Geographers Biobibliographical Studies Volume 28 9780826437525, 9781474227148, 9781441157263

Table of contents :
Cover
Half-title
Title
Copyright
Contents
The Contributors
Introduction
Peter Heylyn (1599-1662)
Life and Times
Microcosmus: Methodizing and Policizing Geographical Description
Cosmographie: Geography, History and Polemic in the Interregnum
Bibligraphy and Sources
Chronology
Gudmund Hatt (1884-1960)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographical Thought
Influence and Spread of Ideas
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Tibor Mendöl (1905-1966)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought
Influence and Spread of Ideas
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Koji Iizuka (1906-1970)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought
Influence and Spread of Ideas
Acknowledgements
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Richard John Chorley (1927-2002)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought
Factors in Chorley's Influence
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
J. W. Karl Oestreich (1873-1947)
Education, Life and Work
Acknowledgements
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Charles Patrick Daly (1816-1899)
Education, Life and Career
Geographical Work and Thought
Day's Influence: In the Text and On the Ground
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Marion Isabel Newbigin (1869-1968)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought
Influence and Spread of Ideas
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier (1917-1995)
Education, Life and Work
Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought
Influence and Spread of Ideas
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Hugh Clapperton (1788-1827)
Introduction
Education, Life and Work
The Borno Mission, 1822-25
Clapperton's Second Expedition, 1825-27
Clapperton's Achievements
The Influence and Spread of Clapperton's Ideas
Bibliography and Sources
Chronology
Index

Citation preview

GEOGRAPHERS Biobibliographical Studies VOLUME 28

GEOGRAPHERS BIOBIBLIOGRAPHICAL STUDIES This volume is part of a series of works, published annually, on the history of geography undertaken on behalf of the Commission on the History of Geography of the International Geographical Union and the Commission of the International Union of the Philosophy and History of Science. Chair: Professor Jacobo García-Álvarez, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Departamento de Humanidades: Geografia, Historia Contemporánea y Arte, C/Madrid 133, Edificio 17, Despacho 17.2.14, Getafe 28093, Spain. Other Full Members: Professor Michael Heffernan, School of Geography, University of Nottingham, University Park, Nottingham NG7 2RD, UK; Professor Jean-Yves Puyo, Départment de Géographie, Laboratoire Société, Environnement, Territoire, Université de Pau et des Pays de l’Adour, Domaine Universitaire, 64000 Pau, France; Professor Diana K. Davis, Department of History, 2216 Social Sciences and Humanities, University of California, Davis, CA 95616, USA; Professor Joao Carlos Garcia, Departamento de Geografia, Facultade de Letras, Universidade do Porto, via Panorâmica s/n, 4150564 Porto, Portugal; Professor Anne M. C. Godlewska, Department of Geography, Queens University, Kingston, Ontario K7L 3N6, Canada; Professor Loan Thanh Ngô, Départemente de Géographie, Université des Sciences Sociales et de l’Humanité (USSH), 10-12 Dinh Tien Hoang, Arrondisement 1, Ho Chi Minh Ville, Vietnam, Professor Silvina Quintero, Departamenta/Instituto de Geografia Facultdad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Puan 470, 4to, Piso, C.P.: 1406, Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Argentina; Professor Ali Toumi, Départment de Géographie, Faculté des Sciences Humaines et Sociales de Tunis, Bd. du 9 Avril 1938, 1007 Tunis; Professor Jan Vandermissen, National Committee for Logic, History and Philosophy of the Sciences, Paleis der Academiën, Hertogsstraat 1, B-1000 Brussels, Belgium.

GEOGRAPHERS Biobibliographical Studies VOLUME 28 Edited by Hayden Lorimer and Charles W. J. Withers on behalf of the Commission on the History of Geographical Thought of the International Geographical Union and the International Union of the History and Philosophy of Science

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

LON DON • OX F O R D • N E W YO R K • N E W D E L H I • SY DN EY

Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA

www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in 2009 by Continuum © International Geographical Union, 2009 Hayden Lorimer and Charles W. J. Withers have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: Hardback: 978-0-82643-752-5 ePDF: 978-1-44115-726-3 ePub: 978-1-47422-713-1  Series: Geographers: Biobibliographical Studies, volume 28

