Global Youth : Understanding Challenges, Identifying Solutions, Offering Hope [1 ed.] 9781443881623, 9781443880312

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Global Youth

Global Youth: Understanding Challenges, Identifying Solutions, Offering Hope Edited by

Karen Rice and Marc V. Felizzi

Global Youth: Understanding Challenges, Identifying Solutions, Offering Hope Edited by Karen Rice and Marc V. Felizzi This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Karen M. Rice, Marc V. Felizzi and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8031-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8031-2

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword ................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgements .................................................................................... ix Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter One ................................................................................................. 5 Emotional Abuse, Parent and Caregiver Instability, and Disrupted Attachment: The Relationship to Juvenile Sex Offending Status Marc V. Felizzi Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 17 Big, Black, Teenaged Queens: Navigating Intersections and Understanding “No Fats, No Fems” Phenomenon Edward D. Scott, Jr. Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 34 Bullying: Understanding, Preventing, and Assessing Leonora Foels, Solomon Hill and Karen Rice Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 49 Teens, Sex, and the Internet Jennifer Weeks Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 68 The Resilience of Urban Black Teen Girls Who Grieve Murdered Friends Celeste M. Johnson Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 80 Impact of Ulster Project Delaware: A Cross Community Peace Making Program for Northern Irish Adolescents Eileen F. McInerney-Starr

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Chapter Seven............................................................................................ 91 State Taxes Matter in the Lives of Children Laura Brierton Granruth Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 107 Risk and Protective Factors among Immigrant Children: Implications for Advocacy Jayshree S. Jani and Marcela Sarmiento Mellinger Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 122 We Rock the Mic: Spoken Word Poetry as a Youth Development Tool Jeremy Raff and Ty Gant Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 136 We Speak Art: Facilitating Group Work through Clay and Paint Jennifer Clements Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 147 Through their Eyes: Using Photo-Elicitation to Explore Bullying and Promote Change Karen Rice and Heather Girvin Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 162 A Matter of Hope: Case Management as an Intervention Strategy for Children and Families affected by Parental Incarceration Sheridan Quarless Kingsberry, Judith C. Quarless, Lisa Savage Phillips, Jennifer Meehan and Latoya Small Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 179 Training Youth for Power: A Case Study on Preparing Youth to Organize for Educational Change Bonnie Young-Laing and Gwendolyn Perry-Burney Contributors ............................................................................................. 197

FOREWORD

Nostalgia sets in when most adults think of their youthful years. Somehow we all like to think that as kids we were different. We rewrite history and believe we were respectful of our elders, thoughtful, compassionate, and simply knew right from wrong. “But these kids today...” As adults, we firmly believe and pass on a mantra that states there is something intrinsically flawed in today’s youth. This defense mechanism allows all adults the ability to abdicate responsibility and deny the inevitable truth. Our children are not to blame for their current conditions, as adults, WE ARE. Whether we want to admit it or not, today’s youth face challenges reminiscent of yesterday’s youth. They are grappling with the remnants of intense poverty and substance abuse they have often times inherited to no fault of their own. The level of violence that has been inflicted upon them, on an interpersonal and societal level is unprecedented. Instead of finding ways to alleviate the challenges our children face, the way we view and treat them has changed significantly, and over time, has exacerbated youth violence, addiction, teen pregnancy, and homelessness, just to name a few. Youth today are faced with inadequate opportunities for education and training, inequities in afterschool programs and activities, and increased discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, and immigration status. These challenges are not restricted to any single socially constructed demarcation such as race, ethnic or religious group, socio economic status, or gender. All of our children are susceptible, and therefore the health and welfare of all children throughout the world should be of high priority to us all. Young people today live in communities where gunshots are so common they do not flinch. Parents strategically place bedroom furniture away from windows and walls to avoid stray bullets. Adolescents “mob up” and look for individuals to assault based on labels: “illegal,” “Jew,” “Muslim,” “terrorist,” and “gay.” They spray paint symbols of hate on houses of worship. All of them misguided attempts to fill a void, alleviate despair, and find coping mechanisms that allow them to escape their agonizing reality. Overwhelmed by the futile loss of life, we implement policies that have proven to fail over the past decades. Metal detectors, surveillance cameras, and armed police patrol school buildings that lack heat in the

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winter, air conditioning in the summer, and social workers and guidance counselors year round. Kids as young as 12 learn to line up, get patted down, and place their bags on conveyer belts for screening machines, without being asked if they have eaten breakfast. It is as if training for juvenile detention centers and correctional facilities has already begun. At the same time, funding for pre-k programs, academic supports, and after-school programs is cut. Summer programs are available for those that can afford to pay, or are fortunate enough to win the lottery by which a few seats may be available to those in the lower economic rung. Violence prevention, mental health, and drug counseling fall by the wayside, slain by special interest groups who have more influence in legislative bodies than do our children and our families. The death toll of our young people often results in more pain and despair, the ripple effect more costly. Our grandparents outlive their grandchildren defying the natural order of life, as correction officers earn higher salaries monitoring those serving life. Young people everywhere have future aspirations but require an inclusive, supportive society that encourages their hopes, visions, and dreams. For this reason, the United Nations has long recognized the need for societies to support the energies of their youth to ensure ongoing societal development. The most effective drug prevention programs are those that inject love into the hearts of our children, sobering the minds of adults. Successful anti-violence initiatives beat back aggression by teaching compassion. Anti-bias curriculums are aimed at sensitizing hearts and building an inclusive community. The most important tools in saving our children are caring and nurturing adults who make children a priority of utmost importance. Ultimately, our children’s success will not be measured by where they have gotten themselves, but by the foundation WE AS ADULTS have provided them. Sergio Argueta, MSW Youth Advocate/Community Organizer, School Social Worker/Adjunct Professor, Founder/Board Chair, S.T.R.O.N.G., Youth Inc. Radio Host, WBAI Behind the News Long Island

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors would like to thank and acknowledge those who helped bring this book, and the proceedings it covers, to life. First, our Keynote Presenter, Sergio Argueta, has spent countless hours advocating for youth rights and engaging individuals in dialogue to promote positive social change. His passion is contagious! The authors within this collection all gave time and energy to this publication, and several provided opportunities for Social Work students to provide submissions in order to give voice to new ideas within the field and in the assessment and prevention of youth violence. The faculty of the School of Social Work at Millersville University of Pennsylvania willingly gave of their time to support and present at the Learning Institute: Global Well-Being and Social Change Conference, in July, 2014, which is where the idea for this book emerged. Several faculty members were generous enough to provide chapters within this book. The School of Social Work’s Graduate Assistants all spent many days, and nights, planning and working the Learning Institute, and also gathering the material for this text. Without them, much of the critical work in layout and information gathering may never have progressed. The administration of Millersville University supported the Learning Institute by offering use of the spacious and modern Ware Center in downtown Lancaster, PA. In addition, several departments at Millersville University provided financial and logistical support for the Learning Institute. Marc would like to thank his co-editor, Karen Rice, for the vision and dedication she provided to and for the Learning Institute, the School of Social Work at Millersville University, and the development of this text. Karen devoted much of the last three years to bringing the Learning Institute to life, and indeed, is the heart and soul of this effort to provide the community and the profession with new, innovative and creative ideas for the treatment, assessment and prevention of critical social issues. Without Karen’s passion for Social Justice- and Social Work- we would still be pondering whether or not a conference and text of this magnitude would be a good idea. She is the heart and soul behind these efforts. I am also indebted to Karen for the many opportunities she has provided this

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writer for service, teaching and scholarship, and for making me a better person, and colleague. Karen would like to personally thank Marc Felizzi for his endless support and tireless commitment to this endeavor. His ongoing dedication to social justice and advocacy are contagious. Marc’s passion for this work and making a difference in the lives of youth is evident through his work, which includes maintaining a private practice to provide counseling services to youth who have experienced trauma. He provides a perfect example for our students and our profession that to make a difference, you need to get involved. He “walks the talk!” We are fortunate to have him at Millersville University, and I am fortunate to call him my colleague and friend! Above all, we both would like to thank our friends and colleagues, and most importantly, our families for their ongoing support. To Karen’s daughter, Karlee Rice, for her creative talents with the design of the book cover.

INTRODUCTION

During the United States Presidential campaign of 1968, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who was the Democratic nominee for president, said “The first sign of a declining civilization is bad manners.”1 Humphrey was referring to the mostly young rioters who disrupted the city of Chicago during the Democratic National Convention that year. Indeed, recent events in the United States have caused many groups, but most notably young people, to state forcefully their anger and disgust at the current status quo, especially regarding race relations. Ferguson, Baltimore, Eric Garner, Charleston, and many other racially charged situations have caused the youth in this country to speak out against injustice. As a result, violence, in the forms of riots and looting, much like those in 1968, have occurred, and may underscore Humphrey’s assertion that our society may be in the midst of a decline, despite the efforts of youth to combat violence and inequality. For statistical consistency, the United Nations2 uses the ages between 15 and 24 as a range in which many young people are socially considered youth. Hargrove3 reports this stage is more of a social period, rather than a developmental period, as it is the time when youth are transitioning between the dependency of childhood and the responsibilities of adulthood. It is also during this time, that youth are faced with many challenges in their life that could have great impact on them later in life. During 2010, an average of 13 young people were victims of homicide in the United States each day.4 Youth violence is the second leading cause of death in the United States for those between the ages of 10 -24, and in 2010, 4,828 young people died as a result of such violence.5 The numbers of young people affected by violence, either as a victim or a perpetrator, are staggering. According to Bradley,6 the 21st Century is the worst generation in which to grow up. The 2014 National Report on Juvenile Offenders and Victims7 stated that more than half of the youth in the United States have been exposed to violence. Over 707,000 young people aged 10 to 24 years had physical assault injuries treated in U.S. emergency departments in 2011—an average of 1,938 each day.8 Despite the fact that the numbers of perpetrators of youth violence have declined over the last 10 years, the statistics are still startling. In

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Introduction

2011, there were 202 arrests for Violent Crime Index offenses for every 100,000 youth between 10 and 17 years of age. The juvenile Violent Crime Index arrest rate increased in the mid-2000s, and then declined through 2011 to its lowest level since at least 1980. The rate in 2011 was 31% below its 1980 level and 59% below the peak year of 1994.9 Despite this drop in perpetration, close to 2,000 young people are treated, daily, in emergency rooms across the United States – solely due to youth violence. In 2011, juveniles were involved in about 1 in 13 arrests for murder, and about 1 in 5 arrests for robbery, burglary, and larceny-theft.10 Youth violence is not a unique phenomenon and in fact, youth have been plagued with challenges throughout the centuries that have placed them at risk of violent tendencies. These challenges include poverty, inadequate healthcare, limited educational opportunities, exploitation, gender inequality, substance abuse, mental health concerns, homelessness, gang involvement, and family dysfunction. Increasing concern has surrounded the phenomenon of social media and its effects on today’s youth. One of the chapters deals with the emergence of many applications that can increase the potential of youth violence in society. These challenges are not unique to youth within the United States; however, the experiences may differ in terms of chronicity, intensity, and impact. In all youth, these challenges create stress and trauma that compromise well-being. This book will explore the challenges that youth experience and provide context to better understand the factors related to and/or contributing to those challenges. The unique sections of the book are the chapters describing realistic and practical violence prevention and remediation programs, which are both innovative and effective. Additionally, there are a number of chapters that discuss the latest technological advances to help young people, as well as evidenced based assessments and evaluations to help those who work with young people understand the needs of at-risk youth. Real life experiences with youth violence, and its victims are presented in the book. The reader will find a number of chapters devoted to the assessment of at-risk youth, but practical and applicable solutions for working with this population can be found in the many programs that are presented. In addition to chapters that describe at risk youth, one will learn about effective community based programs that have helped reduce youth violence. Additionally, accessible and creative interventions using expressive arts, such as photography, current music, and readily available materials, with at risk youth, are discussed. An international perspective

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on youth violence discussing the “Troubles” in Northern Ireland is presented, to compare issues with at risk youth, globally. While Vice–President Humphrey may have feared a declining civilization, due to the actions of disenfranchised American youth in the ‘60s, it should be noted that globalization has negatively affected societies, and in particular Third World Countries, and that the only way to address the negative effects of what is inevitable, is to engage our youth and empower them to become active within their community.11 This text aims to not only shed light on the challenges of our youth as a result of some of these negative effects from globalization but to also provide options with how to engage and empower this next generation in order to minimize youth violence and build strong communities. As McWhirter and colleagues12 report, the well-being of our society depends on our ability to prepare well-adjusted, responsible, well-educated young people to step forward as the older generation passes.

Notes 1

Sidey, 1985 United Nations, 2015 3 Hargrove, 2014 4 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015 5 Ibid 6 Bradley, 2014 7 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015 8 Ibid 9 Ibid 10 Ibid 11 Schuftan, 2010 12 McWhirter, McWhirter and McWhirter, 1995 2

Bibliography Bradley, Laura. “You Don't Hate Millenials, You Hate 21st Century Technology.” SLATE (December 2014). Accessed June 22, 2015. http://www.slate.com/articles/technology/future_tense/2014/12/you_do n_t_hate_millennials_you_hate_21st_century_technology.html Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.. “Youth Crime Statistics 2014.” Accessed June 22, 2015. http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/documents/youth/fact-sheets/youthdefinition.pdf

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Hargrove, A. “What’s the Problem? Youth and Vulnerability in a Global Perspective.” (2014). Accessed June 16, 2015. http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/youth-and-vulnerability-globalperspective McWhirter, J. Jeffries, Benedict T. McWhirter, and Anna M. McWhirter. “Youth at Risk: Another Point of View.” Journal Of Counseling & Development 73 (1995): 567-569. Schuftan, Claudio. “Poverty and Inequality in an Era of Globalization: Our Need to Change and Re-conceptualize.” World Public Health and Nutrition Association (2010). Accessed June 22, 2015. www.wphna.org Sidey, Hugh. “Title: The Presidency: A Season of Bad Manners.” Time Magazine, May 6, 1985. United Nations. “UN Youth Fact Sheets.” Accessed June 22, 2015. http://www.un.org

CHAPTER ONE EMOTIONAL ABUSE, PARENT AND CAREGIVER INSTABILITY, AND DISRUPTED ATTACHMENT: THE RELATIONSHIP TO JUVENILE SEX OFFENDING STATUS MARC V. FELIZZI

Sex offenders in the United States frequently bring about an immediate visceral response, often of revulsion. Juvenile sex offenders however, are vastly different than their adult counterparts in many ways, including treatment needs. While many call for imprisonment and close monitoring of adult sex offenders, juvenile sex offenders are often in need of specialized treatment to prevent recidivism. The author conducted a study in 2011 that examined these treatment needs in a population of 502 male juvenile sexual and nonsexual offenders, in a secure placement facility in a large Midwestern state. Questionnaires were administered in an effort to examine not only treatment needs, but causal factors regarding sexual behavior. A smaller group of non-sexual offenders were also compared with the juvenile sex offenders throughout this study to contrast the differences between the groups of adolescents.

Background and History As of December 2013, a total of 774,600 sex offenders were registered in the United States.1 Of those, approximately 23%, or over 178,000, were juvenile offenders.2 Treatment for juveniles who sexually offend in the United States has evolved over the past 100 years. Prior to the 1970s, juveniles who sexually offended were usually released into the custody of their caregivers. Since

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that time, many specialized facilities and programs designed to treat juvenile sex offenders have been established.3 Laws that were intended to address adult sex offenders have been adapted to apply to juveniles in many states.4 The idea of treating juvenile offenders in the courts as adults has created substantial legal and clinical concerns. These concerns involve juveniles receiving the same criminal sentences and prison treatment as adult sex offenders, and being placed on public access sex offender registries where classmates, neighbors, and community can locate them.5 6 Zimring7 wrote that since the establishment of the first juvenile court in the 1890s until the 1970s, the court-ordered treatment for juvenile sex offending was limited largely to the family and the community. Until the 1970s, most courts took a “rehabilitation, not retribution” stance towards juvenile offenders.8 9 Little research, quantitative or qualitative, was conducted on causal factors or theories of offending. Most in the legal or clinical community focused on beliefs that blamed juvenile sex offending on “curious impulses” as juveniles and adolescents strove to learn about sex first hand.10 Not until the 1970s, when many wholesale changes in American societal institutions such as the legal system occurred, did the direction of justice, especially juvenile justice, shift. A move towards prosecuting juvenile offenders became evident during the 1970s, and the “rehabilitation, not retribution” ideal began to change towards secure placement, and ultimately treatment. This move towards juvenile prosecution of sex crimes was spurred by the In re Gault Supreme Court decision, which gave juveniles the right to due process in a court of law. The few facilities that accepted and worked with juvenile sex offenders prior to the 1970s often used treatment protocols that showed little proof of efficacy. 11 12 While relatively few mental health providers specialized in the treatment of sex offenders, no dedicated offender treatment was conducted on a large scale. As more attention was placed on sexual offending in the United States, more juveniles were adjudicated and ordered to receive treatment for their behavior.13 The increasing number of adjudicated juvenile sex offenders placed a greater need on existing and new treatment programs. This increase in both programs and juvenile sex offenders led to more research on the causes and treatment of juvenile sexual offending. Despite the uptick in studies examining juvenile sex offending, the number of empirical studies remained small. 14 Gail Ryan, who wrote several texts on juvenile sex offending and adolescent development, stated that a large body of legislation, aimed at juvenile sex offenders since the 1980s, was

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based on unsubstantiated and non-empirical findings, which pointed out a need for “rigorous evaluations” of juvenile sex offender treatment.15 How different are juvenile sex offenders from their non-sex offending counterparts? It has been argued that the two groups are vastly different16 17 . Most research 18 revealed that juvenile sex offenders were older than their non sex offender counterparts at their first arrest, and that juvenile sex offenders had higher rates of sexual victimization than juvenile non sex offenders. Additionally, juvenile sex offenders suffered from more family instability and disruption than juvenile non sex offenders. Brown and Burton 19 found that juvenile sex offenders were also found to be more hyper masculine than their same age non sex offending peers, and tended to believe that women were thought to be only worthy for sexual gratification. How and where do young people develop an idea that other humans are only to be used to satisfy sexual urges? Social Learning Theory20 states that children often learn behaviors by observing influential adults in their lives. Learning starts before experience, and that the observation of deviant behavior by adults in a child’s life may serve as reinforcement to commit such behaviors in their own lives.21 22 Inappropriate sexuality, poor relationships, violence, and criminality are often found in juvenile sex offenders’ families.23 These negative behaviors and illegal activity, in the juvenile’s environment, was found in emotionally abusive families as well. Juvenile sex offenders “have been exposed to significant psychopathology and family dysfunction, and have been cut off from possible sources of emotional support,” such as a warm and supportive family network.24 Emotional abuse is often committed by parent figures who are in a position of power that may render the child vulnerable. Emotional abuse can “damage the behavioral, cognitive, affective, social, and psychological functioning of the child.”25 For juvenile sex offenders, childhood emotional abuse was a “common developmental risk factor” for pedophilia, exhibitionism, rape, or multiple paraphilias.26 Families with adolescents who have displayed inappropriate sexual behavior have been characterized as being “unstable, with few resources,”27 such as a lack of emotional, financial, physical, or community supports. These units are often characterized by “disorganized family structures” that include domestic violence, poorly defined personal and sexual boundaries, lack of supervision, children supervising children, parental sexual victimization, substance abuse issues of one or both parents, and/or the absence of a biological parent.28

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This unstable family unit may be characterized by a family or caregiving system that displays numerous moves or homelessness, parents or caregivers who physically and sexually abuse and neglect children, domestic violence, illegal acts in home, numerous people living in home and placement of children outside the home. This instability may create an environment that the juvenile sex offender uses as a model for future intimate behaviors. Juveniles or adolescents who experience such unstable caregiving may also experience disrupted attachment with their caregivers or parents. In his 1989 study, Marshall wrote that adolescents disaffected by rejecting and distant parents often cannot develop secure attachments with caregivers and peers. This may cause them to develop an inhibited sense of intimacy, as displayed by coercive sex, throughout their life. Marshall also wrote that these juveniles often develop poor social skills and less than appropriate emotional regulation, which may lead to loneliness. This loneliness often causes the juvenile sex offender to gain intimacy through forceful or inappropriate means, such as forced sex.29 The relationship the poorly attached adolescent sex offender has with the child victim often replicates what the ideal intimate relationship should be for the offender, although the victim is much younger.30 Because poorly attached juvenile sex offenders may have unsatisfying intimate relationships with peers, comfort is sought with a much younger victim, who is perceived as someone who understands the offender the way the juvenile claims to understand the child.31

The Study Data were collected from 502 male participants, residing in six secure juvenile facilities in a large, Midwestern state. This was a secondary analysis of the data, which were first gathered in 2004. The following questions were applied to the data: 1. What effect does exposure to emotional abuse have on juvenile sex offending? 2. Do juvenile sex offenders experience more emotional abuse and display more severe behavioral difficulties than non-offenders? 3. Do juvenile sex offenders experience more caregiver instability and more disrupted parental attachment than non-sex offenders? The group was split into 332 juvenile sex offenders, and 170 non-sex offenders. The respondents ranged from 12-21 years. In addition to asking

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respondents demographic information, such as age, educational level, history of sexual abuse, and offending history, family history was gathered. Caregiver instability data were gathered by such questions as “Do these describe your family and/or home: Frequent changes in who lives in the home, Neglect of children, Hitting or other violence between parents or adults at home, Children being placed outside of the family (not counting you), Lots of moves and/or homelessness.” In addition, the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) and the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA)32 gathered data regarding emotional abuse and parental attachment, respectively. The specific type of sexual assault was measured in the questionnaire by the use of the SERSAS.33 Respondents were asked if they have ever forced their victims to observe sexual acts; exposed themselves to victims; fondled; forced oral sex; have had their victims force fingers, objects, or penises into the perpetrators’ private parts; or have forced their own penises, fingers, or objects into their victims’ private areas. Respondents were also asked if they had sexually assaulted animals.

Results of the Study The 502 respondents admitted to a total of 996 sexual assaults, with a total of 900 victims. The most frequent assault was against female relatives with 29.3% (92/309) of the respondents committing 252 assaults. The most frequently reported type of behavior was fondling, with 64.5% (189/293) of the juvenile sex offenders committing a total of 192 such acts. To answer the first question, “What effect does exposure to emotional abuse have on juvenile sex offending?” it was discovered that emotional abuse was a significant predictor of sexual offender status (p < .001), with 72.9% (183/251) of the cases correctly classified as juvenile sex offenders. In order to answer the second question, “Do juvenile sex offenders experience more emotional abuse and display more severe behavioral difficulties than non-offenders?”, the emotionally abused offenders were split into two groups: Low Emotional Abuse and High Emotional Abuse, as determined by the respondents’ scores on the CTQ. A score of above 10.5 on each CTQ question indicated a high level of emotional abuse. The hands-on acts of fondling, oral sex, and placing their fingers, penises, or objects into their victims’ private parts were highly correlated to the respondents who considered themselves to have suffered both low and high levels of emotional abuse.

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The third question, “What additional effects does caregiver instability and less than secure parental attachment have on juvenile sex offending?” was addressed by examining the relative strength of the variables of parental attachment and the eight parent caregiver instability variables of (a) lots of moves or homelessness, (b) neglect of children, (c) physical abuse, (d) sexual abuse, (e) parents committing illegal acts, (f) children placed outside the family, (g) parents hitting, slapping, or punching children, and (h) frequent changes in who lives at home, on sexual offender status along with emotional abuse. The results show that with 75.7% (190/251) of the cases correctly classified, emotional abuse was still a significant predictor of sexual offense status; however, when analyzed in conjunction with parent/caregiver instability variables, “lots of moves” was the strongest predictor of offender status, followed by children placed outside of the home, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse.

