Giambologna: Narrator of the Catholic Reformation [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520328396

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GIAMBOLOGNA

CALIFORNIA

STUDIES

IN T H E

HISTORY

OF

ART

Walter Horn, Founding Editor James Marrow, General Editor i ii

The Birth of Landscape Painting in China, by Michael Sullivan Portraits by Degas, by Jean Sutherland Boggs

hi

Leonardo da Vinci on Painting: A Lost Book (Libro A), by Carlo Pedretti

iv

Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts, by Lilian M . C . Randall

v vi vu

The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, by John M . Rosenfield A Century of Dutch Manuscript Illumination, by L. M . J . Délaissé George Caleb Bingham: The Evolution of an Artist, and A Catalogue Raisonné (two volumes), by E. Maurice Bloch

vin

Claude Lorrain: The Drawings—Catalog and Plates (two volumes), by Marcel Roethlisberger

ix x xi

Venetian Painted Ceilings of the Renaissance, by Juergen Schulz The Drawings of Edouard Manet, by Alain de Leiris Theories of Modern Art: A Source Book by Artists and Critics, by Herschel B . Chipp, with contributions by Peter Selz and Joshua C . Taylor

xii

After the Hunt: William Harnett and Other American Still Life Painters, 1870-1900, by Alfred Frankenstein

xiii xiv xv

Early Netherlandish Triptychs: A Study in Patronage, by Shirley Neilsen Blum The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought, by Ruth Mellinkoff Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: The Transi Tomb in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, by Kathleen Cohen

xvi xvii xviii

Franciabigio, by Susan Regan McKillop Egon Schiele's Portraits, by Alessandra Comini Manuscript Painting in Paris During the Reign of Saint Louis: A Study of Styles, by Robert Branner

xix

The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery (three volumes), by Walter Horn and Ernest Born

xx xxi xxii

French Gothic Architecture of the 12th and ljth Centuries, by Jean Bony The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, by Suzanne Lewis The Literature of Classical Art: The Painting of the Ancients and A Lexicon of Artists and Their Works According to the Literary Sources, by Franciscus funius (two volumes), edited by Keith Aldrich, Philipp Fehl, and Raina Fehl

xxiii

The Armor of Light: Stained Glass in Western France, 1250—1325, by Meredith Parsons Lillich

xxiv xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii

Nineteenth-Century Theories of Art, by Joshua C . Taylor Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period (three volumes), by D. A. A m y x Picasso's Guernica: History, Transformations, Meanings, by Herschel B . Chipp Lovis Corinth, by Horst Uhr The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France, 1274—1422, by Anne D. Hedeman

xxix xxx

Bronzino's Chapel o/Eleonora

in the Palazzo

Vecchio, by Janet Cox-Rearick

Masking the Blow: The Scene of Representation in Late Prehistoric Egyptian Art, by Whitney Davis

xxxi xxxii

The Forum of Trajan, by James Packer Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages, by Ruth MellinkofF

xxxiii

Giambologna: Narrator of the Catholic Reformation, by Mary Weitzel Gibbons

DISCOVERY i

SERIES

The Devil at Isenheim: Reflections of Popular Belief in Grunewald's Altarpiece, by Ruth MellinkofF

ii

The Forgotten Hermitage of Skellig Michael, by Walter Horn, Jenny White Marshall, and Grellan D. Rourke

hi

The Arnolfini Betrothal: Medieval Marriage and the Enigma of Van Eyck's Double Portrait, by Edwin Hall

f # # # # # # # # f # ; f # | | | # f f # f R

A

P A R S

G

R

I

O L I M

M

I

I I

P R I M I N QJV A M D E

A

L

A;"

D

C A S T R O

i njttjma

Grimaldi Coat of Arms

I

ÇUAMBOLOGNA Narrator of the

Catholic

Reformation

MARY

UNIVERSITY

WEITZEL

OF C A L I F O R N I A

PRESS

GIBBONS

BERKELEY

LOS

ANGELES

LONDON

The publisher gratefully acknowledges the contribution of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation,

which

made possible the color plates for this book. The publisher also acknowledges with gratitude the contribution provided by the Art Book

Endowment

Fund of the Associates of the University of California Press, which is supported by a major gift from the Ahmanson

Foundation.

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 1995 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gibbons, Mary Weitzel. Giambologna: narrator of the Catholic Reformation / Mary Weitzel Gibbons. p. cm.—(California studies in the history of art; 33) Includes bibliographical references and index. I S B N 0-520-08213-3 (alk. paper) 1. Giambologna, 1529—1608—Criticism and interpretation. 2. Jesus Christ—Art. 3. Mannerism (Art)—Italy— Genoa. 4. Counter-Reformation in art. 5. Università di G e nova—Art collections. 6. Bronze sculpture—Private collections—Italy—Genoa. I. Giambologna, 1529—1608. II. Title. III. Series. N B 6 2 3 . G 4 6 5 G 5 3 1994 730'.92—dc20

93-41750

Printed in the United States of America 987654321 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, A N S I Z 3 9 . 4 8 - 1 9 8 4 . ®

For mv± grandchildren and their parents and in memory of their father

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

/ xi

Preface and Acknowledgments

/ xvii

CHAPTER 1 PREVIEW 1 CHAPTER 2 THE

SETTING 21

CHAPTER 3 FAITH, GOOD AND THE CATHOLIC 53

WORKS, REFORMATION

CHAPTER 4 SALVATION A N D T H E C O U N C I L OF 63

TRENT

CHAPTER 5 GIAMBOLOGNA'S NARRATIVE METHOD 87

EPILOGUE 1 4 7

A P P E N D I X

1

Grimaldi Chapel Documents / 151 A P P E N D I X

2

Soccorso Chapel Contract and Addendum / 166 A P P E N D I X

3

Passion Cycles in Italy / 174 A P P E N D I X

4

Studies and Other Versions of the Passion Reliefs / 179

Notes / 187 Selected Bibliography / 222 Photographic Credits / 243 Index / 245

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES (following page 142) 1.

Giambologna, Salviati Chapel. San Marco, Florence

2.

Giambologna, Hope. Università, Genoa

3.

Giambologna, Faith. Università, Genoa

4.

Giambologna, Charity. Università, Genoa

5.

Giambologna, Temperance. Università, Genoa

6.

Giambologna, Fortitude. Università, Genoa

7.

Giambologna, Christ before Pilate. Università, Genoa

8.

Giambologna, The Flagellation. Università, Genoa

9.

Giambologna, Christ Crowned with Thorns. Università, Genoa

10.

Giambologna, Ecce Homo. Università, Genoa

11.

Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands. Università, Genoa

12.

Giambologna, The Entombment. Università, Genoa

13.

Aurelio Lomi, Joseph Sold into Egypt. Convento di San Antonio, Gaggiola (La Spezia)

FIGURES

i.

Frontispiece. Grimaldi Coat of Arms Giambologna, Rape of the Sabines. Loggia dei Lanzi,

Florence 2. Giambologna, Mercury. Museo Nazionale, Florence 3.

2 3

Giambologna, Equestrian Monument of Cosimo I.

Piazza Signoria, Florence 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Giambologna, fustice. Università, Genoa Giambologna, The Way to Calvary. Università, Genoa Giambologna, Angel. Università, Genoa Giambologna, Angel. Università, Genoa Gerolamo Bordoni (?), View of Genoa, c. 1616. Collection of Marchese Ludovico Pallavicini, Genoa 9. Facade, San Francesco di Castelletto, Genoa. Civica Biblioteca Berio, Genoa

10. Eastern prospect, Salita di San Francesco di Castelletto. Civica Biblioteca Berio, Genoa Ground pian, San Francesco di Castelletto. No. 791, Collezione Topografica, Museo Sant'Agostino, Genoa 12. Jacques Du Broeucq, study for the architectural framework of the Sainte-Waudru rood screen. Archives de l'Etat, Mons

5 7 8

10 11 11 12 12

11.

13. Jacques Du Broeucq, Ecce Homo, 1546. Sainte-Waudru rood screen 14. Laocoón. Museo Vaticano, Rome 15. The Punishment ofDirke. Museo Nazionale, Naples 16.

13

15 16 17 17

Aurelio Lomi, Joseph Sold into Egypt. Convento di San

Antonio, Gaggiola (La Spezia) 17. Author's reconstruction of altar wall, Grimaldi Chapel 18. Author's reconstruction of lateral walls, Grimaldi Chapel, with position of Virtues indicated Giambologna, Rape of the Sabine. Statuette, Museo e Galerie Nazionali di Capodimonte, Naples 20. Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, left wall. San Marco, Florence 21. Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, right wall. San Marco, Florence 22. Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, altar wall. San Marco,

22 24 25

19.

Florence Xll

ILLUSTRATIONS

26 28 29 30

23.

Diagram of architectural terms, Grimaldi Chapel

31

24.

Giambologna, Altar of Liberty, Duomo, Lucca

32

25.

Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

26.

33

Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel, right wall. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

27.

34

Study for the altar wall of the Salviati Chapel. No. 237A, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampi degli Uffizi, Florence

28.

35

Vasari and Ammanati, Del Monte Chapel. San Pietro in Montorio, R o m e

36

29.

Chapel of San Luca. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

37

30.

Lercari Chapel. San Lorenzo, Genoa

38

31.

Pinelli Chapel. San Siro, Genoa

39

32.

Giambologna, Saint Antoninus Reconciling the Signoria. Salviati Chapel, San Marco, Florence

33.

Giambologna, Christ Crowned with Thorns. Soccorso

34.

Benedetto da Maiano, Altar of the Annunciation.

42

Chapel, Santissima Annunziata, Florence

44

Sant'Anna dei Lombardi, Naples

45

35.

Nicolò Dona Chapel. San Matteo, Genoa

46

36.

Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel, altar wall. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

37.

47

Giovanni Antonio Amadeo, Bartolommeo Colleoni monument. Colleoni Chapel, Bergamo

38.

49

Andrea Sansovino, Sforza tomb. Santa Maria del Popolo, R o m e

39.

50

Corpus Domini silver casket (Christ before Pilate and The Flagellation). Treasury, San Lorenzo, Genoa

40.

71

Giambologna, Allegory of Prince Francesco de' Medici. Alabaster, Museo del Prado, Madrid

41.

90

Giambologna, Rape of Europa. Oceanus Fountain, Giardini Boboli, Florence

42. 43. 44.

Giambologna, Neptune Fountain. Piazza del Nettuno, Bologna

91

Giambologna, Apollo. Palazzo Vecchio, Florence

92

Giambologna, Rape of the Sabines, relief. Loggia dei Lanzi, Florence

45.

90

94

Domenico Ghirlandaio, Miracle of the Spini Child. Sassetti Chapel, Santa Trinità, Florence

96 ILLUSTRATIONS

Xlll

46. Benedetto da Maiano, pulpit. Santa Croce, Florence 47. Andrea del Sarto, The Banquet ofHerod. Chiostro dello Scalzo, Florence 48. Andrea del Sarto, The Decollation of the Baptist. Chiostro dello Scalzo, Florence 49. Donatello, The Feast of Herod. Baptistery, Siena 50. Girolamo Macchietti, The Baths of Pozzuoli. Studiolo of Francesco I, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence $1. Fra Angelico, Madonna and Saints. Museo di San Marco, Florence 52. Jacopo Pontormo, The Entombment. Santa Felicità, Florence 53. Bronzino, Christ in Limbo. Museo di Santa Croce, Florence $4. Giambologna, Morgante. Museo Nazionale, Florence 5 5. Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands, with overlay 56a. Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands, from the left. Università, Genoa 56b. Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands, frontal view. Università, Genoa 56c. Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands, from the right. Università, Genoa 57a. Giambologna, Ecce Homo, frontal view. Università, Genoa 57b. Giambologna, Ecce Homo, from the left. Università, Genoa 58a. Giambologna, The Way to Calvary, from the left. Università, Genoa 58b. Giambologna, The Way to Calvary, frontal view. Università, Genoa 58c. Giambologna, The Way to Calvary, from the right. Università, Genoa 59. Lorenzo Ghiberti, The Flagellation. North doors, Baptistery, Florence 60. Lorenzo Ghiberti, Pilate Washing His Hands. North doors, Baptistery, Florence 61. Lorenzo Ghiberti, Jacob and Esau. Gates of Paradise, Baptistery, Florence

XIV

ILLUSTRATIONS

97

99 102 104 105 106 107 108 no 112 113 113 114 114 116 117 117 118 119 120

62.

Giambologna, Simon of Cyrene, detail from The Way to Calvary. Soccorso Chapel, Santissima Annunziata, Florence

121

63.

Giambologna, Ecce Homo, detail. Università, Genoa

122

64.

Procession of Spoils of Jerusalem. Arch of Titus, R o m e

65a.

123

Giambologna, The Flagellation, from the left. Università, Genoa

124

65b. Giambologna, The Flagellation, frontal view. Università, Genoa 65c.

12$

Giambologna, The Flagellation, from the right. Università, Genoa

66.

125

Donatello, Assumption of Saint John. Old Sacristy, San Lorenzo, Florence

67.

126

Donatello, The Three Marys at the Tomb. South pulpit, San Lorenzo, Florence

128

68. Benvenuto Cellini, Perseus Freeing Andromeda. Museo Nazionale, Florence 69.

129

Pierino da Vinci, Cosimo I as Patron of Pisa. Museo Vaticano, R o m e

70.

Vincenzo Danti, Moses and the Brazen Serpent. Museo

71.

Albrecht Dürer, Pilate Washing His Hands, Small

130

Nazionale, Florence

130

Passion. Woodcut, B. 36 72.

132

Albrecht Dürer, Pilate Washing His Hands, Engraved Passion. Engraving, B. 1 1

133

73.

Lucas van Leyden, Christ before Annas. Engraving, B. 59

134

74.

Corpus Domini silver casket, The Flagellation. Treasury, San Lorenzo, Genoa

7$.

Luca Cambiaso, The Flagellation. Drawing no. 13744,

76.

Luca Cambiaso, Last Supper. Drawing no. 1749,

135

Gabinetto Disegni e Stampi degli Uffizi, Florence

136

Gabinetto Disegni e Stampi degli Uffizi, Florence 77.

137

Guglielmo della Porta, study for a Deposition. No. 152, Kunstmuseum, Düsseldorf, Graphische Sammlung

78.

140

Guglielmo della Porta, study for a Deposition. N o . 96, Kunstmuseum, Düsseldorf, Graphische Sammlung

141

ILLUSTRATIONS

XV

79-

Guglielmo della Porta, Deposition. Marble relief, Museo d'Arte Antica, Milan

80.

Santi di Tito, The Resurrection of Lazarus. Santa Maria Novella, Florence

81.

83.

Giambologna, The Flagellation. Santissima Annunziata,

84.

Giambologna, Christ Crowned with Thorns. Santissima

Florence Annunziata, Florence

185 185 186

Giambologna, Christ before Pilate. Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, M u n i c h

XVI

184

Giambologna, Ecce Homo. Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, M u n i c h

93.

184

Giambologna, The Flagellation. Wax model, Q u e e n s land Art Gallery, Brisbane, Australia

92.

183

Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands. Wax model, Victoria and Albert Museum, London

91.

183

Giambologna, Ecce Homo. Wax model, Victoria and Albert M u s e u m , London

90.

182

Giambologna, Christ before Pilate. Wax model, Victoria and Albert M u s e u m , London

89.

182

Giambologna, The Way to Calvary. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

88.

181

Giambologna, Pilate Washing His Hands. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

87.

181

Giambologna, Ecce Homo. Santissima Annunziata, Florence

86.

145

Giambologna, Christ before Pilate. Santissima A n n u n z i ata, Florence

85.

144

Giorgio Vasari, The Way to Calvary. Santa Croce, Florence

82.

142

ILLUSTRATIONS

186

P R E F A C E AND ACKNOWLED GMENTS

I first became interested in Giambologna's reliefs in 1974, in a graduate seminar at Rutgers University given by Virginia Bush. Of all the Florentine sixteenth-century reliefs I studied at that time, Giambologna's seemed to me the most striking, though they were, as I later discovered, surprisingly little known. Eventually my research focused on a cycle of reliefs that was part of the Grimaldi Chapel, a significant monument of Giambologna's later years. This book continues and develops my study of this monument. In several talks on the Grimaldi reliefs, I have had the opportunity to expand my thoughts, to probe the political and religious context out of which the works came, and to understand more fully Giambologna's brilliant exposition of narrative in this Passion cycle. This little-plumbed side of Giambologna's art has been so compelling that I continue to be absorbed in it and hope that this book will bring it more of the attention it deserves. The staffs of libraries and archives gave me invaluable assistance: the Harvard Center for Renaissance Studies at Villa I Tatti; the Kunsthistorisches Institut and the Archivio di Stato in Florence; the Marquand Library, Princeton University; the New York Public Library; the Frick Collection; the Institute of Fine Arts Library, New York University; the Avery Library, Columbia University; the Spear Library, Princeton Theological Seminary; the Burke Library, Union Theological Seminary, New York; the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; and the Civica Biblioteca Berio, Archivio di Stato, and Archivio Storico di Comune in Genoa.

PREFACE

AND

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Countless friends and colleagues have generously helped—especially Pamela Askew, William Barcham, Olga Berendsen, Kathleen WeilGarris Brandt, Phyllis Caroff, Gino Corti, James Draper, Nicolas DeMarco, Carol and Roberta Flechner, Mary Ann Graeve Frantz, Constance Greiff, Brian Henry, Monica Hirsch, Katherine Krupp, Susan Kuretsky, Mary Lang, Sarah Blake McHam, Leatrice Mendelsohn, Derek Pearsall, Elizabeth and Vittorio Romani, Pamela Sheingorn, Catherine Stecchini, the late James Stubblebine, and Stephen Zwirn. For help in procuring photographs I would like to thank Mirta Barbeschi, Karen Edis-Barzman, JoAnne Bernstein, Piero Boccardo, Franco Boggero, Ida Maria Botto, Michael Bury, Roberto Ciardi, Janet Cox-Rearick, the late Gian Vittorio Dillon, Maria Galassi, Louise Gibbons, Marcia Hall, Sante Lanzi, Ornella Francisci Osti, Antonio Quattrone, Jack Spalding, Laura Tagliaferro, Richard Tuttle, and David Wilkins. My readers, Malcolm Campbell, George Gorse, and Sheila ffolliott, have given the kind of encouragement, constructive criticism, and valuable suggestions I had hoped for but never expected. They played an important part in improving the book. The Fine Arts Editor of the University of California Press, Deborah Kirshman, gave me encouragement and constructive criticism, as I completed the manuscript for this book. Her assistant, Kimberly Darwin, helped me with endless details. Stephanie Fay edited the manuscript with a keen eye, patience, and unflagging care. And Nola Burger created a sensitive and lively design. Finally, I thank my children, David and Elizabeth, who helped me keep my ultimate goal in sight through their gentle prodding.

XVlll

C H A P T E R

1

PREVIEW

c

v^"iambologna

(1529-1608)

has

been considered the quintessential sculptor of the late maniera, his socalled art statuary exemplifying the refined taste of the Medici court from 1570 until his death. 1 Scholarly attention has focused on famous designs of his, such as the Rape of the Sabines (Fig. 1) and Mercury (Fig. 2), that circulated throughout Europe in small bronze replicas. The virtuosity and popularity of Giambologna's designs have fostered the assumption that he had little or no concern for subject matter. Giambologna's obvious involvement with sculptural technique and composition has led to assessments of his work like that of Charles Avery: "His lack of concern with specific subject matter or deep emotional expression . . . left him free to concentrate on the technical aspect, extending his virtuosity to the limits of the materials with which he worked." 2 This Limited view of Giambologna's oeuvre implies that the artist could not be deeply concerned simultaneously with subject matter and technique, that these two ingredients in a work of art are separate. Posterity has seized on an incident furthering this belief that was reported by Raffaello Borghini in II riposo; it concerns the naming of the Rape of the Sabines.3 The statue was apparently not executed on commission. According to Borghini, Giambologna was working on a large marble group of a man lifting a woman with an older man below to prove his mastery of complex compositions on a large scale. One day, not long before the statue was completed in January 1582, Borghini himself stopped by Giambologna's studio and, discovering that the work had no title, gave it its name.

Figure 1. Giambologna, Rape of the Sabines, 1582. Marble, 410 cm. Loggia dei Lanzi, Florence.

PREVIEW

Figure 2. Giambologna, Mercury, 1580. Bronze, 170 cm. Museo Nazionale, Florence.

There is no doubt that the Sabine marble represented an extraordinary technical feat in which Giambologna solved, on a monumental scale, the difficult problem of relating three figures in the midst of v i o lent activity. B u t even more significant, he created a statue that not only offers multiple viewing possibilities but requires that the spectator circle it to understand it fully. It is the paradigm o f the figura serpentinata, a f o r m that began with Leonardo, was explored by Michelangelo, and was brought to full realization by Giambologna. 4 This form, pointing to the changed relationship between viewers and w o r k of art at the end of the sixteenth century, gave viewers a part to play in the "narrative" of a w o r k of art; no art demanded their participation more insistendy than sculpture. Multifaceted sculpture, a topic much discussed during

3

the sixteenth century, is related to the n e w c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n viewer and w o r k o f art. In the mid-sixteenth century the issue was a significant part o f the paragone debate w h e t h e r painting or sculpture was superior. Cellini, for example, in his response to Benedetto Varchi's Inchiesta o f PREVIEW

o n the relative merits o f painting versus sculpture, stated that a freestanding sculpture w o u l d ideally have n o f e w e r than eight satisfactory views. 5 A c c o r d i n g to the proponents o f sculpture, its capacity to present multiple v i e w s helped make it indisputably superior to painting. W h a t may have started out as a theoretical debate had far-reaching and significant results b y the end o f the century. G i a m b o l o g n a , in works such as the Rape of the Sabines, not only t o o k up again the challenge o f the paragone controversy and ostensibly reestablished the supremacy o f sculpture but, m o r e important, created a n e w link b e t w e e n v i e w e r and w o r k o f art. Pope-Hennessy, recognizing the narrowness o f the l o n g - h e l d opinion that G i a m b o l o g n a ignored subject matter, has countered it w i t h specific reference to the Sabine marble: The fact is not that the group has no subject, but that it represents the highest common factor in a number of alternative scenes. Its meaning was from the first self-evident; only its context was in doubt. Nowadays, in our modern art-historical writing, we use the terms "subject" and "programme" as though they were interchangeable, but w e must distinguish between them here. Giovanni Bologna's was a reaction against the concept of programme, and the reason for it was that he took the concept of subject so seriously.6

A v i e w like Avery's, unlike Pope-Hennessy's, ignores a considerable b o d y o f Giambologna's w o r k — a l m o s t all o f it, in fact, from the 1580s on. D u r i n g the last thirty years o f his life G i a m b o l o g n a revealed himself to be a gifted narrator, making a significant contribution to the narrative tradition, as is evident especially in his relief cycles for the Grimaldi Chapel, San Francesco di Castelletto, G e n o a (begun 1579); the Salviati Chapel, San M a r c o , Florence (1579-89); and the Equestrian

Monument

of Cosimo I, Piazza Signoria, Florence (Fig. 3). M y purpose here is to revise our unjustifiably narrow v i e w o f G i a m bologna and to define his contribution to the pictorial narrative tradition b y considering one o f the three m o n u m e n t s just named, the Grimaldi C h a p e l , an underrated masterpiece. 7 A l t h o u g h this study embraces the entire Grimaldi C h a p e l , v i e w i n g it as a w h o l e , the focus, as the subtitle

PREVIEW

Figure j. Giambologna, Equestrian Monument of Cosimo I, 1587-93. Bronze, c. 700 cm. Piazza Signoria, Florence.

of the book indicates, is its narrative relief cycle. Scholarly interest in narrative has burgeoned in recent decades. A number of art historians have appropriated the methods of literary studies, incorporating, for example, aspects of structuralism and semiotics into their work. 8 The end of the twentieth century has become a self-consciously methodological age as we try to discover new meanings and relationships in familiar visual material. Scholarship on narrative has moved from description, following the story line, to an analysis of narrative structure and its multivalent roles in its time and place. N o canonical treatment of narrative form has emerged from narrative analysis, however, in either arthistorical or literary studies. N o r have scholars agreed on definitions or

a fixed vocabulary applicable to the material. I have chosen to treat the Passion cycle in the Grimaldi Chapel as the product of a complex interaction and interweaving of historical forces involving the artist, the PREVIEW

patron, the immediate religious setting, the larger religious context of the Catholic Reformation, and the social and political situation in Genoa during the last quarter of the sixteenth century. Given what I think is the complexity of the forces at work, I have thought it best to be eclectic in my analysis, following the example set by Giambologna himself in his approach to narrative. After more than a century of domination by foreign powers, Genoa, the site of the Grimaldi Chapel, had by 1550 regained its international importance, this time as a commercial and banking center of the Spanish Hapsburgs. Andrea Doria had miraculously saved the city from the French and in 1528 restored the old nobility to power through the establishment of the Republic. Thenceforth the government was headed by a biennially elected doge, assisted by five censors, eight governors of the Senate, and eight procurators. In addition, there was a Major Council of four hundred nobles, from which was formed a Minor Council of one hundred. A further characteristic that distinguished Genoa from other Italian city-states was its system of alberghi, or "neighborhoods," each controlled by a noble family. All aspects of life (family, business, religion, culture, politics) were integrated into the alberghi; thus the public and the private were inseparably linked. Undoubtedly, posterity's neglect of Giambologna's Grimaldi Chapel has resulted from its location in Genoa, out of the mainstream, and its destruction in the nineteenth century. The bronze sculpture for the chapel comprised six freestanding Virtues, a Passion cycle in relief, and six angels (Plates 2 - 1 2 , Figs. 4—7), now preserved at the University of Genoa. 9 The Grimaldi Chapel was situated in San Francesco di Castelletto (Fig. 8), a typical Italian Gothic church of basilican plan with a nave and two side aisles, its facing of light and dark marble stripes characteristic of that period in Italy (Figs. 9, 10). 10 With internal dimensions of about 250 by 85 feet, San Francesco was roughly comparable in size to San Lorenzo in Florence. The Grimaldi Chapel occupied an honored position, in the transept immediately to the right of the main altar (Fig. 11). San Francesco was not an ordinary Franciscan parish church but a Conventual Franciscan church and convent with an illustrious history. 11 As the mother church of the Franciscan order, San Francesco was the

Figure 5. Giambologna, The Way to Calvary, c. 1585—87. Bronze, 47 X 71 cm. Università, Genoa.