Contents

The Contributors

vii

Introduction

Hayden Lorimer and Charles W. J. Withers

ix

Peter Heylyn (1599±1662)

Robert J. Mayhew

1

Gudmund Hatt (1884±1960)

Henrik Gutzon Larsen

17

Tibor MendoÈl (1905±1966)

RoÂbert Gyo''ri

39

Koji Iizuka (1906±1970)

Toshihiro Okada

55

Richard John Chorley (1927±2002)

Peter Haggett and David R. Stoddart

65

J. W. Karl Oestreich (1873±1947)

Eduard A. Koster

89

Charles Patrick Daly (1816±1899)

Karen M. Morin

105

Marion Isabel Newbigin (1869±1968)

Avril Maddrell

119

Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier (1917±1995)

Hugh Clout

131

Hugh Clapperton (1788±1827)

Jamie Bruce Lockhart

147

Index

167

The Contributors

Hugh Clout is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Geography at University College London and a Fellow of the British Academy. RoÂbert Gyo''ri is Research Fellow at the Budapest Department of the Centre for Regional Studies at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and part-time Lecturer at the Department of Human and Economic Geography, EoÈtvoÈs LoraÂnd University, Budapest. Peter Haggett is Emeritus Professor of Geography at the University of Bristol and a Fellow of the British Academy. Eduard A. Koster is Professor Emeritus of Physical Geography and Geomorphology at the University of Utrecht. Henrik Gutzon Larsen is Assistant Professor in the Department of Development and Planning, Aalborg University, Denmark. Jamie Bruce Lockhart is a former member of the British Diplomatic Service and author of a biographical memoir on Hugh Clapperton. Avril Maddrell is Senior Lecturer in Geography in the School of the Built Environment, University of the West of England. Robert Mayhew is Professor of Historical Geography and Intellectual History at the University of Bristol. Karin Morin is Professor of Geography in the Department of Geography at Bucknell University, Lewisburg, USA. Toshihiro Okada is Professor of Geography at Kochi University, Japan. David Stoddart is Emeritus Professor of Geography of the University of California at Berkeley.

Introduction

Several themes connect the lives and geographical works of the ten figures on whom the essays here form the contents of this, the twenty-eighth, volume of Geographers: Biobibliographical Studies. Our subjects are an American geographical publicist, a Danish ethnologist become contentious political geographer, two Englishman (one a man of West Somerset, even as he was also a world-leading geomorphologist, and the second a churchman) and an Englishwoman (a geographical editor with a background in biology who became, de facto, an honorary geographical Scotswoman), a Frenchwoman who was an international population and urban geographer, a Hungarian urban historical geographer, a German geomorphologist whose main work was done in the Netherlands, a Japanese political geographer and a Scottish naval commander whose importance rests on amending from first-hand experience the map of early nineteenth-century west Africa. From the viewpoint of the GBS series as a whole, now numbering over 425 essays, it is a pleasure to add to the overall accounts of women geographers with the essays here on Marion Newbigin, the biologist-cum-human geographer of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, the leading twentiethcentury population and urban geographer ± even as it is a matter of continuing concern that, with their addition bringing the essays on women to ten only, women geographers remain lamentably under-represented in Geographers. One major theme connecting our subjects here is that of the link between politics and geography, or, perhaps more properly, between political life and geography and the ways in which geographical writings were shaped by, and in turn influenced, the machinations and ideological consequences of state politics. It is an anachronism, of course, to use the term `geopolitics' to describe those connections between geographical writing, courtly politics, religious belief and theories of monarchy that shaped the life of Peter Heylyn in seventeenth-century England. But the links between politics and geography and the politics in and of geography would have been as clear to him in their own way as they were to three of the twentiethcentury figures here for whom the term `geopolitics' had very particular disciplinary resonance: Gudmund Hatt, the Danish political geographer, Tibor MendoÈl, the Hungarian urban geographer, and Koji Iizuka, the Japanese human geographer. While the last of these was caught up in the events of the Second World War only towards the end of that conflict and then from visiting Manchuria, the careers and lives of Hatt and of MendoÈl were significantly affected by that war, Hatt by virtue of his close association with Nazi geopolitics, MendoÈl by the aftermath of the conflict, as Marxist geography and ideology in Communist Hungary replaced earlier versions of geographical enquiry there and did so until the collapse of Communism from the early 1990s. Even J. W. Karl Oestreich, the German geomorphologist, after years of work within the Netherlands, found