Discussion A large majority (approximately 73%) of the identified juvenile sex offenders in the study claimed they were victims of emotional abuse. This supported the findings of several researchers, who stated that the presence of emotional abuse and family violence were factors in juvenile sex offender status.34 35 36 Williams37 found that emotional abuse was one of the strongest predictors of sexual re-offense status in her study on risk factors for juvenile sex offender recidivism. Lee and colleagues38 wrote that juvenile offenders who were emotionally abused were at high risk for such offenses as exhibitionism and multiple paraphilias. Those respondents who perceived themselves to suffer a “lower level” of emotional abuse victimization, still committed a large number of handson or penetrative offenses. Of the population of lower level emotionally abused juvenile sex offenders, 53.9% fondled, 50.7% forced oral sex, and 45.3% committed rape. In comparison, those perceived to have suffered high levels of emotional abuse committed more penetrative or hands-on offenses; 74.5% fondled, 66.2% forced oral sex, and 54.7% committed rape. It was discovered that caregiver instability and emotional abuse were strong predictors of offender status, while both maternal and paternal attachments had little effect and were actually the weakest predictors of offender status in this population. Of the 11 variables included in the analysis, emotional abuse was still a strong predictor of offender status, yet six caregiver instability variables were more robust forecasters of juvenile sex offender status. The strongest predictive variable of offender

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status was lots of moves or homelessness, followed by sexual abuse in the home; children placed out of the home; neglect by caregivers; observing hitting, punching, or slapping; physical abuse; and finally, emotional abuse. The strength of these disruptive to the family variables, such as homelessness, match with the findings of other researchers, who stated that family violence and instability were often found in homeless situations.39 40 The variables of paternal and maternal attachment appeared to have little effect on the relationship between emotional abuse and juvenile sex offending status in the current study. This may be attributable to the design of the IPPA, which is a 75 question device that asks similarly worded questions. This design may add to test fatigue for the respondent. Also, it should be noted that many juveniles and adolescents tend to idealize their relationships with their caregivers.41 Additionally, because many caregiver associations are the only adult relationships the respondent may know, there is no template to compare the affiliation to for the respondent. Simply put, their family may be all they know regarding adult interaction.

Practice Implications While those who work with juvenile sex offenders are often aware of their clients’ prior behavior, it is essential to research their feelings about their parents or caregivers, and their home environment, in order to compile a more complete assessment of behavior and risk for re-offense. Pledging to commit to a comprehensive relapse prevention plan means little if the client cannot come to terms with the various forms of abuse to which they have been subjected, or is unable to make sense of an unstable and often chaotic upbringing. As we wonder why these juveniles commit such sexually offensive acts, Social Learning Theory helps to explain the behavior noted in this study. Mastery over a situation is gained by re-creating behavior that they believe will garner them praise. It is crucial for the practitioner to not only note family history, but to assess how behaviors within the family and home were displayed or reinforced. Those who work with sexually offensive youth will want to discover the emotional history of the client, given that this study’s findings showed that even low levels of emotional abuse correlate strongly with penetrative sex offenses. The findings illustrate a need for those who work with such juveniles to be proficient in identifying the effects of emotional abuse and, as found in this study, the possible behaviors emotionally abused at risk youth can present.

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Anyone who works with homeless youth, or those whose families have lost their housing, need to be aware of the effects of such experiences on the client. The trauma of losing your home, or the instability of not knowing where you will sleep that evening or what school you will attend, may offer an emotionally abused child a number of chances to sexually act out, as they live in a transient and often unsupervised world. Successful juvenile sex offender treatment includes an assessment of the client’s feelings towards family members. A client’s progress in treatment often accounts for dynamic and static factors. Static or historical factors do not change. Dynamic factors—feelings and thoughts about sex, sexuality, victims, or intimate relationships—can change, and that ability to evolve, is often an attribute of successful juvenile sex offender treatment.42 Dynamic factors can only change when the social worker is aware of the feelings held by the client. While these feelings develop as a result of the offender’s life experiences, it becomes critical to understand how the offender arrived at this station in life. The helper’s role is critical in aiding families to pinpoint what risk factors exist in the home, such as many of this study’s variables (physical abuse, domestic instability, and emotional abuse), in order to establish a more supportive home and family setting and to reduce the odds of further sexually offensive behavior.

Limitations of the Study The study’s participants were limited to 332 juvenile sex offenders in a large Midwestern state. While 332 is a robust number, it would be challenging to generalize the results to the close to 178,000 juvenile sex offenders in the United States. Also, the survey was conducted during a one day period and may be but a brief “snapshot” of how respondents were feeling at the moment. As all respondents were male, these results should not be generalized to a population of female juvenile sex offenders, whose etiology of offending, and treatment needs are markedly different from juvenile males.43 44 45 Female offenders generally commit fewer offenses than their males, undergo higher percentages of sexual victimization, and often offend in conjunction with a partner.46 47 It should be noted that the survey was conducted at inpatient facilities only. Those living at home were not included, and while the results were substantial for the effects of emotional abuse and parent and caregiver instability on offender status, future research may want to assess the feelings, thoughts, and emotions of juvenile offenders who are living and interacting with parents or caregivers at the time of survey in order to evaluate the study’s variables.

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Summary The relationship between emotional abuse and parent and caregiver instability on juvenile sex offender status has been shown to be quite significant. While an unstable home environment may be observed, it still remains that emotional abuse may have a fragile, hard to define, quality. Indeed, what is emotionally abusive to one youth may be a normal familial interaction to another. However, the relationship between emotional abuse and juvenile sex offending was found to be quite strong. Little emotional support and warmth within the family may add to the assemblage of risk factors that cause a juvenile to offend sexually. It is noteworthy for those who assess and treat juvenile sex offenders to understand that even low levels of emotional abuse may cause a juvenile offender to commit a more serious penetrative or hands-on sexual offense.

Notes 1

United States Department of Justice, 2014 National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, 2009 3 Zimring, 2004 4 Ibid 5 Ibid 6 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Ibid 9 Ibid 10 Ibid 11 Ibid 12 Ryan and Lane, 1997 13 Zimring, 2004 14 Ryan and Lane, 2004 15 Ibid 16 Brown and Burton, 2010 17 Miner and Munns, 2005) 18 Felizzi, 2011 19 Brown and Burton, 2010) 20 Bandura, 1986 21 Ibid 22 Ibid 23 Lee et al., 2002 24 Righthand and Welch, 2004 25 Doyle, 1997 26 Lee et al., 2002 27 Barbaree and Marshall, 2006 2

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Thornton et al., 2008 Marshall, 1989 30 Ibid 31 Ibid 32 Armsden and Greenberg, 1987 33 Burton, 2003 34 Kobayashi et al., 1995 35 Righthand and Welch, 2004 36 Ryan and Lane, 1997 37 Williams, 2007 38 Lee et al., 2002 39 Pardeck, 2005 40 Whitbeck and Hoyt, 1999 41 Felizzi, 2014 42 Fanniff and Becker, 2006 43 Elliott et al., 2010 44 Freeman and Sandler, 2008 45 Wjikman, Bijleveld and Hendricks, 2010 46 Johnsson-Love and Fremouw, 2009 47 Wjikman, Bijleveld and Hendricks, 2010 29

Bibliography Armsden, G., and M. Greenberg. "The Inventory of Parent & Peer Attachment." Journal of Youth & Adolescence 16 (1987): 427-454. Bandura, Albert. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1986. Barbaree, H., and Wm. Marshall. The Juvenile Sex Offender, 2d ed. New York: Guilford, 2006. Brown, Adam and D. Burton “Exploring the Overlap in Male Juvenile Sexual Offending and General Delinquency: Trauma, Alcohol Use, and Masculine Beliefs.” Journal of Child Sexual Abuse 19 (2010): 450-468. Burton, D. "Male Adolescents: Sexual Victimization and Subsequent Sexual Abuse." Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal 20 (2003): 277-296. Doyle, C. "Emotional Abuse of Children: Issues for Intervention." Child Abuse Review 6 (1997): 330-342. Elliott, I., H. Eldridge, S. Ashfield, and A. Beech, "Exploring Risk; Potential Static, Dynamic, Protective and Treatment Factors in the Clinical Histories of Female Sex Offenders." Journal of Family Violence 25 (2010): 595-602.

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Fanniff, A., and J. Becker, "Developmental Cosdierations in Working with Juvenile Sex Offenders." In Working with Sexually Aggressive Youth and Youth with Sexual Behavior Problems, edited by R. Longo and D. Prescott, 119-141. Holyoke, MA: NEARI Press, 2006. Felizzi, M. “A Study of the Relationships Among Emotional Abuse, Parent and Caregiver Instability, and Disrupted Attachment on Juvenile Sex Offending Status.” PhD diss., Widener University, 2011. —. "The Relationships among Emotional Abuse, Parent and Caregiver Instability and Disruptedl Attachment on Juvenile Sex Offendeing Status." The Advanced Generalist Social Work Research Journal 1 (2014): 9-34. Freeman, N., and J.Sandler. "Female and Male Sex Offenders: A Comparison of Recidivism Patterns and Risk Factors." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 25 (2008): 1394-1413. Johnsson-Love, J., and W. Fremouw. "Female Sex Offenders: A Controlled Comparison of Offender and Victim/Crime Characteristics." Journal of Family Violence 24 (2009): 367-376. Kobayashi, J., B. Sales, J. Becker, and A.Figuerdo. "Perceived Parental Deviance, Parent-Child Bonding, Child Abuse & Child Sexual Aggression." Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research & Treatment 7 (1995): 25-44. Lee, J., H. Jackson, P. Pattison, and T.Ward. “Developmental Risk Factors for Sexual Offending." Child Abuse & Neglect 26 (2002): 73-92. Marshall, W. "Intimacy, Loneliness and Sexual Offenders." Behaviour Reseach and Therapy 27 (1989): 491-503. Miner, M., and M. Munns. "Isolation and Normlessness: Attitudinal Comparisons of Adolescent Sex Offenders and Non-delinquents." International Journal of Offender Therapy & Comparative Criminology 49 (2005): 491-504. National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. “Sex Offenders in the United States.” Accessed January 13, 2015. http://www.missingkids.com Pardeck, J. "An Exploration of Child Maltreatment among Homeless Families: Implications for Policy." Early Child Devlopment and Care 175 (2005): 335-342. Righthand, S., and C. Welch. "Characteristics of Youth who Sexually Offend." Journal of Child Sexual Abuse 13 (2004): 15-32. Ryan, G., and S. Lane, Juvenile Sex Offending; Causes, Consequences and Correction, 2d edition. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2004.

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Thornton, J., G. Stevens, J. Grant, D. Indermaur, C. Charmette, and A. Halse. "Interfamilial Adolescent Sex Offenders: Family Functioning and Treatment." Journal of Family Studies 14 (2008): 362-375. United States Department of Justice. “National Sex Offender Public Website.” Last modified January 2014. http://www.nsopw.gov/enUS/search/verification?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1 Whitbeck, L., and D. Hoyt. "Nowhere to Grow: Homeless and Runaway Adolescents and Their Families." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 14 (1999): 1175-1204. Williams, J. Juvenile Sex Offenders: Predictors of Recidivism. Auburn, AL: Auburn University, 2007. Wjikman, M., C. Bijleveld, and J. Hendriks. "Women Don't do Such Things! Characteristics of Female Sex Offenders and Offender Types." Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment 22 (2010): 135156. Zimring, Franklin. An american Travesty: Legal Responses to Adolescent Sex Offending. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2004.

CHAPTER TWO BIG, BLACK, TEENAGED QUEENS: NAVIGATING INTERSECTIONS AND UNDERSTANDING “NO FATS, NO FEMS” PHENOMENON EDWARD D. SCOTT, JR.

In 1990, a white man named Patrick Giles published an article in Outweek magazine where he described a negative encounter he had at a New York night club for queer-identified people.1 The unnamed night club was facing a protest from the Black queer community for its “no-Blacks” policy. By Giles’ account, the protesting crowd became too overwhelming for the club staff at the door to continue to prevent its entry, so the club began to admit the Black patrons. Giles wrote that when he got to the door, the club staff prevented him from entering the club, and the bouncer remarked, “No whales in here.” Giles objected, and he was assaulted by the bouncer. In the op-ed, Giles goes on to talk about how he takes issue to the “Lose weight, or get lost” mentality emerging in the queer community, specifically noting that it may not actually apply to lesbian women, as well as noting that he did not appreciate being placed in the “queer ghetto” because of his size.2 Giles did well to say that the emerging beauty standards, supplemented with prejudice actions like what he experienced, suggest that physically-larger queer community members are not beautiful, not desirable, not valued. Giles took issue to the fact that such a suggestion runs counter to the queer community’s best interest: non-discrimination and inclusion. The narrative was broadly received, and has been a common point of reference for research related to sizism in the queer community. However, there are a few additional underlying issues both with and in Giles’ presentation that give cause for greater concern.

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After Giles places context on the assault (i.e., mentioning what was happening outside the club), he does not again mention the ban on the Black people, which was the original cause of the protest and high volume of patrons. While some might argue that Giles expounding upon the racial dynamics of the protest would have been beyond the scope and purpose of his op-ed, another likely explanation is that the racial dynamics were not a factor of his critical consciousness, which speaks to privilege. Throughout Giles’ article, he notes that there needs to be consistency in the queer community’s message about inclusion. He wrote, “As long as we are bigots ourselves, all this fine talk of solidarity and community will never grow beyond talk.”3 However, when saying so, he only juxtaposed oppression he faced as a big man to the discrimination and persecution queer people experience from their heterosexual peers. What happened to a reflection on the Black-banning policy? Race was the first issue. While Giles’ encounter definitely was an unfortunate experience, there is a preexisting racial component that must be explored. The narrative Giles presents causes one to posit a question about how his race impacted his understanding of the entire experience (i.e., how white privilege limited his perspective) and how his experience might have been different if he was both big and Black while being gay. Then, to take it a step further, given the multidimensional nature of preference politics in the queer community, and the connection often made between physical traits and perceptions of masculinity, there also is a need to look at how perceptions of masculinity might have contributed to the experience. Giles’ article further prompts an interesting discussion about the interactions of multiple minority identities, how those interactions emerge in various media, and the potential harm those interactions have on young people finding their place within the queer community.

The Issue Current literature related to the lived experience of gay, bisexual, and questioning (GBQ) males who identify as men largely limits analysis to individual factors’ independent impacts on their queer experience (race or gender presentation or size or geographic location, etc.). There is a growing call for further exploration of multiple-minorities’ lived experience, specifically those aiming to capture the long-term impacts of the daily stressors associated with multiple-minorities’ identities. Holding membership to a marginalized community brings its own challenges to daily living, which literature broadly conceptualizes as minority stress.4 5 It also is important to note that minority stress is considered additive, which

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means that it does not replace, but rather compounds the stressors that are shared with those of non-minority status.6 As such, those who carry multiple minority memberships experience oppression associated with each individual membership as well as the more nuanced and unique oppressions resultant of how those memberships compound and interact with one another. The theoretical framework used to conceptualize this is called intersectionality, which will be further discussed below. This chapter speaks to intersectionality and explores the ways in which Black GBQ adolescents who are considered effeminate and overweight potentially are introduced to and impacted by the “No Fats, No Fems” Phenomenon (NF2). This analysis of the NF2 is inspired by the idea that being a part of multiple subaltern groups must be a consideration when conceptualizing an individual’s lived experience and promoting a positive developmental trajectory.7 Adolescence is a major period of sexual exploration and identity development, and that evolution takes place within a special sociocultural context that can be engaged through a variety of mediums. Thus, this chapter aims to explore the ways in which Blackness, fatness, effeminacy, and sexuality intersect to impact the developmental trajectories of teenaged males who survive within those ascribed identities simultaneously. Within the gay, bisexual, and questioning community–specifically referring to men who have sex with men (MSM)–there is a phenomenon commonly regarded as “No Fats, No Fems,” which dubs those who present as both masculine and nonfat as being most sexually or romantically desirable.8 When combined with the evident racial divide that exists in the GBQ community, NF2 serves as an additional basis for stratifying men within the GBQ community in a way that grossly replicates heteronormative paradigms of male-value and masculinity.9 10 NF2 is a form of intragroup oppression in so much as it serves to establish a social hierarchy among those within the greater GBQ community, where fit is better than fat, “butch” (e.g., masculine) is better than “fem” (e.g., effeminant), and White is better than Black. These socially constructed norms and standards are taught and learned through a variety of mediums the moment a person begins to explore his GBQ identity. The phenomenon manifests itself in many forms and can be seen in a variety of arenas, with examples ranging from Giles’ aforementioned article to the more contemporary avenue of social networking sites and mobile applications targeting the gay community (e.g., Jack’d, Grindr, and Growlr). Social media sites are any site that involves the creation and sharing of content (e.g., photos, sound files, videos, and other uploadable electronic

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material).11 12 Social networking sites take the function of general social media sites a step further by adding the ability to create and manipulate individual and personalizeable profiles through which one shares his or her media.13 14 There are three characteristics to social networking sites: 1) the user is able to create a unique profile that is associated with a specific web site or domain, 2) the user is able to communicate with other users through the profile, and 3) the user is able to manage the profile’s content and interpersonal connections freely.15 16 Fundamental to the use of social networking sites is the creation of an online identity. To facilitate the development of such identity, social networking sites often are structured in a way that encourages the interaction of folks with common interests or having similar demographics. Recent improvements to mobile technology have allowed social networking sites once only accessible via full web-browsing tools (e.g., desktop computers and laptops) to be converted into mobile form and accessible virtually anywhere there is a wireless internet connection. Some of the sites even exist solely on a mobile application (i.e., app) platform. Nevertheless, regardless of the form in which the social networking site comes, the function remains the same: connecting people. However, there can be dangers to connecting people through social networking sites, particularly people who still are formulating their offline identities (e.g., adolescents). Research suggests that strong, impactful relationships can be formed via social networking sites and affirms a direct relationship between those interpersonal connections and an individual’s self- esteem.17 In instances where a person’s self-concept is tied directly to his or her social networking interactions and online identity, therein lies the potential for harm if that person is met with rejection with which he is unable to positively cope. The maintenance of productive online identities and relationships is then paramount to the good mental, social, and emotional health of users; this seems to be particularly true for marginalized groups.18 So, when Black GBQ adolescents who are considered effeminate and overweight engage in social networking sites and mobile applications targeting the gay community as a way to explore and promote their raced sexual identity development, and they are confronted with overt racism, sizism, and effemiphobia, those encounters serve as negative acculturation experiences that tell those youth: “You’re not welcome here;” “you have no place;” and “you have little-to-no value.” The adolescents’ development is potentially arrested, or they could be at-risk for adopting maladaptive behaviors to mitigate their loss of social capital due to their

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multiple minority statuses as Black, physically larger, and perceptively fem. Wrench and Knapp suggest that the GBQ community is far more preoccupied with physical appearance than the heterosexual community. There are body image studies dating back to the late 1970s, which indicate that gay adolescent males more often have negative body image perceptions in comparison to their heterosexual peers.19 Research also suggests that negative body image has grave implications related to perceived choice and control in partner selection and often leads to highrisk sexual behavior.20 21 Another consideration within the GBQ community is masculine presentation.22 23 Masculinity is a socially constructed system of expectations and subjective perceptions about what it means to be a man.24 The GBQ community’s current state of masculine hegemony places masculine presentation as the gender performance of preference.25 26 27 Generally, GBQ men who have not embraced their sexuality choose to adopt heteronormative language into their discourse and frequently distance themselves from all things feminine.28 29 30 There also often is a desire to defend their masculinity–their male privilege–and some data even suggests that anti-effeminacy attitudes are due to internalized negative, self-deprecating feelings about one’s own sexual identity.31 32 Those issues then are only reinforced by the negative encounters on social media. When assessing the needs of GBQ teens, it is important for applied social scientists and clinicians to understand NF2, seeing it as a sociocultural phenomenon that potentially could be impacting the clients’ identity formation, decision making, and overall health. Researchers and service providers should consider the various aspects of each client’s identity conjunctively as ands rather than ors.33 34 The intersections beget unique lived experiences with unique needs; healthy identity development mandates that a person feels accepted in all aspects of his identity.35 36 Too often, people assume that those within the queer community treat others within the same community better; however, as highlighted above, research indicates otherwise. NF2 is a stress-inducing barrier that creates a negative acculturation experience, inhibits positive identity development, promotes low self-esteem, and catalyzes high-risk behaviors.37 38 39 Developing Black, fat, gay, and effeminate males then are placed in a unique position among the oppressed.

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Theoretical Frameworks This discussion on NF2 considers three primary factors: race, body composition, and gender presentation. Race is a social construction that groups people together via physical characteristics (e.g., skin pigmentation) for the purpose of social and political stratification; it is not biologically based.40 Body image relates to an individual’s attitude (or meta- perception) toward his physical self, perceptions of appearance, or aesthetic representation, which often is influenced by the greater society’s construction of beauty.41 Gender is a construct related to the behavioral and appearance-related norms society creates for a particular sex.42 For this paper, “No Fats, No Fems” phenomenon is framed within Intersectionality Theory and Social Learning Theory. Those theories speak to the structure and function of NF2, which involves various social constructs. Those theories also help explain the ways in which NF2 is perpetuated and reinforced through mediums where adolescent identities are being created and cultivated, such as social networking sites and apps.

Social Learning Theory In the 1970s, Albert Bandura published his book, Social Learning Theory, which moved to provide a different way for the academy to think about human learning and behavior. Social Learning Theory (SLT) is a theory that places humans within the context of their environment. SLT affirms not only that the environment has an impact on an individual’s learning and behavior, but in many ways, Bandura presented the social environment as a primary source of learning and behavior.43 The theory can be reduced to three primary components: expectations, behaviors, and reinforcements.44 Each of those factors serves as a component of the learning process, and via the impact of those components, a person learns the social dos and don’ts. First, society (often restricted to those with power) creates a set of expectations. Then behaviors occur in the society and a person becomes exposed to society’s expectations by virtue of society’s reaction to the behavior. Society’s reaction serves as the means of reinforcement. SLT is a theoretical basis for the notion of socialization. Also, unlike operant and classical conditioning theories, SLT promotes the idea of secondary or vicarious learning. SLT claims that a person does not need to experience reinforcement directly in order for him or her to garner the lesson and be driven toward compliance with society’s standards; vicarious reinforcement counts.45

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As a person begins to enter adolescence and develop independence for him/herself, seeking a self-concept or identity, the need to be critical of one’s socialization grows ever-present: What is the basis of power within my sociocultural context? Where am I with respect to that power? What can I do to acquire power within this context? Over time, through the socialization process, the learner notices how he is treated as well as how others are treated, and his behavior is shaped based on that treatment, based on society’s reaction. The communication process serves as a great parallel example of the SLT process in that there is a sender who has a message which he sends to a receiver through a given medium within a specific context. The sender is the society. The message is the communal value. The medium is the means of reinforcement. The receiver is the respondent or the person being taught–be it directly or indirectly.