site of many of its general chapter meetings. T h e convent was founded about 1230, only four years after the death of Saint Francis and two years after his canonization. In 1250, when the building of the big church was begun, Pope Innocent IV granted permission for burials there, stimulating many wealthy Genoese to choose San Francesco as their final resting place. 12 A m o n g these was Andrea Fieschi, a brother of the pope and a significant donor to the early building program of the church. In 1 3 1 1 the church acquired a further distinction when a noble foreigner, M a r garet of Brabant, queen of Luxembourg, died in Genoa and was buried there. T h e carving of her tomb brought the distinguished sculptor G i o vanni Pisano to Genoa in 1 3 1 2 - 1 3 . 1 3 The burial of the queen in San Francesco was followed fifty years later by that of the near-mythical Simone Boccanegra (d. 1363), first doge of Genoa. 1 4 The church's vulnerable position, on a hill above the center of the city beside the fortress of Castelletto, was largely responsible for the vicissitudes of its existence. In time of war there was the danger of b o m -

bardment; f r o m 1505 to 1537, for example, the friars abandoned San Francesco for fear o f attack. Imperial troops sacked the c h u r c h in 1522. In the mid-sixteenth century the friars carried o n a sporadic renovation o f their church. T h e embellishment o f the interior p r o c e e d e d slowly until the 1570s and 1580s, w h e n activity reached its peak under the guidance o f Brother Giovanni Battista Fornari. 1 5 It was during this p e riod o f activity, in 1579, that G i a m b o l o g n a received the commission for the Grimaldi C h a p e l . B y then, the street just b e l o w San Francesco, k n o w n as the Strada N u o v a (now V i a Garibaldi), had b e c o m e a fashionable residential street for the G e n o e s e nobility; many o f its splendid palaces had already b e e n built. 1 6 O n high g r o u n d o v e r l o o k i n g the city, the Strada N u o v a provided a m o r e c o m m o d i o u s and a healthier place to live than the older medieval quarters d o w n near the port. E v e n m o r e important, however, was the symbolic value attached to this street. The

old nobility

had b e e n granted permission

to develop

it

by

the comune. It b e c a m e the symbol o f their p o w e r but also o f Genoa's triumph over humiliation at the hands o f external powers, for its location just b e l o w the old fortress o f Castelletto, the site o f many G e n o e s e defeats, proclaimed the city's ultimate v i c t o r y over past misfortunes. A coincidence o f facts points to Galeazzo Alessi as the designer o f this magnificent n e w street. D o c u m e n t s s h o w that the area was developed gradually, b e g i n n i n g in mid-century, o n the initiative o f the Padri di C o m u n e and that the proceeds f r o m the sale o f property w e n t to the Fabrica della Catedrale, w h e r e Alessi was heavily involved in renovations in the 1550s and 1560s. 17 It is reasonable to assume, therefore, that he was involved in some capacity in the plan o f the street, if only as a consultant. T h e grand palaces o n the Strada N u o v a e m b o d i e d the aspirations o f the G e n o e s e nobility that A n d r e a D o r i a had stimulated in the 1520s w h e n he brought Perino del Vaga to G e n o a . Luca Grimaldi (son o f Francesco), patron o f the Grimaldi C h a p e l , was a m e m b e r o f the old nobility, his family allied to the G u e l p h party. M e m b e r s o f the family were stockholders in the p o w e r f u l B a n c o di San G i o r g i o and for generations had served the city g o v e r n m e n t in various capacities, including ambassador, procurator, senator, and doge. 1 8 A n older relative o f Luca Grimaldi, also Luca Grimaldi (son o f Gerolamo), was a m o n g the first nobles to b u y property in the area w h e r e the Strada N u o v a w o u l d be laid out. In 1564 he sold a large portion o f his land, 3,400 square meters, to another Grimaldi, N i c o l o , II M o n a r c a , a n o b l e -

Figure 6. Giambologna, Angel, 1582—83, bronze. Università, Genoa. man whose great wealth enabled him to become the principal banker to Philip II. 1 9 O u r Luca Grimaldi was one of several members of the family w h o were connected to the Church of San Francesco di Castelletto. Presumably he assumed responsibility for the Grimaldi Chapel w h e n his father died. 20 A t the time the contract was signed with Giambologna, Luca Grimaldi was living in an old quarter of the city near the Church of San Luca, close to the port and the Banco di San Giorgio. In 1580, the year after signing the contract with Giambologna for the rebuilding and decorating of the family chapel in San Francesco, Grimaldi acquired the palace of his cousin Luca di Gerolamo Grimaldi adjacent to the church and in all likelihood moved in (Fig. 10), 2 1 thus physically uniting the secular and religious parts of his life. T h e plague of 1 5 7 7 , during which Grimaldi was minister of health, might well have motivated him to rebuild the family chapel in 1579. 2 2 H e was only seizing the opportunity to be k n o w n as the patron of the most sumptuous chapel in a church that members of the various branches of the Grimaldi family had been associated with for well over a century. Ansaldo, one of the largest stockholders in the Banco di San Giorgio, made substantial donations to the Monastery of San Francesco. In turn, the monastery promised that a mass w o u l d be celebrated in perpetuity each year on his birthday, N o -

Figure j. Giambologna, Angel, 1582—83, bronze. Università, Genoa.

Figure 8. Gerolamo Bordoni (?), View of Genoa, with San Francesco di Castelletto at center left, below the fortezza, c. 1616. Collection of Marchese Ludovico Pallavicini, Genoa.

Figure p. (at right) Facade, San Francesco di Castelletto, Genoa. Drawing from Domenico Piaggio, Monumenta Genuensia, early eighteenth century, Ms Mr.V.3.3, fol. 12, Civica Biblioteca B e n o , Genoa. Figure 10. (below) Eastern prospect, Salita di San Francesco di Castelletto, with the palace of Luca Grimaldi to the right. From P. B . Cattaneo, Ms 1 5 9 5 - 1 6 0 0 , Civica Biblioteca B e n o , Genoa.

• " ¿ * il S'Tnnr" flMli » X" JfKZJ p j- c'f 1HJ j!u V f f i m.mr* 4 rjjitn i- * pere-

fv

Figure il. Ground plan, San Francesco di Castelletto, with the Grimaldi Chapel to the right of the apse, c. 1785, no. 791, Collezione Topografica, Museo Sant'Agostino, Genoa.

vember 20, in the Chapel of the Holy Cross. 23 In 1573 Battista di Gerolamo Grimaldi, father-in-law of our Luca Grimaldi, had the oculus of the church repaired, substituting the Grimaldi coat of arms for the broken blue rose.24 And in 1579 Luca Cambiaso completed a Last Supper that had been commissioned by Francesco Grimaldi, Luca's father, for the refectory of the monastery.25 Undoubtedly, the embellishment of San Francesco was stimulated in the 1570s and 1580s by the building activity nearby, but the spirit of reform initiated at the Council of Trent must have played a part as well. Provincial synods, such as the one held in Genoa in 1567, and apostolic visitations provided a strong stimulus not only for the reform of local

13

clerical behavior but also for the renovation o f buildings. 26 Some two centuries later, under the Napoleonic government, the Franciscans were suppressed, the church and convent were expropriated by the government, and the church was gradually denuded of its marbles, bronzes, and paintings. T h e process of demolition was completed by 1820.27 Despite the tragic demise o f San Francesco, the preservation o f Giambologna's bronzes for the Grimaldi Chapel at the University of Genoa indicates that the chapel, much admired during its existence, continued to be held in high regard. In his chronicle o f 1674 Raffaello Soprani exhibits his civic pride as he notes that Genoa was the site of one o f Giambologna's major works. T h e magnificence o f the Grimaldi Chapel was so dazzling, the bronzes o f such high quality, he exclaimed, that they not only deserve great admiration in themselves but also leave no doubt that even if Giambologna had done no other w o r k in his life, this monument had earned him the title of the best and most excellent maestro. 28 T h e scant information about Giambologna's early years is summarized by Baldinucci, w h o gleaned his information from Borghini and Vasari, both o f w h o m knew Giambologna firsthand. Baldinucci says that Giambologna came from Douai, now in France but at that time in Flanders. He went to Italy w h e n he was about twenty-five and remained there until his death. 29 Although the artistic climate and opportunities in Italy during the last half o f the cinquecento seem to have suited him perfectly (he may never have returned to Flanders), to the end o f his life he remained strongly attached to his native land, always indicating his place o f birth w h e n he signed his works. T h e inscription on the Altar o f Liberty in Lucca reads, "Ioannis Bolonii Flandren opus A.D. M D L X X I X " (work o f Giovanni Bologna o f Flanders, 1579). A n d he intended that his o w n funeral chapel in Santissima Annunziata in Florence provide a mausoleum for expatriate Flemish artists like himself. Giambologna's middle-class parents had intended that he become a notary. Talent and inclination prevailed, however, and he entered the workshop o f the Flemish sculptor Jacques D u Broeucq (1505-1584), where he served his apprenticeship in the late 1540s and early 1550s. During this time D u Broeucq was at work on the elaborate rood screen for Sainte-Waudru in Mons (Fig. 12).30 It was there that Giambologna learned to carve marble in the round and in relief. D u Broeucq, one o f the principal importers of the Italian Renaissance style to Flanders, no doubt was inspired by the visit he had made to

•i

'

mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm

Figure 12. Jacques Du Broeucq, study for the architectural framework of the Sainte-Waudru rood screen, 1535. Archives de l'Etat, Mons.

Italy between 1 5 3 0 and 1 5 3 5 . 3 1 H e belonged to a growing group of sixteenth-century Flemish artists stimulated by Italian art, more and more of w h o m made the long j o u r n e y south, returning with n e w artistic ideas and finally establishing the Flemish version o f the Italian R e naissance style by the mid-sixteenth century. It was undoubtedly D u Broeucq w h o urged Giambologna to make his own study trip to R o m e . D u Broeucq's sculpture for Sainte-Waudru in M o n s is one of the best examples of Flemish Italianate Renaissance style. His rood screen, partially destroyed in the nineteenth century but now largely reassembled, was an ambitious work comprising ten freestanding figures—seven V i r tues, Moses, David, and Christ—and twenty-six scenes in relief, most of which relate events of Christ's Passion. T h e freestanding statues are solid, robust, almost peasant types with a tinge of classical calm absorbed from R o m e . T h e stalwart figure of Fortitude, w h o grasps her broken column and gazes solemnly down toward the viewer, is typical of D u Broeucq's freestanding works. 3 2 T h e reliefs, pictorial in their definition of settings, three-dimensional in their rendering o f figures, also reflect an acquaintance with ancient R o m a n relief. A t the same time, they

PREVIEW

Figure 13. Jacques Du Broeucq, Ecce Homo, Sainte-Waudru rood screen, c. 1546, marble.

retain a distinctly northern flavor. T h e Ecce Homo (Fig. 13), f o r instance, is packed with swaying, elongated figures w h o shout and gesticulate in response to Pilate's question. T h e emotion o f the crowd, not spatial credibility or clarity, is the artist's interest here. Having learned his trade as an apprentice with D u B r o e u c q , G i a m bologna must have been eager to g o and see R o m e f o r himself. A c cording to B o r g h i n i and Baldinucci, he spent t w o years there, probably 1554—56. D u r i n g that time he undoubtedly devoured all the riches, both ancient and modern, that R o m e had to offer. B o r g h i n i and Baldinucci report that he made many w a x and clay models, a f e w o f w h i c h survive. T w o ancient works visible in R o m e that could not have failed to excite Giambologna w e r e the Laocoon (Fig. 14), discovered in 1 5 0 6 , and The Punishment qfDirke

(Fig. 15), unearthed only in 1 5 4 6 . B o t h exhibit the

powerful energy that is a fundamental constituent o f so many o f G i a m bologna's later works. Surely he also studied, among the many w o r k s in R o m e , monuments that D u B r o e u c q admired, such outstanding e x amples o f R o m a n narrative relief as the C o l u m n o f Trajan and the A r c h o f Constantine. 3 3 T h e restrained classicism o f Andrea Sansovino's Sforza and Basso monuments in Santa Maria del P o p o l o w o u l d also have appealed to him. A n d he must have visited the Vatican frescoes o f M i c h e l angelo and R a p h a e l m o r e than once, mesmerized by their combination

16

Figure 14. Laocoòn, first century B.C. Marble, 184 cm. Museo Vaticano, Rome. Figure 15. The Punishment of Dirke, original of 150 B.C. Marble, 370 cm. Museo Nazionale, Naples.

of powerful energy, suavity, and grace. Baldinucci recounts an entertaining incident that purportedly took place between Giambologna and Michelangelo; whether true or not, it does set up an Italian artistic genealogy for Giambologna. According to the story, the young sculptor one day took one of his models to Michelangelo, w h o promptly destroyed it, fashioned another to please himself, and advised Giambologna to learn how to make a proper bozzetto before embarking on the finished product. 34 M o r e certain, though not provable, are Giambologna's visits to the workshop of Guglielmo della Porta, where he could have learned bronze casting and seen restorations of ancient works. 3 5 T h e exposure to both ancient and Renaissance works was to inspire Giambologna throughout his career and very early superseded any lingering Flemish idiosyncrasies of style he might have acquired in his homeland. About 1556, models in hand, Giambologna began the long return trip to Flanders, stopping o f f in Florence on the way. Initially he found support and w o r k through the wealthy patron Bernardo Vecchietti. 36 T h e combination of Vecchietti's contacts and Giambologna's talent eventually led to continuous patronage by the ruling Medici: Grand Dukes Cosimo, Francesco, and Ferdinando. Such a receptive and welcoming environment evidently induced Giambologna to remain in Florence for the rest of his long life, during which he became the most famous and influential sculptor in Europe between Michelangelo and Bernini. W h e n he received the Grimaldi Chapel commission in 1579, G i a m bologna was fifty years old and enjoyed noble patronage as court sculptor to Grand D u k e Francesco de' Medici of Florence. Writing a hundred years later, Baldinucci attributed Giambologna's fame to Medici patronage: " T h e celebrated Flemish sculptor Giovanni Bologna, thanks to having fallen into the hands of a magnanimous prince, achieved not only perfection in his art and riches but such fame as to render him immortal forever." 3 7 Giambologna's reputation extended throughout Europe, principally because of his bronze statuettes, which were much in demand. 38 This reputation was protected by the high quality of the work that issued from his busy shop, where he supervised many well-trained assistants, w h o later went off to w o r k for princes in northern Europe. Rarely did Giambologna leave Florence, and w h e n he did, his position as court sculptor obliged him to secure the grand duke's permission to work for another patron. 39 Even the H o l y R o m a n Emperors Maximilian II and

his son Rudolf II were unsuccessful when they tried to lure Giambologna to work for them.40 This was the situation when Luca Grimaldi decided that he wanted the great Giambologna to decorate his family funeral chapel. H o w he lured him is an intriguing question that will be treated in Chapter 2. Giambologna's efforts for his noble Genoese patron were very much in tune with the spirit of the Catholic Reformation in the late sixteenth century.41 The Grimaldi Chapel is only one example, another being the Salviati Chapel in Florence, of how the prevalent view of Giambologna as a superficial mannerist is completely off the mark. Efforts at reform in the visual arts focused on a straightforward presentation of narrative and the elimination of any elements that might be considered distracting, implausible, or lascivious. Prominent among the reformers were Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti and Giovanni Andrea Gilio da Fabriano, both of whose treatises circulated widely. 42 But Giambologna went further than simply following their dicta in his work for the Grimaldi Chapel. He explored and exploited the narrative possibilities of relief to create a dynamic interaction between viewer and work of art. B y adapting the multiple-view technique normally applicable only to freestanding sculpture, he succeeded in his relief sculptures in involving the viewer, through time, as an active participant in the unfolding narrative. After Giambologna, Bernini carried this involvement of the spectator to its apogee, integrating the pictorial and narrative characteristics of relief into freestanding sculpture.

C H A P T E R

THE

2

SETTING

T

_l_he appearance of the Grimaldi

Chapel, which can be re-created according to available sources, although these are incomplete, sets the stage for a critical analysis of its art program and the narrative style of its reliefs. To reestablish the original context for Giambologna's bronzes, a task central to my argument, I summarize here what is known about the chapel and reinterpret some of the sources.1 The Grimaldi Chapel bronzes, now in the chapel and Aula Magna of the University of Genoa, comprise seven reliefs depicting scenes from the Passion of Christ, six Virtues, and six angels. The reliefs are Christ before Pilate, The Flagellation, Christ Crowned with Thorns, Ecce Homo, Pilate Washing His Hands, The Way to Calvary, and The Entombment (Plates j— 12, Fig. 5). The Virtues are Faith, Hope, Charity, Justice, Fortitude, and Temperance (Plates 2—6, Fig. 4). O f these works, all but The Entombment are mentioned in the contract for the chapel executed on 24 July 1579. 2 There was also a bronze crucifix, since lost, as well as two paintings, The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt (Fig. 16; Plate 13), by the Pisan artist Aurelio Lomi, probably painted in the 1590s. 3 Levari, biographer of the Genoese doges, mentions a magnificent tomb, which must have disappeared with the church, and a bronze statue of Grimaldi that has not surfaced. Evidently there were also stuccos, destroyed with the church, for Giulio Negrone refers to them in his oration celebrating the coronation of Luca Grimaldi as doge in 1605. 4 Figures 17 and 18 show

21

Figure 16. Aurelio Lomi, Joseph Sold into Egypt, c. 1597. Convento di San Antonio, Gaggiola (La Spezia).

my suggested placement of the Grimaldi Chapel's principal features and its original appearance. At the height of the sixteenth-century renovation activities in San Francesco di Castelletto, Giambologna entered the picture. From correspondence, it is clear that he was called to Genoa by the doge and governors, w h o negotiated directly for his services with Francesco de' Medici, grand duke of Tuscany. 5 Although it is not clear whether these services included w o r k for the Grimaldi Chapel, it is reasonable to assume that they did because the contract for the chapel was signed during Giambologna's trip to Genoa in July 1579. It seems unlikely that the idea to have Giambologna decorate the Grimaldi Chapel occurred suddenly to Luca Grimaldi while the sculptor was in Genoa on other business. T h e correspondence, which reveals that Giambologna's assignment in Genoa was of public importance, suggests that the Grimaldi Chapel was intended as a major Genoese monument. Local talent, however, was ap-

22

parently far too modest to satisfy Genoese aspirations; only the best in all Europe would do. Other artists had been imported in the past by the Genoese, including Matteo Civitale (1436—1501) and Andrea Sansovino (c. 1467-1529), who were called by the Padri di Comune to work in the Chapel of Saint John the Baptist in the duomo, and Perino del Vaga, who remodeled and redecorated the Palazzo del Principe for Andrea Doria from about 1528 to 1533. 6 Galeazzo Alessi, the Perugian architect, was also a significant presence in Genoa in mid-century, designing Santa Maria Assunta in Carignano, renovations in the cathedral, various villas, and other works. 7 The altar chapel in San Matteo that Giovanni Montorsoli executed between 1543 and 1547 for Andrea Doria, though not similar in layout to the Grimaldi Chapel, was the most lavish and prestigious precedent for it in Genoa. 8 Doria, as patron of both secular and religious art, intended to unite these two spheres in one glorious triumphant statement celebrating the supremacy of Genoa and his part in it. There is a relic of the cross in the crypt of Doria's funerary chapel, as there was in the Grimaldi. Grimaldi, unlike Doria, could not expect to make an entire church into a family mausoleum, but he could rival and even surpass the Doria in the decorative splendor achieved in a single chapel. M o n torsoli's marble statues around the apse of San Matteo are impressive but hardly as magnificent as Giambologna's golden bronzes of Virtues and reliefs in combination with the colored marbles, stuccos, and paintings of the Grimaldi Chapel. The precise influence the Genoese exercised over Francesco de' M e dici to secure Giambologna's services remains a mystery. It may have had to do with a mission entrusted to Luca Grimaldi in 1577 to carry official congratulations to the duke on the birth of his son.9 Either on this mission or at another time Grimaldi was also able to resolve a jurisdictional dispute over the territory ofLunigiana, greatly to the relief of Genoa. A rare glimpse of the bite of individual personality appears in a letter Grimaldi wrote from Florence to the doge, in which he relates some details of his visit. He was irritated that the grand duke was not in town when he arrived and annoyed that he was lodged, not in the ducal palace, where the ambassador of Savoy stayed, but in the house of Bartolomeo Fornari, who, nevertheless, showed him every courtesy. 10 In addition to diplomatic contacts such as the one just described, other ties between Genoa and Florence were customary; undoubtedly the powerful Genoese Banco di San Giorgio was doing business with the Medici

as well. Fortunately for Genoa, Grimaldi, and posterity, Grand Duke Francesco did release Giambologna for the commission. And by all accounts the Grimaldi Chapel lived up to expectations. Negrone was unstinting in his praise, observing that it was "full of devotion" because of the many important indulgences attached to it, declaring that it had become a model of its kind and had stimulated other wealthy families to decorate the churches of Genoa in an opulent manner. 11 The link between Giambologna and Luca Grimaldi may have been created during Luca's ambassadorial mission in 1577. At that time Giambologna and his future patron might easily have met, and Grimaldi must certainly have seen the sculptor's work. 1 2 At some point, if not in Flor-

24

Figure 18. Author's reconstruction of the lateral walls, Grimaldi Chapel, with position of Virtues indicated.

ence then in Genoa, Grimaldi saw Giambologna's bronze statuette the Rape of the Sabine (Fig. 19), made for the duke of Parma. He was so impressed with it that he stipulated in the Grimaldi contract that the Farnese statuette was the standard against which Giambologna's chapel bronzes would be judged. 1 3 The choice of bronze for the chapel sculpture is in itself remarkable. Giambologna was just as expert in marble as in bronze, and while he was creating the bronze reliefs for the Salviati Chapel in San Marco, Florence, he was making the saint statues for the same chapel in marble. Bronze, highly regarded since antiquity as a medium, was given first place by Pliny in his Historia Naturalis and by Pomponius Gauricus in his De Sculptura of 1504. 1 4 Ancient precedent,

25

Figure 19. Giambologna, Rape of the Sabine, 1579. Bronze statuette, 98 cm. Museo e Galerie Nazionali di Capodimonte, Naples.

the aesthetic appeal of bronze, and a desire on the part of both patron and artist to surpass prior monuments all must have figured in the choice. Another link between Luca Grimaldi and Giambologna was probably the painter Luca Cambiaso, w h o witnessed the Grimaldi Chapel contract and whose involvement in the chapel will be discussed later. A c cording to Soprani, Cambiaso was presented to the grand duke in Florence in 1 5 7 5 and undoubtedly had the opportunity not only to meet

Giambologna, if they had not met before, but also to see his work. Possibly Cambiaso himself urged Grimaldi to engage Giambologna for his chapel. The Genoese painter Giovan Battista Paggi was a further tie between Genoa and Giambologna, who befriended Paggi while he was living in Florence during the 1580s and 1590s. 15 Although there are lacunae in our information on many details of the Grimaldi commission, we can read between the lines for clues. The correspondence between the Genoese government and Francesco de' Medici (8 May, 26 May, 28 July) indicates that Giambologna was responsible for architectural decoration while in Genoa; we might thus assume that the decoration for the Grimaldi Chapel was included. 16 A n drew Morrogh's suggestion that Giambologna derived his ideas for the Salviati Chapel from Palladio is intriguing; if borne out, it would explain the similar articulation of the Grimaldi Chapel walls. 17 Assuming, then, that Giambologna, even if only through adaptation, was responsible for the architectural design of the Grimaldi Chapel, we must look to other architectural works by him for clues to its appearance. Three monuments illustrate the pedimental decoration and wall arrangements he favored: the Altar of Liberty, 1577, in the cathedral of Lucca; the Salviati Chapel, completed in 1585, in the Church of San Marco in Florence; and the artist's own burial chapel, the Soccorso Chapel, in Santissima Annunziata, Florence, begun in 1594. The two works closest in date to the Grimaldi Chapel, the Altar of Liberty (see Fig. 24) and the Salviati Chapel (see Figs. 20—22), are more exuberant, more sculptural in design, and spatially more complex than the later chapel in the Annunziata (see Fig. 25), where the architectural decoration is flatter and more subdued, even to the point of austerity. In all three monuments, however, Giambologna's organizing motif was the tripartite scheme also used for the walls of the Grimaldi Chapel. Of the three works just mentioned, the Salviati Chapel is the one most similar to the Grimaldi in scale, layout, and decorative components. In fact its design just preceded that of the Grimaldi Chapel. Built and decorated on commission from the Salviati family, the chapel is Giambologna's most important extant architectural and sculptural complex. According to documents heretofore unpublished, payments for the Salviati Chapel had begun at least by 13 June 1579. 1 8 On that date Jacopo di Zanobi Piccardi, a stone carver from Rovezzano, was to be paid 100 gold scudi for marble to be brought from Carrara for the Chapel of Saint Antoninus, San Marco, Florence. The plans for the Grimaldi Chapel, if they were devised by Giambologna, can hardly have

SETTING

Figure 20. Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, c. 1579, left wall. San Marco, Florence.

been worked out before his visit to Genoa in J u l y 1579, by which time the Salviati Chapel was already under way. This chapel thus serves as the major visual source for reconstructing the Grimaldi Chapel. T h e bronze reliefs for the Salviati Chapel were also begun, and presumably therefore designed, earlier than those for the Grimaldi. 1 9 In the Salviati Chapel (Figs. 20—22) the central motif of each of the three walls is an aedicula framing a painting, consisting of an engaged

28

SETTING

Figure 21.

Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, c. 1579, right wall. San Marco, Florence.

c o l u m n o n each side raised o n a socle and c r o w n e d b y a triangular b r o k e n p e d i m e n t o n the lateral walls and a segmental b r o k e n p e d i m e n t on the altar wall (Fig. 23). T h e dadoes under the c o l u m n bases are enlivened by colored marble panels. T h e aedicula in each case is flanked by statues o f saints in r o u n d h e a d e d niches, and the w h o l e wall is enclosed by colossal composite pilasters, w i t h an entablature above

running

around the three walls o f the chapel. A n g e l s recline o n the segmental

29

Figure 22. Giambologna, Salviati Chapel, c. 1579, altar wall. San Marco, Florence.