x

Introduction

himself declared stateless during the Second World War. And, to a lesser extent, politics in the form of municipal improvement in New York City shaped the geographical life of Mayor Charles Daly, the American civic leader and founder, in 1851, of the American Geographical Society. One link between the lives and works of the two geomorphologists reviewed here, Richard `Dick' Chorley and Karl Oestreich, is their shared attention to the work of that foundational figure in modern physical geography, William Morris Davis (a connection shared, albeit less enduringly, with Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, who began her geographical studies as a geomorphologist in the Davisian mould before turning to population matters and urban questions). But, if their attention to Davis's work connects them, then the divergent paths they took from that common ground mark them as men of different focus. Where Karl Oestreich was a Davis devotee, responsible in his translation of Davis's writings into German for the further internationalization of the American's work in the early twentieth century, Dick Chorley was a leading figure in the rejection of Davis's static geomorphology, and an advocate for the development of quantitative modelling, systems theory and dynamic process-based geomorphology. Yet, Chorley, too, was a `fan' of Davis in a different way, devoting the second volume of his magisterial four-volume history of geomorphology to the nature and significance of Davis's work. Here, too, lie further connecting threads: in the importance of translation, cultures of reception and the language and methods of geographical publication in making geography's ideas move across space, over time and between different national and discursive communities. MendoÈl might have been better known, at least within Europe, had his work not been written and reviewed in Hungarian with limited publication in German. The work in German of the Dane Gudmund Hatt was commonly reviled, critics seeing his adoption of that language and his work within the German-language media as further evidence of his complicity with Nazi thought and politics. Oestreich, a German who worked most of his life in the Netherlands without really mastering the Dutch language, used translations into German to internationalize notions of a largely form-based physical geography, even as his own work began to outline the importance of dynamic processes in explanation of landforms. In Japan, Koji Iizuka worked to translate the tenets of Vidalian human geography in order to promote the utility of a revitalized geography in Japan after 1945. For Charles Daly and Marion Newbigin, the means to making geography work lay through promoting its successes via public addresses, in annual summaries of geographical achievements and, for Newbigin especially, in firm editorial control of a leading geographical journal. Where Charles Daly, as an `armchair geographer', drew the attention of urbane geographical audiences to the `blanks' on Africa's map ± to those recently inscribed as evidence of geography's advance and to those remaining as proof of the work remaining ± his antithesis was surely Hugh Clapperton, whose death on fieldwork in West Africa in April 1827 whilst trying to solve the enduring mystery of the River Niger was symbolic of those whose work, by virtue of first-hand encounter, direct observation and, often, posthumous textual and cartographic rendition, was `filling in' the blanks on others' maps. Seventeenth-century Latinate humanist and High churchman, late Enlightenment African explorer, nineteenth-century geographical popularizer, twentiethcentury editor, and so on: each of the ten subjects also commands our attention for their individual importance, here noted in the order in which they appear in the volume. Peter Heylyn was author of two major works of geography: Microcosmus (1621) and Cosmographie (1652). These were collations of others' facts and works of method,

