MTV audienc e tha t i f he coul d i t t o d o al l over again , he would inhale.) 7 Civil libertarian s continue d t o resis t effort s t o crac k dow n o n anti social behavior . Ne w Yor k City' s ACL U chapte r i n 1996 , fo r instance , challenged a municipa l ordinanc e regulatin g th e distributio n o f pornog raphy in residentia l neighborhoods . Smut-sho p owner s were grateful. Na tionally, ACL U attorney s fough t stat e an d federa l effort s t o prosecut e hardened juvenil e offender s a s adults . Socia l liberal s argue d tha t punish ment wa s n o wa y t o dete r youn g felons . Instead , socia l worker s an d schoolteachers neede d t o work o n improvin g th e self-esteem o f criminally inclined youngsters . Liberal s refuse d t o rea d universit y studie s tha t showed violen t juvenile s ha d self-estee m t o spare . Betwee n 199 2 and 199 6 the numbe r o f murder s committe d b y teen s ros e 2 2 percent . I n 199 4 alone, 2,80 0 juvenile s wer e wante d fo r murder . Ver y rarel y di d violen t offenders, juvenil e o r adult , g o t o prison . O f th e 641,00 0 peopl e arreste d in th e earl y nineties , fewe r tha n 2 0 percen t eve r wen t t o prison . Amon g those convicte d o f murder , mos t serve d n o mor e tha n si x year s o f jai l time.8 When socia l worker s exhorte d teen s no t t o dro p ou t an d pursu e a lif e of crime , the y di d no t realiz e tha t publi c school s wer e jus t th e plac e i n indulge i n anti-socia l activities . Fro m 199 2 to 1994 , eighty-five homicide s were committe d i n publi c schools . I n 1996 , the America n Medica l Asso ciation issue d a "repor t card " o n teenag e violence . The AMA's members , tired o f patching togethe r bullet-ridde n teens , gav e America a grade o f D when i t cam e t o deterrin g violence. Federal law enforcement official s pre dicted tha t withi n th e nex t decad e th e numbe r o f juvenile s arreste d fo r murder woul d increas e by 145 percent. 9 Violence an d callousnes s loome d eve r larger . I n Philadelphia , a young

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man robbe d a neighbor' s hous e whil e hi s ow n hom e burne d t o th e ground. Hi s neighbor s ha d gon e outsid e t o fight th e fire an d sav e th e thief s siste r an d nine-year-ol d cousin . (Th e thie f s relative s die d i n th e blaze, but h e di d ne t $100 , which h e spen t o n beer. ) Fo r thre e month s i n 1995, fifty soldier s fro m th e Indian a Nationa l Guar d helpe d th e cit y o f Gary maintain order . Murder s fel l by 40 percent bu t immediatel y shot u p again afte r th e Guar d left . A yea r later , gan g shooting s a t Gar y hig h schools an d publi c housin g project s prompte d Mayo r Scot t Kin g t o de clare a state o f emergency. 10 In Chicago , som e politicians , whit e an d black , pleade d fo r th e Unite d States Arm y t o occup y th e city' s housin g projects . Bridgeport , Connecti cut, official s an d th e stat e polic e too k direc t action . The y establishe d checkpoints o n al l road s int o th e city . I n 1996 , Bridgepor t arreste d 15 0 automobile driver s ever y week—most fo r possessio n o f drug s an d illega l firearms. Althoug h a few black s complaine d abou t bein g searched , other s expressed thei r gratitude . On e Bridgepor t residen t observe d tha t h e ha d been stoppe d twice , bu t " I didn' t min d i t on e bit . Mayb e i t wil l mak e some o f th e knuckl e head s aroun d her e realiz e lif e isn' t a joke." Mean while in Atlanta, white liberals complained abou t Beverl y Harvard, a black police chie f wh o wa s determine d t o kee p '9 6 Olympi c tourist s saf e fro m gang assault . The y contende d tha t Harvard' s crackdow n o n gang s ha d only pushe d crimina l activit y bac k t o th e poores t neighborhoods . Whit e suburban liberal s thu s foun d themselve s i n th e decidedl y awkwar d posi tion o f insinuatin g tha t a black woman wa s racist. 11 As public institution s lik e law enforcement struggle d (an d ofte n failed ) to dea l with socia l disorder , th e citizenr y cam e u p wit h it s own response s to th e collaps e o f America' s publi c institutions . Eve r large r number s o f Americans carrie d legall y conceale d guns . I n 1986 , only si x states allowe d the practice . Te n year s later , thirty-on e state s mad e i t easie r t o carr y hidden weapons . A University o f Chicago study , which cause d liberal s n o end o f grief, reveale d a substantial dro p i n violent urba n crim e when law abiding citizen s wer e abl e t o fight back . Sinc e 1992 , conceale d weapon s had deterre d thre e thousan d rape s an d eightee n hundre d homicides . Meanwhile, i n Sa n Dieg o tw o hundre d unarme d citizen s patrolle d th e local airpor t lookin g fo r dru g smuggler s an d illega l Mexica n immigrants . "This i s a domesti c Vietna m War, " sai d on e membe r o f th e U.S . Citizen Patrol. Latin o activist s an d libera l white lawyer s demande d tha t th e Clin ton administratio n prosecut e patrol members for "impersonating " federa l officers.12

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If some American s becam e vigilantes , others withdrew fro m th e "pub lic square." One Ohi o business executiv e contende d tha t taxpayer s shoul d sharply reduc e fundin g fo r highe r educatio n sinc e to o man y peopl e al ready had colleg e degrees. (I n terms o f state suppor t fo r highe r education , as wel l a s i n th e proportio n o f resident s wh o obtaine d universit y diplo mas, Ohi o ranke d a t th e botto m alon g wit h Mississippi. ) Thi s business man als o observe d tha t h e locate d hi s plant s i n rura l area s tha t ha d no t been contaminate d b y urba n peopl e an d colleg e graduates . Japanese owned companie s i n th e Unite d State s ha d adopte d th e sam e strateg y years before. 13 Elsewhere i n th e natio n educatio n reformer s toute d voucher s an d school choice . The y pointe d t o a pilo t progra m i n Milwauke e wher e th e Catholic dioces e educate d minoritie s fo r hal f o f wha t th e publi c school s charged. I n Ne w York City, poor childre n wh o attende d parochia l school s were mor e likel y t o g o t o colleg e tha n publicl y educate d youths . Privat e education, conservative s argue d i n th e nineties , was superio r becaus e th e unions an d th e "educrats " ha d n o rol e t o play . Althoug h th e NE A de clared tha t th e proponent s o f voucher s reall y wante d t o clos e dow n th e entire publi c schoo l system , conservative s hardl y neede d t o undertak e such a n effort . Give n th e risin g level s o f teenag e crim e an d illiteracy , coupled wit h th e fac t tha t grea t number s o f senio r citizen s vote d agains t school levies , public educatio n wa s alread y i n seriou s trouble. 14 While publi c school s steadil y lost support , million s o f Americans con tinued t o abandon thei r liberal Protestant churches . In 1996, four hundre d theologically conservativ e "megachurches, " wit h congregation s o f mor e than te n thousand , offere d course s i n Christia n music , drama, an d dance . For Bab y Busters an d Boomers , th e vas t evangelica l churc h networ k pro vided sheltere d environment s i n whic h the y coul d establis h a communit y separate fro m th e secula r culture . Such Christians coul d vacation i n Branson, Missouri , where th e hotels ' cabl e syste m di d no t carr y MT V an d th e country-western performer s wer e wel l scrubbed . (Branson , enthuse d Ca l Thomas, was " a tow n tha t slim e forgot." ) I f there wa s n o tim e o r mone y to g o to Branson , religiou s traditionalist s coul d pla y board game s such a s "Bibleopoly" an d "Th e Wa y o f Peace. " In th e latte r gam e players learne d what Jesu s would sa y to Congres s o n issue s like school busing and welfar e payments t o unwe d mothers . B y 1995, one millio n Christia n game s wer e being sol d annually. 15 Christians coul d join Promis e Keepers , an organizatio n o f several hun dred thousan d me n le d b y Bil l McCartney , a t on e tim e th e Universit y o f

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Colorado's footbal l coach . Founde d i n 1990 , Promis e Keeper s wa s a n "apolitical" grou p tha t hel d all-mal e prayer rallies . Its members vowed t o be goo d father s an d husbands , promot e racia l an d religiou s toleration , and obe y God' s laws . Shocked tha t mal e Christian s woul d com e togethe r to pra y fo r th e salvatio n o f th e America n family , NO W ofte n stage d protests a t Promis e Keeper s rallies . Liberal s als o questione d whethe r a n organization tha t condemne d ga y activism an d abortio n coul d accuratel y claim t o b e apolitical . A s McCartney , a Pentecosta l convert , responded , "If a gu y i s inspire d [b y Promis e Keepers ] t o ru n fo r th e loca l schoo l board, it'l l be between hi m an d th e Lord." 16 Most American s neithe r joine d Promis e Keeper s no r vacatione d i n Branson. Instead , the y droppe d ou t o f bot h th e religiou s an d secula r cultures. Sinc e 1975 , membership i n fraterna l organization s an d women' s clubs ha d falle n b y half. Th e numbe r o f people volunteerin g t o assis t th e Red Cros s an d th e Bo y Scout s decline d b y a third . (Man y Americans , especially teens , spen t mor e tim e watchin g televisio n tha n i n an y othe r kind o f activity. ) Wearyin g o f suburba n traffi c jam s an d juvenil e crime , and no t incline d t o mov e t o th e city , greate r number s o f peopl e heade d to th e "exurbs. " Fro m 199 0 t o 1994 , three-quarter s o f America' s rura l areas sa w thei r population s increase . Ideally , white-colla r worker s coul d work fro m thei r hom e compute r station s an d ignor e the larger, unsettlin g world. Some , dependin g upo n thei r financia l situation , migh t find tim e to becom e involve d i n communit y affair s an d loca l governance. 17 Given mountin g disaffectio n wit h th e nation' s publi c institutions , i t was hardl y surprisin g tha t b y 199 5 three o f ever y fou r American s di d no t "trust governmen t t o d o wha t i s right. " Bab y Buster s expresse d th e greatest contemp t fo r politicians , eyeing both Democrat s an d Republican s with suspicion . The y als o ha d littl e patienc e fo r Boome r activist s lik e th e Clintons. A s on e Housto n thirtysomethin g sai d i n 1996 , he wa s "sic k o f hearing abou t ho w Boomer s change d things . The y didn' t chang e any thing. Al l the y di d wa s tea r down . The y thin k nobod y remembers . Bu t growing you r hai r long , sleepin g around , smokin g a bunc h o f dope — what th e hel l goo d doe s tha t d o fo r th e country? " Thi s fello w ma y hav e been upse t b y th e fac t tha t som e Boome r professional s ha d bee n abl e t o walk int o good-payin g job s wit h littl e effor t an d seldo m passe d u p a n opportunity t o brandis h thei r credential s a s friends o f oppresse d minori ties. Perhap s when Bab y Busters cheere d a s "Forrest Gump " punched ou t the abusiv e presiden t o f th e Berkele y SDS , the y sa w thei r ow n smu g Boomer bosse s goin g dow n fo r th e count. 18

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Clinton di d hav e on e bi t o f luc k i n th e first tw o year s o f hi s adminis tration. Th e "Bus h recession " wa s ove r b y th e tim e h e assume d office . Still, th e econom y ha d problem s tha t woul d no t g o away . Ignorin g th e objections o f the Rustbel t unio n chiefs , an d wit h th e enthusiasti c suppor t of Sunbel t Republicans , Clinto n pushe d th e Nort h America n Fre e Trad e Agreement (NAFTA ) throug h Congres s i n 1994 . (O n th e Right , onl y Pa t Buchanan an d Pau l Weyric h oppose d NAFTA. ) Clinto n predicte d tha t NAFTA would creat e 200,000 new jobs by 1995. Instead, 225,000 jobs were lost a s America n industrialist s relocate d t o low-wag e Mexico . (Eve n be fore Mexic o becam e a corporat e "E l Dorado, " a numbe r o f U.S . busi nesses ha d sough t ou t chea p labo r i n Indonesia. ) Desperat e fo r an y kin d of business , Rustbel t communitie s sough t casin o franchises . Whil e som e people migh t obtai n job s a s car d dealer s an d bartenders , th e economi c and socia l cost s fa r outweighe d whateve r employmen t opportunitie s tha t came along . Th e Chicag o Tribune reporte d tha t Gary' s casino s draine d $240 millio n annuall y fro m th e loca l economy . Legalize d gamblin g de voured financial resource s tha t migh t hav e been use d t o buil d ne w plant s and urba n infrastructure . A nast y sid e effec t wa s tha t casino s attracte d drug peddlers , prostitutes, an d muggers. 19 For auto - an d steelworker s wh o stil l had jobs , life wa s pretty good . As had bee n tru e sinc e th e earl y eighties , man y unionize d plant s allowe d their labo r forc e t o ag e i n place . (Th e averag e ag e o f a Bi g Thre e auto worker i n 1995 was forty-five. Autoworker s a t lapanese-owned, non-unio n firms i n th e Unite d State s were muc h younger. ) Colleg e graduates looke d longingly a t assembly-lin e job s tha t pai d mor e tha n the y coul d mak e a s temps, video-stor e clerks , an d teachers . Eve n i f college-educate d Bab y Busters obtaine d a hard-to-ge t factor y job , the y woul d hav e t o accep t a two-tier wag e system . Still , receivin g te n dollar s a n hour—instea d o f nineteen a s did thei r Boome r counterparts—wa s bette r tha n workin g fo r minimum wag e a t Blockbuster . T o reduc e generationa l tensions , th e UAW ha d th e America n automaker s segregat e thei r Boome r an d Bab y Buster employees . Consequently , whe n generationa l strif e di d develop , i t usually involve d Boomer s an d seniors . Fo r instance , retiree s fro m th e Wheeling-Pittsburgh Stee l mil l i n Wes t Virgini a precipitate d a strik e an d plant shutdown . Senior s argue d tha t the y coul d no t manag e o n thei r (largely tax-exempt ) Socia l Security , $6oo-a-mont h compan y pensions , and Medicare . The y wante d heftie r pensions , eve n i f i t mean t drivin g Wheeling-Pitt int o bankruptcy. 20 By the ninetie s i t wa s eviden t that , a s MI T economis t Leste r Thuro w

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observed, one-earne r familie s wer e o n th e verge o f extinction. Million s of men unde r th e age of thirty-five coul d no t suppor t a family with just thei r income. Whe n wive s ha d t o work , a pric e ha d t o b e paid . A 199 4 stud y revealed tha t childre n whos e mother s worke d full-tim e wer e 4 5 percen t more likel y to be sexuall y active than youngster s wh o ha d eithe r parent a t home. I f tha t wa s no t worrisom e enough , fewe r familie s coul d affor d t o become homeowners. 21 Corporate executives , fa r fro m reassurin g thei r employees , justifie d "downsizing" th e labo r forc e whil e givin g themselve s hug e bonuses . Th e fact tha t America n good s wer e bette r mad e tha n ha d bee n th e cas e i n previous year s mattere d littl e when executive s calculate d th e bottom line . A growin g numbe r o f businessmen , includin g th e heir s o f th e Campbel l Soup fortune , wen t s o fa r a s to renounc e thei r America n citizenshi p an d move thei r residence s oversea s ou t o f th e ta x man' s reach . Significantly , one o f ever y thre e downsize d white-colla r worker s wh o foun d a new jo b made les s money . (I n Ne w Hampshire , wher e servic e an d retai l employ ment ha d replace d constructio n an d manufacturin g jobs , blue-colla r wages fel l fro m $60 0 t o $38 0 weekly.) Payrol l deduction s fo r Socia l Security, Medicare , an d Medicai d place d adde d burden s o n families . I n 1970 , Medicaid ha d bee n a $ 5 billio n program . B y 1995 , Medicai d cost s ha d soared t o $15 6 billion. 22 Ironically, the wealth o f those i n the highest income bracket gre w more rapidly i n th e first tw o year s o f th e Clinto n administratio n tha n durin g the entir e eighties—th e so-calle d "Reaga n decad e o f greed." (Overall , the nation's to p 2 0 percen t o f taxpayer s mad e mor e mone y tha n th e middl e 60 percent.) I n 1979 , the averag e wag e ga p between mal e hig h schoo l an d college graduate s wa s $18,000 . Fiftee n year s later , college-educate d male s made, o n average , $30,00 0 mor e tha n hig h schoo l graduates . T o ge t th e most "ban g fo r you r buck, " though , yo u reall y neede d t o majo r i n soft ware engineering , no t history , an d graduat e fro m Carnegie-Mello n Uni versity, not Michiga n State. 23 By 1994, th e electorat e was , a s i t ha d bee n i n '92 , anxiou s an d angry . Liberals, however, misrea d th e politica l moo d o f the country . Si x months into Clinton' s presidency , historia n Jame s MacGrego r Burn s proclaime d that a ne w ag e o f progressiv e refor m an d governmen t activis m ha d dawned. Burn s favorabl y compare d Bil l Clinto n t o Frankli n Roosevelt . His judgment faile d him . Voters ma y have tossed a Republican ou t o f the White Hous e i n 1992 , but tw o year s late r the y wer e gunnin g fo r Demo cratic governor s an d congressmen. 24

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Among th e mos t prominen t liberal s t o b e defeate d wa s Governo r Mario Cuomo . Ove r th e year s Ne w Yor k voter s ha d bee n remarkabl y tolerant o f Cuomo . The y could , a t leas t i n part , bu y Cuomo' s argumen t that whil e h e though t abortio n violate d God' s commandments , h e di d not thin k religiou s beliefs shoul d influenc e civi l law. Voters eve n brushe d off Cuomo' s bizarr e assertion s tha t ther e wa s no suc h thin g a s the Mafia . By 1994 , however , Ne w Yorker s ha d wearie d o f thei r governor . H e ha d racked u p a n enormou s stat e debt , expande d th e governmen t payrol l beyond al l reason , repeatedl y raise d taxes , an d resiste d effort s t o restor e the deat h penalty . Perhap s mos t damagin g t o Cuomo , however , wa s hi s unwillingness t o condem n black-on-whit e crime . Fa r to o ofte n Cuom o excused th e behavio r o f violent minorit y teens . I n Ne w York City , wher e relations betwee n black s an d Jew s ha d steadil y deteriorate d sinc e Jess e Jackson's "Hymietown " remark s i n th e eighties , Cuom o los t sufficien t support t o den y hi m reelection . Orthodo x Jew s complaine d tha t "th e blacks ca n kil l and d o anything " without fea r o f prosecution, while blacks charged Jew s with racism . Cuom o coul d wi n onl y wit h blac k and Jewis h votes.25 New Jerse y an d Ohi o voter s als o sen t thei r regard s t o th e Democrati c gubernatorial candidates . Governo r Ji m Flori o o f Ne w Jersey , who m Cuomo ha d toute d a s a presidential prospect , wa s defeated i n 1993. Rising taxes an d crim e prove d letha l t o th e Democrati c incumbent . I n 1994 , Ohio's Democrati c candidat e fo r governo r manage d t o garne r jus t 2 5 percent o f th e vote . I f hi s tall y ha d falle n t o 2 0 percent , th e Democrati c Party, a s require d b y stat e law , woul d hav e los t it s statu s a s a majo r political organization . Subsequen t Democrati c candidate s fo r stat e offic e would hav e ha d t o petitio n t o b e pu t o n th e ballot—jus t lik e Socialis t Workers Part y candidates . Durin g th e gubernatoria l election , Ohi o Dem ocrats dismisse d th e Republica n candidat e fo r lieutenan t governo r a s nothing bu t a housewif e an d colleg e dropout . Thei r superio r candidat e for lieutenan t governor , i n contrast , wa s a black , Harvard-educate d law yer. Apparently, Ohi o Democrat s di d no t wan t th e votes of working-clas s whites, high schoo l graduates , an d mothers. 26 The '9 4 congressiona l elections—whic h Newsweek 's Eleano r Gif t ha d predicted woul d leav e the Democrats securel y in power—radically altere d the politica l landscape . No t onl y di d Republican s regai n contro l o f th e Senate, fo r th e first tim e i n fort y year s the y capture d th e House . Th e white workin g class , th e mos t alienate d constituenc y i n Americ a nex t t o religious conservatives , tosse d ou t thei r Democrati c senator s an d repre -

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sentatives. I n Kentucky , a ministe r an d owne r o f a Christia n bookstor e whipped hi s mor e politicall y experience d opponent . New t Gingric h cele brated th e clergyman' s victor y b y throwin g wha t on e observe r calle d " a fraternity ke g party " fo r th e teetotaler . Meanwhil e i n th e stat e o f Wash ington, a Pentecosta l woma n fon d o f quotin g fro m th e Boo k o f Danie l not onl y wo n he r congressiona l rac e bu t bea t u p o n th e GO P establish ment. T o the horror o f country-club Republicans , Linda Smith conducte d a write-in campaig n tha t sh e ran outsid e regula r part y circles. Overall, the 230-member Republica n Congressiona l Clas s o f '9 4 wa s just a s ideologi cally driven a s its liberal counterpar t o f twenty years before. 27 In additio n t o winnin g th e suppor t o f white workers , th e GOP' s con gressional candidate s receive d mor e Catholi c vote s tha n th e Democrats . That ha d no t happene d befor e i n a midter m election . Thank s i n par t t o Ralph Reed , the Christia n Coalitio n ha d develope d stron g ties to Catholi c clergy an d laity . I n th e sprin g o f '94 , Cardina l Joh n O'Conno r an d Pa t Robertson, amon g othe r prominen t Catholic s an d conservativ e Protes tants, forme d a "spiritual" alliance . They pledged t o oppos e abortio n an d support "schoo l choice. " Th e Christia n Coalitio n place d it s resource s squarely behind th e ecumenical initiative . Liberal Republicans were jittery. By 1994 , th e Christia n Coalitio n dominate d GO P organization s i n nine teen states , twelve i n th e Sunbelt . (Libera l Republican s clun g t o powe r i n Connecticut, Massachusetts , an d Ne w York.) Overall , th e Christia n Coa lition claime d nearl y tw o millio n members , accounte d fo r 4 0 percen t o f the Republica n primar y vote , an d ha d a budge t o f $2 5 million . Despit e enormous doctrina l differences , Robertson' s grou p recruite d Catholic s t o leadership position s an d baptize d the m a s Republicans. 28 Not onl y wa s 199 4 a victory fo r th e Christia n Coalition—an d conser vatives in general—i t wa s a big win fo r souther n Republicans . Newt Gin grich, Dic k Armey , an d Phi l Gram m too k u p leadershi p position s i n Congress whil e thei r state-leve l counterpart s swep t Dixie . Sixty-three per cent o f southern whites , regardles s o f gender an d income , voted Republi can. I n Georgia , al l eight white representative s wer e Republican; the thre e Democrats wer e black . Dixi e conservative s owe d a n immens e deb t t o Yankee liberals . First , liberal s insiste d tha t congressiona l district s b e ap portioned b y rac e i n orde r t o facilitat e th e electio n o f blacks . Thank s t o racial redistricting , wher e ther e ha d bee n five blac k Democrat s i n Con gress i n 199 0 ther e wer e seventee n afte r th e '9 4 election . O f course , a number o f souther n whit e Democrats , deprive d o f blac k votes , lost thei r seats. Second , libera l Hous e leaders , includin g Hous e Speake r To m Fole y of Washington , ha d tol d Clinto n tha t the y woul d no t addres s welfar e

"Don't Ask , Don't Tell " 22 1 reform. Further , Fole y added, the y would regar d an y criticism o f crime as racist. I n this , Fole y seeme d t o b e takin g a leaf fro m Ti p O'Neill . Give n what ha d happened t o Carter' s presidenc y a s a result o f his failur e t o put O'Neill i n his place, one must wonde r i f Clinton fel t relieve d when voter s tossed Fole y out in *94.29 Newt Gingric h wa s the strategi c mastermin d behin d th e GOP' s con gressional victory. As media pundit s observed , Gingric h and Clinton wer e a lo t alike . Bot h coul d ge t carrie d awa y b y thei r enthusiasm s an d los e sight o f more importan t matters . Th e southern Boomer s could , by turns, be charming , dogmatic , petulant , stubborn , an d vain. There was, though , one majo r difference . B y nature, Clinto n sai d whateve r hi s particular audience wante d t o hear . I f Hillar y wa s no t aroun d t o kee p hi m o n th e liberal path , Clinto n woul d stray . No one exercised comparabl e influenc e over Gingrich . Moreover , th e ne w Hous e Speake r enjoye d playin g "chicken" wit h th e Democrats . Th e proble m wa s Gingric h neve r kne w when t o bail ou t of the car before i t went plungin g of f the cliff . At th e cente r o f th e Gingric h Revolutio n stoo d th e "Contrac t wit h America." Wit h grea t fanfare , Republican s promise d t o en d federa l wel fare, cu t taxes , an d balanc e th e budget . Followin g th e counse l o f th e Heritage Foundation , th e "Contract wit h America" avoide d issue s dear to the heart s o f social conservatives . As a Heritage analys t argued , "Ta x cuts cannot onl y unit e th e faction s o f th e [GOP ] tha t woul d otherwis e b e divided o n socia l issues, " the y conve y "a n optimisti c messag e abou t th e future an d addres s th e underlyin g anxiety. " Representativ e Dic k Arme y of Texas minimize d difference s betwee n socia l conservative s an d libertarians. Th e Republica n majorit y leade r contende d tha t b y trimmin g th e power o f the federal government , libertarian s coul d depriv e gay s of their major all y an d "de-fund " federa l agencie s tha t socia l conservative s loathed, chiefl y th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Arts . Libertarian s an d moralists, Arme y predicted , woul d b e "singin g th e same song " i n "Free dom's Choir." 30 Unfortunately fo r Armey, man y o f his fellow choi r member s wer e ton e deaf. Texa s senato r Phi l Gramm , wh o wanted th e '9 6 GO P presidentia l nomination, ha d littl e us e for religiou s traditionalists . I n public, Gram m played avengin g Christia n an d patriot. H e was at his God-fearing bes t i n a 199 5 commencement addres s a t Jerr y Falwell' s Libert y Baptis t Univer sity: Let's hol d violen t criminal s accountabl e fo r thei r action s an d hav e minimu m mandatory sentencing for thugs who sell drugs to our children. Let's stop building prisons like Holiday Inns, make prisoners work six days a week and go to school

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at night . An d whe n violen t criminal s brutall y murde r ou r neighbors , let' s pu t them to death. 31 In private , Gram m wa s neithe r a superpatrio t no r a n Ol d Testamen t prophet. Durin g th e Vietna m War , Gram m ha d foun d tha t h e had bette r things t o d o tha n fight fo r hi s country—lik e gettin g a doctorat e i n eco nomics. At a meeting with Ji m Dobson, the leader of Focus on the Family, Gramm bluntl y stated , "I' m no t runnin g fo r preacher . I' m runnin g fo r president. I just don' t fee l comfortabl e goin g aroun d tellin g othe r peopl e how t o liv e thei r lives. " The Texa n wishe d t o champio n th e fre e market , not wast e hi s time o n mora l issues . Having onc e financed a pornographi c movie production, Gram m wa s understandably reluctan t t o be a real crusader agains t immorality . The n again , Gram m wa s no t eve n muc h o f a libertarian. Whil e h e vote d t o cur b welfare , Gram m protecte d a specia l mohair woo l subsid y program fo r Texa s sheepherders. 32 Dismayed wit h GO P effort s t o downpla y socia l issue s i n favo r o f ta x cuts, religiou s conservative s raise d a ruckus. I n 1993 , Martin Mawyer , th e president o f the Christia n Action Network, informe d th e Washington Post: Our goa l is not to increase our political power by deceiving the American public through talk of taxes, crime, health care, or NAFTA. Our real concerns are abortion, school prayer, and gay rights, and our mission is to present our case honestly to the American people and give them a chance to decide. 33 After th e GO P capture d Congress , Dobso n chastise d Gingric h an d th e free marketers , informing the m tha t he would walk away from th e Republicans i f the y di d no t addres s abortion . Dobso n ha d grow n wear y o f po litical compromise , feelin g tha t societ y wa s a t th e poin t o f mora l bank ruptcy. B y way of example, he pointed t o 199 4 ballot initiative s in Orego n that legalize d "doctor-assiste d suicide " an d essentiall y decriminalize d child pornography . A s Dobson an d forme r Reaga n administratio n staffe r Gary Baue r contended , "Nothin g shor t o f a grea t Civi l Wa r o f Value s rages toda y throughou t Nort h America . Tw o side s wit h vastl y differin g and incompatibl e world-view s ar e locke d i n a bitter conflic t tha t perme ates ever y leve l o f society. " Jus t ho w bitte r tha t conflic t wa s becam e evi dent i n 1996 . Colorado liberals , looking t o crippl e Focu s on th e Family — which wa s base d i n tha t state—pu t a n initiativ e o n th e ballo t t o ta x churches an d non-profi t organizations . Th e Denve r Post warned voter s that th e initiativ e woul d resul t i n th e closur e o f YMCAs , amon g othe r non-profit institutions . Liberal activist s di d no t care—the y belonge d t o private gym s where the y could g o to ton e thei r abs . The initiative failed. 34

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Moderate Republican s castigate d Dobso n an d Bauer . Ric h Bond , a n ally o f Georg e Bush' s an d a forme r chai r o f th e Republica n Nationa l Committee, asserted , "Ou r jo b i s t o wi n elections , no t t o clin g t o intol erances tha t zealot s cal l principles, no t t o b e le d o r dominate d b y a vocal few wh o lik e t o loo k goo d losing . Tha t i s a sur e pat h t o disaster. " Penn sylvania senato r Arle n Specter , a prochoic e Republica n an d a Jew , wen t further tha n Bond , accusin g socia l conservative s o f being anti-Semites . In Virginia, Senato r Joh n Warner , anothe r libera l Republican , refuse d t o endorse Michae l Farris , th e 199 3 GOP candidat e fo r lieutenan t governor . Farris ha d earlie r earne d fam e amon g Christia n conservative s fo r advo cating th e censorshi p o f publi c schoo l texts . (Whe n Senato r Specte r ac cused Christia n conservative s o f bein g anti-Semitic , h e ha d activist s lik e Farris i n mind . Farri s woul d no t hav e regarde d himsel f a s anti-Semitic , even if he did seemingly imply in his criticism o f Anne Frank that Judais m was not th e tru e pat h t o God.) 35 Religious conservative s los t al l patienc e wit h Warne r whe n h e openl y expressed hi s contempt fo r Olive r North, thei r pick to run agains t Senato r Chuck Rob b i n 1994 . Nort h ma y hav e elude d priso n fo r hi s rol e i n th e Iran-Contra affai r an d wo n a following amon g som e conservatives . However, he di d no t inspir e muc h lov e among othe r Republicans . Though th e American Spectator accuse d Warne r o f committin g "treason, " i t wa s worth bearin g i n min d tha t Jame s Webb , a onetim e Reaga n administra tion officia l an d Vietna m comba t veteran , als o campaigned agains t North . Webb wa s n o liberal . Whe n Nanc y Reaga n denounce d Nort h durin g th e '94 senatoria l race , a fe w conservative s countere d tha t sh e ha d helpe d derail th e Reaga n Revolution. 36 Liberal Democrat s als o attacked th e Right . Writing i n 199 5 for th e New York Review ofBooks y Garr y Wills and Michael Lind depicted conservative s as paranoid conspirac y mongers , bigots , an d dolts . While Time an d othe r mainstream publication s picke d u p o n thei r accusations , fe w journalist s pointed ou t tha t Wills and Lin d had bega n their career s within th e bowels of th e Ne w Right . Bot h foun d succes s an d celebrit y onc e the y turne d o n their benefactors . Lind , wh o wa s a forme r Heritag e Foundatio n staffer , charged tha t man y conservatives hailed fro m "th e least 'American' sectio n of the country"—the South . With n o less disdain, Wills sniffed tha t "Gin grich looks lik e a car salesma n affectin g professoria l airs. " Although Will s and Lind claimed they were awakening the nation to the threat posed by an anti-Semitic Christia n Right , th e writer s mad e clea r wha t reall y bothere d them abou t Pa t Robertso n an d th e South : Robertson , lik e his white Dixi e brethren, oppose d abortio n an d ga y liberation. (Actually , southern black s

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did not approve of abortion an d gay rights either, but Lind and Wills could not acknowledg e such inconvenient fact s without undercutting their argument that social conservatives were white racists.) 37 Abraham Foxman , th e directo r o f the Anti-Defamation Leagu e (ADL), weighed in , hurlin g mor e politicall y motivate d charge s agains t conserva tives. When Gingric h appointe d Christin a Jeffre y o f Kennesaw Stat e College t o th e positio n o f Hous e historian , Foxma n too k a fragmen t o f he r scholarly wor k ou t o f contex t t o mak e i t appea r a s i f sh e wer e a Naz i sympathizer. Jeffrey' s Jewis h colleague s wer e outraged , bu t Foxman' s smears ha d thei r intende d result . Wiltin g unde r th e attac k o f th e AD L and th e New York Times, Gingric h fire d hi s fellow Georgian . Understand ably hurt, Jeffre y lamented : " I kno w th e peopl e i n Washington just shru g their shoulder s an d say , 'Welcom e t o Washington . That' s jus t th e wa y it is.' But , yo u know , there' s a little par t o f m e tha t say s i t ough t no t t o b e that way . W e ough t t o b e abl e t o com e i n fro m th e hinterlands , ever y now an d then , we peasants with ou r countr y ways." 38 Conservative Jew s rushed t o th e defens e o f the GO P Congres s an d th e Christian Right . Bil l Kristol— a forme r membe r o f Da n Quayle' s staff — stated, " I prefe r th e Christia n Righ t t o th e paga n Left. " Kristo l als o de clared tha t Jewis h liberal s hate d Pentecostal s an d Souther n Baptist s be cause suc h Christian s belonge d t o a lower socia l class . (Som e Jewis h lib erals, notabl y Rabb i Simeo n Maslin , th e hea d o f th e Centra l Conferenc e of American [Reform ] Rabbis , had n o us e fo r Orthodo x Jew s either. An y Jew wh o oppose d th e cause s o f socia l liberalism , Rabb i Masli n believed , was no t a tru e Jew . I n 1996 , the Centra l Conferenc e o f American Rabbi s endorsed same-se x marriages. ) Norma n Podhoret z denie d tha t conserva tives despise d Jews . "They hate liberals," Podhoretz observed . "A s it happens, mos t Jew s are liberals." 39 In 1994 , seventy-fiv e Jewis h conservative s ha d take n ou t a n advertise ment i n th e New York Times. The y wer e upse t wit h Foxman' s crusad e against th e Religiou s Right . A s film criti c Michae l Medve d an d Heritag e Foundation vic e presiden t Ada m Meyerso n pointe d ou t i n criticis m o f the ADL , "I t il l behoove s a n organizatio n dedicate d t o fighting agains t defamation t o engag e i n defamatio n o f it s own. " Marshal l Wittmann , a Jewish analys t a t th e Heritag e Foundation , denie d tha t ther e wa s an y conflict betwee n Judais m an d conservativ e Christianity . Taking issue with Foxman, Wittman n insiste d that , fa r fro m tryin g "t o impos e thei r value s upon others, " Christian s jus t wante d "t o preven t th e value s o f other s [namely, secula r liberals ] fro m bein g imposed upo n them. " Foxman , who

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had no t bee n prepare d t o substantiat e hi s charge s agains t th e Christia n Coalition, backpedaled , conceding , " I don' t conside r Pa t Robertso n a n anti-Semite."40 While th e battl e ove r Christia n anti-Semitis m raged , Ralp h Ree d ha d to dea l wit h hi s righ t flank. Writin g i n Policy Review a yea r befor e th e midterm elections , Ree d pleade d wit h socia l conservative s t o broade n their appeal . "Th e pro-famil y movemen t ha s limite d it s effectivenes s b y concentrating disproportionatel y o n issue s suc h a s abortio n an d homo sexuality," Ree d wrote. "Thes e ar e vital moral issues , and mus t remai n a n important par t o f the message . T o wi n a t th e ballo t bo x an d i n th e cour t of publi c opinion , however , th e pro-famil y movemen t mus t spea k t o th e concerns o f average voters i n the area s of taxes, crime, government waste , health care , an d financia l security. " Ree d the n reassure d th e fre e market ers who rea d th e Wall Street Journal tha t th e Christia n Coalitio n though t NAFTA, an d reducin g federa l entitlemen t spending , wer e priorit y issues . Following Reed' s lead , candidate s wh o wer e "approved " b y the Christia n Coalition i n '9 3 an d '9 4 stresse d thei r oppositio n t o highe r taxes , no t abortion.41 Stunned b y th e intens e criticis m h e receive d fro m socia l conservative s after th e '9 4 election , Ree d clarifie d hi s message . H e insiste d tha t "tradi tionalist end s ca n b e advance d throug h libertaria n means. " Moreover , religious conservative s mus t b e carefu l no t t o "replac e th e socia l engi neering o f th e Lef t wit h thei r ow n government-ru n Promise d Land. " What Americ a needed , Ree d argued , wa s a "retur n t o non-governmenta l solutions" t o issue s lik e povert y an d welfare . "We'v e go t t o challeng e th e churches, th e synagogues , an d th e familie s t o di g deepe r an d d o more, " he contended . Still , Ree d recognize d tha t som e federa l legislatio n woul d be necessar y to pacif y mora l traditionalists . With muc h fanfar e th e Christian Coalitio n announce d a "Contrac t Wit h th e America n Family, " a s well as its support fo r a "Religious Freedo m Act " that woul d allo w prayer in th e publi c school s an d eliminat e federa l fundin g o f th e Nationa l En dowment fo r th e Arts . Neve r a t a los s fo r words , Ree d eloquentl y calle d for a n Americ a i n whic h "mor e marriage s succee d tha n fail , wher e mor e children ar e bor n i n wedloc k tha n outsid e o f it , an d wher e childre n ar e counted bot h b y familie s an d b y governmen t a s a blessin g rathe r tha n a burden." Fo r al l o f that , Ree d continue d sott o voce , th e bes t thin g th e federal governmen t coul d d o fo r America n familie s wa s t o leav e the m alone.42 Jim Dobso n woul d neve r embrac e Reed' s pragmati c approac h t o poli -

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tics. I n 1995 , he praise d Pa t Buchana n an d hinte d tha t hi s two-million member organizatio n migh t suppor t a third-party candidat e i n the forth coming presidentia l election . Th e prospec t o f anothe r Buchana n ru n i n the GO P primarie s di d no t pleas e Reed—no t leas t becaus e i t woul d tea r apart th e conservativ e movemen t an d perhap s th e Christia n Coalitio n itself. I n 1993 , Buchanan ha d give n a rousing addres s t o a Christian Coa lition convention . Whil e Ree d downplaye d cultura l issues , Buchana n ex cited th e thre e thousan d delegate s with hi s defens e o f Christian morality . Even mor e embarrassing , Buchana n criticize d Ree d an d Robertso n fo r endorsing NAFTA . Aghast, Ree d made i t clear that, regardles s of what th e liberal medi a said , th e Christia n Coalitio n di d no t suppor t Buchanan. 43 In th e Iow a caucuse s severa l prominen t stat e figures i n th e Christia n Coalition brok e ranks to campaign fo r Buchanan . He placed second, picking u p enormou s suppor t fro m Catholi c precinct s i n Davenpor t an d Du buque. Buchana n subsequentl y won th e New Hampshire primary , besting the befuddle d Bo b Dole . (Senato r Dole , despit e hi s Kansa s far m ties , had not don e well in the Iow a caucuses either.) Th e New England coordinato r of the Christian Coalition , a Buchanan campaig n aid e in the '92 primaries, praised hi s forme r bos s fo r bein g "righ t o n th e money " whe n i t cam e t o the important socia l and economi c issues. In the Louisiana caucuses , Reed turned u p a t Senato r Phi l Gramm' s side . (Dol e staye d ou t o f th e state , conceding i t t o Gramm. ) Th e Texa n los t t o Buchanan . Louisiana' s eco nomic populist s an d socia l conservatives—particularly Catholics—rallie d behind th e onetim e Crossfire commentator. Fortunatel y fo r Reed , the res t of the South , a s had bee n tru e i n '92 , turned it s back on Buchanan . Twice as many Christia n Coalitio n member s vote d fo r Dol e than th e combativ e Buchanan. H e di d no t pic k u p a grea t dea l o f suppor t fro m Souther n Baptists and—onc e again—wo n fe w kudo s fo r hi s complaint s abou t NAFTA and th e loss of American industria l jobs. As one South Carolinia n free markete r sai d i n respons e t o Buchanan' s economi c populism , "W e can mour n th e loss of the textile jobs. But there's n o time for nostalgia." 44 Paradoxically, wher e economi c populis m serve d Buchana n wel l i n th e North, i t limited hi s effectiveness i n most o f the South. Protestant individ ualism reigne d i n Dixie . Thi s religiou s factor , althoug h i t shoul d no t b e overstated, canno t b e ignored . A s Buchana n like d t o say , h e gleane d hi s economic view s fro m Pop e Le o XII I an d embrace d "th e ol d Catholi c principle o f subsidiarity." I n 1891 , Leo XIII had state d that workers shoul d expect a living wage. Further , Le o an d hi s successor s rejecte d centralized , bureaucratic dictatio n fro m abov e jus t a s the y argue d tha t free-marke t

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capitalism ha d t o operat e withi n mora l limits . Keepin g thes e Catholi c tenets i n mind , Buchana n rippe d int o Gramm . Accordin g t o Buchanan , Gramm ha d "bough t int o th e myt h o f economi c man , tha t everythin g can b e solve d wit h ta x cuts , balanc e th e budget , ge t th e number s right , [and then ] th e proble m i s solved." Worse , Gram m looke d upo n worker s as ra w material s t o b e use d u p an d the n throw n aside . Workers, an d th e communities i n which the y lived an d raise d families , were central to what made Americ a a grea t an d godl y nation . Wal l Stree t broker s an d eco nomic conservatives , Buchana n claimed , ha d "los t thei r connectio n t o American workin g me n an d women." 45 The attack s Buchana n sustaine d fro m GO P businessme n an d libertar ians wer e eve n mor e shril l tha n ha d bee n th e cas e i n '92 . That wa s t o b e expected. B y winning thre e millio n primar y votes and finishin g i n secon d place fo r th e GO P presidentia l nomination , Buchana n ha d mad e himsel f a bigge r target . Heritag e Foundatio n analys t Stuar t Butle r crie d tha t Bu chanan "sound s like somebody from th e AFL-CIO. His notion that you've got t o protec t th e marke t fro m th e threa t o f competitio n abroad , an d th e threat o f peopl e rakin g of f exces s profit s a t th e expens e o f th e workin g person, i s fa r t o th e lef t o f mos t o f th e peopl e i n th e Democrati c Party. " A fe w politica l journalist s o n th e Lef t ha d note d th e sam e phenomenon . As a libera l reporte r fo r th e Village Voice lamente d whe n interviewin g Buchanan, "I'v e bee n waitin g m y whol e lif e fo r someon e runnin g fo r president t o tal k abou t th e Fortun e 50 0 a s the enemy , an d whe n I finally get my wish, it turns ou t t o be you." Joh n Judi s of the New Republic, who never cu t Buchana n an y slack when i t came to his attitudes toward blacks, gays, an d Jews , note d tha t th e feist y conservativ e wa s raisin g point s tha t no on e i n th e Democrati c Whit e Hous e o r th e Republica n Congres s seemed comfortabl e discussing. 46 Bill Kristol, who resente d Buchanan' s attack s o n Wall Street an d Israel , derided th e pundi t a s "America' s las t leftist. " Th e Wall Street Journal editorialized tha t radical s lik e Buchana n wer e "McGover n Republicans " bent o n destroyin g th e party . William Bennett , no w based a t the Heritag e Foundation, slamme d Buchanan . I t was on e thin g t o condem n Universa l Studios fo r distributin g obscen e ra p music ; i t wa s quit e anothe r t o criti cize corporation s tha t wen t abroa d i n searc h o f chea p labor . Gingric h le t it be known tha t ther e would b e n o plac e fo r Buchana n a t the '9 6 Repub lican Nationa l Convention . (Th e Hous e Speake r prize d loyalt y an d obe dience, tw o virtue s tha t h e though t Buchana n lacked . Whe n Representa tive Lind a Smith , i n goo d Christia n fashion , insiste d tha t congressiona l

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ethics rule s appl y t o Republican s a s wel l a s Democrats , Gingric h mad e her a "no n person." ) Corporat e executive s calle d Buchana n "dangerous " and threatene d t o bac k Clinto n unles s th e GO P silence d him . Onl y tw o major businessmen , bot h dedicate d Catholics , contribute d t o Buchanan' s campaign: Thoma s Monagha n o f Domino' s Pizz a an d Joh n Bree n o f Sherwin Williams. 47 At th e urgin g o f friend s fro m th e Heritag e Foundatio n an d th e Wall Street Journal, billionaire publishe r Stev e Forbes entere d the GOP primar 7 ies. Thoug h Forbe s spen t million s t o sto p Buchanan , h e wen t nowhere . His problem s wer e many . First , Forbe s alienate d socia l conservative s b y opposing constitutiona l amendment s t o ba n abortio n an d legaliz e schoo l prayer. Second , Forbe s ha d t o rebu t Buchanan' s "gloo m an d doom " ec onomic message , whil e persuadin g voter s tha t th e Clinto n econom y wa s veering towar d recession . I f logi c faile d Forbes , hi s politica l sense s wer e not fa r behind . Wit h assistanc e fro m conservativ e thin k tanks , Forbe s proposed a single flat incom e tax . Buchana n ha d a field day: "Under Mr . Forbes' plan , th e middl e clas s lose s al l deduction s fo r hom e mortgag e interest an d churc h contributions ; th e federa l budge t woul d b e throw n scores o f billion s deepe r int o deficit , an d loung e lizard s i n Pal m Beac h pay a lowe r ta x rat e tha n steelworker s i n Youngstown. " H e migh t hav e also observe d tha t Forbes' s plan , by abolishing th e inheritanc e tax , would net th e publisher's heir s an additiona l $ 1 billion. GOP primary voters, half of whom mad e les s than $50,00 0 a year, were no t impresse d wit h Forbes . He ha d hope d voter s woul d loo k a t hi m a s a kinde r an d gentle r Ros s Perot. Ther e was , however, a n importan t differenc e betwee n th e tw o tha t could no t b e ignored : Pero t ha d earned his billions, Forbe s ha d inherite d his wealth. 48 As th e Republica n primar y seaso n unfolded , part y leader s cam e t o a n inescapable conclusion—onl y b y unitin g behin d Bo b Dol e coul d Buch anan b e defeated . Th e Republica n governors , countr y clubbers , an d th e southern win g o f th e Christia n Coalitio n dragge d a sluggis h Dol e acros s the finish line. Despite their succes s in beating Buchanan, few Republican s were happ y wit h thei r nominee . Fre e marketer s regarde d Dol e a s a tax and-spend liberal . Bu t tha t di d no t matte r s o much , a s Davi d Fru m o f the Wall Street Journal wrote, becaus e "conservative s hav e lon g sinc e ad justed themselve s t o defalcation s fro m dut y b y Bo b Dole. " Speakin g fo r many religiou s conservatives , Ca l Thomas observe d tha t Dol e was a weak candidate wit h n o principles . Dol e als o receive d hars h word s fro m th e Republican governor s o f Illinois , Ne w York , Ohio , an d Wisconsin . In -

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deed, o n severa l occasion s Governo r Georg e Voinovich mad e sur e he was detained elsewher e when Dol e campaigned i n Ohio . With allie s like these, Dole di d no t nee d Democrati c enemies. 49 The Republica n captur e o f Congres s ha d initiall y disoriente d Presiden t Clinton. Hi s first reactio n wa s t o summo n Boome r intellectual s suc h a s Columbia historia n Ala n Brinkle y t o hi s side . A n autho r o f a n incisiv e book o n Ne w Dea l protes t politics , a s wel l a s th e so n o f a n influentia l NBC commentator, Brinkle y urged Clinto n "t o defen d th e idea of government withou t necessaril y defendin g everythin g th e curren t governmen t does." Clinton , Brinkle y observed , als o neede d t o appea r presidential . Since Gingric h wante d t o clai m th e Roosevel t mantle , Clinto n decide d two coul d pla y a t tha t game . O n th e fiftieth anniversar y o f FDR' s death , Clinton wen t t o th e lat e president' s "Souther n Home " i n War m Springs , Georgia. Al l Clinto n succeede d i n doin g wa s t o recas t himsel f a s a dy namic, heroi c leade r fo r th e thirties. Having faile d t o projec t himsel f a s a new FDR , Clinto n summone d "persona l growt h gurus " t o th e Whit e House fo r thei r advice . Conservative s speculate d tha t th e guru s tol d hi m to ge t i n touc h wit h hi s inne r Republican. 50 Luckily fo r Clinton , unexpecte d opportunitie s aros e i n 199 5 tha t sal vaged hi s presidency . I n Oklahom a City , an American boy-next-doo r ter rorist bombe d a federa l offic e building , killin g 16 8 people . Clinto n an d the medi a indicte d Gingrich , Jerr y Falwell , th e Nationa l Rifl e Associatio n (NRA), an d conservativ e talk-radi o personalit y Rus h Limbaug h fo r cre ating " a climat e i n which violence blossoms." Such conservatives, Clinto n insisted, "sprea d hate " an d "leav e th e impressio n t h a t . . . violenc e i s acceptable." Jua n Williams , a black columnis t fo r th e Washington Post y savaged "angr y whit e men " wh o plante d bomb s an d ha d take n "ove r th e agenda her e i n Washington. " Whil e conservative s ha d grow n use d t o being brande d racist s an d anti-Semites , thi s wa s th e first tim e the y ha d been calle d mas s murderers. As he met wit h th e familie s o f the Oklahom a victims, Clinto n she d a fe w tear s fo r th e televisio n cameras . Hi s publi c approval rating s subsequentl y rose. 51 Having bettere d hi s politica l prospects , Clinto n baite d a trap fo r Gin grich. Flushe d wit h thei r newfoun d power , Gingrich , Armey, and Gram m decided i n 199 5 that the y would rathe r shu t dow n th e federa l governmen t than liv e wit h Clinton' s budge t plans . Clinto n dare d Gingric h t o pla y chicken an d th e Hous e Speake r too k hi m u p o n hi s offer . Twice . Thoug h the libertarian s believe d tha t American s coul d (an d should ) liv e withou t

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government service s an d checks , theirs wa s a minorit y position . T o Gin grich's chagrin , th e medi a an d man y voter s blame d Republica n "extrem ists" for th e inconveniences they experienced. Congressional conservative s further damage d themselve s b y embracin g th e legislativ e agend a o f th e NRA. A major contributo r t o Republica n candidate s i n th e '9 4 elections , the NR A expected Gingric h t o tur n asid e federal ban s o n assaul t weapon s and "cop-killer " ammo . Whil e mos t American s believe d i n th e righ t t o bear arms , the y though t th e NR A ha d gon e of f th e libertaria n dee p end . Gingrich an d th e NR A wer e makin g i t possibl e fo r Clinto n t o ru n fo r reelection a s the law-and-order president . I t was Gingrich's tur n t o flounder. Clinton, however , neede d mor e tha n funeral s an d New t Gingric h t o win reelection . Afte r fou r year s i n office , Clinto n (lik e Bush ) ha d accom plished littl e an d faile d t o articulat e a vision fo r th e nation . Onc e again , however, goo d fortun e smile d o n Clinton . Politica l consultan t Dic k Mor ris joined th e Clinto n team . A married ma n wh o pai d prostitute s t o suc k his toes , Morri s successfull y remad e Clinto n int o a Mora l Majority-fre e enterprise Republican . Publi c opinio n poll s i n 199 6 showe d tha t Ameri cans remaine d responsiv e t o promise s t o crac k dow n o n crim e an d wel fare. Thos e sam e poll s als o reveale d tha t th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f the electorat e condemne d same-se x marriages . (S o poll-obsesse d ha d Clinton becom e tha t h e eve n commissione d vote r survey s t o determin e where h e shoul d vacation. ) Obviously , Morri s concluded , Clinto n mus t take credi t fo r th e economi c "recovery " an d ru n t o th e righ t o f Dol e o n social issues . Hillary , i n th e meantime , ha d t o b e pu t o n ice . I n shor t order, Hillary' s policy-making rol e i n th e Whit e Hous e shran k and , on e by one, her allie s in th e administratio n foun d othe r employment . (Morri s allowed Hillar y t o tal k abou t chil d rearin g sinc e i t seeme d politicall y in nocuous ye t quit e motherly. ) Appearin g o n Larry King Live y Hillary grit ted he r teet h an d assure d voter s tha t "ther e i s no lef t win g o f the Clinto n White House." 52 As a conservative, the president ha d fe w peers in his own party. Indeed , Clinton sai d tha t h e woul d sig n a bil l barrin g lega l recognitio n o f ga y marriages. Fro m th e sideline s Davi d Mixne r accuse d Clinto n o f support ing " a hate-fille d an d divisiv e bil l fo r short-ter m politica l comfort. " Sen ator Tedd y Kenned y charge d Clinto n wit h "gay-bashing. " (On e wi t pointed ou t tha t th e rea l issu e fo r Clinto n an d Kenned y wa s no t "same sex marriage, but same-marriag e sex." ) After assurin g Health an d Huma n Services Secretar y Donn a Shalal a tha t h e oppose d draconia n welfar e re -