Intersectionality Theory Crenshaw, the scholar-activist who coined the term intersectionality, wrote, “Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination … our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance … The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, but rather the opposite–that it frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences”.46 Through this statement, Crenshaw aimed to affirm the existence of social contracts, not for the purpose of justifying their impacts, but rather with the objective of affirming the existence of their impact. Too often, scholars attempt to either eliminate social identities as a factor in understanding whatever their question-athand might be, in an attempt to be post-this or post-that. Other scholars choose to examine an issue within the context of a single and independent identity. Intersectionality Theory was created to counter both those approaches and asserts the need for consideration of all the identities a person holds and engages, acknowledging and validating the ways in which those identities collectively impact his lived experiences. Intersectionality Theory also seeks to promote the recognition and exploration of the ways in which the identities interact with one another.47 Thus, Intersectionality Theory affirms that it is not enough to simply say that such-and-such is Black and gay and Christian and effeminate and poor and experiencing a physical disability. The theory calls for one also to recognize how effeminate is his poverty, and how Black is his gayness, and how gay is Blackness, and how Christian is his effeminacy while he experiences a physical disability, and so forth. Through that sort of critical

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examination of multiple minority identities, one not only is able to contextualize the daily lived experiences and challenges that come from external factors, but one also is able to realize that challenges also can occur internally in instances where those identities conflict for persons holding multiple minority membership. This profound and abstract notion couples with the fact that no social identity provides a monolithic experience to validate the uniqueness of each person’s holistic identity and daily lived experience .48

Application and Discussion As a part of the discourse surrounding NF2 and its various components is the issue of how NF2 connects to racial identity development, sexual identity development, and public health. The social networking sites targeting the GBQ community are largely perceived to be gateways into the hook-up culture, where persons are able to interact and meet to fulfill their sexual needs.49 While no studies were found that suggest that hooking-up occurs more often in the queer community than the straight or heterosexual community, there are data to affirm that one way in which adolescents use social networking sites it to foster sexual and otherwise romantic relationships and explore their sexual identities.50 When GBQ youth then engage those queer-specific social networking sites as tools to understanding their identities, and they are met with the overt statement of exclusion, “No Fats, No Fems,” then they are learning a social hierarchy perceived to be largely reflective of the greater GBQ community as well as their role within that system. For the Black GBQ adolescents who are considered effeminate and overweight, there is a unique degree of isolation that comes because those categorizations and identities come with their own implications and designations at the lower levels of queer society. That adolescent learns, through the overt rejection, that his place is at the bottom of the GBQ community’s hierarchy, and he then is pushed into the margins. The GBQ community links its assumptions and thoughts about size to race and links race to masculinity, and vice versa. From those subjective evaluations and comparisons comes an assessment of value, attractiveness, desirability, and place within the community. Each time a Black GBQ adolescent who is considered effeminate and overweight engages GBQ-focused social media, he learns of his inherently diminished capital in the partnerselection social economy. In some instances, the very functionality and design of the social networking app reinforces NF2 by requiring the user to provide statistics

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related to race, height, and weight, without requiring details about the character of the users themselves. Having such requirements to create a profile, to participate in the networking and sociality of the community, affirms and reinforces the notion of those demographics as being most pressing, relevant, and valuable to the user as a new member of the community. The marginalization then is reinforced by the ability to block and filter, which are functions of the apps that literally place users with these so-called undesirable physical characteristics and mannerisms outside of the purview of consideration as members of the community. Those with higher statues on this social hierarchy, being White or masculine or physically fit, then are placed in a position to control the power dynamic of partner selection and have more capital in the arena of preference politics. As those suppressed to the lower group evaluate NF2, there then becomes the risk of working toward acquiring more capital through either addressing the physique or masculinizing by other means to give one the perception of choice or make oneself more preferred within the community. There is a certain level of risk associated with masculinity, and the literature supports that both the masculinity and risk behaviors are positively associated with perceived attractiveness.51

Potential Impact This chapter does not aim merely to posture the phenomenon within a theoretical framework, but also calls into question the phenomena’s potential association with health challenges that greatly impact the gay community. When a subjugated population disproportionately experiences one or more epidemics, and the rate at which that community experiences those epidemics is socially reinforced and would be lower without the various social adversities (e.g., oppression, marginalization, poverty), then such instances are often termed syndemics.52 53 Within the public health discipline, there is a theory known as syndemic theory, which suggests that those who face hardship throughout their lives (e.g., marginalization, social oppression, and trauma) are bound to develop health problems.54 Those issues can range from low self-image and substance abuse to depression and suicidal ideation.55 Males are more likely to use social networking sites for social identity gratification and reinforcement, which then would also make them highly susceptible to the damages associated with rejection through those means.56

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Physical Health High risk sexual behavior can be associated with perceptions of masculinity and attractiveness.57 58 Such a connection is not inherently negative. What brings concern is how such associations contribute to the AIDs, HIV, and other sexually transmitted diseases (STD) transmission rates in the nation. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) suggests that gay and bisexual men are at increased risk for alcohol and drug use, higher rates of substance abuse, and late-life high alcohol consumption.59 In a 2005 study, high-sensation seekers rated their potential for contracting STDs after unprotected sex at a lower level than did low-sensation seekers.60 High-sensation-seeking individuals crave stimuli that are both complex and intensive, and those persons generally experience a craving peak in late adolescence and early adulthood–a demographic with the fastest growing rate of HIV and STD transmission, particularly among MSMs.61 A 2013 study out of SUNY at Bighamton links body image to sexual behavior, concluding that men with negative body images were more likely to engage in unprotected sex than their counterparts with positive body images.62 Masculine socialization prompts an increase in perceptions of physical attractiveness after sexual encounters,63 an impact that could prompt sexual behavior as a maladaptive coping strategy for perceived unattractiveness. Purely examining behavioral risk factors does not adequately explain the prevalence of HIV and other STDs in the Black MSM community; social influences must, however be used to help contextualize the growing epidemic.64 This information speaks to the possibility of high risk sexual behavior amongst Black GBQ adolescents who are considered effeminate and overweight as being an effort to masculinize and counteract NF2.

Mental Health One of the most prevalent risk factors for suicide is depression.65 Suicide among males is four times higher than females in the U.S.66 Adolescent and young adult men who have sex with men are at significantly higher risk of depression, substance abuse, high risk sexual behavior, and suicidality than their heterosexual counterparts.67 Studies have suggested that one-third of men who have sex with men have attempted suicide at least once, and approximately 5 percent will have done so within the past year, with a majority of both clusters comprising African Americans .68 It is reported that gay youth are two to three times more likely than their heterosexual peers to attempt suicide.69 One

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syndemic analysis of minority adolescent MSMs reflected a higher number of suicide attempts among MSMs.70

Limitations and Recommendations There is a dearth of literature specifically related to “No Fats, No Fems” Phenomenon, and there is even less literature that speaks to its developmental impact on adolescents exploring their identities–be they Black or of another race. Perhaps this is due to taboos still surrounding homosexuality and adolescent sexual identity development, and perhaps there is little about this topic specifically exploring people of color because of the propagated notion of being gay as being un-Black or somehow conflicting with a racial-minority identity. Regardless of the reason, more research must be done to gain a more empirical, rather than theoretical, understanding of NF2 and the ways in which it impacts adolescents socially, emotionally, and physically, with specific attention being given to adolescents of color. In cases where components related to the phenomenon (e.g., masculinity or race or size) were being explored among ethnic and racial minorities, there were inconsistences in the populations being evaluated. Some studies isolated sampling to a single racial or ethnic minority population of the GBQ community, 71 72 while others operationalized minority to have their samples include multiple racial minority groups.73 It is important to recognize that different racial minority groups may present totally different culture-based responses to an individual’s additional minority identity; being “of color” is not a monolithic experience. It also is important to note this theoretical framework promotes inductive reasoning as supported by anecdotal evidence, so additional work would also be needed to calibrate prevalence and impact in addition to capturing the narratives of the community at hand, specifically focusing on the narratives of Black GBQ adolescents who are considered effeminate and overweight. Furthermore, future projects could begin to outline the specific characteristics generally observed to assess a person’s masculinity. It also would be interesting to explore this social construction of fatness, as it related to the target population, in an effort to determine whether or not that socially constructed definition is congruent with the standardized medical definitions of overweight or obese and to what degree. How does geography impact that definition as well? Also, more literature should be gathered that looks specifically at the suicide rate of men of color who have sex with men in an effort to determine if there is a difference between

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the non-White gay and bisexual community and the White MSM community. Generally, the number of non-White participants in MSM suicide studies is too small to say definitively that suicide is a greater issue among queer youth of color.74

Prevalence and impact projects also can be done to explore the commonality of high risk sexual behavior as a maladaptive coping strategy for depression and other mental health challenges among Black MSMs.75 Projects assessing the prevalence of sensation seeking and high-risk sexual and substance use behaviors as maladaptive coping strategies for depression and other mental health issues within the GBQ community also would be helpful. Then there is the matter of exceptions to “the rule.” There needs to be further exploration of the development and emergence of countercultures to NF2. How do we explain the communities of so-called “bears” and “cubs,” which are communities of GBQ men who affirm their physique as larger men, though in many ways those groups still ascribed to masculinity paradigms? How do we explain fetishizing of thicker men, fems, Black men, or the combination? Lastly, future studies also must be mindful in taking an asset-based approach to assess NF2 and the population in question (i.e., larger, Black, effeminate gay adolescent men) to learn about those who have positive outcomes and are able to deploy prosocial coping strategies to deal with this deeply rooted form of social stratification and oppression. There is a need to evaluate the emergence of the countercultures that formed (e.g., the “Bear” community) and better understand how persons who fit the demographic of interest yielded positive social and mental health outcomes even prior to the establishment of those countercultures. From all of the aforementioned research, social scientists and practitioners might be able to yield a better understanding of how those facing multiple forms of oppression as multiple minorities can secure resources, adapt, and overcome the barriers to a socially and romantically fulfilling and healthy life. The findings from these studies could also assist with the development of interventions for those who facilitate and perpetuate oppression through NF2 and the further stratification of the GBQ community.

Notes 1

Giles, 1990 Ibid 3 Ibid 4 Finneran and Stephenson, 2014 2

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Kennedy and Dalla, 2014 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Han, 2008 9 Loiacano, 1989 10 Ibid 11 Boyd and Ellison, 2008 12 Pagani, Hofacker and Goldsmith, 2011 13 Ibid 14 Ibid 15 Ibid 16 Ibid 17 Manago, Taylor and Greenfield, 2012 18 Mckenna and Bargh, 2000 19 Wrench and Knapp, 2008 20 Han, 2008 21 Wilton, 2013 22 Annes and Redlin, 2012 23 Taywaditep, 2001 24 Annes and Redlin, 2012 25 Han, 2008 26 Sánchez and Vilain, 2012 27 Taywaditep, 2001 28 Annes and Redlin, 2012 29 Sánchez and Vilain, 2012 30 Taywaditep, 2001 31 Annes and Redlin, 2012 32 Sánchez and Vilain, 2012 33 McInroy, and Craig, 2012 34 Han, 2008 35 Kennedy and Dalla, 2014 36 Loiacano, 1989 37 Kennedy and Dalla, 2014 38 Rosario, Rotheram-Borus and Reid, 1996 39 Wilton, 2009 40 Glenn, 2000 41 Wilton, 2013 42 Glenn, 2000 43 Bandura, 1971 44 Ibid 45 Ibid 46 Crenshaw, 1993 47 Ibid 48 Ibid 49 Rhodes et al., 2010 50 Subrahmanyam et al., 2008 6

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51

Henderson et al., 2005 Chown, 2013 53 Mustanski et al., 2014 54 Ibid 55 Ibid 56 Barker, 2009 57 Henderson et al., 2005 58 Malebranche et al., 2012 59 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012 60 Henderson et al., 2005 61 Ibid 62 Wilton, 2013 63 Vasilenko, Ram and Lefkowitz, 2011 64 Millett et al., 2011 65 Mustanski et al., 2014 66 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012 67 Mustanski et al., 2014 68 Remafedi, 2002 69 Ibid 70 Mustanski et al., 2014 71 Bianchi et al., 2010 72 Malebranche et al., 2009 73 Rosario, Rotheram-Borus and Reid, 1996 74 Remafedi, 2002 75 Henderson et al., 2005 52

Bibliography Annes, Alexis, and Meredith Redlin. “The Careful Balance of Gender and Sexuality: Rural Gay Men, the Heterosexual Matrix, and “Effeminophobia.” Journal of Homosexuality 59 (2012): 256-88. Bandura, Albert. Social Learning Theory. New York: General Learning Press, 1971. Barker, Valerie. “Older Adolescents' Motivations for Social Network Site Use: The Influence of Gender, Group Identity, and Collective SelfEsteem.” CyberPsychology and Behavior 12 (2009): 209-13. Bianchi, Fernanda, Michele Shedlin, Kelly Brooks, Marcelo Penha, Carol Reisen, Maria Zea, and Paul Poppen. “Partner Selection among Latino Immigrant Men Who Have Sex with Men.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 39 (2010): 1321-330. Boyd, Danah, and Nicole Ellison. “Social Network Sites: Definition, History, and Scholarship.” Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 13 (2008): 210-30.

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Center for Disease Control and Prevention. 2012. “Suicide: Facts at a Glance.” http://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/Suicide-DataSheet-a.pdf. Chown, Sarah. “Understanding Syndemics and Gay Men's Health.” Community-Based Research Centre. (2013). Accessed June 30, 2014. http://cbrc.net/blog/01-2013/understanding-syndemics-and-gay-menshealth. Crenshaw, Kimberle. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color.” Stanford Law Review 43 (1993): 1241-299. Finneran, Catherine, and Rob Stephenson. “Intimate Partner Violence, Minority Stress, and Sexual Risk-Taking Among U.S. Men Who Have Sex With Men.” Journal of Homosexuality 61 (2014): 288-306. doi:10.1080/00918369.2013.839911. Giles, Patrick. “A Matter of Size.” Outweek, October 24, 1990. Glenn, E. “The Social Construction and Institutionalization of Gender and Race.” In Revisioning Gender, edited by M. Ferree, J. Lorber, and B. Hess, 3-42. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2000. Han, ChongǦSuk. “No Fats, Femmes, or Asians: The Utility of Critical Race Theory in Examining the Role of Gay Stock Stories in the Marginalization of Gay Asian Men.” Contemporary Justice Review 11, (2008): 11-22. Henderson, Vani R., Michael Hennessy, Daniel W. Barrett, Brenda Curtis, Marci Mccoy-Roth, Nicole Trentacoste, and Martin Fishbein. “When Risky Is Attractive: Sensation Seeking and Romantic Partner Selection.” Personality and Individual Differences 38 (2005): 311-25. Kennedy, Heather R., and Rochelle L. Dalla. “Examining Identity Consolidation Processes Among Ethnic Minority Gay Men and Lesbians.” Journal of Gay and Lesbian Social Services 26 (2014): 465501. doi:10.1080/10538720.2014.951817. Loiacano, Darryl K. “Gay Identity Issues Among Black Americans: Racism, Homophobia, and the Need for Validation.” Journal of Counseling and Development 68 (1989): 21-25. Malebranche, David, Errol Fields, Lawrence Bryant, and S. R. Harper. “Masculine Socialization and Sexual Risk Behaviors among Black Men Who Have Sex with Men: A Qualitative Exploration.” Men and Masculinities 12 (2009): 90-112. Manago, Adriana M., Tamara Taylor, and Patricia M. Greenfield. “Me and My 400 Friends: The Anatomy of College Students' Facebook Networks, Their Communication Patterns, and Well-being.” Developmental Psychology 48 (2012): 369-80.

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McInroy, Lauren, and Shelley L. Craig. “Articulating Identities: Language and Practice with Multiethnic Sexual Minority Youth.” Counselling Psychology Quarterly 25 (2012): 137-49. Mckenna, Katelyn Y. A., and John A. Bargh. “Plan 9 From Cyberspace: The Implications of the Internet for Personality and Social Psychology.” Personality and Social Psychology Review 25 (2000): 57-75. Millett, Gregorio A,, Stephen A Flores, John L Peterson, and Roger Bakeman. “Explaining Disparities in HIV Infection among Black and White Men Who Have Sex with Men: A Meta-analysis of HIV Risk Behaviors.” AIDS 21 (2011): 2083-091. Mustanski, Brian, Rebecca Andrews, Amy Herrick, Ron Stall, and Phillip W. Schnarrs.”A Syndemic of Psychosocial Health Disparities and Associations With Risk for Attempting Suicide Among Young Sexual Minority Men.” American Journal of Public Health 104 (2014): 28794. Remafedi, Gary. “Suicidality in a Venue-based Sample of Young Men Who Have Sex with Men.” Journal of Adolescent Health 31 (2002): 305-10. Rhodes, Scott, Kenneth Hergenrather, Jesse Duncan, Aaron Vissman, Cindy Miller, Aimee Wilkin, Jason Stowers, and Eugenia Eng. “A Pilot Intervention Using Internet Chat Rooms to Prevent HIV Risk Behaviors among Men Who Have Sex With Men.” Public Health Reports (1974- )” 125 (2010): 29-37. Rosario, Margaret, Mary Jane Rotheram-Borus, and Helen Reid. “Gayrelated Stress and Its Correlates among Gay and Bisexual Male Adolescents of Predominantly Black and Hispanic Background.” Journal of Community Psychology 24 (1996): 136-59. Sánchez, Francisco J., and Eric Vilain. “Straight-Acting Gays”: The Relationship Between Masculine Consciousness, Anti-Effeminacy, and Negative Gay Identity.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 41 (2012): 11119. doi:10.1007/s10508-012-9912-z. Subrahmanyam, Kaveri, Stephanie M. Reich, Natalia Waechter, and Guadalupe Espinoza. “Online and Offline Social Networks: Use of Social Networking Sites by Emerging Adults.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 29 (2008): 420-33. Taywaditep, Kittiwut Jod. “Marginalization Among the Marginalized: Gay Men's Antieffeminancy Attitudes.” Journal of Homosexuality 42 (2001): 1-28.

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Vasilenko, Sara A., Nilam Ram, and Eva S. Lefkowitz. “Body Image and First Sexual Intercourse in Late Adolescence.” Journal of Adolescence 24 (2011): 327-35. Wilton, Leo. “A Preliminary Study of Body Image and HIV Sexual Risk Behavior in Black Gay and Bisexual Men: Implications for HIV Prevention.” Journal of Gay and Lesbian Social Services 21 (2009): 309-25. Wrench, Jason S., and Jennifer L. Knapp. “The Effects of Body Image Perceptions and Sociocommunicative Orientations on Self-Esteem, Depression, and Identification and Involvement in the Gay Community.” Journal of Homosexuality 55 (2008): 471-503.

CHAPTER THREE BULLYING: UNDERSTANDING, PREVENTING, AND ASSESSING LEONORA FOELS, SOLOMON HILL AND KAREN RICE

Recent national attention to several cases of suicides and homicides among youth victims of bullying has raised concerns about its prevalence and social and psychological impact. Bullying is also a common problem in many countries. A recent study of adolescents in 40 countries found that at least twice during the previous 2 months, 10.7 % of the sample had bullied others, 12.6 % had been victimized by bullying and 3.6 % had been both a bully and a victim .1 Bullying was first identified as a problem in 1973 by Olweus and continues to be a pervasive problem that is estimated to effect almost onethird of students, 2 and has been found to be the form of school-based violence that affects the greatest number of children and adolescents.3 There are many perspectives of bullying that one may encounter: one may either be the bully, the victim of bullying, a witness of bullying or has experienced all three. Bullying affects individuals across gender, age, social class, cultural beliefs and nationality, although the greatest frequencies of bullying interactions occur during middle school.4 5 No one is exempt from bullying. Coloroso has defined bullying as a conscious, willful, and intentionally hostile activity that is intended to harm.6 Intentionally harmful acts can take both direct and indirect forms; specifically, bullying can occur physically, verbally, through social manipulation or exclusion known as relational bullying, by utilizing electronic means such as a computer or cell phone, known as cyberbullying, sexually, and prejudicially.7 8 Pepler and colleagues have conceptualized bullying as repeated aggression in

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which a power differential exists between the person doing the bullying and the person being targeted.9 Regardless of the type of bullying, victims of bullying may experience a host of consequences associated with repetitive bullying attacks. For instance, academic problems may plague a victim exhibited by truancy, absenteeism, and school dropout.10 11 12 Adjustment problems may arise, including symptoms of depression, feelings of rejection, negative selfconcept, withdrawal, loneliness, helplessness, and a sense that he or she deserves to be bullied.13 14 15 Physical bullying is a serious problem, affecting not only the bully and the victim, but also the other students or bystanders who witness the bullying. There are many types of negative physical interactions that can occur between young people, including fighting, joking, stealing, and sexual harassment. These things are not bullying unless the same victim is targeted and the bully or bullies intend to hurt, humiliate, or intimidate the victim. Physical bullying can take place in many forms, such as hitting, pushing, tripping, slapping, spitting, stealing, or destroying possessions. Verbal bullying is just as harmful as physical bullying. Verbal bullying is where the bully or bullies aim to degrade and demean the victim. Verbal bullying occurs when the bully tries to gain power over his or her peers. Verbal bullying can have a lasting psychological impact on victims. Relational bullying is another form of verbal bullying, however, it involves damaging or manipulating relationships of their victims. This is done through spreading rumors, sending unflattering pictures or messages through text or internet, making friendships conditional, gossiping, using negative body language, whispering, making fun of the victim’s appearance, excluding the victim from social groups, revealing secrets or backstabbing. Relational bullies choose this type of harassment knowing that it is very unlikely that they will get caught and sanctioned for their behaviors. Lastly, cyberbullying is growing due to the advancement of technology. Cyberbullying is different from bullying due to the fact that it is not done face-to-face. In contrast to face-to-face bullying, cyberbullying can take place at any time of the day or night, and the bully or bullies can hide their identities. Cyberbullying is using technology, such as the internet or cell phones, to deliberately insult, threaten, intimidate, or otherwise harass someone. Cyberbullying can take the form of harassing, threatening, embarrassing, or targeting another person through impersonation, use of photographs, creation of websites/blogs, or participation in “Happy-Slapping”.16 “Happy-Slapping” occurs when an

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individual videotapes a bullying incident and posts it online for others to view with the intent of humiliating and/or embarrassing the victim. Additionally, psychological and physical health problems have been linked to bullying attacks .17 Aggressive tendencies appear to be consistent over time, suggesting that children who bully may continue engaging in hostile behaviors into adulthood.18 Such consequences may extend from childhood and continue to affect a victim into adulthood. Like victims, commonalities also are present among those who commit acts of bullying. A variety of negative outcomes have been identified among bullies, including a loss of confidence, externalizing problems, inadequate coping skills, academic difficulties, and trouble with emotional regulation.19 Furthermore, the social supports of bullies can be impacted, as they often have a difficult time maintaining interpersonal relationships, experience peer rejection, and affiliate with antisocial peer groups.20 21 The third character in bullying, the bystander, plays an integral role and is often seen as a facilitator of the bully.22 Bystanders represent the largest of the three groups (bully, victim, bystander), but most importantly, they provide the bullies an audience, which encourages ongoing bullying behavior.23 To speak out on behalf of the victim or walk away from a bullying incident takes courage. Bystanders unable to do this report the following reasons: 1) fear of getting hurt, 2) fear of becoming another target for the bully, 3) fear of making the situation worse, and 4) uncertainty around how to respond.24 Because of their important role in fostering or mitigating a bullying environment, bystanders must be engaged in any anti-bullying prevention program.

Common Elements of Prevention Programs There are key salient principles that have been shown to be effective in anti-bullying prevention programs and best practices to address bullying behaviors in different settings. Research shows that each principle is pertinent to bullying behaviors in schools; in athletic venues; and through the use of computers, cell phones, and other social media technology tools. These key principles include: everyone must be involved, policies and procedures must be clearly stated, and anti-bullying prevention programs must be monitored and evaluated.