Introduction

xi

compilations designed to order the world anew ± views quite in keeping with many such espoused during the turbulent seventeenth century in Britain. As Robert Mayhew makes clear in his discussion of Heylyn, here was a divine whose major geographical works were used to affirm particular notions of monarchy and of High Church ecclesiology. Like Heylyn (and many others before and since), Gudmund Hatt had interests and career beginnings outside geography, even as that was the field in which he had the greatest impact. Hatt's background was in ethnology and archaeology, seeing in both a `human±geographical attitude' and, in human geography, a means to address and to understand the troubled times of the 1930s and 1940s. However much he may be described as working with economic geography, political geography, in colonial anthropogeography and with neo-Lamarckian views in explanation of racial capacities and environments, Hatt's career will forever be irrevocably marked by what his post-Second World War public trial termed his `dishonourable national conduct' ± his association with Nazi ideology and with their doctrines of geopolitics. The opprobrium surrounding Hatt's career and geographical writing has endured. For Tibor MendoÈl, the shift in state politics and political ideology following the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe has brought re-appraisal, even, perhaps, cautious rehabilitation. This is so in two related senses: in terms of his views as to the nature and classificatory explanation of the settlement hierarchy in the Great Hungarian Plain, on which topic he clashed during his lifetime with other Hungarian geographers, and over his treatment (wrongful) as a `Fascist war criminal' by politicians and other geographers (including his opponent in the question of Hungary's settlement forms), who adopted Marxist±Leninist principles in advocating those doctrines of utilitarian economics that passed for human geography in communist Hungary. Like MendoÈl in Hungary, Koji Iizuka in Japan drew upon the methods and regional syntheses of French geography, notably upon Vidal de la Blache, in instilling new life and direction to geography. Richard Chorley helped give new direction altogether to physical geography. He was influential in advancing quantitative landform studies, in numerical modelling and in the promotion of General Systems Theory in geography overall. In a sense, Chorley's life and work represent for one sub-field the features of the socalled `Quantitative Revolution' for geography as a whole: what has often been seen as tumultuous upheaval shared by all practitioners is better understood, as Chorley's case exemplifies, as local in nature (Cambridge, the Department of Geography and Madingley Hall), focused in topic (process-based, theory-driven, numerical in method) and something uneven in its progress and acceptance throughout and across the discipline. J. W. Karl Oestreich was no less pioneering as a geomorphologist than Chorley but was so in an altogether different context. He illustrates the links between the European traditions of Albrecht Penck and Alfred Hettner and the work of the American William Morris Davis, not least because, in his own fieldwork in the Himalayas and in the Alps as well as in his translation of Davis's work and in his being the first chair in geomorphology in the Netherlands, Oestreich helped give national expression to divergent ways of reading the Earth's form. Unlike Oestreich and Chorley, Charles Daly was a very largely sedentary advocate for geography ± albeit an effective one. Combining support for and news of polar and African expeditions and other work in geographical science for his metropolitan audiences, Daly helped bring what Joseph Conrad called `Geography Militant', even `Geography Triumphant', to public attention. Geography was Earth knowledge was commercial opportunity was politics: Daly's was an age in

xii

Introduction

which geography's publics knew well geography's power ± to entertain, to offer financial gain, to control territory. If there is a sense of social Darwinism and of the American business ethic in Daly's reading of the advance of geography as the advance of the most able, financially and geo-politically speaking, then the work of Marion Newbigin offers a counterpart in her application of Darwinian thinking within geography. Trained as a biologist and shaped in her later work by employment in assessing the results of the Challenger expedition, Newbigin drew upon the work of Charles Darwin and of Mary Somerville in allying biology with geography, notably in her Plant and Animal Geography, a work that deserves to be better understood. Like Daly, but in a different way ± through meticulous editorship and a sense of the professional responsibilities of academic geographers ± Newbigin helped to promote geography's public utility at a time when many departments were being established in Britain. Geography's public utility was a concern, too, of the energetic Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, who saw geography as a means of addressing social ills ± in planning, in population±resource iniquities ± and of affording dialogue between different disciplines. Like Newbigin, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier was an advocate of regional thinking, of the integration of physical and human geography in given spatial areas as the means to understand those areas and to ameliorate social conditions there. `A pragmatist not a theoretician': Hugh Clout's description of Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier well fits Hugh Clapperton, the Scots-born explorer of West Africa in the 1820s. Clapperton was one of `Barrow's Boys', that group of Royal Navy officers, free after 1815 from the concerns of conflict with France, set loose under the guidance of John Barrow, Second Secretary to the Admiralty, on voyages of geographical exploration, chiefly to the Polar regions and to Saharan Africa. Clapperton was among the many men who engaged in a solution to the then 2,000year-old `Niger Problem': which way did the river run, and where did it enter the sea? Various theories were extant. The solution depended upon fieldwork as well as upon the activities of sedentary geographers amassing and assessing the assembled reports of travellers, traders and map-makers. The solution promised commercial gain as well as geographical knowledge. Indeed, the running head to the journal of Charles Daly's American Geographical Society ± `Geographical exploration is commercial progress' ± applies equally to European interests in the Niger from the 1780s to the 1830s as it does of Daly's sense of American geographical expansivism from the 1870s.