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form, Clinto n signe d of f o n a Republica n bil l tha t limite d tota l lifetim e benefits t o five year s an d permitte d state s t o determin e ho w the y woul d deal wit h poo r unwe d mothers . Democrati c representativ e Joh n Lewi s of Georgia moane d tha t th e "downrigh t lowdown " legislatio n "penalize s children fo r th e actio n o f thei r parents. " Pete r Edelman , a staffe r i n th e Health an d Huma n Service s Departmen t resigne d i n protest . (Hillar y and Edelman's wife , Marian , wer e leader s o f the Children' s Defens e Fund— a welfare lobb y organization. Maria n Edelma n fume d tha t the president ha d made " a mocker y o f hi s pledg e no t t o hur t children." ) Undeterre d b y criticism fro m fello w Democrats , Clinto n too k credi t fo r th e popula r Re publican initiative. 53 When i t cam e t o championin g la w an d orde r Clinto n mad e Pa t Bu chanan loo k lik e a bleeding-heart liberal . The President praise d th e effort s of Sa n Dieg o resident s t o ferret ou t drug-dealin g illega l immigrants: "W e have begu n t o tur n borde r communitie s unde r sieg e int o communitie s where la w an d orde r an d safet y an d securit y ar e onc e agai n th e orde r o f the day. " Appearin g befor e a blac k Pentecosta l conventio n i n Ne w Or leans, Clinto n calle d fo r America' s cities t o adop t 10:0 0 P.M . curfew s fo r teenagers. (I n 1993 , Clinton ha d allocate d federa l fund s t o suppor t "mid night basketball " league s fo r urba n teens . Bu t that , a s they say in politics , was history. ) Clinto n als o addresse d th e '9 6 NE A convention , pledgin g $10 millio n t o hel p publi c school s dea l wit h truants . Noticin g tha t man y juvenile delinquent s smoke d cigarettes , Clinto n vowe d t o punis h tobacc o companies fo r targetin g teen s i n thei r advertising . Eve n thoug h Demo crats als o receive d campaig n mone y fro m th e tobacc o lobby , Clinto n made sur e voters identifie d Gingric h an d Dol e with "Jo e Camel." 54 Clinton nex t propose d mandator y dru g testin g fo r teen s seekin g driver's license s an d calle d fo r a five-year priso n sentenc e fo r anyon e caught wit h five gram s o r mor e o f methamphetamine— a variet y o f "speed" derive d partiall y fro m nasa l decongestants . "W e hav e t o sto p i t before i t become s th e crac k o f th e 1990s, " Clinto n warned . (Twenty-on e of Clinton' s staffer s faile d thei r dru g test s i n 1994 . They kept thei r jobs— and thei r driver' s licenses. ) The n th e presiden t announce d a business government partnershi p tha t would , a t n o cos t t o th e taxpayer , distribut e cellular phone s t o twent y thousan d neighborhoo d crime-watc h program s so that volunteer s coul d quickl y contact th e police. Clinton furthe r prom ised t o establis h a federa l registr y o n convicte d pedophile s tha t woul d assist loca l law-enforcemen t agencies i n trackin g "thos e wh o pre y o n America's children. " Th e presiden t als o urge d th e state s t o plac e th e

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names o f "deadbea t dads " o n th e Interne t an d i n pos t offices . Failur e t o pay chil d support , Clinto n said , woul d resul t i n felon y charges . (I n 1994, the Democratic Senate had , withou t dissent , criticize d Clinto n fo r "failin g to us e existin g federal la w to prosecut e deadbea t parents.") 55 Maureen Dow d o f th e New York Times coul d no t believ e ho w trivia l the Democrati c campaig n ha d become . "Wha t bol d ne w vision s wil l th e president com e u p wit h next? " Dowd wondered. "Wil l he ask Health an d Human Service s t o mak e doctor s sto p puttin g reall y ol d magazine s i n their waitin g rooms? " Dow d ha d i t exactl y right . A t on e poin t o f th e campaign, Clinto n turne d t o a handfu l o f heckler s an d said , i n referenc e to th e effort s o f Congress t o eliminat e federa l subsidie s fo r PBS , "I woul d be screamin g to o i f I wanted a countr y tha t too k . . . Bi g Bird awa y fro m ten year-olds. " No t everyone , however , panne d Clinton' s act . A numbe r of chie f executiv e officer s deserte d th e GO P fo r Clinton . Xerox CEO Pau l Allaire said , "W e shar e a commo n vie w tha t th e presiden t i s goo d fo r America an d goo d fo r America n business. " Willia m Estrey , th e Republi can CE O o f Sprint , th e larges t privat e employe r i n Dole' s hom e state , similarly laude d Clinton . Th e president , afte r all , ha d pushe d throug h NAFTA. A s fo r Clinton' s '9 3 ta x hike , i t ha d littl e impac t o n executive s who employe d a n arm y o f accountant s t o shelte r thei r incomes . Bu chanan's downwardl y mobil e middl e clas s bor e th e brun t o f th e ta x in crease, not peopl e like Estrey and Allaire. 56 Dick Morris mad e sur e that Clinton' s campaig n wa s flawless—if vapi d and hypocritica l a s well . Strategist s studie d Reagan' s '8 4 "Mornin g in America " campaig n intently , determine d t o mak e Bob Dol e th e Walter Mondal e o f 1996 . Clinton ra n radi o advertisement s aime d a t reli gious traditionalists , emphasizin g tha t h e to o oppose d ga y rights . Th e president an d Hillar y als o stage d a "phot o opportunity " o n th e step s o f a churc h wit h Bil l holdin g a Bibl e i n hi s hands . (Thei r pose , includin g the wa y Clinto n graspe d hi s Bible , perfectl y replicate d a sho t o f Jimmy an d Rosalyn n Carte r a s the y lef t churc h service s durin g th e '76 campaign. N o on e i n th e medi a appeare d t o notic e thi s remarkabl e coin cidence.)57 Despite protest s fro m th e Left , th e Democrati c Part y platfor m tha t Clinton ha d engineere d exhorte d Washingto n t o devolv e politica l powe r back t o th e (mostl y Republican-led ) states . Th e platfor m als o asserte d that "th e privat e secto r i s th e engin e o f economi c growth"—no t th e federal government . Unlik e th e 198 0 platfor m tha t Tedd y Kenned y ha d

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written, th e Clinto n mode l celebrate d th e traditional famil y an d calle d fo r greater polic e power s t o cur b crime . Althoug h th e blue-colla r union s continued t o denounc e NAFTA , an d AFL-CI O presiden t Joh n Sweene y decried Clinton' s welfar e refor m a s "anti-poor , anti-immigrant , anti women, an d anti-children, " th e presiden t ha d littl e reaso n t o worry . B y 1996, th e public-secto r union s politicall y dominate d th e AFL-CIO ; NAFTA di d no t adversel y affec t white-colla r governmen t employees . Besides, lifestyl e liberal s persuade d themselve s tha t Clinto n wa s just throw ing "boo b bai t t o th e Bubbas. " I t woul d b e busines s a s usua l afte r th e election.58 While beatin g u p o n liberals—wh o woul d vot e fo r hi m anyway — Clinton arouse d senio r citizens . Visitin g th e nation' s affluen t retiremen t communities, a s had ever y Democratic presidentia l candidat e fo r th e past twenty years , Clinto n vowe d t o "protec t an d preserve " Medicar e fro m Republican dismemberment . Althoug h Clinto n kne w ful l wel l that Medi care, like Social Security , was bankrupting th e countr y and impoverishin g struggling families , th e president tol d Florid a seniors , "I don' t understan d why everybod y i s goin g aroun d lik e Chicke n Little. " Clinto n credite d Medicare an d Socia l Security for givin g seniors "a lower povert y rate tha n people unde r sixty-five " an d asserte d tha t "w e ca n clearl y balanc e th e budget an d dramaticall y exten d th e lif e o f th e Medicar e trus t fun d with out th e leve l o f cut s i n Medicar e an d Medicaid " tha t th e Republica n Congress advocated . (Clinto n admitte d tha t benefit s woul d hav e t o b e reduced, payrol l taxe s furthe r increased , an d th e retiremen t ag e raised for Baby Busters. That prospec t naturall y di d no t upse t seniors. ) Th e AMA , its members havin g grow n fa t o n Medicar e an d Medicai d checks , praised Clinton's determinatio n t o kee p fundin g federa l healt h insuranc e pro grams. Republican doctors , fearing tha t congressiona l conservative s migh t reduce medica l benefits , joined th e Clinto n camp. 59 The presiden t als o playe d racia l politics , thoug h thi s tim e aroun d h e left Siste r Soulja h alone . Ove r th e pas t si x years a rash o f church fires ha d occurred, mostl y i n th e South . Th e networ k new s shows , USA Today, th e New York Times, and civi l rights activists seized on the incidents, declaring that blac k churche s ha d bee n selecte d fo r destructio n b y whit e racists . Predictably, Jess e Jackson deplore d th e "climat e o f retreat , hate , and eth nic cleansing " tha t Republican s ha d engendere d i n th e South . Anothe r liberal blac k ministe r echoe d Jackson : "There' s onl y a slipper y slop e be tween conservativ e religiou s person s an d thos e tha t ar e actually doing th e

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burning." Clinto n an d Vic e President Gor e quickly staged a photo oppor tunity a t a torche d blac k church . Th e presiden t als o se t asid e $ 6 millio n to assis t loca l la w enforcemen t officer s i n protectin g souther n blac k churches.60 Despite wha t Clinto n an d blac k activist s claimed , th e churc h fires sai d more abou t som e peoples ' attitude s towar d Christianit y tha n wha t the y thought abou t race . O f th e 21 6 churc h building s burn t sinc e 1990 , th e majority ha d white congregations . Moreover , a numbe r o f th e arsonist s were black . Ther e wa s n o organize d conspirac y t o torc h blac k place s o f worship. T o thei r credit , religiou s conservative s ignore d th e abuse heape d upon the m b y Jess e Jackso n an d secula r whit e liberals . Promis e Keeper s and th e Christia n Coalitio n eac h pledge d $ 1 million t o assis t i n th e re building o f blac k churches . Josep h Lowery , th e leade r o f th e Souther n Christian Leadershi p Conferenc e rebuffe d suc h overtures , tellin g whit e conservatives, "Th e roo t o f th e proble m i s racism , no t th e burnin g o f churches." Meanwhil e th e Southeas t directo r o f th e NAAC P exhorte d blacks t o spur n ai d fro m Promis e Keeper s an d th e Christia n Coalition . White Christia n conservatives , h e argued , wer e "Troja n Horses " seekin g to undermin e blac k solidarity. 61 Though Clinto n wa s quic k t o attac k whit e racism—rea l an d imagine d —he faltere d o n th e issu e o f black anti-Semitism . Whe n Natio n o f Isla m leader Loui s Farrakha n le d hi s "Millio n Ma n March " i n Washingto n i n 1995> Clinto n praise d th e organizers ' stan d agains t black-on-blac k vio lence. Th e presiden t emphasize d tha t whil e h e di d no t approv e o f Farra khan's criticis m o f Jews , h e though t tha t th e messag e o f th e marc h wa s laudable. I n effect , white s shoul d "separat e th e messag e from th e messen ger." Tha t wa s impossible . On e o f th e purpose s o f th e rall y wa s t o giv e Farrakhan an d hi s minion s a nationa l stag e o n whic h the y coul d savag e "bloodsucker" Jews . Pat Robertso n coul d onl y expres s amazemen t a t th e way i n whic h Clinton , th e networ k new s shows , an d th e prestig e pres s gingerly treated Farrakhan—a s oppose d t o their treatment o f him—play ing down th e Blac k Muslim's hatre d o f Jews, Christians, and white people in general . A year later , Representativ e Cynthi a McKinney , a black Geor gian Democrat , ra n a n anti-Semiti c campaig n agains t he r Jewis h oppo nent. No t a word o f condemnation cam e fro m th e White House . McKin ney's father , wh o serve d a s he r politica l advisor , calle d challenge r Joh n Mitnick " a racist Jew" for havin g criticized Farrakhan . Her father, a member o f th e Georgi a legislature , als o distribute d t o blac k voter s leaflet s charging that Mitnick belonged t o Jewish groups like the Anti-Defamatio n

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League. (McKinne y disavowe d he r father' s comment s bu t retaine d hi m a s her campaig n strategist.) 62 Black anti-Semitis m represente d on e stran d i n th e conflicte d impulse s of th e blac k middl e class . I t i s worth bearin g i n min d tha t two-third s o f Farrakhan's marcher s ha d annua l income s abov e $30,000 , and on e i n five earned $75,000 . I t wa s no t th e exploite d ghett o poo r wh o cheere d Farra khan bu t member s o f a blac k middl e clas s whos e media n incom e out stripped whites' . There was no shortag e o f bigots among suc h people. The chair o f th e Rutger s theate r department , fo r instance , wh o reportedl y denied tenur e t o a professor becaus e sh e wa s " a whit e Je w b—ch." Thi s black middl e clas s included lawyer s and politician s suc h a s those in Dalla s who forme d a para-military group , the New Black Panthers, to intimidat e white an d Hispani c schoo l boar d members . Dallas' s blac k militant s als o threatened tha t unles s a n African-America n wa s hire d a s polic e chief , "we're goin g t o b e i n th e streets , physically , literally , shootin g [white ] folks." Ye t i t wa s blac k middle-clas s resident s i n Perrywood , Maryland , who ordere d securit y guard s i n 199 6 t o rous t Washingto n youth s fro m the suburb' s basketbal l courts . Meanwhil e i n suburba n Chicago , middle class black s proteste d th e placemen t o f low-incom e publi c housin g unit s in thei r neighborhoods . Affluen t black s di d no t wan t t o associat e wit h poor blacks , eve n thoug h the y ofte n accuse d white s o f bein g racist s fo r having th e sam e desire. 63 Kansas City , Missouri , mayo r Emmanue l Cleaver , th e presiden t o f th e National Conferenc e o f Blac k Mayors , warne d Republican s i n 199 6 tha t he would regar d an y criticism o f affirmative actio n a s racist. Knowing that better tha n three-quarter s o f th e publi c oppose d quotas , Clinto n sai d h e was "agains t revers e discrimination " an d the n retreate d int o silence . Though mos t citizen s oppose d quotas , America n corporation s di d not . Only 1 4 percent o f Fortun e 50 0 companie s use d meri t alon e i n makin g hiring decisions ; th e res t employe d quotas . (Corporation s commonl y tucked minorit y employee s awa y i n thei r huma n resourc e departments , where the y wer e fa r remove d fro m th e decision-makin g process . O n th e other hand , companie s coul d no t "downsize " minoritie s withou t riskin g an EEO C lawsui t fo r discrimination. ) I n California , conservative s place d an initiativ e o n th e ballo t t o en d racia l preferences . Th e initiativ e wa s more popula r tha n th e Republica n presidentia l nomine e an d dre w sup port fro m whites , Hispanics , Asians , and blacks. Proposition 20 9 woul d be approve d b y 5 4 percent o f California' s voter s eve n a s Bo b Dol e wen t down i n flames. 64

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Across th e land , liberal s ha d t o g o t o embarrassin g length s t o defen d racial hiring an d admission s quotas . At Ohio Universit y in 1996, President Robert Glidde n overrod e a decisio n b y a departmen t facult y committe e and colleg e dea n t o den y tenur e t o a blac k man . Glidde n claime d tha t race ha d nothin g t o d o wit h hi s decre e whil e notin g tha t th e universit y needed "rol e model s fo r minorit y students"—eve n i f th e rol e model s could no t surviv e peer review . A year before, Rutger s University presiden t Francis Lawrenc e ha d inadvertentl y le t sli p his rea l reaso n fo r supportin g admissions an d hirin g quotas : "D o w e se t standard s i n th e futur e s o tha t we don' t admi t anybod y wit h th e [Scholasti c Aptitud e Test] ? O r d o w e deal wit h a disadvantage d populatio n tha t doesn' t hav e th e geneti c hereditary backgroun d t o hav e a higher averag e [o n th e SAT]?" 65 What wit h th e publi c backlas h agains t crime , quotas , an d welfare— a reaction o f twenty-fiv e years ' standin g b y th e tim e o f th e '9 6 election — Dole shoul d hav e ha d littl e proble m defeatin g Clinton . Poll s showed tha t two o f ever y thre e voter s though t tha t th e countr y wa s "o n th e wron g track." Voter s als o rate d Dol e a s fa r mor e hones t tha n Clinton . Th e ma jority though t tha t th e Clinton s ha d trie d t o cove r u p severa l politica l scandals—including a n Arkansa s rea l estat e dea l tha t le d t o th e impris onment o f Governo r Ji m Gu y Tucker. Bu t fo r al l of that, a s a Gallup pol l concluded, "Dole' s view s [are ] mor e popula r tha n h e is. " Dol e neve r persuaded th e electorat e tha t h e shoul d b e president , no r di d h e eve r connect wit h voters . Th e senator' s constan t reference s t o hi s World Wa r II service won hi m littl e respect fro m hi s own generation , which, as in th e '92 election , value d Democrati c entitlement s ove r Republica n call s fo r duty. A t on e poin t i n th e fal l election , Dol e becam e s o irat e a t Clinton' s "Mediscare" tactics, that the seventy-three-year-old politicia n blurted out , "If I were a senio r citizen , I' d b e a little fe d u p wit h al l these ad s scarin g seniors."66 In part , Dole' s problem s stemme d fro m th e fac t tha t Clinto n ha d tie d him t o Gingrich . (Gingric h an d Dol e strongl y dislike d eac h other . Th e House Speake r onc e calle d Dol e "th e ta x collecto r fo r th e welfare state." ) As on e Michiga n Republica n sai d o f Gingrich , "I f someon e coul d eve r turn m e of f th e Republica n Party , h e coul d d o it. " Clinto n woul d ge t hi s vote. Anothe r Michiga n voter , a politica l independent , sai d tha t sh e to o would vot e fo r Clinto n becaus e "I' m afrai d th e Republican s ar e goin g t o cut fund s fo r educatio n an d da y care. " I n interview s wit h Ohi o voters , the Columbu s Dispatch foun d Republican s an d independent s wh o mir rored thei r Michiga n counterparts . "Dol e seem s lik e h e i s ou t t o sav e

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money fo r th e rich, " gripe d on e woman . " I thin k Dol e i s to o old . H e teams u p with Gingrich , an d I don't car e for tha t ma n a t all." Yet anothe r Ohio voter , wh o condemne d Clinto n fo r laughin g of f hi s experiment s with marijuana , sai d that sh e still could no t brin g herself to vote for Dole . Once again , th e "Gingric h factor " ha d cos t Dol e neede d votes . (Th e Her itage Foundatio n insiste d tha t Gingric h wa s a great leader wh o ha d "wo n the budge t war " agains t Clinton . I f that ha d bee n true , "Bi g Bird" woul d no longe r b e feedin g a t th e federa l trough.) 67 As a campaigner, Dol e coul d be extremely lam e o r just plain nasty . O n most day s h e wa s simpl y inept—a s whe n h e decline d t o addres s a NAACP conventio n becaus e it s leader s wer e "tryin g t o se t m e up. " Dol e added tha t h e preferre d a grou p tha t " I ca n relat e to. " (Denyin g tha t hi s campaign wa s i n trouble , Dol e sai d tha t h e jus t neede d t o find th e righ t "wedge issue " agains t Clinton . Whil e deployin g wedg e issue s agains t lib erals ha d a venerabl e history , n o previou s Republica n ha d eve r bee n s o daft a s t o admi t tha t h e wante d t o divid e Democrat s alon g racia l an d religious lines. ) Hopin g t o pul l himsel f ou t o f hi s electora l fre e fall , Dol e tried t o connec t wit h hi s audienc e throug h th e imager y o f popula r cul ture, observin g tha t whe n i t cam e t o dealin g wit h crime , Clinto n "talk s like Dirty Harr y bu t act s like Barne y Fife. " Tha t wa s the bes t Dol e got. 68 Mostly, Dol e hi t Clinto n fo r raisin g taxe s an d hi s recen t conversio n t o fiscal an d mora l conservatism . A Californi a bookkeepe r wa s no t im pressed. "Al l h e doe s i s complai n abou t th e president, " sh e said . " I haven't hear d hi m giv e m e on e reaso n t o vot e fo r him. " Maybe , a s col umnist Mauree n Dow d concluded , i t wa s no t tha t Dol e wa s excessivel y negative. Dole' s difficultie s migh t ste m fro m th e fac t tha t man y voters , especially Boomers , di d no t wan t t o chang e thei r ow n behavior , le t alon e listen t o sermon s abou t duty : The scary thing abou t Bo b Dole is that, just below the surface, we fear w e can't live u p t o hi s standards , tha t he' s a n old-fashione d curmudgeo n who' s neve r going to think we have enough starch . On th e other hand , we know we can live up to Bill Clinton's standards. So it i s futil e fo r Republican s t o argu e tha t Clinto n i s flawed because al l he does i s respon d an d change . That' s exactl y wh y peopl e lik e him . W e ar e i n a consumer culture . Baby Boomers are the most spoiled , over-marketed cohor t in history, accustomed t o having products tailore d t o them. Why should the presidency be any different? 69 Perhaps Dole' s wors t proble m wa s hi s inabilit y t o inspir e trus t amon g social an d fiscal conservatives . Tellingly , when Dol e discusse d hi s accom -

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plishments a s a senato r h e emphasize d th e liberal legislation tha t h e ha d helped pass . Fro m savin g th e foo d stam p progra m t o makin g Socia l Se curity "solvent " b y raisin g payrol l taxes , Dol e coul d hav e bee n mistake n for Georg e McGovern . Afte r championin g affirmativ e actio n fo r mos t o f his caree r an d the n changin g hi s min d onl y in 1995 , in additio n t o havin g pushed severa l hefty ta x increases through th e Senate , Dole clearly had n o bedrock conservativ e principles . As he tol d GO P leader s i n '95 , "I'm will ing to b e anothe r Ronal d Reagan , i f that's what yo u want." 70 Conservatives di d no t believ e Dole had i t in hi m t o be Ronald Reagan , especially afte r h e muddie d th e GOP' s prolif e message . Fo r year s Dol e had bee n firml y agains t abortion . Indeed , i n hi s 197 4 Senate rac e h e ha d accused hi s Democratic opponent , a medical doctor , o f having performe d abortions. I n Kansa s tha t charg e wa s enoug h t o sav e Dol e fro m vote r disenchantment wit h Watergat e an d Nixon . B y 1996, however, the senato r had a chang e o f heart . Dol e decide d h e ha d t o hea l th e growin g breac h between libera l Republican s an d religiou s traditionalists . T o th e outrag e of th e latte r group , Dole' s ide a o f compromis e wa s t o cav e i n t o th e demands o f th e GOP' s abortion-right s stalwarts . Massachusett s governo r William Wel d an d Californi a governo r Pet e Wilson insiste d that the part y platform remov e a plank tha t calle d fo r a constitutional ba n o n abortion . (When religiou s conservative s wo n hal f o f th e Massachusett s delegat e seats to the GO P nationa l convention , Weld trie d to remove them. Failin g at that , h e mad e sur e tha t th e delegates-at-large , wh o wer e picke d b y hi s country-club an d libertaria n allies , were prochoic e partisans.) 71 Weld an d Wilso n picke d u p importan t suppor t i n Ne w Jersey , Ohio , and Texas . Governo r Christi e Whitma n o f Ne w Jersey , th e heires s wh o had deraile d Ji m Florio' s nationa l politica l ambition s i n 1993 , urged th e GOP t o concentrat e o n ta x cutting . Abortio n rights , lik e affirmativ e ac tion, Whitma n said , mad e goo d publi c policy . Ohio' s GO P leader s con curred. O f th e sixty-seve n GO P conventio n delegate s fro m Ohio , jus t three wante d t o retai n th e abortio n plank . Ohio' s businessmen , wh o ra n the stat e GOP , di d no t car e al l that muc h abou t abortion . Lik e their Ne w Jersey counterparts , the y wante d corporat e ta x cuts . I n Texas , Phi l Gramm an d Governo r Georg e W . Bush , a so n o f th e forme r president , rebuked religiou s conservatives . The y di d no t appreciat e effort s t o den y Senator Ka y Bailey Hutchinson a seat at the Republican Nationa l Conven tion simpl y becaus e sh e supporte d abortion . Senato r Hutchinso n bitterl y complained tha t sh e had bee n victi m o f a "kamikaze missio n [b y a] smal l

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group tha t i s no t i n th e mainstrea m o f th e party. " Sunbel t libertarian s and Souther n Baptist s were o n th e verg e o f parting ways. 72 Dole quickl y backe d awa y fro m hi s libera l Republica n allies , claimin g that h e ha d bee n misunderstood . H e stil l oppose d abortio n bu t though t that th e GO P shoul d welcom e peopl e wit h divers e view s o n th e matte r since i t wa s only a mora l issue . Dol e ha d opene d u p th e proverbia l Pan dora's box . Gingric h imprudentl y endorse d Hutchinso n an d intervene d in a New York congressiona l rac e wher e prolifer s wer e tryin g t o unsea t a prochoice Republican . I n Colorado , moralist s an d GO P businessme n sniped a t on e another . Th e latte r grou p champione d abortio n an d frette d that Pa t Buchana n ha d corrupte d th e party. 73 Ralph Reed , wh o previousl y ha d encourage d overture s t o prochoic e Republicans, no w foun d himsel f th e subjec t o f attac k fro m withi n th e ranks o f the Christia n Coalition . Th e politica l operativ e rapidl y distance d himself fro m Dole , warning tha t socia l conservative s woul d reasses s thei r support o f th e GO P presidentia l nominee . B y the fall , Ree d emphasize d the importanc e o f saving th e Republica n Congress . A s fo r Dole , Ree d predicted tha t Christia n Coalitio n voter s "wil l ac t a s a firewal l tha t wil l prevent wha t i s clearly a poor Republica n presidentia l performanc e fro m turning int o a meltdown." Dole' s problem , Ree d concluded , ha d been hi s unwillingness t o mak e "mora l declin e an d a loss of family value s more o f a centra l theme. " (Ree d possesse d a highl y selectiv e memory . Dole' s stances o n mora l issue s ha d not bee n th e reaso n behin d Reed' s decisio n to bac k him . Reed , som e conservative s fumed , woul d hav e endorse d th e devil if it mean t derailin g Buchanan.) 74 By alienating bot h prolif e an d prochoic e Republicans , Dol e coul d no t take advantag e o f th e fac t tha t Clinto n ha d lef t himsel f vulnerabl e t o attack o n th e abortio n issue . I n th e sprin g o f '96 , Clinto n vetoe d legisla tion tha t banne d partial-birt h abortion . Thi s procedure , usuall y per formed i n th e final week s o f pregnancy, wa s particularly grisly . The abor tionist reache d int o th e womb an d cu t ope n th e head o f the unborn child , using a cathete r t o suc k ou t th e brains . Th e dea d fetu s coul d the n easil y be pulle d throug h th e cervix . Ro n Fitzsimmons , th e hea d o f the Nationa l Coalition o f Abortio n Providers , assure d th e publi c tha t partial-birt h abortion wa s a rare procedur e performe d onl y to sav e the lif e (an d fertil ity) o f th e mother . H e late r admitted , " I lie d throug h m y teeth. " Hal f o f the abortion s performe d i n Cleveland' s clinics , fo r instance , use d thi s procedure. Thes e ha d generall y been electiv e abortions; neither th e healt h

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of th e mothe r no r he r fertilit y wa s a t stake . Partial-birt h abortion s wer e frequently performe d a s a matter o f convenience or , in a number o f cases, to preven t th e birt h o f a handicappe d child . ( A fe w paris h priest s wer e unkind enoug h t o poin t ou t tha t a woman wh o underwen t a partial-birth abortion woul d b e able to resum e sexua l activity much mor e quickl y than was the cas e with a standard abortion.) 75 Prochoice partisan s went al l out t o figh t th e partial-birth abortio n ban . During th e Hous e debate , Representativ e Patrici a Schroede r o f Colorad o brought i n a large colo r photograp h o f a happy famil y that , sh e claimed , would no t hav e bee n s o happ y ha d th e mothe r bee n force d t o carr y a "defective" fetu s t o term . (Schroede r apparentl y neve r sa w the Naz i "hy giene" film s o f th e thirtie s tha t rationalize d state-sponsore d euthanasi a for th e mentall y an d physicall y handicapped. ) Schroede r the n shoute d that prolifer s ha d almos t kille d he r year s before . I t seeme d tha t sh e ha d nearly die d afte r th e difficul t birt h o f he r secon d child . I f partial-birt h abortion ha d bee n a n optio n sh e coul d hav e been spare d he r ordeal . (N o one i n th e medi a sough t ou t th e Schroede r childre n fo r a reaction t o tha t proposition.) Althoug h mos t Hous e an d Senat e Republicans , a s well a s a few Democrats , ignore d Schroeder , Clinto n di d not . H e turne d asid e th e legislation an d Senat e Democrat s subsequentl y sustaine d hi s veto. 76 America's Catholi c hierarch y wa s outraged . A s th e bishop s informe d Clinton: Your action.. . takes ou r natio n t o a critica l turnin g poin t i n it s treatmen t o f helpless huma n being s insid e an d outsid e th e womb . I t move s ou r natio n on e step further towar d acceptance of infanticide. We will... urge Catholics and other people of good will... to do all that they can t o urg e Congres s t o overrid e thi s shamefu l veto . In th e comin g weeks and months . .. eac h of us . .. will do all we can to educate people.77 The bishop s mad e goo d thei r promise , distributin g twenty-seve n mil lion prolif e postcard s a t churches . Priest s aske d parishioner s t o mai l th e cards t o thei r senator s an d representatives . (Souther n Baptist s joine d i n the effort , an d Norm a McCorvey , th e plaintiff i n Roe v. Wade y announce d her conversio n t o the prolife side. ) Despit e their efforts, however , Catholi c clergy failed t o swa y Senate Democrats. Liberals knew that mos t Catholic s would no t vot e agains t the m jus t o n th e issu e o f partial-birt h abortion . As on e Ohi o Catholi c woma n observed , althoug h sh e though t Clinton' s support fo r partial-birt h abortion s wa s horrendous , sh e appreciate d hi s effort t o abolis h welfare . Th e fac t tha t sh e credite d Clinto n fo r "endin g welfare a s w e kno w it, " instea d o f creditin g Congress , spok e volume s

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about Republica n ineptitude . Certainly , Dol e ha d don e hi s caus e littl e good amon g socia l conservatives . Rev . Flip Benha m o f Waco, Texas, who had converte d Norm a McCorve y t o th e prolif e side , contended tha t Dol e was no bette r tha n Clinton : Choosing the lesser of two evils is still choosing evil. Bill Clinton is driving us off the cliff at 100 mph. Bob Dole is driving us off the cliff at 55 mph. , but we're still going off the cliff. The [GOP ] platfor m mean s nothing ; Bo b Dol e ha s sai d tha t ove r an d ove r again. That is a bone the Republican Part y throws out every four years to Christians and says, "Eat this." Bob Dole wants to do everything he can do to dodge the issue (o f abortion). He would sell anything for the presidency. 78 Dole ha d mad e jus t on e smar t mov e a s h e heade d int o th e fal l cam paign. H e name d Jac k Kem p a s hi s vice-presidentia l runnin g mate . (I t was a shotgu n weddin g performe d a t th e insistenc e o f economi c conser vatives. In th e eightie s Dol e had publicl y derided Kemp , claiming that th e well-coifed Buffal o congressma n woul d lov e t o hav e a ta x deductio n fo r hair spray. ) Afte r leavin g the Bus h administration , Kem p had se t up sho p at th e Heritag e Foundation . A s a free-lance politician , Kem p devise d sev eral proposals t o dea l with America' s problems . While his economic idea s were standar d libertaria n fare—en d welfare , cu t taxes , an d enac t mor e free trad e agreement s lik e NAFTA—h e di d hav e somethin g radica l t o offer socia l conservatives . Accordin g t o Kemp , Congres s mus t "suppor t community an d individua l self-determinatio n throug h th e initiativ e an d referendum process. " Kem p though t communitie s shoul d arrang e thei r affairs a s they sa w fi t withou t (on e mus t suppose ) th e interferenc e o f th e ACLU, the NEA , and th e federa l courts : The debat e ove r "communit y standards " i s increasingl y a debat e ove r whethe r communities wil l b e allowe d t o hav e an y standard s a t all . Man y parent s ar e rendered virtuall y powerles s i n th e mora l an d cultura l upbringin g o f their children. It is a frustration tha t has led to a parental rights movement and a thousand school board fights. To empowe r parent s an d communitie s i n thi s struggle , Republican s shoul d support the initiative and referenda movemen t that represents the cutting edge of the effort t o enact conservative reforms suc h as school choice and tax limitation. We should welcome this as an authentic populist innovation. 79 An infectiousl y enthusiasti c campaigner , Kem p worke d Catholi c mil l towns an d blac k neighborhood s lik e a reincarnate d FDR . I n Johnstown , Pennsylvania, Kem p emphasize d hi s suppor t fo r schoo l vouchers . Subse -

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quently, a number o f th e city' s younge r unio n officer s an d Catholi c lait y announced tha t the y woul d vot e fo r th e GO P ticket , largel y becaus e o f Kemp—and i n spit e o f Dole . Earlier , Kem p ha d dragge d a dou r Dol e t o Mass a t St . Joseph's Cathedra l i n Buffalo . The n th e tw o heade d fo r Pitts burgh, wher e Kem p acte d a s the party' s voice o f prolife morality : " I can' t imagine ou r natio n bein g tha t cit y o n a hil l i f w e continu e t o allo w th e partial-birth abortio n traged y t o continu e i n America. " Cuttin g loos e from Dole , Kemp addresse d blac k crowd s i n Harle m an d Chicago . Kemp bewailed th e existence of an "a n urba n inner-cit y economy that tears your guts out. " Seekin g t o sav e th e blac k underclass , h e recommende d th e creation o f tax-fre e enterpris e zone s tha t woul d encourag e employer s t o relocate t o th e ghetto . Underscorin g hi s messag e tha t th e difficultie s o f the blac k underclas s wer e mor e economi c tha n racia l i n nature , Kem p held u p a dollar bill and boomed , "Thi s is the color o f the new civil rights revolution." N o nationa l Republica n candidat e i n th e pas t thre e decade s (or eve n before) ha d gon e to such lengths to extend his hand o f friendshi p to blacks . Kemp , however , di d no t ge t man y black s t o vot e Republican . As Harlem congressma n Charle s Range l asserted , "Jac k i s a very nice gu y in a mean-spirited party." 80 Ultimately, Kem p coul d no t overcom e th e dra g Dol e exerte d o n th e ticket. The n again , give n wha t Clinto n ha d i n hi s electora l arsenal , i t would hav e been difficul t fo r an y Republican t o have won th e presidency . Prior t o the election Clinto n grante d citizenshi p to 1.3 million immigrants . The Justic e Departmen t di d no t hav e tim e t o chec k th e background s o f America's ne w Democratic voter s bu t late r foun d tha t a t leas t 71,00 0 ha d criminal records . Man y wer e no t eve n eligibl e t o becom e U.S . citizens . More importan t t o Clinton' s reelectio n tha n fraudulen t votes , h e ha d money—lots o f it . Th e AFL-CI O spen t $3 5 millio n o n televisio n ad s attacking th e "Dole-Gingrich " ticke t an d th e Republica n Congress . Th e president als o calle d upo n a wide variety of contributors t o fatte n hi s war chest. I n additio n t o Steve n Spielber g and Pamel a Harriman—hi s ambas sador t o France—Clinto n dre w fund s fro m th e Chines e an d Indonesia n governments. Chin a alon e gav e Clinto n ove r $ 3 million, i n th e apparen t expectation tha t th e presiden t woul d overloo k it s human right s violation s and us e o f priso n labo r t o undercu t America n manufacturers . (Labo r leaders just close d thei r eyes. ) Vic e Presiden t Gor e di d hi s part, acceptin g $140,000 fro m a handful o f Buddhis t monk s who , a s cynic s pointe d out , "had take n a vow of poverty." 81 Most voter s wer e indifferen t t o Clinton' s fund-raisin g schemes , al -

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though a fe w though t i t wa s tack y t o sel l overnigh t stay s i n th e Whit e House fo r $50,00 0 an d up . Th e medi a generall y downplaye d Clinton' s ethical lapses . Whe n Paul a Jones , a forme r Arkansa s governmen t em ployee, sue d Clinto n fo r sexua l harassment , journalist s ridicule d he r working-class origin s and hairstyle , while gleefully reportin g White Hous e operatives' descriptio n o f her a s "trailer trash. " (Anit a Hill's feminist sup porters als o attacke d Jones. ) Newsweek's Washingto n Burea u chief , Eva n Thomas, wh o ha d participate d i n th e pilloryin g o f Paul a Jones , subse quently apologize d an d blame d th e medi a fo r coverin g u p Clinton' s sins : About 8 5 percent o f the reporters who cover the White House vote Democratic, they have for a long time. There is a liberal bias, particularly a t the networks, at the lowe r levels , among th e editor s an d th e so-calle d infrastructure . Ther e i s a liberal bias at Newsweek, th e magazine I work for—most o f the people who work at Newsweek liv e o n th e Uppe r Wes t Sid e of New York an d the y have a liberal bias.82 Although ther e wa s littl e goo d anyon e coul d sa y abou t Bo b Dole , th e media mad e n o effor t t o hid e thei r contemp t fo r conservatives . Majo r newspaper an d televisio n reporter s were , a s academi c studie s under scored, "tw o t o three times more liberal than th e general public." (Eighty nine percen t o f Washington' s new s correspondent s vote d fo r Clinto n i n 1992.) O n CNN , Jud y Woodruf f accuse d Gingric h o f "yankin g mone y away from welfar e mother s with smal l children." Apparently, Clinton ha d played n o rol e i n enactin g welfar e reform , eve n though t h e too k credi t for i t o n th e campaig n trail . New York Times columnis t Fran k Rich , wh o had gon e t o Harvar d wit h A l Gore , intone d tha t Dol e wa s a tool o f anti Semites lik e Pa t Robertson . O n Nationa l Publi c Radio , commentator An drei Codresc u ridicule d Christia n traditionalists , concludin g tha t "th e evaporation o f fou r millio n (people ) wh o believ e i n thi s crap would leav e the worl d a bette r place. " (On e ca n imagin e th e medi a outcr y i f Pa t Buchanan ha d calle d fo r th e "evaporation " o f fou r millio n Jew s o r blacks.)83 During th e Republica n convention , th e network s televise d a speech b y Colin Powel l tha t receive d a lukewar m reception . Liberal s claime d tha t conservatives di d no t lik e Powell because h e was black, failin g t o mentio n that h e was also prochoice. Tellingly, only C-Span an d "Th e Family Channel" broadcas t a mor e popula r conventio n addres s b y Oklahom a repre sentative J . C . Watts , a blac k socia l conservativ e an d Bab y Buster . ABC , CBS, an d NB C di d no t sho w Watt s bringin g white delegate s t o thei r feet , nor di d the y mentio n tha t th e Democrat s ha d deploye d racis t tactic s t o

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unseat him . Th e part y o f racia l reconciliatio n ra n televisio n advertise ments showin g th e hig h schoo l photograph s o f Watt s an d hi s whit e op ponent. Watt s ha d a n "Afro" ; th e farm-bo y Democra t cradle d livestoc k in hi s arms . Th e narrato r o f th e advertisemen t aske d whic h o f th e tw o most accuratel y represente d th e value s o f th e white , rura l district . Oklahoma voter s answere d tha t questio n b y reelectin g Watts . (Ohi o Democrats san k lowe r tha n thei r Soone r counterparts . I n thei r effort s t o defeat Representativ e Joh n Kasich , Democrati c operative s informe d vari- r ous medi a outlet s tha t th e chai r o f th e Hous e Budge t Committe e migh t be gay . Kasic h wa s a fre e markete r an d Gratefu l Dea d fan , no t a homo sexual.)84 Just befor e electio n day , th e New York Times an d CB S predicted Clin ton woul d bea t Dol e b y eighteen percentag e points . Moreover, man y media figure s concluded , Republican s migh t los e contro l o f th e House . Re publicans di d surrender a few House seats, but Gingric h kept his majority . The Democrat s ra n thousand s o f televisio n ad s denouncin g "Gingric h & Dole," deploye d "Mediscare " tactic s amon g seniors , an d persuade d sev eral millionaire s t o us e thei r ow n mone y t o ru n fo r office . NARA L an d NOW recite d thei r shopwor n litan y about Republican racism , sexism, and fascism, an d a miffe d Mari o Cuom o calle d Hous e Republican s "rabi d revolutionaries." I t wa s al l fo r naught . O f course , eve n i f th e Democrat s had recapture d Congress , i t wa s questionabl e wha t goo d i t woul d hav e done th e libera l cause . Walte r Minnick , th e Boome r millionair e wh o sought a n Idah o Senat e seat , insiste d tha t althoug h h e ra n o n th e Demo cratic ticket , "I' m no t a Democrat." Havin g worke d fo r th e Nixo n Whit e House, Minnic k wa s no t kidding. 85 Although Clinto n wo n a second term , h e onc e agai n prove d incapabl e of securing a majority. Despit e the predictions o f the media, the presiden t defeated Dol e by eight points—no t eighteen . As in th e '9 2 election, Clin ton's entir e margi n o f victory cam e fro m fre e marketer s who deserte d th e GOP fo r Ros s Perot . (Country-clu b Republican s als o quietl y embrace d Clinton.) Althoug h Clinto n capture d a somewhat large r shar e o f the vot e in 199 6 tha n ha d bee n th e cas e fou r year s before , overal l vote r turnou t had falle n b y 6 percent—meanin g tha t jus t 4 9 percen t o f th e electorat e participated. Clinton' s improve d performanc e wa s chiefl y th e resul t o f lower turnout , no t becaus e h e ha d wo n man y convert s t o hi s cause . In deed, th e Clinto n electora l coalitio n remaine d essentiall y unchanged : blacks, Reform Jews , singles, and senio r citizens . Once again, white south erners, nonunio n workers , families , religiou s traditionalists , an d Bab y

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Busters scorned Clinton . Fortunatel y fo r th e president, though Bab y Busters no w outnumbere d seniors , they were les s likely to vote. 86 At th e stat e an d congressiona l distric t level , larg e number s o f citizen s split thei r ballots , votin g fo r Clinto n an d thei r loca l Republica n office holders. I n California , analyst s conclude d tha t a quarter o f th e electorat e could b e describe d a s socially liberal an d economicall y conservative. Such voters—most o f who m wer e college-educate d an d tie d int o th e post industrial economy—like d Clinto n becaus e o f hi s suppor t fo r abortio n rights an d admire d Gingric h fo r tryin g t o abolis h welfar e an d affirmativ e action. I n Ohio , th e Republican s retaine d contro l o f th e legislatur e an d the state' s congressiona l delegation . Onl y blac k Clevelan d an d it s Jewis h (non-Orthodox) suburb s remaine d solidl y Democratic . Catholi c voter s tended t o divid e thei r loyaltie s betwee n Clinto n an d thei r Republica n representatives. (Catholi c senior s ofte n discounte d wha t th e Clevelan d bishop sai d abou t Clinton' s vet o o f th e partial-birt h abortio n ban . The y were worrie d abou t retainin g thei r federa l entitlements , no t abortion. ) Republicans claime d bot h o f Alabama' s Senat e seat s an d th e governor ship. The GOP als o picked u p it s first Senate seat ever in Clinton' s Arkan sas an d too k contro l o f th e Florid a statehouse . I n Kansas , Sa m Brown back, a stanc h conservativ e an d fo e o f th e welfar e state , assume d Dole' s former Senat e seat . (Brownbac k wa s not Dole' s designate d successor. ) Across the nation , just seventee n Democrati c governor s clun g to office. 87 In th e large r schem e o f things , neithe r Clinto n no r Republican s coul d afford t o be cheerful abou t th e election results . Twenty-one percen t o f the people wh o vote d Democrati c expresse d th e fea r tha t Clinto n an d hi s congressional counterpart s migh t retur n t o thei r libera l ways . I f so , suc h voters woul d exac t thei r reveng e a t a late r date . Clinton , wh o ra n a s a conservative i n '96 , woul d hav e littl e choic e bu t t o gover n a s on e i n hi s second term . (Or , mor e likely , no t gover n a t all , hoping tha t voters , an d the congressiona l investigatin g committee s lookin g into th e sources of his campaign financing, forgo t tha t h e wa s president. ) Republicans , mean while, ha d thei r ow n crosse s t o bear . Buchananite s an d Christia n Coali tion member s di d no t enjo y bein g take n fo r granted . Marti n Mawyer , who ha d criticize d Ralp h Reed' s "pragmatic " suppor t fo r Dol e i n th e GOP primaries , talke d loudl y abou t formin g a thir d part y devote d t o moral issues . ("I don' t thin k peopl e who com e from conviction, " Mawyer asserted afte r th e election , "ca n an y longe r suppor t peopl e o f compro mise, an d I thin k that' s wha t th e Republica n Part y ha s become." ) Othe r religious conservative s recommende d abandonin g th e secula r politica l

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realm altogether , leavin g the GOP to its libertarian an d country-clu b con stituencies.88 Libertarians suc h a s Davi d Fru m wer e n o happie r wit h th e GOP . H e decried a Republican primar y proces s tha t guarantee d th e nominatio n o f "bland candidate s wh o car e muc h mor e abou t buildin g a politica l ma chine tha n the y d o abou t idea s an d principles. " (Actually, Dole' s backer s did hav e a t leas t on e principle : the y di d no t wan t Buchana n winnin g th e nomination.) Instea d o f choosin g a leader wh o woul d attac k entitlemen t spending, Fru m argued , Republican s wer e stuc k wit h "Mr . Dole' s mim icry o f checkboo k liberalism. " Th e libertarian s mad e a vali d poin t bu t ignored politica l realities . S o lon g a s million s o f voter s hel d ou t thei r hands fo r far m subsidie s an d Socia l Security , th e federa l governmen t would continu e t o mortgag e th e nation' s future . A t th e sam e time , Re publican pledge s t o cu t taxes , withou t seriousl y trimmin g federa l spend ing, assured th e continuatio n o f cripplin g deficits. 89 The '9 6 presidentia l electio n prove d a t leas t thre e things . First , Americans were no t prepare d t o mak e har d choices . Voters wanted Democrati c entitlements an d Republica n ta x cuts . Second , a s socia l criti c Amita i Et zioni wrote , tw o distinc t bloc s o f voter s ha d create d a politica l stalemat e in nationa l politics . On e blo c consiste d o f libertarian s an d socia l liberal s who wante d th e freedo m "t o d o thei r ow n thing " regardles s o f th e cos t to society . Th e othe r blo c hope d t o impos e mora l orde r eve n i f mean t limiting individua l freedom . Thes e two group s contained bot h Democrat s and Republicans . Third , Democrati c an d Republica n politician s ha d littl e to offe r th e genera l electorat e bu t insincer e call s fo r mora l renewa l an d free-trade nostrum s lik e NAFTA, in addition t o a little opportunistic racegaming. Give n thi s reality , American s inevitabl y electe d a n ineffectua l president an d a hamstrun g Congress . Th e Roosevel t an d Reaga n "revo lutions" were over . Wha t woul d com e nex t wa s anyone' s guess. 90

Epilogue There I s N o Mone y i n Socia l Conservatis m

In 1995 , Willia m Bennet t criticize d th e executive s o f Time-Warne r fo r producing morall y offensiv e ra p music . Fo r hi s part , conservativ e com mentator Joh n Le o calle d Time-Warne r "ou r leadin g cultura l polluter. " An irat e Geral d Levin , th e chai r o f th e mass-medi a conglomerate , coun tered tha t ra p musi c ha d sociall y redeemin g qualities . Indeed , Levi n said , his son , a New York public-schoo l teacher , use d gangst a ra p musi c i n hi s classes a s a wa y "t o connec t wit h hi s students. " Tw o year s later , on e o f Jonathan Levin' s student s allegedl y robbed an d murdere d him. 1 If Jonatha n Levi n ha d followe d th e exampl e o f hi s upper-clas s peers , he woul d hav e becom e a museu m curator , corporat e lawyer , o r Wal l Street broker . Fe w rich, well-educate d peopl e choos e a career teachin g i n New York' s publi c schools . Ever y day , Levi n passe d throug h a meta l de tector o n hi s wa y t o class . Man y o f hi s student s ha d neve r know n thei r fathers; som e ha d clos e friend s o r famil y member s wh o ha d bee n kille d in drug-relate d shootings . Hi s wa s a fa r cry fro m th e worl d tha t th e executives o f Time-Warne r inhabited . Businessme n coul d usuall y inocu late thei r familie s fro m th e pathologie s o f moder n urba n life . Jonatha n Levin wa s th e exceptio n tha t prove d th e rule . B y becomin g a public school teache r h e ha d place d himsel f a t risk. 2 Record industr y executive s were no t th e onl y people who trie d t o pro tect thei r familie s fro m th e volatil e product s the y sold . Rappe r Notoriou s B. I . G. , afte r passin g a da y singin g abou t dru g dealin g an d murder , returned t o hi s gate d mansion . "I' m no t hip-ho p twenty-fou r hour s a day, and I don't pla y my music in the house," Notorious B . I. G. informe d a New York Times reporte r i n 1995 . "Whe n I a m home , I la y around , 247

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snuggle u p an d pla y games with m y (two-year-old ) daughter. " I n 1997, in rumored retaliatio n fo r th e murde r o f rappe r Tupa c Shakur , Notoriou s B. I . G . wa s gunne d down . Prio r t o hi s ow n deat h i n 1996 , Shaku r ha d gone t o jail fo r sexuall y abusing a woman. 3 Notorious B.I.G/ s murde r notwithstanding , Bil l Clinto n insiste d tha t as th e law-and-orde r presiden t h e ha d helpe d reduc e th e violen t crim e rate. Mos t people , however , di d no t fee l an y safer . Indeed , loca l law enforcement agencie s encourage d citizen s t o protec t themselves . I n To ledo, the local chapter o f the Fraternal Orde r o f Police opposed municipa l gun-control legislation . A s the presiden t o f th e polic e unio n sai d i n 1997, "It's ou r opinio n tha t passag e o f this legislation wil l only serve to provid e the crimina l elemen t wit h a stronge r positio n fo r th e intimidatio n an d victimization o f th e hones t citizens. " Th e undermanne d Toled o Polic e Department counte d o n a well-armed citizenr y to maintai n publi c order. 4 Arming onesel f di d see m t o b e th e mos t effectiv e wa y t o safeguar d home an d family . Althoug h som e lega l initiative s t o comba t crim e wer e passed i n th e nineties—notabl y federa l legislatio n tha t sen t "three-tim e losers" t o jail for life—other s me t wit h resistanc e fro m th e federa l court s and th e ACLU . I n Florida , th e Suprem e Cour t rule d i n 199 7 that th e stat e could no t punis h prisoner s b y denyin g the m th e righ t t o earl y release , particularly if the prisons were overcrowded. Three hundred rapists , muggers, an d killer s immediatel y wen t free . Withi n hour s o f their release , the convicts murdere d tw o peopl e an d committe d numerou s othe r crimes . Meanwhile i n California , civi l libertarian s castigate d th e LAP D fo r dis rupting gan g meetings ; th e ACL U contende d tha t th e Crip s an d Blood s had a constitutional righ t t o assemble . Writing fro m th e American Enter prise Institute , a conservativ e thin k tan k i n Washington , Rober t Bor k concluded tha t libera l judge s an d th e ACL U ha d mad e a mockery o f th e Constitution. Americ a wa s a t th e poin t wher e it s citizen s woul d hav e t o start disobeyin g th e la w i f the y expecte d t o obtai n justice . Th e libera l judiciary, Bor k believed , ha d forfeite d it s mora l authority . (Whe n Marti n Luther King , Jr. , ha d mad e a simila r argumen t i n th e earl y sixties , Bor k skewered him . Thirt y year s late r Bor k seeme d t o b e callin g fo r a new er a of civi l disobedience agains t establishe d lega l authority.) 5 A number o f working-clas s black s an d Hispanic s defende d th e LAPD . Gang member s ha d t o spen d s o muc h tim e eludin g th e polic e tha t the y found i t difficul t t o avai l themselves o f the opportunit y t o dea l drugs an d commit murder . Socia l liberal s di d no t pu t suc h a positiv e spi n o n th e situation. T o Jess e Jackson , speakin g shortl y afte r Clinton' s secon d inau -

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guration, effort s t o dea l wit h crime , quotas , an d welfar e smacke d o f ra cism. Josep h Lower y o f th e Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e was even mor e extrem e i n hi s views than Jackson . When confronte d wit h polling dat a i n 199 7 showin g tha t th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f whit e Americans bor e black s n o il l will an d tha t a soli d majorit y ha d n o prob lem wit h interracia l marriage , Lower y vente d hi s spleen . "We'r e creatin g a fifty-first stat e calle d th e stat e o f denial, " h e fumed . "W e jus t wan t racism t o g o away. " B y Lowery' s logic , white s wh o believe d i n equa l opportunity an d la w an d orde r were , i n reality , irredeemabl e racists . White Americ a woul d alway s be racist , oppressive , an d genocidal . (Som e members o f th e judiciar y agree d wit h tha t assessment . N o soone r ha d California vote d t o en d state-leve l racia l quota s i n 199 6 tha n a federa l judge sough t t o se t asid e th e ballo t initiative . I f you believe d tha t racis m was intractable, i t seemed , the n quota s coul d neve r b e abolished.) 6 Lowery an d Jackso n wer e perfectl y i n tun e wit h America' s civi l right s leadership. I n 1997 , Rev. Henry Lyons , the presiden t o f the Nationa l Bap tist Convention , foun d himsel f embroile d i n controversy . Hi s wife , wh o earlier ha d bee n convicte d o f embezzlin g federa l grant s fro m a n alterna tive schoo l sh e directe d i n Milwaukee , discovere d tha t he r husban d ha d bought a house fo r hi s purported mistress . Angered, Lyons' s wife torche d the house , confesse d t o th e deed , an d the n recanted . Lyons , wh o ha d recently serve d a year o n probatio n fo r federa l ban k fraud , defende d hi s wife an d hi s femal e colleague , whil e justifyin g ownershi p o f a $700,00 0 mansion an d a Rolls-Royce . Althoug h th e new s medi a approache d th e scandal wit h grea t trepidation , Lyon s fel t h e wa s th e victi m o f whit e ra cism. "I' m prou d I'v e enjoye d som e financial success, " Lyon s tol d hi s flock. Then , turnin g t o whit e reporters , th e Baptis t ministe r said , "Wha t are you trying to imply? That blacks in this country cannot be successful? " By cynicall y an d transparentl y stressin g rac e i n a n effor t t o diver t atten tion fro m hi s brazen transgression , Lyon s discredited th e civil rights cause and—like Ji m Bakker before him—tarnishe d th e reputation o f the Christian church . (Thoug h Lyon s an d Bakke r allegedl y had muc h i n common , white reporter s treate d th e tw o quit e differently.) 7 While blac k activist s crie d racism , th e post-industria l econom y contin ued t o bedevi l Americans , eve n th e wealthiest . I n th e summe r o f 1997 , USA Today ra n a stor y o n millionaire s wh o neve r quit e fel t financially secure. (Wit h hundred s o f ne w billionaire s appearin g i n th e nineties , some jus t plai n millionaire s als o experience d feeling s o f inadequacy. ) A s one affluen t lawye r explained , h e woul d b e "mor e pron e t o gift-giving "