Everyone MUST Be Involved It is essential that all stakeholders be involved in prevention programs. Experts assert that successful bullying prevention programs require the

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efforts and commitment of the school community, 25 26 the support of parents and students, 27 28 as well as the general community.29

Schools In schools, it is critical that teachers, administrators, school staff, students, and parents be actively engaged, vigilant, and involved in planning, intervening, and monitoring of traditional bullying and cyberbullying. One effective method to deal with bullying behavior on a systemic level is through a whole school approach. 30 3132 33 This approach is made up of three levels: school, classroom, and student. Within each level there are specific strategies. Much of the work on this approach has been built upon ideas that were put forth by Dan Olweus.34 It is suggested that components at the school level focus on changing the organizational culture and climate, classroom level strategies center on the involvement of teachers and other school-based adult personnel, and student level strategies are geared towards helping those students (e.g., the bully, victim, and bystander) involved in bullying.35 36 As with changing any culture, fully assessing the problem, including the values and beliefs of stakeholders is essential to raising awareness.37 38 39 40 To begin the process, a number of methods can be used to gather the perceptions of students, faculty, staff, and parents by means of questionnaires, focus groups, discussions, and observations, which Briggs and Vernberg state may persuade “buy in” from key stakeholders.41 Other information that might be collected might include areas of concern such as the physical environment, policy and procedures supervision, and responses to bullying incidents. In-service training can be implemented along with developing or choosing the program that the school and community will use in combating bullying behaviors. Insofar as the classroom is concerned, it has been suggested that teachers include the subject matter into their curriculum. The need to use the school curriculum to inform the students on bullying with the suggestion of integrating life skills training groups so that all students may have the opportunity to participate .42 43 44 Educating students on socially acceptable behaviors, skills, and attitudes in helping those involved with bullying are features that can be used in the classroom for bullies, victims, and bystanders. Whitted and Dupper point out that teachers and parents alike need to model the behaviors for students to reinforce what has been taught in the classroom.45 This suggests that parents need to be involved in the prevention of bullying. Additionally, Briggs and Vernberg discuss the

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importance of inviting parents to join the discussion on bullying prevention.46 Individual dialogues must be held with students about bullying with the goal to keep all students free from harm.47 48 49 Once again, parental involvement is critical when classroom or school policies have been violated, 50 as are group discussions with the students involved in the bullying incident.

Athletics Physical education and athletics are specific environments within the school that presents similar as well as unique environmental challenges for preventing bullying. Shannon emphasizes that the athletic environments influence and perpetuate bullying behaviors.51 Consequently, bullying in sports requires a collaborative approach to understanding and responding to bullying behaviors. For this reason, it is essential that parents, athletes and the entire coaching staff be involved in preventing bullying behaviors in sports. Kevorkian and D’Antona underscore that preventing bullying “takes a community-wide initiative and a commitment from all the adults involved” even when the athletic activity is not directly related to a school.52 Assessment is just as critical in sports as it is in academics. Shannon indicates assessment allows for developing awareness of the bullying problem.53 For instance, in physical education, teachers need to know essential information about their students, especially if the student has special needs.54 Healy asserts it is critical to involve peers to promote a supportive atmosphere that reinforces concepts such as teamwork and cooperation, as well as provide positive feedback.55 Furthermore, physical education activities should be modified and inclusive so that all students not only experience success, but also learn while having fun.

Cyber-bullying A new phenomenon that has surfaced in recent years is the use of technology tools for causing intentional harm to another person. To this end, cyber-bullying has added a layer of distinctive challenges in efforts to prevent bullying behaviors. Nonetheless, it is suggested that cyberbullying must be integrated into raising awareness, curriculum, and policy aspects of the whole school approach to combat bullying behaviors as cyber-bullying can take place in any setting.56 Strategies that have been reported to be beneficial to reducing cyber-bullying include peer

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involvement.57 58 In addition, parental supervision is paramount in efforts to combat bullying behaviors at home,59 while teachers are critical to creating a safe learning environment at school.60 In social media, Patchin and Hinduja indicate that law enforcement should also be included particularly when addressing cyber-bullying issues that are criminal in nature.61

Policies and Procedures MUST be Clearly Stated Schools There is not a clear definition of bullying in school, which makes it difficult to combat.62 Therefore, schools are charged with the task of developing a clear definition of bullying. Anti-bullying policies should include formal descriptions of the types of bullying behaviors; clear guidelines for dealing with and responding to bullying incidents for the perpetrator, victim, and bystanders; 63 specific ways to establish and maintain positive respectful relationships; 64 and clear behavioral expectations.65 Educational programming should also be a key feature of anti- bullying policies. This allows for the development of instructional programs geared towards informing students and all adults on bullying and school rules countering bullying behaviors. Another aspect of these policies must be in-service trainings for administrators, teachers, and other school personnel so that all school based employees acquire the knowledge and skills needed to effectively respond and intervene to bullying events that have been identified in their schools. Establishing anti-bullying policies and procedures clearly articulates to all stakeholders that bullying behaviors are unacceptable and will not be tolerated on or off school grounds.66 In the classroom, anti-bullying policies and trainings help teachers integrate into their curriculum ways to teach students about what is and what is not bullying, 67 ensuring that internet usage also is included in the learning process.68 Best practices indicate that posting rules around the classroom that establishes a safe learning environment for both the classroom and on social media are necessary.

Athletics Historically, clichés such as “boys will be boys” or “boys don’t cry” have been the prevailing attitude in sports. Such attitudes have been referred to as “underlying unwritten rules” or “a code of silence” that hurt

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the growth and development of athletes.69 70 Nevertheless, much of the behavior in athletics is based on a repeated action with the intent to crush the opposition through power and control. Although this antagonistic behavior and dominant attitude is commonly perpetuated and often overlooked in sports, it is a serious problem that can no longer be ignored. A review of the literature reveals a lack of research on bullying in athletics or sports based activities.71 However, bullying does occur in sports-related activities as evidenced by the stories reported in the national media. To this end, it is important that rules and regulations for bullying behaviors in sports be similar to those established for schools settings. According to Kevorkian and D’Antona,72 policies must clearly delineate all forms of bullying, behavioral expectations, guidelines for reporting bullying incidents, and consequences for breaking the rules on and off the field. The manner in which the coaching staff responds to athletes is very important in stopping bullying behaviors and creating a bully-free environment. According to Raynauld,73 coaches have an obligation to self-reflect and recognize the negative affects their behaviors and language have on an athlete’s life. In order to create a positive change in the sports organization, a few suggestions are provided to help coaches develop critical consciousness of their actions and behaviors: x Tape what you say and listen to what you say and how you communicate with your athletes; x Think carefully about what you are texting or emailing to an athlete and the time of day you are sending them a message; and x If you are coaching minors, copy the parents on any message you send their child (p. 14). In primary schools, the student athletes and coaching staff must be integrated into the school anti-bullying programs. There cannot be a dual set of standards that could become the source of more problems and negate any positive assessments within the general student body at a school.

Cyber-bullying Similar to traditional bullying, the absence of a clear definition of cyber-bullying has posed an obstacle in prevention efforts. According to Hinduja and Patchin, 74 there are two specific reasons: 1) “some people don’t see the harm associated with it;” and 2) no one wants to “step up and take responsibility for responding to inappropriate use of technology” (para. 9). The points above are reasons for schools to develop anti-bullying

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policies and protocols to create clear lines of communication between adults and students to address cyber-bullying.75 Schools can take a more proactive approach to combating cyber-bullying simply by educating the entire school community on how to use the internet responsibly, communicating to stakeholders that cyber-bullying behaviors are unacceptable and subject to disciplinary action, and promoting a positive learning environment.76 Parents can also take a more hands-on approach to preventing cyberbullying by being more involved in their children’s on-line activities. For example, parents need to feel comfortable communicating the “golden rule,” which directly applies to behaviors for using technology. One way to accomplish this goal is by developing a clear contract for internet usage in and out of the school setting that outlines what is and is not appropriate behavior online.77 78 Parents also must supervise internet usage and together create a realistic plan for dealing with cyber-bullying.79 In response to cyberbullying behaviors, parents need to communicate with school administrators or teachers. When criminal activity is suspected, parents should contact law enforcement, report the cyber-bullying activity, and save any evidence.80

Anti-Bullying Prevention Programs MUST Be Monitored and Evaluated Schools As in any good practice, an evaluation system to measure reliability and validity of interventions or program effectiveness is a necessary step in the process. The literature reveals that ongoing assessment, analysis, and monitoring of progress are vital for sustaining prevention program success.81 82 Program evaluation and appraisal of strategies may identify unexpected gaps. This information provides school settings with an opportunity to modify current strategies to strengthen the selected prevention program and regularly review policies to ensure that they are supporting the positive outcomes that prevention programs are trying to achieve. Additionally, areas that may be identified as needing monitoring may become known. Within the physical environment, adult supervision may be increased in an identified risk area; consequently, the inappropriate bullying behavior may move to a less obvious location. A monitoring system might be beneficial in identifying these “hotspots.” Ongoing assessment of programs and strategies will help determine key

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stakeholders’ attitudes associated with bullying behaviors, their level of support and commitment to promoting a bully free environment, and whether or not they are taking bullying seriously. Most importantly, monitoring provides information on the effectiveness of strategies. For instance, are the support systems working for the victim? Are the bullies learning strategies to change their aggressive and hurtful behaviors? Are the bystanders prepared to intervene and take action when bullying behaviors are observed?

Athletics Evaluating bullying in sport-related activities are equally important and essential in sustaining a positive change in the sports organizational culture and climate.83 Information gathered from continued monitoring influence the same concerns described in the aforementioned section. For example, comparing pre and post results from surveys may illustrate whether or not bullying behaviors have been reduced on and off the field, in the locker room, and on the sidelines, as well as identify new areas of concerns. Based on the information gathered, revision of training programs for parents, coaching staff, and athletes may result as an outcome.

Cyber-bullying In 2012, Johnson presented an argument that a comprehensive, digital reporting, and management system needs to be developed due to the increasing reports of bullying incidents.84 As a result, this becomes a major area for technology to advance, in light of the growing concern of traditional bullying and cyber-bullying. Technology is rapidly changing and evolving so a monitoring system based on a technology platform needs to be user-friendly and time-efficient in order to be effective. Flexibility within technology will allow monitoring and assessments to not only identify areas needing program improvement, but also provide a forum for teamwork and sharing of pertinent information related to technology.85 Most importantly, the gaps and weaknesses within the digital reporting management system must be part of the programming in order to be beneficial to combating bullying behaviors. In the virtual world, new social media tools are constantly springing up at a rapid pace. As a result, students are typically the first to adopt new technology. Therefore, it is important for schools, parents, coaches, and peer leaders to

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monitor this area for new applications and software that may be used for bullying.

Conclusion Bullying behaviors are ubiquitous; it is here, there, everywhere. No environment is bully-free. Based on the literature reviewed, there are a few protective factors for decreasing bullying behavior. These protective factors include creating a safe atmosphere, developing positive relationships, delivering education, and collaborating across systems. Creating a bully free environment requires a collective vision and genuine commitment from everyone. The message that bullying is never tolerated or acceptable to students, parents, educators, and general community is essential, as is adult supervision. The dissemination of clear expectations, rules, and policies combating bullying behaviors in the school settings and other settings such as sports and online along with firm disciplinary measures are vital in bullying prevention efforts. Educational training programs must be available to all, including refresher workshops and in-services so that everyone is consistent and communicating clearly that bullying is unacceptable. Positive relationships are an important protective factor. Students must have an adult whom they trust so that they can sit and talk with freely about their experiences and concerns. Relationships with peers have also been found to be valuable in the fight against bullying. Education is needed in order to provide all stakeholders with the knowledge and skills for reversing bullying behaviors. Regardless of the setting, discussions about boundaries and internet safety must be supported and reinforced in schools and in the community. In addition, policies and key stakeholders who are committed to anti-bullying efforts increase the success rates of a program. Furthermore, skill-building efforts must be integrated, supported, and reinforced by the school curriculum, parents, students, anti-bullying policies, and society at large. To stop bullying, students, parents, schools, and community leaders need to continue to find effective solutions to produce long-term change to create a bully-free place for our children.

Notes 1

Craig et al., 2009 Dinkes, Kemp, Baum and Snyder, 2009 3 Juvonen and Graham, 2001 2

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Barton, 2006 Eslea and Rees, 2001 6 Coloroso, 2003 7 Crick and Grotpeter, 1995 8 Olweus and Limber, 2007 9 Pepler, Jiang, Craig and Connolly, 2008 10 Kochenderfer-Ladd and Skinner, 2002 11 Nansel, Haynie and Simons-Morton, 2007 12 Nansel, Overpeck and Pilla, 2007 13 Hampel, Manhal and Hayer, 2009 14 Kochenderfer-Ladd and Skinner, 2002 15 Woods et al., 2007 16 Gordon, 2014. 17 Nansel et al., 2007 18 Farrington and Ttofi, 2011 19 Kim, Catalano, Haggerty and Abbott, 2011 20 Lassiter and Perry, 2009 21 Olweus, 2011 22 Obermann, 2011 23 Padgett and Notar, 2013 24 Ibid 25 Howe, Haymes and Tenor, 2010 26 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 27 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 28 Farrington and Ttofl, 2009 29 Howe et al., 2010 30 Dupper, 2013 31 Howe et al., 2010 32 Majcherova, Hajduova and Andrejkovic, 2014 33 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 34 Olweus, 1993 35 Dupper, 2013 36 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 37 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 38 Majcherova et al., 2014 39 Shannon, 2013 40 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 41 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 42 Ibid 43 Howe et al., 2010 44 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 45 Ibid 46 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 47 Dupper, 2013 48 Olweus, 1993 49 Whitted and Dupper, 2005 5

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50

Howe et al., 2010 Shannon, 2013 52 Kevorkian and D’Antona, 2010 53 Shannon, 2013 54 Healy, 2014 55 Ibid 56 Perren et al., 2012 57 Ibid 58 Patchin and Hinduja, 2012 59 Perren et al., 2012 60 Patchin and Hinduja, 2012 61 Ibid 62 Majcherova et al., 2014 63 Howe et al., 2010 64 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 65 Dupper, 2013 66 Majcherova et al., 2014 67 Howe et al., 2010 68 Hinduja and Patchin, 2014 69 Kevorkian and D’Antona, 2010 70 Nathan, 2014 71 Shannon, 2013 72 Kevorkian and D’Antona, 2010 73 Reynauld, 2013 74 Hinduja and Patchin, 2014 75 Perren et al., 2012 76 Hinduja and Patchin, 2014 77 Ibid 78 Kowalski, Limber and Agatston, 2007 79 Hinduja and Patchin, 2014 80 Ibid 81 Briggs and Vernberg, 2010 82 Majcherova, et al., 2014 83 Kevorkian and D’Antona, 2010 84 Johnson, 2012 85 Ibid 51

Bibliography Barton, E. A. Bully Prevention: Tips and Strategies for School Leaders and Classroom Teachers, 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin, 2006. Briggs, B. and E. M. Vernberg. “Preventing and Treating Bullying and Victimization: Best Practices and Future Directions.” In Preventing and Treating Bullying and Victimization, edited by E. M. Vernberg, and B. K. Briggs. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2010.

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Coloroso, B. The bully, the bullied, and the bystander. New York: Harper Collins, 2003. Craig, W., Y. Harel-Fisch, H. Fogel-Grinvald, S. Dostaler, J. Hetland, B. Simons-Morton, B, M. Molcho, M. G. de Mato, M. Overpeck, P. Due, and W. Pickett, “A Cross-national Profile of Bullying and Victimization among Adolescents in 40 Countries.” International Journal Public Health 54 (2009): 216–224. Crick, N. R., and J. Grotpeter. “Relational Aggression, Gender, and Social-psychological Adjustment.” Child Development 66 (1995): 710–722. doi:10.2307/1131945. Dinkes, R., J. Kemp, K. Baum, and T. D. Snyder. “National Center for Education Statistics: Indicators of School Crime and Safety: 2007. Accessed November 12, 2009. http://nces. ed.gov. Dupper, D. School Bullying: New Perspectives on a Growing Problem. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2013. Eslea, M., and J. Rees. “At What Age are Children Most Likely to be Bullied at School?” Aggressive Behavior 27 (2001): 419-429. Farrington, D. P., and M. M. Ttofl. “How to Reduce School Bullying.” Victim and Offender 4 (2009): 321-326. __.”Bullying as a Predictor of Offending, Violence and Later Life Outcomes.” Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 21 (2011): 90–98. doi:10.1002/cbm.808. Gordon, S. “5 Types of Cyberbullying.” Accessed June 30, 2015. http://bullying.about.com/od/Cyberbullying/a/5-Types-OfCyberbullying.htm?utm_term=what%20is%20cyberbullying&utm_con tent=p1-main-6more&utm_medium=sem&utm_source=msn&utm_campaign=adid56cd12e2-e4ba-4e43-bdbc-91a7795f4ca0-0-ab_mse_ocode22854&ad=semD&an=msn_s&am=exact&q=what%20is%20cyberbull ying&dqi=&o=22854&l=sem&qsrc=999&askid=56cd12e2-e4ba4e43-bdbc-91a7795f4ca0-0-ab_mse. Hampel, P., S. Manhal, and T. Hayer. “Direct and Relational Bullying among Children and Adolescents: Coping and Psychological Adjustment.” School Psychology International 30 (2009): 474–490. doi:10.1177/0143034309107066. 28(2), 42-46. Healy, Sean E. “Preventing Bullying in Inclusive Physical Education.” Palaestra 28 (2014): 42-46. Hinduja, S., and J. W. Patchin. “Cyberbulling: Identification, Prevention, and Response.” Cyberbullying Research Center. (2009). Accessed February, 2015. http://cyberbullying.us/cyberbullying-identificationprevention-and-response/ (2009).

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Howe, E., E. Haymes, and T. Tenor, “Bullying: Best Practices for Prevention and Intervention in Schools.” In The School Practitioner’s Concise Companion to Prevent Violence and Conflict, edited by C. Franklin, M. B. Harris, and P. Allen-Meares. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. 2010. Johnson, K. “Bullying Prevention.” American School and University. Accessed February, 2015. http://asumag.com/crime-amp-bullyingprevention/bullying-prevention-school-safety-related-video (2012) Juvonen, J., and J. Graham. Peer Harassment in School: The Plight of the Vulnerable and Victimized. New York: Guilford, 2012. Kevorkian, M., and R. D’Antona. Tackling Bullying in Athletes: Best Practices for Modeling Appropriate Behavior. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Education, 2010. Kim, M. J., R.F. Catalano, R. F., Haggerty, and R.D. Abbott. “Bullying at Elementary School and Problem Behaviour in Young Childhood: A Study of Bullying, Violence and Substance Use From Age 11 to Age 21.” Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 21 (2011): 136–144. doi:10.1002/cbm.804. Kochenderfer-Ladd, B., and K. Skinner. “Children’s Coping Strategies: Moderators of the Effects of Peer Victimization.” Journal of Developmental Psychology 38 (2002): 267–278. doi:10.1037// 00121649.38.2.267. Kowalski, R. M., S. Limber, and P. Agatston. Cyberbullying in the Digital Age. Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Lassiter, W. L., and D. C. Perry. Preventing Violence and Crime in America’s Schools: From Put-downs to Lock-downs. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2009. Majcherova, K., Z. Hajduova, and M. Andrejkovic. “The Role of the School in Handling the Problem of Bullying.” Aggression and Violent Behavior 19 (2014): 463-465. Nathan, R. “New Book Sheds Light on Controversial Topic: Bullying in Sports.” National Junior College Athletic Association. (2014). Accessed February, 2015. http://mydigitalpublication.com/publication/?i=200505&p=6 (2014). Nansel, T. R., D. L. Haynie, and B. G. Simons-Morton. “The Association of Bullying and Victimization with Middle School Adjustment.” In Bullying, Victimization, and Peer Harassment: A Handbook of Prevention and Intervention, edited by J. Zins, M. Elias, and C. Maher, 49-65. Binghamton, NY: Routledge, 2007. Nansel, T. R., M. Overpeck, and R. Pilla. “Bullying Behaviors among U.S. Youth: Prevalence and Association with Psychosocial Adjustment.”

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Journal of the American Medical Association 285 (2007): 2094–2100. doi:10.1001/jama.285.16.2094. Obermann, M. L. “Moral Disengagement among Bystanders to School Bullying”. Journal of School Violence 10 (2011): 239-257. Olweus, D. Bullying at School: What We Know and What We Can Do. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, Inc. 1993. —. “Bullying at School and Later Criminality: Findings From Three Swedish Community Samples of Males.” Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 21 (2011), 151–156. doi:10.1002/cbm.806. Olweus, D., and S. Limber. Olweus Bullying Prevention Program: Teacher Guide. Center City, MN: Hazelden, 2007. Padgett, S., and C. E. Notar. “Bystanders are the Key to Stopping Bullying.” Universal Journal of Educational Research 1 (2013): 3341. Patchin, J. W., and S. Hinduja. “School Based Efforts to Prevent Cyberbullying.” The Prevention Research 19 (2012): 7-9. Pepler, D., D. Jiang, W. Craig, and J. Connolly. “Developmental Trajectories in Bullying.” Child Development 79 (2008): 325-338. Perren, S., L. Corcoran, H. Cowie, F. Dehue, D. Garcia, C. McGuckin, A. Sevcikova, P. Tsatou, and T. Vollink. “Tackling Cyberbullying: Review of Empirical Evidence Regarding Successful Responses by Students, Parents, and Schools.” International Journal of Conflict and Violence 6 (2012): 283-293. Reynauld, C. “Make the Commitment: Stop Abuse in Aports!” Coaching Volleyball. (2013). Accessed February, 2015. https://www.volleyballreftraining.com/SafeSport/includes_coaches/Ce cile_Reynaud_Abuse_in_Sports.pdf Shannon, C. S. “Bullying in Recreation and Sports Settings: Exploring Risk Factors, Prevention Efforts, and Intervention Strategies.” Journal of Park and Recreation Administration 31 (2013): 15-33. Whitted, K. S., and D. R. Dupper. “Best Practices for Preventing or Reducing Bullying in Schools.” Children and Schools 17 (2005): 167175 Woods, Sarah, Dieter Wolke, Stephen Nowicki, and Lynne Hall. “Emotion Recognition Abilities and Empathy of Victims of Bullying.” Child Abuse and Neglect 307 (2009): 35-47.