Peter Heylyn 1599±1662

Robert J. Mayhew

Peter Heylyn penned perhaps the two most influential global descriptive geography books written in English during the seventeenth century: Microcosmus (1621) and Cosmographie (1652). Each of his geographical descriptions went through multiple editions, ensuring that Heylyn's impact on the geographical culture of England lasted for the best part of a century from the initial publication of Microcosmus. Geography was a small part of Heylyn's prodigious output, most of which comprised historical material engaging with the religious and political debates that culminated in the English Civil Wars, wherein, for most of his career, Heylyn was firmly a Royalist and a supporter of Archbishop Laud. That said, in his own era, Heylyn's two geographical books were his bestselling works, having an enormously wide and long-lasting impact because of the methodized sophistication of their textual construction and the wide-ranging collation of the writings of the Age of Discovery, which they presented to an English-speaking audience.

Life and Times Peter Heylyn was born in Burford, Oxfordshire, on 29 November 1599 to Henry Heylyn, a country gentleman of modest means. For the rest of his life, Heylyn was, in the main, to live in and keep contact with the area on the Gloucestershire± Oxfordshire border, his life being played out (with the exception of two brief excursuses, mentioned below) on a canvas that stretched no further than Cirencester in the west, London in the east and Alresford (his parish living) in Hampshire in the south. As such, whilst Heylyn was to describe the world, his direct experience of it was on a remarkably small scale, as was common to so many geographical authors in his age. Heylyn's initial education was at Burford grammar school and he then went up to Hart Hall, Oxford, in 1614 before moving on a scholarship to Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1616. Remarkably little is known of Heylyn's early career at Oxford before the publication of Microcosmus, his first book, his `little description of the great world'

2

Peter Heylyn

(as the subtitle has it), in 1621. This book is discussed more fully below. A more comprehensive edition of Microcosmus was published by Heylyn in 1625, the same year in which he travelled to France and penned a Survey of France, in the genre of a politicized travel account. Heylyn's Survey circulated in manuscript, only being published in 1656, but in it he showed a witty ability to act as a raconteur of his travels, coupled to a biting anti-Catholicism that had also surfaced in Microcosmus (Milton 2007, 17±19). Furthermore, Heylyn's Survey was almost as critical of French Protestants, the Huguenots, as it was of Catholics, and it is here that his recent biographer has found `the first stirrings' (Milton 2007, 19) of the Laudian outlook on matters of theology and church government that would guide his career from the later 1620s. Laudianism is an outlook centring loosely around a cluster of ideological positions, notably the defence of a strong church government by the bishops, tied to allegiance to the monarch and a `catholic' conception of the English Reformation as retaining links with the broader Patristic traditions of the Roman Church (see Hylson-Smith 1993, 25±43; for the complexities of Laudianism, see Milton 2002; 2007). Heylyn's taste for polemic first surfaced in 1628, when he clashed with the ViceChancellor of Oxford, the orthodox Calvinist John Prideaux, by defending the idea that the true Church had to have a visible expression and could not err. For Prideaux and the Calvinist mainstream in English Protestant life (Collinson 1982), this was tantamount to Catholicism, but it brought Heylyn to the attention of William Laud, a rising star in the ecclesiastical firmament at this time. After this, Heylyn went on his second and final excursus beyond the British mainland with the Earl of Danby to Guernsey (where Danby was Governor) and used the opportunity to court Laud's attention further by arguing for the wholesale removal of the island's Presbyterian Church structure in favour of direct control by the Anglican authorities (Milton 2007, 22±5). Heylyn's report on Guernsey in 1629 shows him moving further away from the moderate Presbyterianism of his background towards Laud, and was printed in tandem with his Survey of France in 1656. Heylyn followed this up with his first piece of historical writing, The Historie of St George (1631), wherein he asserted the existence and sanctity of St George by drawing on historical and geographical material. Given these emphases, the Historie endeared him to both Charles I and William Laud. He was rewarded for his efforts with a prebendal stall at Windsor in 1633. The 1630s saw the temperature of debate about Church and state rise to fever pitch and Heylyn was amongst the most combative controversialists of the age. Thus, Heylyn amassed the evidence that imprisoned the Puritan William Prynne on specious charges of sedition in 1633 and further clashed with John Prideaux over church ceremonies. This work was all in private letters and manuscript advice. It was only in the brief era 1635±37 that Heylyn went into print defending Laudian policies, notably towards the observance of the Sabbath and the disposition of the altar in churches. 1637 has been described as `the year of Heylyn's greatest triumph' (Milton 2007, 63) as a spokesman for the government, and he was rewarded for his efforts with the well endowed living of Alresford and with a stall at Westminster Abbey. Whilst he published nothing in the years 1637±40, Heylyn was widely perceived as `the spokesman of the Laudian movement' (Milton 2007, 64), deploying as he did (often) tendentious historical reasoning to justify Laudian and Caroline policies in Church and state. There was a dramatic turning of the political tides in 1640 in the wake of the Second Bishops' War, after which Charles I abandoned Laud to his fate in order to survive. The result was the disempowerment of Heylyn as Laud's most visible and vocal supporter. Heylyn was singled out for attack by his old target, William