Figure 23. Diagram of architectural terms, Grimaldi Chapel.

pediment of the central aedicula, as they do on the Altar of Liberty (Fig. 24), but the architectural decoration and decorative detail produce a simpler and more subdued overall effect in the Salviati Chapel than they do on the Altar of Liberty. T h e aediculae in the chapel, instead of projecting like porticoes, as in the Altar of Liberty, are set back against the wall with minimal projection. While the pediments have a break at the peak, the moldings are not otherwise interrupted, as they are in the Altar of Liberty, by an entirely different motif. Giambologna's o w n burial chapel, the Soccorso Chapel (Figs. 25, 26), austere in design and color by comparison with the two earlier works, does have the same combination of niches filled with sculpture flanking a central image, but it lacks aediculae. Probably all the aediculae in the Grimaldi Chapel resembled the one on the altar wall of the Salviati Chapel, with its segmental pediment. T h e posture o f the angels (Figs. 6, 7) intended for the pediments in the

31

SETTING

Figure 24. Giambologna, Altar of Liberty, 1577—79, marble. Duomo, Lucca.

Grimaldi Chapel suggests this, corresponding as it does to that of the angels on the Altar of Liberty and on the Salviati altar wall. In a drawing of a proposed design for the altar wall of the Salviati Chapel (Fig. 27), angels recline on a simple broken pediment; evidently the scheme was unsatisfactory, because it was discarded in the final execution. T h e sumptuousness of the Grimaldi Chapel would have been enhanced by colored marble panels set not only into the walls above the Virtue stat-

Figure 25. Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel, c. 1594. Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

ues but in the dado as well, as in the Salviati Chapel, where at least seven different colors of marble are visible on the walls and in the floor: black, black flecked with rose, white, maroon with rose, red, umber, green. 20 To bring all the elements of the design together, colossal c o m posite pilasters would then have framed each wall at the corners. Above, the three walls would have been tied together by a continuous entablature. In sum, the only significant differences in architectural design be-

Figure 26. Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel, c. 1594, right wall. Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

Figure 27. Study for the aitar wall of the Salviati Chapel, c. 1580, no. 237A, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampi degli Uffizi, Florence.

tween the Grimaldi Chapel (Figs. 17, 18) and the Salviati (Figs. 20-22) seem to have been the shape of the side wall pediments and the placement of the bronze reliefs and marble panels. Otherwise, the combination of paintings framed by aediculae and niches with sculpture was probably similar. Although the Salviati Chapel must be the principal guide to a reconstruction of the Grimaldi, there are other, more general, precedents. The idea of combining painting and niches with sculpture in one chapel, as was done in both the Salviati and Grimaldi chapels, developed in the sixteenth century. Giambologna would have been familiar with such combinations in both R o m e and Florence. When he arrived in R o m e for the first time in 1554, Vasari and Ammanati had just finished the Del Monte Chapel (Fig. 28) in San Pietro in Montorio, an important work combining painting and niches with sculpture.21 The wall

SETTING

Figure 28. Vasari and Ammanati, Del Monte Chapel, begun 1550. San Pietro in Montorio, Rome.

arrangement in the Del Monte Chapel resembles a single wall of the Grimaldi Chapel. Shaped like a deep niche, the Del Monte has over the altar one large painting framed by an aedicula with a segmental pediment and flanked by Virtues, each in a niche. In Florence, when he was still struggling to make a name for himself in the 1560s, Giambologna was involved in sculpture for the Chapel of San Luca in Santissima A n nunziata. This elaborate chapel (begun 1565; Fig. 29) for the artists' guild also combines painting and sculptural niches. 22 O n e Genoese precedent, close in time to the Grimaldi Chapel, is the Lercari Chapel, situated to the left of the choir in the Cathedral of San Lorenzo (Fig. 30). Here, on the lateral walls, in a tripartite architectural framework, four Virtues (Faith, Hope, Charity, and Prudence) in niches flank paintings that simulate sarcophagi surmounted by seated effigies of the patrons. A relief is located above each niche; covering the entire

36

Figure 2g. Chapel of San Luca, c. 1565^75. Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

wall above each funerary m o n u m e n t is a painting (Marriage of the Virgin and Presentation in the Temple).27' Grimaldi was undoubtedly impressed by the Lercari and favored the inclusion o f the Virtues and the combination o f three-dimensional sculpture and relief with painting. A n o t h e r influential factor must have been the involvement o f Luca Cambiaso, w h o witnessed the Grimaldi contract, probably helped in its planning, and had w o r k e d in the Lercari Chapel. A final clue to the broad articulation o f the Grimaldi C h a p e l walls is f o u n d in other sumptuous family chapels built by wealthy G e n o e s e in emulation o f the Grimaldi. A m o n g these w e r e the Senarega C h a p e l in the cathedral ( 1 5 8 3 - 9 3 ) , the Immacolata C h a p e l and C h a p e l o f Saint J o h n the Baptist in San Pietro di Banchi ( 1 5 8 8 - 9 0 ) , and the Pinelli (begun 1595; Fig. 3 1 ) and Serra chapels (begun 1590) in San Siro. Like the Grimaldi Chapel, the Senarega and the chapels in San Pietro are located in the most prestigious parts o f the church, flanking the main altar. E v e n if there are differences in emphasis and detail, the general articulation o f the walls o f these chapels is similar to that o f the Grimaldi, with the

37

SETTING

Figure jo. Lercari Chapel, c. 1565—70. San Lorenzo, Genoa (Prudence on the right).

central aedicula containing a painting, crowned with a pediment, and flanked by statues in niches. T h e use of bronze for the statues and reliefs, however, is unique to the Grimaldi. These later chapels surely reflect the Grimaldi Chapel and confirm its appearance but add no new information to what has been already gathered from other sources. 24 Several crucial points relating to the chapel's decorative components emerge from a careful reading of the contract and subsequent guidebooks. In addition to the six Virtues and Passion reliefs, already mentioned, the contract specifies six bronze angels, a pair over the central image of each wall of the chapel. T w o of these images were to be painted panels; the medium for the third was not given. In Soprani's

38

Figure 31. Pinelli Chapel, 1595—1603. San Siro, Genoa.

1674 guide to artists in G e n o a w e find, not surprisingly, that the Virtues stood in marble niches, that another relief had b e e n added, m a k i n g seven, and that there w e r e t w o oil paintings (Fig. 16; Plate 13) b y A u r e l i o Lomi. 2 5 It may seem strange to us that Cambiaso, w h o was closely c o n nected to Grimaldi, was not the author o f these paintings. B u t apparently w h o was to paint t h e m was decided only after the contract was signed, because they are not specifically assigned; furthermore, b y 1583 C a m b i a s o had left G e n o a to w o r k at the Escorial in Spain; he died there in 1585. M o r e o v e r , L o m i was a highly regarded and popular painter, j u d g i n g b y his many commissions in and around G e n o a and Padua, m e n t i o n e d b y Soprani.

Ratti's 1768 edition of Soprani's book, besides identifying the seventh relief for the Grimaldi Chapel as The Entombment (Plate 12; Ratti says it was the altar frontal) and stating, " P e r l'Altare medesimo ei gitto in bronzo l'lmmagine del Crocifisso" (For the same altar he cast in bronze the image of the crucifix), 26 also gives the subjects of Aurelio Lomi's two paintings: the Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt. Although the Grimaldi contract specified Prudence as one of the six virtues and Christ before Pilate as one of the six reliefs, Ratti has substituted Temperance for Prudence and Christ Presented to the High Priest for Christ before Pilate. 27 T h e change from Prudence to Temperance, which seems confirmed by the statue itself, nevertheless remains problematic. Prudence was traditionally such an important v i r t u e — t h e first of the cardinal virtues after the three theological ones, according to Aquinas—that it is hard to imagine that it was entirely eliminated from the Grimaldi program or conflated with Temperance and given a subordinate role with only a compass to indicate its presence. Even though the virtue of temperance became increasingly important f r o m the thirteenth century with the revival of Aristotle's Ethics and its emphasis on the golden mean, prudence continued to have an honored place. 28 T h e prominence of the figure of Prudence in the Grimaldi context emerges in the two orations delivered for Grimaldi's coronation in 1605, which dwell on the virtue at some length. Furthermore, Prudence is depicted with Justice holding the Grimaldi coat of arms on the frontispiece of the published Oratione.29 Perhaps the lost bronze statue of Grimaldi himself, mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, was intended to embody prudence in some way that w e can never know. O r Prudence could have been represented in the chapel's stuccos. T h e addition to the chapel after the contract was signed in 1 5 7 9 of the crucifix and The Entombment mentioned by Ratti, as well as the apparent substitution of Temperance for Prudence, may have been prompted by two factors: the probable transfer of relics of the cross and crown of thorns to the chapel after the signing of the contract and the apostolic visitation of the bishop of Novara, Monsignore Francesco B o s sio, in 1 5 8 2 . As will be discussed in connection with the program of the chapel, the practice of venerating relics was reaffirmed by the Council of Trent. It was Luca Grimaldi w h o had the cross and crown of thorns relics placed in the family chapel. H e probably added the crucifix and The Entombment relief in response to the visit of Bossio, w h o specified that there be a bronze or silver cross in every chapel unless the image

of the crucifix was painted in the altarpiece or on the wall. In the case of the Grimaldi Chapel the crucifix would have been appropriate, for the chapel itself was dedicated to the holy cross. As concluding scenes for the Passion cycle, already stipulated in the contract, both the crucifix and The Entombment made logical additions. The original plan provided for paintings without enumerating their subjects. Lomi's two paintings, The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt, both represented Old Testament analogues to the Crucifixion. They not only emphasized the chapel's dedication to the holy cross but also focused attention on the act of sacrifice. And Christ's sacrifice on the cross was reenacted with each celebration of the Eucharist. 30 The visual evidence just reviewed—Giambologna's extant architectural decoration; the precedents of important chapels in Florence, Rome, and Genoa; and the reflections of Giambologna's work in later Genoese chapels—augments the information deduced from the contract and the guidebooks. This evidence establishes that the Virtues in the Grimaldi Chapel flanked the central image on each wall, whether it was a painting or a sculpture. It also gives a reasonably accurate picture of the aediculae. The location of the Passion reliefs remains to be determined. That the contract specified six Passion reliefs of the same size (the seventh being much larger) and six Virtues suggests that these works were paired on the three walls of the chapel. But the location for the Passion reliefs either above or below the Virtue statues must be established. Giambologna's two extant chapels in Florence, the Salviati Chapel (Figs. 20—22) in San Marco, designed just before the Grimaldi, and the artist's own burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata (Figs. 25, 26), acquired by the artist in 1594, suggest the answer. Giambologna placed the six narrative reliefs above the statues of saints in their niches in the Salviati Chapel, where these reliefs have a vertical format, about 1.47 X 1 . 1 0 meters, instead of a horizontal one and are much larger than the Grimaldi relief panels, which are .47 X .71 meters. The height of the Salviati reliefs is one and a half times the width, whereas the proportions of the Grimaldi are the reverse, with the width about one and a half times the height, like the dark marble panels set into the wall beneath the saint statues in the Salviati Chapel. Because of their size and format the Salviati reliefs had to be placed above, rather than beneath, the saint statues. If we look at one of the Salviati reliefs, Saint Antoninus Reconciling the Signoria (Fig. 32), we see clearly that

Figure 32. Giambologna, Saint Antoninus Reconciling the Signoria, 1581—87. Bronze, 147 X n o cm. Salviati Chapel, San Marco, Florence.

Giambologna designed them with the viewpoint of the spectator in mind; the ground planes are tipped up and the perspective adjusted for easier viewing. The depth of the relief is also adapted to the viewer, with the heads and upper bodies of the figures sculpted in higher relief whereas the lower bodies are much flatter. Giambologna's manifest concern for the spectator in the Florentine chapel would have been expressed in the Grimaldi Chapel as well. Fortunately, Giambologna s own burial chapel in Santissima Annunziata helps verify that the reliefs in the Grimaldi Chapel were placed beneath the statues. A set of the six Passion reliefs virtually identical to those mentioned in the Grimaldi contract decorates this chapel. 31 Apparently Giambologna was so pleased with the Grimaldi reliefs that he persuaded Grand Duke Ferdinando I to give the six replicas to him for his chapel, where he had them placed below the statues, undoubtedly reflecting the arrangement of the Grimaldi Chapel, for there is no reason to suppose that in the Annunziata chapel Giambologna would have departed from the earlier arrangement. Thus in the Grimaldi Chapel the spectator's viewpoint for the reliefs—in contrast to that for the reliefs in the Salviati Chapel—was calculated at about a foot above eye level (approximately five feet, five inches). The photograph of Christ Crowned with Thorns in the Annunziata chapel (Fig. 33) confirms this placement, and the calculation itself argues conclusively that the reliefs were beneath the statues. From a purely aesthetic point of view, the Grimaldi reliefs could have been placed over the Virtue statues, but then they would have been indecipherable and their entire narrative import would have been lost, an unacceptable solution. The contract for Giambologna's burial chapel, dated 1594, specifically gave the artist a free hand in devising his own program and decoration, as long as his choices did not violate the decrees of the Council of Trent. 32 Locating these Passion reliefs above the statues certainly would have violated the Council's demand for clear comprehension of the narrative. The location of the Grimaldi reliefs under the Virtue statues would have followed a long-established tradition in painted and sculpted altarpieces of placing narrative scenes below standing figures. Thus the relationship of the reliefs to the statues above them is the same as that of predella panels to the painted figures of saints above them. Many fifteenth- and sixteenth-century sculpted altarpieces, such as Benedetto da Maiano's Altar of the Annunciation (Fig. 34) and Andrea Sansovino's Corbinelli altar (c. 1490, Santo Spirito, Florence), display the same for-

Figure 33- Giambologna, Christ Crowned with Thorns, 1585-87. Bronze, 47 X 71 cm. Soccorso Chapel, Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

mat. If Benedetto's altarpiece w e r e dismantled and its statues and narrative scenes reassembled as separate parts on the walls o f a chapel, the saints standing in niches above the reliefs, the resulting ensemble w o u l d l o o k something like the Grimaldi Chapel. This configuration changes the relationship between the c o m p o n e n t parts and between those parts and the viewers, w h o n o w have a kinesthetic experience. N o longer confined to one spot, as they w e r e while contemplating Benedetto's w o r k , they n o w feel impelled to move around the chapel, interacting as participants in the Passion narrative and responding actively to the V i r tues. Concurrently, the space o f the chapel is activated; sculpture, v i e w ers, and space are interdependent parts o f one complex. Because the Grimaldi C h a p e l was a family funeral chapel, any recreation o f the setting must account f o r the location o f sarcophagi and the altar. L u c a Grimaldi's will, dated 5 J u n e 1 6 1 1 , three days b e f o r e his death, gives only the instruction that he be buried in his chapel, the C h a p e l o f the H o l y Cross, in San Francesco di Castelletto. A c c o r d i n g to Federico Federici in his Scrutinio della Nobilita o f 1 6 4 1 , Luca's wish was carried out and he was indeed buried there: " L u c a G r i m a l d o q.

44

SETTING

Figure 34. Benedetto da Maiano, Altar of the Annunciation, c. 1474—75, marble. Sant'Anna dei Lombardi, Naples.

francesci . . . fu sepolto nella sua Capella superbissima e R e g i a nella Chiesa de S. Francesco" (Luca Grimaldi, son o f Francesco, was buried in his most splendid and royal chapel in the C h u r c h o f San Francesco). Luca's father, Francesco, was already buried in the C h a p e l o f the H o l y Cross, as G i u l i o Pasqua records in a manuscript o f 1 6 1 0 , Memorie e Sepolcri che sono nelle chiese e ne' suburbi di Genova:

" 1 5 4 4 Sepulcrum francisci

di Grimaldis qm. Raphaelis." 3 3 O t h e r members o f the Grimaldi family must have been buried there as well. Sarcophagi are f o u n d in crypts as well as attached to chapel walls. A major chapel like the Grimaldi often had a crypt, used for both relics and sarcophagi. 3 4 Giambologna's Salviati C h a p e l in Florence has one, as

Figure 35. Nicolò Dona Chapel, begun 1578 (detail). San Matteo, Genoa.

does the earlier Genoese chapel of Andrea Doria in the apse of San Matteo. Although Doria's tomb is in the crypt of his chapel, there are sarcophagi located on the walls of other Doria family chapels in the nave of San Matteo—for instance, in Nicolo Doria's chapel (Fig. 35) to the left of the high altar and also on the walls of Ottaviano Doria's chapel to the right (c. 1587). 35 In all probability there were sarcophagi in the crypt of the Grimaldi Chapel and at least two, if not three, additional ones in the upper chapel on the side walls. 36 The horizontal format of the two paintings by Lomi (Fig. 16; Plate 13) makes it likely that below each was a sarcophagus, an arrangement like that on the altar wall of Giambologna's own burial chapel, the Soccorso (Fig. 36) in the Annunziata. To accommodate the wall sarcophagus in the Soccorso, the painting above was made smaller than the two paintings on the side

46

Figure 36. Giambologna, Soccorso Chapel, c. 1594, aitar wall. Santissima Annunziata, Florence.

walls. A n d in the Grimaldi Chapel, as in the Soccorso, according to what w e can surmise from Soprani and Ratti, a crucifix hung in the place of honor over the altar. Visual considerations favor an island altar for the Grimaldi Chapel, similar to that in the Soccorso. T w o statues in niches and an aedicula and pediment with bronze angels almost certainly made up the altar wall; the missing bronze statue of Luca Grimaldi was also probably located there. A n altar attached to the wall would have required a truncated aedicula, thus distorting its proportions and crowding the statues in niches to either side. A n island altar with the crucifix suspended above, in contrast, would have accommodated all these elements c o m fortably and w o u l d have allowed for a sarcophagus below the patron's statue as well. 3 7 T h e Lercari Chapel arrangement of Virtue statues in

niches flanking a central image (Fig. 30), already mentioned as a Genoese precedent for the Grimaldi, gives an idea of what I envision the configuration of the altar wall of the Grimaldi to have been. To place the Passion scenes in their proper sequence is relatively easy. There is no reason to suppose that they appeared in any order other than that specified in the chapel contract, that is, Christ before Pilate, The Flagellation, Christ Crowned with Thorns, Ecce Homo, Pilate Washing His Hands, and The Way to Calvary. This order follows the dramatic narrative in John 1 8 : 2 8 - 1 9 : 1 7 and in the Canonical Office. 38 That the Grimaldi cycle began immediately to the left of the chapel entrance seems certain; the replicated cycle in Giambologna's own chapel begins on the left, a sequence dictated by the Western convention of reading from left to right. M y analysis of the Passion cycle as a linear narrative, according to which the story unfolds sequentially, also argues for this arrangement (see Chapter 5). Determining the order of the Virtues in the Grimaldi Chapel, however, is problematic. The contract specified representations of the three theological virtues—faith, hope, and charity—and three, instead of the customary four, cardinal virtues: justice, fortitude, and prudence. In the final execution, as we have seen, temperance was represented rather than prudence, which appeared elsewhere or perhaps in some other guise. In determining the specific location of each Virtue it would be helpful to discover a visual or textual tradition relating specific virtues to specific Passion scenes, but none exists. In the late Middle Ages there does seem to be a tradition associating patience with the scene of Christ Bearing the Cross (patience being one aspect of fortitude) in, for example, Saint Hildegard ofBingen's Liber Scivias, the Biblia Pauperum, and vernacular literature such as Chaucer's Parson's Tale.39 But this hardly provides a complete program. One much later text links virtues and the Passion, but only in the most general way: the 1566 catechism, written consequent to the deliberations of the Council of Trent, says that Christ exhibited all the virtues in his Passion, namely, patience, humility, charity, meekness, obedience, and firmness of soul.40 N o special events of the Passion exemplifying these or other virtues are singled out, however. In the rare instances when their representations are combined with the Passion in a single monument, there is no discernible pattern to the juxtaposition. On the original rood screen in Sainte-Waudru, Mons (Fig. 12), where Giambologna had worked as a young apprentice to the Flemish sculptor Jacques Du Broeucq, the seven Virtues stood beside

Figure 37. Giovanni Antonio Amadeo, Bartolommeo Colleoni monument, c. 1473—80, marble. Colleoni Chapel, Bergamo.

Passion scenes, but it is not possible to make specific connections. 41 N o r is there any detectable thematic relationship between Virtues and Passion scenes in Bartolommeo Colleoni's monument (Fig. 37) in his chapel in Bergamo, where the Virtues flank the Passion scenes. 42 O n some monuments the placement of the Virtues accords with their hierarchical importance, as on the Mons rood screen, where the three theological Virtues were above the four cardinal Virtues. Charity held the honored central position at the top, for as Saint Paul, 1 Corinthians

Figure38. Andrea Sansovino, Sforza tomb, c. 1505, marble. Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome.

13:13, makes clear, " S o faith, hope, love, abide, these; but the greatest o f these is love." Furthermore, in its sixth session, in 1547, the C o u n c i l o f Trent reaffirmed the importance o f charity, along with faith and hope, in the doctrine o f justification. 4 3 A n d if w e l o o k at Virtues on Italian tomb monuments, w e find that the theological Virtues usually occupy the m o r e esteemed positions. 44 Faith,

Charity,

and Hope

encircle the

head o f the recumbent effigy in Antonio Pollaiuolo's tomb o f Sixtus IV, while the four cardinal Virtues in relief are seated in pairs on either side

of the body, Prudence opposite Temperance and Fortitude opposite Justice. Andrea Sansovino's twin tombs for the Sforza (Fig. 38) and Basso families in Santa Maria del Popolo, R o m e , display two theological and two cardinal Virtues each. B e l o w G o d the Father, Charity, in the f o r m of the Madonna and Child, and Faith and Hope occupy the attic portion while Justice and Prudence, on the Sforza tomb, and Fortitude and Temperance, on the Basso tomb, stand in niches flanking the sarcophagus. For the Grimaldi Chapel, which had three walls, each with niches and a central image, the Virtues must have been grouped in pairs. In proposing which Virtue stood in which niche, I have considered both design and theology, particularly the importance of faith, hope, and charity in church thought. 45 Thus, Fortitude (Plate 6) and Justice (Fig. 4), representing those virtues most closely associated with worldly concerns, would face each other, one to the left and the other to the right o f the chapel entrance, their composition determining their location. T h e best placement for Fortitude—with

her left hand extended, her right

pulled back, and her torso turned slightly to her right—is to the spectator's left, whereas that for Justice is to the spectator's right. Hope (Plate 2), the active, and Temperance (Plate 5), the contemplative virtue, would have formed a complementary pair facing one another in the inner niches of the lateral walls. Hope, her body tightly coiled with intense yearning, gazes up toward the source of salvation; her best placement is to the viewer's left. Temperance, w h o can be viewed comfortably from any position, counterbalances the passion of Hope and fits well on the right wall of the chapel, to the spectator's right. Charity (Plate 4), as the first theological Virtue, should be near the altar, her design allowing for a wide range of viewpoints; these considerations place her securely on the altar wall. She could occupy either niche there. H e r group, comprising three figures, is the most complex design of all the Virtues. H e r pronounced contrapposto stance makes a place for one child in the hollow of her body, and the resulting turn of her head and shoulder to her right permits the other child to stand against her right leg. Faith (Plate 3), as one of the theological virtues, makes a logical companion to Charity, and her contrapposto stance with her weight on her inside leg complements that of Charity, whose weight is also on her inside leg. 46 Although she can be viewed from several points, the most satisfactory are front and left; her niche w o u l d be to the left of the altar, leaving Charity to occupy the niche on the right. To summarize m y proposal: Fortitude to the left and Justice to the right at the entrance to

the chapel, followed by Hope to the left and Temperance to the right, and finally Faith to the left and Charity to the right on the altar wall. Using the reconstructed appearance of the Grimaldi Chapel I propose here (Figs. 17, 18), I proceed in the chapters that follow to unravel the meaning of the decorative program and to assess Giambologna's contribution to visual narrative at a crucial stage in its history.

C

FAITH,

H

A

P

T

E

R

GOOD

AND THE

3

WORKS,

CATHOLIC

REFORMATION

T

_l_he part played by the Virtues in

the Grimaldi Chapel p r o g r a m — b o t h their prominence and Giambologna's portrayal of them—merits attention. As personifications of abstract concepts the Virtues embodied good works and were also intended to inspire a chain of associations in the penitent, w h o would presumably meditate on them to find the Christian path to eternal life. According to Catholic doctrine Christ's Passion connects the virtues and salvation. Humankind's only hope for salvation lay in Christ's atonement at the Crucifixion. This he accomplished because he possessed every virtue and could therefore triumph over vice. Many medieval texts dealt with the virtues, typically pairing them with their corresponding vices. 1 But as early as Giovanni Pisano's tomb o f Margaret of Brabant, queen o f Luxembourg, in San Francesco di Castelletto (1312— 13) the virtues appear in tomb sculpture without the vices. 2 Christian preoccupation with salvation, both on the part of individuals and in official church circles, was not new to the sixteenth century but became more pronounced at the time of the Reformation. A major controversy between Catholics and Protestants concerned the means to achieve the salvation fervently sought by all. Early in the century, in sermons, letters, and tracts, Martin Luther initiated the battle, declaring vehemently that salvation was attainable through faith alone, that is, through the passive acceptance o f God's grace. W h i l e not denying the beneficial effects of good works during life, Luther nevertheless believed that individuals

could

not

actively

achieve

their

own

salvation.