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to charitie s an d friend s i f h e onl y mad e mor e money . Eve n then , whe n the wealth y donate d mone y t o charity , the y invariabl y funde d privat e universities an d museums , no t churche s an d publi c schools . I n upper crust Cap e Cod , wealth y retiree s refuse d t o vot e fo r schoo l levies . Consequently, on e elementar y schoo l ha d it s student s manufacturin g boar d games for sal e to the public. School official s state d that there was no othe r way t o purchas e paper , pencils , an d othe r basi c supplies . Sinc e thi s wa s an "educationa l project, " federa l child-labo r law s di d no t appl y t o th e school district. 8 If the notio n o f ten-year-olds workin g fo r penci l mone y seem s to hav e been lifte d fro m a Dicken s novel , ther e wer e stil l othe r dismayin g devel opments t o ponder . Th e Departmen t o f Labor predicte d tha t throug h th e year 2005 just on e in every three college graduates would b e able to obtai n a job requirin g a university education . Two-thirds o f the college-educate d Baby Buster s woul d b e force d t o tak e job s onc e reserve d fo r hig h schoo l graduates. Tha t i n tur n mean t man y hig h schoo l graduate s woul d b e displaced. Wha t woul d happe n t o them ? Th e employmen t horizo n wa s not encouraging . Wit h th e passag e o f welfare refor m i n 1996 , Clinton ha d exhorted businesse s t o hir e poo r people . Unfortunately , man y long-ter m welfare dependent s wer e unemployable, lacking basic discipline and skills. State an d federa l job-trainin g program s ofte n faile d t o imbu e thei r stu dents wit h a sustaine d wor k ethic . No t surprisingly , som e companies , regarding th e glu t o f college-traine d youth s enterin g th e job market , sa w little nee d t o emplo y th e troublesom e underclass . Othe r corporation s an nounced tha t the y were plannin g mor e "downsizing " and , therefore , di d not wan t welfar e mother s o r educate d Bab y Busters. 9 Looking fo r wor k i n th e Sunbel t wa s no t muc h o f a n option . Thousands o f Yankees were moving back North i n the nineties, complaining o f low wages, high livin g costs , and soarin g crime . They also resente d being undercu t i n th e jo b marke t b y chea p immigran t labor . Fo r ever y three Ohioan s wh o move d t o Florid a lookin g fo r wor k i n th e eighties , two ha d returne d t o th e Rustbel t b y th e nineties . Mos t observe d tha t i f they coul d find a jo b i n Toled o a s a too l an d di e maker— even in a nonunion shop —their wage s woul d b e twic e wha t the y coul d ear n i n Florida. Afte r tw o decade s o f economi c growth , th e Sunbel t coul d n o longer absor b Rustbel t refugees , especiall y since Latin American an d Hai tian immigrant s (lega l and otherwise ) worke d fo r s o little money. 10 Economics aside , the cultur e war s showe d littl e sig n o f abating . Proli fers i n 199 7 continue d t o denounc e partial-birt h abortio n an d Planne d

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Parenthood. Supporter s o f Planned Parenthoo d claime d that abortion was just on e mino r optio n presente d t o women . Mos t o f it s resources , Planned Parenthoo d insisted , wen t t o helpin g pregnan t wome n carr y healthy babie s t o term . Abortio n foe s countere d tha t barel y a quarte r o f Planned Parenthood' s clinic s provide d prenata l care . Othe r prolifers , weary o f debate , ha d lon g ag o joine d Operatio n Rescu e o r a predomi nantly Catholi c group , the Lamb s o f Christ . Fathe r Norma n Weslin , wh o roamed th e natio n wit h th e nomadi c Lamb s o f Christ , explaine d t o re porters, "It becam e clea r that w e had t o develo p a seriousness on th e level of Marti n Luthe r Kin g o r Mahatm a Gandhi . W e ha d t o g o insid e th e [abortion] clinic , pu t ou r bac k agains t th e killin g door , an d tel l th e mother tha t 'w e hav e a plac e wher e yo u ca n stay , w e ca n tak e car e o f anything yo u need . Jus t don' t kil l you r baby. ' " Sinc e th e lega l syste m sanctioned abortion , growin g number s o f prolifers fel t morall y compelle d to wor k outsid e th e law , t o th e poin t o f disruptin g th e operatio n o f Planned Parenthoo d clinics. 11 In th e meantime , Clinton' s c< gay-bashing" durin g th e '9 6 electio n rap idly recede d fro m memory . Indeed , th e presiden t pushe d fo r legislatio n to protec t gay s fro m discriminatio n i n th e federa l wor k force . Clinto n received littl e help from fello w Democrats . For al l of their professed fond ness fo r gays , congressiona l liberal s wer e no t abou t t o ris k preciou s po litical capita l o n lifestyl e issues . Gay s woul d hav e t o wai t fo r th e Demo crats t o recaptur e Congress. 12 Casting abou t fo r a politicall y saf e issue , Hous e minorit y leade r Rich ard Gephard t warne d senior s tha t Republican s wante d t o slas h Socia l Security an d Medicar e spending . Wit h hi s ow n ey e o n th e presidentia l primaries i n 2000, Gephardt condemne d Clinto n an d Vice President Gor e for conspirin g wit h New t Gingric h t o assaul t th e elderly . (Th e Missour i Democrat ha d t o b e hopin g tha t voter s forgo t how—i n th e searc h fo r liberal campaig n contributions—h e ha d radicall y modifie d hi s conserva tive views on abortion , ta x hikes, and ga y rights during the '8 8 primaries.) Other Hous e liberal s stoo d behin d Gephardt , fearfu l tha t th e Clinton Gore compromise s o n entitlemen t fundin g woul d undermin e thei r effort s to take back Congress . In truth , Clinto n an d Gingric h recommende d onl y a smal l slowdown i n federa l spending . Gephardt kne w that whatever bud get cut s wer e ultimatel y pu t i n plac e woul d amoun t t o ver y little . How ever, th e Democrats , having previously endorse d NAFT A and raise d taxe s on th e working and middle classes , had n o other economi c issue to deplo y against th e GOP . "Mediscare " would remai n a Democratic campaig n sta -

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pie unti l th e las t o f th e Worl d Wa r I I generatio n passe d fro m th e scen e and th e first wav e o f Boomer s mad e Socia l Securit y financially insolven t and politicall y untenable. 13 Dissension withi n Democrati c rank s wa s full y matche d o n th e othe r side o f th e Hous e an d Senat e aisles . Bot h Gingric h an d Senat e majorit y leader Tren t Lot t o f Mississipp i cam e unde r attac k i n 199 7 by economi c and socia l conservatives . Fre e marketer s though t th e GOP' s congressiona l leaders ha d mad e themselve s junio r partner s o f th e Clinto n administra tion. Libertarian s lik e Phi l Gram m expecte d th e GO P t o slas h federa l entitlements an d giv e ta x break s t o deservin g corporations . Talk-radi o host Michae l Reagan , "th e Gipper's " Boomer son , announced tha t he was leaving th e Republica n Party . Dismaye d b y the apparen t unwillingnes s o f Gingrich t o abolis h th e Educatio n Departmen t an d "business-welfare " programs lik e the Oversea s Privat e Investmen t Corporatio n tha t gav e federal subsidie s t o America n exporters , Reaga n contende d tha t "today' s Republicans see m conten t simpl y t o slo w creepin g socialis m rathe r tha n reverse it." 14 In 1997, Republican senato r Sa m Brownback o f Kansas and Democrati c senator Josep h Lieberma n o f Connecticut—a n Orthodo x Je w wh o wa s not a t home i n his own party—propose d legislatio n t o restore "the famil y hour" o n networ k television . Lot t cu t a dea l wit h medi a executives . I n exchange fo r a pledg e fro m th e network s tha t the y woul d tel l viewer s which show s containe d profanity , sex , an d violence , Lot t promise d exec utives tha t Congres s woul d no t regulat e th e conten t an d timin g o f thei r broadcasts. Th e fre e market , wit h th e hel p o f th e Republica n leadership , triumphed ye t again . Mora l traditionalist s were aghast. 15 Social conservatives , includin g Gar y Baue r o f th e Famil y Researc h Council, foun d othe r reason s t o faul t th e GOP' s powe r brokers . The y were appalle d whe n Gingric h an d Lot t secure d specia l tradin g privilege s with China . Baue r insiste d tha t "huma n rights " must b e "a t th e cente r o f our relationship " wit h Chin a an d othe r nations . Soundin g lik e Jimm y Carter o n hi s better days , Bauer believe d tha t moralit y an d foreig n polic y had t o g o han d i n hand . A countr y tha t use d slav e labo r fro m it s bur geoning populatio n o f politica l prisoner s ha d n o busines s tradin g wit h the United States . The Christian Broadcastin g Network agreed, developing searing storie s o n ho w Chines e corporation s flooded Americ a wit h slave made goods—destroyin g U.S . jobs i n th e process. 16 The Presidents 5 Summi t fo r America' s Future , held i n Philadelphia an d endorsed b y Geral d Ford , Jimm y Carter , an d Coli n Powell , amon g othe r

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notables, sparke d a rhetorica l civi l wa r withi n conservativ e ranks . Talk radio personalit y Rus h Limbaug h calle d thi s effor t t o promot e volunta rism "anti-American. " Limbaug h i s a firm believe r i n libertaria n individ ualism. Th e fre e marke t too k car e o f al l communit y needs . Disgusted , conservative activis t Ariann a Huffington , a wealthy Gree k immigran t an d an organize r o f th e summit , countere d tha t Limbaug h wa s " a morall y impoverished ignoramu s wh o i s increasingl y becomin g a livin g warnin g to youn g kid s o f the peril s of droppin g ou t o f college." 17 As th e Presidents ' Summi t rivete d th e attentio n o f th e media—an d then wa s quickl y forgotten—libertarian s an d socia l conservative s drifte d further apart . N o longe r runnin g th e day-to-da y operation s o f National Review, Willia m F . Buckle y ha d tim e t o reasses s hi s ow n libertaria n an d religious ideals . Ultimately , Buckle y admitted , h e ma y hav e bee n to o strong a champion o f the fre e market . Unbridle d capitalis m ofte n under mined communitie s an d families . Ther e was , i n th e final analysis , mor e to lif e "tha n merel y payin g taxes , buyin g an d sellin g i n th e marketplace , and votin g (occasionally , i f a t all). " Drawin g upo n Catholi c socia l thought, Buckle y endorse d a t leas t on e Ne w Deal-er a program : th e G I Bill of Rights, which had "enriche d Americ a mor e than i t cost the govern ment." H e hope d Congres s woul d rewar d citizen s wh o volunteere d serv ice t o charities , hospitals , an d churches . Thos e wh o serve d thei r countr y merited fund s t o pa y fo r colleg e tuitio n o r fo r th e dow n paymen t o n a home.18 Expressing dismay with radica l libertarians an d do-your-own-thing liberals, Buckle y lamented th e "growin g nationa l tendenc y to corruption , o r hedonism; a n insensitivit y t o suffering ; a callousnes s tha t breed s uglines s of behavior. " Th e federa l governmen t could , an d should , Buckle y con cluded, promot e "th e cultivatio n o f virtue" throug h voluntary , no t man datory, communit y service . Fa r fro m rallyin g th e GOP , however, Buckle y became a n oddit y t o b e trotte d ou t a t conservativ e functions—n o longe r a politica l thinke r t o b e take n seriously . I n truth , Buckley' s thought s o n duty, service , an d virtu e seeme d irrelevan t t o th e Boome r elite s o f bot h parties. A socia l conservatis m tha t containe d withi n i t a critiqu e o f th e free marke t migh t pla y wel l wit h populist s bu t di d no t war m th e heart s of businessmen an d think-tan k intellectuals. 19 Libertarian write r Davi d Fru m allowe d tha t "socia l conservatis m i s potentially mor e popula r tha n economi c conservatism" ; however , i f "severed fro m economi c conservatism , socia l conservatis m to o easil y degen erates int o mer e posturing. " A s libertarians ha d bee n arguin g fo r th e pas t

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twenty years , cuttin g taxe s an d reducin g th e siz e o f Bi g Governmen t would cur e America' s ills . (Th e cause s o f socia l liberalis m fe d of f Wash ington. Starv e th e latte r yo u kil l th e former. ) Rober t Bork , himsel f n o friend o f Bi g Government , conclude d tha t th e libertarian s lacke d suffi cient mora l sense . Liberatin g th e fre e marke t fro m federa l regulatio n would no t brin g abou t a moral restoratio n i n America . Fa r fro m it . Bor k argued: Free market economist s ar e particularly vulnerable to the libertarian virus. They know that free economic exchanges usually benefit both parties to them. But they mistake tha t genera l rul e fo r a universa l rule . Benefit s d o no t invariabl y resul t from fre e marke t exchanges . When i t come s to pornography o r addictive drugs, libertarians al l to o ofte n confus e th e ide a tha t market s shoul d b e fre e wit h th e idea tha t everythin g shoul d b e availabl e o n th e market . Th e firs t o f those idea s rests on the efficiency o f the free marke t i n satisfying wants . The second ignores the question of which wants it is moral to satisfy. That is a question of an entirely different nature . I have heard economist say that, as economists, they do not deal with questions of morality. Quite right. But nobody is just an economist. Economists are also fathers o r mothers, husbands or wives, voters, citizens, members of communities. In these latter roles, they cannot avoid questions of morality. 20 ••

•

Bork's distast e fo r th e mor e extrem e manifestation s o f libertarianism un derscored jus t ho w fracture d th e onc e formidabl e Reaga n coalitio n ha d become b y th e nineties . Ther e wa s n o en d o f explanation s fo r wh y thi s occurred. Arguably , the Col d War provide d som e o f the essential ideological glu e tha t brough t togethe r anti-Communis t fundamentalists , work ing-class ethnics , businessmen , an d fre e marketers . Ronal d Reaga n wo n two term s i n offic e b y playin g patrioti c tune s an d restorin g nationa l mo rale i n th e wak e o f th e Vietna m Wa r an d th e Irania n hostag e crisis . Reagan, however , wa s s o successfu l i n vanquishin g th e Sovie t Empir e an d making American s stan d (sor t of ) tal l agai n i n th e world , tha t h e elimi nated foreig n polic y concern s fro m th e domesti c politica l mix . Conse quently, Georg e Bus h di d no t gai n an y mileag e fro m th e collaps e o f th e Soviet Unio n an d America' s victor y in th e Persia n Gul f War . As America enter s th e twenty-firs t century , i t i s obvious tha t th e bul k of th e electorate , i n contras t t o th e dedicate d member s o f th e Lef t an d Right, ha s largely lost interes t i n what happen s overseas . So long as America doe s no t becom e involve d i n a losin g war , foreig n polic y matter s d o not influenc e interna l politics . Foreign policy issues might shap e domesti c politics, of course, if they were framed i n terms of job-destroying imports ,

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overseas relocation o f American companies , and Third World immigrant s who driv e U.S . wage s down . Democrati c an d Republica n elites ar e no t about t o addres s an y o f thos e concern s les t the y arous e thei r respectiv e free-market an d "multicultural , rainbo w coalition' ' constituencies . The Worl d Wa r I I generation , whic h condemne d th e antiwa r activis m of Boome r student s i n th e sixties , grew less and les s concerned abou t th e whole matte r o f military service and patriotism . B y the '9 2 election, Social Security and Medicar e counte d fo r mor e tha n whethe r o r not Bil l Clinton had dodge d th e Vietna m draft . Thi s situatio n wa s no t to o surprising . David Stockma n an d th e fre e marketer s ha d s o ineptl y attempte d t o dis mantle Socia l Securit y i n th e earl y eighties tha t the y left th e GO P vulner able t o Democrati c "Mediscare " tactics . I n an y event , ho w coul d senior s condemn socia l liberal s fo r duckin g th e Vietna m Wa r whe n s o man y libertarians an d upper-crus t Republican s ha d don e exactl y th e sam e thing? Reagan' s Boome r heir s were no t credibl e patriots—let alon e trust worthy friend s o f senior entitlements . Conservatives ha d mor e tha n anti-Communis m upo n whic h t o buil d an electora l majority . The y identifie d anothe r enem y tha t i n man y way s was jus t a s menacin g a s th e Sovie t Empire : Bi g Government . Ye t onc e they were in the White House , neither Nixo n no r Reaga n seeme d to kno w wThat t o d o abou t th e bureaucrati c beast . Nixo n ma y hav e raile d agains t the risin g federa l ta x burden , libera l civi l servants , intrusiv e governmen t programs, an d welfar e cheats , but h e quickl y ra n u p th e whit e flag. Enti tlement spendin g i n th e earl y seventie s ros e an d th e federa l governmen t built a n affirmativ e actio n bureaucracy . Th e situatio n wa s littl e differen t in th e Reaga n years. GOP strategist s ha d hope d tha t a n anti-ta x crusad e coul d unit e socia l conservatives an d fre e marketers . That was the expectation o f the Heritage Foundation i n th e seventie s an d remaine d centra l t o th e conservativ e credo through New t Gingrich' s "Contract wit h America." But even befor e Reagan complete d hi s first term , mora l traditionalist s grouse d tha t thei r issues neve r too k fron t seat . A s Ca l Thoma s o f th e Mora l Majorit y ha d observed, cuttin g taxe s di d no t sto p abortion . Yes , the sam e Bi g Govern ment tha t strangle d businesse s wit h hirin g quota s an d payrol l taxe s als o attacked privat e religiou s academie s i n th e nam e o f civi l right s enforce ment. I n the larger scheme of things, however, free marketer s would neve r really embrace religious conservatives. After all , if one believed in the right to d o what yo u pleas e with your ow n business , then wh y shoul d ther e b e governmental restriction s o n wha t too k plac e i n you r ow n home ? Socia l

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conservatives answere d tha t mora l limit s shoul d b e impose d i n th e mar ketplace an d th e bedroom . Meanwhile , Ralp h Ree d insiste d tha t mora l ends coul d b e advance d throug h libertaria n means . As the decad e o f th e nineties cam e t o a close , fe w religiou s conservative s believe d tha t t o b e true. When socia l liberal s frame d abortio n i n term s o f fre e choice , man y Republicans parte d way s wit h fundamentalists , Pentecostals , an d Catho lics. Eve n amon g whit e ethnics , though , th e prolif e movement—whic h had bee n a n unmistakabl y Catholi c caus e i n th e seventies—encountere d difficulties. Economi c issue s frequentl y drov e Catholi c votin g pattern s more tha n mora l matter s lik e abortion . Catholics , a s GO P operativ e Le e Atwater lamented , wer e incurabl e Ne w Dea l Democrat s wh o distruste d corporate executive s an d Iv y Leagu e loung e lizards . Moreover , th e GO P itself di d no t hav e a clea r prolif e policy . Fo r th e pas t tw o decade s socia l conservatives ha d writte n th e party' s platfor m bu t neve r receive d mor e than rhetorica l suppor t fro m Reaga n an d Bush . B y 1996 , Dol e wa s no t even prepare d t o conced e tha t muc h t o prolifers . Frustratio n wit h a judicial syste m tha t seemingl y condemne d innocen t "unbor n children " t o death bu t protecte d th e civi l libertie s o f criminal s ha s le d man y conser vative activists to advocat e takin g th e law into thei r own s hands . Religious conservative s hav e foun d themselve s i n a quandary . Liberal legislative an d judicia l activis m ha s mad e the m leer y o f governmen t power. Traditionalist s hav e als o see n ho w secula r politic s seemingl y tri umphed ove r th e spiritua l missio n o f libera l Protestan t denomination s and Refor m Judaism . Reaga n playe d t o socia l conservatives ' fea r o f Bi g Government coercio n an d argue d tha t religiou s traditionalists had to mobilize politicall y t o defen d thei r values . Mobilization i s one thing , execut ing polic y quit e another . Libertarian s an d country-clu b Republican s wanted Souther n Baptis t an d Pentecosta l vote s bu t no t thei r issues . Symbolism wa s preferable t o action . B y the logic of their circumstance , mem bers o f th e Mora l Majorit y an d th e Christia n Coalitio n ha d t o condem n liberal activis m an d th e politicizatio n o f Christianity , whil e linin g u p a t the ballot bo x t o deman d federa l an d loca l regulatio n o f morals . To thei r credit, moralist s lik e Cal Thomas were not entirel y comfortable wit h thei r political role s and neve r abandone d thei r embrac e o f a Christian counter culture separate d fro m secula r society . Reagan Democrat s an d conservativ e populist s lik e Pau l Weyric h an d Pat Buchana n believe d tha t governmen t coul d d o a fe w goo d things . While welfar e an d quota s wer e t o b e dispense d with , th e ne w post -

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industrial orde r seeme d t o deman d som e federa l actio n t o hel p belea guered workin g an d middle-clas s Americans . Sinc e McGovern' s captur e of th e Democrati c presidentia l nominatio n i n 1972 , liberals hav e elevate d the cultura l agend a abov e th e clas s issues that mad e th e New Deal major ity possible . (Liberal s als o dispense d wit h th e distinctio n betwee n th e deserving an d undeservin g poo r whe n i t cam e t o socia l welfar e policies. ) Carter trie d t o revers e cours e i n 1976 , but faile d t o brin g socia l liberals , the Democrati c Party' s mos t importan t votin g bloc , int o line . Clinton' s corporate backin g an d championshi p o f NAFT A serve d final notic e tha t working peopl e coul d expec t littl e fro m free-marke t Democrats—o r Re publicans fo r tha t matter . Wh o speak s for th e strugglin g American famil y threatened b y chea p oversea s labor , declinin g incomes , an d burdensom e payroll taxes ? No t Clinton , no t Gingrich , an d no t th e public-secto r un ions. Pat Buchana n coul d hardly resist steppin g into this political vacuum. American economi c angs t i s understandable. Despit e grea t gain s in th e quality o f American-mad e good s sinc e th e seventies , man y highl y profit able corporation s ar e no t abou t t o permi t thei r employee s t o shar e i n their success . N o matte r ho w man y blue - an d white-colla r worker s hav e been "downsized, " replace d b y machines, o r turne d int o temporary , low paid employee s i n th e pas t twent y years , stoc k investor s continu e t o de mand greate r profi t margins . I n 1997 , a marke t analys t observe d tha t i n the eightie s corporation s worrie d abou t th e ba d publicit y tha t cam e wit h every layoff. B y the late nineties, however, the consultant concluded , com panies n o longe r care d wha t th e genera l publi c though t sinc e the y "hav e gotten use d to " generatin g ba d feelings . At the sam e time, employees ha d come t o regar d themselve s a s expendable . Tha t di d no t mean , though , that worker s were happ y abou t thei r situation. 21 In a n econom y o f temp s an d depresse d wages , youn g mother s ha d little choic e bu t t o ente r th e labo r market . Th e absenc e o f bot h parent s from th e home helpe d rais e rates of juvenile delinquency and illegitimacy . Families als o suffere d a s payroll taxe s rose to ensur e hig h livin g standard s for seniors . The resultin g "famil y gap " in voting patterns between parent s and thos e without childre n wa s a reflection o f both moralit y and econom ics. Young familie s an d senior s increasingl y square d of f ove r entitlement s and publi c schoo l levies, while parents deplore d wha t the y saw as a profit driven effor t t o sel l product s wit h rivetin g image s o f se x an d violence . However, th e "famil y gap " di d no t prov e decisiv e i n th e outcom e o f national election s i n th e eightie s an d ninetie s fo r a t leas t tw o reasons . First, familie s represente d a minorit y o f th e electorate . Mos t American s

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were eithe r singl e o r "empty-nest " Boomer s an d seniors . Second , th e economy, whil e hurtin g man y families , helpe d others . Th e "clas s gap " between economicall y insecure couples with low-wage jobs and those who had well-pai d career s limited th e electora l impac t o f the "famil y gap. " The "clas s gap " als o partl y explaine d wh y th e econom y o f 199 2 sun k Bush's presidenc y whil e th e econom y o f 199 6 helped Clinton' s reelectio n campaign. I n 199 2 working- an d upper-middle-clas s voter s felt threatene d by unemploymen t an d corporat e restructuring . Fou r year s later , a s th e wealth o f th e to p 2 0 percen t o f th e populatio n ros e faste r tha n i t ha d i n the Reaga n eighties , white-colla r voter s believe d tha t th e wors t wa s ove r and tha t the y wer e immun e fro m futur e economi c dislocation . (Simila r conditions, perceptions, an d sentiment s wer e a t work i n the '8 4 presidential election. ) Besides , a s historia n Christophe r Lasc h ha d observed , i n a new ag e o f mobil e capita l an d th e Internet , "knowledg e workers " coul d find incom e elsewhere . The y wer e no t tie d t o a particular local e o r eve n a nation , unlik e manufacturin g an d servic e workers. Paradoxically, whil e conservativ e congregation s gre w an d mora l tradi tionalists loome d eve r large r a t th e polls , their relativ e politica l powe r i n the inne r circle s o f th e GO P remaine d limite d throughou t th e eightie s and nineties . A t th e sam e time , socia l liberalis m los t a t th e polls , an d those religiou s denomination s mos t attune d t o th e ne w liberationis t ethos—the Episcopa l Churc h an d Refor m Judaism , fo r instance—sa w their rank s decline . Ye t th e Democrati c Part y continue d t o b e largel y responsive t o th e politica l agend a o f th e Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Women an d th e Nationa l Abortio n Right s Actio n League . Socia l conser vatives ar e a constituenc y t o whic h GO P regular s pa y li p servic e bu t d o not allo w to shap e actua l policy. In contrast , socia l liberals do not hav e to pound a t th e doo r t o b e le t in . Rather , the y ar e i n a positio n t o kee p conservative dissenter s i n th e Democrati c Part y out. This fact o f life help s explain wh y Clinto n i s pron e t o attackin g hi s allie s publicl y an d then , when th e medi a hav e lost interest , return s t o th e liberal fold . The secula r medi a hav e prove n t o b e implacabl y hostil e towar d socia l conservatives an d eve n the GOP candidates who have given only rhetorical support t o th e Mora l Majorit y an d th e Christia n Coalition . Thi s i s no t surprising, give n tha t nin e o f ten elit e journalists voted fo r Clinton . Sinc e at leas t th e 198 0 electio n ther e hav e bee n numerou s instance s i n whic h media personalitie s distorte d events , mercilessl y ridicule d religiou s con servatives, an d displaye d a clas s snobber y worth y o f a Bosto n Brahmin . In response, conservatives have cultivated thei r own media, from religiou s

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broadcasting network s suc h a s Robertson' s CBN , t o th e libertarian minded American Spectator. With th e proliferatio n o f cabl e channel s an d narrowly targete d magazine s i n th e eighties , American s hav e segregate d themselves int o small , mutuall y suspiciou s tribes . Liberal s ar e fon d o f complaining abou t Rus h Limbaugh , bu t wher e i s the objectiv e alternativ e to b e foun d i n th e nationa l media ? Wha t American s get ar e characteriza tions o f religiou s traditionalist s a s small-minde d anti-Semiti c bigot s wh o wear "Charlie' s Angels' " hairdo s an d woul d lik e nothin g bette r tha n t o burn dow n blac k churches . Whe n blac k Pentecostal s an d Orthodo x Jew s campaigned fo r Robertso n i n th e 198 8 GOP primaries , the y were usuall y ignored b y the media . Reporters, as is true wit h liberal activist s an d member s o f the Religiou s Left, hav e their ow n definitio n o f what constitute s correct moral behavior. In 1972 , religiou s liberal s trie d t o direc t th e mora l debat e awa y fro m abortion, crime , an d pornograph y an d towar d issue s lik e th e Vietna m War, poverty , an d discrimination . B y thei r standards , McGover n wa s more mora l tha n Nixon . Whe n Geraldin e Ferrar o denounce d Reaga n a s a proponen t o f immora l policie s i n 1984 , sh e wa s simpl y replayin g th e McGovern gambi t while , of course, hoping t o direc t attentio n awa y fro m her ow n views on abortio n an d persona l busines s dealings . By the lat e eightie s socia l liberal s pushe d fo r a tota l divorc e o f publi c and privat e morality . Tedd y Kennedy , Gar y Hart , an d Bil l Clinto n ma y have "brough t pain " t o thei r marriages , but whateve r the y di d i n privat e did no t reflec t o n wha t the y woul d d o a s president . Fo r folk s wh o ha d argued i n th e sixtie s that "th e persona l i s political," this tack was peculiar to sa y th e least . I t i s no t logicall y possibl e t o politiciz e sexua l behavio r without als o acknowledgin g tha t peopl e wh o li e t o thei r spouse s o r us e others fo r immediat e physica l gratificatio n migh t exhibi t th e sam e kin d of selfish, deceptiv e tendencie s a s national leaders . If socia l liberal s an d th e medi a defin e moralit y differentl y tha n d o religious conservatives , the y als o ar e quit e clea r a s t o wha t constitute s acceptable politica l behavio r amon g churc h groups . Sinc e th e Souther n Christian Leadershi p Conferenc e champion s civi l rights , ther e i s nothin g wrong with blac k minister s mobilizin g thei r congregation s t o vote agains t Republicans. Th e Christia n Coalition , an d befor e i t th e Mora l Majority , in contrast , mus t no t exhor t congregation s t o vot e agains t Democrats . Black Christian s ar e good , whit e Christians—unles s the y ar e prochoic e Episcopalians—are evil . A s tax-exemp t religiou s organizations , neithe r the SCL C no r th e Christia n Coalitio n ma y engag e i n politica l advocacy .

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Both are , for ta x purposes, "educationa l organizations. " This is nonsense, of course , bu t i t woul d b e nic e i f th e secula r medi a an d th e Clinto n administration, whic h ha s encourage d th e IR S t o g o afte r th e Christia n Coalition, would com e dow n a s hard o n black liberals as they do on whit e conservatives. B y refusing t o d o so , social liberals onl y succeed i n poison ing rac e relation s an d makin g a mockery o f America's governmenta l an d judicial institutions . (O f course , whe n Pa t Robertso n openl y boasts—a s he di d i n 1997—tha t th e Christia n Coalitio n intend s t o elec t th e nex t president, h e shoul d no t b e surprise d tha t h e attract s unwante d atten tion.) As events o f th e recen t pas t clearl y demonstrate , rac e relation s ar e no t something requirin g an y furthe r poisoning . Sinc e th e sixties , th e blac k middle clas s ha s don e well , if not eve n bette r tha n whites . Still, the prob lems o f th e blac k underclas s loo m large , an d liberal s an d conservative s have offere d thei r ow n conflictin g prescription s t o dea l wit h inner-cit y crime, drug abuse , poverty, an d illegitimacy . I f the implosion o f the Grea t Society prove d anything , povert y an d anti-socia l behavio r ar e no t simpl y caused b y the lac k o f jobs. Mora l responsibilit y an d persona l behavior , a s Robertson an d blac k Representativ e Joh n Lewi s agree , weig h i n heavil y when i t come s t o perpetuatin g live s o f miser y an d violence . S o too, poo r blacks hav e th e righ t t o polic e protectio n fro m crimina l gangs . The ham stringing o f la w enforcemen t agencie s an d communitie s b y th e ACL U must com e t o a n end . A t th e sam e tim e neighborhoo d group s an d mu nicipal official s mus t scree n polic e officer s closel y t o ensur e tha t the y d o not intentionall y provok e racia l disorder . A n environmen t o f trus t be tween police departments an d th e people being served has to be cultivate d through stric t an d fai r enforcemen t o f the law . Sadly, civi l right s activist s continu e t o flail a t whit e racism , becomin g in th e proces s mirro r image s o f thei r conservativ e enemies . Th e caus e o f honest politica l debat e i s no t advance d when , a s i n 1980 , th e civi l right s establishment warne d black s tha t Reaga n woul d brin g bac k segregation , deny the m th e vote , an d tel l redneck s tha t i t "woul d b e al l righ t t o kil l niggers." I t i s equally insultin g t o religiou s conservative s whe n civi l rights leaders reject assistanc e from Promis e Keepers and the Christian Coalitio n to hel p rebuil d burned-ou t souther n blac k churche s o n th e ground s tha t such organization s ar e "Trojan horses " for th e Ku Klux Klan. In the same vein, black s wh o hav e opene d line s o f communication s wit h whit e socia l conservatives ar e dismisse d a s "Uncl e Toms. " A s lon g a s liberal s cal l everyone who displease s them racist s or anti-Semites—wit h th e hypocrit -

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ical exceptio n o f Jess e Jackso n an d Loui s Farrakhan—ther e ca n b e n o hope fo r th e improvemen t o f relation s amon g blacks , Jews , an d whit e Christians. S o too , ever y politicall y motivate d charg e o f racis m an d anti Semitism onl y deadens a n increasingl y cynica l publi c t o the evils of actual discrimination. White conservatives , o f course , hav e thei r failing s whe n i t come s t o race. Th e civi l right s leadershi p i s abl e t o kee p th e majorit y o f black s i n the Democrati c Part y fo r a numbe r o f reasons . I n th e debat e ove r affir mative action , fo r instance , black conservative s lik e Clarence Thomas an d sympathetic white s lik e William Bennet t prefe r t o credi t minorit y succes s to individua l initiativ e an d merit , no t quotas . Les s kind , Senato r Phi l Gramm i s won t t o sa y tha t th e blac k middl e clas s an d underclas s ar e equally dependen t upo n governmen t preference s an d financial assistance . By implication , black s ar e to o laz y t o study , wor k hard , an d ear n thei r professional status ; they like living o n "welfare. " Libertarian s woul d den y that i s th e messag e the y inten d t o conve y whe n the y attac k affirmativ e action, bu t tha t i s what black s hear . (I t doe s no t hel p matter s an y that i n unguarded moment s a fe w liberal s expres s th e sam e implici t rational e i n defense o f affirmativ e action . Whe n th e presiden t o f Rutger s claim s tha t black student s d o no t hav e the innat e intelligenc e to compete with whites, you kno w tha t moder n liberalis m ha s reache d a n impasse. ) Civil right s leader s race-bai t Republican s becaus e the y kno w tha t th e majority o f black s ar e socia l conservatives . Th e Democrati c Party' s hol d on th e black vote i s partly maintaine d b y stirring u p fea r o f white people . (Of course , i t i s possibl e t o wor k bot h side s o f th e street . In th e '9 2 presidential electio n Clinto n playe d t o th e prejudices o f some white Dem ocrats whil e winkin g a t th e civi l right s leadership. ) Racia l appeal s an d kinship, no t mora l issues , continu e t o shap e blac k votin g behavior . Re publicans hav e misse d thei r opportunit y t o rectif y thi s situatio n fo r rea sons fa r beyon d th e issu e o f quotas . Th e GOP' s indifferenc e t o th e Rust belt citie s generate s blac k suspicio n abou t conservative-whit e priorities . Urban deca y i s a problem tie d t o th e self-destructiv e behavio r o f individ ual member s o f th e underclass . However , explanation s fo r th e ris e o f inner-city poverty , crime , an d anti-socia l behavio r mus t als o accoun t fo r the disappearanc e o f entry-leve l manufacturin g jobs . McDonald's teache s discipline bu t doe s no t pa y wel l enoug h t o suppor t a family . A "Mcjob " should b e a beginning, no t a n ending , poin t o n th e employmen t ladder . The GOP , responsiv e t o it s suburba n an d free-marke t constituencies , has abandone d post-industria l cities , turning the m int o what conservativ e

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commentator Charle s Murra y rightl y calle d "reservations " fo r th e poor . Social pathologies canno t b e confine d t o urba n reservations . If only in th e interest o f self-preservation , Democrati c an d Republica n suburbanite s must offe r cities somethin g othe r tha n casinos , gentrifie d urba n enclave s for Yuppi e knowledg e workers , hirin g quota s a t cit y universities , an d football stadiums . The urba n poo r nee d jobs an d spiritua l uplift . No t on e or th e other , bu t both . Fo r thos e who hav e no desir e to acquir e job skills, learn self-discipline , an d fin d legitimat e employment , ther e ca n b e bu t one destiny : incarceration . Republicans wh o complai n tha t black s loo k upo n Bi g Governmen t a s a belove d frien d woul d d o wel l t o loo k mor e criticall y a t thei r ow n con stituencies. Tobacc o an d whea t farmer s certainl y receiv e thei r shar e o f federal subsidies , a s do corporation s lobbyin g Congres s fo r lowerin g capital gain s ta x rates . Moreover , black s (an d Ne w Deal-minde d Reaga n Democrats a s well) migh t regar d th e GO P mor e favorabl y i f Republican s offered policie s t o dea l with urba n decay . Further , fre e marketer s nee d t o make distinction s betwee n blue-collar labo r union s and middle-class public-employee organization s tha t see k t o advanc e th e agend a o f socia l lib eralism. Workers in the private sector have the right to bargain collectivel y and protec t themselve s fro m unfai r treatment . (Unio n members , o f course, should als o have the right to protect themselve s from thei r leaders. A unio n tha t collaborate s i n th e creatio n o f discriminator y wag e scale s that benefi t Boomer s a t th e expens e o f Bab y Buster s ha s n o mora l legiti macy.) Ther e ar e some aspect s of the New Deal order well worth keeping , just a s th e Grea t Societ y di d a fe w thing s righ t whe n Presiden t Johnso n advanced th e caus e o f equa l opportunit y fo r blacks . Conservative s mus t make i t abundantl y clea r (a s d o Bennet t an d Kemp ) tha t the y oppos e quotas, not racia l equality . Republican leaders , thoug h give n t o deridin g socia l conservatives , ar e unlikely t o tur n thei r fir e o n themselves . Tha t fac t o f lif e ha s becom e painfully obviou s t o large r number s o f conservative s wh o hav e com e t o see th e GO P a s littl e mor e tha n a bastio n o f privileg e an d selfishness . When th e hypocris y o f GO P leader s i s adde d t o tha t o f th e civi l right s establishment an d th e media , i t i s no wonde r tha t th e majorit y o f Amer icans expres s grea t distrus t o f the nationa l medi a an d professiona l politi cians. Onl y a minorit y o f citizen s eve n bothere d t o vot e i n th e '9 6 presi dential election . In announcin g hi s departure a s director o f the Christian Coalitio n in 1997, Ralph Ree d emphasize d th e importanc e o f grassroot s activism . Havin g

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learned har d lesson s fro m th e '9 6 presidentia l campaign , Ree d n o longe r regarded th e Republican Part y as an instrumen t o f America's redemption : "The thin g tha t i s goin g t o comba t th e socia l pathologie s an d th e evil s and th e nationa l sin s . .. isn' t goin g t o b e an y politica l party, " Ree d tol d Christian Coalitio n leaders . "It' s goin g t o b e th e churc h o f Jesu s Christ , on it s knees praying , with a sword an d a spear i n on e han d an d a breastplate o f righteousness an d a helmet o f salvatio n an d a revival tha t sweep s across th e nation. " Country-clu b Republican s an d libertarian s di d no t take Reed' s word s t o heart . The y ha d lon g discounte d th e prospec t o f massive defection s b y socia l conservatives . Where els e could the y go ? Social conservative s woul d certainl y no t vot e fo r th e part y o f Clinto n an d Gephardt. Religiou s conservative s ha d just on e option : to establish a third party. That , however , seeme d improbable . No t sinc e i86 0 ha d a thir d party swep t int o power . O f course, Republican liberal s an d fre e marketer s might wel l hav e recalle d tha t th e part y o f Lincol n gre w ou t o f precisel y the sam e cultur e o f religiou s revivalis m (an d frustratio n wit h th e lega l order) tha t Ree d sa w buildin g t o a clima x i n th e earl y twenty-firs t cen tury.22 Whether a religiou s reviva l coul d recrui t enoug h foo t soldier s t o alte r the establishe d politica l orde r remain s t o b e seen . I f socia l conservative s could all y wit h economi c populists—and , i n th e process , creat e a ne w style o f orthodo x Protestantis m tha t looke d mor e favorabl y upo n som e degree o f federa l regulatio n o f th e marketplace—thei r rival s woul d b e overwhelmed. Pa t Buchana n ha s pointe d th e wa y towar d suc h a future , though h e i s too flawe d a candidat e t o brin g a suc h formidabl e coalitio n to life . Willia m Bennet t woul d b e a suitabl e alternativ e bu t fo r th e fac t that h e doe s no t challeng e th e ne w economi c order . Conservativ e popul ists d o no t wan t a n apologis t fo r corporat e downsizin g an d th e oversea s relocation o f American jobs . Social conservatives an d economi c populist s fac e problems tha t g o well beyond contrastin g ideologica l conception s o f th e government , th e indi vidual, an d th e commo n good . Althoug h supporter s o f the Christia n Co alition an d Focu s o n th e Famil y are correct t o poin t ou t tha t the y are no t illiterate, barefoo t hillbillies , the y stil l d o no t hav e th e financial resource s to tak e o n eithe r socia l liberal s o r libertarians . Th e Christia n Coalitio n may rais e million s o f dollar s bu t mos t o f it s donations—a s i s tru e fo r other Religiou s Righ t organizations—come s i n smal l amount s fro m le gions o f th e faithful . Relativ e t o th e wealt h an d powe r o f CBS , Time Warner, an d Stev e Forbes , ther e i s simpl y n o mone y i n socia l conserva tism.

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The Coor s brewin g empire , i n additio n t o fundin g th e Heritag e Foun dation, als o help s sponsor s "Outfest, " a gay-lesbia n fil m festiva l hel d i n Los Angeles. Coors , lik e Subar u o f America, whic h target s lesbian s i n it s advertising, know s tha t lifestyl e liberal s ar e a more lucrativ e market dem ographic tha n religiou s traditionalists . Tha t fac t explain s wh y Disne y ex tends benefits t o the "lifetime companions " of its gay employees, sponsors gay day s a t it s them e parks , an d make s violen t movies . Threat s b y th e eighteen millio n member s o f th e Souther n Baptis t Conventio n an d th e Assemblies o f Go d t o boycot t Disne y d o no t faz e th e corporation . Gay s and socia l liberal s hav e mor e mone y t o spen d tha n Baptists . Besides , th e media predictabl y ridicul e th e proponent s o f th e Disne y boycott , brand ing the m mora l absolutist s an d religiou s nuts . Presiden t Clinton , raise d in th e Souther n Baptis t church , reassure d Disne y tha t h e woul d ignor e the boycott. 23 While socia l liberal s ca n seemingl y coun t corporat e America , th e me dia, an d th e Clinto n Whit e Hous e amon g it s powerfu l allies , they ar e o n the defensive . Afte r all , Clinto n ha d t o reinven t himsel f a s a conservativ e in orde r t o ek e ou t hi s victories i n 199 2 and 1996 . Significantly, th e main stream Protestan t churche s ar e faring eve n wors e tha n Democrati c liber als. Effort s b y Episcopalia n an d Evangelica l Luthera n leader s t o shar e clergy an d churche s speak s volume s abou t th e fadin g prospect s o f bot h sects. Indeed , no t onl y have Episcopalians been reelin g fro m membershi p losses at home, thei r Thir d Worl d counterpart s ar e urging that th e Americans b e expelle d fro m th e Anglica n communion . Asians , Africans , an d Latinos find th e America n Episcopa l Church' s practic e o f ga y ordinatio n and blessin g o f same-se x marriage s repulsive . I n th e sixtie s America' s Episcopalians ha d bee n champion s o f Thir d Worl d liberation . No w thei r purported comrades-in-arm s cal l them pagans. 24 So fa r a s rac e i s concerne d mos t religious conservatives d o no t harbo r ill will toward blacks . Paul Weyrich , Ralp h Reed , an d Pa t Robertso n hav e long sough t t o buil d interracia l fellowship . Conversely , a few libertarians , notably thos e wh o attac k quota s o n th e ground s tha t man y black s lac k sufficient intelligenc e t o be colleg e professors, ar e not s o well intentioned . The challeng e fo r socia l conservative s i s t o eliminat e quota s an d comba t inner-city crim e whil e creatin g a climate o f racial trust. A t the same time, blacks mus t fre e themselve s fro m thei r leader s an d sto p blamin g al l o f life's setback s o n whit e racism . A n interracia l coalitio n buil t aroun d shared mora l value s would dea l a death blo w to contemporar y liberalism . Of course, social liberals and th e civil rights establishment realiz e this and, therefore, race-bai t whit e conservative s with gusto .

There I s No Mone y in Socia l Conservatism 26

5

The restoratio n o f mora l orde r i n America , a s socia l conservative s se e it, ma y requir e a diminutio n i n individua l liberties . Boomer s an d Bab y Busters wil l hav e t o chang e habit s o f man y years ' standing , whethe r vol untarily o r b y threa t o f fine an d incarceration . Cultura l commentator s such a s Nei l How e an d Willia m Straus s hav e remarke d tha t million s o f Boomers an d Bab y Buster s ar e reevaluatin g thei r attitude s towar d abor tion, crime , drugs , an d sexua l liberation. Others , however, ar e not chang ing thei r ways . A s ha d bee n tru e wit h th e anti-slaver y movemen t an d Prohibition, whe n on e grou p impose s it s wil l upo n another , th e result s may be bloody. Culture wars are the most vicious form o f politics because they cu t t o th e hear t o f ho w peopl e identif y themselve s an d wha t the y think constitute s acceptabl e behavior. 25 America's challenge , a s the natio n enter s th e twenty-firs t century , i s to find a wa y ou t o f it s curren t politica l mess . Unles s politician s overcom e their poll-obsesse d hypocrisy , th e kin d o f profitles s name-callin g an d du plicitous politic s tha t w e hav e see n i n th e pas t fou r decade s ar e likel y t o continue. Politicians , however , ar e no t entirel y t o blame . I n a democrac y political representative s ar e expected t o be responsive t o th e desires of the people. Given that som e voters want abortion , quotas , and ga y rights, and others d o not , contentio n an d divisio n ar e no t surprising . Politician s ar e inclined t o spli t th e difference , simultaneousl y informin g prolifer s an d prochoice partisan s tha t the y ar e wit h the m i n spiri t bu t mus t bid e thei r time fo r th e most advantageou s momen t t o take a stance. Presidents, afte r all, are peopl e too . When face d wit h a choic e betwee n raisin g entitlemen t spendin g o n seniors o r givin g young familie s a tax break, Clinto n an d Reaga n flinched . Reagan's solutio n t o this dilemma—one tha t Clinto n ha s emulated—wa s to protec t senio r entitlement s an d provid e familie s wit h ta x relief, hopin g that th e econom y gre w fas t enoug h t o absor b th e costs . Politicians , un derstandably, gravitat e towar d policie s tha t rewar d group s whos e wealt h and number s ar e great . Thi s fac t explain s i n par t wh y i t i s easier t o scal e back spendin g o n welfar e recipient s tha n i t i s t o tri m Medicar e o r ba n abortion. As Reagan' s an d Clinton' s presidencie s clearl y demonstrated , th e Ne w Deal orde r wa s dead . Neithe r leader , however , constructe d a stabl e elec toral coalition . Bot h wer e unwillin g t o embrac e a sociall y conservativ e and economicall y populis t agenda—i n short , mora l populism . Suc h a course o f action woul d mea n tha t th e federa l governmen t punishe d racia l discrimination withou t imposin g quota s tha t hur t whit e males . Equal opportunity fo r all , specia l privileg e t o none . Mora l populis m woul d con -

266 Ther

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demn corporation s fo r relocatin g oversea s i n searc h o f chea p labo r an d bar thei r product s fro m th e nation' s shores . At th e sam e time , businesse s that treate d thei r America n worker s well would receiv e federal ta x breaks. Moreover, enlightene d stoc k marke t investor s i n th e U.S . woul d cham pion corporat e restructurin g whe n absolutel y necessary , bu t no t jus t fo r the sak e o f increasin g dividend s b y a fe w dollars . (I f mora l argument s cannot persuad e Boome r investor s t o loo k a t mor e tha n th e botto m line , then a cas e fo r pur e self-interes t ma y b e made . A s Walte r Reuther , th e late, great president o f the UAW once observed, assembly-lin e robots ma y reduce labo r costs , but the y d o no t bu y th e consume r good s necessar y t o sustain economi c growth. ) Moral populis m woul d wor k a t th e stat e leve l t o restric t abortio n o n demand bu t woul d als o tr y t o creat e a culture i n whic h me n an d wome n eschewed premarita l se x in the firs t place . (Fo r public schoo l districts that would mea n teachin g abstinence , no t condo m usage. ) Mora l populis m would champio n th e notio n o f individual responsibilit y while recognizing that som e peopl e migh t nee d temporar y governmen t assistance . A t last , moral populis m would , i n regar d t o gays , "condemn th e sin , but no t th e sinner." I n 1997 , th e America n Catholi c bishop s underscore d tha t ver y point. As Richard Nixo n observe d afte r hi s political downfall , h e had allowe d his hatre d fo r hi s enemie s t o consume , an d ultimately , destro y him . Americans, regardles s o f rac e o r religiou s belie f (o r lac k thereof) , mus t strive t o fin d som e commo n ground , t o lear n som e measur e o f trus t i n one another , i f the y ar e no t t o destro y on e another . Fo r mor e tha n tw o centuries Americans—whethe r o f English , Italian , o r Africa n descent — overcame man y challenge s that , arguably , wer e o f greate r menac e tha n those facin g th e natio n today . Slavery , th e Civi l War , th e Grea t Depres sion, World Wa r II , and , yes , even Vietnam—al l divide d American s an d posed a threa t t o th e nation' s democrati c existence . Ultimately , perhaps , a just socia l orde r begin s with a sense o f personal decenc y an d a belief i n a mora l powe r greate r tha n th e su m o f us all.

Notes

Abbreviations: Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library (FPL); Billy Graham Archives, Wheaton Colleg e (BGA); University of Notre Dame Archives (NDA). Notes to Introductio n 1. Alessandr a Stanley, "President Will Be Old Enough to Be (Gasp!) Me, Many Say," New York Times, 1 7 November 1992. 2. Alfons o A. Narvaez, "Alexander Barkan Dies at 81; Labor Federation Chief," New York Times, 2 0 October 1990. 3. Stanley , "President Will Be Old Enough to Be (Gasp!) Me, Many Say." 4. Pegg y Noonan, What I Saw at the Revolution: A Political Life in the Reagan Era (New York: Random House, 1990). 5. "Excerpt s o f Gingric h Comment s Afte r Nomination, " New York Times, 6 December 1994. 6. Alonz o Hamby , Liberalism and Its Challengers: From FDR to Bush (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1990). 7. Michae l Novak , "Erran d int o th e Wilderness, " i n Joh n H . Bunzel , ed. , Political Passages: Journeys of Change Through Two Decades, 1968-1988 (New York: Free Press, 1988), 239-72. 8. Fo r the destruction o f the New Deal coalition, see Hamby, Liberalism and Its Challengers; Kennet h J . Heineman , Campus Wars: The Peace Movement at American State Universities in the Vietnam Era (New York: New York University Press, 1993); Kenneth J. Heineman, "The Silent Majority Speaks : Antiwar Protest and Backlash , 1965-1972, " Peace and Change 1 7 (October 1992) : 402-33; Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time: From World War II to Nixon, What Happened and Why (New York: Vintage, 1978); Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York: Basic Books, 1995); Everett Carl l Ladd, Jr., Where Have All the Voters Gone? The Fracturing of America's Political Parties (New York: Norton, 1978) ; Christophe r Lasch , The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy (Ne w York : Norton , 1995) ; E . J . Dionne , Jr. , Why Americans Hate Politics (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992). 267

268 Note

s to Introductio n

9. Jame s Davison Hunter , Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1991), 111. Good discussions of religion and economics include John B. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990) ; William F . Buckley, Jr., Gratitude: Reflections on What We Owe to Our Country (Ne w York: Random House , 1990); Patrick Allitt, Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1930-1985 (Ithaca : Cornel l University Press , 1993); Timothy A. Byrnes, Catholic Bishops in American Politics (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press, 1991); David J. O'Brien, American Catholics and Social Reform: The New Deal Years (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1968); Monro e Billingto n an d Ca l Clark , "Catholi c Clergymen , Frankli n D . Roosevelt, an d th e Ne w Deal," Catholic Historical Review 79 (January 1993): 6582; Kennet h J . Heineman , " A Catholi c Ne w Deal : Religion an d Labo r i n 1930s Pittsburgh," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 118 (October 1994): 363-94; Michae l Novak , Catholic Social Thought and Liberal Institutions (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1989). 10. Willia m J . Bennett, The Devaluing of America: The Fight for Our Culture and Our Children (Ne w York: Summit Books , 1992). 11. Kar l Keating, Catholicism and Fundamentalism: The Attack on "Romanism" by "Bible Christians'" (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1988). 12. American Spectator, 2 8 (28 August 1995). 13. Michae l Lind , "Wh y Intellectua l Conservatis m Died, " Dissent 42 (Winter 1995): 42-47; Michael Lind , "Shoul d Jew s Fear the 'Christia n Right'? " New York Times, 2 August 1994; Michael Lind, "Rev. Robertson's Grand International Conspiracy Theory," New York Review of Books, 4 2 (2 February 1995): 21-25; Michael Lind, "O n Pa t Robertson, " New York Review of Books 4 2 (20 April 1995) : 67-71; James Atlas , "Th e Counte r Counterculture, " New York Times Magazine 1 9 (12 February 1995): 32, 34, 37-38, 54, 61-63; Lawrence H. Fuchs, "American Jew s and the Presidential Vote," in Lawrenc e H. Fuchs, ed., American Ethnic Politics (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), 50-76. 14. Fo r treatment s o f tension s betwee n socia l conservative s an d libertarians , see David Frum, Dead Right (New York: Basic Books, 1994); Nigel Ashford, "Th e Right Afte r Reagan : Crack-U p o r Comeback? " pape r delivere d a t th e Heritag e Foundation, Washington, D.C., July 1994. Notes to Chapter 1 1. Jess e Helms letter t o Nelson Bell , 9 April 1968 (Nelson Bel l Papers, Box 29, BGA); Nelson Bel l letter t o Rober t D . Newell, 11 Ma y 1968 (Nelson Bel l Papers, Box 43, BGA); David J . Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: Morrow, 1986), 97; Taylor Branch , Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 227-28 . 2. Nelso n Bel l lette r t o Howar d H . Thompson , 2 1 August 196 5 (Nelson Bel l Papers, Box 52, BGA); Hazel M. Foster letter to Nelson Bell, 13 May 1968 (Nelson Bell Papers , Bo x 43 , BGA); Stepha n Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1994), 349-50.