Peter Heylyn

3

Prynne, but escaped serious punishment. His only publication at this time was a digest of historical facts, A Help to English History (1641), which went through numerous editions as a school primer, but, by its lists of successive archbishops, bishops and kings, sought to gently reinforce the Laudian image of the Church and state he had more aggressively proselytized in the previous decade (Milton 2007, 116±17). A more direct elaboration of the same theme was made in his Historie of Episcopacy (1642). With the outbreak of direct armed conflict in 1642, Heylyn was a marked man and he fled Alresford, joining Charles I in Oxford. Heylyn here edited the Royalist newspaper, Mercurius Aulicus, in 1643±44, but preferred the role of historian to that of an ephemeral reporter. Further, Heylyn was not close to the King, suspecting that he was willing to dismantle the Laudian vision of the Church; in his Life of Laud (1644±45), Heylyn was consequently critical of Charles I and the Royalists for abandoning Laud to his fate. Heylyn's estrangement from the Caroline regime was made geographically explicit by his departure from Oxford, Charles's de facto capital, in 1645, shortly after Laud's execution by Parliament. Heylyn faced an uncertain future at this time, as Parliament had seized his living the year before and Charles had likewise refused to support him. Heylyn fled in justified fear for his life (Vernon 1682). In 1646, he compounded with Parliament, losing most of his wealth and withdrawing from public life, but ensuring his survival. The 1650s saw Heylyn residing in the area he came from, first renting from family members in Minster Lovell, Oxfordshire, and then living near Abingdon. Heylyn played no part in the spirited pamphlet exchanges on Church and state in the Interregnum and no longer had a parish or cure of souls. At this time, Heylyn acted as the quiet scholar, gathering historical materials and also producing a massive new geographical description of the world, Cosmographie, which was published in 1652 (for its discussion, see below). In 1657, Heylyn published in his own name a defence of the established Church, Eccelesia Vindicata, and dedicated the work to Oliver Cromwell. This dedication may superficially appear as a volte face on Heylyn's part but has plausibly been seen as both a continuation of his trajectory of disaffection with the Stuarts that had surfaced after 1642 and as a reflection of his desire to find some source of political authority and stability in the context of the 1650s, Cromwell being the only realistic candidate (Milton 2007, 162±8). Even after Cromwell's death in 1658, whilst Heylyn advocated the Restoration of the Stuart monarchy, he did not shy away from criticizing its actions in his Life of Charles I and the Bibliotheca Regia (both 1658). The late 1650s saw Heylyn emerge from his self-preserving retreat and enter the fray about the settlement to be made in Church and state. He was, in 1657±60, simultaneously in pamphlet exchanges with seven opponents and penned six books amounting to over 2,000 pages (Milton 2007, 174). The guiding thread in this work was religious, the defence of the Laudian vision of the Anglican Church, not Royalist ± something that may help to explain the lack of preferment Heylyn received after the Restoration. Here, Heylyn developed the line all his last works were to take, namely that the English Civil Wars had been precipitated by the inherent factiousness of Calvinism, not by the actions of Laud or (to a lesser extent) Charles I. Versions of this position were adopted in Heylyn's three famous historical works published after the Restoration of Charles II (at the formalization of which Heylyn presided, handing Charles the sceptre at his Coronation): his history of the English Reformation, Ecclesia Restaurata (1661); his hagiographical life of William Laud, Cyprianus Anglicus (published posthumously, 1668); and his history of European Calvinism, Aerius Redivivus (published posthumously, 1670). Heylyn died on 8 May 1662.