53

Throughout the century the dispute continued, with learned men from both sides eloquently arguing their viewpoints. The Book of Regensburg of 1 5 4 1 , an attempt to reconcile the opposing sides, failed. 3 It was obvious that the church could not remain united. The beginning of the FAITH,

GOOD

AND THE

WORKS,

CATHOLIC

REFORMATION

Council of Trent in 1545 only gave official recognition to this irrevocable split. At the same time, movements within the Catholic church itself reaffirmed and strengthened just such traditional beliefs as the value of good works. The most influential of these resulted in the formation of the Society of Jesus, which was approved by Pope Paul III in 1540; in the reforming crusade of the Jesuits an active spiritual life, involving good works, figured heavily. Ignatius of Loyola had worked out a whole program of religious exercises, published in 1548 as The Spiritual Exercises, so practical that all Christians could use them as a help to salvation. Good works are the outward manifestation of inner virtues, argue the Catholics. The presence in the Grimaldi Chapel of the Virtues as well as the Passion cycle reflects both the timely concerns of the Council of Trent, which renewed the medieval link between the virtues and Christ's Passion, and a long tradition in tomb iconography. Although Virtues themselves are not remarkable in a funerary context, their combination with a Passion cycle, as I mentioned in Chapter 2, is highly unusual. Furthermore, they rarely appear as monumental, fully independent statues that happen to stand in niches, as in the Grimaldi Chapel. More commonly, statues of saints and/or prophets occupy such niches, as in Giambologna's Salviati Chapel in Florence. Two other instances, however, of the Virtues' appearing in a similar setting are the Del Monte Chapel in R o m e of the early 1550s (Fig. 28), which includes Justice and Religion, and the Lercari Chapel of the 1560s in the Cathedral of San Lorenzo, Genoa (Fig. 30). In the Lercari Chapel the three theological Virtues plus Prudence flank paintings simulating sarcophagi with seated effigies. As I have mentioned, Luca Grimaldi surely took note of this chapel belonging to a fellow aristocrat and prominently situated immediately adjacent to the choir of the Genoese cathedral. Luca Cambiaso's involvement included at least the statue of Prudence. 4 In no other respect, however, does the Grimaldi program resemble the Marian program of the Lercari, which includes frescoes of the Marriage and Purification of the Virgin. B y the end of the sixteenth century, the inclusion of Virtues in tomb monuments, though not as monumental freestanding statues, was a

54

well-established tradition in Italy and northern Europe, so that their appearance in Luca Grimaldi's chapel is not surprising. In Italy, from the late Middle Ages on, many tombs included Virtues, usually as underlife-size niche figures in wall tombs. Virtues are found as integral parts of the program on such royal tombs as those built in the fourteenth century for the Anjou family in Naples by Tino di Camaino. 5 They are also found on such tombs of saints as that of Saint Dominic in San

FAITH,

GOOD

AND THE

WORKS,

CATHOLIC

REFORMATION

Domenico Maggiore in Bologna, sculpted in the thirteenth century.6 B y the Renaissance they appear on the tombs of powerful church figures: Pollaiuolo's for Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII, where the Virtues are sculpted in relief, and Andrea Sansovino's for Cardinals Basso and Sforza (Fig- 38).7 The custom of placing Virtues on the tombs of rulers, saints, and churchmen was not confined to Italy. Royal tombs in France and the Low Countries often included Virtues. Two prominent examples are the Giustis' tomb of Louis X I I and his wife Anne (1515—31) in SaintDenis, Paris, and Jean Mone's tomb for Wilhelm of Croy in Heverle (1520s). Virtues continued to be a prominent feature of tomb programs in both Italy and northern Europe throughout the sixteenth century and well into the seventeenth.8 While tradition may partially account for the Virtues in the Grimaldi Chapel, the doctrinal beliefs and practices codified at the Council of Trent relate more directly to their inclusion there. At the sixth session of the Council of Trent, in 1547, virtues and the concept of good works figured prominently in the same decree on justification that stressed the Passion. As I have already mentioned, the battle between Catholics and Protestants over what constituted justification was one of the most fiercely fought of the whole Reformation. The Protestants' belief in justification by faith, if allowed to take hold, would have undermined and abolished many of the basic practices of the Catholic church. 9 The Council of Trent, consequently, undertook the urgent task of clarifying and reasserting the basic tenet. The decree in which this was accomplished states that the presence of the virtues of faith, hope, and charity is one sign of a spiritual state worthy of justification: Man through Jesus Christ, in whom he is ingrafted, receives in that justification, together with the remission of sins, all these infused at the same time, namely, faith, hope and charity. For faith, unless hope and charity be

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added t o it, neither unites m a n perfectly w i t h Christ n o r makes h i m a living m e m b e r o f His body. F o r w h i c h reason it is m o s t truly said that faith w i t h o u t w o r k s is dead. 1 0

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Specifying the crucial role of virtues and good works in justification, the decree also states: H a v i n g , therefore, b e e n thus j u s t i f i e d and m a d e the friends and domestics o f G o d , a d v a n c i n g f r o m v i r t u e to virtue, t h e y are r e n e w e d , as the A p o s t l e says, day b y day, that is, m o r t i f y i n g the m e m b e r s o f their flesh, and p r e senting t h e m as instruments o f justice u n t o sanctification, they, t h r o u g h the o b s e r v a n c e o f the c o m m a n d m e n t s o f G o d and the C h u r c h , t h r o u g h faith c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h g o o d w o r k s ,

increase in that j u s t i c e

received

t h r o u g h grace o f C h r i s t and are further justified, as it is written: He that is just, let him be justified still; and, Be not afraid to be justified even unto death; and again, Do you see that by works a man is justified,

and not by fiaith only?u

Finally, elaborating on the importance o f good works as concrete manifestations o f virtue, the decree says: T h e r e f o r e , to m e n j u s t i f i e d in this manner, w h e t h e r they have preserved uninterruptedly the g r a c e r e c e i v e d or r e c o v e r e d it w h e n lost, are t o be p o i n t e d o u t the w o r d s o f the A p o s t l e : " A b o u n d in every g o o d

work,

k n o w i n g that y o u r labor is n o t in vain in the L o r d . For G o d is n o t unjust, that h e should forget y o u r w o r k , and the love w h i c h y o u have s h o w n in his n a m e " ; and, " D o n o t lose y o u r c o n f i d e n c e , w h i c h hath great reward." H e n c e , to those w h o w o r k w e l l " u n t o the e n d " and trust in G o d , eternal life is to b e o f f e r e d , b o t h as a grace m e r c i f u l l y p r o m i s e d to the sons o f G o d t h r o u g h C h r i s t Jesus, and as a r e w a r d p r o m i s e d b y G o d himself, to b e faithfully g i v e n t o their g o o d w o r k s and merits. 1 2

In addition to its concern with justification, however, the council, at its fourteenth session, in 1551, reaffirmed the sacrament of penance as necessary for salvation, a doctrine that had featured prominently at the Fourth Lateran Council in 121$, a time w h e n the church was also under pressure from heretical groups. Each communicant had to prepare to receive the sacrament o f penance. Preachers helping their congregations with this preparation used manuals of instruction that explicitly linked both the theological and the cardinal virtues to salvation. 13

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Promoting and elaborating on Tridentine decrees, in this case on the role of sacred images, Gabriele Paleotti, one of the leaders of the Catholic Reformation, declared that the representation of the virtues, which come from the perfection of the Christian life, was secondary only to the representation of religious and sacred things.14 He went on to recommend that artists wishing to represent the virtues look both at how

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respected writers represented them and at how saints and other persons exemplified them. Tridentine thought not only influenced the selection of the Passion cycle and determined the inclusion of Virtues in the Grimaldi Chapel but also provided a textual source, the catechism of 1566, that joined these two elements: In the Passion alone, we have the most illustrious example of the exercise of every virtue. Patience, and humility, and exalted charity, and meekness, and obedience, and unshaken firmness of soul not only in suffering for justice-sake, but also in meeting death, are so conspicuous in the suffering Saviour, that we may truly say, that, on the day of his Passion alone, he offered, in his own person, a living exemplification of all the moral precepts, which he inculcated during the entire time of his public ministry. 15

This catechism, produced under the direct order of Pius V, was the first of its kind and served as the primer for communicants everywhere. Its contents were to be memorized by all good Catholics. The relationship between the virtues and Christ's Passion that it suggests reveals the mode of thinking from which the Grimaldi program sprang, although it establishes no specific connection between individual virtues and events in the Passion story. Other sources from the Middle Ages similarly link the virtues with the Passion. Saint Anselm, for example, said that the gifts of the Holy Spirit and the virtues emanating from them could not be attained by humankind except through the merits of Christ's Passion.16 And medieval artists illustrated the Christian cardinal virtues, derived from Cicero, by joining them to scenes of Christ's Passion. 17 Luca Grimaldi was attuned to this Tridentine spirit in giving prominent place to the Virtues in his chapel. He might even have devised its program. A silver medal made in his honor attests to his intellectual accomplishments: on one side is his bust with "Lucas Grimaldi an. aet. suae X X V I I " (Luca Grimaldi at the age of twenty-seven), and on the

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other are two birds flying in a woods with the words "Hoc me Dirigite in lucos" (By means of this, direct me into the groves). 18 The two orations delivered when Grimaldi became doge of Genoa in 1605 illustrate the preeminence of the virtues in his society. Their panegyric character FAITH,

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does not diminish their usefulness as indicators of contemporary attitudes. They fall into the genre of epideictic rhetoric used for special public occasions such as funerals of eminent people and coronations. 19 Part of Renaissance humanism's revival of ancient rhetoric, this type of oratory was designed to inspire in listeners both an appreciation of the individual being eulogized and a commitment to their own moral improvement. References to specific deeds and events in the person's life as well as to history were essential ingredients of this oratory; in such a context virtues figured heavily. The orations of Boggiano and Negrone exhibit these characteristics. They praise Grimaldi as an exemplar, a man blessed with every virtue. And they invoke specific instances to demonstrate their points. Giovanni Giorgio Boggiano, who held doctorates in both philosophy and medicine, begins his oration in the Senate chamber by hailing the Republic of Genoa as a new Jerusalem, whose citizens enjoy liberty and, like their rulers, put the good of the Republic first. The exemplary behavior exhibited by the Genoese, who care for the physical as well as the spiritual lives of all citizens, is manifest in tangible ways: in the many superb palaces, churches, and other public buildings of the city.20 Naturally, this extraordinarily upright state is governed by an equally moral prince: the new doge, Luca Grimaldi. Boggiano emphasizes the distinguished manner in which Grimaldi and his relatives and antecedents have served the Genoese republic. The rest of the oration enumerates and elaborates on Grimaldi's many virtues: humility, charity, courage, wisdom, justice, temperance, and piety. To demonstrate his charity and courage Boggiano cites an example from the plague in 1577, when Grimaldi, as commissioner of health, devoted all his energy to protecting those not stricken and healing those who fell ill.21 To do this, Boggiano tells us, Grimaldi, at the risk of his own life, ventured into the plaguestricken city. Justice, too, figures heavily in Boggiano's speech, which praises Grimaldi's prodigious talents in settling disputes, in public as well as in private, calling him "our Solomon." Grimaldi's piety and faith, according to Boggiano, were manifest in the frequency with which he took the sacraments of penance and the Holy Eucharist. Giulio Negrone, the Jesuit who delivered the much longer oration in the cathedral the day after the coronation, devotes his entire speech to

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the virtues; he defines those needed by a good prince and praises Grimaldi for possessing them. 22 At the beginning Negrone mentions liberality, magnificence, and religion, defining Grimaldi's liberality as his successful handling of his inherited wealth, his achievement of a perfect balance between generosity and vigilance. The highest praise, however, goes to Grimaldi as patron of the chapel in San Francesco, for it demonstrates the depth of his faith and his magnificence, setting an example

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that stimulated other wealthy Genoese to construct chapels equally resplendent. To match the splendor of the Grimaldi Chapel, however, would have been hard, if not impossible, for bronze, the medium of the Grimaldi sculptures, was highly prized and difficult to cast. N o earlier chapels of comparable richness existed in Genoa. Only three even approached the sumptuousness of the Grimaldi: the fifteenth-century Chapel of Saint John the Baptist in the cathedral, commissioned by the city government rather than by a private patron; the main chapel in San Matteo, commissioned from Montorsoli by the Doria family in the 1540s; and the Lercari Chapel (Fig. 30) in the cathedral, commissioned from Bernardo Castello in 1565. 23 None of them contained bronzes. Negrone, frequently summoning the authority of Aristotle, treats at some length the elements both of justice, particularly its administration, and of temperance required for good government. He sees the doge, in all his actions carried out for the good of the Republic, as the "lieutenant of God." 2 4 Many sources other than the orations link Luca Grimaldi's name to the chapel he built. Genealogical records, chronicles, and guidebooks attest to its fame and leave no doubt that Grimaldi, though a man of distinguished civic accomplishments, preferred to be remembered as the pious and generous patron of the Chapel of the Holy Cross in San Francesco. 25 Given the role the virtues played in Tridentine doctrine, subsequently promulgated throughout the church, and their vital part in spiritual life, it seems safe to say that they were represented in the Grimaldi Chapel as a deliberate statement on Grimaldi's part: to demonstrate his orthodoxy by testifying to his belief that the good works he performed during his earthly life qualified him for the life to come. As figural sculpture the Grimaldi Virtues represent a new genre in Giambologna's oeuvre. Until this time, his female statues had been almost exclusively nude figures of the antique Venus type; exceptions include his 1578 Charity, modeled in stucco for the doorway of the retrochoir of Santissima Annunziata opposite Giambologna's future fu59

neral chapel, and a civic Prudence in terracotta, made for the 1 5 6 5 w e d ding festivities of Francesco de' Medici and Giovanna of Austria. 26 After making the six robed female religious works for Grimaldi, Giambologna never did any more. All his other religious statues were male figures. FAITH,

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Thirty years before the Grimaldi commission, w h e n he was still an apprentice, Giambologna became well acquainted with D u Broeucq's V i r tue statues for the jubé, in Sainte-Waudru in Mons. 2 7 But subsequently he had matured in Italy, where his figurai w o r k shows that he absorbed the lessons of antique sculpture as well as the w o r k of Michelangelo, Andrea and J a c o p o Sansovino, Raphael, and Andrea del Sarto. 28 In M i chelangelo's works he found tension and energy to enliven his figures. A n d as a balance to these qualities he found grace and ease of contrapposto in the w o r k of the Sansovinos, Raphael, and Andrea del Sarto. For the major religious commission of the Grimaldi Chapel G i a m bologna adapted and modified his familiar elegant female type: the Virtues' faces are almost indistinguishable from one another, but the figures are individualized through posture, gesture, drapery, and attributes. As in all his figurai works, an imaginary spiral core of varying tautness, in harmony here with the character of each Virtue, operates as the motivating force. This is elaborated by the gestures and drapery of each figure. Thus Charity (Plate 4) stands so as to enclose the rambunctious infant she holds on her left hip, while turning her head to her right to include the standing child w h o clings to her right hand and hip. B u t Charity's traits of magnanimity and abundance are best transmitted by her richly complex drapery, which falls smoothly to reveal her thighs, bunches up around her hips and pelvic area, and cuts a great swath over her right shoulder, falling in a wide cascade down her back. Hope's (Plate 2) feverish yearning is vividly conveyed not only by her clasped hands and upturned head but even more by the way the drapery on her right side seems swept up by some ineluctable force, all the more noticeable in contrast to that on her left side, which falls in relatively straight, undisturbed folds. Portrayed as a young female warrior, unarmed but helmeted, Fortitude (Plate 6) wears a short pleated skirt with the lion skin of Hercules thrown over her left shoulder. She stands in a relaxed contrapposto but alert to her environment. Justice (Fig. 4), viewed f r o m the front, looks far more militant than Fortitude, for she is armed with a sword and wears a cuirass. B u t from her left side Justice appears the most static of the Virtues, holding her scales against her hip, with drapery falling in heavy layered folds from her shoulder to the floor. Temperance

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(Plate 5), the perfect embodiment of balance, is conceived in a relaxed contrapposto S curve, her ample drapery clinging to her breasts, stomach, and legs to reveal this stance. Generous folds of drapery loop over her chest and shoulder, around her hips, and from her high waistband, falling in several tiers down her back. Although stately in mien, G i a m b o logna's Temperance, by comparison with Cambiaso's severe, columnar Prudence in the Lercari Chapel (Fig. 30), exhibits a springy contrapposto

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that activates the figure. B o t h statues are clearly inspired by classical precedents, but the ponderous contrapposto and heavy voluminous drapery of the Cambiaso create a severity markedly different from the suave, slender Grimaldi figure, whose drapery so clearly defines her posture and enhances the impression that even though a niche figure, she is freestanding. Giambologna's statues, infused with a vitality that produces a vivid sense of each virtue, served as meditational aids. As personifications of complex abstractions, they mediated between the worshiper and the goal of salvation. Fortitude, for instance, was thought to include magnanimity, constancy, trust, confidence, patience, and perseverance. T h e prayerful contemplation of the image of Fortitude not only brought courage to mind but activated the chain of its associated aspects; a series of meditational exercises enabled the worshiper eventually to reach the desired penitential state. As "corporeal similitudes," in the words of Saint Thomas Aquinas, these personifications of virtues impress on the memory the qualities the Christian must continually strive to attain. Whereas narrative scenes, inspired by Prudentius's Psychomachia, representing the conflict and triumph of the Virtues over the Vices, were c o m m o n in the Middle Ages, personifications of the concepts without narrative became customary in the later Middle Ages and after. T h e y allowed for a wider range of meanings than could be associated with a literal battle scene. 29 Although the inclusion of the Virtues in the chapel can thus be accounted for, some details of their representation are puzzling. Customarily Fortitude, not Justice, wears a cuirass. Giambologna must have been familiar with another example where Justice is similarly arm o r e d — f o r instance, Bronzino's Innocence tapestry, designed in 1544 for C o s i m o de' Medici. 3 0 Here, she swoops down, scales in one hand, sword in the other, to rescue Innocence. Conceivably, the Grimaldi Justice wears the cuirass to stress her militant defense of the law, a theme heavily accentuated in Negrone's oration. 31 Other attributes of G i a m -

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bologna's Virtues are unusual as well. Bury's suggestion that Pieno Valeriano's De Hieroglyphica, first published in Basel in 1556, was the source for these unusual additions, which include the laurel of Charity, the poppies of Justice, the skull of Fortitude, and the figs, reins, ruler, and FAITH,

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lamb of Temperance, seems reasonable, but other sources may also have played a part,32 as the combination of traditional and unusual attributes suggests. Valeriano's compilation of the emblematic tradition is comprehensive, but surely the programmer of the Grimaldi Chapel had access to other texts as well. Grimaldi's own impresa, "Hoc me Dirigite in lucos," comes from the same eclectic tradition as Valeriano's. And N e grone plays on Luca's name when speaking of the illustrious Grimaldi family, saying, " C h e per mezo di un LUCA si facesse lucente, e luminosa, & a questo modo . . . fusse cristallo." 33 Whatever sources were gleaned for the Virtues in the chapel program, they represented Luca Grimaldi's hope that his endeavors during his earthly life had made him ready to receive the reward of eternal life. They not only perpetuate a tradition in funeral iconography but also refer more precisely to the importance of good works reaffirmed by the Council of Trent and embraced by Grimaldi himself. Justification was necessary for salvation, but as the decree stated, "Faith without works is dead." 34 Complementary to the Virtues, the Passion cycle, discussed in the chapter that follows, represented the promise of salvation through Christ's sacrifice on the cross.

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C

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J L h e multivalent meanings of the

Grimaldi Chapel program argued here should be understood as reflecting both Luca Grimaldi's concern for his own soul at the Last Judgment and the church's reform program. Although Grimaldi was no different from thousands of others with his resources, his choices for the program of his chapel were unusual in their combination and emphases. They reveal both his awareness of decrees laid down by the Council of Trent and his willingness to accede to them. The major components of the chapel's decorative program, the six freestanding statues of Virtues, already discussed, and the narrative relief cycle of Christ's Passion, were stipulated in the contract of 1579. To these were added a crucifix, the relief of the Entombment (Plate 12), and two paintings, The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt (Fig. 16; Plate 13). These additions enriched, and focused more clearly, the essential meaning of the original program. The crucifix added the central episode to the Passion story, referred specifically to the dedication of the chapel to the Holy Cross, and fulfilled the requirement for such an image made by Monsignore Bossio during his 1582 apostolic visitation to Genoa. 1 Both the crucifix and The Entombment focused on the outcome of Christ's trial and the culmination of his Passion: his death. The Sacrifice of Isaac is a well-known préfiguration of Christ's Crucifixion, whereas Joseph Sold into Egypt provides an analogue to Christ sold by Judas and a counterpart to Pilate's exchange of Christ for his own political security.2 As I mentioned in discussing the Virtues, I know of only two other examples combining Passion cycles and Virtues in funerary art, and their

programs differ from that of the Grimaldi Chapel. 3 One is part of the large, complex program of the Colleoni Chapel in Bergamo (Fig. 37).4 Here five Passion scenes alternate with Virtues on the lower sarcophagus, which contains Bartolommeo Colleoni's remains. The upper sarSALVATION COUNCIL

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cophagus, whose contents remain a matter of conjecture, is surrounded by an infancy cycle combined with statuettes of heroes. Whether or not Colleoni himself devised this program, the link of his own remains with the Passion cycle and Virtues remains noteworthy. Unlike the Grimaldi Passion scenes, those on the Colleoni monument (The Flagellation, The Way to Calvary, The Crucifixion, The Deposition, and The Resurrection) focus, not on the trial, but on the body of Christ as the sacrificial offering. Another funerary monument from northern Italy that combined a Passion cycle and Virtues was made in the 1520s by Agostino Busti, II Bambaia, for Daniele Birago's family chapel in San Francesco Grande, Milan. Afterward dismantled and scattered, it has now been partly reconstructed in the Villa Borromeo on Isola Bella, Lake Como. The Birago, dedicated to the Passion of Christ, with a cycle much more extensive than that in the Grimaldi Chapel, 5 includes twelve Passion scenes, six of them identical to the Grimaldi Chapel reliefs in their stress on Christ's trial. Unfortunately the present reconstruction at Isola Bella, which includes saints and evangelists as well as Virtues, cannot be relied on to provide links between Passion scenes and Virtues. A group of Flemish rood screens, in Mons, Tessenderloo, and Aerschot, suggest that a tradition of combining Passion scenes with Virtues may have existed in that context. The one in Sainte-Waudru in Mons (Fig. 12), unfortunately dismantled and partially destroyed at the time of the French Revolution, is of particular interest because of Giambologna's apprenticeship in the 1540s under its designer, Jacques Du Broeucq. 6 Hedicke's reconstruction of the screen, based on an original drawing for it, shows a Passion cycle of twenty-three scenes in relief and seven freestanding statues of Virtues decorating the upper portion of the screen. Although the Virtues and Passion scenes constituted the major part of the program, it also included prophets and three other biblical events. The destruction of almost all rood screens in northern Europe as well as in Italy and the corresponding lack of a scholarly study of their iconography leave unanswered vital questions: whether the Mons screen was typical, the extent to which its program was determined by the liturgy, and the function of the screen as the place from which the Gospel and Epistle were read.

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Even the isolated examples cited do not provide a coherent source for either the general program of the Grimaldi Chapel or its concentration on Pilate's role in the narrative cycle. Pilate assumed enormous importance for the Catholic Reformation church as the symbol of the moral conflict inherent in judgment. As Roman governor, the earthly judge of Christ, and a fallible human being, Pilate faced a dilemma: if

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he freed Christ, his political career was finished; if he condemned him, his moral position was indefensible. Thus Pilate in his role vis-a-vis Christ encapsulated some of the most pressing contemporary concerns of the church; in art, the trial of Christ before Pilate could serve as a metaphor for these concerns. A series of links between the patron of the chapel, Luca Grimaldi, and the Catholic Reformation in the aftermath of the Council of Trent accounts for the unique features of the Grimaldi Chapel. What emerges from an investigation of these complex interconnections is the strong likelihood that Luca Grimaldi or a close advisor, rather than Giambologna, planned the program for the chapel. Grimaldi's involvement with the construction of his chapel was intense and his piety well known. By 1579, when the Grimaldi Chapel contract was signed, the Catholic Reformation was fully under way, stimulated by the vigorous leadership of Pope Gregory XIII. The Council of Trent, the longest of all the general councils of the church and the most far-reaching in its effects, had closed sixteen years before. It had met three times (1545—47, 1551— 52, 1562—63). The immediate impetus for calling the council in the 1540s may have been the failure of efforts to reconcile the Lutherans and R o m e at the Colloquy of Regensburg in 1 5 4 1 . But the need for reform within the Roman Catholic church had been recognized long before Luther's urgent call. In May 1542 Paul III issued a bull calling the assembly for the following fall at Trent. Circumstances, including war between Francis I and Charles V, Farnese family quarrels, and difficulties securing lodging in Trent, delayed the opening until 1545. When the council convened, the Catholic church was on the defensive; eighteen years later, in 1563, when it ended, the church was in a much stronger position and the papacy was taking the offensive. Among the doctrinal matters the council confronted were the meaning of the E u charist and the Mass, the redefinition of justification, and the veneration of relics. High on the list of disciplinary matters was the reform of the clergy, particularly with respect to residency requirements and proper

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education. T h e decrees issued by the Council of Trent served as the blueprint for a massive reform effort that lasted well into the seventeenth century. This monumental body of legislation was subsequently applied locally by zealous reformers, such as Carlo B o r r o m e o and Gabriele PaSALVATION COUNCIL

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leotti. T h e provincial synods ordered at Trent were crucial to the reform process, providing the means to elaborate on and implement the conciliar decrees. B o r r o m e o set the example by calling his first Milanese synod in 1565; soon after, in 1567, Cipriano Pallavicino called the first Genoese synod. 7 Visitations by officials to local parishes followed. T h e relics in the Grimaldi C h a p e l — a piece of Christ's cross and a piece of the crown of thorns, both Passion relics—constitute the first link between Luca Grimaldi and Tridentine reform. T h e veneration of holy relics by the Catholic church, practiced for centuries, was attacked vehemently by Protestants in the sixteenth century. Answering this attack, the Council of Trent, at its twenty-fifth session, in 1 5 6 3 , reiterated the importance of the practice. 8 T h e Genoese synod of 1 5 6 7 also called for the veneration and proper display of relics. T h e detailed instructions for their care and exhibition, given by Monsignore Bossio during his visit to the Genoese Cathedral of San Lorenzo, were recorded in a significant document of 1582. 9 Local parishes, such as San Francesco di Castelletto, were expected to follow these instructions. Great prestige attached to the possession of relics. Luca Grimaldi's power and position must have enabled him to have the two relics of Christ's Passion, already in the church, moved to his family chapel. 10 Piety as well as the aggrandizement of self and family was involved in this move. T h e inscription identifies the relics as Sacre Cruris, eis spine corone, plurimisque Sanctorum reliquus templo nuper hue Translatis, Lucas Grimaldus Francisci filius, sacrarium hoc P.C.A.S. Luca Grimaldi, son of Francesco, piously set up and dedicated this shrine for several relics of the saints, and of his holy cross and crown of thorns, recently transferred here to this chapel.

Thus it is clear that they were already in the church w h e n Grimaldi acquired the chapel, which was dedicated to the holy cross. T h e precise relationship between the Grimaldi Chapel and the relics is not clear, but enough is known to establish a plausible connection.