Notes to Chapte r 1 26 9 3. Montgomer y (Ala. ) Advertiser, 2 9 April 1968 ; Roy Reed , "Mississippi : 20 Years of Wide Racial Change," New York Times, 1 8 Augus t 1983; Branch, Parting the Waters, 238-39 , 242, 246-47. 4. Samue l Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics (Ne w York: Norton, 19771), 7i, 175 . 5. Ibid., 152 ; John Bodnar , Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press, 1992), 213. 6. Rober t Bork , "Civi l Rights— A Challenge, " New Republic 14 8 (31 August 1963): 21-24; John B . Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 138-39,168, 192-93 . 7. To m Weir, "All-White '63 Team Left Behin d Racism to Play," USA Today, 29 March 1996. 8. Joh n M . Perkins Interview with Pau l Ericksen, June 1991 (Joh n M. Perkins Oral Interview , BGA) ; Nicholas Lemann , The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It Changed America (Ne w York: Knopf, 1991), 1-58, 307-40. 9. Lemann , The Promised Land, 28-29 , 3i10. Jare d Taylor , Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America (Ne w York: Carroll 8 c Graf, 1992), 92; Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New York : Norton , 1980) , 40 ; J. Morgan Kousser , The Shaping of Southern Politics (Ne w Haven: Yale University Press, 1975). 11. Marshal l Frady , "God an d Ma n i n th e South," Atlantic Monthly 219 (January 1967): 37-42; "Public Statement by Eight Alabama Clergymen," 12 April 1963, (author's papers) ; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 236-62 ; Taylor, Parting the Waters, 737-4512. Perr y Dean e Young , God's Bullies: Power Politics and Religious Tyranny (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982), 310-17. 13. France s FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Cultures (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), 144-45 . 14. E . Glenn Hinson , "Souther n Baptist s and the Liberal Tradition i n Biblical Interpretation, 1845-1945," Baptist History and Heritage 19 (July 1984): 16-20; William A. Sloat II, "George Whitefield, African-Americans , an d Slavery," Methodist History 33 (October 1994): 3-13. 15. Bil l J . Leonard , "Souther n Baptist s an d th e Separatio n o f Churc h an d State," Review and Expositor 83 (Spring 1986): 195-207; Diane Ravitch, The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945-1980 (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1983), 4 . 16. Thoma s C . Berg, " 'Proclaiming Together' ? Convergenc e an d Divergenc e in Mainlin e and Evangelica l Evangelism, 1945-1967," Religion and American Culture 5 (Winter 1995) : 49-76; Ernest J . Sandeen, "Fundamentalis m an d American Identity," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 38 7 (January 1970): 56-65 . 17. Berg , " 'Proclaiming Together'?" 49-76; Branch, Parting the Waters, 27-68 , 305-8, 312-78. 18. Da n Morgan, Rising in the West: The True Story of an "Okie" Family from the Great Depression Through the Reagan Years (Ne w York: Knopf, 1992).

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19. Danie l Mar k Epstein , Sister Aimee: The Life of Aimee Semple McPherson (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1993), 296-323. 20. Willia m Saletan , "John Warner Jus t Keeps Hanging On," American Spectator 29 (June 1996): 38-43; David Edwi n Harrell , Jr., Pat Robertson: A Personal Political and Religious Portrait (New York: Harper an d Row , 1987), 10-11; Christopher Matthews , Hardball: How Politics Is Played (Ne w York: Summi t Books , 1988), 38. 21. Joh n B . Donovan, Pat Robertson: The Authorized Biography (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1988), 1-3, 39. 22. Ibid., 19, 42-43. 23. Ibid., 78; Harrell, Pat Robertson, 110 ; Jeffrey K . Hadden, "Religious Broadcasting and the Mobilization of the New Christian Right," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2 6 (1987) : 1-24; Lubell , The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 75. 24. Francin e du Plessix Gray, Divine Disobedience: Profiles in Catholic Radicalism (Ne w York : Knopf , 1970) , 4-7, 10-13 , 39 ; Gary Wills , Bare Ruined Choirs: Doubt, Prophecy, and Radical Religion (Garde n City , N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972) , 67; Harvey G. Cox, "The 'Ne w Breed' i n American Churches : Sources of Social Activism in American Religion/' Daedalus 96 (Winter 1967): 135-50. 25. Willia m Au, The Cross, the Flag, and the Bomb: American Catholics Debate War and Peace, 1960-1983 (Ne w York: Praeger , 1987) , 73, 121, 143-45; James W. Douglass, "Catholicism, Power , and Vietnamese Suffering," i n Thomas E. Quigley, ed., American Catholics and Vietnam (Gran d Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1968), 9926. Jame s H . Smylie , "America n Religiou s Bodies , Just War , an d Vietnam, " Journal of Church and State11 (Autumn 1969): 383-408; Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 405-8; Kennet h Heineman , "Th e Silen t Majorit y Speaks : Antiwa r Protes t an d Backlash, 1965-1972," Peace and Change 17 (October 1992): 402-33; Christian Family Movement-Milwaukee , "St . Marti n D e Porre s CF M Actio n Grou p Report, " (Christian Family Movement-Milwaukee Papers, Box 1, NDA) . 27. Edwar d Wynne , "Adolescen t Alienatio n an d Yout h Policy, " Septembe r 1976 (Joh n F . Cardina l Dearde n Papers , Bo x 11 , NDA); FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill, 25-119; David Lanc e Goines , The Free Speech Movement: Coming of Age in the 1960s (Berkeley : Ten Speed Press, 1993), 587-89. 28. Cushin g Strout , The New Heavens and New Earth: Political Religion in America (New York : Harpe r & Row, 1974) , 319 ; Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 188 , 210. 29. E . J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 12, 36, 40, 46, 53, 84-85; Lucinda Franks, "Return of the Fugitive," New Yorker 7 0 (1 3 June 1994) : 40-59; Jacob Cohen , "Th e Romanc e o f Revolutionar y Violence," National Review 45 (13 December 1993): 28-33; Peter Collier and David Horowitz, Destructive Generation: Second Thoughts about the Sixties (Ne w York: Summit Books, 1989); Alan Wolfe, "Sociology, Liberalism, and the Radical Right," New Left Review 128 (July-August 1981): 3-27. 30. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 262 ; Frank S . Meyer, "Libertarianism o r Libertinism? " National Review 2 1 (9 Septembe r 1969) : 910; Margaret M .

Notes to Chapte r 1 27 1 Braungart and Richard G. Braungart, "The Life-Course Development of Left-and Right-Wing Youth Activist Leaders from th e 1960s," Political Psychology 11 (1990): 243-82; Richar d G . Braungar t an d Margare t M . Braungart , "Th e Childhoo d and Yout h Experience s o f Forme r Left - an d Right-Win g Politica l Activis t Leaders fro m th e 1960s/ ' paper presente d a t th e Annual Meetin g o f the American Sociologica l Association , Pittsburgh , 20-2 4 August 1992 ; Christopher Lasch , "The Revol t o f th e Elites, " Harper's 28 9 (Novembe r 1994) : 39-49; Christophe r Lasch, The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy (New York: Norton, 1995). 31. Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade y 174 ; Jim Sleeper , The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (Ne w York: Norton, 1990), 43-67, 91-115; Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions, 234 . 32. Taylor , Paved with Good Intentions, 273; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 83 ; Todd Gitlin , The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York : Bantam Books , 1989), 348-50; Collier an d Horowitz , Destructive Generation, 21 66; Lesher, George Wallace, American Populist, 316 ; Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 117 ; Dinesh D'Souza , "Blac k America' s Momen t o f Truth, " American Spectator 28 (October 1995): 35-45. 33. Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist, 350 ; Pete r Brown , Minority Party: Why Democrats Face Defeat in 1992 and Beyond (Washington , D.C. : Regnery Gateway, 1991), 216-18. 34. Joh n J. Bukowczyk, And My Children Did Not Know Me: A History of the Polish-Americans (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press, 1987); Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the Seventies (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1973); Thomas Bell, Out of This Furnace: A Novel of Immigrant Labor in America (Pittsburgh : Universit y o f Pittsburg h Press , 1991); Gary Wills, Under God: Religion and American Politics (Ne w York: Simon 8 c Schuster, 1990), 5335. Pittsburg h Courier, 2 4 July 1937; George W. Knepper, Ohio and Its People (Kent, Ohio : Kent Stat e Universit y Press , 1989), 375-76, 380; Taylor, Parting the Waters, 691 , 788-89. 36. Heineman , "Th e Silent Majority Speaks, " 402-33; Nicholas Lemann, "The Origins of the Underclass, Part I," Atlantic Monthly 257 (June 1986): 31-55; Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 288-89 . 37. Nichola s Lemann , "Th e Origin s o f th e Underclass , Par t II, " Atlantic Monthly 258 (Jul y 1986) : 54-68; Kenneth A . Briggs , "Protestantis m i n th e Cit y Divided on Racial Lines," New York Times, 2 0 August 1975. 38. Taylor , Paved with Good Intentions, 82 , 303, 331; Charles Murray , Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1984) , 166, 169-70; Peter J . Ferrara, "Crime, " in Pete r J . Ferrara, ed., Issues '94: The Candidate's Briefing Book (Washington , D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 1994), 139-64; Sara McLanahan an d Karen Booth, "Mother-Only Families : Problems, Prospects, and Politics," Journal of Marriage and the Family 51 (Augus t 1989): 557-80 . 39. Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade, 30-38 ; Peter Collier, with David Horowitz, The Roosevelts: An American Saga (Ne w York: Simon 8c Schuster, 1994), 271. 40. Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade, 30-38 ; James Hennesey, American Catho-

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lies: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1981) , 283 , 286-87; Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist xv, 292. 41. Michae l Barone , Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan (New York : Fre e Press , 1990) , 383-84 ; Murray , Losing Ground, 167-77; Ferrara, "Crime, " 139-64 . For a classic study of urba n life , ethnicity , an d socia l order, se e Nathan Glaze r an d Danie l Patric k Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1964). 42. Michae l K. Brown and Steven P. Erie, "Blacks and the Legacy of the Great Society: Th e Economi c an d Politica l Impac t o f Federa l Socia l Policy, " Public Policy 2 9 (Summe r 1981) : 299-330 ; Thoma s Byrn e Edsal l an d Mar y D . Edsall , Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (Ne w York: Norton, 1991), 1-81; Murray, Losing Ground, 56-112 . 43. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 12 , 53, 91, 123; Michael Kazin , The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York: Basic Books, 1995), 195-242. 44. Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade, 293 ; Judith Blake , "Abortion an d Publi c Opinion: The 1960-1970 Decade," Science 171 (1 2 February 1971): 540-49; Michael K. Flaherty , " A Whit e Lie, " American Spectator 2 5 (August 1992) : 37-38; James Davison Hunter, Before the Shooting Begins: Searching for Democracy in America's Culture War (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1994) , 70 ; Jan e Gross , "Patrici a Ireland , President of NOW, Does She Speak for Today's Women?" New York Times Magazine 16 (1 Marc h 1992): 16-18, 38, 54 . 45. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 151 ; M. Timothy Iglesias, "CUF and Dissent: A Case Stud y i n Religiou s Conservatism, " America 15 5 (11 April 1987): 303-7. 46. Andre w M. Greeley, "What Is Subsidiarity? A Voice from Sleep y Hollow," America 153 (9 November 1985): 292-95 . 47. Alfre d O . Hero, Jr., American Religious Groups View Foreign Policy: Trends in Rank-and-File Opinion, 1937-1969 (Durham : Duke University Press, 1973), 4054; Mark Silk , Spiritual Politics: Religion and America Since World War II (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 25-26; Patricia McNeal, Harder Than War: Catholic Peacemaking in Twentieth-Century America (Ne w Brunswick : Rutger s University Press, 1992), xi, 1-70. 48. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 57 ; Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes, and Fridrik h Igorevic h Firsov , The Secret World of American Communism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995). 49. Lawrenc e H . Fuchs , "America n Jew s an d th e Presidentia l Vote, " i n Lawrence H . Fuchs , ed. , American Ethnic Politics (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row, 1968), 50-76. 50. Godfre y Hodgson , America in Our Time: From World War II to Nixon, What Happened and Why (New York: Vintage, 1978), 67-98. 51. Heineman , "Th e Silen t Majorit y Speaks, " 402-33 ; Andrew M . Greeley , "Political Attitude s Amon g American Whit e Ethnics, " Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (Summer 1972): 213-20; H. Edward Ransford, "Blu e Collar Anger: Reactions to Student an d Blac k Protest," American Sociological Review 2 7 (June 1972): 333-46 ;

Notes to Chapte r 1 27 3 William L. Lunch and Peter W. Sperlich, "American Public Opinion and the War in Vietnam, " Western Political Quarterly 32 (March 1979) : 21-44; Philip E . Converse and Howard Schuman, " 'Silent Majorities' and the Vietnam War/' Scientific American 22 2 (June 1970): 17-25 . 52. Harol d E . Quinley , "Th e Protestan t Clerg y an d th e Wa r i n Vietnam, " Public Opinion Quarterly 34 (Spring 1970): 43-52; Kent Blevins, "Southern Baptist Attitudes Towar d th e Vietna m Wa r i n th e Year s 1965-1970, " Foundations 2 3 (1980): 231-44; Mitchell K. Hall, "A Time for War: The Church of God's Response to Vietnam," Indiana Magazine of History 79 (December 1983): 1186-99; Bodnar, Remaking America, 161; Daniel Yankelovich , "Wha t The y Believe, " Fortune 7 9 (January 1969): 70-71,179-81 . 53. Mar k R . Levy and Michae l S . Kramer, The Ethnic Factor: How America's Minorities Decide Elections (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1972), 122-58; Barone, Our Country, 307-35 . 54. Barone , Our Country, 336-63 ; Hodgson, America in Our Time, 153-99 . 55. Mar k Stern , "Part y Alignment s an d Civi l Rights : Then an d Now, " Presidential Studies Quarterly 25 (Summer 1995): 413-27 . 56. Michae l Lind, "The Southern Coup : The South, the GOP, and America," New Republic 212 (19 June 1995): 20-29; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 179, 181; Barone, Our Country, 364-80. 57. Lev y and Kramer , The Ethnic Factor, 140-90 ; Barone, Our Country, 364 80; Heineman, "Th e Silent Majority Speaks, " 402-33; Gerald R. Ford Presidential Campaign, Opposition Research , "Ronald Reaga n on Social Security" (Presiden t Gerald R . For d Committe e Records , Pres s Office , Ronal d Reaga n File , Box G5, FPL). 58. Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist, 283-85 , 295. 59. Ibid., 252, 338, 377; Jack Bass , Taming the Storm: The Life and Times of Judge Frank M, Johnson, Jr., and the South s Fight over Civil Rights (Ne w York: Doubleday, 1993), 119, 216, 304-05, 311. 60. Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist, 269 , 298; Ravitch, The Troubled Crusade, 142 . 61. Bass , Taming the Storm, 391 . 62. Lubell , The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 110 ; Bil l Iverson , Esse x County Yout h House , "Rio t Report " 1 8 July 196 7 (Nelson Bel l Papers, Bo x 30, BGA). 63. Ze'v e Chafets , "Th e Traged y o f Detroit, " New York Times Magazine, 1 4 (29 July 1990): 20-26, 38, 42, 50-51; Hodgson, America in Our Time, 430-39 . 64. Lubell , The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 109 ; Hodgson, America in Our Time, 430-39 . 65. "Pol l Finds Crime Top Fear at Home," New York Times, 2 8 February 1968; Robert B. Semple, Jr., "Nixon Score s Panel for 'Undue' Stress on White Racism," New York Times, 7 March 1968 ; Barone, Our Country, 418-19 ; Peter J . Ferrara , Issues '94: The Candidate's Briefing Book (Washington, D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 1994). 28 . 66. Phili p E . Converse , Warre n E . Miller , Jerrol d G . Rusk , an d Arthu r C. Wolfe , "Continuit y an d Chang e i n America n Politics : Partie s an d Issue s i n

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the 196 8 Election," American Political Science Review 6 3 (December 1969) : 1083 1105. 67. Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics 75-76) 96 ; Lesher, George Wallace, American Populist, 412, 427 , 423 ; Heineman , "Th e Silen t Majorit y Speaks," 402-33; Converse et al., "Continuity and Change in American Politics," 1083-1105. 68. Lubell, The Hidden Crisis in American Politics, 145 , 151; Lesher, George Wallace, American Populist, 428 ; J. Michael Ross, Reeve D. Vanneman, and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Patterns o f Support fo r Georg e Wallace: Implications for Racial Change," Journal of Social Issues 36 (Spring 1976): 69-91; Anthony M. Orum, "Religion an d th e Ris e o f th e Radica l White : Th e Cas e o f Souther n Wallac e Support i n 1968, " Social Science Quarterly 51 (December 1970) : 674-88; Sheldon G. Levy, "Polarization o f Racial Attitudes," Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (Summer 1972): 221-34 . 69. Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist, 81-82 ; Frank B. Feigert, "Conservatism, Populism , an d Socia l Change," American Behavioral Scientist 17 (November-December 1972) : 272-78; William F . Buckley, Jr., On the Firing Line: The Public Life of Our Public Figures (New York: Random House, 1989), 161-66; Kazin, The Populist Persuasion, 1-7 , 221-42. Notes to Chapter 2 1. Ralp h Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (New York: Free Press, 1996), 19. 2. Willia m L . Lunch an d Pete r W . Sperlich , "America n Publi c Opinio n an d the War i n Vietnam," Western Political Quarterly 32 (March 1979) : 21-44; Philip E. Converse and Howar d Schuman , " 'Silent Majorities' an d the Vietnam War," Scientific American 222 (Jun e 1970) : 17-25; Harlan Hahn , "Correlate s o f Publi c Sentiments about War: Local Referenda on the Vietnam Issue," American Political Science Review 6 4 (Decembe r 1970) : 1186-98; Diane Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945-1980 (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1983), 216 . 3. Edwar d Wynne, "Adolescent Alienation and Youth Policy," September 1976 (John F . Cardinal Dearde n Papers , Bo x 11 , NDA); Stephen E . Ambrose, Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician, 1962-1972 (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1989), 499; Robert M. Teeter, Memorandum for H. R. Haldeman, "Catholic Vote," 6 January 1972 (Robert M. Teeter Papers, Committee to Reelect the President, Box 1, FPL) ; Robert M . Teeter, Memorandum fo r th e Attorney General, "Pennsylvania Poll," 9 Februar y 197 2 (Robert M . Teeter Papers , Committee t o Reelec t the President , Box 1, FPL); Robert M. Teeter, Memorandum for H. R. Haldeman, "Louis Harris Issue Pol l Analysis, " 2 February 197 2 (Rober t M . Teete r Papers , Committe e t o Reelect the President , Bo x 1, FPL); Robert M . Teeter, Memorandum fo r th e Attorney General, "Ohio Poll Analysis," 15 Februar y 1972 (Robert M. Teeter Papers, Committee to Reelect the President, Box 1, FPL) . 4. Ambrose , Nixon, 520-21, 523; Herbert Parmet, Richard Nixon and His America (Boston : Little, Brown, 1990), 595-97, 608-10. 5. Joh n Pollock , Billy Graham: Evangelist to the World (Minneapolis: World

Notes to Chapter 2 27 5 Wide Publications , 1979) , 170-75; Charles Hirschberg , "Th e Eternal Crusader, " Life 17 (November 1994) : 104-16; William F . Buckley, Jr. , Execution Eve —And Other Contemporary Ballads (New York: Putnam's Sons, 1975), 151-53. 6. Hirschberg , "The Eternal Crusader," 104-16; Patrick Allitt, Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America, 1950-1983 (Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press, 1995), 2-3. On Buckley and Nixon, se e John B . Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1988); Gary Wills, Nixon Agonistes: The Crisis of the Self-Made Man (Boston: Houghton Mif flin, 1970) ; Gary Wills, Confessions of a Conservative (Garde n City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1979). 7. Charle s D . Hadley, "Surve y Researc h an d Southern Politics : The Implications of Data Management," Public Opinion Quarterly 45 (Fall 1981): 393-401. 8. Richar d A. Shaffer, "Fo r a Plantation Hand , Progres s of Blacks Seems Far Removed," Wall Street Journal, 1 7 October 1974. 9. France s FitzGerald, Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Cultures (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1986) , 121-201; Jerry Falwell , "The Liberty Universit y Story, " Liberty University Home Page, Worl d Wid e Web , 3 0 May 1996. 10. Loui s A. Zurcher, Jr., R. George Kirkpatrick, Rober t G . Cushing, Charles K. Bowman, "A d Hoc Anti-Pornography Organization s an d Their Active Members: A Research Summary, " Journal of Social Issues 2 9 (1973): 69-94; Louis A. Zurcher, Jr., R. George Kirkpatrick, Robert G. Cushing, and Charles K. Bowman, "The Anti-Pornography Campaign: A Symbolic Crusade," Social Problems 19 (Fall 1971): 217-38 . 11. Zurche r et al., "Ad Hoc Anti-Pornography Organizations and Their Active Members," 69-94 ; Zurcher , e t al. , "The Anti-Pornography Campaign, " 217-38; Nelson Bel l letter to Carol Wilkie, 29 October 197 1 (Nelson Bel l Papers, Box 42, BGA). Fo r a scathin g critiqu e o f Nixon' s pornograph y commissio n b y socia l conservatives, see Tom Minnery, ed., Pornography: A Human Tragedy (Wheaton, 111.: Tyndale House, 1986). 12. Hele n Ros e Fuchs Ebaugh an d C. Allen Haney , "Shifts i n Abortion Attitudes: 1972-1978," Journal of Marriage and the Family 42 (August 1980): 491-99 . 13. Ibid. 14. Texa s Catholic Conference, "An Open Letter from the Catholic Bishops of Texas on the Subject o f Abortion," April 1971 (Joh n F. Cardinal Dearden Papers, Box 1, Pamphlet Collection, NDA). 15. Th e Most Reverend Humberto S. Medeiros, Archbishop of Boston, "Homily on Abortion," 2 7 December 197 0 (John F . Cardinal Dearde n Papers , Box 1 , Pamphlet Collection , NDA); A Joint Statemen t by the Catholic Bishops of Massachusetts o n Abortion , "Killin g o r Caring ? You Must Choose, " Februar y 1972 (John F . Cardina l Dearde n Papers , Bo x 1, Pamphlet Collection , NDA) ; Father Geno Baroni, "United States Catholic Conference: National Task Force on Urban Problems," 1969 (John F. Cardinal Dearden Papers, Box 1, NDA). 16. Michae l Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the Seventies (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1973) , 74-75; Michael Novak , "Erran d int o the Wilderness, " i n Joh n H . Bunzel , ed. , Political Passages: Journeys of Change

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Through Two Decades, 1968-1988 (Ne w York: Free Press, 1988), 239-72; Lawrence M. O'Rourke , Geno: The Life and Mission of Geno Baroni (New York : Paulis t Press, 1991), 95, 269 . 17. Novak , The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics, 75 , 162-63, 166-67,199; Novak, "Errand into the Wilderness,'' 239-72. 18. Patric k J. Buchanan, Right from the Beginning (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1990), 3-174, 217. 19. To m Wells , The War Within: America's Battle over Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1994), 319, 321, 459, 548; Patrick J. Buchanan, "Wallace Antidote t o Liberals, " Sa n Dieg o Union, 1 Marc h 1976 ; Stephen Glass , "Pat Speaks," New Republic 214 (18 March 1996): 17 . 20. Richar d M . Scammo n an d Be n J . Wattenberg, The Real Majority (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970), 234; Kenneth A. Briggs, "Protestantism in the City Divided on Racial Lines," New York Times, 2 0 August 1975. 21. "Buchanan' s Pas t Come s ou t i n Memo, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 February 1996 ; Patrick J . Buchanan Memorandu m fo r th e Attorney General and H. R . Haldeman , 1 5 December 197 1 (Working Asset s Fundin g Service , Worl d Wide Web, 1996); Patrick J. Buchanan Memorandum fo r the President, 24 March 1971 (Working Asset s Funding Service , World Wid e Web, 1996); Jeff Gillenkirk , "Before H e Had a Heart: White House Memos Show Pat Buchanan Le d Nixon's 1972 'Assault Team' " (Workin g Assets Funding Service, World Wide Web, 1996). 22. Larr y Gerber, "Figh t fo r Lennon' s FB I File Finally Near End," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 0 March 1996; Ambrose, Nixon, 500, 502 . 23. Ambrose , Nixon, 555; Stephan Lesher , George Wallace, American Populist (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1994), 485. 24. E . J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 48. 25. Danie l J . Bae r an d Victo r F . Mosele , "Politica l an d Religiou s Belief s o f Catholics an d Attitude s Toward s Involvemen t i n th e Vietna m War, " Journal of Psychology 78 (Jul y 1971): 161-64; Christian Famil y Movement-Milwaukee, George McGovern Campaig n Material s (Christia n Famil y Movement-Milwaukee Papers, Box 1, NDA); William Dean, "What Nixon Knew, " Christian Century 111 (1 1 May 1994): 484-86. 26. Charle s O . Rice , "The Radica l Catholic, " Catholic World 21 2 (July 1970): 156-60; Patric k J . McGeever , Rev. Charles Owen Rice: Apostle of Contradiction (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1989), 92-135, 167-223 . 27. Davi d Caute , The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), 216; McGeever, Rev. Charles Owen Rice, 202-23; Bu d an d Rut h Schult z intervie w wit h Monsigno r Charle s Owen Rice , 7 March 198 2 (Charle s Owe n Ric e Papers , Bo x 13 , Archives o f a n Industrial Society, University of Pittsburgh). 28. "Th e Evangelica l Vote, " Newsweek 8 0 (3 0 Octobe r 1972) : 93; Ronald J . Sider, Evangelical s fo r McGovern , lette r t o Stephe n Charle s Mott , 1 4 November 1972 (Evangelicals for Socia l Action Papers , Box 1, BGA); W. T. Miller, Washington Bibl e College, letter t o Evangelical s fo r McGovern , 8 November 197 2 (Evan-

Notes to Chapte r 2 27 7 gelicals for Socia l Action Papers , Box 1, BGA); Evangelicals for McGovern , Fundraising Letter, 1972 (Evangelicals for Socia l Action, Box 1, BGA) . 29. Stephe n Charle s Mott, Evangelical s for McGovern , letter to W. T. Miller, 5 January 197 3 (Evangelicals fo r Socia l Action, Bo x 1, BGA); Richard V . Pierard, letter t o W . T. Miller , 1 5 November 197 2 (Evangelicals fo r Socia l Action, Bo x 1, BGA). 30. Michae l Mclntyre , "Religionist s o n th e Campaig n Trail, " Christian Century 89 (27 December 1972): 1319-22 . 31. Evangelical s fo r McGovern , Pres s Release , "Remark s o f Senato r Georg e McGovern a t Wheaton College, " 11 Octobe r 197 2 (Evangelicals for Socia l Action, Box 1, BGA); Louis Cassels, "Of God and Man, " Terre Haute Tribune, Evangeli cals fo r Socia l Actio n Newspape r an d Magazin e Clippin g Fil e (Evangelical s fo r Social Action, Box 1, BGA) . 32. To m Geoghegan, "Miami and the Seeds of Port Huron," New Republic 166 (2 Septembe r 1972) : 16-18 ; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 46 ; M . Ken t Jennings, "Residues of a Movement: The Aging of the American Protest Generation," American Political Science Review 81 (June 1987): 367-82; Ambrose, Nixon, 579-8o. 33. Everet t Carll Ladd, Jr., Where Have All the Voters Gone? The Fracturing of America's Political Parties (Ne w York: Norton, 1978), 63-64; Scammon an d Wattenberg, The Real Majority, 60-61 ; Irwi n Unger , The Best of Intentions: The Triumph and Failure of the Great Society Under Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon (New York: Doubleday, 1996), 345. 34. Ladd , Where Have All the Voters Gone?, 14 , 65-66; Scammon an d Wattenberg, The Real Majority, 60-61 ; Susa n Welch, "Suppor t Amon g Women fo r th e Issues of the Women's Movement, " Sociological Quarterly 16 (Spring 1975): 21627; Andrew Levison, The Working-Class Majority (Ne w York: Coward, McCann, 6 Geoghegan , 1974), 24-26. 35. Levison , The Working-Class Majority, 14 ; Gary Hart, The Good Fight: The Education of an American Reformer (New York: Random House , 1993), 6-7; Gary Wills, Under God: Religion and American Politics (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 41-50 ; William Le e Miller , "Rememberin g Gary, " New Republic 19 0 (16 April 1984): 11-12 . 36. Ambrose , Nixon, 506-7. 37. Ibid., 556, 588 , 620-21 , 623 , 635 , 648 ; Joh n Hellemann , "Certai n Defea t Liberated Dole," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 0 November 1996. 38. Ambrose , Nixon, 554 ; Godfre y Hodgson , America in Our Time: From World War II to Nixon, What Happened and Why (New York: Vintage, 1978), 426; Carl Solberg, Hubert Humphrey: A Biography (New York: Norton, 1984), 430, 4323339. Hunte r S . Thompson, Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72 (Sa n Francisco: Straight Arrow Books, 1973); Gerald R. Ford Committee Records, Opposition Research , "Jimm y Carter, " (Presiden t For d Committe e Records , Re search Office , Oppositio n Research , Bo x 45 , FPL); Geral d R . For d Committe e Records, Opposition Research , "Jimmy Carter," (Presiden t For d Committee Re-

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cords, Research Office, Bo x H39, FPL); Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New York: Norton, 1980), 206-7. 40. Ambrose , Nixon, 585; David Mixner, Stranger Among Friends (Ne w York: Bantam Books, 1996), 65-70. 41. Archi e Robinson , George Meany and His Times (Ne w York : Simo n & Schuster, 1981), 322-25. 42. Jean e Kirkpatrick, "Th e Revolt of the Masses," Commentary 55 (February 1973)- 58-62 ; Pau l R . Wieck , "McGovern' s Jewis h Problem, " New Republic 16 6 (2 Septembe r 1972) : 19-21 ; Kennet h Heineman , "Th e Silen t Majorit y Speaks : Antiwar Protes t an d Backlash , 1965-1972, " Peace & Change 1 7 (October 1992) : 403-33. 43. Kirkpatrick , "The Revolt of the Masses," 58-62; Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, "Politics an d th e Ne w Class," Society 1 7 (January/February 1979) : 42-48; Andrew M. Greeley, "Catholic Chic," Commentary 55 (February 1973): 90-92 . 44. Rober t Timberg , The Nightingale's Song (New York: Simo n 8 c Schuster, 1995), 180. 45. Pegg y Noonan, What I Saw at the Revolution: A Political Life in the Reagan Era (Ne w York: Random House, 1990), 15-16. 46. Patric k J. Buchanan Memorandum to the President, 8 June 1972 (Working Assets Funding, World Wid e Web, 1996); Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 122-23, 234; Heineman, "Th e Silen t Majorit y Speaks, " 403-33; Arthur H . Miller, Warren E . Miller , Alde n S . Raine , an d Tha d A . Brown , " A Majorit y Part y i n Disarray: Policy Polarization i n the 1972 Election," American Political Science Review 70 (1976) : 753-78; H. Edwar d Ransford , "Blu e Colla r Anger : Reaction s t o Student an d Blac k Protest," American Sociological Review 27 (June 1973): 333-46 ; Ambrose, Nixon, 651 . 47. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 122-23 ; Ambrose, Nixon, 636 ; S. Robert Lichter, Stanley Rothman, and Linda S. Lichter, The Media Elite (Bethesda: Adler 8c Adler, 1986), 22-23, 28-29. 48. Ronal d Brownstein, The Power and the Glitter: The Hollywood-Washington Connection (Ne w York: Pantheon Books , 1990), 204-7, 237-29. 49. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 47-48 . 50. Buchanan , Right from the Beginning, 321 ; "Nixon Spewe d Venom in Margin of Daily News Summary," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 October 1996. 51. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 202 ; Richard Polenberg, One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since 1938 (Ne w York: Viking, 1980), 240-41; Washington Evening Star (Washington, D.C.), 3 November 1972. 52. Nationa l Republica n Heritag e Group s [Nationalities ] Counci l Newsletter, 1976 (Theodore C. Marrs Files, Conference File , Box 64, FPL). 53. Thoma s Byrn e Edsall and Mar y D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (Ne w York: Norton , 1992) , 86-87; Peter Ros s Range , "Thunde r fro m th e Right, " New York Times Magazine 5 (8 February 1981): 23-25, 64, 74-75, 81, 84.

Notes to Chapte r 3 27 9 Notes to Chapte r 3 1. Michae l Barone , Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan (Ne w York: Free Press, 1990), 516-18. 2. "Richar d Nixo n an d America n Religion, " Christian Century111 (11 May 1994): 488-89 . 3. E . J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 46-48, 270; Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (Ne w York: Norton, 1991), 507-8. 4. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 122-23 ; Lasch, The True and Only Heaven, 505 ; Jules Witcover, Marathon: The Pursuit of the Presidency, 1972-1976 (New York: Viking, 1977), 175-79. 5. Lasch , The True and Only Heaven, 478 , 499. 6. Michae l Novak, "Busing : Immoral?" 1975 (Robert A. Goldwin Files , Goldwin Nam e File , Box 26, FPL); Michael Novak , "Th e Vietnam o f the 1970s: Busing," A New America (Newsletter o f EMPA C [Ethni c Million s Politica l Actio n Committee]), Jul y 197 5 (Robert A . Goldwin Files , Goldwin Nam e File , Box 26, FPL); Michael Novak, "Blacks and Catholics—Tw o Fatefu l Migrations, " MS ca. 1975 (Robert A. Goldwin Files, Goldwin Name File, Box 26, FPL). 7. Ronal d J. Sider letter to Marlin Van Elderen, 18 June 1973 (Evangelicals for Social Action, Box 1, BGA); Ronald J . Sider, "New s Release," 27 November 1973 (Evangelicals for Social Action, Box 1, BGA); Nadine Heiss, Testimony Submitted to th e Unite d State s Senat e Constitutional Amendment s Subcommittee , 24 September 197 3 (Gerald R . Ford Vic e Presidential Papers , Issues File, Box 19, FPL); Altoona Mirror, 2 4 February 1974; James Hefley and Harold Smith, "What Should Johnny Read?" Christianity Today 28 (7 September 1984): 24-27 . 8. Lasch , The True and Only Heaven, 482-83 ; Urie Bronfenbrenner, "Th e Calamitous Declin e o f th e America n Family, " ca . 1976 (John F . Cardinal Dearde n Papers, Pamphlet Collection , Box 11, NDA); Michael Novak, "The Family out of Favor," Harper's 272 (April 1976): 37-46. 9. Andre w Greeley , "In Searc h o f th e Ne w Morality, " Chicag o Tribune, 1 6 March 1976 ; William Ale x Mcintosh, Letiti a T . Alston, an d Jo n P . Alston, "Th e Differential Impac t o f Religious Preference an d Churc h Attendance on Attitudes Toward Abortion," Review of Religious Research 2 0 (Spring 1979): 195-213 . 10. Kennet h A . Briggs , "Bishop s As k Religiou s Teachin g i n th e Publi c Schools," New York Times, 2 0 February 1976 ; William F . Willoughby, "Bishop' s Remarks on Jews Criticized," Washington Star, 6 December 1975. 11. Joh n Dart, "U. S. Catholics Reach Fork in the Road, Must Choose Between Mainstream o r Minority, " New York Times, 20 Marc h 1975 ; Eileen Shanahan , "Equal Right s Test I s Near i n Illinois, " New York Times, 2 March 1975 ; Kent L. Tedin, "Religious Preference and Pro- Anti-Activism on the Equal Rights Amendment Issue," Pacific Sociological Review 21 (Januar y 1978): 55-66 . 12. Shanahan , "Equa l Rights Test Is Near in Illinois"; Tedin, "Religious Preference an d Pro - Anti-Activis m o n th e Equa l Right s Amendment Issue, " 55-66; Kent L. Tedin, David W. Brady, Mary E. Buxton, Barbara M. Gorman, and Judy L. Thompson, "Socia l Backgroun d an d Politica l Difference s Betwee n Pro - an d

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Anti-ERA Activists, " American Politics Quarterly 5 (July 1977) : 395-408; Bonnie Cook Freeman, "Antifeminist s an d Women's Liberation : A Case Study of a Paradox," Women & Politics 3 (Sprin g 1983) : 21-38; David W . Brad y an d Ken t L. Tedin, "Ladie s i n Pink : Religio n an d Politica l Ideolog y i n th e Anti-ERA Movement," Social Science Quarterly 5 6 (March 1976) : 564-74; Margaret I . Miller and Helene Linker , "Equa l Right s Amendment Campaign s i n Californi a an d Utah, " Society 1 1 (May-June 1974) : 40-53 ; Joa n Huber , Cynthi a Rexroat , an d Glenn a Spitze, "A Crucible of Opinion on Women's Status: ERA in Illinois," Social Forces 52 (December 1978) : 549-65; Theodore S . Arrington an d Patrici a A. Kyle, "Equal Rights Amendment Activist s i n Nort h Carolina, " Signs 3 (Spring 1978): 666-80; Kenneth A. Briggs, "Southern Baptists and Catholics Find Ties," New York Times, 19 September 1976. 13. Rosalin d Rosenberg , "The Abortion Case, " in John A. Garraty, ed., Quarrels That Have Shaped the Constitution (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1988), 351-79; Peter Leahy and Allan Mazur, "A Comparison of Movements Opposed to Nuclear Power, Fluoridation , an d Abortion," Research in Social Movements 1 (1978): 143 54; Briggs, "Southern Baptists and Catholics Find Ties." 14. Mar y J o Neitz , "Family , State , an d God : Ideologie s o f th e Right-to-Lif e Movement," Sociological Analysis 4 2 (Fall 1981): 265-76; William Ra y Arney and William H . Trescher, "Trend s in Attitudes Toward Abortion, 1972-1975," Family Planning Perspectives 8 (May/Jun e 1976) : 117-24 ; Judit h Blake , "Th e Suprem e Court's Abortion Decisions and Public Opinion in the United States," Population and Development Review 3 (1977): 45-71; Donald Granberg, "Prolife o r Reflectio n of Conservativ e Ideology ? A n Analysi s o f Oppositio n t o Legalize d Abortion, " Sociology and Social Research 6 2 (April 1978): 414-29 . 15. Leah y an d Mazur , " A Compariso n o f Movement s Oppose d t o Nuclea r Power, Fluoridation, and Abortion," 143-54; Kenneth A. Briggs, "An Evangelical's Rise," New York Times, 30 Jul y 1977 ; Missouri Syno d Pres s Release , "Luthera n Leaders Urge Lega l Protection fo r Unbor n Children, " 2 4 March 197 6 (Office o f the Press Secretary, David Gergen Files, Box 1, FPL) . 16. Statemen t o f Dr. Eugene W. Linse, Jr., Before the Subcommittee o n Civil and Constitutional Rights, Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, 24 March 1976 (Office o f the Press Secretary, David Gergen Files, Box 1, FPL) . 17. Celebrat e Lif e Committee , "Practica l Politic s Kit, " ca . 1975 (Joseph Brei g Papers, Box 10, NDA) . 18. Witcover , Marathon, 57-58 ; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 205 . 19. Irvin g Kristol letter to Robert Goldwin, 28 January 1976 (James M. Cannon Files, Abortio n File , Bo x 1 , FPL); Irvin g Kristol , "O n Corporat e Capitalis m i n America," Public Interest 49 (Fall 1975): 124-41; Peter Steinfels , The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America 5 Politics (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1979) , 277-79 . Se e Joh n Podhoretz , Hell of a Ride: Backstage at the White House Follies, 1989-1993 (Ne w York : Simo n & Schuster, 1993) , fo r som e pith y observations on preppies, Jews, and religious conservatives. 20. Joh n D . Lofton , Jr. , "Catholic s Chee r Ford—Bu t Why? " Human Events 36 (21 August 1976): 25-26; Warren S. Rustand letter to Randy Engel, 4 December 1974 (Theodor e C . Marr s Files , Organization s File , Bo x 55 , FPL); William W .

Notes to Chapter 3 28 1 Nicholson Memorandu m t o Pa m Needham , 1 8 November 197 4 (Theodore C . Marrs Files , Organizations File , Box 55, FPL); Randy Engel letter to Warren Rustand, 1 1 Novembe r 197 4 (Theodore C . Marrs Files , Organizations File , Box 55 , FPL); Randy Engel letter to Theodore Marrs, 27 January 1975 (Theodore C. Marrs Files, Organizations File, Box 55, FPL) . 21. Bobbi e Greene Kilberg Memorandum to Jim Cavanaugh, 4 September 1976 (James M. Cannon Files, Abortion File, Box 1, FPL); Bobbie Greene Kilberg Memorandum t o th e President, 6 February 197 6 (James M . Cannon Files , Abortion File, Box 1, FPL); Byron W. Daynes and Raymond Tatalovich, "Presidential Politics an d Abortion, 1972-1988, " Presidential Studies Quarterly 2 2 (Summer 1992): 545-6i. 22. Michae l Raoul-Duval Memorandum to Henry Cashen II, 14 July 1976 (Michael Raoul-Duval Files , Republican Part y Platform File , Box 27, FPL); Dr . Me lady and Dr. Lee Memorandum t o Dr. Myron B . Kuropas, 25 June 1976 (Offic e of the Press Secretary, David Gergen Files, Box 1, FPL) . 23. Meetin g with the Executive Committee of National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 10 September 197 6 (James M. Cannon Files , Abortion File , Box 1, FPL) ; Gerald R. Ford letter to Joseph Bernardin, 10 September 1976 (James M. Cannon Files, Abortion File, Box 1, FPL); Timothy A. Byrnes, "The Politics of the American Catholic Hierarchy," Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 497-514 . 24. Michae l Nova k lette r t o Theodor e C . Marrs, 1 April 197 5 (Theodore C. Marrs Files , Marr s Nam e File , Bo x 61, FPL); Michael Nova k lette r t o Rober t Goldwin, 30 September 197 5 (Robert A. Goldwin Files , Goldwin Name File, Bo x 26, FPL) ; Michael Nova k lette r t o Geral d R . Ford , 2 October 197 5 (Robert A. Goldwin Files, Goldwin Name File, Box 26, FPL); Special Voter Report to Gerald R. Ford , "Afro-Americans, " 197 6 (President For d Committe e Records , Specia l Voter Groups , Box C4, FPL); Michael Novak, "A Penny from th e President?" A New America, Apri l 1975 (Robert A. Goldwin Files , Goldwin Nam e File , Box 26, FPL). 25. Harol d G . Bromwell lette r t o Geral d R . Ford , 1 March 197 4 (Gerald R . Ford Vice Presidential Papers , Requests, Box 158, FPL); Gerald R . Ford lette r to Harold G . Bromwell, 2 0 March 197 0 (Gerald R . Ford Vic e Presidentia l Papers , Requests, Box 158, FPL). 26. "Remark s o f th e Presiden t t o Nationa l Religiou s Broadcaster s Conven tion," 2 2 February 197 6 (Robert T . Hartman Files , General Subjec t File , Box 13 , FPL); "NAE in Washington: Bicentennial Faith," Sojourners 5 (March 1976). 27. Transcrip t o f CBN Tape an d Memorandum t o the President o n CBN, 5 August 1976 (Office o f the Editorial Staff, Press Speeches, Box 37, FPL); Transcript of Thomas Road Baptist Church Tape, 21 Jun e 1976 (Office o f the Editorial Staff, Presidential Speeches , Box 35, FPL); David Edwi n Harrell , Jr. , Pat Robertson: A Personal, Political , and Religious Portrai t (Sa n Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987) , 59; John B. Donovan, Pat Robertson: The Authorized Biography (New York: Macmillan, 1988), 115. 28. Witcover , Marathon, 46 , 51,167; Kevin Phillips, "GOP Obstacle to Conservatives," St . Petersbur g Times-Union, 9 Septembe r 1976 ; Patric k Buchanan , "Ford's Nearsighte d Visions, " Chicag o Tribune, 6 Januar y 1976 ; Patrick Bu -

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chanan, "Hardbal l Politic s Begin, " Sa n Dieg o Union, 13 February 1976 ; R. W. Apple, Jr., "The Dilemm a o f the Republicans, " New York Times, 1 0 March 1975; "GOP Role Sought by Conservatives," New York Times, 2 March 1975. 29. Ronal d Reagan letter to Gerald R. Ford, 20 December 1974 (Richard Cheney Files, General Subject File, Box 13, FPL); President Gerald R. Ford Committee Records, Chairman's Office , Fil e on Ronal d Reagan , (Presiden t For d Committee Records, Bo x A4, FPL); Gerald R . For d lette r t o Nanc y an d Ronal d Reagan , 13 May 1975 (White House Central File, Name File, Ronald Reagan, Box 2608, FPL); Pete Wilson report to Gerald R. Ford, 31 October 1975 (President Ford Committee Records, Press Office, Ronal d Reagan File, Box G5, FPL.) 30. Henr y Bellmo n lette r t o Mar y Louis e Smith , 2 5 August 197 5 (Presiden t Ford Committee Records, Chairman's Office, Ronal d Reagan File, Box A4, FPL); "Citizens for Reagan " fundraising letter , 31 July 1975 (President For d Committee Records, Chairman's Office, Ronal d Reagan File, Box A4, FPL). 31. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 205-8 ; Peter Rose Range, "Thunder from th e Right," New York Times Magazine 5 (8 February 1981): 23-25, 64, 74-75, 81, 84; John Calhoun Memorandum to Bill Baroody, 27 May 1976 (President Ford Committee Records , Staf f Memoranda , Bo x Bio, FPL); Jody Powell, The Other Side of the Story (New York: Morrow, 1984), 207; Witcover, Marathon, 419 . 32. Calhou n Memorandu m t o Baroody ; " 'Welfare Queen ' Become s Issue in Reagan Campaign, " New York Times, 15 February 1976 ; Ford Attac k Shee t o n Reagan's Welfare Record , 1976 (President Ford Committee Records, Press Office, Ronald Reaga n File , Box G5, FPL); Ford Fac t Sheet, "Reagan Recor d in Califor nia," 197 6 (President For d Committe e Records , Research Office , Ronal d Reagan File, Box H41, FPL); L. William Seidma n an d Burto n G . Malkiel Memorandu m to President Geral d R. Ford, 1 April 1976 (James E. Connor Files , Staff Secretary , Subject File , Box 16, FPL); Rowland Evan s an d Rober t Novak , "Reagan' s Social Security Gaffe, " Washington Post, 2 0 December 1975 ; Ford Campaign , "Ronal d Reagan on Social Security," Fact Sheet, 1975 (President Ford Committee Records, Press Office, Ronal d Reagan File, Box G5, FPL) . 33. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, iyi\ Kevi n Phillips , "Conservativ e Profile I s Confusing," Sa n Diego Union, 9 April 1975; "The President Ford Committee's Reaction to Reagan Announcement," 20 November 1975 (President Ford Committee Records, Chairman's Office, Ronal d Reagan File, A4, FPL). 34. Th e Ad Hoc Committee in Defense of Life, Lifeletter #6, 6 April 1976, and Lifeletter #12, 23 August 197 6 (Office o f the Pres s Secretary , Davi d Gerge n Files, Box 1, FPL); James W. Malone, Testimony of the United State s Catholic Confer ence Before th e Republica n Platfor m Committee , 1976 (James M. Cannon Files , Abortion File , Box 1, FPL); Michael J. Malbin, "The Conventions, Platforms, and Issue Activists," in Austin Ranney, ed., The American Elections 0/1980 (Washing ton, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1981), 99-141. 35. Malbin , "The Conventions, Platforms, and Issue Activists," 99-141; Lifeletter #12, 23 August 1976; William A. Rusher, "Referendum o n the ERA," Philadelphia Inquirer, 5 Ma y 1976. 36. Bett y Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (Ne w York: Norton, 1980), 109-10.

Notes to Chapte r 3 28 3 37. Ibid., 178 , 247; Witcover, Marathon, 117,127,157 , 296 , 38. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 241-44 , 247-48 , 289, 328, 336, 338-39; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 181 . 39. Witcover , Marathon, 114, 198, 293-94 ; Glad , Jimmy Carter, 337-38 , 354; Thomas W. Ottenad, "McGovern Assails Carter in Wisconsin Talk, Backs Udall," Washington Post, 6 April 1976 ; John R . Coyne, Jr., "Niceguyin ' Hi s Way to th e White House?" National Review 28 (14 May 1976): 501-4. 40. Willia m A . Rusher , "Carter' s Fait h Ma y Wi n Votes, " Philadelphi a Inquirer, 1 7 May 1976. 41. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 184 , 332; E. Brooks Holifield , "Th e Thre e Strand s of Jimmy Carter' s Religion, " New Republic 17 4 ( 5 Jun e 1976) : 15-17 ; Kennet h L . Woodward, Joh n Barnes , and Lauri e Lisle , "Born Again ! The Year of the Evangelicals," Newsweek 88 (25 October 1976): 68-70, 75-76, 78; James Robison, "Who Are th e Souther n Baptists? " Chicag o Tribune, 25 July 1976 ; Gar y Wills , "Th e Plains Truth : A n Inquir y Int o th e Shapin g o f Jimm y Carter, " Atlantic Monthly 237 (June 1976): 49-54 42. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 383 ; "Tax-Exempt Grou p Boost s Carter Campaign, " Human Events 3 6 (1 0 Apri l 1976) : 5; Transcript o f Ji m Castell i intervie w wit h Jimmy Carter , National Catholic News (Washington, D.C.) , 9 August 197 6 (National Assembly of Religious Women Papers, Box 15, NDA) . 43. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 384 ; Witcover, Marathon, 566 ; Mike Royko, "Playboy Still a Big No-No," Chicago Daily News, 3 0 September 1976. 44. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 384 ; Witcover, Marathon, 607 ; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 180 ; Ralph Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (Ne w York: Free Press, 1996), 93, 106; David E . Anderson, "Yea r of the Evangelical? " 2 4 October 1976 , UPI Tea r Sheet , Geral d R . Ford Presidentia l Campaign (Offic e th e Editorial Staff, Charles McCall Files, Box 94, FPL). 45. Harol d Lindsell Newspaper Clipping File, 1976 (Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA); Harold Lindsell letter to the editor of the Binghamton (N.Y. ) Sun, 7 Octobe r 197 6 (Christianity Today Papers, Bo x 24 , BGA) ; Binghamton (N.Y. ) Sun, "Suc h Language " (editorial) , 2 8 September 1976 ; Harold Lindsel l lette r t o Maxine K. Hedrich, 4 October 1976 (Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA) . 46. Kennet h Jordan letter to Harold Lindsell, 1976 (Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA); C. W. Draper lette r to Harold Lindsell , 27 September 1976 (Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA); Maxine K. Hedrich letter to Harold Lindsell, 29 September 1976 (Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA) . 47. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 293-94 . Se e Witcover , Marathon, for a n extensiv e treatment o f th e Carte r campaign' s assertion s o f anti-Baptis t prejudic e i n th e media and among certain voters. 48. Andre w Greeley , "I' m Tire d o f Bein g a Democrat, " Chicag o Tribune, 1 7 August 1976 ; Andrew Greeley , " 'Ethnics' Is Code Word fo r Catholics, " Chicago Tribune, 2 6 August 1976; Andrew Greeley, "Try These Solutions, Jimmy," Chicago Tribune, 24 August 1976; Michael Novak, "Carter's Nixon Image," Arlington (Va.) Catholic Herald, 5 Augus t 1976. 49. Lawrenc e M. O'Rourke, Geno: The Life and Mission ofGeno Baroni (Ne w York: Paulist Press, 1991), 126-34.