4

Peter Heylyn

Microcosmus: Methodizing and Politicizing Geographical Description Heylyn was obliged to give lectures in cosmography at Oxford and, in 1621, these lectures were published by Oxford University Press as Microcosmus, an octavo of some 420 pages. It is worth looking at the structure, content and politics of the book, as they reveal much about Heylyn, about what the contemporary composer Thomas Tomkins called `these distracted times' ± the age of the Civil War (Tomkins 2007) ± and about the nature of geographical scholarship in this era. Structurally, Microcosmus was central to what has been dubbed a `revolution' in the structuring of geographical writing in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Mayhew 2001; 2005a). Along with other major English-language geographers of his age, Heylyn alleged to write geography `methodically': `the matter I derive from others, the wordes for the most part are mine owne, the method totallie' (Heylyn 1621, sig. }}r). Heylyn set out his `method' in the introductory section to Microcosmus, `The Generall Prñcognita of Geographie'. Here, Heylyn divides up the subject matter of geographical description into Earth and sea, elaborating on the various ways in which this binary can be further subdivided. Thus, Earth, for example, can be divided into `real' categories, such as islands and continents that actually exist, and into `imaginary' subunits that geographers draw on their representations of the Earth but that are not really present, such as longitude and latitude or the ancient idea of latitudinal climata. Heylyn goes on to itemize the other categories (such as peoples, towns and rivers) to which a geographical description should attend. Whilst the details need not concern us here, what matters is that, for Heylyn, geographical description is methodical to the extent that it attends to a `checklist' of topics that exhaustively cover the Earth's physical and human characteristics and to the extent that it does so in a predetermined order. Making good this claim to method, Microcosmus describes the globe in a spatially ordered structure. Thus, there is an opening division of the world into continents that takes but one paragraph (Heylyn 1621, 21). The rest of the book proceeds continent by continent, describing briefly the bounds, extent and national subdivisions of each continent before focusing on descriptions of the nations of each continent, these national descriptions themselves being ordered spatially. For example, Europe as a continent is discussed in four paragraphs (Heylyn 1621, 21± 2) before Heylyn launches his nation-by-nation analysis. Heylyn organizes his national-scale analysis by looking first at continental Europe, starting in the west with Spain and moving sequentially eastwards to Greece. Only after this does Heylyn discuss the European Islands, starting with the Greek Islands and concluding with the British Isles. Thus, Heylyn's description of Europe, which, at 260 pages, takes up the bulk of his account, is structured, in the language of his own prñcognita, around the `real' geographical categories of continent and island and the imaginary categories of a west±east axis. The result is a tight, structured control of a vast swathe of material. If one moves beyond the structure of Microcomus to its content, once again, Heylyn's claim to proceed by method is made good, because each of the nations described tends to be treated in the same fashion, with the topics isolated as central to a geographical description in the prñcognita being attended to. Taking the first African `nation' that Heylyn describes, Barbary, as an example, he opens with philological questions about the origin of its name before going on to the nations and oceans by which Barbary is bounded. He then divides Barbary into its