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The relics of the cross and crown of thorns had been donated to the Church of San Francesco in 1 3 2 2 by Niccolo di David, no doubt partly in recognition of the Franciscans' special devotion to the Passion of Christ. A chapel of the holy cross had existed in the church at least from 1406, w h e n records mention that an Ansaldo Grimaldi, L u c a s distant relative, left money for perpetual masses to be said there. 1 1 Although the

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relics are not mentioned in connection with this chapel, it seems safe to assume that it contained them. This chapel, however, was not the one Luca Grimaldi acquired, for the inscription clearly states that Luca moved the relics of the cross and of the crown of thorns to his own chapel. In all probability he had the dedication transferred to this chapel as well. Its location adjacent to the high altar, its sacred relics, and its dedication to the holy cross all indicate that Grimaldi was one of the most prominent communicants of San Francesco di Castelletto at that time. T h e Grimaldi Chapel, as the repository of Passion relics, was undoubtedly the site where each year on G o o d Friday the rite of the Adoratio Cruris (Adoration of the Cross) took place. 1 2 This rite goes back at least to the fourth century, for the pilgrim Egeria describes it in her account of her pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 381—84. 13 According to the local historian D o m e n i c o Cambiaso, the Adoratio was particularly popular in Genoa. 1 4 It was incorporated into the Missa Praesanctificatorum (Mass of G o o d Friday), preceded by two lessons, the reading of the Passion from the Gospel of J o h n , and a series of special prayers. With minor variations, it was observed all over Western Europe from the seventh or eighth century. According to the Regularis Concordia of Saint Athelwold, which conforms to the authorized use of R o m e , the ceremonial opens with two deacons holding the cross before the altar chanting "Reproaches," to which subdeacons and a chorus respond. T h e cross, which has been laid on a cushion, is uncovered, and three antiphons and a hymn are sung. Then the abbot, with half the chorus, prostrates himself and sings the seven penitential psalms, kissing the cross to close the ceremony. 1 5 T h e Adoratio was followed by the extraliturgical Depositio, the symbolic placement of Christ's body (the cross) in the sepulcher; the Elevatio, the raising of the cross early on Easter morning; and the Visitatio, the visit of the three Marys to Christ's empty tomb. T h e scenario might have been as follows: a reliquary, undoubtedly a cross, containing pieces of the cross and crown of thorns, was brought up from the Grimaldi Chapel crypt into the chapel proper for the cele-

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bration of all the G o o d Friday and Easter morning rites. As the symbolic sepulchrum domini the chapel altar, with Giambologna's relief of the E n tombment mounted as an antependium on the front and the crucifix suspended above, w o u l d have been the center of these ceremonies. T o SALVATION COUNCIL

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gether with the rest of the Passion cycle on the chapel walls, the two paintings (Joseph Sold into Egypt [Fig. 16; Plate 13] and The Sacrifice of Isaac), family tombs attached to the walls, and the Virtues in niches, these components of the Grimaldi Chapel provided the perfect setting for the drama of Easter, the Christian promise of salvation. T h e Passion of Christ, a central concern of the Catholic reform movement, resonated in the program of the Grimaldi Chapel. Granted the role of the relics and the dedication of the chapel in the choice of a Passion cycle, other religious and historical forces undoubtedly influenced the selection as well. A m o n g those to be explored in this chapter are the Council of Trent's renewed emphasis on the Sacrament of the Eucharist and the doctrine of justification, and the observance of special Franciscan devotions. A central controversy between Catholics and Protestants during the sixteenth century was the meaning of the Eucharist. T h e Catholic R e f ormation church's efforts to clarify it and renew eucharistic devotions rested on the doctrine, paramount in Catholic belief, that the Eucharist reenacts Christ's sacrifice, the central event of the Passion. R e n e w e d emphasis on the events of the Passion thus became the means for strengthening devotion to the Eucharist. Tridentine decrees both stimulated and reflected the reforms that took place in the church, emphasizing the Passion and making Christ's sacrifice the climax of the Mass. In its twenty-second session, in 1562, the Council of Trent reiterated the truth of the doctrine of Transubstantiation, reaffirming, in the face of the heretical ideas of Luther, Calvin, and Zwingli, that in the Mass the living G o d is present in the Eucharist. 16 With this declaration the Council of Trent reemphasized and codified the doctrine promulgated by early church fathers like Cyprian. Twenty years after the conclusion of the council, R o b e r t Bellarmine defended the doctrine of Transubstantiation in lectures at the R o m a n College and made it the cornerstone o f his refutation of Protestantism in his Disputationes de controversiis (1586—93). 17 A corollary of the controversy over Transubstantiation was the discussion of the R e a l Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Luther did not deny the R e a l Presence; according to Zwingli, however,

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" T h e true body of Christ is present to the contemplation of faith. . . . But that the natural body is really present in the Supper by way of essence, or is orally taken and eaten . . . w e not only strenuously deny, but steadfastly assert to be an error contrary to God's w o r d . " 1 8 To c o m bat this and other heresies, the Council of Trent, in its 1 5 5 1 session,

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After the Consecration of the bread and wine, our Lord Jesus Christ, true God and man, is truly, really and substantially contained under the perceptible species of bread and wine. . . . If anyone denies that the body and blood, together with the soul and divinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ, and therefore, the whole Christ, is truly, really, and substantially contained in the Sacrament of the most holy Eucharist, but says that Christ is present in the Sacrament only as in a sign or figure, or by His power: let him be anathema.19

O n e of the practical results of the n e w emphasis on the Eucharist was the modification of the liturgy. In 1 5 6 2 the Council of Trent appointed a commission to study abuses in the mass, with the ultimate goal of producing a standard missal. 20 This was accomplished in 1570, w h e n Pius V proclaimed the missal, based on the R o m a n version, the standard one for the whole church. Another result of the intense preoccupation with the Eucharist was the incorporation of the Office of Corpus D o mini in 1568 into the Breviarium Romanum,

again exemplifying the

Catholic Reformation church's regularization and codification of traditional church practice. T h e publication of the catechism of 1566 was another part of the campaign to codify vital church beliefs; its contents reflect a similar concern with the Eucharist and the Passion. T h e catechism states, for e x ample, that "the Eucharist is superior to all [sacraments] in holiness and in the number and greatness of its mysteries." 2 1 Explaining in detail the significance and benefits of the Passion, the catechism concludes with an admonition: " T h e History of Christ's passion is to be frequently inculcated on the people." 2 2 In an attempt to involve the laity more in worship, the Council of Trent, at its twenty-second session, in 1562, issued decrees urging lay participation in the mass and the reception of the Eucharist with every attendance at mass. 23 Influential spokesmen for the council, like Carlo B o r r o m e o and Alphonsus Salmeron, went further and advocated daily

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communion, as Ambrose had centuries earlier w h e n he said, " I f bread is daily w h y do you take it after a year, as the Greeks in the east are accustomed to? R e c e i v e daily what is of benefit to you daily." 24 T h e council was thus attempting to revive a practice of the early church SALVATION COUNCIL

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that had fallen into disuse during the Middle Ages, w h e n communion,

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mandatory only once a year, was infrequently received. 25 As the C a t h o lic Reformation church recognized, frequent reliving of the Passion of Christ through participation in the Eucharist was essential in strengthening faith and thereby combatting heresy. T h e cult of the Eucharist in San Francesco di Castelletto was a particular interest of the Confraternity of U n i o n and Charity, a group of "nobili antichi" (old nobles) connected to that church. 26 San Francesco, which belonged to the second tier of important religious spaces, the cathedral occupying the first, was a center of this eucharistic revival in the Tridentine period. Presumably, a prominent family chapel such as the Grimaldi was the site of frequent masses and was open to communicants other than family and clergy. H o w important these masses and other services were w e may surmise from the discovery that Luca Grimaldi's father, Francesco, provided for them in his will of 1565 and codicil of 1567. H e put aside 1,700 lire from his " l u o g h i " (shares of stock) in the Banco di San Giorgio, the income from which was to be used for the celebration of masses, for other religious services, for the upkeep of the Grimaldi Chapel, and for the maintenance of the Church of San Francesco and the monastery. 27 Luca himself designated 200 lire, the income from which was to be used in perpetuity for the annual celebration of a mass for the care of his soul. 28 B o r r o m e o , in his time the most ardent exponent of devotions to the Passion, not only advocated daily C o m m u n i o n but also instructed that ciboria containing the Sacrament be made for high altars and, furthermore, that these ciboria be decorated with scenes from the Passion of Christ. 29 H e thus made visually explicit the inevitable link between the Eucharist and the Passion. It is tempting to think that Borromeo's influence was felt in Genoa in the 1560s w h e n the program for the elaborate Corpus D o m i n i silver casket, which had been commissioned by the comune for the cathedral, was changed from a cycle including scenes f r o m the Old and N e w Testament to one representing only the Passion (Fig. 39). 30 His close ties to the city, both personal and official, are well known. Borromeo's nephew D o n Ferrante Gonzaga was engaged in

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Figure 39. Corpus Domini silver casket (Christ before Pilate and The Flagellation), c. 1565—68. Treasury, San Lorenzo, Genoa.

1582 and married in 1586 to Giovanni Andrea Doria's daughter Vittoria; his correspondence with successive doges covers more than twenty years. 31 Christ's Passion, a divine truth presented as a historical narrative, served church doctrine and practice, involving the laity more ardently in worship. In both the catechism of 1566 and the Apostles' Creed the

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church focused on the historical Christ by clearly fixing the time of the Passion as the governorship of Pontius Pilate and its place as the lands ofjudea. Christ's sacrifice became part of historical reality; his physical suffering proved his humanity and consequently the greatness of his SALVATION COUNCIL

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sacrifice. Events surrounding the Passion and details of the physical suffering that Christ endured, documented by Scripture, provided a moving drama with which communicants could empathize and identify. As important an issue for the Catholic church as that of the Eucharist or Transubstantiation was the doctrine of justification. At the center of the battle between Protestant reformers and Catholics was the question whether justification could be achieved by faith alone, as Protestants claimed, or must be accompanied by good works, as Catholics believed. For Catholics, Christ's Passion was an essential part of justification. A passage relating the Passion to salvation, a concept especially relevant for a funeral chapel, is found in the decree regarding the doctrine of justification issued at the sixth session, in 1547, at Trent. But though He died for all, yet all do not receive the benefit of His death, but those only to w h o m the merit of His Passion is communicated; because as truly as man would not be born unjust, if they were not b o m through propagation of the seed of Adam since by that propagation they contract through him when they are conceived, injustice as their own, so if they were not born again in Christ, they would never be justified, since in that new birth there is bestowed upon them, through the merit of His Passion, the grace by which they are made just. 32

Reiterating the importance of the Passion for achieving justification, the decree states that Christ "merited for us Justification by His most holy Passion on the wood of the cross." 33 The Tridentine decree thus clearly links Christ's Passion to justification itself. Franciscan devotions may have been a further stimulus in the selection of a Passion cycle for the Grimaldi Chapel. Two of these devotions, to the Passion of Christ and the closely related Via Crucis, are clearly connected to the Grimaldi program. In a Franciscan convent and church like San Francesco di Castelletto, which dated back to the time of Saint Francis, these devotions must have drawn special strength from the feeling of connection to the early days of the order. Saint Francis himself set the example for the Franciscans, who held Christ's Passion in special veneration. So compelling was the meaning

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o f Christ's Passion for Saint Francis that he miraculously received the stigmata and became an alter Christus, the paradigm f o r this experience. 3 4 " H i s consuming passion was to achieve an utterly literal imitation o f the G o d - M a n , especially the humility o f the Incarnation and the clarity o f the Passion." 3 5 T h e popular Franciscan text Meditations

on the Life of

Christ reveals the p o w e r o f Saint Francis's example. Written in the late

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thirteenth century, it exhorts the reader to experience step-by-step all the physical and psychological pain Christ suffered at the hands o f His tormentors. 3 6 O f the Passion in general, the text says, He who wishes to glory in the Cross and the Passion must dwell with continued meditation on the mysteries and events that occurred. . . . Therefore I exhort you that, if you have studiously considered the things said above on His life, you much more diligently concentrate the whole spirit and all the virtues, for here is shown more especially this charity of His that should kindle all our hearts.37

A f t e r leading the reader through each painful step o f the Flagellation and its effects on Christ, the Franciscan author urges, " H e r e , then c o n sider H i m diligently for a long time; and if y o u do not feel compassion at this point, y o u may count yours a heart o f stone." 3 8 In recognition o f the order's special relationship to the Passion, the pope in 1 3 4 2 made Franciscans the guardians o f the H o l y Sepulcher and custodians o f the Via Crucis in Jerusalem. T h e Franciscans thus assumed the mission o f promoting devotion to the holy places associated w i t h Christ's Passion. T h e vivid experience o f retracing Christ's steps on that last agonizing j o u r n e y served to stimulate its depiction in painting, sculpture, and other media throughout the Christian world. A f t e r several centuries, devotions centered o n the Passion crystallized into the fourteen stations o f the cross, w h i c h P o p e C l e m e n t X I I officially established in 1 7 3 1 , chiefly because they had been popularized by the Franciscan friar L a w r e n c e o f Porto Maurizio. 3 9 A standardized meditational exercise on the significance o f Christ's Passion was consequently assured: the stations o f the cross required the worshiper to f o l l o w step-by-step Christ's j o u r n e y to Calvary. B e t w e e n 1 3 4 2 and 1 7 3 1 the devotion to the stations o f the cross evolved gradually; before codification the n u m b e r and selection o f scenes varied. T h e prominent Franciscan Bernardino C a i m i provided a strong impetus in the development o f the stations. H e had served as

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custodian of the holy sites in Jerusalem in 1478 and apparently had been much affected by his experience. Acutely aware of the devotional value for pilgrims of visiting the places where Christ's Passion actually took place, Bernardino conceived the idea of reproducing these sites in his S A LVATI 0 N AND C O I N C I L

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native Lombardy. After his return from Jerusalem he searched for the appropriate location, which he found in the hills surrounding Varallo, northwest of Milan. T h e realization of Bernardino's brilliant concept, k n o w n as the Sacro Monte, took three hundred years, but long before its completion it became a favorite place of religious pilgrimage. 40 B e r nardino's original plan for topographical authenticity was altered in favor of a dramatic unfolding of the events of Christ's life, and the design expanded over the years to include forty-four chapels. Although not restricted to the Passion, the narrative at Varallo does focus on it. T h e popular realism of the life-size scenes enabled pilgrims to relive each event represented. If Bernardino Caimi initially inspired this N e w J e r u salem in the Lombardy hills, Carlo Borromeo became its promoter and overseer, spreading the fame of the Sacro Monte as a pilgrimage site. 41 B o r r o m e o considered visits to the Sacro Monte so vital that although seriously ill, he made a pilgrimage there only a f e w days before his death in 1584. T h e selection of Christ before Pilate as the first scene in the Grimaldi Chapel establishes an important connection between Franciscan devotions and the Grimaldi Passion cycle. 42 This scene corresponds to the first one in both the Passion section of the Meditations on the Life of Christ and the stations of the cross, two Franciscan devotions. T h e match therefore seems more than fortuitous, especially since at the time the Grimaldi Chapel was being planned, no doctrinal codification, or even artistic convention, determined the beginning scene of Passion cycles. This lack of codification clearly emerges in Francesco Panigarola's Cento Ragionamenti sopra la Passione di Nostro Signore, commissioned by B o r romeo and published in Genoa in 1585. 4 3 Although the factors I have discussed all determined the choice of some sort of Passion cycle for the chapel, they do not account for the unusual politico-historical emphasis of the Grimaldi cycle, its focus on Christ's civil trial. Additional determinants of the scenes selected for the cycle relate not only to Catholic Reformation thought but also to contemporary religious drama and to Luca Grimaldi's personal history. If the Passion cycles are classified, according to their emphasis, as historical, devotional, or physical, the Grimaldi cycle clearly belongs among

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the historical. With its thematic and dramatic orientation to the political meaning of the Passion, it largely eschews the devotional or emotional overtones of the other two types. Even by comparison with other historical Passion cycles the Grimaldi is unique in stressing the figure of Pilate. This exceptional focus highlights his role as political judge. T h e two paintings in the Grimaldi Chapel (The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph Sold into Egypt [Fig. 16; Plate 13]), added sometime after the signing of the contract in 1579, refer to Pilate typologically, augmenting this singular program. Isaac's deliverance from the hands of his father corresponds antithetically to Christ before Pilate; that is, it recalls Christ's deliverance into the hands of the Jews. Joseph being sold by his brothers parallels Christ being sold by Judas and, by extension, Pilate yielding Christ in exchange for his own political security. 44 T h e uniqueness of the Grimaldi program becomes even more apparent in a comparison with two other nearly contemporary Passion cycles of the historical type, both of which Giambologna must have known. O n e is the silver casket made for the Corpus D o m i n i feast in Genoa (Fig. 39), the other the painting cycle in the Oratorio del Gonfalone in R o m e . 4 5 Although both stress the historical elements of the Passion, neither puts any special emphasis on Christ's trials, whether the religious, before Caiaphas and the Sanhedrin, or the political, before Pilate. Moreover, unlike the Grimaldi cycle, neither the casket nor the G o n f a lone cycle presents a temporally and dramatically compressed portion of the Passion story. T h e Corpus D o m i n i cycle has one scene representing the religious trial and one the political: Christ before Caiaphas and Christ before Pilate. O f all the possible trial scenes that could have been represented, the Gonfalone cycle includes only one, Christ before Caiaphas, and that is part of the religious judgment. T h e Gonfalone cycle covers a selection of the major events, from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Resurrection. Otherwise, only much longer cycles, such as Albrecht Diirer's Small Engraved Passion of 1508, contain any comprehensive treatment of the trial. In contrast, the program of the Grimaldi Passion cycle (Plates 7 - 1 2 , Fig. 5) emphasizes the political trial and its consequences. Pilate, along with Christ, becomes a principal actor in the drama. In addition to the two paintings typologically referring to Pilate, two of the six reliefs show Pilate judging Christ, and a third depicts Pilate showing Christ to the people. Half the cycle as it was first planned, then, involves Pilate. T h e other three reliefs represent direct results of Pilate's decisions. Pilate may

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even be present among the group of bearded older spectators in The Flagellation (Plate 8), Christ Crowned with Thorns (Plate 9), and The Way to Calvary (Fig. 5). Although no visual tradition exists to explain the Grimaldi focus on SALVATION COUNCIL

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Pilate, historical circumstances suggest reasons for it. The Council of Trent reflected the church's desire to clarify and codify existing doctrine and practices and to eliminate those considered unacceptable. Its determination to explain and systematize extended to religious and historical events. Thus Pilate was a pivotal figure in the Passion story. He was, first, a necessary part of God's grand design for the redemption of humankind. 46 Without him, Christ could not have been crucified and, consequently, humanity could not be saved. Pilate's function as the instrument of God could thus explain the scandal of the Messiah's being crucified as an ordinary criminal; and Pilate's unjust behavior could be viewed as necessary to the fulfillment of God's plan. The official historian of the Catholic Reformation church, Cesare Baronius (1538-1607), writing in his Annales ecclesiastici, published soon after the Grimaldi Chapel was completed, states the church's position on Pilate when he says, "These things were being handled by a certain divine management, so that the Son of God might suffer the punishment of the cross for the redemption of mankind." 47 Baronius's biblical narrative was clearly constructed to serve the didactic program of the Catholic Reformation church. This historicism, manifest in the evocation of the church's apostolic period, explains the prominence of Pilate in contemporary church writing and doctrine. Baronius is the exemplar. In his efforts to be thorough and accurate, to present as complete a history of Christ's life as possible, he gives a detailed account of the Passion story, treating all the particulars of Pilate's actions as well as the reasons behind them. Baronius affirms Pilate's crucial role for the Catholic reform church when he invites the reader to "linger awhile among these things that were performed by Pilate." 48 Basing his text on the authority of the early sources, Baronius laces his Annales with references to the Gospels and to other ancient writings.49 Baronius, as the church's spokesman, viewed Pilate not only as God's instrument in his plan for man's salvation, but also as a figure essential in validating the historical Jesus. The whole of Jesus' life became part of history as well as divine revelation, so it was important to recount its events as they actually happened. None of these was more significant than his death and its circumstances; therefore Pilate's tenure as Roman

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the historical. With its thematic and dramatic orientation to the political meaning of the Passion, it largely eschews the devotional or emotional overtones of the other two types. Even by comparison with other historical Passion cycles the Grimaldi is unique in stressing the figure of Pilate. This exceptional focus highlights his role as political judge. T h e two paintings in the Grimaldi Chapel (The Sacrifice of Isaac and Joseph

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Sold into Egypt [Fig. 16; Plate 13]), added sometime after the signing of the contract in 1579, refer to Pilate typologically, augmenting this singular program. Isaac's deliverance f r o m the hands of his father corresponds antithetically to Christ before Pilate; that is, it recalls Christ's deliverance into the hands of the Jews. Joseph being sold by his brothers parallels Christ being sold by Judas and, by extension, Pilate yielding Christ in exchange for his own political security. 44 T h e uniqueness of the Grimaldi program becomes even more apparent in a comparison with two other nearly contemporary Passion cycles of the historical type, both of which Giambologna must have known. One is the silver casket made for the Corpus D o m i n i feast in Genoa (Fig. 39), the other the painting cycle in the Oratorio del Gonfalone in R o m e . 4 5 Although both stress the historical elements of the Passion, neither puts any special emphasis on Christ's trials, whether the religious, before Caiaphas and the Sanhedrin, or the political, before Pilate. Moreover, unlike the Grimaldi cycle, neither the casket nor the G o n f a lone cycle presents a temporally and dramatically compressed portion of the Passion story. T h e Corpus D o m i n i cycle has one scene representing the religious trial and one the political: Christ before Caiaphas and Christ before Pilate. O f all the possible trial scenes that could have been represented, the Gonfalone cycle includes only one, Christ before Caiaphas, and that is part of the religious judgment. T h e Gonfalone cycle covers a selection of the major events, from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Resurrection. Otherwise, only much longer cycles, such as Albrecht Diirer's Small Engraved Passion of 1508, contain any comprehensive treatment of the trial. In contrast, the program of the Grimaldi Passion cycle (Plates 7 - 1 2 , Fig. 5) emphasizes the political trial and its consequences. Pilate, along with Christ, becomes a principal actor in the drama. In addition to the two paintings typologically referring to Pilate, two of the six reliefs show Pilate judging Christ, and a third depicts Pilate showing Christ to the people. Half the cycle as it was first planned, then, involves Pilate. T h e other three reliefs represent direct results of Pilate's decisions. Pilate may

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death. 5 3 Pilate emerges not only as an i n n o c e n t but as a positively s y m pathetic character, w h o tries to save Jesus b y questioning him, b y o b taining corroboration o f his i n n o c e n c e f r o m H e r o d , and finally by o r dering the SALVATION COUNCIL

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flagellation,

an alternative and m u c h lesser p u n i s h m e n t that

he h o p e d w o u l d appease the m o b . Pilate did not intend the

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as a prelude to c r u c i f i x i o n ; as he himself said, according to L u k e 2 3 : 1 6 , " I will therefore chastise and release H i m . " Ultimately, as w e know, Pilate fails because o f the unremitting demands o f the c r o w d . A s further p r o o f o f Pilate's g o o d intentions, the author o f the A c t s narrates the story o f Pilate's conversion to Christianity o n his return to R o m e f r o m J u d e a . O f the early commentators on the trial o f Jesus only P h i l o and J o s e p h u s deviate f r o m this b e n i g n v i e w o f Pilate, portraying h i m as a corrupt and unjust administrator w h o l o v e d v i o l e n c e . Patristic writers like A m b r o s e and A u g u s t i n e f o l l o w the same v i e w as the Gospels and the Acts o f Pilate but are even m o r e explicit in c o n d e m n i n g the J e w s . 5 4 In his c o m m e n t a r y o n L u k e , A m b r o s e w r o t e ,

similiter in hoc typum omnium iudicum arbitror esse praemissum, qui damnaturi essent eos quos innoxios aestimarent. tolerabiliores tarnen gentiles esse quam Iudaeos coniuncta Pilato persona demonstrat et magis eos posse diuinis ad fidem operibus admoneri. quales autem illi qui dominum maiestatis crucifixerunt! nec inmerito homicidae absolutionem petunt, qui flagitabant innocentis exitium. tales leges iniquitas habet, ut oderit innocentiam. scelus diligat. in quo tamen nominis interpretatio speciem dat figurae; Barabbas enim patris filius latine dicitur. illi ergo quibus dicitur: uos ex patre diabolo estis, uero dei filio patris sui filium antichristum praelaturi esse produntur. 55 (Likewise in this matter, I think that of all judges one type is in the forefront—the ones w h o are ready to condemn those they think are innocent. Nevertheless, the role played by Pilate demonstrates that the gentiles are more tolerable than the Jews, and more capable of being admonished to the faith by means of divine works. But what a sort are those who crucified the lord of majesty! Those who demanded the death of an innocent man ask no absolution for their unjustified homicide. Iniquity is ruled by its hatred of innocence and its love of wickedness; concerning which thing, the interpretation of the name gives an image to the figure. Barabbas means "son of the father" in Latin. Therefore, those to w h o m it is said, " Y o u are from your father the devil" appear as ones w h o will prefer Antichrist, the son of their father, to the true Son of God.)

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Ten centuries later, Baronius revived many details and attitudes of Ambrose's account, carrying on the Gospel tradition but condemning the J e w s more vehemently and exonerating Pilate: Pilate began a hearing in accordance with the serious offense, asking him whether he was the king of the Jews. But when it had been understood that his kingdom was not of this world, again going out of the Praetorium and up to the leaders of the priesthood, who were waiting outside, he testified that he found no reason for the death penalty in that man. And he had led Jesus with him, and when many Judeans accused him and he did not respond to them, although he was urged to deal with these charges by the governor, Pilate indeed marveled much. . . . But with the priests and ministers clamoring that he should be crucified, Pilate, when again he bore witness that he found no reason for death in him, still desired to set him free. Finally, nevertheless, with those men urging and forcing it upon him, that if he were to let him go he would be an enemy of Caesar, he sat before the tribunal and, reckoning that there was no possibility of freeing him, since they were clamoring rather violently and the uproar was becoming greater, affirming that he was undertaking to do a most unfair thing, he called for water. When it had been received, he washed his hands before the people, saying: "I am free from the guilt of the blood of this righteous man, and you yourselves have witnessed it." The people then answered him: "His blood is upon us and upon our sons." Then Pilate, when Barabbas had been released, handed over Jesus to them to be crucified.56

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Pilate's act of washing his hands assumes great importance for B a ronius, w h o says, " H e washed his hands and professed his own innocence of the deed, not at all in accordance with R o m a n custom or any custom of the gentiles." 5 7 Baronius asserts that Pilate followed Jewish custom in performing this act. Because it symbolically exonerates Pilate f r o m the guilt o f Christ's death, it must be stressed, in the Catholic Reformation view, as part of God's grand plan. T h e hand-washing scene had not been especially popular in art since the early Christian period, a time similarly preoccupied with establishing the historical validity o f Christ's life on earth. Its presence in a short cycle like the Grimaldi leaves no doubt that it coincides with Tridentine thought, establishing one m o r e link between the chapel program and the official church p o sition.