CHAPTER FOUR TEENS, SEX, AND THE INTERNET JENNIFER WEEKS

We live in a digital world. There is no going back. The teens and adolescents of today have likely never experienced things such as using a rotary phone, using a print phone book, or waiting to make a phone call on the house's only land line phone. Today's adolescents live in a world where they have instant access to a world of information at their fingertips. They use GPS instead of a map, shop online, not at a mall, and get books online instead of a library. There are dozens of messaging apps to choose from to instantly talk to friends, instead of passing notes in school or waiting to call when you get home from school. Today's teens and adolescents use digital technology as the resource for information gathering, including access to information about sex and sexuality.1 Consequentially, sexual development is affected and impacted by constant and immediate access to information and, often graphic, sexual content. As this is a relatively new phenomenon, we are just learning about the true impacts of digital sexuality on the adolescent’s developing brain and sexuality. Teens and adolescents in 2015 are digital natives, a term coined by world renowned author and researcher in the field of education, Dr. Marc Prensky.2 At the beginning of the 21st century, he began writing about changes in students and their learning processes that occur based on technological advances. Technically, a digital native is anyone born after 1980. Digital Natives, those people who have always lived with some level of technology, can further be broken down by generation. Generation Y are those individuals who were born between 1980 and 2000, often referred to as millennials.3 This generation’s use of technology as a primary source of communication, interaction and information gathering is one of the defining characteristics of the generation. Generation Z4 are those individuals born between 2001 and the present. This generation has never known life without technology. This generation

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has been called the “Always On” generation. For this generation, the use of social media, smart phones, and apps are as natural as breathing. A Digital Immigrant is someone who is Generation X or older, born before 1980. Digital Immigrants were born in a time without the current technologies. They had land line phones, went to the library to do research and even read encyclopedias, not Wikipedia. Digital Immigrants remember life either before the internet or life with very slow dial up connections and tend to communicate in person or on the phone. These are “old school” methods that Digital Natives do not employ. So what is the difference? Digital Natives are used to getting their information extremely quickly. Digital Natives can multi-task and like to parallel process.5 They can pay attention while simultaneously doing homework online, listening to music, and chatting with friends on a messaging app. Digital Natives work best when networked and thrive on instant gratification and rewards.6 Fundamentally, Digital Natives think differently than Digital Immigrants; unfortunately, the neurobiological, developmental, social, and educational impact of these differences is not yet known. How does Immigration status relate to sexuality and sex education? Prensky7 points out that, as young people always have, Digital Natives will test the limits of their spaces. In the case of cybersexuality, these sexual limits get tested online or in the digital realm. Where a Digital Immigrant may have had less access to information to explore their sexuality, a Digital Native has access to anything and everything at their fingertips. They can interact with digital sexual material in a manner that fits how their brains have been molded. Access to online pornography or other cybersex mediums feeds the need for instant gratification, instant reward, and immediate connectivity. The impact of this accessibility to cybersex will be discussed later in this chapter.

Sources of Digital Sexual Imagery and Interaction Teens are interacting with digital media in a number of ways, mostly via smartphones and tablet technology, though some are still online via traditional laptop computers. Interactions with social media and messaging apps, as well as the use of webcam or video chat, are extremely common among teens. Adolescents are also using digital technology to sext and view online pornography. This section will outline a selection of ways in which adolescents can access and use the cyberworld for sexual purposes. These sources continue to change as new apps emerge frequently.

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Facebook Facebook is the first name that most people think of when they think about social media. Facebook has been the predominant player in social media in the post Myspace world. However, by the end of 2013,8 the number of teens using Facebook started to decline rapidly. Between the first and third quarter of 2013, there was a 16% decrease in usage of Facebook by American teens. So why are kids moving away from Facebook? The main answer is because of adults. As more parents and even grandparents become and stay active on Facebook, the less attractive it becomes to teenagers as teens do not want to be posting and interacting with friends in a manner that mom, dad, or even grandma can see. They are looking for privacy and having a large number of family members on Facebook does not allow for that privacy. With that being said, there are still a large number of teens using Facebook. It is not only used for posting pictures and in-boxing friends, Facebook messenger is gaining popularity. Facebook messenger allows Facebook users to privately chat either to another individual or to a group. Facebook is also home to any number of games that can be played with others throughout the world and offers chat interactions as well as status updates. The trend in teen use is moving toward messaging and image apps such as Flickr, Vine, Instagram, Snapchat, and Kik.9 These are just a few social apps that teens are using more frequently. As technology advances, these apps and sites will become outdated.

Tumblr Tumblr is a social media blogging platform, which started in 2007 that 61% of teens are using.10 According to the Tumblr website, it is a social network that allows the user to post photos, text, quotes, links, music, or video. This can be done from any smartphone, tablet, or traditional computer. There were 230.3 million blogs with 107.9 million posts on Tumblr as of April, 2015.11 According to the company guidelines, the site is not to be used for: malicious speech, harming minors, glorifying selfharm, “gore, mutilation, bestiality or necrophilia,” unflagged NSFW (not safe for work) images, sexually explicit video, and harassment, along with many other concerns. Though the site guidelines state that sexually explicit videos are prohibited, one can find sexually explicit photograms on the site.

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Vine Vine is a video messaging app. It provides opportunity for video and text communication. This is a similar app to others for video sharing. Again, like other social networking apps, the company does post guidelines for use. It is not to be used for, among other things, pornography and sexually explicit content, or violence and threats.12

Instagram Instagram is another photo app that allows the user to take a video or picture, customize it with different looks, and then share it on Facebook, Twitter, or Tumblr. The idea behind the company was to allow mobile phone picture takers to produce more professional looking photographs.13 Instagram is gaining in popularity. According to several sources,14 15 the use of this app is up over 5% by teenagers.

Flickr Flickr is another online photo sharing app. According to the company, the goals are to help people make their photos available to family and friends and to enable organization and management of photos.16 As with Instagram, the goal of the app is benign. The community guidelines for the site do list what not to do. Their Don’t Forget the Children guideline suggests that if you are going to post a photo or video that you would hesitate to show a child, you should set your content filter setting appropriately.17 The company asks that nudity not be shown in the buddy icon, which is the user’s photo representation of their account. There are no specific guidelines about pornography. Again, though most people who are using this site are doing so in a safe manner, many people are posting illicit images on the site and the content of some of the images might not be appropriate for children.

Snapchat Snapchat is an app that has been making headlines lately.18 Its main selling point is the fact that the video or pictures sent between users disappear, once viewed, after a user specified amount of time, and therefore reduces the risk of messages being found by others, be that a parent, husband, or wife.19 The reality is that Snapchat was recently hacked and millions of images that were supposed to have been deleted

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were, in fact, available after the hack. Mediabistro20 reported 13% of teens are using Snapchat. According to Connectsafely.org,21 Snapchat is referred to as “the sexting app”. There are many other apps now on the market that are competing with Snapchat and offer the same type of services. These include apps such as Bolt, TapTalk, and Mirage. As with all other apps, new ones arrive on the scene frequently with slight variations of what is already out there.

Kik Kik22 is a messenger app that is the first smartphone messenger to have a built in browser that allows users to talk and browse the internet while sharing with friends. It is available for all smartphone applications and can be used on any Apple product. According to the company website, there are over 100 million users of this chatting app. One of the features teens like is the ability to do more than just chat; they can send pictures or videos. The downfalls of the app are no parental controls and no age verification for the app. This app is often used in combination with other apps such as Instagram, which can allow people the user does not know to send him/her a message (if the user publicizes his/her user name). Due to a lack of parental controls and no age requirement, there is the possibility that the app will be used for sexual purposes. The app has a 17+ rating, meaning that no one under the age of 17 should use the app, and a reputation for being inundated with sexually explicit materials.23

Yik Yak Yik Yak is a social media app that allows a user to post anonymous messages online.24 It is an app that utilizes geolocation, allowing users to see comments by those within a five mile radius. It was initially designed for use by college students to spread the word about what was happening on college campuses. Technically, no one under the age of 17 is supposed to use the app but as with most or all apps, this is truly unenforceable. The app has become very popular with high school students and has been misused by teens. School officials from Chicago to Georgia have worked to try to ban the app due to its use as a means to cyberbully students.25 In Fall 2014, another similar app was released, called AfterSchool and was immediately engrossed in the same cyberbullying issues.26 The creators of Yik Yak were concerned about how the app was being used and therefore, implemented what they call “geo-fences” around

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middle schools and high schools, which allows the company to block the use of the app around the school. Although this does not solve the problem of using the app for cyberbullying, it drastically reduces the opportunities. The company has also changed the rating to 17+, which enables parents to block the app if they are using parental controls on their child’s device.

Whisper Whisper is an anonymous app that fundamentally does the same thing as its non-digital predecessor, Post Secret. This app allows people to anonymously post a secret, desire, or simple statement to be seen by all other users.27 It also notifies users of posts created within a mile of the user. Whisper then allows users to respond to the posts either publicly or privately. The company has recently implemented some changes that allow users to connect with others with similar interests, which they believe will help them reach an older audience. Most users of Whisper are between the age of 18 and 24.28 The above descriptions are just examples of the many messaging and social media apps in the market place. To create an exhaustive list would be impossible and to keep up with changing technology is also very difficult as new apps are introduced each day and the preferences of adolescents change almost as quickly.

Sexting Sexting can be defined as sending sexually charged material via any digital means.29 This can take several forms. First, sexting can occur through text messaging or any other messaging application. Traditionally, this can be flirty texts that escalate into overt sexual content. Sexting can also include taking, sending, or receiving photographs or videos that are sexual in nature.30 The form of sexting that garners the most media coverage is that of sending or receiving naked pictures via text messaging, messaging app, or other social media. This is a behavior that can occur in the context of a committed relationship between the teens. Often these images are not shared with anyone other than the intended receiver. However, the risk is that, if and when the relationship goes bad, the sexual images cannot be taken back. If the relationship ends, the possessor of the sexual images can, and sometimes does, forward these images to friends or other kids at school. What was once the private communication between two consenting individuals can become public. There are also websites that are

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labeled revenge pornography websites where people can post sexual images or videos of ex-partners for public consumption. Given the potentially destructive nature of the non-consensual dissemination of nude or sexual imagery, many states have created laws specifically designed to address sexting by adolescents as well as revenge pornography.31 Though many teens do not realize that their behavior is illegal, research has shown that this knowledge does not necessarily stop them from engaging in sexting.32 33

Online Pornography Research suggests that unwanted exposure to pornography online is increasing for children as young as 10 to 12 years old.34 Young children often have access to digital technology starting with the use of their parents’ phones or tablets. They often have their own technology at young ages. Though many parents will filter or monitor these devices, not all do. Digital Native adolescents are exposed to pornography in a manner that is very different than the initial exposure to pornography of Digital Immigrants. Sabina, Wolak, and Finkelhor,35in their study of college students, found the following facts regarding online pornography: Ɣ 93% of boys and 62% of girls will have exposure to internet pornography by the time they are 19 years old. Ɣ 70% of boys have spent at least 30 consecutive minutes online looking at pornography and 35% of those boys have done so more than once. Ɣ 23% of girls have spent more than 30 consecutive minutes online looking at pornography and Ɣ 14% have done so more than once. The age of first exposure to online pornography is not the only concern regarding Digital Natives' exposure. Another concern is the content that the adolescents are being first or subsequently exposed to. This same study found the following results regarding type of pornography exposure.36 Ɣ Group Sex – 83% of boys and 57% of girls have seen group sex on the internet Ɣ Same Sex Intercourse – 69% of boys and 55% of girls have seen same sex pornography

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Ɣ Bondage – 39% of boys and 23% of girls have seen pornography that portrays bondage. Ɣ Bestiality – 32% of boys and 18% of girls have seen pornography that portrays bestiality. Ɣ Sexual Violence – 18% of boys and 10% of girls have seen sexually violent pornography Ɣ Child Pornography – 15% of boys and 9% of girls have seen pornography of minors or children engaging in sexual acts. These results indicate that many adolescents who view online sexual media are being exposed to much more than traditional sexual acts. They are being exposed to violence, fetishes, and other forms of sexuality that, though not necessarily inappropriate, are more intense and graphic than the first pornography exposure of the Digital Immigrants. The effects of this exposure will be discussed later in this chapter. In recent years, sexting has started to become a much more researched phenomenon. The truth about the role of sexting is starting to be parsed out through the research and what the data are telling us about sexting is very different from how the media is portraying the behavior among teens. The first difficulty is to ascertain just how prevalent the behavior is. A recent literature review37reported the mean prevalence of teen sexting across studies to be 10.2%. For those studies that measured sexting with photo content the mean prevalence was found to be 11.96%. These numbers appear to be slightly lower than seen in other reports,38 which found that 19% of American teens have sent a nude or semi-nude picture or video of themselves to another person via digital media. It has been reported that the sexting prevalence in most European countries is between 1 and 5 percent for boys and 1 and 4 percent for girls.39 The Czech Republic and Sweden were reported to have much higher sexting rates for both boys (10.3, 12.9%) and girls (10.1 and 10.2%). The data on gender and sexting is mixed. Wolfe et al.40 and Benotsch et al.41 found that males were equally likely to be exposed to sexts as females while Klettke, Hallford, and Mellor,42 in their review paper, found that female adolescents were more likely to be exposed to sexts than males. The one main predictor of sexting is age. Older teenagers are more likely to both send and receive a sext.43 44 45Another consistent predictor of sexting is texting and cell phone use. The more frequently a teen texts, the more likely they are to engage in sexting.46 47 Additionally, cell phone ownership has found to be predictive of sexting, with teens who pay for their own cell phone plans being more likely to sext than those who are on a family cell phone plan.48

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Several studies have examined the relationship between sexting and other high risk behaviors in adolescents. Based on media reports, there is a public assumption that those teens who engage in sexting will also engage in other high risk behaviors. One concern appears to be whether or not teens who sext will engage in high risk sexual activity. The definition of high risk sexual behavior can vary by study but measures often include: unprotected sex, multiple sex partners, and sexual behavior under the influence of drugs or alcohol. Bentosch et al.49 found that those individuals in their study who did sext were more likely to have multiple sex partners over the past three months as well as more likely to report unprotected sex. The study participants also were more likely to sext in relation to drug and alcohol use. These results are supported by the work of Van Ouytsel et al.50 and Temple et al.51 Several studies have looked at the association between sexting and mental health and personality measures. Temple et al.52 found that sexting was associated with the personality measure of impulsivity but not any mental health measures. In a study of Spanish students, Gomez and Ayala53 also found that sexting was related to impulsivity and sensation seeking. Additionally, Baumgartner et al.54 found that European adolescents who were higher on measures of sensation seeking were more likely to engage in sexting. Livingstone and Gorzig55 found that those individuals who were high sensation seekers were twice as likely to receive sexual messages. Several recently published studies have approached the question of sexting from the point of view of the adolescents engaging in the behavior. Perhaps a more important question than how many teens are sexting is how teens perceive the behavior and its consequences. Research indicates that adolescents view sexting in a very different light than both adults and law enforcement. Digital technology has been integrated into the courtship ritual of adolescents56 and individuals in relationships are more likely to send sexts57 than those who are not in relationships. Among adolescents, there is a difference in the peer perception about those individuals who do engage in sexting. Adolescent girls who sext tend to been seen in a more negative light than boys who engage in the same behavior.58 59 For girls, sexting can mean damage to one’s reputation whereas for boys, sexting, or having someone send them a sext, can enhance social standing. Additionally, girls report feeling more peer pressure to sext than boys. A discussion about sexting would not be complete without addressing the issue of sexting and the law. In many states in the United States, those

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adolescents who are caught sexting, sending nude pictures or videos of themselves or possessing nude videos or pictures of peers can be arrested on charges relating to the possession, manufacture or distribution of child pornography. Some states have made this a lesser crime for adolescents, but the behavior still can carry very stiff legal penalties and lifelong consequences. Most adolescents are aware that there are potential serious legal consequences for the behavior, however the main concerns for adolescents are not the possible legal consequences. Adolescents are more concerned about the social consequences. Given that sexting is part of adolescent courtship and relationships, a more meaningful distinction could be made between consensual and nonconsensual sexting. Consensual sexting is defined as sexual messaging between two consenting individuals, perhaps in relationship. Nonconsensual sexting involves the dissemination of the sext to other peers or online without the knowledge or consent of the original sender. Recent thinking suggests that the legal consequences should be reserved for nonconsensual sexting behavior.

Exposure to Online Pornography Exposure to pornography is a normative experience in adolescence.60 In the digital age, this exposure is primarily online. Though exploring pornography is a normal part of adolescent sexual development, the viewing of pornography does have ramifications on the development of adolescent sexual beliefs and behavior. Not all exposure to internet pornography is desired. Studies have shown that unwanted exposure to pornography has been increasing,61 which is postulated to be due to increases in access with increased technological advances. When discussing the detrimental effects of online pornography, one needs to separate users from frequent users.62 Studies that have looked at this issue have found that not all adolescent pornography users are negatively affected by viewing pornography. These negative affects appear to occur in frequent users of pornography. The definition of frequent user differs based on research study, but frequent often means daily or near daily pornography viewing. Additionally, many studies have found a gender difference in viewing of online pornography, with adolescent boys viewing significantly more frequently than adolescent girls.63 64 65 Frequent exposure to online pornography by adolescents appears to exert influence in two areas: attitudes about sex and actual sexual behaviors. Adolescents who view pornography may develop attitudes or

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expectations about sex that are unrealistic.66 67 This may include perceptions of sexual permissiveness,68 sex being unrelated to love or intimacy,69 and a greater acceptance of premarital or extramarital sexual behavior.70 Additionally, Seto, Maric and Barbaree71 found that frequent exposure to online pornography may influence the development and acceptance of the “rape myth.” Consumption pornography also can reinforce gender stereotyped roles of male dominance and the submission of women.72 73 The use of pornography by both males and females increases the propensity to treat women as sexual objects.74 Research also supports the notion that frequent, long term exposure to pornography can affect the sexual behavior of adolescents. A 201175 study of Swedish youth reported that 70% of the users of pornography indicated that watching pornography made them want to try the behaviors they had seen. Other effect of online pornography on adolescent sexual behavior has been vastly studied in western cultures.76 77 78 79 80 81 These studies show that there is a significant link between consumption of pornography and an increased acceptance of sexually deviant behavior as well as sexual violence. Adolescents who are frequent viewers of pornography also engage in sexual activity at an earlier age. Research findings also suggest that teens are engaging in riskier sexual behavior and might be at higher risk for things such as STDs. Frequently consuming pornographic material is a self-esteem/body image hit for both genders. Young men tend to express concerns about their ability to perform sexually as their model for performance is what they see in pornography. Young women tend to express body image issues, with insecurities not meeting the ideal body type in pornography being a main concern.

Addressing Sexuality in a Digital Age Sexuality and digital technology are becoming a deeply ingrained part of our culture.82 Hoping that adolescents use of online sexual imagery or sexting will stop is a form of adult denial. It is unrealistic to expect that we can prevent any exposure. However, it is possible to ameliorate the effects of exposure and work toward prevention of problematic use of digital sexual imagery and behavior. The first step in prevention is awareness. Many parents are not as technologically savvy as their children and are unaware of what they are doing in the digital realm. The first step in preventing problematic use is open parental communication with children. If parents take an active and engaged role in what their children are doing online, this will not only educate the parents about the technology that is popular with teens but will

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also help integrate the parents into their children's mobile practices.83 It has been suggested that creating a family culture that integrates technology into communication is helpful.84 Additionally, research has shown that children who pay for their own cellular phone plan are more likely to sext.85 Therefore, having the entire family on a family plan is a protective factor. Some parents may choose to monitor their child's digital activity. There are many commercial filtering companies that can do anything from block adult material to shutting down access to the internet at a predetermined hour or time. Though these are very popular products, they do not provide complete protection. As today's adolescents are very tech savvy, they can easily find a way around the filter or block and this is a common behavior. However, research has shown that monitoring or blocking are not very effective strategies.86 Another service offered by these companies, such as Netnanny, AVG Family safety, Safeeyes, is a weekly report sent to a parent. In this case, the parent could then discuss any concerning digital activity with the child, providing for a space for open communication. Effective prevention can simply involve open and honest communication with children about sex, sexuality, and the expression of sexuality in the digital realm.87 Communication about sex appears to be key. Those individuals who were raised in families that treated sex as a taboo subject and/or who had very little or no sex education appear to be more vulnerable to the negative influences of sexual material.88 In order to talk openly with their children about sexuality, it is important for parents to overcome their own discomfort with the subject. Parental denial or discomfort with sexual topics may be detrimental to their children and perpetuate a cycle of secrecy and shame around sexuality.89 Parents do not need to have a specific “talk” with their children about the topics but can talk about topics that come up in the news and media.90 There is a great deal of technology in the marketplace that can help parents block or monitor their children's digital use. However, these tools can actually be used as an avoidance technique by parents. There is no technology as effective as open communication between parents and children.

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Notes 1

Tanton, et al., 2015 Prensky, 2001 3 Waterworth, 2013 4 Ibid 5 Prensky, 2001 6 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Forbes, 2014 9 Madden et al., 2013 10 Bennett, 2013 11 Tumblr, 2015 12 Vine, 2015 13 Instagram, 2015 14 Bennett, 2013 15 Mediabistro, 2013 16 Flickr, 2015 17 Ibid 18 CBS News, 2014 19 CNN, 2013 20 Mediabistro, 2013 21 Connectsafely.org, 2013 22 Kik, 2015 23 Nobullying, 2015 24 YikYakapp.com, 2015 25 CNN, 2014 26 Detroit Free Press, 2014 27 Whisper, 2015 28 Huffington Post, 2014 29 Gomez and Ayala, 2014 30 Lievens, 2014 31 Cyberbullying Research Center, 2015 32 Lippman and Campbell, 2014 33 Walker, Sanci and Tmeple-Smtih, 2013 34 Mitchell, Wolak and Finkelhor, 2007 35 Sabina, Wolak and Finkelhor, 2008 36 Ibid 37 Klettke, Hallford and Mellor, 2014 38 Lippman and Campbell, 2014 39 Baumgartner et al., 2014 40 Wolfe et al., 2014 41 Bentosch et al., 2013 42 Klettke, Hallford and Mellor, 2014 43 Wolfe et al., 2014 44 Baumgartner et al., 2014 2

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Campbell and Jin-Park, 2014 Wolfe et al., 2014 47 Campbell and Jin-Park, 2014 48 Wolfe et al., 2014 49 Bentosch et al., 2013 50 Van Ouytsel et al., 2014 51 Temple, van den Berg and Ling, 2014 52 Ibid 53 Gomez and Ayala, 2014 54 Baumgartner et al., 2014 55 Livingstone and Gorzig, 2014 56 Lippman and Campbell, 2014 57 Klettke, Hallford and Mellor, 2014 58 Lippman and Campbell, 2014 59 Walker, Sanci and Temple-Smith, 2013 60 Sabina, Wolak and Finkelhor, 2008 61 Mitchell, Wolak and Finkelhor, 2007 62 Mesch, 2009 63 Johnson et al., 2014 64 Ma and Shek, 2013 65 Ybarra and Mitchell, 2005 66 Tsitska et al., 2009 67 Braun-Courville and Rojas, 2009 68 Lam and Chan, 2007 69 Flood, 2007 70 Lo and Wei, 2005 71 Seto, Maric and Barbaree, 2001 72 Siu-Ming, Sek-yum Ngai and Kan, 2012 73 Brown and L’Engle, 2009 74 Peter and Valkenburg, 2007 75 Svedin, Akerman and Priebe, 2011 76 Owens, Behun, Manning and Reid, 2012 77 Mesch, 2009 78 Peter and Valkenburg, 2007 79 Lo and Wei, 2005 80 Ybarra and Mitchell, 2005 81 Greenfield, 2004 82 Weiss and Schneider, 2015 83 Campbell and Jin-Park, 2014 84 Ibid 85 Wolfe et al., 2014 86 Campbell and Jin-Park, 2014 87 Ibid 88 Gunter, 2002 89 Ibid 90 Strasburger, Jordan and Donnerstein, 2012 46

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Bibliography Baumgartner, S. E., S. R. Sunter, P. J. Valkenburg, and S. Livingstone. “Does Country Context Matter? Investigating the Predictors of Teen Sexting Across Europe.” Computers in Human Behavior 34 (2014): 157-164. Bennett, S. “Tumblr, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat – How teens Use Social Media (infographic).” Social Times, October 18, 2013. Accessed December 1, 2014. http://www.adweek.com/socialtimes/teens-social-media/492148 Bentosch, E. G., D. J. Snipes, A. M. Martin, and S. Bull. “Sexting, Substance Use and Sexual Risk Behavior in Young Adults.” Journal of Adolescent Health 52 (2013): 307-313. Braun-Courville, D. K., and M. Rojas. “Exposure to Sexually Explicit Web Sites and Adolescent Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors.” Journal of Adolescent Health 45 (2009): 156-162. Brown, J. D., and K. L. L'Engle. “X-rated: Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors Associated with U.S. Early Adolescents Exposure to Sexually Explicit Media.” Communication Research 36 (2009): 129-151. Campbell, S. W., and Y. Jin-Park. “Predictors of Mobile Sexting among Teens: Toward a New Explanatory Framework.” Mobile Media & Communication 2 (2014): 20-39. CBS News. “At Least 100,000 Snapchat Photos Hacked: Report.” Accessed April 13, 2015. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/snapchatphotos-hacked-report/ CNN “Snapchat: Sexting Tool, or the Next Instagram?” Accessed January 1, 2015. http://www.cnn.com/2013/01/03/tech/mobile/snapchat —. “Yik Yak Chat app Stirring Up Trouble in High Schools.” Accessed October, 2014. http://www.cnn.com/2014/03/07/tech/yik-yak-app-high-schoolproblems/ Connectsafely.org “A Parent's Guide to Snapchat.” Accessed June 8, 2014. http://www.connectsafely.org/wpcontent/uploads/snapchat_guide.pdf Cyberbullying Research Center. “State Sexting Laws: A Brief Overview of State Sexting Law and Policy.” Accessed February 1, 2015. http://cyberbullying.us/state-sexting-laws.pdf Detroit Free Press. “Michigan Educators Warn of Bullying on ‘After School’ app.” Accessed December 12, 2014. http://www.freep.com/story/news/local/michigan/2014/12/03/schoolofficials-warns-of-sexually-explicit-after-school-app/19853193/ Flickr. “Flickr Community Guidelines.” Accessed April 6, 2015.