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50. Dian e Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade: America n Education , 1945-198 0 (New York : Basi c Books , 1983) , 298 ; Joh n Bodnar , Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton Universit y Press , 1992), 234-37; William A . Rusher, "Carte r Mollifie d the Liberal Democrats/' Philadelphia Inquirer, 2 0 July 1976. 51. Glad , Jimmy Carter, 272-73 , 308; Democratic Nationa l Platfor m o n ERA, Abortion, and Civil Rights, 1976 (President Ford Committee Records, Staff Memoranda, Bo x Bio, FPL); Jimmy Carter Presidentia l Campaign , "Jimmy Carter on Civil Rights/ ' 197 6 (Nationa l Assembl y o f Religiou s Wome n Papers , Bo x 15, NDA); Jimm y Carte r Presidentia l Campaign , "Jimm y Carte r o n Crime, " 1976 (National Assembl y o f Religiou s Wome n Papers , Bo x 15, NDA); Jimmy Carte r Presidential Campaign , "Jimm y Carte r Presidentia l Campaign, " 197 6 (Nationa l Assembly of Religious Women Papers , Box 14, NDA); Jimmy Carter Presidentia l Campaign, "Jimm y Carte r o n Welfar e Program, " 197 6 (Nationa l Assembl y o f Religious Women Papers , Box 15, NDA); TNR. "Wary of Welfare," New Republic 174 (5 June 1976): 3-552. Statemen t b y Jimmy Carter o n th e American Family , 3 August 197 6 (National Assembly of Religious Women Papers , Box 15, NDA); Glad, Jimmy Carter, 3i3> 375; • 53. O'Rourke , Geno, 126-34; "Jimm y Carte r an d th e Democrati c Platfor m Abortion Plank, " 197 6 (Office o f the Pres s Secretary, David Gerge n Files , Box 1, FPL); "Bernardin Hits Abortion Plank," New York Times, 4 July 1976; Glad, Jimmy Carter, 308 . 54. Alber t R . Hunt , "Carte r an d th e Catholics, " Wall Street Journal, 8 July 1976; Andrew Mollison, "D o Catholic s Cut Carter' s Chances? " Atlanta Constitution, 13 July 1976; Haynes Johnson, "Catholics Seen as Problem for Carter," Washington Post, 1 6 July 1976. 55. Witcover , Marathon, 319-26 ; Steven Brill , "Jimmy Carter's Pathetic Lies," Harper's 252 (March 1976): 77-88 . 56. Witcover , Marathon, 129, 133 , 350-51; Glad , Jimmy Carter, 245-46 , 258; Ravitch, The Troubled Crusade, 313-14 . 57. Witcover , Marathon, 245 ; Jim Templeton, "Six States to Decide Next U.S. President, Delegate s t o Are a COP E Conferenc e Told, " Souther n Illinoi s Labor Tribune (Eas t St. Louis, 111.), 1 April 1976. 58. Patric k Buchana n Memorandu m t o th e President , Fal l 1976 (Ford-Carter Debate Papers , Inpu t Files , Bo x 29 , FPL) ; Gallu p Opinio n Index , "Religio n in America , 1975 " (Charle s McCal l Files , For d Presidentia l Campaign , Bo x 78, FPL). 59. Jerr y V. Livadas, "The Winning of the White House 1976," 15 August 1976 (President Ford Committee Records, Research office, Bo x 29, FPL). 60. Rit a E. Hauser Memorandu m t o Rogers C. B. Morton, 3 May 1976 (President For d Committe e Records , Staf f Memoranda , Bo x Bio, FPL); Reed, Active Faith, 82-83; Rober t D . Novak, "Fiasc o '76, " National Review 2 8 (24 December 1976): 1396-98 . 61. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 128,140 ; Glad, Jimmy Carter, 381-82, 402.

Notes to Chapte r 4 28 5 62. Witcover , Marathon, 226, 554; Glad , Jimmy Carter, 401 ; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 227 . 63. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 131 , 227; Witcover, Marathon, 620 ; Glad, Jimmy Carter, 401-402 ; William Schneider , "Th e Novembe r 4 Vot e fo r President: What Di d It Mean?" in Austin Ranney , ed., The American Elections of 1980 (Washington , D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1981), 212-62; Archie Robinson, George Meany and His Times (Ne w York: Simon 8c Schuster, 1981), 352. 64. Witcover , Marathon, 546 . 65. Gallu p Opinio n Index , "Religion i n America, 1975"; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 124,127 . 66. Bill y Graham lette r t o Geral d R . Ford, 2 4 November 197 6 (White Hous e Central Files, Name File, Box 1, FPL) . Notes to Chapter 4 1. Austi n Ranney , "Th e Carte r Administration, " i n Austi n Ranney , ed. , The American Elections of 1980 (Washington , D.C. : America n Enterpris e Institute , 1981), 1-36; R . Emmet t Tyrrell , Jr. , The Liberal Crack-Up (Ne w York: Simo n 8c Schuster, 1984), 24, 39, 45,157 . 2. Pau l Johnson, Modern Times: From the Twenties to the Nineties (Ne w York: HarperCollins, 1991), 613-96 . 3. Ibid., 674; Jean e Kirkpatrick, "Dictatorship s an d Double Standards," Commentary 68 (November 1979): 34-45. 4. Johnson , Modern Times, 661 ; Christopher Matthews, Hardball: How Politics Is Played (Ne w York: Summit Books , 1988), 137; Lou Cannon , President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (Ne w York: Simon 8c Schuster, 1991), 820. 5. E . J. Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics (Ne w York: Simon 8 c Schuster, 1992), 244, 277; Tyrrell, The Liberal Crack-Up, 50 . 6. Michae l Barone , Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan (New York : Fre e Press , 1990) , 579 ; Kevin P . Phillips , Post-Conservative America: People, Politics, and Ideology in a Time of Crisis (Ne w York: Rando m House, 1982), 30. For the best discussion o f the fall of smokestack industry in the seventies and eighties, see John P. Hoerr, And the Wolf Finally Came: The Decline of the American Steel Industry (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988). 7. Tyrrell , The Liberal Crack-Up, 49-50 ; Burton Yale Pines, Back to Basics: The Traditionalist Movement That Is Sweeping Grass-Roots America (Ne w York: Morrow, 1982), 321-22; Barone, Our Country, 580 . 8. Josep h A . Califano , Jr. , Governing America: An Insider's Report from the White House and the Cabinet (Ne w York: Simon 8 c Schuster, 1981) , 368-71; Phillips, Post-Conservative America, 90; Thoma s Byrn e Edsal l an d Mar y D . Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (Ne w York: Norton, 1992), 168. 9. Phillips , Post-Conservative America, 95 , 97 . 10. Ibid., 93 , 238; John R. Logan and Reid M. Golden, "Suburbs and Satellites: Two Decade s o f Change, " American Sociological Review 5 1 (June 1986) : 430-37; Barone, Our Country, 566 .

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11. Jod y Powell, The Other Side of the Story (New York: Morrow, 1984), 39-40; Califano, Governing America, 78 ; Stacey Oliker, "Abortion and the Left: The Limits of 'Pro-Family' Politics," Socialist Review 56 (1981): 71-96; Pines, Back to Basics, 158; Susan Harding , "Famil y Reform Movements : Recent Feminis m an d Its Opposition," Feminist Studies 7 (Spring 1981): 57-75. 12. Oliker , "Abortio n an d th e Left, " 71-96 ; Barbar a Ehrenreich , "Th e Women's Movements : Feminis t an d Antifeminist, " Radical America 1 5 (Spring 1981): 93-101; Rosalind Pollac k Petchesky , "Antiabortion, Antifeminism , an d the Rise of the New Right," Feminist Studies 7 (Summer 1981) : 206-46; Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (Ne w York: Norton , 1991)> 492; Edmund Fawcet t an d Ton y Thomas , The American Condition (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1982), 84-85; Pines, Back to Basics, 161 ; Kant Patel, Denny Pilant, an d Gar y Rose , "Born-Agai n Christian s i n th e Bibl e Belt : A Stud y i n Religion, Politics, and Ideology," American Politics Quarterly 10 (April 1982): 25572. 13. France s FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Culture (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), 26-41, 46-68, 84. 14. Califano , Governing America, 229 ; Betty Glad, Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New York : Norton , 1980) , 456 ; Donald Granber g an d Beth Wellma n Granberg , "Abortio n Attitudes , 1965-1980 : Trends an d Determi nants," Family Planning Perspectives 12 (September/October 1980): 250-61; Donald Granberg, "The Abortion Activists, " Family Planning Perspectives 13 (July/Augus t 1981): 157-63 . 15. Willia m Martin , With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (New York: Broadway Books , 1996), 169; Pines, Back to Basics, 121 , 123 , 172; S. Robert Lichter , Stanle y Rothman , an d Lind a S . Lichter, The Media Elite (Bethesda: Adler & Adler, 1986), 238 . 16. Califano , Governing America, 256-57 ; Matthews, Hardball, 100 . 17. Califano , Governing America, 233-35 ; Gene I . Maeroff , "Cit y U . Out-of City Hiring Held Biased Against Jews," New York Times, 1 0 March 1975. 18. Sidne y Hook an d Mir o Todorvich, "Th e Tyranny of Reverse Discrimination," Change 8 (December-January 1976) : 42-43; Ive r Peterson , "Ris e i n Blac k Students Bring s Dispute s o n La w School Recruiting, " New York Times, 7 April 1975; Mordeca Jan e Pollock, "O n Academi c Quotas, " New York Times, 4 March 1975; William McGowan, "The Fall of City College," Wall Street Journal, 4 October 1994. 19. Dian e Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1943-1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 286-88; Califano, Governing America, 231-33 , 237, 241. 20. Califano , Governing America, 241 ; Edsall an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 124 ; Lasch, The True and Only Fleaven, 497 ; Jared Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America (New York : Carrol l & Graf, 1992), 138; Dinesh D'Souza , The End of Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society (New York: Free Press, 1995), 224, 226 . 21. Pines , Back to Basics, 313 ; Thomas Sowel l lette r t o Rober t A . Goldwin , 9 Augus t 197 5 (Rober t A . Goldwi n Files , Goldwi n Nam e File , Bo x 27 , FPL);

Notes to Chapter 4 28 7 Thomas Sowell , " 'Affirmative Action ' Reconsidered/ ' Public Interest 5 0 (1976): 47-65. 22. Edsal l an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 116-18 , 143; John R . Logan an d Mar k Schneider, "Racia l Segregatio n an d Racia l Chang e i n America n Suburbs , 19701980," American Journal of Sociology 89 (January 1984): 874-88 . 23. Pines , Back to Basics, 133 ; Charles Murray, "White Welfare, White Families, 'White Trash, ' " National Review 3 8 (2 8 March 1986) : 30-34; Edsall an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 107 . 24. Taylor , Paved with Good Intentions, 39 ; Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 112-13. 25. Powell , The Other Side of the Story, 74-75, 109-17 , 150, 206, 290; Califano, Governing America, 417-18 . 26. Lichter , Rothman , an d Lichter , The Media Elite, 20-22 , 28, 30, 32, 40-41, 45-47> 57> 64-65 , 220-53 . 27. Fawcet t an d Thomas , The American Condition, 158; Betty Glad , Jimmy Carter: In Search of the Great White House (New York: Norton, 1980) , 417, 419 , 421, 426-27, 451; Ranney, "The Carter Administration," 1-36 . 28. "Transcrip t o f President's Address to Country on Energy Problems," New York Times, 16 July 1979 ; Jeff Greenfield , The Real Campaign: How the Media Missed the Story of the 1980 Campaign (Ne w York: Summit Books, 1982), 114-15. 29. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 147-48 ; Nelson W . Polsby , "Th e Democratic Nomination," in Ranney, ed., The American Elections of 1980, 37-60 . 30. Elizabet h Drew , Portrait of an Election: The 1980 Presidential Campaign (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981), 78,143,160, 301; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 70 ; Polsby, "The Democratic Nomination," 37-60. 31. Drew , Portrait of an Election, 32 , 161; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 55 , 63, 67. 32. Powell , The Other Side of the Story, 186,188 . 33. Michae l J . Malbin, "Th e Conventions , Platforms , an d Issu e Activists," in Ranney, ed. , The American Elections of 1980, 99-141 ; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 184-87 ; Drew, Portrait of an Election, 224 , 253; Califano, Governing America, 291-92; Chester E . Finn, Jr., "Teacher Politics, " Commentary 75 (February 1983): 29-41. 34. Michae l Kazin , The Populist Persuasion: An American History (Ne w York: Basic Books , 1995) , 258 ; Martin, With God on Our Side, 171-73; Pines, Back to Basics, 121-22 ; Louise J. Lorentzen, "Evangelical Life Style Concerns Expressed in Political Action," Sociological Analysis 41 (1980) : 144-54; J°hn H. Simpson, "Status Inconsistency an d Mora l Issues, " Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2 4 (1985): 155-62 . 35. Martin , With God on Our Side, 171-73; John B . Donovan, Pat Robertson: The Authorized Biography (New York: Macmillan, 1988), 120; Pines, Back to Basics, 123. 36. Pines , Back to Basics, 140-41 ; Martin, With God on Our Side, 198-99; Ralph Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (New York: Free Press, 1996), 105; Fawcett and Thomas, The American Condition, 116; Michael Lienesch, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian

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Right (Chapel Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1993), 85; John G . Richardson an d Juli e E. Cranston, "Socia l Change , Parental Values, and the Salience of Sex Education," Journal of Marriage and the Family 43 (August 1981): 547-88. 37. FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill, 46-68 ; Lienesch, Redeeming America, 48 ; Pines, Back to Basics, 200 ; Harold Lindsel l letter to Jason King, 30 March 1976 {Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA); Jason King letter to Harold Lindsell, 25 March 1976 {Christianity Today Papers, Box 24, BGA) . 38. "Abortion' s Mornin g After," New York Times, 4 December 1978 ; Michael W. Traugott and Maris A. Vinovskis, "Abortion and the 1978 Congressional Elections," Family Planning Perspectives 1 2 (September/October 1980) : 238-46; Peter Skerry, "The Class Conflict ove r Abortion," Public Interest 52 (1978): 69-84; Peter Ross Range, "Thunder fro m th e Right," New York Times Magazine 5 (8 February 1981): 23-26, 74-75 , 81, 84; Owen Ullmann , Stockman: The Man, the Myth, the Future (Ne w York: Donald I. Fine, 1986), 111. 39. Phylli s Schlafly letter to the editor, America 148 (14 June 1980): 489; Donald Granberg, "The Abortion Activists," Family Planning Perspectives 13 (July/Augus t 1981): 157-63; Juli Loesch , "Prolife , Pro-ERA, " America 14 6 ( 9 Decembe r 1978): 435-36; Elizabeth Alexander and Maureen Fiedler, "The Equal Rights Amendment and Abortion: Separate and Distinct," America 148 (12 April 1980): 314-18; "ERA" Pro and Con," Sunday Visitor (Huntingdon, Ind.), 15 Jun e 1980, 6-7. 40. Clif f Foster, "Friends and Foes of ERA Lobby Bishops," National Catholic News Service, 1 May 1978 (Conference o f Major Superior s of Men, Box 31, NDA); Network, "Catholics and the Equal Rights Amendment," 1978 (National Assembly of Religiou s Women Papers , Box 11, NDA); Kathleen Coone y letter t o Kathlee n Keating, 30 January 1978 (National Assembly of Religious Women Papers, Box 10, NDA); Kathleen Keating letter to Kathleen Cooney, 3 April 1978 (National Assembly of Religious Women Papers, Box 10, NDA); Kathleen Keating letter to Wilma Kramer, 197 8 (Nationa l Assembl y o f Religiou s Wome n Papers , Bo x 10 , NDA); The Famil y Life Apostolate, Archdiocese o f New Orleans, letter t o National Assembly o f Religiou s Women , 2 9 Augus t 197 7 (Nationa l Assembl y o f Religiou s Women Papers , Box 10, NDA); Kathleen Keatin g letter to the Family Life Apostolate, Archdiocese of New Orleans, 10 October 1977 (National Assembly of Religious Women Papers , Box 10, NDA) . 41. Lesli e Bennetts, "Abortio n Foes , at Conference , Pla n Strateg y of Political Activism," New York Times, 2 1 January 1980. 42. Georg e G. Higgins, "The Prolife Movement an d the New Right," America 148 (13 September 1980) : 107-10; Ronald E. Griescheimer letter to the Association of Chicago Priests , 28 April 198 0 (Association o f Chicago Priests Papers, Box 17 , NDA). 43. Joa n S . Carver, "Th e Equa l Right s Amendmen t an d th e Florid a Legisla ture," Florida Historical Quarterly 6 0 (Apri l 1982): 455-91; Robert Boot h Fowler, "The Feminis t an d Antifeminis t Debat e Withi n Evangelica l Protestantism, " Women & Politics 5 (Summer/Fall 1985) : 7-39; Va l Burris , "Wh o Oppose d th e ERA? An Analysis of the Socia l Bases of Antifeminism," Social Science Quarterly 64 (June 1983): 305-17; Matthew C. Moen, "School Prayer and the Politics of LifeStyle Concern, " Social Science Quarterly 6 5 (December 1984) : 1065-71; Susan E.

Notes to Chapte r 4 28 9 Marshall and Anthony M. Orum, "Opposition Then and Now: Countering Feminism i n the Twentieth Century, " Research in Politics and Society 2 (1986): 13-34 ; Louis Bolce , Geral d D e Maio , an d Dougla s Muzzio , "ER A an d th e Abortio n Controversy: A Case of Dissonance Reduction," Social Science Quarterly 67 (June 1986): 299-314 . 44. Martin , With God on Our Side, 181 . 45. Ibid.> 178-88 ; Pines, Back to Basics, 140 , 144; Pamela Johnsto n Conover , "The Mobilizatio n o f the New Right: A Test o f Various Explanations, " Western Political Quarterly 36 (December 1983): 633-49 . 46. Evangelical s fo r Socia l Action , "Ca n M y Vote b e Biblical? " Christianity Today 24 (19 September 1980): 1035-38; "The White House Feud on the Family," Christianity Today 24 (2 May 1980): 47-48, 50; Martin, With God on Our Side, 189; Pines, Back to Basics, 149 . 47. Pines , Back to Basics, 286-87 , 295-96; Clyde Wilcox, "Fundamentalists and Politics: An Analysis of the Effects o f Differing Operationa l Definitions," Journal of Politics 48 (November 1986) : 1041-51; Stephen D. Johnson an d Joseph B. Tamney, "Support for the Moral Majority: A Test of a Model," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2 3 (1984): 183-96 ; Georg e Vecsey , "Militan t Preacher s Tr y t o Weld Fundamentalis t Christians ' Politica l Power, " New York Times, 21 January 1980. 48. Pines , Back to Basics, 55 ; Phillips, Post-Conservative America, 48; Lienesch, Redeeming America, 98 , 100,114, 116-17, 119 . 49. Edsal l and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 132-34 ; Pines, Back to Basics, 297 ; Allan J. Mayer, "A Tide of Born-Again Politics," Newsweek 96 (15 September 1980): 2829, 31-32, 36; Robert Zwie r and Richar d Smith , "Christia n Politic s and th e New Right," Christian Century 97 (8 October 1980): 937-41; Daniel Yankelovich, "Stepchildren o f the Mora l Majority, " Psychology Today 1 5 (November 1981) : 5-6, 10; Bill Keller , "Evangelica l Conservative s Mov e from Pew s to Polls , But Ca n The y Sway Congress?" Congressional Quarterly 38 (6 September 1980) : 26-34; Kenneth A. Briggs, "Evangelical s Turnin g t o Politic s Fea r Mora l Slid e Imperil s Nation, " New York Times, 1 9 August 1980 ; Martin E . Marty, "Fundamentalism a s a Social Phenomenon," Review and Expositor 79 (Winter 1982): 19-29 . 50. Jame s Mann and Sarah A. Peterson, "Preachers in Politics: Decisive Force in '80? " U.S. News & World Report 89 (15 September 1980) : 24-26; Martin, With God on Our Side, 205 ; Jerry Falwell, "The Maligne d Mora l Majority," Newsweek 98 (21 September 1981) : 17; J. Milton Yinge r an d Stephe n J . Cutler, "Th e Mora l Majority Viewe d Sociologically, " Sociological Focus 1 5 (October 1982) : 289-306; Charles L . Harper an d Kevi n Leicht , "Religiou s Awakenings and Statu s Politics: Sources of Support for th e New Religious Right," Sociological Analysis 45 (Winter 1984): 339-53 ; Donna Day-Lower , "Wh o Is the Mora l Majority ? A Composit e Profile," Union Seminary Quarterly Review 38 (1983): 335-49; Carol Mueller, "In Search of a Constituency for the 'New Religious Right/ " Public Opinion Quarterly 47 (Summer 1983) : 213-29; Wesley E. Miller, Jr. , "Th e Ne w Christian Righ t an d Fundamentalist Discontent : Th e Politic s o f Lifestyl e Concer n Hypothesi s Revisited," Sociological Focus 18 (October 1985) : 325-36; Emmett H. Buell., Jr., and Lee Sigelman, "A n Arm y That Meet s Ever y Sunday? Popula r Suppor t fo r th e Moral

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Majority i n 1980," Social Science Quarterly 66 (June 1985): 426-34; John Herbers, "Ultraconservative Evangelical s a Surgin g Ne w Forc e i n Politics, " New York Times, 17 August 1980; Anson Shupe and John Heinerman, "Mormonism and the New Christia n Right : An Emergin g Coalition? " Review of Religious Research iy (December 1985): 146-57; Clyde Wilcox, "Popular Support for the Moral Majority in 1980: A Second Look," Social Science Quarterly 68 (March 1987): 157-66; Peter L. Berger, "The Class Struggle in American Religion," Christian Century 98 (February 1981): 194-99. 51. Bruc e Buursma , "Evangelical s Giv e Reaga n a 'Non-Partisan ' Stump, " Christianity Today 24 (19 September 1980): 50; Leo P. Ribuffo, "Liberal s and That Old-Time Religion," Nation 231 (2 9 November 1980): 570-73; Frances FitzGerald, "A Disciplined, Charging Army," New Yorker 57 (18 May 1981): 53-54, 59-60, 6364, 69-70, 73~74> 78, 81-82, 84, 89-90, 92, 95-96, 99-ioo, 103-4,106-7,109-33. 52. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 230-31 , 289 ; Cannon, President Reagan, 103. 53. Cannon , President Reagan, 520-21 ; Traugott and Vinovskis, "Abortion and the 197 8 Congressional Elections, " 238-46 ; Granber g an d Granberg , "Abortio n Attitudes, 1965-1980," 250-61; Sheila Rule , "Blacks , Reacting to Vote, Seek Way to Kee p Gains, " New York Times, 8 Novembe r 1980 ; Josep h B . Tamne y an d Stephen D . Johnson, "Religiou s Televisio n i n Middletown, " Review of Religious Research 2 5 (June 1984) : 303-13; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 169 , 171; Martin, With God on Our Side, 188 ; E. J. Dionne, "Evangelicals' Vote Is a Major Target, " New York Times, 2 9 June 1980; Michael W. Combs and Susan Welch, "Blacks, Whites, and Attitude s Toward s Abortion, " Public Opinion Quarterly 4 6 (Winte r 1982) : 510-20; Elain e J . Hal l an d Myr a Mar x Ferree , "Rac e Difference s i n Abortio n Attitudes," Public Opinion Quarterly 50 (Summer 1986): 193-207 54. Dionne , "Evangelicals' Vote Is a Major Target"; Fawcett and Thomas, The American Condition, 114-15 ; Dudle y Clendinen, "Rev. Falwell Inspires Evangelical Vote," New York Times, 2 0 August 1980. 55. Martin , With God on Our Side, 219 ; Arthur H . Miller and Martin P. Wattenberg, "Politic s fro m th e Pulpit : Religiosit y an d th e 198 0 Elections, " Public Opinion Quarterly 48 (Spring 1984): 301-17; Jeffrey L . Brudney and Gary W. Copeland, "Evangelical s a s a Political Force : Reagan an d th e 1980 Religious Vote," Social Science Quarterly 65 (December 1984) : 1072-79; Cannon, President Reagan, 819; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 139 ; Ronald Brownstein , The Power and the Glitter: The Hollywood-Washington Connection (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1990), 290. 56. Jame s L. Guth and John C. Green, "Politics in a New Key: Religiosity and Participation Amon g Politica l Activists, " Western Political Quarterly 4 3 (1990): 153-79; Martin, With God on Our Side, 215 , 217 ; Edwar d E. Plowman, "Conservative Network Puts Its Stamp on the Southern Baptists ' Convention," Christianity Today 24 (18 July 1980): 50-51. 57. Edwi n Warner, "Ne w Resolve by the New Right," Time 116 (8 December 1980): 24, 27; Brownstein, The Power and the Glitter, 279-80 . 58. Milto n Himmelfarb , "Ar e Jew s Becomin g Republican? " Commentary 7 2 (August 1981): 27-31; Kathleen Murphy Beatty and Oliver Walter, "Religious Preference an d Practice : Reevaluatin g Thei r Impac t o n Politica l Tolerance, " Public

Notes to Chapter 4 29 1 Opinion Quarterly 48 (Spring 1984): 318-29; Herbers, "Ultraconservative Evangelicals a Surging Force in Politics." 59. Martin , With God on Our Side, 212; Mayer, " A Tide of Born-Again Politics," 28-29, 31-32, 36. 60. "Pulpit s an d Politics , 1980," Church and State 33 (November 1980) : 7-10; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 157-58 ; Harrell, Pat Robertson, 134 . 61. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 12 , 34; Charle s O . Jones , "Nominatin g Carter's Favorite Opponent: The Republicans in 1980," in Ranney, ed., The American Elections of 1980, 61-98 ; FitzGerald, " A Disciplined , Chargin g Army, " 60; James Dunn, "Wise as Serpents, at Least: The Political and Social Perspectives of the Electronic Church," Review and Expositor 81 (Winte r 1984): 77-92. 62. Drew , Portrait of an Election, 24 , 274 , 280 ; Michae l J . Robinson , "Th e Media i n 1980 : Was th e Messag e th e Message? " i n Ranney , ed. , The American Elections of 1980, 177-211 . 63. Martin , With God on Our Side, 213 ; Malbin, "The Conventions, Platforms, and Issue Activists," 99-141; Dudley Clendinen, " 'Christian New Right's' Rush to Power," New York Times, 18 August 1980 ; Cynthi a H . Deitch , "Ideolog y an d Opposition t o Abortion: Trends in Publi c Opinion, 1972-1980," Alternative Lifestyles 6 (Fall 1983): 6-26; Robinson, "The Media in 1980," 177-211; Drew, Portrait of an Election, 190 ; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 201 . 64. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 87 , 89-90, 93; Drew, Portrait of an Election, 345. 65. Drew , Portrait of an Election, 184-85 ; 66. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 151 ; William Schneider, "The November 4 Vote for President : What Di d I t Mean?" in Ranney , ed., The American Elections of 1980, 212-6 2 . 67. Phillips, Post-Conservative America, 39, 99, 226; Schneider, "The November 4 Vote for President," 212-62; Himmelfarb, "Are Jews Becoming Republican?" 27-31; Archi e Robinson , George Meany and His Times (New York : Simo n & Schuster, 1981), 356-405; Greenfield, The Real Campaign, 106-7 , !96. 68. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 106-7 ; Drew, Portrait of an Election, 270 , 318; Himmelfarb , "Ar e Jew s Becomin g Republican? " 27-31 ; Phillips , Post Conservative America, 164. 69. Phillips , Post-Conservative America , 91-92 , 188; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 181; Harrell, Pat Robertson, 161 ; Albert R. Hunt, "Th e Campaign an d the Issues," in Ranney, ed., The American Elections of 1980,142-76; Schneider, "The November 4 Vote for President, " 212-62. 70. Phillips , Post-Conservative America , 195 , 232; Schneider, "Th e Novembe r 4 Vote fo r President, " 212-62 ; Edsall an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 164 ; Jerome L. Himmelstein an d Jame s A. McRae, Jr., "Socia l Conservatism , Ne w Republicans, and the 1980 Election," Public Opinion Quarterly 48 (Fall 1984): 592-605; Fawcett and Thomas, The American Condition, 179 . 71. Greenfield , The Real Campaign, 295; Phillips, Post-Conservative America, 191; Barone, Our Country, 596 . 72. Dionne , Why Americans Hate Politics, 277; Phillips , Post-Conservative America, 91 .

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Notes to Chapter 5 1. Jame s M . Perry , "Fo r th e Democrats , Pam' s i s th e Plac e fo r th e Elit e t o Meet," Wall Street Journal 8 October 1981 ; James Rin g Adams, "Poor Pamela, " American Spectator 28 (February 1995): 26-28, 30. 2. Ti p O'Neill, with William Novak , Man of the House: The Life and Political Memoirs of Speaker Tip O'Neill (Ne w York: Rando m House , 1987) , 331-32, 349 , 360. 3. Marjori e Hunter , "Conservative House Democrats Seek Bigger Voice," New York Times, 8 November 1980; O'Neill and Novak, Man of the House, 353-54; Dan Balz and Ronald Brownstein , Storming the Gates: Protest Politics and the Republican Revival (Boston : Little, Brown, 1996), 121; Sidney Blumenthal, "Reaganism on Fast-Forward," New Republic 190 (3 September 1984): 14-17 . 4. Donal d Granber g an d Jame s Burlison , "Th e Abortio n Issu e i n th e 198 0 Elections," Family Planning Perspectives 15 (September-October 1983) : 231-38; David Osborne , "Th e Grea t Societ y Revisited : Winnin g Battles , Losin g th e War, " Mother Jones 11 (Jun e 1986): 13-14,16-21 . 5. L . J. Davis, "Conservatism in America," Harper's 276 (October 1980): 21-26; James L . Gut h an d Joh n C . Green , "Fait h an d Politics : Religio n an d Ideolog y Among Politica l Contributors, " American Politics Quarterly 1 4 (July 1986): 186200. 6. Zilla h Eisenstein, "Antifeminism i n the Politics and Election of 1980," Feminist Studies 7 (Summer 1981) : 187-205; George McGovern, "Th e New Right and the Old Paranoia," Playboy 28 (January 1981): 118; Johnny Greene, "The Astonishing Wrongs of the New Moral Right," Playboy 28 (January 1981): 117-18, 248, 250, 252, 254-56, 258, 260, 262; "Religious Right Goes for Bigge r Game," U.S. News & World Report 89 (17 November 1980): 42 . 7. Owe n Ullmann , Stockman: The Man, the Myth, the Future (New York : Donald I . Fine, 1986), 58, 60, 84, 111, 145, 159; John Judis, "Libertarianism: Where the Left Meets the Right," Progressive 44 (September 1980): 36-38. 8. Ullmann , Stockman, 91 , 124, 147, 170; Judis, "Libertarianism," 36-38. 9. Ullmann , Stockman, 140,167,199 ; Martin Anderson, Revolution (Ne w York: Harcourt Brac e Jovanovich, 1988), xx, 114,127,129,152. 10. Ullmann , Stockman, 236 , 287; Anderson, Revolution, 175-79 ; Edwin Meese III, With Reagan: The Inside Story (Washington, D.C. : Regnery Gateway , 1992), 93, 150; Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987), 120 . 11. Ullmann , Stockman, 186-87 , 227-28, 312-13; Meese, With Reagan, 158 , 161 ; Michael Barone , Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan (New York: Free Press, 1990), 621-22; "A Friendlier Congress for Ronald Reagan," U.S. News & World Report 89 (17 November 1980): 31-39. 12. Ullmann , Stockman, 216 ; Meese, With Reagan, 136-37 . 13. Meese , With Reagan, 104 , 107, 142-45; R. Emmett Tyrrell , Jr., The Conservative Crack-Up (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 104, 107-8,157, 163 . 14. Kevi n P . Phillips, Post-Conservative America: People, Politics, and Ideology in a Time of Crisis (New York : Rando m House , 1982) , 49-50 ; Bet h Spring ,

Notes to Chapte r 5 29 3 "Republicans, Religion, and Reelection, " Christianity Today 28 (5 October 1984): 54-58. 15. Tyrrell , The Conservative Crack-Up, 201 , 259; "Reason Interview with Irving Kristol," Reason 1 4 (January 1983) : 40-44; Byro n E . Shafer, "Th e Ne w Cultura l Politics," Political Science and Politics 1 8 (Spring 1985) : 221-31; Helen A . Moore and Hugh P. Whitt, "Multiple Dimensions of the Moral Majority Platform: Shift ing Interest Group Coalitions," Sociological Quarterly 27 (Fall 1986): 423-39 . 16. Gut h and Green, "Faith and Politics," 186-200; Val Burris, "Business Support fo r th e Ne w Right: A Consumer Guid e t o th e Mos t Reactionar y American Corporations," Socialist Review 17 (January-February 1987): 33-63; J. Craig Jenkins and Ter i Shumate , "Cowbo y Capitalist s an d th e Ris e o f th e 'Ne w Right' : A n Analysis of Contributors to Conservative Policy Formation Organizations," Social Problems 33 (December 1985) : 130-45; Dan Clawson, Marvin J . Karson, and Allen Kaufman, "Th e Corporat e Pac t fo r a Conservative America : A Data Analysi s of 1980 Corporat e PA C Donation s i n Sixty-Si x Conservativ e Congressiona l Elec tions," Research in Corporate Social Performance and Policy 8 (1986): 223-45; James L. Guth an d Joh n C . Green, "The Moralizing Minority: Christian Righ t Support Among Political Contributors," Social Science Quarterly 68 (September 1987): 598610. 17. Niel s Bjerre-Poulsen , "Th e Heritag e Foundation : A Second-Generatio n Think Tank," Journal of Policy History 3 (1991): 152-72; Meese, With Reagan, 148 , 315-19; Ann M. Reilly, "Reagan's Think Tank," Duns Review 117 (April 1981): 11014; Ca l Thomas , Occupied Territory (Brentwood , Tenn. : Wolgemut h 8 c Hyatt, 1987), 32 . 18. Steve n Pressman , "Religiou s Right : Trying to Lin k Poll Power an d Lobby Muscle," Congressional Quarterly 42 (22 September 1984): 2315-19; "What Conservatives Think o f Ronald Reagan : A Symposium," Policy Review 8 (Winter 1984): 12-19; Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: Norton, 1991) , 505-6; William Martin , With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (Ne w York: Broadway Books, 1996), 224, 227; Peter Ross Range, "Thunder fro m th e Right," New York Times Magazine 5 (8 February 1981): 23-25, 64, 74-75, 81, 84 ; Richard V . Pierard, "Reaga n an d the Evangelicals: The Making of a Love Affair," Christian Century 100 (21-28 December 1983): 118285; Ralph Reed , Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (Ne w York: Free Press, 1996), 115-17; Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York : Simo n 8 c Schuster, 1991) , 128 , 133; Stephen D . Johnson an d Josep h B . Tamney, "Suppor t fo r th e Mora l Majority : A Test o f a Model," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2 3 (1984): 183-96 . 19. "Wha t Conservative s Thin k o f Ronal d Reagan, " 12-19; Martin, With God on Our Side, 223 , 225; Walter Shapiro, "Politics and the Pulpit," Newsweek 104 (17 September 1984): 24-27 . 20. E . J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (New York: Simon 8c Schuster, 1992) , 290 ; Richar d F . Fenno , Jr. , The Making of a Senator: Dan Quayle (Washington, D.C. : Congressiona l Quarterl y Press , 1989), 7, 14, 17-20; Seymour Martin Lipse t an d Ear l Raab , "The Electio n an d th e Evangelicals, " Commentary 71 (March 1981): 25-31 .

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21. Edwi n Warner, "Ne w Resolve by the New Right," Time 116 (8 December 1980): 24, 27; "Reagan an d th e Evangelicals, " 1182-85 ; Terrel H . Bell , The Thirteenth Man: A Reagan Cabinet Memoir (New York: Free Press, 1988), 2, 53,103-4, 130-31; Barone, Our Country, 589 ; Phillips, Post-Conservative America, 215 . 22. Christophe r Matthews , Hardball: How Politics Is Played (Ne w York: Summit Books , 1988) , 49, 195; O'Neill an d Novak , Man of the House, 345 , 348, 355 ; Barone, Our Country, 614 , 624-25 . 23. Barone , Our Country, 625 , 629 . 24. Ullmann , Stockman, 237; Robert Vasquez , "Savin g a Stee l Town, " New York Times, 20 Augus t 1980 ; Hayne s Johnson , Sleepwalking Through History: America in the Reagan Years (New York: Norton, 1991), 117-19; Christopher Byron, "Booms, Busts, and Birth of a Rust Bowl," Time 120 (27 December 1982): 63, 66 ; Thomas Byrn e Edsall , The New Politics of Inequality (Ne w York: Norton, 1984), 104. 25. Lindse y Gruson, "A s Steelworkers Strike , Mill Town Show s Decay," New York Times, 2 2 July 1985; Thomas Byrn e Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (Ne w York : Norton, 1992), 199-200; Gregg Easterbrook, "Votin g for Unemployment," Atlantic Monthly 251 (May 1983): 31-44; Robert M . Kaus, "The Trouble with Unions," Harper's 26 6 (Jun e 1983) : 23-35; Bill Keller, "Unio n Official s Steppin g Up Their Efforts fo r Democrats, " New York Times, 1 7 October 1984. 26. Mar c Sellinger, "Authors Sa y Politics, As Usual, Need Cleaning Up," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 0 June 1996 ; R. Emmett Tyrrell , Boy Clinton: The Political Biography (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1996), 19-32. 27. Lasch , The True and Only Heaven, 481-82 ; Edsall and Edsall , Chain Reaction, 194 . 28. Edsal l and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 212 ; Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality, 160-61; Sidne y Blumenthal , "Stee l an d Roses, " New Republic 19 0 (3 0 April 1984): 9-11 . 29. > Blumenthal , "Stee l an d Roses, " 9-11; M. Kent Jennings , "Residues o f a Movement: Th e Aging of th e American Protes t Generation, " American Political Science Review 81 (Jun e 1987): 367-82. 30. Alle n Hunter , "I n th e Wings : Ne w Righ t Ideolog y an d Organization, " Radical America 15 (Sprin g 1981): 113-38; Roger Wilkins, "Smiling Racism," Nation 2 39 ( 3 November 1984) : 437; Roy Reed , "Mississippi : 2 0 Years o f Wid e Racia l Change," New York Times, 1 8 August 1983. 31. Glen n C . Loury, "Th e Moral Quandar y o f the Black Community" Public Interest 59 (Sprin g 1985) : 9-22 ; France s X . Clines , "Presiden t Talk s t o Blac k Leader," New York Times, 1 1 Septembe r 1984. 32. Moynihan , Family and Nation, 97, 99, 168, 183; Nicholas Lemann , "Th e Origins o f th e Underclass , Par t II, " Atlantic Monthly 25 8 (Jul y 1986) : 54-68; Ann Hulbert , "Childre n a s Parents," New Republic 190 (10 September 1984) : 15 23. 33. France s FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill: A Journey Through Contemporary American Cultures (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1986), 81; Tom Bethell , "Roes Disparate Impact," American Spectator 29 (June 1996): 18, 20; Sidney Blumenthal,

Notes to Chapte r 5 29 5 Pledging Allegiance: The Last Campaign of the Cold War (Ne w York : Harper Collins, 1990), 187-88. 34. Luciu s J. Barker, Our Time Has Come: A Delegate's Diary of Jesse Jackson's 1984 Presidential Campaign (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1988), 62-63, 707i» 74-75> 7735. Willia m A . Henry II , Visions of America: How We Saw the 1984 Election (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1985), 78; Barker, Our Time Has Come, 79-80 . 36. Barker , Our Time Has Come, 72 , 75, 84, 146; Ed Magnuson, "Stirrin g Up New Storms," Time 124 (9 July 1984): 8-10. 37. Barker , Our Time Has Come, 121, 149, 177, 199; Benjamin Ginsberg , The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State (Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press , 1993), 145-46,148-49, 152-53; Luc y S. Dawidowicz, "Politics, the Jews, and the '84 Election," Commentary 79 (February 1985) : 25-30; "Jackson an d th e Jews," New Republic 190 (19 March 1984): 9-10; Barbara Reynolds, "Jackson and the Pols," New Republic 190 (30 April 1984): 11-13 . 38. Barone , Our Country, 641; Jane Gross , "Patrici a Ireland , Presiden t o f NOW, Doe s Sh e Spea k fo r Today' s Women? " New York Times Magazine 1 6 (1 March 1992): 16-18, 38, 54; Robert W. Merry, "Lobbyist Wexler Advises Ferraro," Wall Street Journal17 September 1984; Henry, Visions of America,176,179 ; Ronald Brownstein, The Power and the Glitter: The Hollywood-Washington Connection (New York: Pantheon, 1990), 293. 39. "Th e Reaga n 45, " New Republic 190 (16 April 1984): 5-7; Sidney Blumenthal, "The GOP 'Me Decade'," New Republic 190 (17 and 24 September 1984): 1215. 40. Suzann e Garment , Scandal: The Culture of Mistrust in American Politics (New York: Random House, 1991), 275-81; Henry, Visions of America,201 , 205-6. 41. Henry , Visions of America, 191; Geraldine A . Ferraro , Ferraro: My Story (New York: Bantam Books, 1985), 218; Robert D. McFadden, "O'Connor-Ferrar o Dispute on Abortion Unresolved," New York Times, 1 1 Septembe r 1984. 42. Ferraro , Ferraro, 213-14 , 221-22, 232, 236; United State s Catholi c Confer ence Staff Analysis of "The New Voluntarism," 28 February 1982 (John F. Cardinal Dearden Papers , Box 35, NDA); John Cardinal O'Connor an d Mayor Edward I. Koch , His Eminence and Hizzoner: A Candid Exchange (Ne w York: Morrow , 1989), 336; National Conferenc e o f Catholi c Bishops , "Abortion : Question s an d Answers," 1983 (National Assembly of Religious Women, Box 11, NDA); Timothy A. Byrnes , "Th e Politic s o f th e America n Catholi c Hierarchy, " Political Science Quarterly 10 8 (1993): 497-514; Kenneth A . Briggs, "Bishops' Debate, " New York Times, 17 October 1984 ; Joe Klein , "Abortio n an d th e Archbishop, " New York Magazine 17 (1 Octobe r 1984): 36-43; Kenneth L. Woodward, "Politics and Abortion," Newsweek 104 (20 August 1984): 66-67. 43. "Testimon y o f Terenc e Cardina l Cook e o f Ne w York, Chairman , Com mittee for Prolife Activities, National Conference of Catholic Bishops," 5 November 1981 (John F . Cardinal Dearden Papers , Box 35, NDA); O'Connor an d Koch, His Eminence and Hizzoner, 334. 44. Sydne y H. Schanberg , "Thoughts o f an Infidel," New York Times, 8 September 1984 ; John Herbers , "Kennedy Chides Church Leader s on Role of State,"

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New York Times, 1 1 Septembe r 1984; "Excerpts from Kennedy' s Remarks on Religion," New York Times, 1 1 Septembe r 1984. 45. Charle s Krauthammer, "Th e Church-State Debate, " New Republic 190 (17 and 2 4 September 1984) : 15-18; Tom Minnery, ed., Pornography: A Human Tragedy (Wheaton, 111. : Tyndal e House, 1986), 22; Michael Oreskes, "Abortion Debate Is Hel d a Threa t t o Right s Bill, " New York Times, 22 Ma y 1984 ; Woodward, "Politics an d Abortion, " 66-67 ; Richard P . McBain, Caesar's Coin: Religion and Politics in America (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1987), 101-68. 46. Ralp h Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (New York: Free Press, 1996), 21-22, 85. 47. Woodward , "Politic s an d Abortion, " 66-67; Stephe n L . Carter, The Culture of Disbelief: How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion (New York: Basic Books, 1993), 62; Suzanne Staggenborg, "Life-Style Preference s and Socia l Movemen t Recruitment : Illustration s fro m th e Abortio n Conflict, " Social Science Quarterly 68 (December 1987) : 779-97; Moynihan , Family and Nation, 148 . 48. FitzGerald , Cities on a Hill, 87-92 ; Andrea J. Baker, "The Portrayal of AIDS in the Media: An Analysis of Articles in the New York Times," in Douglas A. Feldman an d Thomas M. lohnson, eds. , The Social Dimensions of AIDS: Method and Theory (New York: Praeger, 1986), 179-93; Martin, With God on Our Side, 241 . 49. V . S . Naipaul, "Amon g th e Republicans, " New York Review of Books 2 5 (October 1984): 5-12; Martin, With God on Our Side, 242 , 248; Stephen Glass, "Pat Speaks," New Republic 214 (18 March 1996): 17; William Scobie, "Unholy Crusade on a Sexual Battlefront," Macleans 9 4 (4 May 1981): 13-14; Rodney Clapp, "What the Democrats Believe, " Christianity Today 28 (19 October 1984) : 32-36 . 50. Bet h Spring, "These Christians Are Helping Gays Escape from Homosex ual Lifestyles," Christianity Today 28 (21 Septembe r 1984): 56-58; Beth Spring, "A Woman Who Cares About Gays in Washington, D.C.," Christianity Today 28 (2 1 September 1984) : 58, 60; Michael Stephen , "O n Homosexua l Priests, " New York Times, 1 8 August 1980. 51. O'Conno r an d Koch, His Eminence and Hizzoner, 223-53 , 297-98, 302, 308. 52. Sidne y Blumenthal , "Th e Righteou s Empire, " New Republic 19 0 (2 2 October 1984) : 18-24; Jame s M . Perry , "Churc h an d State : Candidates ' View s o n Religion Remai n Bi g Campaig n Issue, " Wall Street Journal, 1 8 September 1984; Balz and Brownstein , Storming the Gates, 216 . 53. Richar d Pierard , "Religio n an d th e 198 4 Election Campaign, " Review of Religious Research 2 7 (December 1985): 98-114; "Partisan Politics: Where Does the Gospel Fit?" Christianity Today 28 (9 November 1984): 15-17; Beth Spring, "Some Christian Leaders Want Further Political Activism," Christianity Today 28 (9 November 1984) : 46-47, 49. 54. Clyd e Wilcox, "America' s Radica l Righ t Revisited : A Comparison o f the Activists in Christia n Righ t Organization s fro m th e 1960s and th e 1980s," Sociological Analysis 4 8 (Sprin g 1987) : 46-57; Clyd e Wilcox , "Evangelical s an d Fun damentalists in the New Christian Right: Religious Differences i n the Ohio Moral Majority," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 16 (September 1986): 355-61; Clyde Wilcox, "Religious Attitudes and Anti-Feminism: An Analysis of the Ohio

Notes to Chapte r 5 29 7 Moral Majority," Women & Politics 7 (Summer 1987) : 59-77; Clyde Wilcox, "Religious Orientations an d Political Attitudes: Variations Within the New Christian Right," American Politics Quarterly 15 (April 1987): 274-96; Jeffry Wil l and Rhys Williams, "Politica l Ideolog y an d Politica l Actio n i n th e Ne w Christian Right, " Sociological Analysis 4 7 (Summe r 1986) : 160-68; James L . Guth, "Politica l Con verts: Partisan Realignmen t Amon g Southern Baptis t Ministers," Election Politics 3 (1985/1986): 2-6; Sari Thomas, "The Route to Redemption: Religion and Social Class," Journal of Communication 3 5 (Winte r 1985) : 111-22 ; Clapp , "Wha t th e Democrats Believe, " 32-36. 55. Joh n Herbers , "Mora l Majorit y an d It s Allies Expec t a Harvest o f Votes for Conservatives," New York Times, 4 November 1984; "The Role Religion Plays," Newsweek 10 4 (17 September 1984) : 31-32; Kenneth L . Woodward, "Faith , Hope, and Votes, " Newsweek 10 4 (17 September 1984) : 34-35 . 56. Shapiro , "Politic s an d th e Pulpit, " 24-27 ; "Critic s Fea r Tha t Reaga n I s Swayed b y Those Wh o Believ e i n a 'Nuclear Armageddon', " Christianity Today 28 (14 December 1984) : 48, 51; Randy Frame, "Prolife Activist s Escalate the War Against Abortion, " Christianity Today 2 8 (9 November 1984) : 40-42; Frances X. Clines, "Reporter's Notebook : Fe w Blacks in Reaga n Crowds, " New York Times, 8 September 1984; "Reagan Defends His Statements," New York Times, 8 September 1984. 57. Herbers , "Mora l Majorit y an d It s Allie s Expec t a Harves t o f Vote s fo r Conservatives"; Adam Clymer, "Moral Majority Start s Ad Campaign to Counter Critics," New York Times, 26 March 1981 ; Jim Buie , "Prais e th e Lor d an d Pas s the Ammunition, " Church and State 37 (October 1984) : 4-8; Shapiro , "Politic s and th e Pulpit, " 24-27. 58. Bet h Spring , "Fundamentalist s G o t o Capita l t o Discus s God , No t Gov ernment," Christianity Today 28 (1 8 May 1984) : 76; Pierard, "Religio n an d th e 1984 Election Campaign, " 98-114 ; Tim LaHaye , "The Election o f Our Lifetime, " Religious Broadcasting 1 6 (July-August , 1984) : 14-15 ; Spring , "Som e Christia n Leaders Wan t Furthe r Politica l Activism, " 46-47 , 49 ; Kennet h L . Woodward , "Playing Politics at Church, " Newsweek 10 4 (9 July 1984): 52 . 59. Shapiro , "Politic s an d th e Pulpit, " 24-27 ; Henry, Visions of America, 225 , 244; Barone, Our Country, 646 ; George J. Church, "The Promise: 'You Ain't Seen Nothin' Yet! ' " Time 124 (19 November 1984) : 38-41. 60. Franci s X. Clines, "Reagan Play s His Campaign Son g at Country Music's Capital," New York Times, 14 Septembe r 1984 ; Bernar d Weinraub , "Mondal e Defends Himsel f o n Religio n Issu e i n South, " New York Times, 14 September 1984. 61. Joh n Herbers , "Church Issue s Spread to State Races," New York Times, 1 9 September 1984; Robert S. Erikson, Thomas D. Lancaster, and David W. Romero, "Group Component s o f th e Presidentia l Vote , 1952-1984, " Journal of Politics 5 1 (May 1989) : 337-46; Barone, Our Country, 646; Willia m Bole , "Is th e GO P Becoming God' s Own Party? " Church and State 38 (January 1985): 12-13. 62. Edsal l an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 173 , 181-82; Evan Thomas , "Ever y Region, Ever y Age Group, Almost Ever y Bloc," Time 124 (19 November 1984) : 42 , 45-

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63. Geral d M. Boyd, "Bush Subjected to Heckling in a Steel Town," New York Times, 4 November 1984 , 62; Barone, Our Country, 645-46. 64. Barone , Our Country, 645-46 ; Henry, Visions of America, 191 , 261 . 65. Bet h Spring , "Born-Agai n Minnesotan s Pla y Political Hardball, " Christianity Today 2 8 (21 September 1984) : 68-70; Church, "Th e Promise," 38-41; Paul Taylor, See How They Run: Electing the President in an Age of Mediaocracy (New York: Knopf, 1990), 248. 66. Edsal l and Edsall , Chain Reaction, 179 ; Stephen D. Johnson and Joseph B. Tamney, "Th e Christia n Righ t an d th e 198 4 Presidentia l Election, " Review of Religious Research 2 7 (December 1985) : 124-33; John H . Simpson , "Socio-Mora l Issues an d Recen t Presidentia l Elections, " Review of Religious Research 2 7 (December 1985): 115-23; Charle s Krauthammer, "America' s Holy War," New Republic 190 (9 April 1984): 15-19 . 67. Moynihan, Family and Nation, 68-69; James M. Perry, "Candidates' Views on Religion Remain Big Campaign Issue," Wall Street Journal, 18 September 1984. 68. Reed , Active Faith, 22, 116-17; Balz an d Brownstein , Storming the Gates, 318. Notes to Chapter 6 1. Edwi n Meese III, With Reagan: The Inside Story (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1992), 223, 238; Martin Anderson, Revolution (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), 405. 2. Georg e J. Church, "An Interview with the President," Time 128 (8 December 1986) : 18-22, 27; Sidney Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance: The Last Campaign of the Cold War (New York: HarperCollins, 1990), 35. I thank Dr. Kyle Sinisi for his thoughts about North. 3. Jac k W. Germond and Jules Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? The Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988 (Ne w York: Warner Books , 1989), 45 , 47; John B. Judis, "Black Donkey, White Elephant: Race and American Politics," New Republic 198 (18 April 1988): 25-28. 4. Rober t H. Bork, The Tempting of America: The Political Seduction of the Law (New York: Free Press, 1990), 268, 283-86; Suzanne Garment, "The War Against Robert H. Bork," Commentary 85 (January 1988): 17-26. 5. Garment , "Th e Wa r Agains t Rober t H . Bork, " 17-26 ; Gary Wills , Under God: Religion and American Politics (Ne w York: Simo n & Schuster, 1990) , 272, 315-16. 6. Bork , The Tempting of America,323-26,337-43; Garment, "The War Against Robert H. Bork," 17-26. 7. Jac k Kemp, "GOP Victory in 1988, " Policy Review 12 (Summer 1988) : 2-9; Bork, The Tempting of America,310; David Brock, The Real Anita Hill: The Untold Story (New York: Free Press, 1993), 67. 8. Jule s Witcover , Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice Presidency (Ne w York: Crown , 1992) , 374-75; Germond an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 233-34; Bob Woodward an d David S. Broder, The Man Who Would Be President: Dan Quayle (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 78-79.