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Baronius's concern for historical accuracy and detail arose f r o m the same concerns as the reports and writings by Tridentine reformers on art. Ecclesiastical leaders like Carlo B o r r o m e o and Gabriele Paleotti elaborated on the general statement about sacred images issued by the S A LVATIO N AND COUNCIL

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historical truth in works of art depicting religious events. 58 Surviving records indicate that artistic production in Genoa came under close scrutiny. Church synods were held to explicate Tridentine decrees as early as 1567, when one was organized by Archbishop Cipriano Pallavicino. 59 Subsequently, apostolic visitations, such as that of Monsignore Bossio in 1582, resulted in specific directives to each church in the city.60 B y this time the Grimaldi Chapel was under way. Surviving records on San Francesco di Castelletto indicate the thoroughness with which such inspections were conducted. Bossio looked closely at architectural, sculptural, and painting decoration to ensure their conformity to Tridentine regulations. 61 Pilate may have been useful in the church's efforts to establish the historical validity of Christ's life, but the story of his confrontations with Christ also provided material for a compelling drama. T h e minidrama of the Grimaldi cycle transforms the eternal time of Christ's Passion into the stage time of a play, which in turn is analogous to our experiential time. Moreover, so striking is the resemblance of certain features of the Grimaldi cycle to mystery plays that one cannot help seeing a link between the two. As in a mystery play, the major portion of the cycle constitutes one dramatically cohesive episode from the Passion story: the trial of Christ and his condemnation at the hands of Pontius Pilate. Furthermore, the episodes chosen from this portion of the drama unfold sequentially, as they w o u l d in a traditionally constructed play. Unlike many other Passion cycles in Italy and northern Europe, whether painting or sculpture, the Grimaldi does not give what can be considered a comprehensive coverage of events from the whole Passion story, from the Entry into Jerusalem through the Resurrection, but illustrates only a small portion of it, in which the episodes are interdependent and tightly linked. From the opening scene, Christ before Pilate (Plate 7), through The Way to Calvary (Fig. 5), each relief in the Grimaldi cycle depicts an event causally tied to the preceding one. Thus Christ is flagellated as a result of his appearance before Pilate and is then crowned with thorns. After these two punishments he is brought before the

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people by Pilate in the hope that the crowd will grant him a reprieve. When they refuse, Pilate washes his hands and directs the soldiers to lead Christ away to begin his journey to Calvary. The popularity of the Passion as a subject for dramatic performances throughout Europe is attested by the abundant texts of plays and records of performances from the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centu-

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ries.62 Until recently, the study of Passion drama in Italy has lagged behind that in England, Germany, and France. A few isolated studies show that Passion plays were performed in Italy in the late Middle Ages. In fact, what may be the earliest one in the West was written at the Abbey of Montecassino in the twelfth century, and Good Friday plays were performed at Perugia in the thirteenth century.63 There were performances of Passion plays at Siena around 1200, at Padua in 1243 or 1244, and at Cividale in 1298 and 1302. The records of these performances seem to coincide, at least in general, with the depiction of Passion cycles on the aprons of the most popular image of the dugento, the painted cross. The relationship between art and religious drama thus long predates the Grimaldi Chapel cycle.64 It seems likely that the parallels between the Grimaldi Passion cycle and religious drama are more than fortuitous. How close the correspondence could be is evident in one of the Good Friday Passion plays performed in Perugia in the thirteenth century. Based on the Gospel of John, it contains dramatic sequences comparable to those of the Grimaldi cycle. Although the Perugia play includes many more scenes, and thus more detail, than the Grimaldi cycle, only six locations are used.65 Limiting the number of locations, a device used in both the play and the cycle, focuses attention on that short period of time that encompasses Christ's trial and condemnation. Furthermore, the episodes unfold, as already noted, in a tightly knit sequence, a characteristic of stage drama. From the thirteenth through the eighteenth century Passion plays were performed in and around Genoa, in private homes as well as in churches.66 The popular ludus peregrinorum (the play of the journey [to Emmaus]) is an example of this practice. In time these performances must have deviated from their strictly religious intent, for the church in the sixteenth century issued warnings against their performance. Finally, during a period of intense religious conservatism, in 1574, the provincial synod of Genoa forbade the performance of Passion plays, declaring,

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Le rappresentazioni che hanno per oggetto la dolorosa istoria della Passione del Signore, e le mirabili geste dei santi, e pongono sotto gli occhi del popolo in modo sensibile per mezzo della scena quei santi argomenti; . . . la malizia e nequizia dei tempi nostri le ha talmente pervertite che esse invece di lagrime eccitano il riso, e in luogo di pii affetti muovono a per67 v e r s i desiderii. (Those plays, whose purpose was to relate the painful story of the Passion of the Savior and the miraculous deeds of the saints, and to put those holy arguments before the eyes of the people in a sensitive treatment of the scene, have been so perverted by the malice and wickedness of our times that instead of tears they incite laughter, and in place of pious feelings they move to perverse desires.)

Despite this official prohibition performances continued, apparently too compelling to stop. Regardless of the synod's policy vis-à-vis the performance of Passion plays in Genoa, the Grimaldi cycle captured their dramatic effect, which remained to exert its power over the beholder. Each time an act of devotion was performed in the presence of these scenes, the viewer would recall once again the vivid experience of attending a Passion play. Such a concentrated dramatization of the trial of Christ before Pilate inevitably involved the worshiper in its gripping story and must have been an effective aid in reliving the Passion. Another striking characteristic of the Grimaldi cycle involves the forceful stress on the act of judgment and its attendant conflicts. This issue of authority at the moment of judgment dominates the action of the Grimaldi cycle and suggests that it had special meaning for the patron. T h e unusually strong emphasis on Pilate's role in Christ's fate, and on the question w h o has authority to judge, points to a direct relationship between the patron and events in his own life. Grimaldi's involvement in public life and service to his government has been well established. It does not seem too farfetched, therefore, to suggest that contemporary circumstances played a large part in determining the iconographic choices made in the Grimaldi Chapel. 68 Boggiano's references in his 1605 oration to Grimaldi's abilities as a public and private mediator are tantalizingly unspecific. Boggiano mentions the many civic offices Grimaldi held and the official duties he performed, from ambas-

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sadorial to administrative to judicial, and he praises Grimaldi for his tireless efforts in settling public as well as private disputes.69 That the issue of judgment was paramount during Luca Grimaldi's lifetime is clear from contemporary letters and accounts. That most severe dispenser of judgment, the office of the Inquisition, had been greatly strengthened in the sixteenth century. Correspondence between

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R o m e and local authorities in many parts of the Italian peninsula reveals that the church considered heresy one of its severest problems. Genoa, because of its proximity and commercial ties to Reformation centers like Geneva, was of particular concern. In the second half of the sixteenth century the government of Genoa vied more or less continuously with the papacy over the authority to judge local cases of heresy and to mete out appropriate punishment. 70 Pius V (1566-72) and Gregory X I I I (1572-85), the most vigilant of popes, mistrusted Genoa's ability to deal with heretics and kept a watchful eye on the city's treatment of them. 71 An incident during the reign of Pius V illustrates the controversy between Genoa and the papacy over this jurisdictional matter and suggests the prevailing atmosphere in Grimaldi's city at the time. 72 This struggle, recounted in letters, lasted from October 1567 to May 1569; it concerned an apparendy dangerous heretic named Bartolomeo Bartoccio of Città di Castello. In 1550 he had fled to Geneva and was known to be proselytizing for Protestantism in northern Italy in 1567. Genoa, having arrested him at the request of the papacy and having subsequently been threatened with economic reprisals by Geneva and Bern, asked for permission to release him. Thus caught between her material and spiritual well-being, Genoa attempted to negotiate a solution to the problem. The pope, however, remained intransigent, not only refusing to accede to Bartoccio's release but also demanding that he be sent to R o m e for trial before the Inquisition. Reluctantly, Genoa complied with the pope's orders and handed over the prisoner to Rome. Continued efforts to gain clemency failed, and Bartoccio was burned at the stake on 25 May 1569. Genoa evidently felt unable to risk an open break with the papacy, unlike Venice in the early seventeenth century.73 The interdict of 1606 was the punishment Venice suffered for continuing to resist the papacy's attempts to impose its political leadership there in a long succession of incidents. Genoa's dilemma in her struggle with the papacy has a counterpart in the choice Pilate faced between saving his own political skin (thus

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disregarding his conscience) and acting according to his sense of morality (thus risking his career). Similarly, Genoa had to decide whether to act in its own best economic interests, thereby defying the papacy, or to submit to ecclesiastical authority. During much of this period of tuSALVATION COUNCIL

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multuous relations between Genoa and the papacy, Luca Grimaldi was a member of the Genoese government and, as such, close to the center of the ongoing controversy. At the time of the Grimaldi Chapel contract in 1579, he had been in public service at least twenty years. As one of the ruling elite he served at various times on the Council of One Hundred and the Council of Four Hundred; he also filled magisterial offices such as procurator of the Republic and was given many ambassadorial duties. Another indication of just how close he was to the inner circle of the Genoese government is the manner in which he secured the services of Giambologna, through a direct appeal by the doge and governors of the Republic of Genoa to the grand duke of Florence. Because of Grimaldi's long years of participation in the Genoese government, he not only must have known what was going on in government circles but must also have been directly involved in much of it. Genoa was an oligarchy ruled by the doge in conjunction with his councilors. Since each doge was elected from the councils to serve only two years, many council members could expect to become doge. Luca Grimaldi himself achieved this office in 160$, at the venerable age of seventy-five. It is not difficult to imagine the dialectic the Bartoccio case continued to evoke in Grimaldi's official circles. Questions about the nature of judgment must have persisted, and inevitably, Grimaldi would have been concerned with them. It is likely that in his capacity as a member of the government, drawn from the council, he served a turn as an advisor in the court proceedings of the Inquisition. 74 The scenes for the Passion cycle in the Grimaldi Chapel were chosen in an atmosphere so charged with awareness of the conflict between religious and secular responsibilities that those depicting Pilate were almost inevitable choices. These explicit references to judgment surely reflect Grimaldi's responsiveness to current church thought as it often conflicted with governmental affairs. We have a substantial picture of Grimaldi's public persona as a pious, highly respected member of the ruling power structure. It is not surprising that the program of his family funeral chapel reflected what appears to have been his orthodox mentality. Although the issue of salvation

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was a universal concern, it must have been especially pressing for Luca Grimaldi and his contemporaries in the late sixteenth century. The church was beset by controversy both within and without and, as we have seen, was preoccupied with the topic of justification because of its direct bearing on salvation. Furthermore, Geneva, a center of heresy and an important commercial connection, was just over the Alps from Genoa. For a conformist like Grimaldi the best way to ensure his and his family's salvation was to be as inclusive and comprehensive as possible.

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_l_he climate of Tridentine reform that affected the program for the Grimaldi Chapel also demanded a new strategy for conveying the message of the Passion cycle. A major goal of Catholic Reformation church authorities was to increase worshiper participation in church ritual. This could be achieved through a clear presentation of the central Christian mystery: Christ's sacrifice for humanity's salvation. The narratives illustrating this and other religious truths thus had to be easily comprehended. Furthermore, the emotional reactions of the people depicted in the visual images had to lead to appropriate responses in the communicants. To fulfill these requirements of the church, artists of Giambologna's generation revised their manner of representation. To couch this change in the language of Hayden White's literary analysis, a narrative order was imposed on the events to be represented—those of Christ's Passion for the Grimaldi Chapel— making the message readily accessible to the viewer. 1 The pictorial form of illustrating a "story," whether painting or relief sculpture, gives the artist a choice of modes that depends primarily on the message to be delivered: is it to convey information, is it to commemorate, or is it to instruct? To achieve the desired emphasis, whether it be emotive, cognitive, or a combination of the two, the artist must construct his work according to conventions the audience recognizes and knowledge it shares. The form of the image is determined by the historical, cultural, and conceptual context as well as by the physical environment, which

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includes the site and placement, and the medium. To be successful, the artist must integrate all these elements and fulfill the commission. Giambologna's task was to impose a narrative order on the events of Christ's Passion so that the dogma of salvation would be immediately intelligible to the communicants. This had to be done according to the requirements of the Catholic Reformation. The Grimaldi reliefs (Plates 7 - 1 2 , Fig. 5) although small and few in number, are a striking example of both the artist's and his patrons reactions to the church's reforms of the late sixteenth century. Although the changes that occurred in painting at this time were charted more than sixty years ago by Walter Friedlaender, similar changes in sculpture have been largely ignored. 2 The Grimaldi relief cycle provides an opportunity to begin filling this lacuna in sculpture studies. Scholars have acknowledged, without elaborating on, the profound changes Giambologna's work displays after about 1580. Solutions he found appropriate in the 1560s were no longer satisfactory in the 1580s, when, in response to the new demands of religious narrative, Giambologna's work departed strikingly from the maniera. The Grimaldi reliefs represent a change from a rhetorical to a more direct method of storytelling required by new patronage and a changing cultural climate. Giambologna, a genuine eclectic, drew on a variety of sources in making this change. H o w he accomplished it and the innovations he introduced, particularly in spectator involvement, are the focus of the remainder of this book. This chapter analyzes the techniques Giambologna employed to carry out his plan to present a program for Christian salvation. It discusses narrative issues, compositional technique, space as a storytelling device, the relationship of viewer to image, and the multiple-view technique. It explicates the historical context of narrative relief as well as Giambologna's contribution to the tradition. Finally, it outlines his divergence from the maniera, his contact with Luca Cambiaso in Genoa, and the inspiration he undoubtedly received from Guglielmo della Porta in designing the last Passion relief, The Entombment. Giambologna's understanding of pictorial narrative and his innovative techniques for producing the effects he sought place him in the forefront of the reform movement of the 1580s. Furthermore, they reveal his contribution to bridging the gap between sculpture and painting, an accomplishment taken further by Bernini and Algardi, whose sculpture incorporates even more painterly characteristics. As we have seen, the

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success o f his efforts in G e n o a apparently induced G i a m b o l o g n a in the 1590s to ask Grand D u k e Ferdinando I to return a duplicate set o f the Grimaldi Passion reliefs to h i m for use in his o w n funeral chapel in Santissima Annunziata. 3 T h e Grimaldi commission presented G i a m b o l o g n a w i t h certain limits w i t h i n w h i c h he had to w o r k . H e was given the subject matter o f his

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narrative and the site for it. T h e ostensible subject, the Passion o f Christ, derived ultimately f r o m the Gospels, a text familiar to any visitor to the Grimaldi C h a p e l . Furthermore, religious and political strategies, discussed in C h a p t e r 4, w e r e e m b e d d e d in the Passion narrative. B u t the preeminent goal was to c o n v e y the message o f salvation t h r o u g h Christ's sacrifice, as defined b y the church. T h e audience's understanding o f that message was shaped b y the artist's presentation. T o cite a comparable situation described b y R i c h a r d Brilliant in his analysis o f Etruscan cinerary urns, the process o f seeing here is inductive; worshipers recognize the subject, the events o f Christ's Passion, and are stimulated b y m e m o r y to place t h e m in the larger context o f salvation. 4 T h e episodes chosen set o f f a recall o f the entire tragic but triumphant story, w h i c h w o r s h i p ers then relive through this visual mediation. T h e process o f making, in contrast to seeing, is deductive in that it excerpts episodes f r o m the story. A s w e have seen, the Grimaldi cycle illustrates a concentrated portion o f the m u c h longer Passion narrative. Giambologna's j o b was to illuminate the central Christian mystery b y transforming it into a historical narrative intelligible to all. V i d y a D e h e j i a , in analyzing m o d e s o f visual narration in early B u d dhist art, proposes seven categories applicable to narrative relief in the West as well. 5 A m o n g these are monoscenic, continuous, linear, and synoptic. T h e Grimaldi cycle, c o m p o s e d o f separately framed scenes arranged in a clear sequence, conforms most closely to the linear but also has elements o f continuous narrative in its repeated portrayal o f the protagonist. Alberti, although he does not discuss narrative modes or narrative relief as such in his De Pictura, authoritatively argues for the prime importance o f istoria in pictorial art, effectively uniting w h a t he perceives as its high moral value and its aesthetic form. 6 T h e challenge o f the Grimaldi commission proved a rich opportunity for G i a m b o l o g n a , w h o at fifty, well into middle age, was k n o w n chiefly for his statuary. A s court sculptor to Grand D u k e Francesco de' M e d i c i o f Florence, he n o t only enjoyed patronage but also supervised a large shop that p r o d u c e d w o r k s for all the courts o f Europe. 7 Nevertheless,

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Figure 40 (above). Giambologna, Allegory of Prince Francesco de' Medici, c. 1 5 6 0 - 6 1 . Alabaster, 31 X 45 cm. Museo del Prado, Madrid. Figure 41 (at right). Giambologna, Rape of Europa, c. 1574—75, marble. Oceanus Fountain, Boboli Gardens, Florence.

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Figure 42. Giambologna, Neptune Fountain, 1563-66. Bronze, 335 cm (Neptune figure). Piazza del Nettuno, Bologna.

he was relatively inexperienced in relief sculpture, the Allegory of Prince Francesco de' Medici (Fig. 40) and the stone reliefs on the base o f the Oceanus Fountain (Rape o/Europa,

Fig. 4 1 ) representing the extent o f

his w o r k in that genre. In bronze, his expertise encompassed large works, such as the N e p t u n e Fountain (Fig. 42) as well as many small statuettes in the same vein as the Studiolo Apollo (Fig. 43). T h e problems o f narrative were even less familiar to him, and he had rarely dealt w i t h religious subject matter, the Altar o f Liberty (Fig. 24) f o r the cathedral in Lucca ( 1 5 7 7 - 7 9 ) being the notable exception. Giambologna's only

METHOD

Figure 43. Giambologna, Apollo, 1573-^75. Bronze, 88.5 cm. Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.

other religious and narrative work comparable in scale and significance to the Grimaldi Chapel was the Salviati Chapel (Figs. 20—22), just under way when the contract for the Grimaldi was signed. Both these relief cycles, with their new emphasis on narrative clarity and dramatic focus, belong to the reform age. During the period when Giambologna was working on the Grimaldi Chapel commission, we recall that he was also finishing the famous Rape of the Sabines (unveiled in 1583; Fig. 1) and its relief The differences, both obvious and subtle, between this work, even admitting its interpre-

tation as a political allegory of Medici rule, and the Grimaldi reliefs dramatize the revolutionary change being ushered in by the latter.8 The two commissions share some of the same stylistic characteristics, but their goals are patently different. In the Rape of the Sabines, solving a difficult problem of design is a principal goal. The statue is the paradigmatic embodiment of virtu, an ethical quality the sixteenth century ascribed to the arts; the demonstration of virtuosity that first engages the viewer is itself an indication of the artist's possession of virtu.9 In the Grimaldi reliefs the story itself first compels attention. Remembering that a sixteenth-century viewer was attuned to the moral value of this demonstration, unlike the twentiethcentury viewer, puts this argument in a historical, rather than a polemical, perspective. The Sabine statue, a true multiple-view work, met sixteenth-century theorists' demands that statues provide satisfying views from all sides. Spectators moving around the work experience continuously evolving views, which give the illusion of an action in progress. Even the relief (Fig. 44), with its extensive setting and pictorial form, although ostensibly a narrative, presumably intended to elaborate on the statue above, relegates the "story" to a subsidiary role, emphasizing, rather, the display of magnificent nude bodies engaged in physical struggle. One sees in this visual embellishment a parallel to the art of rhetoric in the late sixteenth century. 10 It is apparent that the impact of the relief on an audience conditioned by such theory does not lie in any story it illustrates but derives from the beauty of the design and its components: the complex intertwining of bodies, their torsion and sweeping gestures. Raffaello Borghini's story, already recounted, confirms what the eye perceives, that the aesthetic problem was the main preoccupation in both the freestanding group and the relief on the base. It is not that the statue and its relief are without subject but that the narrative content is secondary. Two works by a single artist that are as diverse as the Rape of the Sabines and the Grimaldi reliefs owe their differences to context and function. The Rape of the Sabines is a secular work made, as far as we know, not to fulfill a commission but to appeal to the discriminating judgment of the cognoscenti. It certainly conformed to the taste of Grand Duke Francesco de' Medici, whose enthusiasm about it prompted him to have it placed prominently, next to Cellini's Perseus in the Loggia dei Lanzi, Piazza Signoria. In contrast to the Sabine statue, the Grimaldi cycle, falling in the religious sphere, had to satisfy other requirements; surely

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Figure 44. Giambologna, Rape of the Sabines, 1582—83. Bronze relief, 74 X 89 cm. Loggia dei Lanzi, Florence.

it would have been affected by the Council of Trent's general statement on art at its twenty-fifth session, in 1563, which set the stage for specific directives on the representation of sacred subjects. Local synods, led by powerful churchmen such as Gabriele Paleotti and Carlo Borromeo, then elaborated on these. 11 Within the overall structure of his narrative Giambologna's technical means are visible principally in the composition of the reliefs: in the spatial layout and the figural and architectural groupings. But he went further than simple narrative clarity. He introduced the multiple-view technique in conjunction with multipoint perspective, thus inviting the spectator's active participation and psychological involvement in the developing narrative. Each of the Grimaldi reliefs is similarly organized on a tripartite division of the major elements of the composition, as others have observed.

In Christ before Pilate (Plate 7), for example, there are three distinct groups of figures—Pilate's on the right, Christ's in the center, and the soldiers on the left. The architectural setting reinforces the division of the groups. Though out of fashion in the mid-sixteenth century, this tripartite scheme had been a common compositional device in the fifteenth cen-

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tury and the early sixteenth. It appears as an organizing principle in theory too. Alberti's De Pictura was made up of three parts, a structure derived from the classical educational text. 12 He defined an artistically composed painting as one that represents exemplary events, expresses moral conviction, and embodies a figurai allegory. 13 In the visual arts, this traditional tripartite Renaissance scheme, conspicuous in Masaccio's Tribute Money and followed in works such as Fra Angelico's Descentfrom the Cross (1430-34; Museo di San Marco, Florence) and Ghirlandaio's Miracle of the Spini Child (Fig. 45), was carried into the sixteenth century in Raphael's Vatican frescoes and tapestry designs, among other works. In both the Fra Angelico and Ghirlandaio the figures on either side of the central group serve as buttresses to the main event and stabilize the scene. The witnesses stand immobile as they watch the central group. A perspective view into the distance establishes the locale and gives a sense of vast space. An equally symmetrical but less severe use of the tripartite composition is apparent in Raphael's School of Athens, where architecture provides the structure but where the figures are placed in harmonious groups throughout the space instead of being relegated principally to the foreground, as in the Fra Angelico and the Ghirlandaio. Florentine painters like Santi di Tito and Jacopo da Empoli, who were instrumental in transforming painting toward the end of the sixteenth century, turned for inspiration to Andrea del Sarto, in whose work they found the way to a revival of direct narrative, which characterized this reform in art. 14 Giambologna, too, when planning the Grimaldi reliefs, turned to painting, much as some earlier sculptors had done. Benedetto da Maiano, for example, drew freely on Ghirlandaio's designs for the Sassetti Chapel in Santa Trinità in composing his Saint Francis cycle for the pulpit in Santa Croce, Florence (Fig. 46). During Maiano's time relief often attempted to rival the pictorial qualities of painting and the distinctions between sculpture and painting, between three-dimensional and two-dimensional media, were virtually eliminated. Given his strong pictorial interest, Giambologna naturally turned to Andrea's Scalzo fres-

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Figure 45. Domenico Ghirlandaio, Miracle of the Spini Child, 1483-86, fresco. Sassetti Chapel, Santa Trinità, Florence.

coes, a well-known cycle painted for the Confraternity o f the Discalced Carmelites in Florence (1515—17, 1521—26). 15 Like relief, the Scalzo paintings are monochromatic; they are even composed to have a sculptural effect. 1 6 Furthermore, their subject, events from the life of J o h n the Baptist, is similar enough to that of the Grimaldi cycle to have provided a rich fund of compositional ideas for Giambologna. Andrea's combination of clear exposition and suave, sophisticated figure style must also have appealed to Giambologna. A closer look at some of the individual Scalzo scenes shows how Giambologna used them as a starting point for his o w n designs. Andrea's paintings, although monumental in scale, have an intimate effect in comparison with similar designs by Raphael, such as The Conversion of the Proconsul (cartoon in Victoria and Albert Museum, L o n don). T h e reduced scale and simplified architecture as well as the smaller number of figures and their physical proximity made Andrea's cycle an

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Figure 46. Benedetto da Maiano, Pulpit, c. 1474^75, marble. Santa Croce, Florence.

appropriate point of departure for Giambologna. Like Andrea in The Banquet of Herod (Fig. 47), Giambologna based his organizational plan on the familiar tripartite centralized scheme (Christ before Pilate, Plate 7). And like Andrea in The Decollation of the Baptist (Fig. 48), he evidently reveled in the display of muscular anatomy, tempered, however, by the smoothness evident in the figures of The Flagellation (Plate 8). Nonetheless, the differences between Giambologna's reliefs and Andrea's paintings are telling. Giambologna has modified Andrea's rigid tripartite scheme, as a comparison of The Banquet of Herod with the Grimaldi

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Figure 47. Andrea del Sarto, The Bouquet ofHerod, 1 5 2 1 - 2 6 , fresco. Chiostro dello Scalzo, Florence.