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https://www.flickr.com/help/guidelines/9 Flood, M. “Exposure to Pornography among Youth in Australia.” Journal of Sociology 43 (2007): 45-60. Forbes. “Where are Teens Hanging Out in 2014? Hint: It's not Facebook.” (2014). Accessed April 12, 2014. http://www.forbes.com/sites/gyro/2014/01/09/forbes-where-are-teenshanging-out-in-2014-hint-its-not-facebook/ Gomez, L. C., and E. S. Ayala. “Psychological Aspects, Attitudes and Behavior Related to the Practice of Sexting: A systematic Review of the Existent Literature.” Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 132 (2014): 114-120. Greenfield, P. “Inadvertent Exposure to Pornography on the Internet: Implications for Peer-to-Peer File-sharing Networks for Child Development and Families.” Applied Developmental Psychology 25 (2004): 741-750. Gunter, B. Media Sex: What Are the Issues? Mahwah, NJ: Earlbaum, 2002. Huffington Post, “The Internet's Newest Time-suck, Whisper App, is Creepy and Potentially Dangerous. Accessed October 12, 2014. (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/lindsey-saletta/the-internets-newesttime-suck-whisper-app_b_4731943.html Instagram. “Instagram FAQ.” Accessed January, 2015. https://instagram.com/about/faq/ Johnson, L. S., G. Priebe, M. Bladh, and G. Svedin. “Voluntary Sexual Exposure Online Among Swedish Youth – Social Background, Internet Behavior and Psychosocial Health.” Computers in Human Behavior 30 (2014): 181-190. Kik. “About Kik.” Accessed January, 2015. http://www.kik.com/about/ Klettke, B., D. Hallford, and D. Mellor. “Sexting Prevalence and Correlates: A Systematic Literature Review.” Clinical Psychology in Review 34 (2014): 44-53. Lam, C. B., and D. Chan. “The Use of Cyberpornography by Young Men in Hong Kong: Some Psychosocial Correlates.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 36 (2007): 588-598. Lievens, E. “Bullying and Sexting in Social Networks: Protecting Minors From Criminal Acts or Empowering Minors to Cope with Risky Behavior?” International Journal of Law, Crime & Justice 42 (2014): 251-270. Lippman, J. R., and S. W. Campbell. “Damned if You Do, Damned if You Don't...If You're a Girl: Relational and Normative Contexts of Adolescents Sexting in the United States.” Journal of Children and

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Media 8 (2014): 371-386. Livingstone, S., and A. Gorzig. “When Adolescents Receive Sexual Messages on the Internet: Explaining Experiences of Risk and Harm.” Computers in Human Behavior 33 (2014): 8-15. Lo, V. H., and R. Wei. “Exposure to Internet Pornography and Taiwanese Adolescents' Sexual Attitudes and Behavior.” Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 49 (2015): 221-237. Ma, C. M. S., and D. T. L. Shek. “Consumption of Pornographic Materials in Early Adolescents in Hong Kong.” Journal of Pediatric Adolescent Gynecology 26 (2013): 518-525. Madden, M., A. Lenhart, S. Cortesi, U. Gasser, M. Duggan, A. Smith, and M. Beaton. “Teens, Social Media and Privacy.” Pew Research Center. Accessed February 1, 2015. http://www.pewinternet.org/2013/05/21/teens-social-media-and-privac Mediabistro. “The Changing Landscape of Teens and Social Media.” (2013). Accessed April 8, 2014. http://www.mediabistro.com/alltwitter/teens-social-media_b50664. Mesch, G. “Social Bonds and Internet Pornographic Exposure among Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescence 32 (2009): 601-608. Mitchell, K. J., J. Wolak, and D. Finkelhor. “Trends in Youth Reports of Sexual Solicitations, Harassment and Unwanted Exposure to Pornography on the Internet.” Journal of Adolescent Health, 40 (2007): 116-126. Nobullying. “What is Kik Sexting, and Why Should People Be Concerned?” Last modified February 13, 2015. http://nobullying.com/kik-sexting/ Owens, E. W., R. J. Behun, J. C. Manning, and R. C. Reid. “The Impact of Internet Pornography on Adolescents: A Review of the Research.” Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity 19 (2012): 99-122. Peter, J., and P. M. Valkenburg. “Adolescents' Exposure to a Sexualized Media Environment and Their Notions of Women as Sex Object.” Sex Roles 58 (2007): 381-395. Prensky, Marc. “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants.” On the Horizon 9 (2001): 5-10. Sabina, C., J. Wolak, and D. Finkelhor. “The Nature and Dynamics of Internet Pornography Exposure For Youth.” Cyberpsychology & Behavior 11 (2008): 691-693. Seto, M. C., A. Maric, and H. E. Barbaree, “The Role of Pornography in the Etiology of Sexual Aggression.” Aggression and Violent Behavior 6 (2001): 35-53. Siu-Ming, T., S. Sek-yum Ngai, and S. Iu Kan. “Direct and Mediating

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Factors of Accessing Sexually Explicit Online Materials on Hong Kong Adolescents Attitude, Knowledge and Behavior Relating to Sex.” Children and Youth Services Review 34 (2012): 2156-2163. Strasburger, V. C., A. B. Jordan, and E. Donnerstein. “Children, Adolescents and the Media: Health Effects.” Pediatric Clinics of North America 59 (2012): 533-587. Svedin, S. G., I. Akerman, and G. Priebe. “Frequent Users of Pornography: A Population Based Epidemiological Study of Swedish Male Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescence 34 (2011): 779-788. Tanton, C., K. G. Jones, W. Macdowell, S. Clifton, K. R. Mitchell, J. Datta, R. Lewis, N. Field, P. Sonnenberg, A. Stevens, K. Wellings, A. M. Johnson, and C. H. Mercer. “Patterns and Trends in Sources of Information About Sex Among Young People From Britain: Evidence From Three National Surveys of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles.” BMJ Open (2105): 1-9. Temple, J. R., L.V. D. van den Berg, and Y. Ling. “Brief Report: Teen Sexting and Pyschosocial Health.” Journal of Adolescent Health 37 (2014): 33-36. Tsitska, A., D. Critselis, E. Kormas, A. Konstantoulaki, D. Constantopoulos, and D. Kafetzis “Adolescent Pornographic Internet Site Use: A Multivariate Regression Analysis of the Predictive Factors of Use and Psychosocial Implications.” Cyber Psychology and Behaviour 12 (2009): 545-550. Tumblr. “About” Accessed April 5, 2015. https://www.tumblr.com/about Van Ouytsel, J., M. Walrave, M., K. Ponnet, and H. Wannes. “Association Between Sexting, Psychosocial Difficulties and Risk Behavior: Integrative Review.” The Journal of School Nursing (2014): 1-16. Vine “Rules” Accessed April 5, 2015. https://vine.co/rules Walker, S., L. Sanci, and M. Temple-Smith. “Sexting: Young Women's and Men's Views on Its Nature and Origins.” Journal of Adolescent Health, 52 (2013): 697-701. Waterworth, N. “Talented Heads: Generation X, Generation Y, Generation Z and the Baby Boomers.” Accessed April 5, 2015. http://www.talentedheads.com/2013/04/09/generation-confused/. Weiss, R., and J. Schneider. Always Turned On: Sex Addiction in the Digital Age. Carefree, AZ: Gentle Path Press, 2015. Whisper. “What is Whisper?” (2015). Accessed April 13, 2015. http://support.whisper.sh/customer/portal/articles/1456087-what-iswhisperWolfe, S. E., C. D. Marcum, G. E. Higgins, and M. L. Ricketts. “Routine Cell Phone Activity and Exposure to Sext Messages: Extending the

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Generality of Routine Activity Theory and Exploring the Etiology of Risky Teenage Behavior.” Crime and Delinquency (2014): 1-31. Ybarra, M., and K. J. Mitchell. “Exposure to Internet Pornography among Children and Adolescents: A National Survey.” Cyber Psychology and Behavior 8 (2005): 473-486. YikYakapp.com Accessed April 13, 2015. http://www.yikyakapp.com/tour/

CHAPTER FIVE THE RESILIENCE OF URBAN BLACK TEEN GIRLS WHO GRIEVE MURDERED FRIENDS CELESTE M. JOHNSON

Since 1970, the African American youth homicide rate in many major cities in the USA has remained notably and consistently high, disproportionately higher than the homicide rate of other racial and ethnic youth populations.1 In 2013, youth homicide was the leading cause of death for Black youths ages 15-25 years old, with 2,972 reported homicide deaths for Black, non-Hispanic youths.2 Connected to this remarkable number of homicide deaths of African American youths, is the larger number of friends who are left to mourn the deaths of their friends. Limited attention has been given to their experiences, bereavement, and needs 3 as survivor-friends.4 These survivor-friends have to cope with this unanticipated stressor at a time when the normal biopsychosocial demands of adolescent growth and development are stressful enough. Friends are so important to each other and are a source of support at this transitional time of development. However, to lose a friend due to the violent circumstances of homicide, often at the hands of another adolescent, adds particular complexity to the bereavement process. What is the bereavement experience of African American youths who grieve the deaths of friends due to homicide? What factors play a role in how these teens heal? How do these teens-after grieving such an important loss-mourn, and move on in life-affirming ways. The bereavement and healing experiences of African American teen girls who had lost friends due to homicide were the subject of a study, the aim of which was to explore how those teen girls manage inconspicuously to keep on going. The girls in this study demonstrated resilience. Their narratives show how they managed to grieve this difficult loss, work towards healing, and move on in growth promoting ways. In this chapter, the voices of twenty-one African American teen girls who experienced the death and loss of a friend

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to homicide shed light on their lived-experience of loss, bereavement, and resilience.

Never a New Normal Brief Historical Overview of Youth Homicide in Urban Communities Given the media coverage of youth homicide in economically depressed and fragile urban African American communities with high rates of violence, one might assume that the youth homicide rates in these communities have always been high. However, the phenomenon of high youth homicide rates in these communities has not always been the case. The rapid increase in youth homicide rates took off in the 1970s.5 It is important to remember that there was a period of time when the rapid growth in youth homicide was unprecedented, perplexing, and extremely stressful for those who lived in those communities, as it remains today. Jewel Taylor Gibbs chronicled this unusual rise in the youth homicide rate for Black youths.6 She reviewed data from the Center for Disease Control (CDC) and Prevention, which reported that in 1960, the rate of youth homicide for Black males between the ages of 15-24 was 46.4 per 100,000 and 11.9 for Black females. In 1970, the homicide rate for Black males between the ages of 15-24 was 102.5 per 100,000 and 17.7 for females.7 Even though the rates began to descend after the1970s, youth homicide became one of the leading causes of death for Black youths 1525 years old. Today, youth homicide remains the leading cause of death of African American youths.8 Gibbs conceptualized this surge in youth homicide as the new morbidity in her book Young, Black, and Male in America: Endangered, Embittered, and Embattle. She defined the new morbidity as, …life-threatening diseases or disabilities which are primarily caused by social rather than biological factors. In contrast to infectious and chronic diseases, which have a known organic etiology, these conditions stem from social, cultural and economic forces that foster high-risk activities, self-destructive behaviors, and deviant life-styles. 9

In large major cities in the USA, local media were reporting these homicides. Residents had to grieve and cope with their losses. Professionals who served these communities (e.g., clergy, teachers, doctors, nurses, and mental health providers) were presented with circumstances, the likes of which they had not seen before. To all, the

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level of community violence and the consequences of the exposure to the levels of community violence were overwhelming. Carl C. Bell, M.D., a young Black community psychiatrist in Chicago, began doing empirical survey research to expose the extent of the problem of youth exposure to community violence and homicide. He studied the level of exposure to community violence and the impact of that exposure on children and adolescents in Chicago, Illinois.10 Gibbs and Bell were among the first to write about the impact of this surge of community violence on urban youths. James Garbarino was another pioneer, writing about the change and challenges of these times for urban youths living in communities with high level of community violence. He likened what was going on in the streets of many urban communities to the experience of living in a war zone.11 In places liked New Orleans,12 Washington, DC,13, Boston,14 Chicago,15 and other cities, efforts were being made by many professionals to research, understand, and treat youth exposed to community violence and youth homicide. Grassroots efforts were being mounted to decrease the levels of violence. From the public health arena, Deborah Prothrow-Stith, MD, was able to successfully advocate for the Surgeon-General of the United States, C. Everett Kopp, to declare youth homicide a public health concern in 1984. Making youth homicide a public health focus put the problem front and center on the national health agenda. It supported more funding for research to understand and address the issue. However, even with this federal acknowledgment of the problem, the national response to address the problem was anemic and lacking in urgency. C. Everett Kopp wrote in the preface to Prothrow-Stith’s book, Deadly Consequences Seven years ago, few regarded the 20,000 Americans who die each year in homicides and the hundreds of thousands who are injured in assaults as victims of a condition that falls within the purview of public health…. …Too many young men, often, poor, often black-and-brown-skinned (sic) are dying in homicides that erupt in a moment of rage between two people who know each other, who drink or take drugs, who argue—and at least one of whom has a handgun. Half of the homicides that occur each year in the United States fit this essentially non-criminal profile.16

All of the work done on the local level and putting youth homicide on the national health agenda did little to engender a national response to the troubles in the communities. The youth homicides continued to happen, and the number of African American youths who survived the deaths of

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friends continued to grow. These survivor-friends were managing a difficult and formative life experience. Over the years, the biopsychosocial impact of the exposure to high levels of community violence in youths is now conceptualized as trauma, traumatic grief, and traumatic stress. Now, there are national initiatives in the Centers for Disease Control, and like The Child Trends Databank, the National Child Traumatic Stress Network, and other initiatives that serve as clearinghouses to provide guidance and resources for work with youth exposed to community violence. Individual and group counseling are accepted approaches to helping teens who have lost friends due to homicide.17

Adolescent Grief and Loss Prior to the 1990s, the literature on child and adolescent bereavement was small. The literature about adolescent bereavement began to appear in the 1990s.18 However, the literature on youth bereavement when a friend dies remained limited, and there was no literature on adolescent bereavement when a friend died due to homicide. From the general literature on adolescent bereavement, the following factors also related to adolescent bereavement when a friend dies due to homicide .19 The type and cause of the friend’s death,20 The level of intimacy of the friendship,21 The amount and quality of the time spent together,22 The level of ego reinforcement and ego identity served by the friendship,23 5. The level of conflict and/or ambiguity in the friendship,24 6. The proximity and witness to the cause of death,25 7. The notification of the death, 8. Ethnic, cultural, and spiritual understanding of death,26 9. The links and triggers to past real and perceived losses, and the nature of those losses,27 10. The level of responsibility for the friend’s death, 28 11. The level of support from family and friends,29 12. The level of coping skills of the adolescent,30 13. The typical and complex biopsychosocial and affective developmental tensions that shape adolescent understanding of death and death anxiety.31

1. 2. 3. 4.

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A Disenfranchised Loss The specific factors above that relate to the adolescent bereavement experience when a friend dies due to homicide do not capture the overarching aspect of disenfranchisement, which further burdens these teens’ bereavement processes.32 This type of loss for urban African American teens remains largely disenfranchised for several reasons. This is a disenfranchised loss because of the stigma of the violent nature of homicide. There are often negative assumptions associated with this type of death. These factors disenfranchise the bereavement process of teenage survivor-friends because family, friends, and other supports may not understand, acknowledge, or appreciate the complexity of the teens’ bereavement processes. Moreover, in some instances, the supports may be affected by mourning the same death. This may further compromise the level of support available to the surviving teenager. For these teens, the disenfranchisement of their loss and grief is also burdened by the marginalized status of many of the teens. A number of these teens live in low socio-economic communities. They must navigate the structural inequities of economic and racial oppression.33 The brief overview of the precipitous rise in youth homicide that began in the 1970s provides a historical arc of time of the phenomenon. It provides contextual information regarding this type of loss that a number of urban African American teens have had to face. It underscores how this was in the past and remains a disenfranchised loss for Black teenagers in general and for the girls who participated in the project.

Design and Methodology To begin to understand the bereavement experiences of African American adolescents who mourned the death of a friend due to homicide, this qualitative study was conducted. Of the 61 referrals received, the research sample included 21 African American teen girls between the ages of 16 -19 years old who were screened and found appropriate for the study. The girls self-identified as African American. Two of the girls identified as lesbian. Three were teen mothers. One teen was Muslim, and most others identified as Christian. The focus of the study was to understand how the majority of girls who weather this experience cope. The sample criterion specified that the girls could not be connected with the child welfare system, mental health or behavioral health systems, or the juvenile justice service system. A semi-structured questionnaire guided the individual interviews. The

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questions focused on the girls’ bereavement processes and experiences of the loss. The questions did not focus on the details of the event. Protection of human subjects was very important because of the nature of the study, which was on a sensitive subject (homicide of a friend, grief and loss) with a vulnerable population (age and race). The study received IRB approval from a small college in the Northeastern USA. The parents gave informed consent for all girls in the public school system, while the girls gave their informed assent. Those girls 18 years of age and older not in the public school system gave their informed consent. The girls were recruited from a major metropolitan area in the Northeast USA. The girls attended high schools, junior and traditional colleges in the area, and were recruited from the community. The girls received $15 for their participation in each interview.

Findings Most of the girls described an uncomplicated bereavement process that was nonetheless very stressful. They spoke of many thoughts and feelings about the loss of their friend. The girls reported a sequence of feeling shock at the initial news, followed by feelings of sadness. Some girls talked about feelings of anger. Only two spoke of having feelings of revenge. However, these two girls felt that any revenge would only perpetuate the problem and not help solve it. A few girls talked about withdrawing from their friends and activities for a period of time. They did return to their activities and friends.34 Three girls in the study described a bereavement process that was more debilitating. They described traumatic grief. Here are the experiences of Tina and Zeena (pseudonyms). Tina described symptoms of traumatic stress. She heard about the death of her friend when she overheard a telephone call to her parents late at night. She became highly anxious. An otherwise very good student with regular school attendance, Tina missed school for about two weeks. She said it was too hard for her to hear the talk around her school of her friend’s murder. It was too hard for her to see the commemorative tee shirts that her friends wore, which had her friend’s picture on them (even though she did buy one). These triggered overwhelming feelings. She tried to avoid these by leaving school. She talked of visualizing the event, even though she was nowhere near the crime. After about two weeks, her symptoms subsided enough that she returned to school. Zeena, a teen mother in the study, described symptoms of depression. She described being unable to eat, and unable to sleep. She lost weight. She could not concentrate. She avoided her friends. She

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described overall not functioning “like her normal self.” Her primary care physician (PCP) told her that she was depressed and dehydrated. She received medical treatment through her PCP. With this care from her PCP and the support of her family, she was able to heal and return to her teenage life.

Coping From the analysis of the interviews, the girls identified several ways that they coped. They described aspects of their bereavement that were more private. For example, a few girls talked about their need to spend time alone listening to music or writing poetry. The time alone was more reflective in nature and highlighted a more internal process.35 Some girls spoke of more public avenues that they stated were important to them. These included attending the funerals and participating in making the street shrines, which typically marked the location of the shooting. Going to funerals was not helpful to a few of the girls who said that they chose not to go to the funeral of their friends. They felt it would be overwhelming. Some girls attended or participated as speakers in candlelight vigils with members of the community. Tee shirts, which memorialized their friends were commissioned and worn to events.36

Difficult Psychosocial Consequences There were also challenging psychosocial consequences to this loss.37 Even though the teens were aware of dangers in their communities, they navigated their neighborhoods with a certain freedom. This served as a functional defense that they would not be harmed. They still felt safe within their own network of family and friends with the belief that those outside dangers would not impact them directly. Losing a friend to homicide shattered that defensive barrier and their basic assumptions of their safety.38 They talked of a new fear and caution that was not as much in their awareness previously as they moved about in their communities. Their teenager invincibility was diminished because of the reality of the sudden, unanticipated, violent death of a peer, someone their own age and in their social circle. They described an awareness of their context as personally risky. Some became disappointed in their community when the community members would avoid helping the police to find the perpetrator. Some became distrustful of the community and adults’ abilities to keep them safe.

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Resilience The girls who participated in the project demonstrated resilience. They returned to their pre-loss activities, social relationships, and achievement in school. The participants volunteered for the study. They wanted to talk. They were bright, resourceful, and verbal. These strengths suggest constitutional factors that shaped their capacities to cope. Moreover, the girls spoke of supportive family members and supportive communities. So, just as the girls talked of being disillusioned and disappointed with those members of the community who failed to assist in the crime investigations to find the shooters, the girls talked about the importance of having supportive family and friends. These people were able to be attuned to the teens’ needs while the teens were going through the grieving process. Supportive communities also were important for some of the girls who talked about how the “neighborhood block” came together to help the family with funeral and bereavement activities. Many of the girls talked about how their faith helped them through their bereavement. How these girls made meaning also facilitated their ability to “move on” in the face of their loss. Davis and Nolen-Hoksema write about the process of healing from the loss of a loved one as a process of meaning-making.39 The bereaved person needs to first make sense of the loss and then perceive some benefit from the loss. The girls in the study described this process. First some girls found benefit of the loss to their victim-friends and to themselves. The girls spoke of metaphysical ideas through which benefits were gleaned.40 They first found something acceptable of the loss to their friend. This was heard in statements like, “they’re in a better place,” “things happen for a reason.” Participants perceived some benefit from the loss as providing motivation to achieve. This was heard in statements like, “my friend would want me to do well.” Some participants spoke of how the friend would not want the death to be the reason for the teen doing poorly. The girls also talked about how this made them better appreciate life, their family, and their friends.

Conclusions These girls who participated in this study were open, honest, and thoughtful. How they grieved and coped with their friends’ homicide death is captured in the participants’ narratives. What the girls had to say helps us know how they mourn. It provides a window into aspects of their healing processes. Youth homicide is still the leading cause of death for

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African American youths living in low socioeconomic urban communities in large cities that experience high levels of community violence. Yet, the girls in the study help us understand the tremendous impact this loss has on them, the importance of their sources of support, and their potential for resilience. Though this phenomenon remains a challenge, the girls help us understand that their experience will never become “a new normal” for teens growing up in affected urban communities.