Notes to Chapte r 6 29 9 9. Kevi n Phillips , The Politics of Rich and Poor: Wealth and the American Electorate in the Reagan Aftermath (New York: Random House, 1990), 10, 21,124 , 138-40,179-80, 207. 10. Willia m C . Frederick, "Corporat e Socia l Responsibility in the Reagan Era and Beyond, " California Management Review 25 (Sprin g 1983) : 145-57; Martin Tolchin, "Shifting Burde n to the Private Sector," New York Times, 2 2 July 1985. 11. "Highe r Income s Hav e No t Trickle d Down, " Christianity Today 32 (22 April 1988) : 42-43; Harold B . Smith, "Supply-Sid e Morality, " Christianity Today 32 (2 September 1988): 14-15. 12. Pegg y Noonan, What I Saw at the Revolution: A Political Life in the Reagan Era (Ne w York: Random House, 1990), 38. 13. Ibid., 160, 163 , 240, 241-43 , 265 , 314; Joh n B . Judis , "Th e Conservativ e Wars," New Republic 19 5 (11 and 1 8 August 1986) : 15-18; M. E . Bradford , "O n Being a Conservativ e i n a Post-Libera l Era, " Intercollegiate Review 21 (Spring 1986): 15-18. 14. Ro b Gurwitt , "198 6 Election s Generat e GO P Powe r Struggle, " Congressional Quarterly 44 (12 April 1986): 802-7; Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York : Basi c Books , 1995) , 265 ; Fred Barnes , "Sor e Winners," New Republic 199 (5 December 1988): 16-18; Charles Colson, "So Much for Ou r 'Grea t Awakening'," Christianity Today 32 (13 May 1988): 72; David Aikman, "Washington Scorecard," Christianity Today 32 (21 October 1988): 22-23. 15. R . Emmet t Tyrrell , Jr. , The Conservative Crack-Up (Ne w York: Simo n & Schuster, 1992), 217; P. J. O'Rourke, Holidays in Hell (New York: Vintage Books, 1988), 95-96; David S. Broder, "The American Voters' New Stripes," Washington Post, 1 9 October 1987. 16. "Sizin g U p th e Reaga n Revolution, " Christianity Today 32 (2 1 October 1988): 17-21 ; "Wher e W e Succeeded , Wher e W e Failed : Lesson s fro m Reaga n Officials fo r th e Nex t Conservativ e Presidency, " Policy Review 12 (Winter 1988): 44-57; Barnes , "Sor e Winners, " 16-18 ; Ki m A . Lawton , "To o Clos e t o Call? " Christianity Today 3 2 (21 October 1988) : 34-35; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 52, 67; Pete r Goldman and Tom Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency: The 1988 Campaign (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1989), 188. 17. "Stud y Show s Churc h Kid s Are No t Waiting, " Christianity Today 3 2 (18 March 1988): 54-55; "Suicides Blamed on Music's Satanic Spell," Christianity Today 32 (1 8 March 1988) : 53; Terry C . Muck , " A Sexpert' s Ethics, " Christianity Today 32 (2 September 1988) : 15; Lloyd Billingsley, "Rock Video: 24-Hour-a-Day Pacifier for 'T V Babies'," Christianity Today 28 (13 July 1984): 70. 18. Juli a Duin, "Mainlin e Methodist s Denounc e Liberal Trends," Christianity Today 3 2 (5 February 1988) : 51-52; "Lutherans Affir m Ga y Policy," Christianity Today 32 (22 April 1988): 40; "Statement o n Gay Rights Legislation Aired," Chicago Catholic, 1 8 July 1986; National Assembly for Religiou s Women, "Regarding a Proposed Gay Rights Chicago City Ordinance," March 1986 (National Assembly for Religious Women Papers, Box 11, NDA). 19. Charle s Colson , " A Remed y fo r Christia n 'Homophobia' : Coerciv e En lightenment," Christianity Today 32 (15 July 1988): 72; Charles MacKenzie, "Just Say No t o Uncl e Sam' s Money, " Christianity Today 32 (2 September 1988) : 12 ;

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Terry Muck, "Too Much of a Good Thing?" Christianity Today 32 (13 May 1988): 14-15; "Bill May Not Forc e Schools to Help Fund Abortions," Christianity Today 32 (4 March 1988): 40-41. 20. Jame s Daviso n Hunter , "Moder n Pluralis m an d th e Firs t Amendment : The Challenges of Secular Humanism," Brookings Review 8 (Spring 1990): 20-27 ; Paul C . Vitz , "Religio n an d Traditiona l Value s i n Publi c Schoo l Textbooks, " Public Interest 60 (Summer 1986): 72-90; David Briggs, "Religious Groups Trying to Surmount Barriers," Patriot-News (Harrisburg , Pa.), 28 December 1990. 21. Brai n D . Ray , "Th e Kitche n Classroom : I s Hom e Schoolin g Makin g th e Grade?" Christianity Today 32 (12 August 1988): 23-26; David Sharp, "Your Kids' Education I s at Stake," USA Today Weekend, 14-16 March 1997; Leslie Kaufman, "Life Beyon d God, " New York Times Magazine 1 8 (16 October 1994) : 48-51, 70, 73. 22. Rodne y A . Smolla , Jerry Falwell v. Larry Flynt: The First Amendment on Trial (New York: St. Martin's Press , 1988), 1-3, 7-8; "Falwell Loses Hustler Suit," Christianity Today 32 (8 April 1988) : 48; Tom Minnery , ed., Pornography: A Human Tragedy (Wheaton , 111. : Tyndale House , 1986) , 9 , 31 , 40; Jame s Daviso n Hunter, Before the Shooting Starts: Searching for Democracy in America's Culture War (New York: Free Press, 1994), 70. 23. Minnery , Pornography, 34 , 51 , 69 , 83 ; Ca l Thomas , Occupied Territory (Brentwood, Tenn.: Wolgemuth & Hyatt, 1987), 157-58. 24. Rand y Frame, "Citizens Battl e a Booming Pornography Business," Christianity Today 28 ( 7 September 1984) : 72-73; Minnery, Pornography, 25-26 , 199200, 207, 209; Jean Bethke Elshtain, "The New Porn Wars," New Republic 190 (2 5 June 1094): 15-20; "A 'Conservative Court' I s Still Uncertain," Christianity Today 32 (4 November 1988): 37. 25. E . J. Dionne, Jr., "A Liberal's Liberal Tells Just What Went Wrong," New York Times, 2 2 December 1988; Suzanne Garment, Scandal: The Culture of Mistrust in American Politics (Ne w York : Time s Books , 1991) , 191-97 ; Ly n Cryderman , "Church Group s Urge d t o Joi n Dirt y Battle, " Christianity Today 32 (2 2 April 1988): 43; Goldman an d Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 361 . 26. Franci s Wilkinson , "Th e Gospe l Accordin g t o Randal l Terry, " Rolling Stone 23 (5 October 1989): 85-86, 91-92; Lyn Cryderman, "A Movement Divided," Christianity Today 32 (12 August 1988): 48-49 . 27. Wilkinson , "The Gospel According to Randall Terry," 85-86, 91-92; Randy Frame, "Atlanta Gets Tough," Christianity Today 32 (4 November 1988): 34-36. 28. Ki m A . Lawton , "Republican s o r Reaganites? " Christianity Today 3 2 (16 September 1988) : 38-39; William Martin , With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (Ne w York: Broadway Books, 1996), 268-69, 284; E. J. Dionne, Jr., "Michigan GOP Is Split on Eve of Vote," New York Times, 14 January 1988; Davi d Shribman , "Michiga n Result s Expos e Weaknes s o f Robertso n an d Other Republica n Presidentia l Contenders, " Wall Street Journal, 7 August 1986; John C. Green and James L. Guth, "The Christian Right in the Republican Party: The Cas e o f Pa t Robertson' s Supporters, " Journal of Politics 5 0 (1988) : 150-65; Corwin E . Smid t an d Jame s M . Penning , " A Part y Divided ? A Comparison o f

Notes to Chapte r 6 30 1 Robertson an d Bus h Delegate s t o th e 198 8 Michigan Republica n Stat e Conven tion/' Polity 23 (Fall 1990): 127-38 . 29. Germon d and Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 87; Martin, With God on Our Side, 260 . 30. Martin , With God on Our Side, 272, 289-90; Blumenthal , Pledging Allegiance, 97 ; John B. Donovan, Pat Robertson: The Authorized Biography (New York: Macmillan, 1988) , 185; James L. Guth and Joh n C . Green, "Robertson's Republicans: Christian Activists in Republican Politics, " Election Politics 4 (1987/1988): 914; James M. Penning, "Pat Robertson and the GOP: 1988 and Beyond," Sociology of Religion55 (1994): 327-44. 31. Martin , With God on Our Side, 268, 271 , 278, 281-82 , 289 ; Blumenthal , Pledging Allegiance, 89 ; Kim A . Lawton , "Pat' s Bi g Surprise : Th e Arm y I s Stil l Invisible," Christianity Today 32 (8 April 1988): 44-45; Dan Morgan, Rising in the West: The True Story of an "Okie" Family from the Great Depression Through the Reagan Years (Ne w York: Knopf , 1992) , 480; Harold Smith , "NA E Set s Politic s Aside in Favor of 'Spiritual' Agenda," Christianity Today 32 (8 April 1988): 54, 56; Kim A. Lawton, "Iowa Christians and the Race for th e Oval Office," Christianity Today 32 (15 January 1988): 50-52, 55. 32. Martin , With God on Our Side, 282-83 ; Beth Spring, "A Study Finds Little Evidence that Religious TV Hurts Local Churches," Christianity Today 28 (18 May 1984): 70-71; S. Dennis Ford, "The Electronic Church' s Aesthetic of Evil," Christian Century 98 (28 October 1981) : 1095-97; Jeffrey K . Hadden, "Religious Broadcasting and the Mobilization of the New Christian Right," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 2 6 (Marc h 1987) : 1-24 ; Donovan , Pat Robertson, 206 ; Davi d Edwin Harrell, Jr., Pat Robertson: A Personal, Political, and Religious Portrait (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 213; Michael Lienesch, Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 232 . 33. Harrell , Pat Robertson, 204 ; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 195 ; Excerpts fro m Pat Robertso n speec h " A Stron g Warnin g tha t Mora l Deca y I s Basi c Troubl e Facing the Nation," New York Times, 14 January 1988; Thomas, Occupied Territory, i3> 26 . 34. Charle s E. Shepard, Forgiven: The Rise and Fall of Jim Bakker and the PTL Ministry (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press , 1989), xv, 42, 85; Martin , With God on Our Side, 275-76; Donovan , Pat Robertson, 202 ; Harrell , Pat Robertson, 55 ; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 69 ; Corwin Smidt , " 'Praise the Lord' Politics: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Characteristics an d Politica l Views of American Evangelica l an d Charismati c Christians, " Sociological Analysis 50 (Sprin g 1988): 53-72; Randy Frame , "PTL : A Year After th e Fall, " Christianity Today 32 (18 March 1988) : 44-45; Louise M . Bourgault , "Th e 'PT L Club ' an d Protestan t Viewers: An Ethnographi c Study, " Journal of Communication 3 5 (Winter 1985): 132-48. 35. Lawrenc e Wright, Saints and Sinners (Ne w York: Knopf , 1993), 50-51, 6061, 68-70, 75-81; Julia Duin, "Wh y the Assemblies Dismisse d Swaggart, " Christianity Today 32 (1 3 Ma y 1988) : 36-37 , 39 ; Stewar t M . Hoover , "Th e Religiou s

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Television Audience : A Matter o f Significance , o r Size? " Review of Religious Research 29 (December 1987): 135-51; 36. Sea n Wilentz, "God an d Ma n at Lynchburg," New Republic 198 (25 April 1988): 30-34 ; Razell e Frank l an d Jeffre y K . Hadden , " A Critica l Revie w o f th e Religion an d Televisio n Researc h Report, " Review of Religious Research 2 9 (December 1987): 111-24; Shepard, Forgiven, 199 ; Martin, With God on Our Side, 276 ; Michael Hirsley, "Mainline Protestants Trying to Stem Losses," Chicago Tribune, 7 May 1991; Donovan, Pat Robertson, 172 ; Harrell, Pat Robertson, 78-79 ; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 103; Martin, With God on Our Side, 270; Harold B. Smith, "Call Them Unelectable," Christianity Today 32 (4 March 1988): 15; Kim A. Lawton, "Unificatio n Churc h Tie s Haun t Ne w Coalition," Christianity Today 32 (5 February 1988): 46-47. 37. Ki m Lawton, "Candidates Cour t Religiou s Broadcasters," Christianity Today 32 (4 March 1988): 32-33. 38. Blumenthal , Pledging Allegiance, 167-68 ; Germond an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 217-18, 268. 39. Blumenthal , Pledging Allegiance, 216-18 ; Germond an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 286-87; Goldman and Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 137-40 . 40. Germon d an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 212 , 214 , 260; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 126-27 ; Goldman an d Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 83 , 95. 41. Germon d an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 212 , 214, 260; Paul Taylor, See How They Run: Electing the President in an Age of Mediaocracy (New York: Knopf, 1990), 63. 42. Elizabet h O . Colton , The Jackson Phenomenon: The Man, the Power, and the Message (Ne w York: Doubleday, 1989), 25, 47-48, 85,118,175,177, 214, 219, 221. 43. Ibid., 181 , 188-89; Morton M . Kondracke , "Nunn' s Story, " New Republic 199 (5 December 1988) : 15-16; Peter Collie r and David Horowitz, "McCarthyism: The Last Refuge o f the Left," Commentary 85 (January 1988): 36-41; Judis, "Black Donkey, Whit e Elephant, " 25-28 ; Germond an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 294-95; Taylor, See How They Run, 136, 141; William Schneider, "The Democrats in '88, " Atlantic Monthly 259 (April 1987): 37-59. 44. Rand y Frame , "Twent y Year s afte r King : Ho w Fa r Hav e W e Come? " Christianity Today 32 (8 April 1988): 42-43; Germond and Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 327; Jewell Handy Gresham , "Th e Politic s o f Family in America," Nation 249 (24/31 July 1989): 116-22; Sara McLanahan and Karen Booth, "Mother-Only Families : Problems, Prospects , an d Politics, " Journal of Marriage and the Family 51 (Augus t 1989) : 557-80; Michael Novak, "The Content o f Their Character," National Review 38 (28 February 1986): 47. 45. Thoma s Byrn e Edsall and Mar y D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1992), 236; Jared Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America (Ne w York: Carroll & Graf, 1992), 79-80, 92, 2-73; Jim Sleeper, The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (Ne w York: Norton, 1990), 203-7, 254-56, 315-16.

Notes to Chapte r 6 30

3

46. Taylor , Paved with Good Intentions, 11 , 312-15. 47. Void., 352-53 ; Ze'ev Chafets , "Th e Traged y o f Detroit, " New York Times Magazine 14 (29 July 1990): 20-26, 38, 42, 50-51. 48. Carlyl e C . Douglas , "Urba n Leagu e Hea d Assail s Reagan' s Civi l Right s Record," New York Times, 2 2 July 1985; James S. Gibney, "The Berkeley Squeeze," New Republic 199 (11 April 1988): 15-17; Chester E. Finn, Jr., " 'Affirmative Action' Under Reagan," Commentary 73 (April 1982): 17-28. 49. "Ru n Jesse, " Christianity Today 32 (13 May 1988): 43; Harrell, Pat Robertson, 137; Vinson Synan , "Th e Quie t Ris e o f Blac k Pentecostals, " Charisma 1 1 (June 1986): 45-55; Randall L. Frame, "Race and the Church: A Progress Report," Christianity Today 3 2 ( 4 Marc h 1988) : 16-17 ; Thomas , Occupied Territory, 76-7750. Noonan , What I Saw at the Revolution, 304 ; E. J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 311-12. 51. Pete r Brown , Minority Party: Why Democrats Face Defeat in 1992 and Beyond (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1991), 218. 52. Taylor , See How They Run, 190-92; Goldman and Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 301, 305-6; Germond and Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 163. 53. Taylor , See How They Run, 208-10; Goldman and Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 364 ; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 307. 54. Germon d and Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 162-63, 337; Taylor, See How They Run, 192, 204-05, 223. 55. Goldma n and Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 341; Taylor, See How They Run, 119-20. 56. Germon d and Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Stars? 352. 57. Taylor , See How They Run, 165 , 174; Ronald Brownstein , The Power and the Glitter: The Hollywood-Washington Connection (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1990), 376. 58. Taylor , See How They Run, 174-78 ; Tyrrell, The Conservative Crack-Up, 232. 59. Taylor , See How They Run, 167,180-81. 60. Ki m A. Lawton, "Religiou s Group s Pus h Platfor m Agenda, " Christianity Today 32 (15 July 1988): 41-42; "Democrats Losing Catholics?" Christianity Today 32 (7 October 1988): 38; Kim A. Lawton, "Democrats Gain Momentum," Christianity Today 32 (2 September 1988) : 38-40; Morgan, Rising in the West, 4§6; Gar y Wills, "The Secularist Prejudice, " Christian Century 107 (24 October 1994) : 96973. 61. Goldma n an d Matthews , The Quest for the Presidency, 173 ; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 202 ; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 309 . 62. Da n Bal z and Ronal d Brownstein , Storming the Gates: Protest Politics and the Republican Revival (Boston: Little, Brown, 1996), 67-69. 63. Colton , The Jackson Phenomenon, 255 ; Blumenthal, Pledging Allegiance, 240-41, 288; Goldman and Matthews, The Quest for the Presidency, 415 ; Ruy Teixeira, "What I f We Held a n Electio n an d Everybod y Came?" American Enterprise 3 (July-August 1992) : 52-59; Paul R . Abramson, Joh n H . Aldrich, an d Davi d W.

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Rohde, Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections (Washington , D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1994), 106. 64. Taylor , See How They Run, 20 ; Germon d an d Witcover , Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? 424; Balz and Brownstein, Storming the Gates, 71 ; Schneider, "Th e Democrat s i n '88, " 37-59; William Schneider , "Toug h Liberal s Win, Weak Liberals Lose," New Republic 199 (5 December 1988) : 11-15; Marti n Peretz, "Why Dukakis Lost," New Republic 199 (28 November 1988): 14-18 . 65. Goldma n an d Matthews , The Quest for the Presidency, 414 ; Bal z an d Brownstein, Storming the Gates, 305-6; Michael Barone, Our Country: The Shaping of America from Roosevelt to Reagan (Ne w York: Free Press, 1990), 668; Dionne, Why Americans Hate Politics, 315-16 ; Taylor, See How They Run, 238; Schneider, "Tough Liberal s Win, Weak Liberals Lose," 11-15; Everett Carl l Ladd, "The 1988 Elections: Continuation o f the Post-New Deal System," Political Science Quarterly 104 (1989): 1-18. 66. Ralp h Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (Ne w York: Free Press, 1996), 23 . Notes to Chapter 7 1. Davi d Horowitz, "Coalition Against the U.S.," National Review 43 (25 February 1991): 36-38. I participated in the Ames, Iowa, demonstration. 2. Dines h D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991), 16, 18, 136, 143-44; John P . Rouche, "Marxism and the American Professor," Collegian (Toledo, Ohio), 7 May 1990; Alan Wolfe, "The Feudal Cultur e o f th e Postmoder n University, " Wilson Quarterly 2 0 (Winte r 1996): 54-66 ; Jan e E . Larso n an d Clyd e Spillenger , " 'That's No t History' : Th e Boundaries o f Advocac y an d Scholarship, " Public Historian 1 2 (Summer 1990) : 33-43; Christopher Lasch , "Academi c Pseudo-Radicalism : Th e Charade o f 'Subversion'," Salmagundi 88/89 (Fall 1990): 25-36 . 3. Georg e Si m Johnston , "Pop e Culture, " American Spectator 2 8 (July 1995): 26-29; Michael Novak, "The Revolution Tha t Wasn't," Christianity Today 34 (23 April 1990): 18-20; Jack W. Germond an d Jule s Witcover, Mad as Hell: Revolt at the Ballot Box, 1992 (Ne w York: Warner Books , 1993) , 50; "The America n '80s : Disaster or Triumph? A Symposium," Commentary 90 (September 1990): 13-52 . 4. Germon d an d Witcover, Mad as Hell, 45 , 51; Adam Walinsky, "The Crisis of Public Order," Atlantic Monthly 67 (July 1995): 39-54. 5. Geoffre y T . Holtz , Welcome to the Jungle: The Why Behind Generation X (New York: St. Martin's, Griffin, 1995) , 148,151-52,155, 158 . 6. Frederic k Standish , "UAW : Wha t Directio n Shoul d I t Take? " Pittsburg h Post-Gazette, 1 2 June 1989 ; Peter T . Kilborn , "N o Breakin g th e Ic e wit h Labo r Chief," New York Times, 21 February 1992 ; Lee Iacocca , " 'Japan Bashing ' I s a Code Ter m fo r Racism, " Detroi t Free Press, 2 3 April 1990 ; "U.S . Workers Hi t Recession, No t Japanese, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 6 Februar y 1992 ; David Kusnet, Speaking American: How the Democrats Can Win in the Nineties (New York: Thunder' s Mout h Press , 1992) , 173 ; Michael Duff y an d Da n Goodgame ,

Notes to Chapte r 7 30 5 Marching in Place: The Status Quo Presidency of George Bush (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 244, 248 . 7. "Charle s Murray," National Review 43 (8 July 1991): 29-30; "The American '80s," 13-52. 8. Christophe r Lasch , "Th e Revol t o f th e Elites, " Harper's 28 9 (Novembe r 1994): 39-49. 9. Suzann e Garment, Scandal: The Culture of Mistrust in America (Ne w York: Times Books, 1991), 234-35, 237, 240-41; Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 43. 10. Barr y A. Kosmin an d Seymour P. Lachman, One Nation Under God: Religion in Contemporary American Society (Ne w York: Harmony Books, 1993), 22627. 11. Ibid.; David Frum, Dead Right (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 63 . 12. Aaro n Wildavsky, "What Was So Bad About the '8os, Anyway?" New York Times, 1 7 May 1992; Robert Rector , "Povert y in U.S . Is Exaggerated by Census," Wall Street Journal, 2 5 September 1990; Adam Meyerson, "The Limits of Tyranny: And Othe r Lesson s from th e Gulf," Policy Review 15 (Spring 1991): 2-3; William J. Bennett, The Devaluing of America: The Fight for Our Culture and Our Children (New York: Summit Books, 1992), 146, 148 . 13. Frum , Dead Right, 84 , 96; Jason DeParles, "How Jack Kemp Lost the War on Poverty, " New York Times Magazine 1 7 (28 February 1993) : 26, 47-48, 56, 58 ; Jack Kemp , "Tacklin g Poverty : Market-Base d Policie s t o Empowe r th e Poor, " Policy Review 14 (Winter 1990): 2-5; Jason DeParles, "The Civil Rights Battle Was Easy Next to the Problems of the Ghetto," New York Times, 1 7 May 1992. 14. Frum , Dead Right, 23 , 84; John Podhoretz, Hell of a Ride: Backstage at the White House Follies, 1989-1993 (Ne w York: Simon & Schuster, 1993), 17-18, 20, 31, 84-85, 88. 15. Podhoretz , Hell of a Ride, 94-95,124 ; Ralph Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (Ne w York: Free Press, 1996), 1516; William Martin , With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (New York: Broadway Books , 1996), 312-16, 324; Stephen Bates , Battleground: One Mother's Crusade, the Religious Right, and the Struggle for Control of Our Classrooms (Ne w York : Poseido n Press , 1993) , 278; Duffy an d Goodgame , Marching in Place, 208 . 16. Podhoretz , Hell of a Ride, 79,110 ; Duffy an d Goodgame, Marching in Place, 47, 90, 95, 201, 218, 222; Charles Kolb , White House Daze: The Unmaking of Domestic Policy in the Bush Years (Ne w York: Free Press, 1994), 17. 17. Patric k J . Buchanan, "CBS : 'Conservative Broadcastin g System'? " Human Events 45 (16 February 1985): 137; Patrick J. Buchanan, "America First—and Second, an d Third, " National Interest 1 9 (Spring 1990) : 77-82; Germond an d Wit cover, Mad as Hell, 143 , 147 . 18. Frum , Dead Right, 132 , 136-37; Germond an d Witcover , Mad as Hell, 152 ; John B. Judis, "The Conservative Crack-Up," American Prospect 3 (Fall 1990): 3042; Jeffrey Bell , "The Wrong Man on the Right," New York Times, 3 March 1992. 19. Germon d and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 231-33 ; Stephe n Glass, "Pat Speaks," New Republic 214 (18 March 1996): 17 . 20. Glass , "Pa t Speaks, " 17 ; Germon d an d Witcover , Mad as Hell, 135-36;

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Benjamin Ginsberg , The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State (Chicago: University of Chicag o Press , 1993) , 223; John B . Judis, "Buchana n Give s Democrat s Hig h Hopes," In These Times 15 (11-1 7 Decembe r 1991) : 3, 10 ; John B . Judis , "Th e Conservative Wars, " New Republic 19 5 (1 1 and 1 8 August 1986) : 15-18 ; A. M . Rosenthal, "Buchanan's Free Ride," New York Times, 2 1 February 1992. 21. Steve n A . Holmes, "Buchana n See s Foreign Influenc e i n Bush' s Camp, " New York Times, 14 Marc h 1992 ; Robi n Toner , "Marchin g Throug h Georgia , Sights on Buchanan," New York Times y 2 6 February 1992; Frum, Dead Right, 181 82. 22. Germon d and Witcover, Mad as Hell 235-36 ; Frum, Dead Right, 72 ; Ginsberg, The Fatal Embrace, 229 . 23. Pete r Brown , Minority Party: Why Democrats Face Defeat in 1992 and Beyond (Washington , D.C. : Regnery Gateway , 1991) , 78, 81, 84-85, 95-96; Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1992), 280-81; Joseph A. Califano, Jr., "Don't Blam e LBJ," New York Times, 1 4 May 1992; Coretta Scott King, "After Years o f Stalemate , It' s Tim e t o Reope n Lyndo n Johnson' s Wa r o n Poverty, " Detroit Free Press, 1 1 August 1989 ; Georg e Lipsitz , "Toxi c Racism, " American Quarterly 4 7 (September 1995) : 416-27; Robert Rector , "Combatin g Famil y Disintegration: Crim e an d Dependence , Welfar e Refor m an d Beyond, " Heritage Foundation Backgrounder #983, 8 April 199 4 (Washington, D.C. : Heritage Foundation, 1994). 24. Ji m Sleeper, The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (Ne w York: Norton, 1990), 34,152; D'Souza, Illiberal Education, 134-36; Gordon Maclnnes , Wrong for All the Right Reasons: How White Liberals Have Been Undone by Race (Ne w York: New York University Press, 1996), 106; Molefi Kete Asant e an d Dian e Ravitch , "Multiculturalism : A n Exchange, " American Scholar 6 0 (1991) : 267-76; Molef i Ket e Asante, "Th e Afrocentri c Ide a i n Educa tion," Journal of Negro Education 60 (1991): 170-80 . 25. B . Drummond Ayres , Jr., "Marion Barry' s Toughest Campaign: A Bid for Respect a s Wel l a s Office, " New York Times, 3 Novembe r 1990 ; "Tw o Trial s Reflect City' s Two Worlds," New York Times, 2 4 March 1992. 26. Car l F. Horowitz, "Searching for th e White Underclass," National Review 47 (1 1 September 1995) : 52, 54-56; William Schneider , "Th e Suburba n Centur y Begins," Atlantic Monthly 270 (July 1992): 33-44; Brown, Minority Party, 69 , 91. 27. Pete r B . King, "Ice-T Is Hot and Bothered, " Pittsburgh Press, 1 6 February 1992; Bo b Wagner , "Mel-Ma n an d Hi s Specia l Delivery, " In Pittsburgh, 12-1 8 February 1992 ; Dinesh D'Souza , The End of Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society (New York: Free Press, 1995), 513-14. 28. Davi d Brock, The Real Anita Hill: The Untold Story (New York: Free Press, 1993)> 34> 42 , 61,86. 88 . 29. Ibid., 3, 9, 11-12,17, 79-80; Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 237 . 30. Brock , The Real Anita Hill, 3 , 11-12 , 335-43 ; Elizabet h Wright , "Blac k America and the Thomas Nomination," Wall Street Journal, 2 4 July 1991. 31. Brock , The Real Anita Hill, 63 , 70; William J. Bennett, "A New Civil Rights Agenda," Wall Street Journal, 1 April 1991; Frum, Dead Right, 62 .

Notes to Chapte r 7 30 7 32. Frum , Dead Right, 146-47; Brown , Minority Party, 164-65; Judis , "Th e Conservative Crack-Up," 30-42; Mark Stern, "Party Alignments and Civil Rights: Then an d Now, " Presidential Studies Quarterly 2 5 (Summer 1995) : 413-27; Duffy and Goodgame, Marching in Place, 102 . 33. Jame s Bovard , "Job-Breakers : Th e EEOC' s Assaul t o n th e Workplace, " American Spectator 27 (March 1994): 32-37. 34. Frum , Dead Right, 143 ; Rober t Vernon, L.A. Justice: Lessons from the Firestorm (Colorad o Springs : Focu s o n th e Family , 1993) , 16 , 28 ; Michael White , "Rioters Stol e Futures , Hopes, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 7 April 1997 ; Michael White, "Riots ' Legacy Still Exacting Toll o n L.A., " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 7 April 1997; Jared Taylor, Paved with Good Intentions: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America (Ne w York: Carroll & Graf, 1992), 119; "Eve n a Burne d Hous e Can' t Defea t Firefighter, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 May 1996. 35. Vernon , L.A. Justice, 2 , 35, 50; Charlotte Allen, "The King Cops and Double Jeopardy," Wall Street Journal, 2 0 May 1992. 36. Frum , Dead Right, 149 ; Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 280-81 ; William Tucker, "Al l i n th e Family, " National Review 4 7 (6 March 1995) : 36-39, 44, 76; Walinsky, "Th e Crisi s o f Publi c Order, " 39-54 ; R . W . Apple , Jr. , "Politician s Warily Gauge the Effects o f Los Angeles's Rioting at the Polls," New York Times, 17 May 1992. 37. Jo e Maxwell , "Blac k Souther n Baptists, " Christianity Today 39 (1 5 May 1995): 27-31; Kosmin an d Lachman , One Nation Under God, 216 , 235; Nathan O . Hatch an d Michael S . Hamilton, "Ca n Evangelis m Surviv e Its Success?" Christianity Today 36 (5 October 1992): 21-31 . 38. "Robertso n Regroup s 'Invisibl e Army ' int o Ne w Coalition, " Christianity Today 34 (23 April 1990): 35. 39. Eri n Saberi , "From Mora l Majority t o Organized Minority : Tactics of the Religious Right," Christian Century 110 (11-18 August 1993) : 781-84; Steve Bruce, The Rise and Fall of the New Christian Right: Conservative Protestant Politics in America, 19/8-1988 (Oxford : Clarendo n Press , 1990) ; Judis , "Th e Conservativ e Crack-Up," 30-42. 40. Rober t Sullivan, "An Army of the Faithful," New York Times Magazine 17 (25 April 1993) : 32-44; "Open Seaso n o n Christians? " Christianity Today 34 (23 April 1990) : 34-36 ; Willia m Straus s an d Nei l Howe , The Fourth Turning: An American Prophecy (New York: Broadway Books, 1997), 195. 41. Jame s M. Perry, "Christia n Righ t Map s Rout e to Powe r i n Effort s a t the Local Leve l t o Oppos e Homosexua l Rights, " Wall Street Journal, 2 5 November 1992; "Homosexual Bil l Threatens Famil y Values," Christianity Today 36 (5 October 1992) : 59; Peter Steinfels , "A t Methodists ' Conference , Compromis e an d Close Vote on Church Policy, " New York Times, 1 7 May 1992; Roy Beck, "Washington's Profamily Activists," Christianity Today 36 (9 November 1992): 20-23,26. 42. Jame s M. Penning, "Pa t Robertso n an d th e GOP: 1988 and Beyond, " Sociology of Religion55 (1994): 327-44; Kim A. Lawton, "A Republican God?" Christianity Today 36 (5 October 1992): 50-52. 43. Germon d and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 396-98 ; Mona Charen, "Urban Cri-

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sis Stem s fro m Famil y Breakdown, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 1 May 1992; Mona Charen , "Libera l Elitist s Squir m Becaus e Quayl e I s Right, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 4 May 1992; Reed, Active Faith, 140 . 44. Ki m A. Lawton, "Bus h Affirm s Rol e of Religion i n Publi c Life, " Christianity Today 35 (2 9 Apri l 1991) : 38-39; Mar k A . Noll , "Th e Politicians ' Bible, " Christianity Today 36 (26 October 1992) : 16-17; Germond an d Witcover, Mad as Hell, 406-8; Pete r Schrag , "Th e Grea t Schoo l Sell-Off, " American Prospect 12 (Winter 1993): 34-4345. Podhoretz , Hell of a Ride, 154-55, 185; Germond an d Witcover , Mad as' Hell, 414-15 . 46. Germon d and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 410-13 ; Frum, Dead Right, 15 . 47. L . Brent Bozell III, Lynne Cheney, and S. Robert Lichter, "Press Objectivity: R. I. P.," American Enterprise 7 (March/April, 1996) : 34-38; Ellen Ladowsky, "Bill Clinton I s No Victim o f the Press, " New York Times, 2 4 March 1992 ; Tom Rosenstiel, Strange Bedfellows: How Television and the Presidential Candidates Changed American Politics, 1992 (Ne w York : Hyperion , 1992) , 64-65; Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 279 . 48. Rosenstiel , Strange Bedfellows, 49-53,145-46 ; 49. Germon d an d Witcover , Mad as Hell, 287-88, 378, 420; Ronald Brown stein, The Power and the Glitter: The Hollywood-Washington Connection (Ne w York: Pantheon , 1990) , 362, 378-79; Gwen Ifill , "Clinto n Goe s Ey e to Ey e with MTV Generation," New York Times, 1 7 June 1992. 50. Germon d and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 89-90 , 260; R. W. Apple, Jr., "Tsongas Appear s t o Gai n i n State s wit h Votin g Today, " New York Times, 3 March 1992; Christopher Hitchens , "Voting in the Passive Voice: What Polling Has Done to America n Democracy, " Harper's 28 7 (April 1992): 45-52; Gwen Ifill , "Clinto n Task: Making Message Heard," New York Times, 2 1 Februar y 1992. 51. Germon d an d Witcover , Mad as Hell, 291-94, 304; Maclnnes, Wrong for All the Right Reasons, 14-16 ; Gwen Ifill, "Clinto n Stand s by Remark on Rapper, " New York Times, 15 June 1992 ; Sheila Rule , "Rapper , Chide d b y Clinton , Call s Him a Hypocrite," New York Times, 1 7 June 1992; R. W. Apple, Jr., "Jackson Sees a 'Characte r Flaw ' i n Clinton' s Remark s o n Racism, " New York Times, 1 9 June 1992. 52. Lis a Schiffren , "Bil l an d Hillar y a t th e Trough, " American Spectator 2 6 (August 1993): 20-23; Neil A. Lewis, "Clinton's Coalition Proves a Money-Making Dynamo," New York Times, 3 Marc h 1992 ; Charle s Lewis , The Buying of the President (Ne w York: Avon Books, 1996), 34-73; Germond an d Witcover, Mad as Hell, 283; R. Emmett Tyrrell , Boy Clinton (Washington , D.C. : Regnery Gateway, 1996), 51-122 . 53. Davi d Mixner , Stranger Among Friends (Ne w York: Bantam Books , 1996), 203-18, 250, 254; Jane Gross, "Patricia Ireland, President of NOW, Does She Speak for Today's Women?" New York Times Magazine 16 (1 March 1992): 16-18, 38, 54; "A Ga y Right s La w Is Vote d i n Massachusetts, " New York Times, 1 November 1989; Al Kamen, "Pacific Isl e for an Activist?" Washington Post, 2 0 July 1994; 54. Mixner , Stranger Among Friends, 203-18 , 250, 254; Kilborn, "No Breakin g the Ice with Labor Chief; Germon d an d Witcover, Mad as Hell, 343 , 346.

Notes to Chapte r 7 30 9 55. Duff y an d Goodgame, Marching in Place, 105 ; Kusnet, Speaking American, 118-19; Kolb, White House Daze, 287 . 56. Rosenstiel , Strange Bedfellows, 281-82 ; Kevi n Coyne , Vomers: A Year at Notre Dame (New York: Viking, 1995), 33-34, 38; George Embrey, "Pennsylvania Rebounds Unde r Moderat e Democra t Casey, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 6 October 1994; Frum, Dead Right, 65 ; "Transcript o f Speech by Clinton Accepting Democratic Nomination, " New York Times, 17 July 1992 ; Gwen Ifill , "Clinton' s Standard Campaig n Speech : A Call for Responsibility, " New York Times, 2 6 July 1992; Pau l R . Abramson , Joh n H . Aldrich , an d Davi d W . Rohde , Change and Continuity in the 1922 Elections (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1994), 54-55; Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 284-85 , 339. 57. Germon d an d Witcover , Mad as Hell, 274-75 , 308, 321; Duffy an d Good game, Marching in Place, 265 ; Frum, Dead Right, 198 ; Rosenstiel, Strange Bedfellows, 180, 187 , 265 ; Everett Carl l Ladd , "Th e 199 2 Vote fo r Presiden t Clinton : Another Brittl e Mandate?" Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 1-28; Lyma n A. Kellstedt, John C. Green, James L. Guth, and Corwin E. Smidt, "Religious Voting Blocs in th e 199 2 Election: The Year of the Evangelical? " Sociology of Religion 5 5 (1994): 307-26. 58. Brown , Minority Party, 62 , 65, 294-95, 304; Kolb, White House Daze, 350 ; Edsall an d Edsall , Chain Reaction, 270 ; Abramson e t al. , Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections, 38,76 , 85, 133; Frum, Dead Right, 25 ; Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 441-42 , 506-07; Ladd, "The 1992 Vote for Presiden t Clinton," 1-28. 59. Brown , Minority Party, 63 ; Kolb, White House Daze, 350 ; Abramson e t al., Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections, 133 ; Rosenstiel, Strange Bedfellows, 7273; Schneider, "Th e Suburba n Centur y Begins, " 33-44; Seymour Marti n Lipset , "The Significanc e o f th e 199 2 Election," Political Science and Politics 2 6 (March 1993): 7-i6. 60. Frum , Dead Right, 26 ; Abramson e t al., Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections, 133-34 , 323; Fred Barnes , "Th e Famil y Gap, " Reader's Digest 7 1 (July 1992): 48-54; Dennis B. Roddy, "Hard Time s Force State Voters to Rethink Loyalties," Pittsburg h Press, 1 6 February 1992 ; Rhodes Cook , "Clinto n Struggle s t o Meld a Governing Coalition," Congressional Quarterly 51 ( 7 August 1993): 2175-19; Ladd, "The 1992 Vote for Presiden t Clinton," 1-28. 61. Abramso n e t al., Change and Continuity in the 1922 Elections, 173-74 , 269; Dan Bal z an d Ronal d Brownstein , Storming the Gates: Protest Politics and the Republican Revival (Boston : Little , Brown, 1996) , 307; Ladd, "Th e 199 2 Vote fo r President Clinton, " 1-28 ; Kellsted t e t al. , "Religiou s Votin g Bloc s i n th e 199 2 Election," 307-26 ; Jame s M . Penning , "Pa t Robertso n an d th e GOP : 198 8 and Beyond," Sociology of Religion55 (1994): 327-44; Seth Mydans, "Christian Conservatives Counting Hundreds of Gains in Local Votes," New York Times, 21 November 1992. 62. Penning , "Pat Robertson and the GOP," 327-44; Mydans, "Christian Conservatives Counting Hundreds of Gains in Local Votes"; Kim A. Lawton, "Seeking Common Ground, " Christianity Today 36 (14 December 1992) : 40-41, 62; Kim A. Lawton, "The Family Man," Christianity Today 36 (9 November 1992): 26-28 . 63. E . J. Dionne, Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics (New York: Simon & Schus-

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ter, 1992), 342; Balz and Brownstein, Storming the Gates, 153-54 ; Guy M. Condon, "You Say Choice, I Say Murder," Christianity Today 35 (24 June 1991): 20-23. Notes to Chapter 8. 1. Davi d Mixner , Stranger Among Friends (Ne w York: Bantam Books , 1996), 267-68, 286-87. 2. Ibid., 272 , 284; Paul R. Abramson, John H . Aldrich, and Davi d W. Rohde, Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections (Washington , D.C. : Congressiona l Quarterly Press, 1994), 3. 3. Abramso n et al., Change and Continuity in the 1992 Elections, 2-3 ; Roger K. Lowe, "Anti-Ga y Right s La w Overruled, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 1 May 1996; "High Cour t Ter m Come s to a Close," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 4 July 1996. 4. Mauree n Dowd , "Grow Up, Mr. President," New York Times, 4 June 1997; Lisa Schiffren, "Bil l an d Hillar y a t th e Trough, " American Spectator 26 (August 1993): 20-23; R- Emmett Tyrrell , Jr., Boy Clinton: The Political Biography (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1996), 102,138-40,197-99, 201-3, 208-10, 224-25, 248; Charles Lewis , The Buying of the President (Ne w York: Avon Books , 1996), 34-48; Mon a Charen , "Wh y Doe s Pres s Ignor e McDougal? " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 7 September 1996 ; "Mrs. Clinto n Aide d Clien t wit h Dubiou s Docu ment, FDIC Says," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 4 September 1996; "Two Clinton Donors on Trial in Bank Fund Misuse," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 17 June 1996; "Subcommittee t o Prob e Commoditie s Deals, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 6 June 1996; "Whitewater Hea t Building for Clinton, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 30 May 1996; Leslie Phillips, "Whitewate r Witness : No Cronyism, " USA Today, 12 May 1996 ; Stephe n Labaton , "Clinto n Aid e Testifie s o n Campaig n Dea l i n 1990," New York Times, 2 7 June 1996; "Travel Office Repor t Lashe s Out at Clinton," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 Septembe r 1996 ; Franci s X . Clines , "Fo r Keeper of the Files, a Bad Day," New York Times, 2 7 June 1996; Paul Richter and Ronald J . Ostrow , "Unanswere d Question s Surroun d FB I Files Furor," Denve r Post, 2 3 June 1996; William M . Welch, "Explanation o f FBI Files Is Challenged," USA Today, 2 0 June 1996 ; William M . Welch, "I n File s Probe, Heat Stay s On," USA Today, 2 Jul y 1996 ; Rober t Simon , "Fish y Odo r Lurk s ove r Clintonites ' Abuse o f FB I Files," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 3 June 1996 ; Maureen Dowd , "Aldrich's Tal e Illuminate s Cultur e Clash, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 July 1996. 5. Lynett e Rice, "Networks Say No," Denver Post, 2 2 June 1996. 6. Kare n S . Peterson, "Singl e Lif e Gainin g o n Couplehood, " USA Today, 1 3 March 1996 ; "Singles Fin d I t Eas y to En d u p Doubles, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 7 May 1996. 7. Catherin e Candisky, "GOP Slams Clinton on Anti-Drug Effort," Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 9 August 1996 ; "Decline i n Socia l Healt h Plague s Children, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 4 Octobe r 1996 ; "Mor e Childre n Bein g Bor n t o Unwed Parents, Study Says," Washington Post, 2 0 July 1994; "More Teenagers Use Marijuana, Surve y Says," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 December 1996; Georgie

Notes to Chapte r 8 31 1 Anne Geyer, "Clinton White House Lacks Moral Outrage in Drug War," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatchy iy Augus t 1996 ; Tim Friend , "Teens ' Us e o f Drug s Rise s Seventy-Eight Percent, " USA Today, 20 August 1996 ; "Dole Hammer s Awa y at Clinton's Drug Policies," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 9 September 1996. 8. Vivia n S. Toy, "Sex Shops Greet New Law with Wink, Nod, and Lawsuit, " New York Times, 16 October 1996 ; Tony Snow , "Curfew s Won' t Tam e Teens," USA Today, 3 June 1996; Mona Charen, "Dole Would Appoint No Soft Judges," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 13 June 1996; Joseph Sorrentino, "A Felony's a Felony, Whether You're a Kid or Adult," USA Today, 1 1 June 1996; Gina Kolata, "Experts Are a t Odd s o n Ho w Bes t t o Tackl e Ris e i n Teenagers ' Dru g Use, " New York Times, 18 September 1996; Linda Chavez, "Self-Esteem's Dark Side Emerges," USA Today, 21 February 1996 ; Fox Butterfield , "Bill s Targe t Jailhous e Separatio n o f Youths," Denver Post, 2 4 June 1996. 9. Snow , "Curfew s Won' t Tam e Teens" ; Dou g Levy , "US A Almos t Flunk s Violence Report Card, " USA Today, 1 2 June 1996; Doug Levy, "Schools Are Unable t o Offe r Protectio n Agains t Violence, " USA Today, 12 June 1996 ; William Grady, "Juvenile Home Still Precarious," Chicago Tribune, 9 June 1996. 10. "Ma n Burglarize s Hom e o f Goo d Samaritans, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 16 January 1996; "Mayor of Gary, Indiana, Declares Emergency," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 3 September 1996; Debbie Howlett, "Gary, Indiana, in National Spotlight—for Homicides, " USA Today, 2 3 September 1996. 11. Joh n Larrabee , "Conn. Troopers Hel p Bridgeport Vet the Violence," USA Today, 8 October 1996 ; Debbie Howlett, "Fed s Asked to Help Quell Gang War," USA Today, 17 July 1996 ; "Atlant a Safe , Polic e Prepared , Chie f Asserts, " USA Today, 1 7 July 1996. 12. Davi d Kopel , "Gun-Carryin g Citizen s Dete r Seriou s Crime, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 2 Jul y 1996 ; "Civilian s Tak e o n Borde r Guar d Role, " USA Today, 1 6 May 1996. 13. Fran k H. Henson, "Vocationa l Educatio n Reall y Pays," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 0 October 1996 ; Dinesh D'Souza , The End of Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society (New York: Free Press, 1995), 322. 14. Jame s K . Glassman , "Vouche r Progra m Help s Poo r Kids , Ne w Dat a Show," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 5 September 1996 ; George F. Will, "Flowers Bloom in Education's Barren Wasteland," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 16 September 1996; "High Marks for School Choice," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 13 August 1996; Mona Charen, "Educrats See Deadly Peril: Competition," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 1 Septembe r 1996 ; John Leo , "Catholic Schoo l Fundin g Help s Urba n Areas," Lancaste r (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 2 4 July 1996 ; Deborah Sharp , "School s Bulging at the Seams," USA Today, 4 November 1996. 15. Ca l Thomas, "Branson I s Town Tha t Slim e Forgot," Youngstown (Ohio ) Vindicator, 2 2 June 1995 ; Charles Trueheart , "Welcom e t o th e Nex t Church, " Atlantic Monthly 278 (August 1996): 37-40, 42-44, 46-47, 50, 52-54, 56-58; David Briggs, "New Study Finds Generation X is Keeping the Faith," Lancaster (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 1 8 January 1997; Sylvia Brooks, "A Holy Roll of the Dice," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 4 December 1995 ; "Record Label s Se e the Light : Spiritua l Songs Sell," USA Today, 2 3 April 1996.

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16. Han s Johnson, "Broke n Promise? " Church and State 48 (May 1995): 9-12; Edward Gilbreath, "Manhood's Great Awakening/' Christianity Today 39 (6 February 1995) : 20-28; Jena Recer , NOW Intern , "Whos e Promis e Ar e They Keeping?" NOW Home Page, World Wide Web, 30 May 1996. 17. Rober t D . Putnam, "Signs of Antisocial Society Are Everywhere," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 1 Decembe r 1995 ; Andrew Peyton Thomas, "The Death of Jeffersonian America? " Weekly Standard 1 (2 6 August 1996): 26-29. 18. Andre a Stone, "Not Boomers, Not Xers, They Are Tweeners," USA Today, 22-24 March 1996; Laura Myers, "Whom Do You Trust? Not Government, Three of Four Say," Salt Lake City Tribune, 1 August 1995; Richard Benedetto, "Today's Political Jokes Show Respect Is a Lost Art," USA Today, 1 April 1996. 19. Sand y Grady , "Pero t an d Choate , Hi s Runnin g Mate , Sin g th e Sam e Tune," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 3 September 1996 ; "Economists Challeng e Buchanan's Statistics, " USA Today, 22 Februar y 1996 ; Te d Gregory , "Casino s Dealing Economy a Bad Hand, Study Says," Chicago Tribune, 1 0 June 1996. 20. Merril l Goozner, "Autos, " Chicago Tribune, 9 June 1996; Keith Bradsher, "New Approach for Auto Union in Ford Accord," New York Times, 18 September 1996; "Steelworker s Vo w t o Continu e Strike, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 October 1996. 21. Leste r C . Thurow , "Change s i n Capitalis m Rende r One-Earne r Familie s Extinct," USA Today, 2 7 January 1997 ; William R . Mattox, Jr. , "To o Poope d t o Parent," USA Today, 8 August 1996 ; "Most Woul d Sacrific e t o Bu y a Home, " Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 3 June 1996; R. C. Longworth, "The Shrinking Middle Class," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 8 October 1995; 22. Pete r F . Drucker, "Th e Ag e of Socia l Transformation," Atlantic Monthly 276 (November 1994) : 53-80; Michael Lind , "T o Hav e and Hav e Not: Notes on the Progress of the American Clas s War," Harpers' 290 (June 1995): 35-39, 42-47; Susan Page , "Robus t Ne w Hampshir e Stil l Queas y fro m Economi c Up s an d Downs," USA Today, 1 4 February 1996; Richard Wolf, "Medicaid Outcom e Will Affect All, " USA Today, 9 September 1996 ; Albert J . Dunlap, "Would Yo u Pick Surgery or Death?" USA Today, 1 2 June 1996. 23. Lind , "To Have and Have Not," 35-39, 42-47; Cathy Hainer, "Fancy This, Fancy That," USA Today, 2 5 June 1996; Beth Belton, "Degree-Based Earnings Gap Grows Quickly," USA Today, 1 6 February 1996; Steven A. Holmes, "Survey Shows Rich Ge t Richer, " Denve r Post, 2 0 June 1996 ; R. C . Longwort h Sharma n Stein , "The Middle Class Blues," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 8 October 1995. 24. Jame s MacGrego r Burn s Remark s o n Presiden t Bil l Clinton' s Firs t Si x Months, Internationa l Societ y o f Politica l Psycholog y Conference , Cambridge , Massachusetts, 1995. 25. Joh n McLaughlin , "Might y Mario, " National Review 38 (14 March 1986): 22; Dan Bal z and Ronal d Brownstein , Storming the Gates: Protest Politics and the Republican Revival (Boston : Little, Brown, 1996), 56; David Gonzalez, "In Brooklyn, These Foes Say Injustice I s Not Blind," New York Times, 1 1 Ma y 1996. 26. Joh n B. Judis, "A Taxing Governor," New Republic 203 (15 October 1990): 22, 24, 26, 28, 31; John Chalfant, "Burc h Hits Voinovich on National Ambitions," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 4 October 1994.