Christ before Pilate shows. Whereas Andrea's design, chiefly through its architecture, is emphatically centralized and static, Giambologna's appears slightly shifted to the left by the wall behind the main group. Austere architecture is present in both works, but Giambologna uses it to create a complex succession of spaces that recede into the background and effectively intensify the drama. The dynamic quality of The Flagellation owes much to Giambologna's use of a vanishing area around the place of action, rather than a single vanishing point in the center of

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Figure 48. Andrea del Sarto, The Decollation of the Baptist, 1521—26, fresco. Chiostro dello Scalzo, Florence.

the scene, as in Andrea's Decollation of the Baptist. Giambologna's figures shift their weight as if in the midst o f activity; Andrea's executioner is planted squarely in the center o f the picture, feet firmly on the ground and weight evenly distributed. T h e action depicted in the relief is still in progress; that in the painting has been completed. In sum, G i a m b o l o g n a provides a richer and more subtle narrative. Although he adopted the tripartite system f o r the Grimaldi reliefs, Giambologna varies it f r o m relatively strict symmetry to a m o r e asym-

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metrical arrangement. In all the reliefs there are two groups close to the viewer on either side of a principal group, placed back slightly. This affords the viewer a clear passage into the scene while simultaneously defining the spatial limits of the event. Four of the reliefs, Christ before GIAMBOLOGNA'S NARRATIVE

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Pilate, The Flagellation, Christ Crowned with Thorns, and The Way to Calvary (Plates 7-9, Fig. 5), are symmetrical, with the central placement of the main figures emphasizing the tripartite arrangement. The central group in these four reliefs is the first to catch the viewer's eye. The side groups act as parentheses. In Ecce Homo (Plate 10) and Pilate Washing His Hands (Plate 1 1 ) , which are more asymmetrical, the main groups are shifted off to one side, leaving the crowd to occupy the left half of Ecce Homo and Christ's group to occupy the right center of Pilate Washing His Hands. Significantly, these variations in the triadic grouping serve the dramatic needs of the narrative. The crowd's responsibility for condemning Christ and its participation in the condemnation in Ecce Homo are accentuated because the crowd itself is shown as a unified group clamoring for and pressing in on the defenseless victim. In Pilate Washing His Hands, the placement of Pilate's group to the left and Christ's deeper and to the right of center heightens the import of the subsidiary event. Diagonals figure prominently in the organization of the composition and the handling of space. For example, in Christ before Pilate (Plate 7) and Pilate Washing His Hands (Plate 1 1 ) they underline the psychological significance of the deep corridors of space between Pilate and Christ. Further, they organize the figures into groups, creating relationships between individual figures in the groups that highlight the dramatic events of the story. This technique is particularly evident in Pilate Washing His Hands, where the striking impact of the diagonally positioned group leading Christ away is largely due to its placement. The physical force of the exit and the import of Pilate's decision are thus accentuated. Similarly, a strong dramatic clarity prevails in Christ before Pilate and in Ecce Homo. Diagonals not only organize the figural groups but also relate them to one another within a scene to focus and clarify the action. Christ Crowned with Thorns (Plate 9) is a case in point. The soldier on the left, nearest the spectator, links the central group with Christ to the crowd packed under the arcade at the left. He stands obliquely to the picture plane, glancing emphatically back over his shoulder at the group in the arcade, but with his body turned to face Christ's group in the center. B y connecting the groups, his figure establishes the flow of the narra-

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tive. The same figure also links the relief with the spectator's space. His right arm, conspicuously bent and resting on his hip, boldly breaks the surface of the relief and emerges on a diagonal directly into our space. His legs—the outer one flexed slightly, the inner one more—are positioned to produce the illusion of movement if the viewer shifts to either right or left. The same articulation is used in the figure of the tormentor

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to Christ's right. A close analysis of the placement of Christ's body in space reveals a similar composition. Different parts of his body are subtly adjusted to relate to both groups of spectators within the panel and to those looking from outside the relief as well. The turn of Christ's head to the left side of the scene is powerful enough to balance the direction of his torso and legs, which are turned to the right. The inclination of his head, as well as that of other figures, and the exchange of glances between them, operate diagonally, reinforcing the illusion of depth and relating parts of the scene to one another. Joined to the function of diagonals and crucial to the dramatic success of these scenes is Giambologna's construction of the space in relation to the figural grouping. He conceived space dynamically and has, accordingly, given it an active role, thus intensifying the viewer's perception of the human confrontations. In the reliefs of Donatello, Giambologna must have found inspiration for the manipulation of space to create dramatic tension. In Donatello's Feast of Herod relief (Fig. 49), for example, the use of space intensifies the emotional content of the episode. Although it is the severed head of the Baptist that makes all the spectators recoil, those crowded at the right seem to have been pushed back even further from the horror they see, leaving a void at the foreground that is singularly effective in conveying their revulsion. Giambologna's continuation and development of Donatello's idea may be seen in the panel Christ before Pilate (Plate 7), where the space created by the barrel-vaulted colonnade serves both as a compositional and as a dramatic focus. The viewer's eye is arrested at this point and the mind is engaged in the dramatic confrontation between the main characters of the drama. The plunging space separates Christ and Pilate physically and psychologically, while the archway over the space connects them visually. Once this connection is established, the bridge created by the archway draws the viewer's eye into the conflict. Thus pictorial space is used to express the main actors' psychological isolation from one another, while the architectural design binds them together in the same physical environment.

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Figure 49- Donatello, The Feast of Herod, c. 1425. Gilt bronze, 58 X 58 cm. Baptistery, Siena.

Architectural components enhance the expressive role of space, serving as structural devices and playing against the illusionism in each relief. D e e p spaces created by architectural settings in both Ecce Homo (Plate 10) and Pilate Washing His Hands (Plate 1 1 ) help produce a strong e m o tional effect. In Ecce Homo, a scene fraught with conflict between Pilate and the crowd, prominent steps and a long narrow street between loggia and buildings separate the two groups. T h e steps provide the physical bridge, whereas the space between buildings emphasizes psychological

separation. Pilate Washing His Hands, in which Pilate's wish to be absolved from the responsibility of condemning Christ is countered by the soldiers dragging Christ off, is even more poignant. The void placed conspicuously almost at the center of the composition embodies the sense of separation and ultimate tragedy of the scene. Space, besides being an active participant in the relief scenes, works

GIAMBOLOGNA'S NARRATIVE

METHOD

interdependently with time. As the narrative unfolds, the viewer is presented with long vistas down arcades and streets and incomplete views of buildings, as in Christ before Pilate (Plate 7) and The Flagellation (Plate 8). Perhaps Giambologna's ideas for these sweeping vistas came from his Florentine contemporaries Mirabello Cavalori and Girolamo Macchietti, with whom he had worked side by side a decade earlier in Prince Francesco de' Medici's Studiolo in the Palazzo Vecchio. Both Cavalori's Wool Factory (early 1570s) and Macchietti's Baths of Pozzuoli (Fig. 50) are remarkable for their breathtaking vistas down corridors created by architectural surroundings. 17 To return to Christ before Pilate, the partial view strongly implies the presence of what is unseen. Space becomes infinite and continuous and suggests that the scene could change at any moment; more people and more buildings might appear. The impression of transience introduced here by Giambologna's use of the fragmentary is an attempt to relate the represented event to the viewer's own experience in life. A highly pictorial treatment of the backgrounds is counterbalanced by the tangibility of the foreground groups, a technique in which figures emerge almost fully rounded to form a bridge between the illusion of three-dimensional space and the reality of the observer's space. As I remarked earlier, one of Giambologna's major concerns in the Grimaldi reliefs was the relationship between the viewer and the event depicted, a concern that had occupied artists for more than a hundred years. Alberti had recommended that each work of art have one figure whose sole function was to make contact with the spectator and to point out the action in the picture. 18 There are numerous examples of such figures in both painting and relief from the early fifteenth century through the sixteenth. Apparendy following Alberti's prescription, Fra Angelico in his San Marco altarpiece (Fig. 51) placed the saint conspicuously in the left foreground, where, by glance and gesture, he invites the viewer to focus on the Madonna and Child, seated well back in space in the center of the painting. Botticelli's 1472 Adoration of the Magi (Uffizi, Florence) also uses such a device.

103

iti 11

n: uçti LI £.

•rrrrrti5tjtrrrt;r.r.rFi-flr»ri»T-»nœjîc»rirt.! n - A' -t !%:• , ->v , «'> 1 7 7 - 7 8 , 2 i i n 4 2 , 2i9n38

De Pictura (Alberti), 89, 95 The Deposition, in Colleoni Chapel,

134

64 The Deposition (della Porta), 139, 140-42,

Ecce Homo, in Corpus Domini cycle,

141-43, 22in50

The Deposition (Francavilla), 22on43

Ecce Homo (Du Broeucq), 16, 16 Ecce Homo (Giambologna), 2 1 , 48, 114, 122, 2 i i n 4 2 ; gradations of relief in, 118—20; other versions of,

The Deposition (Vasari), 2 i 8 n 3 i

179, 182, 184, 186; spatial construc-

Descent from the Cross (Fra Angelico),

tion of, 102; tripartite composi-

95 De Sculptura (Pomponius Gauricus),

lation to image in, 106, 1 1 2

25

tional scheme of, 100; viewers' reEcce Homo (Rembrandt), 20in39

D e Vries, Adriaen, 148, 220043

Eclecticism, 6, 88, 1 1 5

Dhanens, Elisabeth, I99n27,

Empoli, Jacopo da, 95

20in37, 2 i i n 4 2 Diagonals: in Diirer's works, 132; in

Entablatures: in Grimaldi Chapel, 31, 33; in Salviati Chapel, 28-29, 29

INDEX

249

The Entombment (Giambologna), 63, 68, 1 3 7 - 4 3 , I94n2, 22on43; G u glielmo della Porta's influence on,

of, 179, 181, 183; tripartite compositional scheme of, 97—98, 100; vanishing area in, 98, 127

88, 1 3 8 - 3 9 , 1 4 1 - 4 3 ; not specified

Flanders: Giambologna's early years

in Grimaldi contract, 2 1 , 40, 137;

in, 14—16, 2i8n26; Italianate R e -

tripartite scheme in, 138

naissance style in, 14—16; rood

The Entombment (Pontormo), 104,

screens in, 1 4 - 1 6 , 15-16, 48, 49, 60, 64, 2i8n26; silversmiths in,

106 Equestrian Monument of Cosimo I

209n30 Florence: Giambologna's long-term

(Giambologna), 4, 5, 149 Escoriai, in Spain, 39, 135

residence in, 18, 27; Giambolo-

Ethics (Aristotle), 40

gna's workshop in, 18, I95ni2.

Etruscan art, 89

See also Salviati Chapel; Soccorso

Eucharist, Sacrament of the, 65, 6 8 -

Chapel

70, 72, 147, 2o8nn23-24, 2i4n64

Floris, Cornelis, 2i8n26 Fochs, Raniero, 2 0 9 ^ 0

Eusebius, 77, 2i2n49

Fornari, Bartolomeo, 23, i 9 5 n i o Faith (Giambologna), 2 1 , 51—52

Fornari, Giovanni Battista, 9

Farnese, Ottavio, I95ni2, i96nn

Fortitude (Giambologna), 2 1 , 5 1 , 60,

The Feast of Herod (Donatello), 1 0 1 ,

i98-99n25 Fortitude, iconography of, 61

102, 1 1 5 Federici, Federico, 44

Fra Angelico, 95, 103, 103

Female figures, in Giambologna's

Francavilla, Pietro, I 9 7 n i 7 , I98n24, 22on43

oeuvre, 59—60

France: Genoese victory against, 6;

Fieschi, Andrea, 8 Figura serpentinata, 3, 2 i 6 n i o ,

and Napoleonic suppression of Franciscans, 14; royal tombs

2i7n2i Fiorenza (Giambologna), 1 9 5 m 2 The Flagellation (Cambiaso), 1 3 5 - 3 7 , 136

in, 55 Francis, Saint, 8, 72^73 Francis I, 65

The Flagellation (Cappellino), I98n24

Franciscan order, 6, 8—9; devotions of, 68, 72-74

The Flagellation, in Colleoni Chapel, 64

Freedberg, Sydney, 216—17m 6 Frescoes: and Andrea del Sarto's

The Flagellation, in Corpus Domini cycle, 71, 134, 135

Scalzo cycle, 95—96, 2 i 6 n i 5 ; in Lercari Chapel, 54; and Pon-

The Flagellation (Ghiberti), 1 1 5 , 118

tormo's Certosa di Galuzzo work,

The Flagellation (Giambologna), 2 1 ;

178; and Raphael's Vatican work,

48, 76, 103, 124, 124-23,

126-27,

16, 95

I98n24; compared to Cambiaso's work, 136—37; compared to Ghi-

Friedlaender, Walter, 88

berti's work, 1 1 5 ; other versions Gaddi, Niccolò, 22on47 250

INDEX

Genealogica et Histórica (Venasque),

dence in Florence, 18, 27; and residence in R o m e , 16, 18, 122,

200n33 Genoa: alberghi in, 6; Banco di San Giorgio in, 9, 10, 23; commerce

1 3 8 - 3 9 , I97n2i; trip to Italy undertaken by, 14—16, 60; and work-

in, 6; devotion to Christ's Passion

shop in Florence, 18, 89, I 9 5 n i 2

in, 147; doges in, 6, 8, 9, 2 1 , 22,

Giambologna, works of: Acts of Fran-

2

3 , 58-59, 84; foreign aggression

cesco I, 149; Allegory of Prince Fran-

against, 6, 9; fortress of Castelletto

cesco de' Medici, go, 9 1 , 127; Altar

in, 8 - 9 ; government of, 6, 9, 84;

of Liberty, 14, 27, 3 1 , 3 2 , 3 2 ;

Guelph party in, 9; and negotia-

Apollo, 9 1 , 92, I 9 5 n i 2 , 2i7n2o;

tions for Giambologna's services,

Bacchus, I95ni2; Equestrian Monu-

22-23, 1 5 5 - 5 9 ; nonlocal artists

ment of Cosimo I, 4, 5, 149; Fio-

commissioned by, 2 2 - 2 3 , !47~4-8;

renza, I95ni2; Hercules and the

Padri di Comune in, 9, 23; Pa-

Centaur, 149; Jerusalem panels,

lazzo del Principe in, 23; Passion

149; Labors of Hercules,

plays in, 8 1 - 8 2 ; plague of 1577 in,

Mercury, 1 , j , I95ni2; Morgante,

I95ni2;

10, 58, I90n22; San Pietro di Ban-

108-9,

chi in, 37, i9on22; Strada Nuova

91, 91, 1 8 7 m ; Nessus and Deianira,

Neptune Fountain,

in, 9, I90ni7, I98n23; and strug-

I95ni2; Oceanus Fountain, go,

gle with papacy, 83—84, 2 1 5 ^ 0 ;

91; Rape of Europa, go, 91; Rape of

synods in, 13, 66, 81—82

the Sabine statuette, 25, 26,

Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 115—16,

118-20

Ghirlandaio, Domenico, 95, 96 Giambologna, life of: and appellation, 1 8 7 m ; and apprenticeship to Du Broeucq, 14—16, 48, 60, 64, 2i8n26; and burial place in Florence, 27, 3 1 ; Genoese commission undertaken by, 9, 10, 18, 2 2 27, 133, 148, I96ni6; and patronage given by Luca Grimaldi, 9, 10, 19, 22-27; and patronage given by Medici family, 1, 18, 22, 23, 24, 89, I96ni6; and patronage given by Bernardo Vecchietti, 18, i88n3; and relations

1 9 5 m 2;, Rape of the Sabines relief, 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 ; Rape of the Sabines statue, i , 2, 3, 4, 9 2 - 9 3 , 107, 108; Saint Antoninus Reconciling the Signoria, 41, 42, 43; Saint Luke, 149. See also Grimaldi Chapel; Salviati Chapel; Soccorso Chapel Gilbert, Creighton, i87~88n2 Gilio da Fabriano (Giovanni A n drea), 19, 2 1 6 m i Ginzburg, Carlo, 148, 2 1 5 ^ 2 Giustis, and tomb of Louis X I I , 55, 204n8 Gonfalone Oratory painting cycle, in R o m e , 75, 174, 209n29

with Luca Cambiaso, 88, 1 3 3 - 3 4 ,

Gonzaga, Don Ferrante, 70—71

135; and relations with Guglielmo

Good Friday: and Passion plays, 81,

della Porta, 18, 1 3 8 - 3 9 , 22in47; and relations with Michelangelo, 18, 138; and relations with G i o van Battista Paggi, 27; and resi-

2i4n65; rites in observance of, 67 G o o d works, doctrine of, 53, 5 4 55, 59, 62, 72

.

Gorse, George, 1 9 0 m 7

INDEX

251

Gothic architecture, of San Francesco di Castelletto, 6 Gregory of Tours, 2121149 Gregory XIII, 65, 83, 140 Grimaldi, Francesco, 13, 45, 70, 133, 200n33 Grimaldi, Luca, 9-10, 13; and ambassadorial mission to Florence, 23, 24, 158-62; coronation as doge, 21, 40, 58, 84; and Council of Trent, 63, 65, 66; and Genoese straggle with papacy, 83-84; Giambologna contracted by, 10, 19, 22-27, 84, 148; orations in praise of, 21, 40, 58-59, 82; personal library of, 2o6n32; and planning of Grimaldi Chapel, 63, 65, 147; public offices held by, 82-84; sarcophagus of, 44-45; silver medal of, 57-58, 205m8; statue of, 21, 40, 47; will of, 44, 162-64 Grimaldi, Nicolò, 8-10, 190M9 Grimaldi Chapel: Cambiaso's part in, 39, 191—92n28; and Catholic Reformation, 6, 19, 65, 68, 79, 87, 88, 135, 145; destruction of, 6, 14, 21; Giambologna's (lost) crucifix in, 21, 40—41, 63, I94n3; Luca Grimaldi's (lost) statue in, 21, 40, 47; Luca Grimaldi's role in planning of, 63, 65; Lomi's paintings in, 21, 22, 39, 46, 63, 68, 75, I9i-92n28, I94n3, 1 9 9 ^ 5 ; masses celebrated in, 67-68, 70; Ratti's description of, 40, 191— 92n28, 2ion42; relics in, 23, 40, 66-68, 147, 165, 2oon34, 20in37; sarcophagi in, 44-47, 20in36, 202n37; Soprani's description of, 14, 38-40, I9i-92n28, I94nn2—3, 198-991125, 2ion42; University of

252

INDEX

Genoa holdings from, 6, 14, 21, 194n3 Grimaldi Chapel, architectural design of: aediculae in, 31, 31, 35, 38, 41, 47; altar wall in, 47-48, 201 n3 7; compared to Altar of Liberty, 32; compared to Del Monte Chapel, 35-36; compared to Lercari Chapel, 36-37, 47-48; compared to Salviati Chapel, 27-28, 31-32, 35, 41, 43, I97ni9; compared to Soccorso Chapel, 27, 41, 43, 46-47; Giambologna's contribution to, 27-28, 31-32, 32, 35, I96ni6, i96-97ni7, 1 9 8 ^ 4 ; hypothetical reconstruction of, 21, 22, 24-25, 28, 35, 40-41, 43-52, 193m; island altar in, 47-48, 20in37; later emulations of, 37— 38, I97ni9; niches in, 35, 38, 39, 47, 51, 54; pediments in, 31-32, 35, 38, 47 Grimaldi Chapel, Giambologna's freestanding Virtues in, 6, 23, 32-33; and change from Prudence to Temperance, 40, 1 9 9 ^ 7 ; compared to Cambiaso's work, 61; contract specifications for, 21, 38, 48, 63; and Council of Trent decrees, 54, 55, 57, 62; and doctrine of good works, 53, 59, 62; figurai aspects of, 59-61; iconography of, 61—62; interactive viewing of, 44; and Mass of Good Friday, 68; metallic composition of, I96ni3; postures of, 51, 60-61; Ratti's description of, 40; reconstructed placement of, 24-25, 41, 43, 48, 51-52, 202n45; related to Passion cycle, 48, 54, 57, 62; Soprani's description of, 38-40, I9i-92n28,

198- 9 9 n 2 5 ; sources of, 62; U n i -

202n45; related to Virtues, 48, 54,

versity of G e n o a holdings of, 21

57, 62; scholarly a c c o u n t s of, 4 - 6 ,

Grimaldi Chapel, Giambologna's Passion cycle reliefs for: artistic

I92n28; s e q u e n c e of, 48, 116, 202n45; Soprani's description of,

legacy of, 1 4 8 - 4 9 ; c o m p a r e d

39, 40, i 9 8 - 9 9 n 2 5 , 2 i o n 4 2 ; spa-

to Andrea's Scalzo frescoes,

tial c o n s t r u c t i o n in, 88, 101—3,

9 5 - 9 9 > 2 i 6 n i 5 ; c o m p a r e d to B i -

13 2—3 3, 137; tripartite s c h e m e in,

rago C h a p e l cycle, 64; c o m p a r e d

9 5 - 100; University o f G e n o a

to Cambiaso's works, 133—37,

holdings of, 21; vanishing areas

I98n24; c o m p a r e d to Flemish art,

in, 98, n o , 127; viewers' relation

2 i 8 n 2 6 ; c o m p a r e d to Salviati

to i m a g e in, 43, 88, 103-12, 1 1 5 -

C h a p e l reliefs, 41, 43, 92; c o m -

16, 118, 124, 126-27, 145; w a x

pared to Soccorso C h a p e l reliefs,

m o d e l s of, 179, 180, 184-85

41, 43, 179, 180;

compositional

Grimaldi C h a p e l , G i a m b o l o g n a ' s six

t e c h n i q u e of, 88, 9 4 - 1 0 1 ; contract

angels for, 6, 10-11;

specifications for, 21, 38, 41, 43,

ifications for, 21, 38; metallic c o m -

48, 63; a n d C o u n c i l o f T r e n t d e -

position of, I 9 6 n i 3 ; postures of,

crees, 54, 57, 94; diagonals in,

31-32, I98n24;

100-101; distinguished f r o m ma-

p l a c e m e n t of, 31—32; Soprani's d e -

niera style, 88, 1 0 4 - 5 ,

I2

7>

I2

8,

contract spec-

reconstructed

scription of, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , I99n25;

131, 143—45; a n d d o c t r i n e o f sal-

University o f G e n o a holdings

vation, 62, 87, 88, 89; a n d Francis-

of, 21

can devotions, 68, 72, 74; a n d

Grisaille t e c h n i q u e , 216—I7ni6

G e n o e s e struggle against papacy,

G u e l p h party, 9

84; Ghiberti's i n f l u e n c e o n , 115—16; gradations o f relief in,

Hapsburgs, Spanish, 6

118—20, 122; historico-political

H e d i c k e , R o b e r t , 64, 207n6

emphasis of, 74-^76, 77, 84, 89,

Hegesippus, 2 i 2 n 4 9

93; interactive v i e w i n g of, 19, 44,

H e n r y II, 204n8

94; and Mass o f G o o d Friday, 68; metallic c o m p o s i t i o n of, 1 9 6 m 3; m u l t i p l e - v i e w t e c h n i q u e in, 19,

Hercules and the Centaur ( G i a m b o logna), 149 Heresy, religious, 83

88, 93, 94, 106—12, 115-16, 118,

H i l d e g a r d o f B i n g e n , Saint, 48

124, 126—27, !48, 149; narrative

Historia Naturalis (Pliny), 25

structure of, 4 - 5 , 48, 8 0 - 8 1 , 8 8 -

H o l d e r b a u m , James, 109, 1 8 7 m ,

89, 116, 131, 149; o r t h o g o n a l s in,

I99n27, 2 i 7 n n , 220n43

n o , i n , 127; a n d Passion plays,

H o o d , William, 2 i 0 n 4 0

8 0 - 8 2 ; a n d prints b y n o r t h e r n art-

Hope (Giambologna), 21, 5 1 - 5 2 , 60

ists, 131—33; Ratti's description of,

H u m a n i s m , a n d rhetoric, 58

40, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , 2 i o n 4 2 ; r e c o n structed p l a c e m e n t of, 41, 43, 48,

Ignatius o f Loyola, 54

INDEX

253

Immacolata Chapel, in Genoa, 37,

Kenseth, Joy, 2 i 7 n i 9

iç8n24 Inchiesta (Varchi), 4, 108, 109 Indulgences, i 8 9 n i o

Labors of Hercules (Giambologna), I95ni2

Innocence (Bronzino), 61

Laocoön, 16, 17

Innocent III, 2 i 4 n 6 4

Last Supper (Cambiaso), 13, 133,

Innocent IV, 8 Innocent VIII, 55, 203n7 Inquisition, office of, 83, 84 Isaac, depictions of, and Lomi's Sacrifice of Isaac, 21, 40, 41, 46, 63, 68; 75, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , I94n3 Island altars: in Grimaldi Chapel, 4 7 - 4 8 , 20in37; in Salviati Chapel, 2 0 i n 3 7

137, 137, 200n33 Lateran Council, Fourth, 56, 2i4n64 Lavin, Marilyn Aronberg, 2i6ni6 Lawrence of Porto Maurizio, 73 Lercari, Franco, I98n23 Lercari Chapel, in San Lorenzo in Genoa, 36-37, 38> 47~48, 59, 61 Levari, Luigi, 21, I95n9

Jacob and Esau (Ghiberti), 116, 120 Jerome, Saint, depictions of, 191— 92n28 Jerusalem: Francavilla's work for, 220n43; holy sites in, 73^74 Jesuits, and Catholic Reformation, 54 John, b o o k of, 48, 67, 77, 81, 21in42, 2i4n65

Leyden, Lucas van, 131, 177, 2i9n38 Liber Scivias (Hildegard of Bingen), 48 Literary criticism, methodology of, 5 Lombardo, Tullio, 204n7 Lomi, Aurelio, 39, 1 9 9 ^ 5 ; Joseph Sold into Egypt by, 21, 22, 40, 41,

J o h n of Caulibus, 2 i o n 3 6

46, 63, 68, 75, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , I94n3;

J o h n the Baptist, depictions of,

The Sacrifice of Isaac by, 21, 40, 41,

96

46, 63, 68, 75, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , I94n3

J o h n XXIII, 203n7

Louis XII, tomb of, 55

Joseph of Arimathea, depictions of,

Loyola. See Ignatius of Loyola

141-43 Joseph Sold into Egypt (Lomi), 21, 22,

Lucian, 2i2n49 Luini, Bernardino, 174

40, 41, 46, 63, 68, 75, 191—92n28,

Luke, b o o k of, 77, 78, 2 i 2 n 5 i

194n3

Luther, Martin, 53, 65, 68, 204n9

Josephus, 78, 2i2n49, 2i3n54 • Justice (Giambologna), 7, 21, 51, 60, 61, i 9 8 - 9 9 n 2 5 Justice, iconography of, 61 Justification, doctrine of, 50, 55—56, 62, 65, 68, 72, 147, 204n9 Justin Martyr, Saint, 77