Notes 1

Holinger et al., 1994 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013 3 Johnson, 2010b 4 Sklar and Hartley, 1990 5 Gibbs, 1988b 6 Gibbs, 1988a 7 Ibid 8 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013 9 Gibbs, 1988b 10 Jenkins and Bell, 1994 11 Garbiarino and Kostelny, 1997 12 Osofsky et al., 1993 13 Richters and Martinez, 1993 14 Pynoos and Nader, 1988 15 Esther, Jenkins and Bell, 1997 16 Prothrow-Smith, 1991 17 Salloum and Vincent, 1999 18 Fleming and Balmer, 1996 19 Johnson, 2009 20 Oltjenbruns, 1996 21 Ibid 22 Ibid 23 Podell, 1989 24 Ibid 25 Ibid 26 Rosenblatt and Wallace, 2005 27 Podell, 1989 28 Oltjenbruns, 1996 29 Podell, 1989 30 Ibid 31 Noppe and Noppe, 1996 32 Doka, 1996 33 Phillips and Pittman, 2003 34 Johnson, 2010a 35 Johnson, 2010b 2

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36

Johnson, 2010b Ibid 38 Janoff-Bullman, 1992 39 Davis and Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001 40 Johnson, 2010a 37

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Johnson, Celeste M. “Teenagers And Traumatic Grief: Tina's Story.” In Grief And Loss Across The Lisfespan: A Biopsychosocial Perspective, edited by Carolyn A. Walter, and Judith McCoyd, 152-162. New York, N Y: Springer, 2009. —. “African-American Teen Girls Grieve The Loss Of Friends To Homicide: Meaning Making And Resilience.” Omega: Journal of Death & Dying 61 (2010a): 121-43. doi: 10.2190/OM.61.2.c. —. “When African American Teen Girls' Friends Are Murdered: A Qualitative Study Of Bereavement, Coping, And Psychosocial Consequences.” Families in Society 91 (2010b): 364-70. doi: 10.1606/1044-3894.4042. Noppe, Lloyd D., and Illene Noppe. “Ambiguity In Adolescent Understandings Of Death.” In Handbook Of Adolescent Death And Bereavement, edited by Charles A. Corr, and David E. Balk, 25-41. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Co., 1996. Oltjenbruns, Kevin Ann. “Death Of A Friend During Adolescence: Issues And Impacts.” In Handbook Of Adolescent Death And Bereavement, edited by Charles A. Corr, and David E. Balk, 196-215. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Co., 1996. Osofsky, Joy D., Sarah Wewers, Della M. Hann, and Ana C. Fick.. “Chronic Community Violence: What Is Happening To Our Children?” Psychiatry 56 (1993):36-44. Phillips, Tommy M., and Joe F. Pittman. “Identity Processes in Poor Adolescents: Exploring the Linkages Between Economic Disadvantage and the Primary Task of Adolescence.” Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 3 (2003): 115-23. doi: 10.1207/S1532706XID030202. Podell, Craig. “Adolescent Mourning: The sudden Death of a Peer.” Clinical Social Work 17 (1989): 61-78. Prothrow-Smith, Deborah, and Michaele Weissman. Deadly Consequences. New York, NY: Harper Colllins, 1991. Pynoos, Robert S., and Kathleen Nader. “Psychological First Aid And Treatment Approach To Children Exposed To Community Violence: Research Implications.” Journal of Traumatic Stress 1 (1988): 445573. Richters, John E., and Pedro Martinez. “The NIMH Community Violence Project I: Children As Victims Of And Witnesses To Violence.” Psychiatry 56 (1993): 7-21. Rosenblatt, Paul C., and Beverly R. Wallace. African American Grief. New York: Routledge/Taylor and Francis Group, 2005.

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Salloum, Alison, and Neil J. Vincent.. “Community-based Groups for Inner City Adolescent Survivors of Homicide Victims.” Journal of Child and Adolescent Group Therapy 9 (1999): 27-45. Sklar, Fred, and Shirley F. Hartley. “Close Friends As Survivors: Bereavement Patterns.” Omega 21 (1990):103-12. .

CHAPTER SIX IMPACT OF ULSTER PROJECT DELAWARE: A CROSS COMMUNITY PEACE MAKING PROGRAM FOR NORTHERN IRISH ADOLESCENTS EILEEN F. MCINERNEY-STARR

The predominantly Catholic Republic of Ireland was formed as an independent nation in 1921; concurrently, in the northeastern section of the island, the Protestant majority province of Northern Ireland, also called Ulster, chose to remain under British rule.1 In the 1960s, a civil rights movement formed by Catholics to end economic and political discrimination by the Protestant majority against the Catholic minority. Northern Irish began peacefully, but subsequently evolved into violent confrontations between Catholic and Protestant extremist groups. More recent violent confrontations originated from the Catholic minority accusing the Protestant majority of denying Catholics the privileges the Protestant majority experienced. These privileges included, but were not limited to, better jobs, housing, and fair political representation. This chapter describes a study the author conducted in Northern Ireland. This study focused on the impact of the Ulster Project, specifically Ulster Project Delaware (UPD), as reported by participants. Ulster Project was formed in 1976 in efforts to interrupt the on-going sectarian violence known as The Troubles. The Northern Irish Parliament, also known as the Northern Irish Assembly (NIA), coined the phrase “The Troubles” to circumvent labeling the violence as a war.2 Reverend Kerry Waterstone believed that participation in UPD effectuated positive short as well as long-term influences on the Protestant and Catholic Northern Irish participants. 3 These influences included increased religious, social, and political tolerance between the two Christian denominations, resulting in goodwill, diminished negative stereotyping, and increased cross-

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community interaction. This project recounts the perceived value of these cross-community programs, particularly UPD, while assessing effects on perceptions, tolerance, cross-cultural/community interactions, friendships, and goodwill.

A History of Violence Sectarian violence is ubiquitous and overarching in Northern Ireland 4 despite multiple agreements for peace and disarmament between Protestant and Catholic paramilitary organizations including the [Catholic] Irish Republican Army (IRA). Consequences for communities are multifaceted. Every interviewee shared direct or indirect experience with death and violence as a result of The Troubles. Adolescents appear particularly vulnerable to the effects of community violence both as victims and perpetrators. Paramilitary groups recruit children, mostly males, as young as ten years of age. To mitigate the collateral damage of The Troubles (e.g., sectarian violence, segregation, stereotyping, and misperceptions), cross-community organizations provide interventions, efforts to decrease violence, while increasing goodwill, tolerance, and more positive perceptions. The study outlined in this chapter focuses upon the community organization known as Ulster Project Delaware (UPD), and its effect in addressing these concerns.

Operationalizing the Ulster Project During the summer, a group of Northern Ireland adolescents travel to 19 different United States cities and towns to stay with host families that have been preselected based on the age, religious denomination, and gender of the participating American adolescent. During this time, the Northern Irish and American adolescents and families participate in a variety of activities designed to foster friendship, tolerance, and understanding.5 An international non-profit organization, Ulster Project focuses on five goals: x To promote reconciliation between Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants by fostering tolerance, understanding, and friendship among teenage future leaders; ͒ x To present a program that brings Northern Irish teens of differing Christian faiths together in a strife-free atmosphere that emphasizes acceptance of all people, regardless of creed; ͒

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x To educate and encourage persons, particularly supporters, committee members, and American Host Families, to appreciate their roles as peacemakers and mediators and to understand the purposes of Ulster Project; ͒ x To encourage Northern Irish leaders and clergy involved in the program to continue to foster the spirit of Ulster Project among the Northern Irish participants following each program; ͒ x To promote a spirit of community and commitment among American Ulster Project participants 6 Host families participate in numerous activities, including service projects, professional sporting events, tours of historical sites, interfaith worship, social events that facilitate cross cultural interaction and team building, and, for Northern Ireland youth, overnight retreats, known as “lock-ins”. Activities and team building promote trust, interdependence, and cross-cultural exposure, all critical elements of Ulster Project. These elements underscore the serious nature of the project; they are its raison d’être. Reflection and introspection nurture the emotional and cognitive work that is the essence of the Project. Adolescents explore the nature of prejudice and means to overcome it, while engaging in enjoyable activities that lay the foundation toward trust, understanding, tolerance, and friendship.7 During their time together, adolescents examine issues including group memberships (e.g., paramilitary and segregated groups), as well as engaging in community team building, which facilitated a sense of unity. Concurrently, participants focus on their own strengths and history to know and understand themselves better, which is a necessary first-step in knowing the Other.8 To further contextualize the Ulster Project, one requires knowledge of Irish culture, religion, and history.

Irish Culture, Religion and History Ireland’s conflict with England began in 1170 with the Norman Invasion. By capturing a small area of Dublin, King Henry II succeeded in making all of Ireland part of England. For the next four centuries, this area of Ireland answered to England, adopted its policies, laws, language, and practices. In return, English military supported and protected a small piece of Northern Ireland in which the majority of the population was Protestant.9 This support inflamed significant conflict between the Irish and English settlers inhabiting the region, as England was seen as a major external threat to native Irish sovereignty and customs.10 11 Subsequent to

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the Norman invasion, Irish conflict with England raged with varying intensity and duration. Warring Irish clans united to avert English usurpation of Irish land and customs. This conflict encompassed historical, political, religious, economic, and psychological components. The English oppressed Irish traditions and the practice of the Irish state religion, Catholicism. People from Scotland, known as Ulster-Scots, began living in the six counties now known as Northern Ireland after William of Orange defeated the Irish King James I in 1690. After multiple attempts, in the 17th century, The English successfully overtook the remainder of Ireland with the establishment of the Plantation of Ulster. King James I ruled both England and Scotland; Plantation of Ulster became a joint British/Scottish venture, with at least half the settlers coming from Scotland.12 English and Scottish Protestants settled the lands confiscated from the Gaelic (indigenous) Irish, the reality of the Plantation of Ulster. The United Kingdom includes these six, formerly Irish counties, in addition to Scotland, England, and Wales. Not only did the Ulster-Scots displace the Gaelic Irish from their lands, they dismissed local religion and language. Unlike the Irish Catholics, Ulster-Scotts practiced Presbyterianism as a primary form of Christianity. Unrest permeated the region. After years of guerrilla warfare and following a 1916 uprising led by Irish nationalist Michael Collins, the British government decided to divide Ireland in 1920.13 Consequent to years of political, economic, and social repression by the Ulster-Scots and ongoing rebellion by the Gaelic Irish, the Treaty of 1921 split Ireland into two sections. Six predominantly Protestant counties in the North (Ulster) remained part of the United Kingdom while 26 predominantly Catholic counties in the South (the Republic) remained independent.14 Even today, conflict continues in both political and religious realms. In Northern Ireland (i.e., Ulster), many Catholics, also known as Republicans, report being treated as second-class citizens. They seek to unite Northern Ireland with the Republic. Conversely, most Protestants, also known as Loyalists want Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom.15 Cross-community groups that hold a narrow middle ground between Catholics and Protestants can critically decrease tensions. In spite of potential risks, some Catholics and Protestants continue contact with the Other (a colloquial term used to identify an individual or group who is perceived as different or not belonging), especially when community tensions escalate. It is not unusual for the family of loved ones killed in a violent incident to receive condolences from members of the Other community.16 Smith 17 suggested these acts of kindness challenge

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attempts to dehumanize members of the Other. This reaching out often leads to relatives of the deceased discouraging acts of retaliation and calling for an end to violence between the groups. These types of acts may not have a direct impact on ultimate resolution of conflict; instead, they potentially control the intensity of the conflict through cross-community communication and shared efforts to hold on to this narrow, but vital middle ground.18 Herein rests the current study – the place of potential where cross community interaction occurred, and the outcomes reported by participants.

Community Conflict and Sectarian Violence Sectarian violence, specifically that which began in the 1960s, referred to as the Irish Troubles is the primary focus of this study. The adolescents who travel from Northern Ireland to Delaware in order to participate in the Ulster Project are from communities where isolation and separation from the Other is still considered the norm. Ulster Project was developed, in part, due to Northern Irish adolescents’ failure to befriend those of differing faiths independently. Therefore, cross-community programs such as UPD were developed in an effort to expose adolescents to those of differing faiths, cultures, and ideologies. People living in Northern Ireland have very different traditions, cultures, and patriotic allegiances. McKittrick and McVea 19 observed that these differences are actually more divisive than those produced only by the two different religious denominations. Adolescents are most vulnerable to the effects of these community issues due to the bio-psycho-social challenges they confront during this developmental stage.

Psychological Effects of Sectarian Violence on Adolescents Adolescents experience not only the physical changes of puberty, but also psychological and social changes.20 According to Zastrow and KirstAshman,21 a sense of identity is often achieved through a period of questioning, experimenting, and re-evaluation. The effects of community violence influence these developmental changes. Adolescents living in areas where community and religious conflicts impact their lives, as well as the lives of their families, friends, and neighbors are intensified due to the coinciding physical, psychological, and emotional changes.22 23 Shepard 24 determined that exposure to longterm violence and community discord impairs development and increases psychiatric symptomatology. Shepard 25 noted that even though the

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Troubles were not seen as a war, but “low-intensity community violence” (p. 387), children and adolescents were still exposed to “random acts of violence which included vigilantism and the execution of neighbors, friends, and family members” (p. 387). Most, if not all, inhabitants of Northern Ireland have directly or indirectly been affected by the Troubles.26 The nature of the impact varies as well. It was also determined that there were differences in physical and mental health between respondents identifying as Catholic or Protestants. Catholics were identified as having more significant mental and physical health concerns than those affiliated with the Protestant religions.27 Catholics also more frequently lived in areas identified as deprived and with a lower socioeconomic status.28

Efforts to Increase Cross Community Contact A positive trend to reduce segregation includes working with young people in a cross-community context in conflicted and divided societies.29 For example, the University of Ulster developed a cross-community work training program that educated and prepared both Catholic and Protestant adolescents together seeking employment in the work force. This work training plan deviated from past work preparation initiatives, which offered separate courses for Catholic and Protestant youth. According to Hammond,30 young people under the age of 18 in Northern Ireland represent 27% of the population and have few opportunities for integration. Therefore, the sectarian attitudes and beliefs learned from an early age are embraced and reified.31 Developing familiarity and knowledge of the Other through incidental contact, such as that of work training programs, challenges perceptions; the interactions often result in friendships and a decreased negative views of the Other. Intra-community programs have emerged in an effort to decrease the sameness within the neighborhoods and towns. Working with young people in a cross-community context in conflicted and divided societies to reduce segregation is perceived as a positive trend.32 Hammond33 suggests that while this does not always develop into young people getting involved in cross-community programs, the diverse training program is a valuable learning opportunity to focus more on commonalities than differences, respecting differences, increasing empathy, and forming cross-community friendships. This is evidenced by both Catholic and Protestant young people having more positive interactions and developing friendships while involved in this training program.34

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Once young people begin to have more opportunities for positive interactions and forming relationships through informal contact such as these training programs, these relationships challenge the predisposition to have an ethnocentric view of the Other as inferior. Initiatives for crosscommunity integration of Protestant and Catholic adolescents continue to gain wider support from the policy and legislative context.

Organizational Interventions The Ulster Project has been an effort to integrate Northern Irish youth and therefore decrease violence, intolerance, and concurrently promote understanding and appreciation for diversity and goodwill. Unlike programs that merely partner families, UPD provides purposeful, structured experiences that compel cross-communication. Peace building begins in UPD through intensive retreats, which includes trust building, conflict resolution activities, and honest discussions about sectarianism, culture, identity, and religion with the Catholic and Protestant Northern Irish adolescents. This is a similar intervention as described in the aforementioned youth work training program. In UPD, however, the American adolescents whose families house the Northern Irish visitors accompany the group on activities and trips to regional attractions. Due to the length of time the American, Northern Irish adolescents, and their families spend together in addition to the intensity of the activities, the bonds between most of the adolescents and the host American families become very strong. These bonds augment the purpose of UPD and increase the successes of the program. Testimonials from parents of the Northern Irish adolescents about the positive changes in their children upon their return home were located through UPI and UPD evaluation data. These changes included meeting friends of differing faiths and ideologies, maintaining these friendships, being more tolerant of diversity, and open minded towards those of differing faiths and ideologies.35 Further, UPI evaluations suggest that NI adolescents who have participated in Ulster Projects have resisted attempts to be recruited into paramilitary organizations for Catholics or Protestants.36

Summary A major goal of this chapter was examining how the Northern Irish UPD participants described their experiences, and identifies how they reported the impact of UPD on their perceptions of the Other. Ulster Project International (UPI) was established to address the impact sectarian

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violence, segregation, stereotyping, and misperceptions have on adolescents. Adolescents are particularly vulnerable to the effects of community violence both as victims and perpetrators. UPI has attempted to increase goodwill, tolerance, and more positive perceptions. The Ulster Project, specifically Ulster Project Delaware (UPD), was evaluated in terms of its impact in successfully addressing these issues. Embedded within the research findings are threads of personal growth, role of change agent, and UPD as a program. The data strongly supports agreement that participants enjoyed UPD while in Delaware. However, the understandings of the intervention frequently evolved into deeper meaning as time progressed. These feelings are consistent with literature suggesting that interactions with members of the Other, especially among adolescents, positively alter negative perceptions and stereotypes. The result of these positive interactions can be long lasting and even permanent.37 38 39 This deeper meaning, as reflected by the data, continues to impact participants throughout their lives. Participants expressed a desire for the continuation of the Project; they still see it as necessary and important work. The area of contention surrounded the concern of UPD remaining relevant and true to its mission statement. The data illuminates the general feeling that it is imperative for both the American and Northern Irish UPD leaders to consider including more adolescents from sectarian areas. Interestingly, coinciding with these feelings was apprehension of how including more adolescents from sectarian areas may “change the face of UPD.” Further trepidation indicated concern about the American, Northern Irish leaders, and the American host families being adequately equipped to successfully manage more of the “harder kids.” Most expressed optimism that with adequate support and education for the American leaders and host families, the Northern Irish adolescents from more insular backgrounds would be successful. There was less, but cautious, optimism that the Discovery Director (who facilitates all of the day to day groups and activities; considered essential to the success of UPD) have professional experience in dealing with more challenging adolescents. This was seen as a crucial component, due to the level of management, daily interaction, and relationship building needed with all of the adolescents in building group cohesion, and constructively handling conflicts as they arise. When examining the basic tenants of the theories guiding this study (e.g., Incremental Theory, Intercultural Sensitivity Theory, and Theory of Ethnic Nationalism), the presenting themes in the data are consistent with the theories themselves. Despite the fears related to the most recent spike

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in civil unrest due to the change in policy with flying the Union Jack at Belfast City Hall, aka “the flag issue,” most participants continue to maintain optimism and hope for a sustained, long-lasting, and peaceful Northern Ireland. The majority of participants believe the best way to achieve these goals is through integrated education. Given the current body of research supporting interaction with the Other through crosscommunity and educational programs and the positive correlation to increasing goodwill and tolerance, decreasing negative stereo-typing, and creating friendships, understanding the impact of UPD can guide similar programs and improve the continued service delivery of Ulster Project Delaware.

Notes 1

Woodwell, 2005 Ibid 3 DelawareUlsterProject.org, 2010 4 Cairns, 1998 5 DelawareUlsterProject.org, 2010 6 Ibid 7 Ibid 8 Darby, 1995a 9 Ibid 10 Darby, 1995b 11 Delaney, 2008 12 Plant, 2007 13 Cairns, 1998 14 Ibid 15 Ibid 16 Smith, 1999 17 Ibid 18 DelawareUlsterProject.org, 2010 19 McKittrick and McVea, 2002 20 Zastrow and Kirst-Ashman, 2010 21 Ibid 22 Toner, 1994 23 Zastrow and Kirst-Ashman, 2010 24 Shepard, 2007 25 Ibid 26 Ibid 27 O’Reilly, 1998 28 Ibid 29 Hammond, 2008 30 Ibid 2

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31

Ibid Ibid 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 35 DelawareUlsterProject.org, 2010 36 Ibid 37 McGlynn, 2009 38 Hammer, Bennett and Wiseman, 2003 39 Hammond, 2008 32

Bibliography Cairns, E., and J. Darby. “The Conflict in Northern Ireland.” American Psychologist 53 (1998): 754-760. Darby, J. Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland. Belfast, N.I.: Macmillian Press LTD, 1995a. —. Northern Ireland: Managing Difference. London, England: Minority Rights Group, 1995b. Delaney, B. Out of Trouble: How Diplomacy Brought Peace to Northern Ireland. 2008. Delaware Ulster Project. “About.” Accessed April 23, 2010. www.ulsterproject.org Hammer, M., M. Bennett, and R. Wiseman. “Measuring Intercultural Sensitivity: The Intercultural Development Inventory.” Intercultural Development Inventory. International Journal of Inte International Journal of Intercultural Relations 17 (2003): 421-443. Hammond, M. “Cross Community Youth Work Training in a Divided and Contested Society.” Youth & Policy 97 (2008): 97-98. McGlynn, C. “Integrated Education in Northern Ireland.” In In Peace Education in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies Comparative Perspectives. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2009. McKittrick, D., and D. McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles, The Story of the Conflict . Chicago: New Amsterdam Books, 2002. O'Reilly, D., & M. Stevenson. “Two Communities in Northern Ireland: Deprivation and Ill Health.” Journal of Public Health 20 (1998): 161168. Plant, D. The Irish Uprising 1641, British Civil Wars and Commonwealth. September 10, 2007. Accessed October 14, 2010. http://www.britishcivil-wars.co.uk/glossary/irish-uprising-1641.htm Shepard, L. “Exposure to Community Violence and Political Socialization among Adolescents in Northern Irela.” Policy Features in Education 5 (2007): 386-400.

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Smith, A. “ Education and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland.” American Education. Montreal: Research Association. Montreal: CAIN, 1999. Toner, I. “Children of “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland: Perspectives and Intervention.” International Journal of Behavioral Development 17 (1994): 629-647. Woodwell, D. “The “Troubles” of Northern Ireland: Civil Conflict in an Economically Well Developed State.” In Understanding Civil War: Evidence and Analysis. Vol.2. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2005. Zastrow, C., and K. Kirst-Ashman. . Human Behavior and the Social Environment, 8th ed. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole, 2010.

CHAPTER SEVEN STATE TAXES MATTER IN THE LIVES OF CHILDREN LAURA BRIERTON GRANRUTH

Taxes. Most people do not like them, more do not understand them. This is true even in the professions with goals to improve individual and societal well-being such as social work, education, and healthcare. While many people may not like paying taxes, it is increasingly important that those who work to help others meet their daily needs understand tax policy enough so that they see its impact (positively or negatively) on vulnerable populations. This chapter reviews a study conducted on differences in state tax policy structures and the well-being of children. The results of the study showed that how a state chooses to structure its state tax code do matter in the lives of children. States with more fair tax codes tended to have children who are healthier and perform better in schools. Understanding state taxes is even more important as states continue to shoulder increasing responsibility for funding social and educational services.1 Children were the selected population for this study because of the availability of data on their well-being; this study used sources that included health, education, and poverty data from the Annie E. Casey Foundation (Casey Foundation) and U.S. Census data. From a social work perspective, children historically have been a population of concern since the birth of the profession as seen in both the macro community organizing activities of Jane Addams (including tax policy) and the more micro case management activities of Mary Richmond. American society then and now claims to value children because of their vulnerable status and their future potential. Today’s advocates include the National Association of Social Workers, the Casey Foundation, the Child Welfare League of America, the National Education Association and many others. Many of these organizations advocate nationally and at the state level. One children’s advocacy organization, Every Child Matters (ECM), merits special

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mention for asking why a state of a child’s residence in the United States should dictate their potential life outcomes.2 ECM argues that all children living in the United States should have the same likelihood for achieving positive health and educational outcomes. However, this is clearly not the case today. Unfortunately, children living in Mississippi are far more likely to be less healthy and less educated than children in Massachusetts who tend to score highest on all indicators of child wellbeing. Unfortunately, many individuals and groups interested in children’s well-being are not involved in state tax policy debates. The lack of involvement by human services professionals in understanding tax policy means, according to Amidei3, the tax debate has proceeded without their contribution. Ambramovitz4, in particular, identifies how tax redistribution favors many middle and upper income groups in society (including businesses and corporations), through tax deductions (e.g., the home mortgage interest deduction and the deduction for employer-provided health care), which are more costly than the “welfare” supports for people with low incomes. She calls for social workers to be involved in creating tax systems that are equitable for all members of society. It may be that social workers refrain from engaging in tax policy because they believe it is too dense and complicated. While tax policy can be both, it can also be understood by non-tax professionals. For example, some social workers, such as Abramovitz and Morgan5, have written on tax policy as a women’s issue. The latter’s writings are written for the practicing social worker (and others) who are not tax experts. Further, many advocacy organizations, such as the Keystone Research Center, translate tax complexities into common parlance.