Notes to Chapte r 8 31 3 27. Bal z and Brownstein , Storming the Gates, 13 , 22-26, 151; Kim A. Lawton, "Mrs. Smith Takes on Washington/' Charisma 22 (August 1996): 36-40. 28. Jeffre y H . Birnbaum , "Th e Gospe l Accordin g t o Ralph, " Time 14 5 (15 May 1995) : 29-33; Joh n F . Persinos , "Ha s th e Christia n Righ t Take n Ove r th e Republican Party? " Campaigns and Elections 1 5 (September 1994) : 21-24; George W. Gerner, "Catholics and the 'Religious Right'," Commonweal 122 (5 May 1995): 15-20; "Parties Seek Catholic Voters," Lansing (Mich.) State Journal,15 May 1996; Tony Snow , "No , No t 'Extremists', " USA Today, 26 Februar y 1996. 29. Bal z and Brownstein, Storming the Gates, 90-93 , 204-8, 225; Gordon MacInnes, Wrong for All the Right Reasons: How White Liberals Have Been Undone by Race (Ne w York: New York University Press , 1996), 188; E. J. Dionne, Jr., "Th e Political Crisis," Commonweal 122 (5 May 1995): 11-14; Rhodes Cook, "Dixie Voters Look Away: South Shifts t o the GOP," Congressional Quarterly 52 (12 November 1994): 3230-31. 30. Katharin e Q . Seelye , "Shiftin g Campaig n Strateg y t o Ta x Cutting , Dol e Meets wit h Forbes, " New York Times, 23 May 1996 ; Dick Armey , "Freedom' s Choir," Policy Review 18 (Winter 1994): 27-34 . 31. Phi l Gramm Commencement Address, Liberty University, Lynchburg, Va., 6 May 1995 (World Wide Web, 30 May 1996). 32. Ralp h Reed, Active Faith: How Christians Are Changing the Soul of American Politics (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1996) , 240 ; David Frum , Dead Right (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 185-86; Joseph Spear , "Man y Republican Critic s Never Served," Lancaster (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 7 June 1996. 33. Bal z and Brownstein, Storming the Gates, 323-24 . 34. Steve n V. Roberts, "The Heavy Hitter: James Dobson Speaks for a 'Parallel Culture' Washington Has Ignored," U.S. News & World Report 118 (24 April 1995): 34> 39; James Dobson, "Why I Use 'Fighting Words': A Response to John Woodbridge's 'Cultur e Wa r Casualties, ' " Christianity Today 39 (19 June 1995) : 27-30; John D. Woodbridge, "Culture War Casualties: How Warfare Rhetoric Is Hurting the Work o f th e Church, " Christianity Today 39 (19 June 1995) : 18-26; John D. Woodbridge, "Wh y Words Matter : A Response t o Jame s Dobson, " Christianity Today 39 (19 June 1995): 31-32; Bob Ewegen, "Murphy's Law Would Cripple Our Charities," Denver Post, 2 4 June 1996. 35. Bal z and Brownstein , Storming the Gates, 325 ; Frum, Dead Right, 165 , 167 ; Steven V. Roberts, "Church Meets State," U.S. News & World Report 118 (2 4 April 1995): 26-30 ; "M y Guy : Wh y M y Presidentia l Candidat e I s Mr . Right, " Policy Review 19 (Summer 1995): 6-16. 36. Willia m Saletan , "Joh n Warne r Jus t Keeps Hanging On," American Spectator 29 (Jun e 1996) : 38-43; William M . Welch , "Virginia' s Warne r Facin g His Most Difficul t Electio n Ever, " USA Today, 4 June 1996 ; Robin Toner , "Politica l Briefs: The Campaigns for the Senate," New York Times, 3 0 May 1996. 37. Gar y Wills, "The Visionary," New York Review of Books42 (23 March 1995): 5-8; Michael Lind , "O n Pa t Robertson, " New York Review of Books 4 2 (20 April 1995): 67-71 ; Michae l Lind , "Rev . Robertson' s Gran d Internationa l Conspirac y Theory," New York Review of Books 4 2 ( 2 Februar y 1995) : 21-25; Richard Joh n

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Neuhaus, "Anti-Semitis m an d Ou r Commo n Future, " National Review 4 7 (10 July 1995): 52-57; Michael Lind, "The Southern Coup : The South, the GOP, and America," New Republic 212 (19 June 1995): 20-29; Michael Lind, "Why Intellectual Conservatism Died," Dissent 42 (Winter 1995): 42-47 . 38. Neuhaus , "Anti-Semitism and Our Common Future," 52-57; "Fired House Historian Defended b y Colleagues, Students," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 12 January 1995. 39. Neuhaus , "Anti-Semitis m an d Ou r Commo n Future, " 52-57 ; Jon Mea cham, "Wha t th e Religiou s Righ t Ca n Teac h th e Ne w Democrats," Washington Monthly 25 (April 1993): 42-48; Michael Raphael, "Reform Rabb i Urges Separate Religion," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 6 April 1996; Sylvia Brooks, "Rabbis Back Same-Sex Marriage," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch 29 March 1996. 40. Nin a J. Easton, "Merchants of Virtue," Los Angeles Times Magazine 11 (2 1 August 1994) : 16, 18, 20, 40-42; "Shoul d Jew s Fea r th e 'Christia n Right'? " New York Times, 2 August 1994 ; Marjorie Stinchcombe , "Religiou s Conservative s Up Close," The American Enterprise 6 (November-December 1995) : 24-28, 35-38, 4852, 62-66, 74-77; Jeffrey L . Sheler, "Mending Fences Between the Christian Right and Jews," U.S. News & World Report 118 (24 April 1995): 32. 41. Ralph Reed , "Castin g a Wider Net, " Policy Review 17 (Summer 1993) : 31 35; Gerald F . Seib, "Christia n Coalitio n Hope s t o Expan d b y Taking Stand s on Taxes, Crime, Health Care , and NAFTA," Wall Street Journal, 7 September 1993; Leslie Kaufman, "Lif e Beyon d God : The Christian Righ t Is Going Secular," New York Times Magazine 18 (16 October 1994): 48-52, 73. 42. "Christia n Coalitio n Seek s Socia l Issue s 'Contract' , a s Anti-Semitis m Charges Continue to Swirl," Church and State 48 (May 1995): 14-15; Paul Tough, "A Revolutio n o r Busines s a s Usual?" Harper's 29 0 (Marc h 1995) : 43-53; Ralph Reed, "Conservative Coalition Holds Firm," Wall Street Journal, 13 February 1995; Ralph Reed, ed., Contract with the American Family (Nashville , Tenn.: Moorings, 1995)> x. 43. Davi d Briggs , "Conservative s Fee l Abandoned : GO P Avoid s Issues , Group's Leade r Says, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 2 July 1995; William L . Anderson, "Onwar d Christia n Soldiers? " Reason 25 (Januar y 1994) : 28-34 ; Seib , "Christian Coalition Hopes to Expand by Taking Stands on Taxes, Crime, Health Care, and NAFTA"; Reed, Active Faith, 144; Edward Ericson, Jr., "Puppet Masters: Ralph Reed, Pat Buchanan, and the Right's Secret Plan for America," Columbus (Ohio) Guardian, 21-2 7 March 1996. 44. Davi d Shribman , "He y Marlene , How' s th e Rhetori c i n Iowa? " Chicago Tribune, 1 1 August 1995 ; Richard Benedetto , "Buchanan' s Chance s Pu t a t Sli m and None, " USA Today, 14 Februar y 1996 ; Mim i Hall , "Part y Doesn' t Mea n Politics in Louisiana, " USA Today, 3 1 Januar y 1996; Lori Sharn, "Buchanan Fails to Win Christians' Faith," USA Today, 5 March 1996; Judy Keen, "Textile Worries vs. Tech Hopes," USA Today, 1 March 1996. 45. Mauree n Dowd, "Buchanan the Bully Brawls Just Like He Did in School," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 14 September 1995; Robert D. Novak, "Pat Buchanan, Populist Republican, " National Review 47 (14 August 1995): 33-36; Patrick J. Buchanan, "Mexico : Who Wa s Right? " New York Times, 2 5 August 1995 ; James L.

Notes to Chapte r 8 31 5 Srodes an d Arthu r Jones , Campaign 1996: Who's Who in the Race for the White House (Ne w York: HarperCollins, 1996), 109-13. 46. Joh n B . Judis, "Takin g Buchananomic s Seriously, " New Republic 21 4 (18 March 1996) : 18-20; Steven Stark , "Right-Win g Populist, " Atlantic Monthly 27 8 (February 1996): 19-20, 28-29. 47. Dowd , "Buchanan th e Bully Brawls Just Like He Did in School"; "Record Company Accuse d o f Welchin g o n Clean-Lyric s Vow, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 11 December 1996 ; Judy Keen , "Buchanan' s Ris e Worrie s GO P Center, " USA Today, 20 Februar y 1996 ; Mimi Hall , "Pa t Buchanan' s Stron g Words Ge t Second Look," USA Today, 2 2 February 1996; Mimi Hall, "Buchanan Still Clutching the Wild Card, " USA Today, 2 7 March 1996 ; Lawton, "Mrs. Smith Takes on Washington," 36-40; Judy Keen, "Buchanan Banking on Simplicity," USA Today, 21 February 1996; Del Jones, "Candidates Pick on Party's Traditional Allies," USA Today, 1 5 February 1996; James W. Coons, "Buchanan's Pla n Would Ruin Economy," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 1 February 1996 ; "On th e Prowl," American Spectator 30 (July 1997): 16-17; Jacob Weisberg, u The Coming Republican CrackUp," New York Magazine 2 9 (4 March 1996) : 18-25; Easton, "Merchants o f Virtue," 16 , 18, 20, 40-42; William J . Bennett, "Revol t Agains t God, " Policy Review 18 (Winter 1994): 19-24 . 48. Weisberg , "Th e Comin g Republica n Crack-Up, " 18-25 ; "Forbe s Wind fall?" USA Today, 1 March 1996; Patrick J. Buchanan, "A Flawed Flat Tax and the Way Out," New York Times, 1 7 January 1996 ; John B . Judis, 'White Squall : The Majority Part y Crack s Up," New Republic 214 (11 Marc h 1996) : 28-30; Judi Hasson, "Strong Finishes Boost Buchanan, Alexander," USA Today, 1 3 February 1996; Judy Keen , "Religiou s Righ t Ma y No t b e i n Forbes ' Corner, " USA Today, 2 5 January 1996; Bob Minzesheimer, "Forbes : Attack Ads Backfired i n Iowa, " USA Today, 1 5 Februar y 1996. 49. Frum , Dead Right, 4 ; Cal Thomas, "Dol e Shoul d Surrende r Nominatio n Now," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 18 July 1996; "Allies Bad-Mouthing Dole Campaign," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 16 July 1996; Robert D. Novak, "Dole's Stilted Visit to Ohio Fail s to Rally Republicans' Morale," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 17 September 1996; James Bennet, "Weekly Grabs Attention on the Right," New York Times, 2 3 May 1996; Jude Wanniski, "Kem p Stay s in Battl e While Other s Flee," USA Today, 3 0 October 1996 ; Judi Hasson, "Kem p Scolds GOP for No t Backing Dole," USA Today, 2 8 October 1996. 50. Tod d S . Purdum, "Clinto n Plan s a New Vision Onc e Again," New York Times, 2 3 January 1995. 51. Sand y Grady, "Clinto n I s Right: Hateful Rhetori c Mus t B e Curbed," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 6 April 1995; Ann McFeatters, "Clinton Criss-Crossin g Country to Gain Steam," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 6 April 1995; Tony Snow, "Clinton Mistake s Grie f a s Call to Arms," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 9 April 1995; L. Brent Bozel l III, "The Official Medi a Versus the GOP," National Review 47 (12 June 1995): 46, 48-49; John Corry , "Meetin g the Enemy," American Spectator 28 (July 1995): 48-49 . 52. Richar d Benedetto , "Pol l Point s Towar d Conservativ e Electorate, " USA Today, 22 Ma y 1996 ; Richard Gooding , "To p Clinto n Aid e an d th e Sex y Call

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Girl," Star, 1 0 Septembe r 1996 ; Richar d Gooding , "M y Las t Nigh t wit h Dick Morris, " Star, 24 September 1996 ; Richard Benedetto , "If th e Pol l Is King, Then th e Presiden t I s Jus t a Pawn," USA Today, 2 7 January 1997 ; Tony Maur o and Debbi e Howlett , "Int o th e Courts , Awa y fro m Congress, " USA Today, 1 1 September 1996 ; Maureen Dowd , "No Bridge Too Far," New York Times, 2 3 May 1996. 53. Tod d S . Purdum, "Clinto n Woul d Sig n Bil l Barrin g Recognitio n t o Gay Marriages," New York Times, 23 May 1996 ; Susa n Page , "Welfar e Overhau l a Dramatic Shift, " USA Today, 1 August 1996 ; Richar d Wolf , "Clinto n t o Sig n Welfare Bill, " USA Today, 1 August 1996 ; Clarence Page , "Clinton Show s He's Mastered Lesson from Disgrace d Morris," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 17 September 1996; Jessica Lee and Richard Wolf, "The GOP Congress: Revolutionaries and Realists," USA Today, 30 Septembe r 1996 ; Richar d Benedetto , "Clinto n Runs , Keeping Congres s a t Hi s Side, " USA Today, 30 Septembe r 1996 ; William M . Welch, "Welfare Bil l Rouses Liberal Clinton Allies," USA Today, 2 2 August 1996; Cal Thomas, "Senat e Stand s Firml y Against Mora l Outrage, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 3 September 1996 ; Jill Lawrence , "Ga y Bills ' Onl y Effec t Righ t Now : Politics," USA Today, 11 September 1996 ; Bruce Dunford , "Hawai i Cour t Cas e Still Could Have Ramifications," USA Today, 1 1 Septembe r 1996. 54. "Clinto n Tout s Borde r Program, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 1 June 1996; "Clinto n Back s Tee n Curfews, " Lancaste r (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 3 1 May 1996; Maureen Dowd , "Undisciplined Clinto n Turns Tough on Kids," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 5 June 1996 ; Mimi Hall , "Clinto n Sing s Praise s o f Tee n Cur fews," USA Today, 3 1 Ma y 1996; "Clinton Pledge s Money to Cut Dow n on Truancy," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 4 July 1996; Neil MacFarquhar, "Clinton, Visiting New Jersey, Warns Children About Smoking," New York Times, 8 May 1996. 55. Bil l Nichols , "N o 'Ne w Tricks ' i n Dru g Strategy, " USA Today, 3 0 April 1996; "Clinton Propose s Dru g Test s fo r Teens, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 October 1996 ; Jessica Lee , "Clinton's Lates t Crim e Weapon: Cel l Phones," USA Today, 1 7 July 1996; Ron Fournier, "Clinton Shoot s at Big, Easy Targets," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 3 August 1996; "Clinton Touts Public Lists to Find Deadbeat Parents," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 3 July 1996; Bill Nichols and Willia m M. Welch, "Clinton Take s Aim at Deadbeat Dads, " USA Today, 1 9 July 1996; "Drug Tests Cause a Stir," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 6 July 1996. 56. Jessic a Lee, "Clinton Fire s Back at Hecklers by Zeroing in on Dole's Record," USA Today, 3 0 Octobe r 1996 ; Maureen Dowd , "I n Ru n fo r Re-Election , Clinton Start s Thinking Small, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 6 July 1996; Susan Page, "Clinton Picks Up Support of CEOs," USA Today, 8 October 1996; "Clinton Claiming the Credit," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 9 October 1996; Martin Crutsinger, "$28.8 Billion Reduction i n Deficit I s Expected," USA Today, 1 7 July 1996. 57. "A d Touts Clinton's Suppor t o f Religion," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 5 October 1996; Alison Mitchell, "Clinton, Touring Midwest, Seems to Take a Page from 'Mornin g in America'," New York Times, 1 8 Septembe r 1996. 58. Rober t W . Merry , "Milwauke e Mayo r Exemplifie s Ne w Breed o f Democrat," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 0 September 1996 ; Davis S. Broder, "Democrats' 'Unity ' Won' t Las t Beyon d Electio n Day, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch,

Notes to Chapte r 8 31 7 28 August 1996 ; Susan Page , "Fo r Liberals , Clinto n onl y Choice, " USA Today, 26 Marc h 1996 ; Susan Page , "Labo r Urge d t o Pu t Of f It s Endorsement, " USA Today, 2 2 March 1996 ; Maureen Dowd , "Democrati c Part y a No-Show a t Own Convention," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 0 August 1996 ; "Gay Rights Group s Decry Clinton on Same-Sex Marriage," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 23 September 1996. 59. Susa n Page , "Clinton Vow s to 'Fix ' Medicare," USA Today, 6 September 1996; Alison Mitchell , "Clinto n Seek s Florida Votes with a Focus on Medicare, " New York Times, 6 September 1996 ; "Clinton Woo s Florida Seniors, " Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 6 Septembe r 1996 ; "Socia l Securit y Bein g Reshape d Behin d Scenes," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 0 October 1996. 60. Ro n Freeman , "Medi a Shoul d Pu t Churc h Burning s i n Perspectiv e an d Quit th e Race-Baiting, " Kansas City Star, 2 5 June 1996; Gary Fields and Richar d Price, "Arson s Symboli c o f Racia l Divide, " USA Today, 1 Jul y 1996; Gary Fields and Richard Price , "Why Are Churches Burning?" USA Today, 2 July 1996; Ronald Smothers, "After Fires , Some Black Churches Fac e Trouble with Insurance, " New York Times, 3 July 1996; Steven A. Holmes, "Clinton Seeks $6 Million to Halt Church Fires, " New York Times, 3 July 1996; Gary Fields, "Clinton Lend s Hand to Tennessee Church," USA Today, 2 0 August 1996; Susan Page, "Clinton to Urge Healing i n Visi t t o Sit e o f Arson, " USA Today, 11 June 1996 ; Virginia Culver , "Church Blazes Decried," Denver Post, 2 1 June 1996; "Clinton at Arson Site Urges Racial Harmony, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 13 Jun e 1996 ; To m Curley , "Church Fires Spark a New Call for Action," USA Today, 10 October 1996; Debbie Howlett, "Churchgoers , Pastor s Refus e t o Liv e i n Fear, " USA Today, 20 Jun e 1996; Lori Sharn, Deborah Sharp , and Gary Fields, "Leave Politics 'Out': Clinton, Governors Tak e Stan d Agains t Fires, " USA Today, 2 0 June 1996 ; Ken Hamblin , "The Wolf Is at the Door," Denver Post, 2 3 June 1996. 61. "U . S. Investigates Attacks on 216 Places of Worship," Kansas City Star, 20 June 1996 ; Tom Curley , "Parishioner s Forgiv e Arso n Suspect, " USA Today, 2 1 June 1996 ; Robyn Meredith , "Solvin g Churc h Fire s No t a n Eas y Task," Denve r Post, 2 2 June 1996 ; John F . Harris, "Politic s Se t Aside as Leaders Assail Burning of Churches," Denver Post, 2 0 June 1996; "Racism No t Behin d Mos t Fires , Data Show," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 5 July 1996; Eric Harrison, "Christian Coalition Meet s Blac k Pastors, " Indianapoli s Star, 19 June 1996 ; J. Sebastia n Sinisi , "Group Aids Black Churches," Denver Post, 2 3 June 1996. 62. M . D . Carnegie , "Marc h Madness, " American Spectator 2 8 (Decembe r 1995): 50-52; "Pat Robertso n Denounce s Loui s Farrakhan," Christian Broadcast ing Network Pres s Release, 17 October 1995 , World Wide Web, 1995; Kevin Sack, "Tensions ove r Racis m an d Anti-Semitis m Hav e Surface d i n Georgi a Hous e Campaign," New York Times, 1 6 October 1996. 63. Laur a S. Washington, "The Color of Fear: Blacks and Whites on Common Ground," Chicago Tribune, 1 0 June 1996; Leonard Pitts, "Behavior, Not Race, Led to Ban," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 14 July 1996; Peter Applebome, "Bitter Racial Rift i n Dallas Board Reflects Ill s in Many Other Cities,' * New York Times, 2 5 June 1996; Zoe Ingalls, "Faculty Notes: White Professor Sue s Rutgers for Racia l Bias," Chronicle of Higher Education, 2 November 1994 ; Andrea Hamilton, "Black Mid-

318 Note

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die Class Is Faring Well, Feeling Worse, Some Say," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 21 April 1996. 64. "Californi a Vot e Focuses Racial Preferences Fight," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 10 November 1996 ; Terry Eastland, "En d Affirmative Action—Startin g in California," USA Today, 21 March 1996 ; Georg e F . Will, "Welcom e Californi a Initiative Likely to Ban Government Racism," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 16 July 1996; "Democratic, GO P Chairme n Discourag e Electio n Race-Baiting, " Colum bus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 0 July 1996; Terry Eastland, "Quota King," American Spectator 29 (Ma y 1996) : 33-35, 71; John Zipperer , "I s Discriminatio n Destine d t o Stay?" Christianity Today 39 (1 5 Ma y 1995) : 42-44 ; Pau l Crai g Robert s an d Lawrence M. Stratton, Jr., "Color Code : How We Got Quotas," National Review 47 (20 March 1995): 36-38, 40, 44-48, 50-51, 80; D'Souza, The End of Racism, 289 336. 65. Ala n D . Miller, "O U President' s Tenur e Decisio n Jangle s Campus," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 0 January 1996 ; "Review an d Outlook : Rile d a t Rut gers," Wall Street Journal, 1 3 Februar y 1995. 66. Ton y Snow , "Don' t Coun t Dol e Ou t Yet, " USA Today, 29 April 1996; Darrel Rowland , "Dole' s View s Mor e Popula r Tha n H e Is, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 5 Ma y 1996; Richard Benedetto, "World War II Service Loses Luster as Badge of Honor," USA Today, 2 5 March 1996 ; Roger K. Lowe, "Candidates Talk Entitlements: Will Winner Take Action?" Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 0 October 1996; Richard Benedetto , "Clinton Lead s Dole Despite Character Gap, " USA Today, 21 Jun e 1996; Richard Benedetto , "Character Bullet s Are Bouncing Off Clinton," USA Today, 21 June 1996 ; Richar d Benedetto , "Clinto n Shift s Emphasi s Away from Character, " USA Today, 9 September 1996. 67. James Bennet , "Democrat s Us e Earl y Ads i n Michiga n t o Hel p Clinto n and Beat Republicans," New York Times, 23 April 1996; Catherine Candisky, "Dole Needs to Win 'Soccer Moms'," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 4 October 1996; Ronald D. Utt, "How Congress Won the Budget War," Heritage Foundation F.Y.L, 17 June 1996 (Washington, D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 1996). 68. Jud y Keen , "Dol e Remain s i n Control , Despit e Behind-Scen e Sniping, " USA Today, 3 0 Octobe r 1996 ; Judi Hasson , "Dol e Denounce s 'Win k an d Nod ' Clinton Policies, " USA Today, 1 7 Septembe r 1996 ; "NAACP Leader Tried 'To Set Me Up,' Dole Says," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 2 July 1996; "Dole Touts AntiCrime Agenda," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 7 Septembe r 1996; 69. Mauree n Dowd , "Firs t Boome r Cater s t o Selfis h Cohorts, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 3 September 1996 ; Judy Keen , "Dole' s Can-D o Commentar y Does Not Always Connect," USA Today, 2 8 October 1996. 70. Sand y Grady, "With Bridge s Burned, Dol e Must Sel l Himself t o Voters," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 14 June 1996; Judy Keen, "Dole's Record: Action Over Ideology," USA Today, 1 7 May 1996; John Hellemann , "Certain Defea t Liberate d Dole," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 0 November 1996. 71. Denis e Dick , "GO P Grapple s wit h Abortion, " Lancaste r (Ohio ) EagleGazette, 8 May 1996; Judy Keen, "California Governo r to Fight Abortion Plank, " USA Today, 3 0 April 1996 ; Sara Rimer , "Wel d Join s Mov e t o Dro p GO P AntiAbortion Plank, " New York Times, 8 May 1996; Tanya Mellich , "M y Part y Has

Notes to Chapte r 8 31 9 Turned It s Back on Women," USA Today, 1 4 February 1996; Richard Benedetto, "Abortion Platform Coul d Trip up GOP," USA Today, 1 3 May 1996. 72. Chi p Brown , "Senato r Rap s 'Kamikaze ' Critics, " Denve r Post, 22 Jun e 1996; Bob Minzesheimer , "Ne w Jerse y Governo r Cast s a Big Shadow i n GOP, " USA Today, 1 8 July 1996; Bob Minzesheimer, "I n Texas , Abortion Litmu s Test," USA Today, 2 0 April 1996. 73. "GO P Senato r Gain s Support," Denve r Post, 2 3 June 1996; Robert D. Novak, "Incumbent-Protection Measure s Divide GOP," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 3 July 1996; Adriel Bettelheim, "Abortion Split s GOP Delegates," Denver Post, 2 1 June 1996; Mona Charen, "Republican Platfor m Shoul d Never Compromise with Moral Evil of Abortion," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 2 July 1996. 74. Jil l Lawrence, "Molinari Bubbling to GOP Top," USA Today, 1 7 July 1996; "Reed: Ou r Goa l I s t o Sav e Congress, " USA Today, 31 October 1996 ; Howard Fineman, "The Fight Inside the Tent," Newsweek 127 (13 May 1996): 24-27; Ralph Reed, " 'We Stand at a Crossroads': The Religious Right Must Give Ground—Or Risk Irrelevance," Newsweek 127 (13 May 1996): 28-29 . 75. Willia m Raspberry , "Fea r o f Slipper y Slop e Inhibit s Decision-Makers, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 October 1996 ; Janet L. Folger, "Partial-Birth Abortion Too Common, Never Necessary to Protect Women," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 5 September 1996; Mike Royko, "Abortion Lie s Lead to Rebuke," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 3 March 1997. 76. Richard Wolf , "Late-Ter m Abortio n Ba n OK'd, " USA Today, 28 March 1996; Jonatha n Riskind , "Senat e Can' t Overrid e Vet o o f Lat e Abortio n Ban, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 7 September 1996. 77. Susa n Page , "Cardinals Blas t Abortion Veto, " USA Today, 1 7 April 1996; Susan Page , "Clinton's Abortion-Ba n Vet o Risks Catholic Vote," USA Today, 1 7 April 1996. yS. "Catholic s Launch Assault on Clinton Abortion Veto, " USA Today, 1 July 1996; Darrel Rowland, "Thought Kep t at Bay, Critics Go," USA Today, 1 3 August 1996; Roger K. Lowe and Catherin e Candisky , "Partie s Vie for Catholi c Voters," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 2 September 1996. 79. Steve n V. Roberts, "Republicans Watch a Bitter Feud with Anxiety," New York Times, 2 2 July 1985; Jack Kemp, "GOP Contract—My Amendments, " Wall Street Journal, 2 3 September 1994. 80. "Kem p Scores at Rally in Buffalo," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 August 1996; Mik e Feinsilber , "Enthusiasti c Kem p Misse d Som e Chance s Alon g th e Way," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 2 August 1996; Judi Hasson, "Kemp Peppers Inner Citie s Wit h 'Empowerment ' Message, " USA Today, 10 Septembe r 1996 ; Robert D . Novak , "Kem p Manage s t o Sta y Tru e t o Sel f Withou t Hurtin g Hi s Running Mate," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 October 1996. 81. "Clinto n Went After Cas h as Early as '93," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 March 1997; "Fund-Raising: Democrats Return $1.5 Million More in Questionable Donations," The News Virginian (Waynesboro , Va.) > 1 March 1997 ; Mary McGrory, "Bot h Partie s Hypocritica l o n Campaig n Financing, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 3 October 1996 ; Joseph Perkins , "Gor e i n Fou r Years ? Don' t Be t On It," Lancaster (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 2 9 January 1997; Tony Snow, "Clinton Beggar

320 Note

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Image Tacky for Nation, " Lansin g (Mich. ) State Journal 22 February 1997; "Did Foreign Donor s Swa y Clinto n Policy? " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 8 October 1996; Dav e Hobson , "Ful l Accountin g o f IN S Error s Due, " Lancaste r (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 2 5 November 1997; David H. Mayer, "Clinton's Presidency Is Most Corrupt," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 October 1996 ; Jill Lawrence , "Democrats' Fund-Raisin g Mir e Deepens, " USA Today, 3 1 Octobe r 1996 ; Jill Lawrence, "Burned b y Criticism, Democrat s Releas e Documents," USA Today, 3 0 October 1996; Bradle y H . Smith , "Foreig n Contribution s Tain t Democrats, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 Novembe r 1996 ; Robert D. Novak, "Huang Proved His Value to Indonesians, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 1 October 1996 ; David S . Broder, "In Second Term, Will Ethics Bring Clinton Down?" Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 30 October 1996; Mary McGrory, "Democrats' Fund-Raising Scandals Taint Even Gore," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 3 0 October 1996. 82. Richar d Benedetto, "Character Plays Diminished Role in '90s Campaigns," USA Today, 2 4 June 1996; Mike Rosen, "Media Stung by Charges of Liberal Bias," Denver Post, 2 1 June 1996. 83. "NP R Apologize s fo r Remar k Tha t Upse t Christia n Group, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 3 December 1995; Jeff Jacoby, "New Study Shows Heavy Leftist Bias in Nationa l Media, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 4 June 1996 ; Frank Rich, "Happy Ne w Year ? Ho w Dol e Spen t Ros h Ha-Shanah, " New York Times, 1 8 September 1996; Richard Benedetto, "All Bob Dole May Need Is a Miracle," USA Today, 1 6 September 1996; Georgie Anne Geyer, "Evidence Proves Media's Liberal Bias," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 8 November 1996; John Corry, "The Goldberg Deviation," American Spectator 2 9 (Apri l 1996) : 46-48 ; Ca l Thomas , "Media' s Liberal Bia s Become s Mor e Evident, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 8 May 199; Howard Kurtz , "Does the Evening News Still Matter?" TV Guide 44 (12 October 1996): 20-23. 84. Ca l Thomas, "Big Media Spe w Anti-Republican Bias, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 15 August 1996; "Ruccia's Camp Makes the Most of the Backlash," Other Paper (Columbus, Ohio), 17-23 October 1996. 85. R . Emmet t Tyrrell , Jr. , "Th e Gam e o f Politic s Wil l Proceed, " Lancaste r (Ohio) Eagle-Gazette, 7 November 1996 ; Norm Brewer , "Democratic Candidate s Unlock Powe r o f the Purse," USA Today, 2 May 1996; William M. Welch, "Unions t o Spen d Million s o n Democra t Hopefuls, " USA Today, 22 March 1996 ; Carey Goldberg , "Thousand s Marc h t o Battl e Ne w Right, " New York Times, 1 5 April 1996 ; "Abortion Right s Leagu e to Attac k Freshme n i n House, " Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 4 July 1996 ; Alan Johnson , "Part y Leader s Urg e Ohioan s t o Help Ne t Congress, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 9 August 1996 ; Jessica Lee , "House Minority Leader Eyes the Recapture of Congress," USA Today, 29 August 1996; Richar d Wolf , "Democrats ' Favorit e Demon : Gingrich, " USA Today, 2 9 August 1996; James Bennet, "Democrats Defend Clinto n on Immigration in Striking Manner," New York Times, iy Jun e 1996; Jonathan Riskind , "New Buzzword to Assail Voters," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 9 July 1996; "Congressional Leaders Squar e Of f i n T V Debate," Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 0 September 1996; William M. Welch, "In Democrats' Ads, Everything's Coming Up Gingrich," USA Today, 7 Octobe r 1996 ; Jame s Bennet , "Democrats ' Attac k Ad s Hom e i n o n

Notes to Epilogu e 32

1

Dole," New York Timesy 4 April 1996; Jim Norman, "A t Leas t One Pollster Was Right on Target," USA Today, 7 November 1996. 86. Georg e F . Will, "Turnou t Keep s Declinin g a s Voters' Alienatio n Rises, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 3 1 October 1996 ; Mimi Hall , "Clinto n Win s Ove r 'Soccer Moms' ; Dole th e Young," USA Today, 7 October 1996 ; Bob Minzesheimer, "Turnou t Take s a Record Downturn," USA Today, 7 November 1996 ; Bob Minzesheimer, "Sout h Continue s o n a n Increasingl y Republica n Course, " USA Today, 6 November 1996; John Green, Lyman Kellstedt, James Guth, and Corwin Smidt, "Wh o Electe d Clinton : A Collisio n o f Values, " First Things (AugustSeptember 1997): 35-40. 87. Dudle y Buffa , " A Se t o f Voter s Wire d fo r th e Future, " USA Today, 3 0 October 1996 ; James Bradshaw , "GO P Stil l Rule s Ohi o Delegation, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 6 November 1996 ; George F . Will, "O n Balance , Outcom e o f Voting Favors Republicans," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 7 November 1996; Richard Benedetto , "Voter Anger Appears to Be a Thing of the Past," USA Today, 3 0 October 1996; Alan Johnson, "President Finds Favor in Parma: Reagan Democrats Shift Allegianc e Bac k t o Roots, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 2 October 1996 ; "Election '96," USA Today, 7 November 1996. 88. Ada m Clymer , "Voter s Dividin g Almos t Evenl y i n Hous e Races , Survey Finds," New York Times, 6 November 1996 ; Adrianne Flynn , "Shifting Politics, " Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 8 December 1996. 89. Davi d Frum , "GOP , W e Coul d Hav e Won, " USA Today, 7 November 1996; David Frum , "Th e Campaign' s Casualties, " New York Times, 6 November 1996. 90. Amita i Etzioni, The New Golden Rule: Community and Morality in a Democratic Society (New York: Basic Books, 1996), 3-33. Notes to Epilogue . 1. Rober t H . Bork , Slouching Towards Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline (Ne w York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 130-33 . 2. "So n o f Time-Warner' s Chie f I s Foun d Slai n i n Apartment, " New York Times, 4 June 1997. 3. Bil l Maxwell, " 'Gangsta' Rapper s Shiel d Ow n Childre n Well, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 4 November 1995; "Gangs Find Reason to Fight Again," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 6 October 1996; "For Rap Star Tupac Shakur, Violence Spills from Hi s Lyric s int o Hi s Life, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 1 Septembe r 1996; "Bullet Wound s Clai m Rappe r Tupa c Shakur, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 4 September 1996; "Record Compan y Accused of Welching on Clean-Lyrics Vow," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 1 December 1996. 4. Sara h Glazer , "Bosto n Fight s Crime—And Wins, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 11 Ma y 1997 ; "Toledo Shoot s Dow n Gu n Contro l Proposals, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 6 April 1997. 5. "Florid a Prison s Tur n Violen t Felon s Loose, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 13 March 1997 ; "Lo s Angele s Seek s t o Wide n Ba n Agains t Gan g Clustering, "

322 Note

s to Epilogu e

Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 1 July 1997; Bork, Slouching Towards Gomorrah, 317436. "Lo s Angele s Seek s t o Wide n ba n o n Gan g Clustering" ; Hay a E l Nasser, "Poll: Whites Increasingl y Accept Blacks, " USA Today, 1 1 Jun e 1997; "A 'Retreat of Civil Rights'," USA Today, 2 1 Ma y 1997. 7. Mirey a Navarro , "Nationa l Baptis t Leade r Denie s Misconduc t Accusa tions," New York Times, 1 2 July 1997. 8. Pau l Davidson , "So , How Muc h Mone y Doe s I t Tak e t o B e Rich?" USA Today, 20-22 Jun e 1997 ; "Schoo l I s Seriou s Busines s fo r Pupil s a t Cap e Co d Elementary," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 6 May 1997. 9. "Survey : Mos t Companie s No t Hirin g th e Poor, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 26 May 1997; Dennis Fiely, "College Is Like a Job, Guide Says," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 1 May 1997. 10. "Newspaper : Migrant s t o Florid a Returnin g t o Ohio, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 5 May 1997. 11. Lind a P . Harvey , "Shoul d Ohi o Limi t Us e o f Family-Plannin g Clini c Funds? Yes: Abortions Are Agencies' Real Goal," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 May 1997; Gina Kolata, "Nomadic Grou p o f Anti-Abortionists Uses New Tactics to Make Its Mark," New York Times, 2 4 March 1992. 12. Lind a Bowles, "Clinton Gives Presidential Seal to Homosexuals," Lancaster (Ohio) Eagle-Gazette, 1 0 Ma y 1997 ; Caro l Clurman , "Ga y Rights : What' s th e Agenda?" USA Today Weekend, 28 February-2 March, 1997. 13. Willia m M . Welch and Jessica Lee, "Clinton Leave s His Own Party Split," USA Today, 2 May 1997 ; Jessica Lee , "Republican s Ar e 'Fire d Up!' , Democrat s 'Will Have to See'," USA Today, 2 May 1997; William M. Welch, "Gephardt Says He'll Oppose Bipartisan Budget Agreement," USA Today, 2 1 Ma y 1997. 14. To m Watson , "Gingrich : 'Let' s Ge t o n wit h It', " USA Today, 2 7 January 1997; "Some Conservatives See Little to Like in Lott," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 5 May 1997; Michael Reagan , "Reagan: 'Bye to GOP, " USA Today, 1 7 April 1997; Fred Barnes , "N o Confidence : Ho w Newt Gingrich' s Congressiona l Lieutenant s Have Begu n t o Tur n o n Him, " Weekly Standard 2 (30 June 1997) : 17-20; John Podhoretz, "Th e Handcuffe d Republicans, " Weekly Standard 2 (30 Jun e 1997): 20-23. 15. "T V Rating s Dea l Coul d Doo m 'Famil y Hour ' Bill, " Columbu s (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 4 July 1997. 16. Bil l Nichols , "Clinto n Wil l Rene w Chin a Trad e Status, " USA Today, 2 0 May 1997. 17. Ariann a Huffington , "Limbaug h Lead s Summi t Grinches, " Columbu s (Ohio) Dispatch, 2 5 April 1997. 18. Willia m F . Buckley , Jr. , Gratitude: Reflections on What We Owe to Our Country (New York: Rando m House , 1990) , xiv, xx, 17-18, 25, 36, 47, 53, 56-57 , 134.

19. Ibid., xiv , xx, 17-18, 36, 47, 53, 56-57, 134; Michael Lind, "Why Intellectual Conservatism Died," Dissent 42 (Winter 1995): 42-47 . 20. Davi d Frum, Dead Right (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 3-4; Bork, Slouching Towards Gomorrah, 151 , 336.

Notes to Epilogue 32

3

21. "Layoff s Fee d Stock-Marke t Frenzy, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 2 0 September 1997. 22. "Reed : Whites Must Repent, Help Blacks," Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 1 May 1997. 23. Davi d Briggs , "Protester s Sayin g Dow n wit h Mickey, " Lancaste r (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 1 9 July 1997 ; "Niche Marketin g Help s Aut o Maker s Stan d Out, " Columbus (Ohio ) Dispatch, 1 9 July 1997; Clifford Rothman , "Hollywood Throws Its Support Behin d Outfest," USA Today, 1 1 Jul y 1997. 24. E d Briggs, "Episcopalians Accept Pact with Lutherans," Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch, 1 9 July 1997 ; Terry Mattingly , "U.S . Episcopalians Ar e Ou t o f Step, " Lancaster (Ohio ) Eagle-Gazette, 1 9 July 1997. 25. Willia m Strauss and Neil Howe, The Fourth Turning: An American Prophecy (New York: Broadway Books, 1997), 25-253 .

Index

ABC, 119 , 138, 198, 20 2 Abernathy, Ralph, 15 Abortion: Berrigan on, 6; blacks on, 6, 10 , 90, 114; Bor k on, 153-54; Buchana n on, 6 ; Bush on, 119, 131-32 ; and Carter, 81-82, 8687, 90, 98, 111; and Catholics, 49-52, 71-72, 74-75, 86-87, 89, 109, 140-42, 240, 256 ; Clinton on, 205, 245; conservatives' opposition to, 49-52, 79, 113, 115, 131 , 163-64, 173, 178 , 209, 216, 220 , 222, 223-24, 266 ; Dole on, x, 11, 238-41; Ferraro on, 140-42 ; gag rules concerning information on, 211 ; as issue with voters, 12, 71-75, 108-10, 148, 208; Jackson on, 6, 90; as liberal cause, 30, 64, 67, 71-75, 85, 106, 127, 141 ; libertarians on, 222; and McGovern, 60; under Nixon, 65; partial-birth, 239-40, 242, 245, 250 ; Reagan on, 1, 115 , 130, 165, 181; supporter s of, 49, 251 ; Supreme Court's ruling on, 7, 49, 71, 81, 109, 141, 142 , 211 . See also National Abortion Rights Action League; Op eration Rescue; Planned Parenthood; Right to Life Amendments Abzug, Bella, 9 8 Achtenberg, Roberta, 204, 210 ACLU. See American Civil Liberties Union ACT-UP, 166 AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children), 28, 31, 96. See also Welfare Affirmative actio n ("Quotas"): blacks' sup port for, 99, 172-73, 235-36; Buchanan on, 190-91; Clinton on, 211, 235; controversies over, 101-3, 249, 264 ; and Dole, 238; and EEOC, 37; under Ford, 75; for gays, 106; a s

a kind of welfare, 261; liberals on, 10, 179 ; New Deal policies on, 4; under Nixon, 65 ; and organized labor, 135 Afghanistan, 94 AFL-CIO, 2, 41 , 60, 120, 134-35 , 242. See also Kirkland, Lane; Meany, George; Sweeney, John AFSCME (American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees), 92, 105, 147, 153 , 205 , 207; as white-collar union, 2, 135 Agnew, Spiro, 6 6 Agricultural subsidies, 4, 16, 26 2 AIDS, 143-44,159> 166, 21 0 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 28, 31, 96. See also Welfare Akron (Ohio), 4 1 Alabama, 38, 42, 206, 245. See also Names of specific cities in Alabama State University, 38 Alcohol, 11, 17 , 18-19 Allaire, Paul, 23 2 All in the Family (television show), 61, 6 4 Al Smith Dinner (New York City), 114 Altoona (Pennsylvania), 68-69 AMA (America n Medical Association), 213, 233 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU): an d abortion, 109; an d affirmative action, 101; and Bork nomination, 153; candidate s supported by, 118, 146; an d censorship, 107, 162-63, 213; and crime, 29, 248, 260; and nativity displays, 150; and religion in public schools, 160-61; support for, 162, 17 6 325

326 Inde

x

Beal v. Doc, 74 American Coalition for Traditional Values Beatty, Warren, 58, 6 3 (ACTV),H7> 16 8 Bedford-Stuyvesant (Ne w York City), 21, 16 6 American Conservative Union, 76 Bell, Nelson, 14-15, 48-4 9 American Enterprise Institute, 51 Bell, Terrel, 13 2 American Federation of State, County, and Bellmon, Henry, 77 Municipal Employees. SeeAFSCME Bellow, Adam,1 1 American Jewish Committee, 61 Benham, Flip, 24 1 American Medical Association (AMA), 213 , Bennett, William, 10, 186, 187, 193 , 247, 261 , 233 American Spectator, 9-10, 93, 128, 129, 177 , 262; background of, 9; and Buchanan, 227 ; 189, 195, 204, 223, 259. See also Tyrrell, Bo b and Clarence Thomas, 194-95; as possible presidential candidate, 26 3 Amway Corporation, 112, 16 5 Bentsen, Lloyd, 17 7 Anderson, John, 118-2 1 Berkeley (California), 24, 172-7 3 Anderson, Martin, 12 7 Bernardin, Joseph Cardinal, 74, 86, 90,159 — Angola, 9 3 60, 163, 17 8 Anti-Communism: Carter on, 93-94; and Bernstein, Leonard, 1 Falwell, 6; ideology of, as coalitionenhancer, 4, 20, 32, 254; Oliver North's, 152- Berrigan, Daniel, 6, 12 6 Berrigan, Philip, 2 3 53; in Republican Party, 64-6 5 Anti-Defamation Leagu e (ADL), 224, 234-3 5 Bethlehem Steel Corporation, 27, 5 0 Bible, 145, 19 8 Anti-Semitism accusations, 160; agains t blacks, 137-38, 141, 170, 234-35 , 261; against Biden, Joe, 155, 17 4 Billings, Robert,11 2 Buchanan, 190; against fundamentalists, Birmingham (Alabama), 18, 2 7 116, 161 , 166, 223, 224-25, 243; against ReBirth control, 31, 82. See also Condoms publicans, 141. See also Jews Black Panther Party, 1, 2 6 Arizona, 9 7 Black Power, 23, 25-26, 30 Arizona Republic, 17 7 Blacks: o n abortion, 6, 10, 90, 114; an d busArkansas, 42, 108, 24 5 ing, 67-68; an d Carter, 80, 84, 99-100, 121 Armey, Dick, 148, 220, 221, 22 9 22; and church burnings, 234; and Clinton, Arsenio (televisio n show), 20 2 207; conservative social views of, 6, 10, 114 , Asians, 173, 191 , 19 6 173, 223-24, 248-49; and crime, 28, 52, 136 , Assemblies of God, 20, 167, 26 4 192, 197, 248-49; and Democratic Party, 47 , Association of Catholic Priests, 110 148, 153, 206, 220, 244, 245; employment of, Atlanta (Georgia), 21 4 10, 29-30, 39; and Ford, 77-78; an d GoldAtwater, Lee, 121, 131, 144. 169, 174-76, 181 , water, 36; imprisonment of, 103 , 136, 262 ; 256 and Jews, 25-26, 137-38, 141 , 170, 174, 219 , Auschwitz, 159 234-35, 261; lynching of, 17; an d Nixon, 41 ; Australia, 155 "professional," 191-92; an d Reagan, 77,114— 15, 130, 136 , 147, 173, 260; as strikebreakers, Baker, James, 128, 19 0 27; voting rights for, 17, 21, 114; Wallac e as Bakke, Allan, 10 1 benefactor of , 42. See also Affirmative acBakker, Jim, 158, 166-68 , 178, 24 9 tion; Black Power; Civil rights groups; Baraka, Amiri, 137 Congressional Black Caucus; Racism ; Barkan, Alex, 2, 12, 87, 8 8 Names of specific African Americans Barker, Lucius, 13 8 "Blind pigs," 17, 21, 26, 38, 4 2 Barnett, Ross, 1 7 Bloods (gang), 192, 196, 24 8 Barney Miller (television show), 9 9 Bloodworth-Thomason, Linda, 202- 3 Baroni, Geno, 50, 84-8 6 Blumenthal, Sidney, 175, 20 2 Barry, Marion, 192 BMW, 19 0 Bauer, Gary, 157, 208 , 222-23, 25 2 B'nai B'rith, 14 6 Bayh, Birch, 81, 122, 13 1

Index 32 Bob Jones University, 9, 147, 154. See also Jones, Bob Bob Jones University Press, 9 Bond, Rich, 223 Boone, Pat, 22, 10 8 Bork, Robert: firing of Watergate special prosecutor by, 66, 154 ; nominate d for U.S. Supreme Court, 153-55; views of, 16, 45 , 74, 130,154> 248 , 25 4 Borosage, Robert, 170 Boskin, Michael, 201 Boston (Massachusetts) busing issue, 67-68, 179 Boston Globe, 103 , 104-5, 14°> 201 , 20 3 Boy Scouts of America, 21 6 Bradley, Tom, 196 Brandeis University, 101 Branson (Missouri), 215 Brawley, Tawana, 171 "Brazilification" (of American economy), 134, 185 Breen, John, 228 Breslin, Jimmy, 84 Breyer, Stephen, 106, 21 1 Bridgeport (Connecticut), 214 Brinkley, Alan, 22 9 British Petroleum, 155 Brooklyn (New York), 25 Brown, Jerry, 67 Brown, Ron, 175 Brown, Tony, 194 Brownback, Sam, 245, 25 2 Brownstein, Ronald, 202 Brown v. Board of Education,14, 2 9 Bryant, Anita, 107-8 Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 94 Buchanan, Pat, 194, 203, 207, 243; background of, 51-53; conservatives' opposition to, x, 7, 8-9, 11-12, 226, 239; economi c views of, 7, 8, 12, 13 , 188-89, 217, 226-27 ; and Ford, 76, 89 ; on government's role, 256-57; on homosexuality, 143, 189; at 1992 Republican National Convention, 200, 201 , 208; as Nixon advisor, 6-7, 51-53, 62; as possible presidential candidate, 188-91, 246, 263; on race riots, 196-97; supporters of, 89, 226, 22 8 Buckley, James, 64 Buckley, William F., Jr.: as anti-Communist, 64; and Buchanan, 190; on capitalism, 8, 129, 253 ; on Graham and Nixon, 46; on in-

7

tegration of public accommodations, 16; a s upper-class Catholic, 50-51; on Wallace, 42 Budweiser Corporation, 130 Buffalo (New York), 41, 63 Bumpers, Dale, 124 Burns, James MacGregor, 170, 21 8 Bush, George (president), xii, 177, 202 ; conservatives' views of, 158-59, 198; on Ne w Right, 131-32; as possible presidential candidate, 118; presidency of, 182-90, 193, 198200, 206, 254, 256, 258; presidential campaign of, 165, 167-68 , 173-78, 180-81, 206-8; on prisoners' weekend furloughs, ix, 174 75, 178; a s Reagan's vice-president, 119, 128, i49> 153; speechwriters for, 3, 173-74 Bush, George W. (president's son), 23 8 Bush, Neil, 164 Busing (for school desegregation), 23, 89; in Boston, 67-68, 179; Carte r on, 60; unde r Ford, 75; under Nixon, 45, 65; oppositio n to, 51, 67-68, 112; supporters of, 54, 57, 85 , 99 Butler, LaVerne, 145 Butler, Stuart, 227 Califano, Joseph, 100-102, 104, 125, 191 California, 108, 235, 245, 248, 249. See also Names of cities and institutions in Calvin College, 162 Cambodia, 44, 94 Campbell Soup, 21 8 Campus Wars (Heineman) , xi Canton (Ohio), 27 Cape Cod (Massachusetts), 250 Capitalism. See Corporations Capital punishment, 154, 175, 203 Carbondale (Illinois), 34 Carey, Hugh, 142 Carmichael, Stokeley, 25-26 Carnegie Mellon University, 55 Carr, Bob, 134 Carter, Jeff, 8 1 Carter, Jimmy, 45, 179, 221 , 232, 252, 257; fundamentalist support for, ix-x, 5, 80; on McGovern, 60; presidency of, 93-103, 110, i30> 133; presidential campaign of, 5, 79-92, 106, 114-15, 118, 119-20, 147, 169; religiosity of, xi, 79, 81-8 2 Carter, Rosalynn, 82, 110, 232 Carvey, Dana, 167 Casey, Bob, 20 5

328 Inde

x

Christian Century, 29, 82 Casinos, 217 Christian Coalition, xi, 228, 234, 258; and Castro, Fidel, 23 Catholics, 8, 220; Coors' support for, 11 ; Catcher in the Rye, The (Salinger), 68 libertarianism of, 8; political activities of, Catholic Church. See Catholics 198-99, 208, 256, 259-60; Reed's work Catholic Eucharistic Congress, 75 with, 7-8, 198, 208, 220, 225-26, 239, 262Catholic League for Religious and Civil 63; religious beliefs of, 8 Rights, 54 Christian Family Movement, 23, 54 Catholic Peace Fellowship, 51 Catholics: and abortion, 49-52, 71-72, 74-75, Christianity Today, 144, 156, 159, 161, 199 86-87, 89, 109, 140-42, 240, 256; and alco- Christian Voice, 157-58 hol, 11; attitudes of liberals toward, 26-29; Christie Institute, 146 and Carter, 5, 83-85, 90; and Clinton, 207; Chrysler Corporation, 94-95, 126, 133 and Democratic Party, 4, 58, 62-63; ec0_ Churches: firesin, 233-34, 260; fundamentalnomic concerns of, 8-9; and ERA, 70-71; ist vs. mainstream, 6, 215, 258; politicizaand fundamentalists, 8-10, 20, 71, 74, 114 , tion of, 6, 81, 113-14, 117, 146, 259-60; and 147, 162, 164, 220; and homosexuality, 144, race, 14-15, 21 ; taxation of, 222. See also 159-60, 266; and labor unions, 8, 27, 50, 55; Specific religions and denominations liberals among, 55, 61-62, 110; and libertar- Church of God in Christ, 173 ians, 25; and Nixon presidency, 5, 45; not CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations), perceived as Christians by fundamentalists, 2, 27, 55. See also AFL-CIO 9-10, 20, 147; quotas applied to, 37-38, 46; City University of New York, 100-101 in Republican Party, 10, 220; social conser- Civil Rights Act (1957), 34-35 vatives among, 54-55, 57-58, 69-70; world Civil Rights Act (1964), 16, 35, 37, 38, 85, 154 outlook of, 57. See also Schools: parochial; Civil Rights Act (1991), 191, 203, 207 White ethnics; Working-class Civil rights groups, x, xi-xii, 34-35; and politicization of churches, 6, 113-14; religiosity Catholics United for the Faith, 31, 109 among, 24; white southerners' attitudes toCBN (Christian Broadcasting Network), 22, ward, 14-15. See also Names of specific civil 66, 76, 117, 164, 165, 167, 168, 252, 259 rights leaders CBS, 59, 118, 119, 138, 156-57, 159, 188, 244, 263 Civil Rights Restoration Act (1988), 160 CBS Evening News (television show), 59, 118 Class issues: between blue- and white-collar union members, 2; within Christianity, 20CBS Records, 159 21; in elections, 91, 219; and "family gap," Censorship, 68-69, 106-7, 161, 187-88, 223 258; between Jews and fundamentalists, 11, Central Conference of American Rabbis, 224 12, 224; liberals' failure to deal with, 102, CEOs: o n Buchanan, 227-28; on Bush's trip 257; among libertarians, 25; and McGovern to Japan, 184; for Clinton, 232; salaries of, campaign, 57-58, 61, 63; in public vs. pri155-56, 218 vate education, 37, 67-68; within races, 18, Chamber of Commerce, 35 46-47, 235; among Republicans, 11-12; Character. See Morality among southern whites, 17-18; among upCharen, Mona, 200 per middle class, 26; and Vietnam War Charisma magazine, 117-18 service, 33-34. See also "New Class" Chase, Chevy, 88 Cleaver, Eldridge, 25 Cheney, Dick, 201 Cleaver, Emmanuel, 235 Chennault, Anna, 65 Cleveland (Ohio), 39, 41 Chennault, Claire, 65 Chicago (Illinois), 28, 137, 159, 192, 214, 235 Clifford, Clark, 124 Cliff, Eleanor, 219 Chicago Tribune, 217 Clinton, Bill, xii, 111, 122, 200; as Arkansas China, 59, 64, 65, 242, 252 governor, 202, 205; changes in policies of, Christian Action Network, 222 x; and homosexuals, x, 2, 204-5, 232>2 5*> Christian Broadcasting Network. See CBN

Index 32 264; and organized labor, 1-2, 134, 205, 207; presidency of, 210-46, 257, 265; as presidential candidate, 1, 188 , 201-9, 229-45, 258, 261; and racism, 179; scandals associated with, 202, 211, 259; and sex education, 107; and Vietnam War, 178, 201 , 207, 210, 255 Clinton, Chelsea, 205 Clinton, Hillary Rodham, m, 134, 194, 202, 221, 230-32; income of, 205; and national health insurance, 211; as Wal-Mart board member, 1-2; as Watergate investigator, 63, 212 Coalition for Life, 73 Codrescu, Andrei, 24 3 Coelho, Tony, 132, 139, 185 Cohen, Richard, 170 Cold War. See Anti-Communism Coleman, Milton, 137, 138 Colorado, 199, 211, 222 Colson, Charles, 142, 145, 158 Columbus (Ohio), 41 Columbus Dispatch, 236-37 Commission on Obscenity and Pornography, 48 Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP), 52, 56, 60, 6 2 Commonweal magazine, 51 Communist Party (U.S.A.), 33 Community Action Programs, 28, 30 Condoms, 199, 200, 266. See also Birth control Congressional Black Caucus, 85, 99, 114-15, 127, 136, 170, 173, i94> 203 Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), 2, 27, 55. See also AFL-CIO Connecticut, 183, 214 Connor, Bull, 27 Conservatism. See Social conservatism Conservative Caucus, 112 Consumer Protection Agency, 127 "Contract with America," 221, 255 "Contract with the American Family," 22 5 Cooke, Terence Cardinal, 141 Coors, Joseph, 9, 77. See also Coors family Coors family, 4, 9, 11, 77, 160, 26 4 Cornell University, 44 Corporations (capitalism; free market): CEO s of, 155-56, 184, 218, 227-28, 232; conservative views on, 8-9, 129, 253; quota s in, 37-