254

INDEX

Macchietti, Girolamo, 103, 104 Macchioni, Silvana, I94n3, I96nn, 202n45, 2 i i n 4 2 Madonna and Saints (Fra Angelico), 103, 105 Maiano, Benedetto da, 95, 96

Maniera,

i , 88, 104-5,

I2

7,

I2

8,

131, 143, 2181131

Marcenaro, Caterina, 209030 Margaret of Brabant (queen of Luxembourg), 8, 53, 203n5

Middle Ages, doctrine of virtues in, 48, 53, 54, 55, 57, 6 1

Miracle of the Spini Child (Ghirlandaio), 95, 96 Missal, standard, 69

Martines, Baldassare, 209030

Molanus, Johannes, 216m 1

Martyrdom of Saint Vincent (de

M o n a c o , cathedral of, 176

Vries), 148 Masaccio, 95

M o n e , Jean, 55, 204n8 Mons, Sainte-Waudru rood screen

Mass, Catholic, 65, 67, 68, 69

in, 14-16, 15-16, 48, 49, 60, 64,

Matthew, b o o k of, 202n38,

207n6, 2 i 8 n 2 6

2iin42

Montorsoli, Giovanni, 23, 59, 148

Maximilian II, 18

Morgante (Bronzino), 109, 2i7n23

Medici, Catherine de', 204n8

Morgante (Giambologna), 108-9,

Medici, Cosimo de', 3, 18, 61, 128,

Morrogh, Andrew, 27, I 9 6 n i 7

129, 131, 140, I 9 7 n 2 0

Medici, Ferdinando de', 18, 43, 89, 200nn31—32

Medici, Francesco de', 18, 60, 93,

Moses and the Brazen Serpent (Danti), 130, 131 Multiple-view technique: and Giambologna's Apollo, 217n2o; and

2i6n9; Giambologna's allegorical

Giambologna's Grimaldi Chapel

relief of, go, 91, 127; and negotia-

reliefs, 19, 88, 93, 94, 106-12,

tions for Giambologna's services,

115—16, 118, 124, 126—27, 148,

22, 23, 24, 27, 155-62, 1961116

149; and Giambologna's Morgante,

Medici, Lorenzo de', 2 i 6 n 9

108-9; a n d Giambologna's Rape of

Meditation, religious: and Christ's

the Sabines, 3-4, 9?, 107

Passion, 73; and virtues, 53, 61

Mystery plays, 80-82, 2 i 3 ~ i 4 n n

Meditations on the Life of Christ, 73, 74, 2 1 0 0 3 6

Nagler, Alois M., 2 i 4 n 6 4

Melone, Altobello, 176

Napoleonic conquest, 14

Memorie e Sepolcri (Pasqua), 45,

Narrative art: and Catholic R e f o r -

20on33 Mendelsohn, Leatrice, 2i6n9, 2171123

Mercury (Giambologna), 1, 3, I95ni2

Michelangelo: Giambologna influenced by, 16, 60; Giambologna's

mation, 19, 87, 2i3n58; and Council of Trent, 43, 80, 94, 147, 2 i 6 n n ; and doctrine of salvation, 87, 88; and Giambologna's Equestrian Monument of Cosimo I, 4; and Giambologna's Grimaldi Chapel reliefs, 4-5, 48, 80-81, 88-89,

encounter with, 18, 138; and

116, 131, 147, 149; and Giambo-

Varchi's Inchiesta, 109; Vatican fres-

logna's Rape of the Sabines, 93; and

coes of, 16 Michelozzo, 203 n7

Giambologna's Salviati Chapel reliefs, 4, 41, 42, 43, 92; and histori-

INDEX

255

Narrataive art (continued)

Padri di Comune, in Genoa, 9, 23

cai accuracy, 80; maniera style of,

Paggi, Giovan Battista, 27

128-29, 13 i ; scholarly study of,

Painted crosses, Tuscan, 176

5—6; and viewers' relation to im-

Painting, in relation to sculpture, 4,

ages, 3, 19, 44, 2i8n25; Hayden

35-36, 43-44, 88, 95, 108, 109,

White's analysis of, 87

149, 2i7n23

Nativity, Christ's, depictions of, I 9 i - 9 2 n 2 8 , I96ni5 Negrone, Giulio, 2 1 , 24, 58-59, 61, 1 9 5 m l , 20ón3i Neptune Fountain (Giambologna), in Bologna, 9 1 , gi, 1 8 7 m Nessus and Deianira (Giambologna), I95ni2

Palazzo del Principe, in Genoa, 23 Paleotti, Gabriele, 19, 57, 66, 80, 94, 2i3n58, 2 i 6 n n Palladio, Andrea, 27, i 9 6 - 9 7 n i 7 Pallavicino, Cipriano, 80 Panigarola, Francesco, 74, 2o8n29, 2i2n43 Panofsky, Erwin, 1 9 9 ^ 7

Netherlands, 20in39

Paragone debate, 4, 109, 2 1 7 m 9

Niches: in Chapel of San Luca, 36,

Parson's Tale (Chaucer), 48

37; in Del Monte Chapel, 36; in

Pasqua, Giulio, 45, 200n33

Grimaldi Chapel, 35, 38, 39, 47,

Passion, Christ's: in catechism of

5 1 , 54; in later emulations of Gri-

1566, 48, 57, 69; and Council of

maldi Chapel, 38; in Lercari

Trent, 48, 54, 57, 69, 76, 135; and

Chapel, 36, 38; in Salviati Chapel,

devotion to stations of the cross,

28—29, 9> 3 . 35. 54; in Soccorso

73-74; and doctrine ofjustifica-

Chapel, 31

tion, 72; and Franciscan devo-

2

1

Nicodemus, depictions of, 1 4 1 43 Nobility, old, in Genoa: and R e p u b -

tions, 72-74; in Gospel of John, 48, 67, 81, 2i4n65; historical veracity of, 7 1 - 7 2 , 76-77, 80;

lican government, 6; and San

linked to virtues, 48—49, 53, 54,

Francesco di Castelletto, 9, 10,

57, 63-64, 20in39; and Mass of

1 3 , 70; Strada Nuova dwellings

G o o d Friday, 67; Panigarola's trea-

of, 9, I98n23

tise on, 74, 2o8n29, 2i2n43; and physical suffering of Christ,

Oceanus Fountain (Giambologna), in Florence, go, 91

165; and religious drama, 80—82,

Opluten, Tomaso, 2 0 9 ^ 0

2 i 3 - i 4 n n ; and Sacrament of the

Orations, at Luca Grimaldi's corona-

Eucharist, 68, 70

tion, 2 1 , 40, 58-59, 82

Passion, Christ's, depictions of: at

Orcagna, Andrea, 1 9 9 ^ 7

Birago Chapel, 64, 2o6n5; and

Orthogonals, in Giambologna's Gri-

Brea's works, 176; and Cambiaso's

maldi Chapel reliefs, n o , i n ,

works, 1 3 3 - 3 7 , I98n24; and C a -

127

navesio's works, 176; at Colleoni

Orvieto Passion cycle, 209n29

256

72-73; relics of, 23, 40, 66-68,

INDEX

Chapel, 49, 4P, 64; and Corpus

Domini silver casket, 70, 71, 75,

Penance, sacrament of, 56, 147

1 3 3 - 3 4 . 135, 175, 209111128—30;

Pentecost, in Santa Croce cycle,

and del Duca's ciborium, 175; and della Porta's works, 1 3 9 - 4 3 , 174^75; and Du Broeucq's Sainte-

209n29 Perino del Vaga, 9, 23, 139, 148, 191-92^8

Waudru rood screen, 1 5 - 1 6 , 64;

Perseus (Cellini), 93, i88n3

and Durer's works, 75, 1 3 2 - 3 3 ,

Perseus Freeing Andromeda (Cellini),

177-^78, 2 i i n 4 2 ; and Giambolo-

128-29,

129

gna's Soccorso Chapel reliefs, 43,

Perugia, Passion plays in, 81

44, 179—80, 181—83; and Gonfa-

Peter Martyr, Saint, tomb of, 203n6

lone Oratory painting cycle, 75,

Philip II, 10, 135

174, 209n29; and Luini's works,

Philo, 78, 2i2n49, 2i3n54

174; and Orvieto cycle, 209n29;

Piazza, Callisto, 175-76

and Callisto Piazza's works, 1 7 5 -

Pierino da Vinci, 129, 130, 1 3 1

76; and Pontormo's fresco, 178;

Pilasters: in Grimaldi Chapel, 31,

and prints by northern artists, 131—33, 1 7 7 - 7 8 ; and Rodari's works, 176; and Romanino's works, 176; and Santa Croce cycle, 209n29; and Stradano's drawings, 21 in42; and Tintoretto's works, 174; and Tuscan painted crosses, 176; and van Leyden's works, 133, 134, 177; and wooden retables by northern artists, 177. See also Grimaldi Chapel, Giambologna's Passion cycle reliefs for The Passover Plot (Schonfeld), 2o6n2 Patronage, of Giambologna: by Luca Grimaldi, 9, 10, 19, 22-27; by Medici family, 1, 18, 22, 23, 24, 89, I96ni6; by Bernardo Vecchietti, 18, i88n3 Paul III, 54, 65, 138, 204n8 Paul V, 144 Pediments: in Del Monte Chapel, 36; in Grimaldi Chapel, 3 1 - 3 2 , 35, 38, 47; in later emulations of

33; in Salviati Chapel, 28-29, 29 Pilate Washing His Hands (Bisschop), 20in39 Pilate Washing His Hands (Diirer), 132,

132-33

Pilate Washing His Hands. (Ghiberti), 1 1 8 , 119 Pilate Washing His Hands (Giambologna), 2 1 , 48, 100, 110,

112-13,

127, 2 i i n 4 2 ; multiple-view technique in, 106, 1 1 0 - 1 2 , 124; other versions of, 179, 180, 183, 185; spatial construction in, 1 0 2 - 3 , 149 Pilon, Germain, 204n8 Pinelli Chapel, in Genoa, 37, 39, I97ni9 Piombo, Sebastiano del, 2 1 9 ^ 2 Pisa, Francavilla's relief panels in, 220n43 Pisano, Giovanni, 8, 53, 203n5 Pius IV, 139 Pius V, 57, 69, 83 Plague of 1577, in Genoa, 10, 58, i9on22

Grimaldi Chapel, 38; in Salviati

Pliny, 25, 2i2n49

Chapel, 29, 3 1 , 32, 35

Plutarch, 2i2n49

INDEX

257

Pollaiuolo, Antonio, 50, 55, 203n7

Radcliffe, Anthony, 2 i i n 4 2

Pomponius Gauricus, 25

The Raising of the Cross (Francavilla),

Pontius Pilate, in church doctrine,

Rape ofEuropa (Giambologna), go,

65, 76-79, 80 Pontius Pilate, depictions of: and Bisschop's works, 202n39; and Du Broeucq's Ecce Homo, 16, 16; and Dürers works, 132,

22on43

132-33,

2 i i n 4 2 ; and English Passion plays, 2 i 3 n $ 4 ; and Ghiberti's works, 1 1 8 , 119; and Giambologna's Gri-

9i Rape of the Sabine statuette (Giambologna), 25, 26,

I95ni2

Rape of the Sabines (Giambologna), 1, 2, 3, 4, 9 2 - 9 3 , 107, 108; relief of, 92, 93, 94 Raphael: Chigi Chapel designed by,

maldi Chapel reliefs, 2 1 , 40, 48,

I97n2i; and Giambologna, 16,

75~76, 77, 8 0 - 8 1 , 82, 84, 1 0 0 -

60; School of Athens by, 95; tapes-

103, 1 1 0 - 1 2 , 124, 2 i i n 4 2

try designs of, 95; Vatican frescoes

Pontormo, Jacopo da, 104, 106, 178, 2i9n38 Pope-Hennessy, John, 4, 2 i i n 4 2 , 2i8n26

of, 16, 95 Ratti, Carlo Giuseppe, 191—92n28, i94nn2-3, 2ion42 Reformation: and doctrine of justi-

Pordenone, 176

fication, 55; and doctrine of salva-

Praxiteles, 1 1 5

tion, 53—54. See also Catholic R e f -

Primaticcio, Francesco, 204n8

ormation

Prints, Christ's Passion depicted in, 131-33 Procaccini, Camillo, 191—92n28 Procession of Spoils ofJerusalem, Arch of Titus, 123, 123

Regularis Concordia (Athelwold), 67 Relics, 45; in Doria chapel, 23; in Grimaldi Chapel, 23, 40, 66—68, 147, 165, 200n34, 201037; veneration of, 40, 65, 66, 207n8

Prodi, Paolo, 2 1 3 ^ 8

Rembrandt, 202n39

Protestantism, 53, 55, 66, 68, 72,

Replicas, of Giambologna's works,

83, 20in39 Prudence (Cambiaso), 54, 61, I98n23 Prudence (Giambologna), 60 Prudence, iconography of, I99n27 Prudentius, 61 The Punishment of Dirke, 15, 16 Putti. See Grimaldi Chapel, Giambologna's six angels for

1, 43, 89 Republican government, in Genoa, 6, 58, 59 The Resurrection, in Colleoni Chapel, 64 The Resurrection (Francavilla), 22on43 The Resurrection of Lazarus (Santi di Tito), 143, 144 Retables, depicting Christ's Passion,

Queensland Art Gallery, in Bris-

258

177

bane, Giambologna's work at,

Rhetoric, 58, 93, 104, 2 i 6 n i o

179. 185

Ilriposo (Borghini), 1, 108, i88n3

INDEX

R i z z o , A n t o n i o , 204x17

I98n24; c o m p a r e d to Altar o f Lib-

R o c h i , Francesco de, 2 0 9 n 3 0

erty, 31; c o m p a r e d t o Grimaldi

R o d a r i , T o m a s o , 176

C h a p e l , 27-28, 3 1 - 3 2 , 35, 41. 43,

Rollinger, Wilhelm, 2 i 4 n ó 4

92, 147, I 9 7 n i 9 ; c o m p a r e d t o P i -

R o m a n i n o , 176

nelli C h a p e l , 1 9 8 ^ 4 ;

R o m a n o , Giulio, 148

to Senarega C h a p e l , I 9 8 n 2 4 ; c o m -

R o m e : A r c h o f C o n s t a n t i n e in, 16;

pared t o Soccorso C h a p e l , 31;

compared

A r c h o f T i t u s in, 122-23; C o l -

crypt in, 45; island altar in,

u m n o f Trajan in, 15-16; G i a m -

2 0 i n 3 7 ; narrative reliefs in, 4, 41,

bologna's residence in, 15, 16,

42, 43, 92; niches in, 28-29, 29,

18, 122, 138-39, I 9 7 n 2 i ; Santa

31, 35, 54

M a r i a del P o p o l o in, 16, 50, 51,

San Cassiano, in Venice, 174

I97n2i

San D o m e n i c o M a g g i o r e , in B o l o -

R o o d screens, in Flanders, 14-16, 15-16, 48, 49, 60, 64, 2i8n26 R u d o l f II, 19

gna, 55 San Francesco di Castelletto, in G e n o a : B e r n a r d o Castello's w o r k in, 191—92n28; G i o v a n n i Battista

The Sacrifice of Isaac ( L o m i ) , 21, 40,

41, 46, 63, 68, 75, 191—92n28, I94n3 Sacri monti, scholarly study of, 2i0n40 Sacro M o n t e , in Lombardy, 74, 2i0nn40-4i Saint Antoninus Reconciling the Signo-

ria (Giambologna), 41, 42, 43 S a i n t e - W a u d r a r o o d screen, in

Castello's w o r k in, 1 9 1 - 9 2 ^ 8 ; d e m o l i t i o n of, 14; elite burials in, 8; eucharistie revival in, 70; F r a n ciscan o r d e r at, 6, 8 - 9 , 72; G o t h i c architecture of, 6; G r i m a l d i family as patrons of, 9, 10, 13, 59, 67, i 9 o n n ; Grimaldi family's burial places in, 44-45; g r o u n d plan of, 13; inspected by c h u r c h a u t h o r i ties, 80, I 9 i n 2 6 ; M a r g a r e t o f B r a -

M o n s ( D u B r o e u c q ) , 14-16, 15-

bant's t o m b in, 8, 53, 203n5; mili-

16, 48, 49, 60, 64, 207n6, 2i8n26

tary attacks o n , 8 - 9 ; N a p o l e o n i c

Saint Luke ( G i a m b o l o g n a ) , 149

e x p r o p r i a t i o n of, 14; old nobility's

Saint Stephen Suffering His Martyrdom

relations w i t h , 9, 10, 13, 70; P e -

(Tacca), 148 Salmeron, Alphonsus, 69 Salvation, d o c t r i n e of, 53, 56, 62,

r i n o del Vaga's w o r k in, 1 9 1 92n28; Procaccini's w o r k in, 1 9 1 92n28; Ratti's description of,

84-85; and G i a m b o l o g n a ' s G r i -

191—92n28; relics d o n a t e d to, 67;

maldi C h a p e l reliefs, 87, 88, 89

r e n o v a t i o n of, 9, 10, 13-14, 22,

Salviati C h a p e l , in Florence, G i a m -

I9in26; Sarzana's w o r k in, 1 9 1 -

bologna's w o r k s in, 19, 25, 28-30;

92n28; Semino's w o r k in, 1 9 1 -

altar wall in, 30, 31, 32, 35,

92n28; Spinola's w o r k in, 1 9 1 -

202n46; architectural design of,

92n28; Torre's w o r k in, I92n28.

27-29, 31-33, 3 5 , 3 5 , 196—97 nI 7>

See also Grimaldi C h a p e l

INDEX

259

San Giorgio al Palazzo, in Milan,

School of Athens (Raphael), 95

174 San Lorenzo cathedral, in Genoa,

Sculpture, in relation to painting, 4,

36,38,

105, 126, 1 3 3 , 175

San Luca, Chapel of, in Florence, 36, 37 San Marco church, in Florence, 25, 27, 28-30, 103 San Matteo, in Genoa, 23, 46, 59, I96ni6 San Pietro di Banchi, in Genoa, 37, i9on22

3 5 - 3 6 , 43-44, 88, 95, 108, 109, 149, 2i7n23 Semino, Andrea, 1 9 1 - 9 2 ^ 8 Semiotics, 5 Senarega, Giovanni Antonio, 20in3ó Senarega Chapel, in Genoa, 37, I98n24, 20in36 Seripando, Girolamo, 204n9

Sansedoni Palace, in Siena, 149

Serra Chapel, in Genoa, 37, 1 9 7 m 9

San Siro church, in Genoa, 37, 39

Sforza tomb, in Santa Maria del Po-

Sansovino, Andrea, 16, 23, 43, 50, 5 1 , 55, 60, 203n7 Sansovino, Jacopo, 60 Santa Croce, in Florence, 95, 209n29 Santa Maria Assunta, in Carignano, 23 Santa Maria degli Angeli, in R o m e , 175 Santa Maria del Popolo, in R o m e , 16, 50, 5 1 , I97n2i Santi di Tito, 95, 1 4 3 - 4 4 , 144 Santissima Annunziata, in Florence, 200n32. See also Soccorso Chapel Sarcophagi: in Colleoni Chapel, 64, 20ón4; in Doria Chapel, 46; in

polo, 50, 5 1 , 55, 203n7 Shell, Janice, 207ns Sixtus IV, tomb of, 50, 55, 144, 203 n7 Smyth, Craig Hugh, 2 i 8 n 3 i Soccorso Chapel (Giambologna's burial chapel), in Florence, 27, 3 i , 33~34> 4 i . 46-47, 47, 89, I94n3, 1 9 6 m 5, 200n32; contract for, 43, 166-73, 200ni3; Passion cycle reliefs in, 43, 44, 178-80, 181-83 Socles: in Grimaldi Chapel, 31; in Salviati Chapel, 28—29, 29 Soldani Benzi, Massimiliano, 149 Soprani, Raffaello, Grimaldi Chapel

Grimaldi Chapel, 44—47, 20in3ó,

described by, 14, 38—40, I9in28,

202n37; in Lercari Chapel, 36, 54;

i94nn2-3, 1 9 8 - 9 9 ^ 5 , 2ion42

in Santa Maria del Popolo, 51 Sarzana, 191— 92n28 Sassetti Chapel, in Santa Trinità, Florence, 95

Spain: Escoriai in, 39; Hapsburgs in, 6 Spatial construction: in Bernini's works, 149; in Cambiaso's works,

Scaglia, Davide, 209n30

137; in Giambologna's Grimaldi

Scalzo frescoes, of Andrea del Sarto,

Chapel reliefs, 88, 1 0 1 - 3 , 1 3 2 - 3 3 ,

95-96, 2i6ni5

137, 149

Schiacciato, 1 1 9

Spinola, Andrea, 191—92n28

Schonfeld, H u g h J . , 2o6n2

The Spiritual Exercises (Ignatius of

Schongauer, Martin, 1 3 1 , 177

260

Scrutinio della Nobilita (Federici), 44

INDEX

Loyola), 54

Stations of the cross, devotion to, 73-74

Valeriano, Pierio, 62 Vanishing areas, in Giambologna's

Strabo, 2 i 2 n 4 9

Grimaldi Chapel reliefs, 98, 1 1 0 ,

Stradano, Giovanni, 2 i i n 4 2

127

Strada N u o v a , in Genoa, 9, 1 9 0 m 7, I98n23 Structuralism, 5 Suetonius, 2 i 2 n 4 9 Summers, J o h n David, 2 i 6 n i o Synods, 1 3 , 66, 80, 8 1 - 8 2 , 94

Varchi, Benedetto, 4, 108, 109 Varni, Santo, 2 0 9 ^ 0 , 2 i i n 4 2 Vasari, Giorgio, 14, 16, 35, 104, 108, 1 3 8 - 3 9 , I97n20, 207n5; manicra style of, 1 4 3 , 2 i 8 n 3 i Vatican frescoes, 16, 95 Vecchietti, Bernardo, 18, i88n3

Tacca, Ferdinando, 148

Venasque, Carolo de, 200n33

Tacitus, 77, 2 i 2 n 4 9

Vendramin tomb, 2 0 3 - 4 ^

Taney, C . Mary, 2 i o n 3 6

Venice, and break with papacy, 83

Temperance, iconography of,

Via Cruris, in Jerusalem, 72, 73

I99n27 Temperance (Giambologna), 2 1 , 40, 51-52, 60-61, i98-99n25 Tertullian, 2 i 2 n 4 9 The Three Marys at the Tomb (Donatello), 1 2 7 , 128 Tibaldi, Pellegrino, 2 i o n 4 i

Vices, 53, 61 Victoria and Albert Museum, in London, Giambologna's w o r k at, 179,

184-85

Vidal, J a i m e R . , 2 i o n 3 6 Vienna, Passion plays in, 2 i 4 n 6 4 Viewers' relation to image, 3—4, 19,

Tintoretto, 174

43, 44, 2 i 8 n 2 5 ; Alberti's prescrip-

Tombs: church authorities' rules for,

tion for, 103; in Giambologna's

2 0 i n 3 6 ; papal, 50, 55, 144, 203n7;

Grimaldi Chapel reliefs, 43, 88,

virtues depicted on, 50—51, 50,

1 0 3 - 1 2 , 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 124, 126—

53, 5 4 - 5 5 , 2 0 3 - 4 n n

27, 145. See also Multiple-view

Torre, Giovannandrea, I92n28 Transubstantiation, doctrine of, 6 8 69, 72, 2 i 4 n 6 4 Tribolo Fountain, at Villa Castello, I95ni2

technique Violence, representation of, in G i a m bologna's Rape of the Sabines, 3 Virgin Mary, depictions of, 54, 1 0 3 , 105,

191-92^8

Tribute Money (Masaccio), 95

Virtu, 93, 2 i 6 n 9

Tripartite compositional technique,

Virtues: Aquinas on, 40; and Aris-

94-100

tole's Ethics, 40; in Birago Chapel,

Tron, Nicolo, tomb of, 2 0 3 - 4 ^

207n5; in Colleoni Chapel, 49,

Tuttle, Richard, 1 8 7 m

49, 64, 2o6n4; Council of Trent

University of Genoa, Giambolo-

Del M o n t e Chapel, 36, 54; and

on, 48, 50, 5 4 - 5 7 , 62, 202n40; in gna's Grimaldi Chapel bronzes at,

doctrine of good works, 53, 54—

6, 14, 2 1 , I94n3

55, 59, 62; and doctrine o f j u s t i f i -

Urban VIII, 204n8

cation, 50, 55—56, 62; and Du

INDEX

261

The Way to Calvary, in Colleoni

Virtues (continued) Broeucq's Sainte-Waudru rood

Chapel, 64

screen, 15, 48, 49, 60, 64; and Grimaldi coat of arms, 40; hierarchy

The Way to Calvary (Francavilla), 22on43

of, 48—51 ; humanist rhetoric of,

The Way to Calvary (Giambologna),

58-59, 2o6n3i; iconography of,

8, 2 1 , 48, 76, 80, 1 1 2 , 116-17,

61—62, I99n27; in Lercari Chapel,

compared to Vasari's Deposition,

3 6 - 3 7 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 54; medieval doc-

2 1 8 n 3 1 ; gradations of relief in,

121;

trine of, 48, 53, 54, 55, 57, 61;

1 1 9 , 120, 122; other versions of,

meditation on, 53, 61; Paleotti's

183; tripartite scheme in, 100, 138

treatise on, 57; personification of,

The Way to Calvary (Vasari), 143, 145

6 1 ; related to Christ's Passion, 48—

White, Hayden, 87

49, 53, 54, 57, 63-64, 20in39;

Wilhelm of Croy, tomb of, 55

and tomb decorative tradition,

Williams, Arnold, 2 1 3 ^ 4

5 0 - 5 1 , 51, 53, 54-55, 203-4nn.

Wittkower, Rudolf, 2i0n40, 2 1 7 m 9

See also Grimaldi Chapel, Giambo-

Wool Factory (Cavalori), 103

logna's freestanding Virtues in Zuccaro, Federico, 2i6n9 Wax models, of Giambologna's Passion cycle reliefs, 179, 180, 184-85

Designer: Compositor: Text:

Zwingli, Huldrych, 68-69 Z w i r n , Stephen, i88n8

Nola Burger Graphic Composition, Inc. 1 1 / 1 5 Bembo

Display:

Bodoni

Printer:

Malloy Lithographing, Inc.

Binder: John H. Dekker & Sons