State Tax Policy and Federalism Understanding state tax policy has become important because of the “devolution revolution;”6 many sources of federal funding for state implemented programs have been reduced or eliminated since 1980, including as a result of “welfare reform” in 1996 through the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) that replaced the open-ended and federally funded Aid to Families with Dependent Children program with the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families federally funded state block grant. “Contemporary federalism” according to Peterson7, or what Linhorst8 calls “new federalism” may lead to inequality in social welfare outcomes by state because of the type of federal policies that were relegated to the states. The possibility for

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negative state-level social welfare outcomes may provide a rationale for maintaining a federal role in social welfare policy to reduce inequities.9 The “devolution revolution”10 can have both negative and positive effects for social policy. Negatively, states can choose to decrease services in a race to the bottom with surrounding states believing that a lack of supportive family services will repel an influx of poor families.11 Alternately, devolution can allow state legislators to craft policy responses better targeted to their residents’ needs and could be looked upon as “an opportunity to invent a new social protection system for children and families.12 Importantly, federal devolution was not only a “push down” from the federal government to unwilling state governments. Many state governors lobbied for greater control over social programs, believing that state governments could devise more appropriate responses for the needs of their residents than a federal “one size fits all” approach. Former Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson led the charge in developing new state programs for families and children that later became the basis for PRWORA.13 The current federal devolution of social welfare policy to the states means that states are responsible for funding and providing services that were until recently the purview of the federal government which has “…contributed significantly to the recent growth in state government budgets.”14 Social welfare policy devolution comes at a time when states also are spending more state revenue for large-scale public safety measures, first in response to the 2001terrorist attacks and currently in response to on-going state-sponsored and lone-wolf terrorism. Consequently, state social welfare needs are competing with state public safety needs.15 Further, state governments face an increasing number of mandated policy outcomes (especially for children) that are underfunded by the federal government. This realignment of governmental responsibility means that state governments are now charged with not only implementing the former federal programs, but paying for them due to the reductions in federal funding. Many states are ill-prepared to finance the federal devolution because state tax codes were not designed to raise the massive revenues needed in place of federal funding. Instead, most state tax codes were designed to pay for only state and local government needs (most often public education) and to supplement or match federal funding for programs such as Medicaid. Whether states have the capacity to fund the relegated public services, and how well they do so, may be affected by the adequacy of their tax codes.

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Importantly, understanding the impact of state tax policy does require one to be an economist or a mathematician. For those in the social services and educational services communities it is possible to understand the impacts of state tax policy without understanding the minutiae of the economic modeling that informs tax policy. However, it is helpful to have an understanding of some tax policy terms. A brief primer: Tax adequacy (does the tax base provide sufficient funds to meet needs) and tax fairness (how taxes are distributed across and within income groups). Tax fairness is concerned with both vertical and horizontal equity. Tax policy analysts use three main terms—regressive, proportional, and progressive--to assess vertical equity (the impact on taxes across the various income groups). Regressive taxes are those taxes that take a larger share of income from middle and low income groups than higher income groups; proportional taxes take the same percentage of income from all, regardless of income; progressive taxes take a larger proportion from higher income groups than from lower income groups. Horizontal equity assesses whether taxpayers in similar circumstances pay the same in taxes. Horizontal equity is violated when taxpayers with similar earnings pay different amounts in taxes (e.g., if income from capital gains is taxed at a lower rate than income from work).16 Disposable income is the amount of income available to consumers after taxes are deducted from earnings.

Most state tax codes are regressive, placing a higher tax burden (total tax paid as a proportion of total income) on lower income families compared to higher income families because their state taxes consume a larger proportion of their disposable income that is required for basic needs.17 Thus, lower income families may experience a greater negative impact from a regressive and inadequate state tax code for two reasons. Firstly, lower income families have less disposable income than is possible under an overall progressive state tax code, and, secondly, the state may lack the revenue to provide needed public and social services. Taken together, these challenges may negatively affect the well-being of state residents, including children. Studies of state tax policy by scholars and think tanks began in earnest in the late 1990s;18 as such, it is a relatively new field of study. Most state tax studies examine how well state tax policy performs in meeting state budget needs with an implicit assumption that if budget needs are met, residents have the greatest chance for optimal well-being. Often a second implicit assumption in state tax policy is that higher state revenues will result in better life outcomes for state residents. Missing from the literature is research examining the effects of differing levels of state tax progressivity on the well-being of state residents. One research study on

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progressivity found that states with more progressive tax codes spend more money on programs for the poor. 19 Another study found that children in “high tax” states, that is states that take in more revenue in taxes than “low tax” states, have better social welfare outcomes.20 Importantly, “high tax” states could have progressive or regressive state tax code structures. Many of these studies state tax policy focus on K-12 public school education, health care spending, and corrections because these budget items consume the largest proportion of state-generated funds. The personal income tax usually is a more progressive tax because most income tax rates rise as income rises, but this is a policy choice and not an absolute. Often, income taxes are utilized to negate the impact of regressive taxes.21 22 The sales tax is one type of a regressive tax. Sales taxes present a higher burden to low income earners “…because…taxable consumption as a proportion of total consumption does not vary significantly across income levels.”23 Hence, middle and lower income groups spend more of their disposable income on necessities that are subject to the sales tax. A progressive income tax that exempts lower income groups can act to mitigate the impact of sales taxes for an overall lower tax burden. Because most states have fairly flat income tax rates, progressivity is not inherent in the state income tax itself.24 According to Rosenberg,25 43 states and the District of Columbia level an individual income tax, and the definition of taxable income can vary by state. For example, some states levy a single rate on all taxable income while others have graduated rates; some states limit their definition of taxable income to interest and dividend income.26 Income tax progressivity also may be achieved through the use of income tax credits, such as the child care tax credit and income tax deductions, such as the standard deduction and the personal exemption.27 Tax credits directly reduce tax liability (the income level where taxes are owed) because taxpayers subtract the entire value of the credit from their taxes owed. Tax deductions and exemptions directly reduce taxable income. In terms of progressivity, tax credits are the preferred tax tool because they have the same value to all income groups, while tax deductions and exemptions have a higher value to higher income groups. State income tax rates tend to place a larger burden on lower income earners than do federal taxes.28 For example, the federal Tax Reform Act of 1986 made the federal tax code less burdensome on poor people because of the expansion of the EITC, and the raising of the standard deduction and the personal exemption. In some states, income tax codes were

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adjusted to mirror the federal changes, which had the effect of making the state tax income tax code more progressive.29 Unfortunately, because state sales taxes are usually a higher burden on lower income earners than state income taxes, the overall state tax code remains regressive.

The Study The major question underlying the present research study was this: “Do states with more progressive tax codes have better health and educational outcomes for children than states with more regressive tax codes?” This question led directly to the following testable hypothesis: “Controlling for state characteristics (total state population, percentage racial minority, and median household income), the greater the level of state tax code progressivity, the better will be the health outcomes (percentage of low birthweight babies, infant mortality rates, child mortality rates, and percentage of children with no health insurance) and educational outcomes (fourth grade academic proficiency and eighth grade academic proficiency) achieved by children residing in those states.” The study used a research design based on a secondary analysis of archival data. Data on the level of state tax progressivity were obtained by the author from ITEP. The list ranking all states (and the District of Columbia) on regressivity from best to worst was obtained by the author via email from a lead researcher at ITEP. State demographic data were extracted from the U.S. Census Bureau.30 Data of interest to this study were the estimated state population size in 2006, racial and ethnic composition, and median income. Data for the children's health and educational outcomes were obtained from AECF's 2007 KIDS COUNT report.31 The data for KIDS COUNT originate from multiple sources, most often federal agencies; however, the health data are from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics. The data in the 2007 KIDS COUNT report varied in years but were the most recent data available at the time of its publication. The data from ITEP and the extracted data from the U.S. Census Bureau and KIDS COUNT were combined into a single data set, with the state as the unit of analysis. This new data set was organized so that each state had its ITEP rank, census data, and child health outcome variables in one document. The dependent variable, children's health outcomes, was operationalized with four indicators: (1) the percentage of low-birthweight babies (2005), defined as live births weighing less than 5.5 pounds; (2) infant mortality rate (2005), defined as the number of deaths occurring under one year of

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age per 1,000 live births; (3) child mortality rate (2005), defined as the number children between the ages of one and 14 years dying from all causes per 100,000 children; and (4) the percentage of children 17 and below without health insurance (2006), defined as children under the age of 18 who were not covered by health insurance at any point during the year. The dependent variable, fourth and eighth grade academic proficiency is a percentage indexed by computing the percentage of students who score at or above proficiency in both math and reading in fourth grade, and the percentage of students who score at or above proficiency in both math and reading in eighth grade on the National Assessment of Educational Progress standardized tests. The independent variable, state tax code ranking, was measured by the ITEP progressivity ranking. The progressivity ranking was calculated by ITEP and compares the amount of taxes paid by a state's lowest income residents and middle-income residents with the amount paid by the state's wealthiest residents, resulting in an inequality index for each state. A state tax code was considered regressive if it required poor families (the bottom 20 percent of the income scale) to pay at least two to four times as great a share of their earnings in taxes in comparison with the amount paid by wealthy families (the top 1 percent of income earners) and required middle-income families (the middle 60 percent of the income scale) to pay at least one-and-a-half to three times as high a share of their income as the wealthiest families. This variable was measured so that the higher the score, the more regressive the state's tax code. The state progressivity ranking was calculated by comparing the amount of taxes paid by a state’s lowest income residents and middle income residents to the state’s wealthiest residents as calculated by ITEP resulting in an inequality index for each state. For the 2000 ITEP analysis,32 the inequality index ranged from a +2.0% for the state with the most progressive state tax code to a -12.8% for the state with the most regressive tax code. Table 1 lists ITEP’s ranking of the 50 states. Importantly, only two states had inequality indexes that define them as truly progressive—Delaware and Montana, with inequality indexes of +2.0% and +0.8%, respectively. While Delaware, Montana, and Vermont remained in the top three most progressive states from 1995 to 2000, Vermont slipped during this same time from number one to number three because of a decrease in its inequality index (from +2.0 to -0.0). Montana also saw a decrease in its inequality index, from +1.0 to +0.8, while Delaware increased in progressivity with its inequality index rising from +1.4% to +2.0%. A trending towards more regressivity occurred even

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among the most progressive states as six of the states saw an increase in their inequality index between 1995 and 2000. Several control variables were included in the study. These were extracted from the U.S. Census Bureau data and included the total state population, the percentage of racial minorities in the state population, and the state's median household income.

Theoretical Framework The theory guiding the research is John Keynes’ General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, in particular his Absolute Income Hypothesis (AIH).33 Of the classical economic assumptions, Keynes, in particular, came to reject the position that increased personal savings and balanced government budgets were the best way for an economy to recover from a depression. This “paradox of thrift” as it came to be known would, according to Keynes, prolong an economic downturn as consumers and government stopped spending--just when spending was needed most-thus dramatically reducing demand for products and services for business to produce. Keynes promoted progressive taxation as one way to spur consumer demand and spending.

Application of the General Theory to the Current Study It is in the nexus of public policy and private behavior working in tandem that informs the application of the General Theory to the current study. Firstly, studies show that as incomes increase for low income earners, the increase in disposable income is spent on food, clothing, education, health, and recreation needs,34 35 areas of spending that match or complement the dependent variables in the study. Secondly, because a progressive income tax is more stable, state governments with a progressive tax structure may be able to avoid the fits and starts of enjoying good revenues during economic boom times when consumer spending is high, but poor revenues when spending falls. Instead, revenues received through a progressive income tax may allow for more predictable revenues and more predictable spending. It must be noted that because state revenues received from a progressive tax structure may be more predictable, it does not necessarily follow that the state government will choose to spend them on programs that enhance the quality of life for children through programs to raise their education performance and their health status, or reduce their poverty levels. However, if a state has chosen a progressive tax structure to reduce the tax burden on low income

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residents, it may be indicative of an overall governing philosophy that aims to improve well-being for their most vulnerable residents.

Findings Multiple regression analyses revealed that the level of state tax code progressivity is a predictor for fourth and eighth grade academic proficiency and some health outcomes for children. The results are detailed in this section and then discussed in the following section on Implications for Social Work Practice.

Fourth and Eighth Grade Academic Proficiency The study’s independent variable, level of state tax code progressivity, was found to be a significant predictor in 4th grade academic proficiency, 8th grade academic proficiency, child mortality, and infant mortality (see Table 1). For both education variables, the significant finding occurs in the interaction of the level of state tax code progressivity with the total state population. Overall, more populous states with more progressive state tax codes have higher means of academic proficiency in both fourth and eighth grades compared to more populous states with more regressive tax codes. Eighth grade means for academic proficiency also were higher in less populous states with more progressive tax codes than they were in less populous states with more regressive tax codes. The differences in means in less populous states by level of state tax code progressivity were negligible for fourth grade academic proficiency.

Health Outcomes For both child mortality and infant mortality, the level of state tax code progressivity is a significant predictor when controlling for total state population, total state minority population, and state median household income (see Table 2). Thus, as a state’s tax code becomes more regressive, the rates of child mortality and infant mortality increase. Further, for child mortality, a significant interaction was found between the level of state tax code progressivity and a state’s median household income. While all states with more progressive tax codes have lower child mortality rates than states with more regressive tax codes, the differences in means between lower and higher median income states are relatively small. In states with lower median household incomes, there is a larger difference in means between states with a more progressive tax code and more regressive tax

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codes (2.5%) compared to states with higher median household incomes (.6%). Although the differences in means are relatively small, because the measure is the death of a child, minimal differences are still meaningful and have substantive significance. Further, even in states with higher median household incomes, because the child mortality rate is increasing as a state tax code moves from a more progressive state tax code structure to a more regressive state tax code structure indicates that the level of state tax code progressivity should not be dismissed. Finally, the regression for infant mortality found that the level of state tax code progressivity is a predictor of a state’s infant mortality rate, when state population, percent of state population that is minority and median household income are controlled. Therefore, as a state tax code becomes more regressive, the state’s rate of infant mortality increases.

Implications for Social Workers and Social Work Practice The variables under consideration here—education and healthcare— are two important areas of social work practice, especially on behalf of children who are vulnerable or oppressed. The findings that the structure of a state’s tax code may impact how well educated or how healthy children are has implications for future social work practice. This section will review the implications for social work and education, social work and healthcare, and social work and state policy practice and advocacy.

Social Work and Education The social work profession has long been involved in improving educational outcomes for children. However, most of the effort focuses on micro interventions with individual students, or mezzo interventions that aim to better link home, school, and community resources. Few school social workers are involved in state tax policy change efforts. This omission requires remedy. The finding to predictive relationships involving the level of state tax progressivity on education outcomes may be particularly important because state generated revenue (whether at the state or local level) is the funding primary source for public K-12 education. With this funding raised mainly from sales, income and property taxes, which are the taxes measured in the ITEP model for assessing a state’s level of tax code progressivity, the findings demonstrate that there is a relationship between level of state tax code progressivity and some educational outcomes. The

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finding may hold growing importance with the increasing reliance on state funds for public education. Because educational success is related to better health outcomes and lower percentages of poverty, the findings are particularly encouraging as a comprehensive opportunity for improving child well-being. It is imperative that practicing social workers not ignore state tax policy advocacy as a tactic in their strategy to improve educational outcomes for children. Further, it would be beneficial to incorporate content on the impact of state tax policy into the social work curriculum, perhaps by adding as a component to a policy analysis assignment.

Social Work and Healthcare Social work, historically, also has been deeply involved and integrated into the healthcare field; the social work role is likely to increase with the implementation of the Affordable Care Act that creates opportunities for social workers in behavioral health, accountable care organizations and as health care navigators.36 37 As with the educational outcomes, social workers practicing directly with clients and communities should have a greater awareness of how state tax policy may impact health outcomes for children. While many healthcare social workers probably already engage in some healthcare policy advocacy, they should reframe their thinking of tax policy as a facet of healthcare advocacy. The significant interaction between a state’s level of state tax code progressivity and a state’s median household income on a state’s child mortality rate is intriguing, especially because it may blend well with the study’s theoretical framework. While individual poverty long has been associated with poorer health status, the finding indicates that state tax policy may be exacerbating a family’s ability to respond to their child’s health needs to the point that some children are at higher risk for death. As noted, a regressive state tax code negatively impacts a family’s level of disposable income and leaves them with less money to spend on meeting their basic needs, including health care. While a state with a lower median income may have a lower financial capacity to provide medical care to poor children, the regressive nature of their tax code may also be preventing the parents from paying for much needed health care from their income.

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Social Work and State Policy Practice and Advocacy More social workers are needed in the areas of policy practice and policy advocacy. As noted at the beginning of the chapter, many human services professional (which includes social workers) have been absent from this policy debate for about the past 30 years. This absence leaves the creation of tax policy to others whose concerns are often not the optimal well-being of a state’s most vulnerable citizens and, in fact, may act against them. State tax policy is inadequate for meeting current state needs and will be further stressed in future years. This inadequacy is tied to the failure to modernize state tax codes to reflect the modern economy, the lack of tax incidence studies allowing legislators and citizens to understand who is paying taxes and who is not, and the increasing financial pressures on states from federal devolution of policies and programs. The findings of this study add urgency to the calls for state governors and legislators to better understand the structure of their state tax codes because of the impact it can have on children’s outcomes. It is likely that states will continue to shoulder significant financial responsibility for meeting their residents’ social welfare needs. States are most likely to raise this revenue through their state tax codes. The findings from this study indicate that the crafting of a progressive state tax structure can assist states in fostering optimal outcomes for children’s education and health. Prior to beginning this research, the author hoped that the results would add to the discussion on state tax fairness and state tax adequacy, in particular if state tax fairness had an impact on well-being of state residents. The findings demonstrate that state tax fairness and child wellbeing are related on these measures. Thus, state governments should not become mired in a false dichotomy of state tax adequacy versus state tax fairness. Instead, this study lends some credence that the goals may be complementary.

Notes 1

An earlier version Petit, 2009 3 Amidei, 1991 4 Abramovitz, 2001 5 Abramovitz, 2006 6 Kamerman and Kahn, 1996 7 Peterson, 1995 8 Linhorst, 2002 2

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9

Ibid Kamerman and Kahn, 1996 11 Peterson, 1995 12 Kamerman and Kahn, 1996 13 Haskins, 2008 14 Brunori, 2005 15 Ibid 16 Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy, 2005 17 Ibid 18 Brunori, 1998 19 Reschovsky, 1998 20 Petit, 2009 21 Aron-Dine and Friedman, 2006 22 Rosenberg, 2007 23 Chernick and Reschovsky, 1990 24 Rosenberg, 2007 25 Ibid 26 Ibid 27 Ibid 28 Chernick and Reschovsky, 1990 29 Ibid 30 U.S. Census Bureau, 2006 31 Casey Foundation, 2007 32 Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy, 2005 33 Maynard Keynes, 1964 34 Ackley, 1978 35 Samuelson and Nordhaus, 1995 36 Bachman, 2011 37 Darnell, 2013 10

Bibliography Ackley, Gardner. Macroeconomics: Theory and Policy. NY: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1978. Abramovitz, Mimi. “Everyone is Still on Welfare: The Role of Redistribution in Social Policy.” Social Work, 46(2001): 297-308. Abramovitz, Mimi, and Sandra Morgen. Taxes are a Woman’s Issue: Reframing the Debate. New York: The Feminst Press at the City University of New York, 2006. Amidei, Nancy. “Tax policy and the Public Welfare: Becoming Tax Literate is More Than Reading Lips.” Public Welfare, 49(1991): 13-20. Aron-Dine, Aviva, and Joel Friedman. “Effects of the Tax Reform Panel’s Proposal on Low and Moderate Income Households.” Washington,

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DC.: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, 2006. Accessed April 22, 2006, from http://www.cbpp.org/2-3-06tax.pdf Bachman, Sara S. “Accountable Care Organizations: Opportunities for Social Workers.” Health & Social Work, 36 (2011): 245-247. Brunori, David. The Future of State Taxation. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press, 1998. —. State Tax Policy: A Political Perspective. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press, 2005. Casey Foundation. “KIDS COUNT Data Center.” (2007). Accessed March 22, 2009.http://datacenter.kidscount.org/ Chernick, Howard Andrew, and Reschovsky. “The Taxation of the Poor.” The Journal of Human Resources, 25 (1990): 712-735. Darnell, Julie. S. “Navigators and Assisters: Two Case Management Roles for Social Workers in the Affordable Care Act.” Health & Social Work, 38 (2013): 123-125. Haskins, Ron. “Governors and the Development of American Social Policy.” In A Legacy of Innovation: Governors and Public Policy,.edited by E. G. Sribnick, 76-103. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008. Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy. The ITEP Guide to State and Local Taxes: A Primer on Fair Tax and Adequate Taxation—and How to Achieve It In Your State. Washington, DC: ITEP, 2005. Kamerman, Sheila, B., and Alfred J. Kahn, Alfred (Eds.) Whither American Social Policy? Report I. New York: Columbia University School of Social Work, 1996. Keynes, John Maynard. The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money. Orlando, FL: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1964. Linhorst, Donald M. “Federalism and Social Justice: Implications for Social Work.” Social Work, 47 (2002), 201-208. Peterson, Paul E. The Price of Federalism. Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1995. Petit, Michael. Geography Matters – Child Well-being in the States. (2009). Accessed April 17, 2009. http://www.everychildmatters.org/National/Resources/GeographyMatters.html Reschovsky, Andrew. “The Progressivity of State Tax Systems.” In The Future of State Taxation, edited by D. Brunori, 161-189. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press, 1998. Rosenberg, Carol.”State Individual Income Tax Progressivity. Tax Notes.” Washington DC: Tax Policy Center, Urban Institute and Brookings Institution, 2007.

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Samuelson, Paul, and William Nordhaus. Economics (15th ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995 U.S. Census Bureau. “Population Estimates.” (2006). Accessed April 17, 2009. www.census.gov/popest/archives/2000s/ vintage_2006/

Tables Table 1 Summary of Significant Predictors for Education Variables Education Variables 4th Grade Academic Proficiency Significant

Median Income

8th Grade Academic Proficiency Median Income

Percent Minority

Percent Minority

ITEP*Population

ITEP*Population

Not Complete High School Percent Minority

Predictors

Table 2 Summary of Significant Predictors for Health Variables* Health Variables

Child Mortality Significant

Median Income

Infant Mortality ITEP

Low Birth Weight Percent Minority

Predictors ITEP ITEP*Income *No significant findings for Very Low Birth Weight Babies or