9

38; responsibilities of, x; union-breaking efforts of, 2. See also Buchanan, Pat: economic views of; Libertarians; Names of specific corporations Coughlin, Charles, 51 Country-western music, 17, 215 CREEP. See Committee to Re-Elect the President Crime rates, 10; unde r Bush, 183-84; causes of, 57, 197, 260; and Clinton, 231-33, 24749; as issue among blacks and Hispanics, 52, 175; as issue with voters, 12, 39, 174-76, 208, 230; liberals vs. conservatives on, 29; and race, 171-75, 192, 262, 264; rise in, 28 , 45, 102-3, 136; in the South, 17; among teens, 213, 215, 257. See also Criminal rights; Drug abuse; Gangs; Poverty Criminal rights, 57, 85, 164 Crips (gang), 192, 196, 248 Criswell, W. A., 82, 143, 144, 165 Cross and the Switchblade, The (movie), 22 C-Span, 243 Cuba, 93 Culture wars, 10, 250-51, 257, 265. See also Fundamentalists; Liberalism; Libertarians; Social conservatism Cuomo, Mario, 141-42, 144, 154, 179, 188, 219, 244 Daley, Richard, 5, 57-58, 60, 87-88, 132, 137, 204 Dallas (Texas), 235 Darman, Richard, 128, 188 Davenport (Iowa), 192 Davis, Jefferson, 16 "Deadbeat dads," 232 Dearborn (Michigan), 33 Death penalty, 154, 175, 203 Deaver, Mike, 77,116, 128, 131 Deer Hunter, The (movie), 180 Democratic Leadership Council, 179, 203 Democratic National Convention: of 1968, 40; of 1972, 5, 44, 57-58; of 1976, 85 ; of 1984, 138; of 1992, 205; of 1996, 232-33 Democratic Party: blacks' involvement in, 47, 148, 153, 206, 220, 244, 245; and Catholics, 31, 58; congressional control by, 64, 104; disillusionment with current, xi; divisions in, 24, 32, 35, 39-40, 87, 140-42, 251-52;

330 Inde

x

Edelman, Marian Wright, 111, 231 Democratic Party (Continued) and feminists, 139, 147, 150, 205, 206, 258 ; Edelman, Peter, 23 1 Edsall, Thomas, 202 and homosexuals, 99; and Jews, 61 , 244, 245; liberals in, 125-26, 132-33; New Deal EEOC. See Equal Employment Opportunity Commission coalition in, 4, 7, 58, 61, 86, 106-7,128> 157, 192, 246 , 257, 265; in 1974 elections, 67; andEhrenreich, Barbara, 98, 182 organized labor, 133; predictions about, 12; Eisenhower, Dwight D., 36, 45, 74 presidential candidate selection by, 54, 60 ; Elmer Gantry (Lewis), 2 1 Engel, Randy, 73 southern whites in, 16; as target of New Left activists, 24; working-class constituents Engelberg, Mort, 202 of, 2, 41-42, 58, 67; young people on, 216 . Engel v. Vitale, 68 See also Democratic National Convention; Engler, John, 16 5 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), 64 , New Deal: coalition supporting; Reagan Democrats; Names of specific Democrats 95 Episcopalians, 75; liberalism among, 6, 34, 42, Denton, Jeremiah, 115, 119 , 153 49, 168, 264 Denver Post, 222 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission DePauw University, 155 Des Moines (Iowa), 19 2 (EEOC), 37, 99, 195-9 6 Detroit (Michigan): black political power in, Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), 70, 79, 81 39; crime rate in, 172-73, 192; organized la82, 85, 106, 108-11, 114, 119 , 141 bor in, 91, 147; riots in, 38-39 ERA. See Equal Rights Amendment Estrey, William, 232 DeVos, Richard, 112 Estrich, Susan, 175 Diary of Anne Frank, The, 161 Ethnic Heritage Act, 75 Dionne, E. J. , 20 2 Etzioni, Amitai, 246 Disney Corporation, 264 Divorce: as moral issue, 83, 86, 109. See also Euthanasia, 110, 24 0 Evangelical Lutheran Church, 159, 26 4 Family dissolution Evangelicals for McGovern, 55-57 Dobson, James, 162, 222-23, 225-26 Evangelicals for Social Action, 68 Dolan, Terry, 143 Dole, Bob, 7, 82, 83; on federal programs, 127- Evans, Anthony, 173 28, 238; as presidential candidate, x, 7, 11 , 226, 228-32, 235, 236-46, 256 Falwell, Jerry, 131, 178, 229 ; and abortion, 16364; background of, 19, 21 ; and Carter, 82, Domino's Pizza, 228 111; on corporate practices, 8; defamation Donahue (television show), 202 suit of, 161-62; disbanding of Moral MaDonovan, Ray, 139 jority by, 167-68; Goldwater on, 129; on Dowd, Maureen, 232, 237 homosexuality, 143; as Liberty Baptist Drew, Elizabeth, 119 Church founder, 47-48, 76; as Moral MaDrug abuse: Betty Ford on, 73; among blacks, 136, 171-72, 260; under Clinton, 213, jority founder, 7, 12, 112-17, 147; political endorsements by, 165; o n politicization of 231; and crime, 171-72; as issue with voters, churches, 18, 146; on religious academies in 12, 52, 176; under Nixon, 45; under Reagan, the South, 100; Republican courting of, 144; xi, 165, 172 as social conservative, 5-6; television show Dukakis, Michael: as Massachusetts governor, run by, 108, 167. See also Liberty Baptist 67; as presidential candidate, 174-80, 202; Church; Thomas Road Baptist Church on prisoners' weekend furloughs, ix, 169, "Family Channel, The," 24 3 174-75. 17 8 Family dissolution: concern about, 109, 110Dukakis, Panos, 26 12, 164, 171, 173, 216; economic reasons for, Dunning, Bruce, 157 69-70, 79, 85-86, 88, 98, 156, 186, 257; as DuPont family, 4, 166 issue with voters, 12; McGovern on, 126; Duquesne University, 55

Index 33

1

other causes of, 86, 102, 150; social conser- Fraternal organizations, 216 vatives' emphasis on, 225. See also Illegiti - Free market. See Corporations; North Amerimacy; Premarital sex can Free Trade Agreement Family Research Council, 208 Frum, David, 187, 206, 228, 246, 253 Farrakhan, Louis, 137-38, 170, 234-35 , 2 6i Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship, 22 Farris, Michael, 161, 223 Fundamentalist Ministerial Association (AlFBI, 53 , 212 toona, Pennsylvania), 68-69 Federal government: blacks' support for, 16 ; Fundamentalists, 20; and Carter, 80; an d and Catholics, 31-32, 46; Jewish views of, Catholics, 8-10, 20, 71 , 74, 114, 147 , 162, 11; unde r Nixon, 64-65, 255; Protestan t 164, 220; and Ford, 75-76; and Jews, 116 , views of, 46; and Reagan, 81, 114, 122-23, 224; amon g Muslims, 94; and Republican 126-29, 255, 256; regulation s of, 95, 188; re Party, 7, 113, 163-68 ; separatist views sponsibilities of, x; in Social Gospel, 19-20; among, 7, 118, 215 , 256; an d Vietnam War, southern whites' views of, 16, 22; subsidies 32, 34; world outlook of, 57. See also Asto farmers by, 4, 16, 127; varying conservasemblies of God; Jews: Orthodox ; Pente tive views on, 8-11, 16, 48 . See also Affircostals; Southern Baptists; Names of specific mative action; AFDC; Foo d stamps; Great fundamentalists Society programs; Medicaid; Medicare; Social Security; Specific agencies, departments, Gallup polls, 39, 42, 168, 197, 23 6 and offices of Gambino family, 139 Feminists: and Carter, 99; Catholic, 109; and Gambling, 217 Gandhi, Mahatma, 251 Clinton, x, 205, 206; and Democratic Party, 258; and Jackson, 6; and organized Gangs, 28, 192, 196, 214, 24 8 labor, 134, 135; rise of, 30; support for ERA Gantt, Harvey, 195 by, 70-71. See also National Organization Gary (Indiana), 214 for Women; Names of specific feminists Gay Freedom Day Parades, 99 Ferraro, Geraldine, 139-42, 144, 145, 147-50, Gays. See Homosexuality General Motors Corporation, 133 259 Georgetown University, 160 FitzGerald, Frances, 118 Georgia, 18, 42, 214 Fitzsimmons, Ron, 239 Gephardt, Richard, 168, 25 1 Flint (Michigan), 86, 96 Germany, 95, 155 Florida, 97, 110, 199, 245, 248 Geto Boys (musical group), 193 Florio, Jim, 219, 23 8 GI Bill of Rights, 253 Flowers, Gennifer, 202 Gingrich, Newt, 125, 128, 185, 187 , 223 , 243, Flynt, Larry, 161 251, 252; and Clinton, 229-31, 237-38; conFocus on the Family, 162, 222, 226, 263 gressional power of, 220-22, 244; conservaFoley, Tom, 220-21 tism of, 3, 158, 245 , 255; and 1996 Republi Fonda, Jane, 64, 71, 139 can National Convention, 227-28, 23 9 Food stamps, 127, 238 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 193, 211 Forbes, Steve, 12, 228, 263 Gitlin, Todd, 5 Ford, Betty, 73, 74, 79, 83, 89, no Glenn, John, 137-38, 178 Ford, Gerald, ix, 252; inflation under, 95 ; Glidden, Robert, 23 6 Nixon's pardon by, 86, 88; as president, Godfather—Part II, The (movie), 132 66, 71 , 72-79, 86, 154, 187; presidential Goldsmith, Judy, 14 6 campaign of, 5, 80, 82-83, 88-92, 121 Goldwater, Barry: on New Right, 129, 130, 165; Ford Motor Company, 133 presidential campaign of, 35-36, 121 Foreign policy, 183, 254-55 Goldwin, Bob, 73 Foxman, Abraham, 224-25 Gonorrhea, 24 Frank, Anne, 161, 223 Good Morning America (televisio n show), 198 Frank, Barney, 162-63, 170, 199

332 Inde

x

GOP. See Republican Party Gore, Al, Jr., 90, 179; as Clinton's running mate, 201, 202, 206, 242, 243, 251; a s Clinton's vice-president, 234; as possible presidential candidate, 168-69, 174; on prisoners' weekend furloughs, ix, 169, 174 Gore, Al, Sr., 16 9 Gore, Tipper, 169 Graham, Billy, 92; alma mater of, 57; Carte r likened to, 80; and George Wallace, 53-54; and Martin Luther King, Jr., 14, 46; and Nixon, 45-46, 48-49, 56, 66, 117; Religiou s Left on, 55; views of, 17, 48-4 9 Gramm, Phil, 125, 220-22 , 226, 227, 229, 238, 261; as libertarian, 63, 25 2 Grapes of Wrath, The (Steinbeck), 20 Great Society programs, 31-32, 35, 41 , 97, 102 , 262; as contributor to nation's problems, 28, 125 , 150 Greeley, Andrew, 61, 63, 69, 84 Grove City College (Pennsylvania), 160 Guevara, Che, 2 3 Guns, 180, 214, 24 8 Harper's magazine, 125 Harriman, Pamela Digby Churchill Hayward, 124, 134, 168, 204, 242 Hart, Gary, 63, 139, 180; as libertarian, 135; as McGovern's campaign manager, 58, 62 ; scandal involving, 169-70, 174, 259; as senator, 67 Hartman, Phil, 15 3 Harvard, Beverly, 214 Harvard Law School, 63 Hefner, Christie, 188 Helms, Jesse, 2, 9, 188; and abortion, 79, 8990; on Martin Luther King, Jr., 14; political campaigns of, 195; and Reagan, y6, 77; as a Republican, 65; on tobacco subsidies, 127 Henry, William, 139-40 Heritage Foundation, xi, 11, 112, 115, 223 ; economic views of, 9, 11, 130, 221 , 227, 228, 237, 241, 255; fundin g of, 264; and religious academies, 107 Heritage Groups Council (Republican Party), 65. See also Ethnic Heritage Act Heritage U.S.A. (South Carolina), 158 Hertzberg, Hendrick, 169 Hill, Anita, 193-96, 243 Hillbilly music, 17 Hillsdale College (Michigan), 160

Hiring quotas. See Affirmative action Hispanics, 52, 195-96, 248 Hitler, Adolf, 59, 108, 137, 186. See also Nazi Party Ho Chi Minh, 2 3 Hollings, Ernest, 12 8 Hollywood: Bennett on, 186; conservatives in, 62, 64; filmsproduced by, 186, 199; as influence on Clintons, 202-3, 211-12; Jews in, 11; liberalism in, 5, 24, 63-64, 105, 139. See also Screen Actors Guild Home mortgage interest deductions, 88 Home schooling, 161 Homosexuality: Buchanan on, 143, 189; an d Catholics, 144, 159-60, 266; among clergy, 159-60, 167; and Clinton, x, 2, 204-5, 232 , 251, 264; Colorado legislation regarding, 199, 211 ; conservative views of, 113, 115, 130, 164, 216, 223-24 , 266; controversies regarding, 106, 107-8, 111, 143-44, 159-60, 187; and Heritage Foundation, 264; as issue with voters, 208; Jackson on, 6, 115; among Jews, 11; and marriage, 224, 230, 264; and the military, 210; and organized labor, 6061, 134, 135; Reaga n on, 115; i n San Fran cisco, 99, 137, 143; supporters of, 16 6 Hoover, Herbert, 120 Hope, Bob, 64 Hormel, James, 2, 20 4 Horton, Willie, 174-75, 178, 181 , 203 Housing issues, 84, 120, 187 Howe, Neil, 265 Hudson, Rock,115 Huffington, Arianna, 253 Human Events magazine, 128, 189 Humphrey, Hubert, 37, 85; as possible presidential candidate, 54, 59-61, 80, 81; a s presidential candidate, 40-42 Hussein, Saddam, 182, 183, 186, 190 Hustler magazine, 161, 162 Hutchinson, Kay Bailey, 238-39 Hyde, Henry, 108, 177 Hyde Amendment, 108 Iacocca, Lee, 184 Ice-T (musician), 193 Idol, Billy, 159 Illegitimacy: and family dissolution, 86, 171 , 257; growth of, 28, 45, 69, 102, 136-37, 150, 165, 213, 260; in the South, 17 Illinois, 34, 41. See also Chicago

Index 33 Immigrants, 26-27, 38, 173, 191 , 196, 214, 242 , 250 Indiana, 37, 113, 177, 214 Indianapolis Bible Temple, 113 Indianapolis Star, 177 Indonesia, 217, 242 Inflation, 39, 95-97 Institute for Policy Studies, 170 Internal Revenue Service (IRS): and Bakker, 167, 168; unde r Bush, 188; and Christian Coalition, 260; Dole on, 128; and inflation, 95-96; and religious academies, 99-100, 107, 112-13, 131. See also Taxes Iowa, 103, 182, 192, 22 6 Iowa State University, 182 Iran, 94, 152 Iran-Contra scandal, 152-53, 176, 22 3 Iraq, 182. See also Hussein, Saddam; Persia n Gulf War Ireland, Patricia, 193, 20 4 IRS. See Internal Revenue Service Islam, 94 Israel, 93, 117, 121, 138, 146, 227

3

and Reagan, 120-21; and Robertson, 11, 21 ; and Wallace, 42. See also Anti-Semitism John Paul II (pope), 9 Johnson, Arthur, 172 Johnson, Frank, 37, 42 Johnson, Haynes, 124 Johnson, Lyndon Baines, 23, 45, 48, 60; Grea t Society programs of, 28, 30, 35, 38, 64, 112, 125, 262 ; presidency of, 35-40, 77, 91 ; and Social Security, 96-97; and Vietnam War, 32,33> 38 Johnstown (Pennsylvania), 27, 241-4 2 Jones, Bob, 9, 10, 146-47. See also Bob Jone s University Jones, LeRoi, 137 Jones, Paula, 243 Jordan, Hamilton, 80-81 "Judas Priest" (musical group), 159 Judis, John, 190, 22 7

Kanawha County (West Virginia), 106-7 Kansas, 245 Kasich, John, 244 Kassebaum, Nancy, 119 K-Car, 94-9 5 Jackson, Henry (Scoop), 64, 80, 8 7 Jackson, Jackie, 170 Kemp, Jack, 63, 154-55, 165, 262; and Clarence Thomas, 194-95; as Dole's running Jackson, Jesse, 165, 169, 192, 248-49 , 261; on abortion, 90, 115, 137; as Baptist minister, 6; mate, 241-42; economic views of, 127, 128, 132, 187 on church fires, 233-34; as civil rights leader, xi-xii; and Democratic Party poliKennedy, Anthony, 211 tics, 5, 58, 84, 145, 203 ; and Falwell, 115; Kennedy, Edward M. (Teddy), xi, 45, 119, 141 , and Jews, 137-38, 141, 170, 174, 219; and 144, 155, 169 , 188, 211; and abortion, 50, 86 Persian Gulf War, 182; as possible presi87, 154; and Bush campaign, 176; and feddential candidate, 135, 137-39, 170-71, eral funding for colleges, 160; and homo173>174> 178-79; and Rodney King case, sexuality, 199, 230; and 1980 presidential 196 election, 104-6, 118, 232; scandals associated with, 53, 80, 105, 154, 194, 259; and Thomas James, Fob, 111 nomination, 193 Japan, 94, 95, 155, 184, 190 Jarmin, Gary, 157 Kennedy, John F., 2-3, 105; Catholicis m of, Jefferson, Thomas, 19 20, 81; presidency of, 34-35, 77 Jeffrey, Christina , 224 Kennedy, Robert F. (Bobby), 40 Jemison, T. J., 13 6 Kent State University, 60 Jews: and abortion, 49; and blacks, 25-26,137- Kerner, Otto, 39 38, 141, 170, 174, 219 , 234-35 , 261; Buchanan King, Coretta Scott, 19 1 on, 190; and Carter, 87, 90; Catholics on, King, Martin Luther, Jr., 9, 18, 187, 251 ; and 70; and Clinton, 207; and Democratic Billy Graham, 14, 46; as civil rights leader, Party, 61, 244, 245; as immigrants, 26-27; 24, 27, 47, 163, 248; as clergyman, 126; and liberalism among, 11, 224; and Moral Mapoliticization of churches, 6, 7, 18, 146 ; jority, 116-17; neoconservative s among, 73, views of, 15, 17, 23 . See also Southern 224; and Nixon, 41; Orthodox, 61, 117, 121 , Christian Leadership Conference 165-66, 170, 224; quotas applied to, 37-38; King, Martin Luther, Sr., 20, 80, 114

334 Inde

x

also New Left; Religious Left; Names of specific liberals Libertarians: and abortion, 108; and alcohol, 11; in Christian Coalition, 8; on federal government, 25, 229-30; free market views of, 8, 156, 189 , 195, 206, 241 ; Goldwater as, 36; in Hollywood, 115; and liberals, 246; in "New Class," 63; and race, 264; in Republican Party, 122, 126-29, 131, 158; vs. socia l conservatives, 221-22, 225-27, 239, 252-56. See also Heritage Foundation; Names of specific libertarians Liberty Baptist Church, 9, 47-48, 221 Lieberman, Joseph, 252 Limbaugh, Rush, 229, 253, 259 Lincoln, Abraham, 166 Labor unions: blue-collar vs. white-collar, 2, 134~35> 233, 262; and Carter, 91, 120, 147 ; Lind, Michael, 223-24 and Catholics, 8, 27, 50, 55; and Clinton, Lindsell, Harold, 83, 10 8 207, 242; lack of, in South, 8; and MonLinse, Eugene, 72 dale, 147, 149; and NAFTA, 233; unde r Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), 15 , Reagan, 133-35; responsibilities of, x; an d 196, 24 8 younger people, 97, 184, 262. See also Lott, Trent, 252 Working-class; Names of specific unions Louis Harris polls, 68 and union leaders Louisiana, 42 LaHaye, Tim, 147, 168 Loury, Glenn, 136 Love Connection, The (television show), 212 Lambs of Christ, 251 Lowe, Rob, 139 Larry King Live (television show), 230 Lowery, Joseph, 234, 249 Lasch, Christopher, 185, 186, 188, 258 Loyola University (Chicago), 17 Latrobe (Pennsylvania), 184 Ludwig von Mises Institute, 195 "Laugh-In" (television show), 41 Lutheran Church: Missouri Synod of, 71-72. Lawrence, Francis, 236 See also Evangelical Lutheran Church Lear, Norman, 64, 116-18, 146, 166; and Bork nomination, 153, 154; and Thomas nomina- Lynchburg Baptist Church. See Liberty Baptist Church tion, 19 3 Lebanon, 152 Lynching, 17-18 Legal profession, 24-25 Lynn, Loretta, 177 Lennon, John, 53 Lyons, Henry, 249 Lennon, Julian, 12 McArthur, Douglas, 51 Leo, John, 24 7 McAteer, Edward, 112, 117, 165 Leo XIII (pope), 226 McCain, John,115 Levin, Gerald, 247 McCarthy, Eugene, 40, 14 2 Levin, Jonathan, 247 McCarthy, Joseph, 51 Lewis, Ann, 170 McCartney, Bill, 215-1 6 Lewis, Jerry Lee, 21, 16 7 McCloskey, Pete, 52 Lewis, John (congressman), xi-xii, 197, 231 , McCorvey, Norma, 240-41 260 McGovern, George, 82, 85, 122, 138, 238, 259 ; Lewis, John L. (union leader), 2 Christianity of, 56-57, 126; education of Lewis, Sinclair, 21 children of, 29; presidential campaign of, 4Liberalism: among Catholics, 6, 23, 55, 61-62 ; 5, 7, 44, 53, 54-63> 67, 87, 90-91 , 120, 149, conservatives on, 48; decline of, 12; goals 257 of, 4-6; among Jews, 11, 224; Nixon' s views on, 41; and race, 10; an d violence, 28. See McKinney, Cynthia, 234-35

King, Rodney, 196 King, Scott, 214 Kinsey Institute studies, 99 Kirkland, Lane, 134-35, i37> 148-49 Kirkpatrick, Jeane, 61, 64, 9 4 Klein, Joe, 202 Koch, Ed, 144 Korean War, 51, 177 Krauthammer, Charles, 150 Kristol, Bill, 224, 227 Kristol, Irving, 73 Krol, John Cardinal, 69-70, 14 0 Ku Klux Klan, 15, 37, 114, 158, 260 Kuwait, 182. See also Persian Gulf War

Index 33

5

MacLaine, Shirley, 63-64 Midwestern Interdenominational Citizens' MacNeill/Lehrer NewsHour (television Council for Decency, 48 show), 202 Miller, Henry, 2 3 Macomb (Michigan), 148 Miller Corporation, 130 McPherson, Aimee Semple, 20-2 1 Milliken, Helen, 119 Madonna (singer), 159 "Million Man March," 234-35 Mafia, 219 Milwaukee (Wisconsin), 23, 37, 54, 133, 215 , 249 Malcolm X, 23, 25, 2 6 Minnick, Walter, 244 Malone, James, 79, 14 0 Mississippi, 10, 16-17, 19, 42, 103, 136 Manchester Union Leader, 52 Mandate for Leadership (Heritage Founda- Mississippi State University, 16-17 tion), 130 Mitchell, John, 56 Mitchell, Martha, 56 Manning, Timothy Cardinal, 70 Mitnick, John, 23 4 Manson, Charles, 111 Mixner, David, 60, 204, 210, 230 Mao Tse-Tung, 23 Monaghan, Thomas, 228 Marino, Eugene, 163 Mondale, Walter, 85, 89, 90, 110; a s presidenMarshall, Thurgood, 101, 102 tial candidate, 135, 138 , 139-40, 144-50, 180 Marshner, Connie, 111, 131 Moneyham, Lamarr, 145-46 Maryland, 55, 23 5 Montgomery (Alabama), 14-16, 37, 38 Maslin, Simeon, 224 Moon, Sun Myung Moon, 69, 168 Massachusetts, 67-68, 87,179 Morality: as beyond the reach of government Massillon (Ohio), 27 action, 136, 260-61; libertarian views of, Mawyer, Martin, 222, 24 5 129; and politics, 145, 252; social vs. per Meany, George, 5, 57-58, 60-61 , 91, 12 0 sonal, 15, 56, 81-83, 104-5, 169-70, 179, 259. Media: Christian, 258-59; Jewish influence See also Moral populism; Social conservaon, 138; liberalism in, 5, 24, 63, 103-4, 118, tism 119, 122, 144 , 149, 158, 169-70, 201-2, 208 , 243-44, 258-59; libertarian tendencies in, Moral Majority, 258; beginnings of, 7-8; and 189; and religion, 56; responsibilities of, x; Carter, x, 121; and Catholics, 8; disbanding trivial emphases of, 185-86. See also Holly- of, 167-68, 198; and home schooling, 161 ; wood; Specific magazines, newspapers, teleliberals on, 126; and libertarians, 158; op vision networks and programs position to, 129-32; and politicization of churches, 6, 113-14, 256, 259; and Reagan, Medicaid, 132, 211 , 218, 233; abortion pay121-23, 126-27, 145-46; and voter registraments by, 73-74, 90, 106 tion, 145. See also Falwell, Jerry; Funda Medicare, 218; Democratic strategies regardmentalists ing, 86, 132, 133, 207, 211, 233, 251-52, 255 Moral populism, 265-66 Medved, Michael, 198-99, 224 Meese, Ed, xi, 116, 129, 132, 152, 172 , 178; and Morris, Dick, 230, 232 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 142 Heritage Foundation, 130; an d pornograMTV, 159, 203 , 207, 213 , 215 phy commission, 162 Melrose Place (television show), 139, 21 2 Murphy Brown (televisio n show), 11, 199-20 0 Murray, Charles, 184-86, 188, 26 2 Memphis (Tennessee), 99-10 0 Mercer University (Georgia), 18 Muskie, Edmund,45>53 >54> 60 , 95 Merton, Thomas, 23 NAACP, 68, 101, 114, 138, 153 , 173, 192, 194, Methodists, 42, 159, 19 9 Metzenbaum, Howard, 193 234> 237 NAFTA. See North American Free Trade Mexico, 189, 217 Agreement Meyerson, Adam, 11, 22 4 NARAL. See National Abortion Rights Action Miami Vice (television show), 169 League Michigan, 33, 148, 160; abortion initiatives in, Nashville (Tennessee), 147 71; campaigns in, 164, 170-71, 190; unem Nation, 29 ployment in, 86, 96. See also Detroit

336 Inde

x

New Hampshire, 218 National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL), x, 109, 111, 150, 153, 162, 211, 258;New Haven (Connecticut), 183 candidates supported by, 118, 205, 206, 244 New Jersey, 38, 39, 41 National Assembly of Religious Women, 109 New Left, 23-25, 29, 32, 33, 51, 57. See also Religious Left National Association of Evangelicals, 75-76, Newman, Paul, 63 165 New Republic, 177, 190 National Black Evangelical Association, 173 Newsweek, 119, 138, 201 , 202, 243 National Christian Action Coalition, 112 National Coalition of Abortion Providers, New York, 21, 25, 97, 166, 205, 215 New York Post,139 239 National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 74 New York Review of Books,161, 223 New York Times, 82, 133, 247; on Clinton National Conference of Churches, 112 campaign issues, 202-4, 244; Jewish orienNational Conservative Political Action Comtation of, 103, 138, 190, 224; liberalism of, mittee, 143 59, 62 , 74, 108, 118, 119, 141, 144 National Education Association (NEA), 231 ; and Carter, 85, 87, 91-92, 106; and censor- New York Times Magazine, 82 Nicaragua, 94, 152 ship, 107; and Clinton, 205, 207; policies Nixon, Richard, 39, 103, 121, 126, 162, 168, of, 2, 29, 70, 101, 106, 110, 215; as white259, 266; character of, 105; and civil rights, collar union, 135 34-35; and evangelicals, 45-46, 48-49, 56, National Endowment for the Arts, 162, 189, 62, 66,117 ; Ford's pardon of, 86, 88; as 221, 225 president, 44-46, 51-52, 64-65, 77; presiNational Guard, 60, 62, 177, 214 dential campaigns of, 40-44, 51-53, 56, 58National health insurance, 205, 211 59, 62, 64-65, 106; support for presidency National Organization for Women (NOW) , of, 5, 74; as vice-presidential candidate, 36; x, 101, 111, 216; and abortion, 71-74, 98, and Watergate affair, 59, 64, 66, 67,21 2 109, 211; and Black Congressional Caucus, 114; candidates supported by, 91-92, 139, Noonan, Peggy, 2-3, 62, 156-57, 173-74 147, 150, 205, 206, 244; and Democratic North, Oliver, 152-53, 223 Party, 58, 85, 90, 91-92, 258; and ERA, 70, North American Free Trade Agreement 106, 110; founding of, 30; membership of, (NAFTA), 217, 225, 226, 232, 241 , 257 204; and organized labor, 135 North Carolina, 42, 100 National Press Club, 118 North Dakota, 71 Northern Baptists, 19 National Religious Broadcasters, 75 Notorious B.I.G. (rap singer), 247-48 National Review, 25 Novak, Michael, 4, 7, 8, 50-51, 68, 75, 84 National Rifle Association (NRA), 180, 229 NOW. See National Organization for National Right to Life Committee, 71, 72 Women National Women's Conference (Houston), 98NRA (National Rifle Association), 180, 22 9 99 Nunn, Sam, 132, 210 Nation at Risk, A, 132 Nation magazine, 170 Nazi Party, 116-17, 240. See a ^so Hitler, Adolf Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) , 64> 95 NBC, 119, 138 Ocean Hill-Brownsville section (Brooklyn), NCAA tournament, 17 25 NEA. See National Education Association O'Connor, John, 140, 142, 144, 178, 220 Newark (New Jersey), 38, 39 O'Connor, Sandra Day, 130, 21 1 New Black Panthers, 235 Office of Economic Opportunity, 112 "New Class," 61, 63, 91, 135 Ohio, 97, 102, 215, 219 , 229, 236, 244, 245. Se e New Deal, 30, 41; coalition supporting, 3-4, 32, 58, 61, 86, 106-7, 128, 157, 192, 246, 257 , also Names of cities, towns, and institutions in 265; coalition supporting, Republican inOhio University, 236 roads in, 34, 42-43, 157, 206

Index 33

7

Planned Parenthood, 71-74, 108, 109, 118, 162, 205, 250-51 Playboy Foundation, 161-62 Playboy magazine, 188; Carter's interview in, 82, 83, 87, 89, 90; conservatives on, 48, 162; McGovern's interview in, 126 Pledge of Allegiance issue, 177, 178, 181 Podhoretz, lohn, 11, 187 Podhoretz, Norman, 224 Policy Review, 225 Political action committees, 129-30, 132, 143 Pornography, 139, 222; as issue with voters, 12; under Nixon, 65; opposition to, 6, 9, 10, 48-49, 82, 113, 153, 154, 161-64, 166, 167, 173; ordinances regarding, 213, 222; presidential commission on, 162 Portsmouth (Ohio), 102 Poverty: Catholic views toward, 31-32; as moral issue, 55-57, 122, 171, 197, 257, 260, 262 Powell, Colin, 210, 243, 252 Packwood, Bob, 193, 194 Powell, Jody, 77-78, 90, 98, 103 Parma (Ohio), 120, 148 Premarital sex, 73, 86, 159, 212, 266 Patterson, J. O., 173 Presbyterians, 6, 34, 49, 168 Paul VI (pope), 9, 42 Presidential Commission on Pornography, PBS, 202, 232 162 Peale, Norman Vincent, 20 Presidential elections: growing voter apathy Pedophiles, 162, 231 toward, 262; vs. primary elections, 54; and Pennsylvania, 27, 68-69, 97, 160, 184, 241-42 . voter coalitions, ix. See also Names of speSee also Philadelphia; Pittsburgh cific candidates "Pentecostal Rotary," 22 Presidential primaries: in 1964, 36-37; in 1972, Pentecostals, 28; beliefs of, 8, 11, 20-21 ; and Carter, 80, 107; clergy scandals among, 166- 54; in 1976, 78; in 1990, 164-71; in 1992,18891. See also Names of specific candidates 68; and Ford, 75-76; growth in, 6; resorts for, 158; separatism among, 7, 118, 215, 256; President's National Advisory Commission and Vietnam War, 34. See also Christian on Civil Disorders, 39 Coalition; Names of specific PentecostalsPresidents' Summit for America's Future, 252Penthouse magazine, 162 53 People for the American Way, 153, 166 Primetime Live (television show), 202 Percy, Charles, 119 Prisons, 26, 103, 136, 262; and weekend furPeretz, Martin, 180 loughs, ix, 169, 174. See also Capital punPerot, Ross, 1, 206 , 208, 24 4 ishment Perrywood (Maryland), 235 Profanity, 66, 82, 83, 157 Persian Gulf War, 182, 183, 190, 254 Promise Keepers, 215-16, 234, 260 Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), 213-14 Proposition 209 (California), 235 Phillips, Howard, 112, 116 Protestants: and abortion, 49; attitudes of, toward federal government, 46; and ERA , Phillips, Kevin, 76, 9 8 70-71. See also Names of specific denominaPittsburgh (Pennsylvania), 5, 41, 55, 84-85, tions 104 Protocols of the Elders of Zion,11 Pittsburgh Pirates, 104 PTL ("Praise the Lord") Club, 166-6 8 Pius XI (pope), 129 Pulliam, Eugene, 176-77 Plains (Georgia), 18 Oil crisis, 95, 96 "Okies," 20 Oklahoma, 77, 108, 229, 244 Oklahoma Citizens for Reagan, J-J Oklahoma City federal building bombing, 229 Old Time Gospel Hour, The (television show), 108, 167 O'Neill, Thomas (Tip), 104, 124-25, 132-33, 137, 139,149>179> 221 Ono, Yoko, 1, 2 , 12, 53 Operation Blessing, 167 Operation Rescue, 163-64, 188, 251 Oregon, 222 O'Rourke, P. J., 158 OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Act), 64, 95 "Outfest" (film festival), 264 Overseas Private Investment Corporation, 252

338 Inde

x

Quayle, Dan , 11 , 131 , 155, 176-78, 199-201 "Religiou Quayle, Marilyn , 200-20 1 Religiou "Quota bil l o f 1991. " See Civil Right s Act Religiou (1991) Republica "Quotas," 37. See also Affirmativ e actio n 0(1976,

s Freedo m Act, " 225 s Left , 54-56 , 68 , 259 s Roundtable , 112 , 117, 16 5 n Nationa l Convention : o f 1972, 44 ; 78-79; of 1980, 113,119 ; of 1984, 144 45; of 1992, 199-201 ; of 1996, 227 , 238, 243Race: as election issue , 46-47, 78, 171-72, 174- 4 4 75, 195, 203, 233-34, 243-44, 261; Goldwater Republica n Party : blacks in , 16 , 115, 242 ; on, 36 ; Kemp on , 242 ; and Nixon , 41 ; and Catholic s in , 10 , 220; control o f Congres s Reagan, 114 . See also Blacks; Racism; by , 219-20 , 229; disillusionment wit h cur Southern whites ; White ethnic s rent , xi , 262-63 ; divisions in , 64-65 , 78-79, Race riots , 15, 26, 38-39, 196-97, 203 118-19 , 122, 132, 143-44, 157-58, 187-88, 200Racial quotas . See Affirmative actio n 201 , 208-9, 2 38~39> 245-46, 252-53; in 1986 Racism: blamed fo r riots , 39; charges of , a s elections , 153 ; fundamentalist suppor t for , cover fo r immorality , xii , 191-92, 194-97, 7 , 113, 163-68; Heritage Group s Counci l of , 260-61, 264 ; controversies about , 191-92 , 65 ; inroads of , int o Ne w Dea l Democrati c 249; as moral issue , 55 , 57; Shalala on , 18 3 constituency , 34 , 42-43, 157 , 206; as major Rangel, Charles , 242 it y presidential party , 12 ; predictions about , Rap musi c producers , 11 , 193, 227, 247-48 12-13 , 263; presidential candidat e selectio n RCA, 155 reform s of , 54 , 246; southern white s in , 10, Reagan, Michael , 25 2 47 , 77-78, 206, 220; working-class member s Reagan, Nancy , 76, 157, 223 of , 219-20 ; young peopl e on , 216 . See also Reagan, Ronald , xii , 36, 40, 60, 62, 105, 114, Republica n Nationa l Convention ; Names 200, 238 , 259; and abortion , 141-42 , 181; of specific Republicans and blacks , 77, 114-15 , 130, 136, 147, 173, 260; Republi c Stee l Company , 27 as Californi a governor , 1 , 67, 77, 78, 115; Reuther , Walter , 26 6 conservative suppor t for , 76-78 ; economic Revco , 162 policies of , 184-86 ; ethical issue s i n admin - Rhyth m an d blue s music , 17, 2 1 istration of , 139 , 152-53, 176; and federa l Rice , Charles Owen , 55 , 61 government, 81 , 91, 155; fundamentalist Rice , Donna , 169 support for , x , 5 , 9, 113 ; moral backgroun d Rich , Frank , 243 of, 5 , 83; presidency of , 124-32 , 165, 209, Richardson , Elliot , 66 246, 254 , 256, 265; as presidential candi - Righ t t o Lif e Amendment s (proposed) , 74, date, 118 , 120-23, 135, 144-50, 180-81, 208, 79 , 89-90, 228 , 238 232; social issue s durin g administratio n of , Rizzo , Frank, 61 xi, 8 8 Robb , Chuck , 179 , 223 Reagan Democrats , 5 , 121-23, 174, 176 Roberts , Oral , 22 , 11 1 Red Cross , 21 6 Robertson , A . Willis, 21, 22, 46 Reeb, James , 2 3 Robertson , Pat , 147; and abortion , 163 , 223-24 ; Reed, Ralph , 44 ; and Buchanan , x , 8 , 226, backgroun d of , 21-22 ; and Bush , 187-88; 239; and Christia n Coalition , 7 , 198, 208, an d Carter , x , 80 , 82-83; an d Christia n 220, 225-26 , 239, 262-63; and Dole , 7, 245; Coalition , 7-8 , 220 , 260; economic view s as libertarian, 8 , 256; and Reagan , 150-51 ; of , 12 ; and homosexuality , 223-24 ; and views of , 142 , 264. See also Christian Coali - Jews , 11, 21, 225, 234, 243; liberals on , 6 ; on tion Nixon , 66; political activitie s of , 197-98; Regents of the University of California v . an d politicizatio n o f churches , 117 ; as posBakke, The, 101 sibl e presidentia l candidate , 164-68 , 173 , Rehnquist, William , 21 1 178 ; and race , 21-22 , 107, 114, 264. See also Religious beliefs : and publi c policy , 141 , 154, CB N 160-61. Se e also Specific religions and de- Robison , James , 107, 113, 14 4 nominations Rockefeller , Nelson , 35 , 50, 71, 76, 79

Index 33 Rockefeller Foundation, 68 Rock music, 14, 17, 22-23,*59> 167> 169 Rockwell, Llewellyn, 195 Roderick, David, 156 Roe v. Wade, 7, 49, 50, 71, 73, 109, 141, 142, 211, 240 Rolling Stone magazine, 1, 1 1 Romney, George, 91 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 29 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, xii, 16, 91 , 105, 128, 166 , 218; Gingrich's admiration for, 34, 229; voting coalition for, 58, 246. See also New Deal Rosenthal, A. M. , 19 0 Royko, Mike, 63 Rusher, William, 81 Rutgers University, 235, 236, 261

9

97, 155-56, 217, 218, 251-52; generational clashes with, 186, 215, 217-18 , 250, 255, 257 58, 26 5 Separatism (Christian), 7, 118, 215, 25 6 7-11 stores, 162 700 Club, The (television show), 114, 165 Sex education, 31, 107 Sexual Freedom League, 24 Sexual harassment, 193-95, 243 Shakur, Tupac, 248 Shalala, Donna, 183, 194, 230 Shelby, Richard, 153 Sherwin Williams Company, 228 Shriver, Sargent, 4, 51, 55-56 Sierra Club, 118, 14 9 Singer, William, 137 Sister Souljah, 203 Sixty Minutes (television show), 73 Slavery, 19 San Diego (California), 214, 231 Sleeper, Jim, 191 San Francisco (California), 24, 99, 137, 14 3 Saturday Night Live (television show), 15 3 Smeal, Eleanor, 98 Smith, Bailey, 82, 11 6 Saudi Arabia, 182 Smith, Linda, 220, 227-2 8 Scalia, Antonin, 21 1 Smith, William, 19 4 Schanberg, Sydney, 14 1 Social conservatism: author's, x; amon g Schiffren, Lisa , 11 blacks, 6, 10, 114, 173, 223-24 , 248-49; Schindler, Alexander, 116, 117 among Catholics, 54-55, 57-58, 69-70; Fal Schlafly, Phyllis, 31, 70, 109, 111, 131 well's, 5-6; and family dissolution, 225; fuSchlesinger, Arthur, Jr., xi, 105 ture political prospects for, 263-66; vs. lib Schlitz Corporation, 133 Schools: crime in, 213-14; drop outs from, 137; ertarians, 221-22, 225-27, 239, 252-56; as potent electoral force, 42. See also Funda as liberalizing influence, 98; moral or relimentalists; Morality; Republican Party; gious instruction in, 69-70, 160-61; paroNames of specific conservatives and conserchial, 29, 67-68, 70, 107, 205, 215; prayer vative organizations in, 48, 68, 113, 132 , 146 , 150, 164 , 200 , 225 , 228; private , for segregation purposes, 23 , Social Gospel, 19-20, 57 99-100, 107; public, in South, 19; racia l in- Social Security: under Bush, 188; and Carter, tegration efforts in , 14, 16-17 , 29, 37, 99 86, 96-97, 104; and Clinton, 207, 233, 251 100; religious, in South, 99-100, 107, 112-13 , 52, 255; conservative s on, 209; Democrati c 131, 161 ; sex education in, 31, 107; taxes for, strategies regarding, 132, 133 ; Kem p on, 127 ; 67-68, 70, 186, 215 , 250; vouchers for, 215 , under Nixon, 65; Perot's work for, 206; 220, 241-42. See also Busing ; Home school- Reagan on, 36, 40, 78, 128; taxe s for, 218 , ing; Universitie s 238 Schroeder, Patricia, 108, 24 0 Sony Corporation, 155 SCLC. See Southern Christian Leadership Souter, David, 21 1 Conference South Carolina, 42, 15 8 Screen Actors Guild, 120 Southern Baptist Convention: beliefs of, 19SDS (Students for a Democratic Society), 24, 20, 116, 264; and Ford, 76; and segregation, 126 18, 197. See also Southern Baptists Selma (Alabama), 2 3 Southern Baptists: and Carter, 80, 81-82, 121 ; economic conditions for, 28; and Jewish Senior citizens: and Clinton, 206-7,233> 2 44~ neoconservatives, 73; and libertarians, 25 ; 45; entitlement programs for, 36, 65, 96 -

340 Inde

x

terest deductions, 88; inflation' s effect on Southern Baptists (Continued) property, 95-97; as issue with voters, 39; and Robertson, 165; views of, 8, 17, 20, 26, proposals regarding income, 228; under 34, 49; and Wallace, 42. See also Southern Reagan, 128; for schools, 29, 67-68, 70, 186, Baptist Convention; Names of specific 215, 250 ; for Social Security, 218, 238. See Southern Baptists also Internal Revenue Service Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), 15 , 24, 27, 113, 115, 163, 234, 259-60 Teeter, Bob, 45 Southern whites: on blacks' voting rights, 15- Television "family hour," 212, 252. Se e also Specific television shows 16; counterculture's hostility toward, 24; Tennessee, 42, 99-100, 147 lynching of, 17-18; and Nixon presidency, 5, 45; and Reagan, 148; as Republicans, 153, Terry, Randall, 163, 18 8 Texas, 97, 98-99, 148, 235 220; in the steel belt, 27; voting rights of, Thomas, Cal, 7, 198, 215, 228 , 255, 256; on 17> 47 Soviet Union, 94, 145; detente with, 59, 64, 65; Reagan administration, 131, 162 fall of, 183, 254. See also Anti-Communism Thomas, Clarence, 101-2, 154, 193-96, 211, 261 Thomas, Evan, 243 Sowell, Thomas, 102 Thomas Road Baptist Church, 18, 76, 115, 168 Specter, Aden, 22 3 Thurmond, Strom, 33 Spielberg, Steven, 242 Thurow, Lester, 217-18 Springsteen, Bruce, 149 Time magazine, 138, 201, 223 Sprint Corporation, 232 Time-Warner Company, 193, 247 , 263 Stalin, Joseph, 32 Tobacco, 18, 127, 231 , 26 2 Standard Oil of Ohio, 155 Toledo (Ohio), 96, 24 8 Stanwyck, Barbara,115 Trade policy, 188-89 Stapleton, Ruth, 81 Tropic of Cancer (Miller), 23 "Star Wars" research, 176 Trudeau, Gary, 67, 8 9 Steel strikes, 27 Truman, Harry, 32-33, 51, 21 0 Steinbeck, John, 20 Tucker, Jim Guy, 111, 236 Steinem, Gloria, 5, 58, 98, 170 Twain, Mark, 161 Stills, Stephen, 30-31 Twentieth Century Fox, 155 Stockman, David, 63, 108, 126-28, 255 2 Live Crew (musical group), 19 3 Stokes, Louis, 114 Tyrrell, Bob, 93 , 129, 158 , 177 . Se e also AmeriStonewall Gay Democratic Club (San Francan Spectator cisco), 137, 14 3 Tyson Foods, 1, 134 , 20 4 Strauss, William, 265 Strohs Corporation, 130 Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), 24, UAW. See United Auto Workers Udall, Morris, 87 126 Unemployment: under Bush, 183, 184 , 188, Subaru of America, 264 189; unde r Carter, 96, 133; Catholi c con"Subsidiarity," 31, 226 cerns about, 8; under Ford, 86; under ReaSuicide: doctor-assisted, 222; among teens, gan, 132-35, 156, 18 0 213 Unification Church, 69 Sunbelt migration, 97-98, 25 0 Unions. See Labor unions "Supply side" economics, 127, 156 United Airlines, 184 Swaggart, Jimmy, 9, 10, 21 , 166-68, 178 United Auto Workers (UAW), 27, 41, 91, 97, Sweeney, John, 23 3 133, 134 , 184 , 217 Syphilis rates, 17 United Methodist Church. See Methodists Taxes: unde r Bush, 183, 185 , 188; on churches , U.S. Catholic Conference, 14 0 222; unde r Clinton, 211, 232; conservatives' U.S. Citizen Patrol, 214 opposition to, 112; and home mortgage in- U.S. Department of Education, 87, 106, 25 2

Index 34

1

under Nixon, 41, 44-45, 51-52, 58-59; prisU.S. Department of Health, Education, and oners in, 115; protests against, xi, 1, 22-23 , Welfare, 99 40, 44-45, 51, 61; responsibility for, 77; vetU.S. Department of Labor, 25 0 erans of, 62, 169, 178 U.S. economic conditions: and "BrazilificaViguerie, Richard, 76 tion," 134, 185; and inflation, 39, 95-97; and "supply side" economics, 127, 156 ; and Village People (musical group), 99 unemployment, 96, 132-35, 156, 180, 183, Village Voice, 170, 22 7 184, 188, 189; wages in, 217-18, 250, 257-58 , Virginia, 46-47, 90, 106- 7 262; and women in labor force, 69, 156 , Voinovich, George, 229 186, 218, 257. See also Corporations; NorthVolcker, Paul, 133 American Free trade Agreement; Poverty Voluntarism, 3, 156-57, 173-74, 216, 253 U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee on Civi l Voting rights, 17, 21 , 47 Voting Rights Act of 1965, 15-16, 114 and Constitutional Rights, 72 U.S. House of Representatives Historian, 224 Wages, 155-56, 217-18, 250, 257-58, 26 2 U.S. Justice Department, 9, 120, 196, 242 Wallace, George, 76, 189; assassination atU.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, 194 tempt on, 53; as presidential candidate, 80; U.S. Steel, 27, 94, 15 6 in presidential primaries, 37, 38, 41-42, 59, U.S. Supreme Court, 32; abortion ruling of, 60; as threat to Nixon, 52; views of, 29, 7, 49, 71, 81, 109, 141, 142, 211 ; on federal 100 funding of educational programs, 160; and Medicaid-funded abortions , 74; nominaWallace, Henry, 32-33 tions to, 130, 153-55, 193-96, 211; on school Wall Street Journal, 139, 140, 189, 225, 227, 228 desegregation, 14, 42 Wal-Mart, 1, 20 4 Warner, John, 21, 22 3 United Steel Workers Union, 27, 133-3 4 Warren, Earl, 29 Universal Studios, 227 Washington Bible College (Maryland), 55 Universities: affirmative action in, 38; Jew s "Washington for Jesus" rally, 117 in, 11; liberalism in, 5, 24, 158, 182-84; numbers of persons attending, 215; quotas Washington Post, 103, 129, 138, 146, 180, 222 ; in, 37; responsibilities of, x; wages and emand Dukakis, 180; on Gennifer Flowers, ployment of graduates of, 217, 218 , 250 . Se e 202; liberalism of, 74, 119, 132 also Names of specific universities Washington Times, 165 University of California at Berkeley, 24, 172 - Watergate affair, 59, 63, 64, 66, 67, 86 , 15 4 Waters, Maxine, 196 73 Watts, J. C, 243-44 University of California at Davis, 101 Watts riots, 15, 2 6 University of Chicago, 191, 21 4 University of Mississippi ("Ole Miss"), 16-17, Wayne, John, 6 2 Wead, Doug, 187 148 Webb, James, 62, 223 University of Notre Dame, 93, 205- 6 Weinberger, Caspar, 126 University of Pittsburgh, 55 Weld, William, 200, 23 8 Uprising for Decency, 48 Welfare: in Arkansas, 205; under Clinton, 211 , Urban enterprise zones, 187, 242 230-31, 233, 240, 243, 250; fo r corporations, Urban League, 138, 172, 173 252, 262; criticism of recipients of, 36, 78, USA Today, 249 150; employmen t associated with, 30; Vernon, Robert, 196 growth of, 28, 96; as issue with voters, 230; Vietnam War: avoidance of service in, 25, 37, original intentions of, 31; and Reagan, 77; 126-27, 131, 177-78, 201, 207, 210, 222, 255; supporters of, 99. See also Medicaid Buchanan on, 6, 51; and Democratic Party Wenner, Jann, 1, 2 rifts, 32, 35, 39-40, 87; and inflation, 95; Weslin, Norman, 251 lessons of, 183; loss of, 94; moralit y of, 57; Westheimer, Ruth, 159

342 Inde

x

Wexler, Anne, 13 9 Weyrich, Paul: on government's role, 256-57 ; and Moral Majority, 112, 117; on NAFTA, 217; and race, 115, 264; and Republican Party, 122, 130-31, 157, 158, 183 Wheaton College, 56-57 Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel, 217 White ethnics: and blacks, 27-30, 84, 120 ; course of study about, 75; and crime, 28; economic conditions for, 27-28; and Goldwater, 36; liberals' views of, 26, 64; and Nixon, 45, 62-63; and Reagan, 120-21, 148; and Vietnam War, 32-33; and Wallace, 37, 41-42. See also Catholics Whitefield, George, 19 White House Conference on Families, 110-12, 131 White House Office of Drug Strategy, 213 Whites. See Southern whites; White ethnics Whitman, Christie, 238 Wilder, Douglas, 193 Wilkins, Roger, 136, 210 Wilkins, Roy, 37, 136 Williams, Juan, 229 Wills, Garry, xi, 61, i53~54> 162, 223-24 Wilson, Pete, 77, 200, 23 8 Wisconsin, 23, 37, 54, 133, 215 , 24 9 Witcover, Jules, 80-81 Wittmann, Marshall, 224

Women: in labor force, 69, 156, 186, 218, 257; Reagan supporters among, 148. See also Feminists Women's clubs, 216 Wonderful Wizard of Oz, The (Baum), 161 Wonderful World of Disney, The (television show), 21 2 Woodruff, Judy, 243 Working-class: and abortion, 30; black attitudes toward white, 39; Buchanan on, 227 ; and Clinton presidency, 1-2, 207, 257; and Democratic Party, 58, 62-63, 67, 257; and libertarians, 25; and Nixon presidency, 5, 45; and Reagan presidency, 77; i n Republican Party, 219-20, 257; in the 1960s, 23, 2 4 Wright, Jim, 185 Wynette, Tammy, 94 Xerox Corporation, 232 Yale University, 63 Young, Andrew, 93, 114, 121 Young, Coleman, 172, 192 Young Americans for Freedom, 76, 111, 126 Youngstown (Ohio), 27, 96, 133 Youngstown Sheet and Tube, 133 Yuppies, 135 Zaccaro, John, 139-40 Zuniga, Daphne, 139

About th e Autho r

Kenneth J . Heineman , professo r o f histor y a t Ohi o University , i s th e author o f Campus Wars: The Peace Movement at American State Universities in the Vietnam Era (New York University Press, 1993) and A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Reform in Depression Pittsburgh. He has publishe d articles o n recen t America n histor y i n The Historian, th e Journal of Popular Film & Television, Peace and Change, th e Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, an d Pittsburgh History. Edite d essay s and excerpt s of hi s wor k hav e als o appeare d i n Give Peace a Chance: Exploring the Vietnam Antiwar Movement (Syracus e Universit y Press , 1992 , Melvi n Small an d Willia m D . Hoover , editors) , The American Record: Images of the Nations Past since 1865 (McGraw-Hill, 1995 , William Graebne r an d Leonard Richards , editors) , an d The American Record: Images of the Nation's Past Since 1941 (McGraw-Hill , 1997 , William Graebne r an d Jacque line Swansinger , editors) . I n 199 6 Professo r Heinema n wa s on e o f th e young historian s feature d i n a Linguafranca cove r stor y "Wh o Own s th e Sixties? The Openin g o f a Scholarl y Generation Gap. "

343