Peter Heylyn

5

component kingdoms ± Tunis, Algiers, Fesse and Morocco ± before a brief comment on the fertility of the land and the appearance of the people. The description then looks at the component kingdoms in turn, starting with Tunis, and, for each kingdom, enumerates its provinces and key cities, giving small historical digressions where they are important from a European perspective (notably, in this case, concerning Carthage and the Punic Wars with Rome), before closing with a more tightly historical timeline of recent history in the area (Heylyn 1621, 371±9). Microcosmus was clearly constructed using the technique of `commonplacing' (Moss 1996; Hotson 2006; Blair 1997; 2003; 2004), that is, of reading and excerpting extant authorities and arranging their material under headings (in this case, geographical). These headings were then ordered by a logic of binary ordering (real/imagined, continent/island, and so on), which derives from the logic of Petrus Ramus and more directly of the `systematic' philosophers, BartholomaÈus Keckermann (Geographers Vol. 2) and Johann Alsted (Ong 1954; Hotson 2000). In Microcosmus, and unusually for a geography book of the age, Heylyn was explicit about the sources he had commonplaced, inserting some 1,600 marginal references to authors he had deployed in the course of constructing Microcosmus. His doing so was perhaps intended as a finding aid for students in the Oxford context. The previously mentioned description of Barbary, for example, has 28 marginal references to authorities (Heylyn cites author name only, giving no further details), which show that he was especially indebted to Giovanni Botero's analysis of world cities (Botero 1608; Headley 2000), to Samuel Purchas's gargantuan Purchas his Pilgrims (1613), and to Abraham Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570). He also drew on classical sources, notably Plutarch and Sallust. More generally, in his pattern of citations throughout Microcosmus, Heylyn was indebted to a broad gamut of Renaissance geographers, travellers and topographers, coupled to a continued deference to ancient writers (Mayhew 2004; 2005b). Methodical as it is, Microcosmus was not without polemical intent, its historical, political and religious material drawing it into the ambit of the controversial debates then circulating in England. Whilst Microcosmus may not reveal the fullscale Laudianism Heylyn was to display in the 1630s (Milton 2002; 2007), it does begin to push in that direction. Thus, unlike more Calvinist geographical books such as Nathaneal Carpenter's Geography Delineated Forth in Two Books (1625), Heylyn refused to dismiss the role of Augustine in the foundation of the Church of England as `a fabulous vanity' cooked up by Rome: `. . . to say that Austin first preached the Gospell here, . . . is not to be vnderstood absolutely, that he first preached it; but that he first preached it to the Saxons' (Heylyn 1621, 248). Furthermore, Heylyn was far more qualified in his condemnation of monasteries than Calvinist geographers like George Abbot had been in his Briefe Description of the Whole World (Abbot 1605, sig.M4r), Heylyn lamenting as a (proto-) Arminian believer in the beauty of Holiness the dissolution as `spoyling the Church ornaments [which] were most exquisite' (Heylyn 1621, 243). Microcosmus's dedication to Charles, Prince of Wales (the future Charles I), referred to his `serious negotiations', meaning the protracted efforts to secure his marriage to the Spanish Infanta that were so unpopular amongst English Calvinists (Heylyn 1621, sig }2v; Cogswell 1989). It is no exaggeration to see Microcosmus as a defence of the Spanish match that functioned, true to the emergent Laudian position, by downplaying the threat posed by the Catholic nations of France and Spain. Thus, whilst Heylyn retained the traditional Calvinist equation of the Pope as Antichrist and did fear Spanish universal empire in ways that make Microcosmus a liminal document in his oeuvre (Heylyn 1625, 34, 71±2, 175±7), he also

6

Peter Heylyn

commented upon Spanish qualities in Church and state in a way Calvinists did not countenance: `. . . in offices of pietie very devout, to their King very obedient, and of their ciuill duties to their betters not vnmindfull' (Heylyn 1621, 31). More remarkably, Heylyn did not simply paint the Spanish Inquisition as a force for evil, as it had been founded to enforce Christian conformity on the Moorish converts that `custome in it selfe was wondrous tollerable and laudable' (Heylyn 1621, 35). Similarly, if Heylyn retained the Calvinist equation of the Pope with the antichrist, he was equally prepared to admit that the popes up to Nicholas III had been true to Christian doctrine (Heylyn 1625, 105). If Heylyn toned down the critique of Roman Catholics, he also offered criticism of the European reformed tradition, the result being, as in Laudianism more generally (Milton 1995; Tyacke 1987), that Popery and Puritanism were figured as equal and opposite dangers: `I have heard a worthy Gentleman . . . say; till the Iesuites were taken from the Church of Rome, and the peeuish Puritan Preachers out of the Churches of Great Brittaine, hee thought there would neuer be any peace in Christendome' (Heylyn 1625, 196). In one case, Heylyn could even (implicitly) tip the balance against the reformed churches, for, whilst he praised the Spanish for devoutness and obedience, he exempted Biscay because `They admit no Bishops to come amongst them, and when Fernand the Catholique came in progresse hither, accompanied amongst others, by the Bishop of Pampelune, the people arose in armes, drove back the Bishop, and gathering all the dust on which they thought he had trodden, flunge it into the Sea'. A marginal note to this anecdote added that this was `A good place for Puritanes to dwell in' (Heylyn 1621, 36). For Heylyn, Puritans and, by extension, Calvinists threatened stability in Church and state and could be more problematic than Catholics. Microcosmus, then, was a methodically commonplaced and compiled geographical description of the globe. Heylyn had combed through an impressive range of ancient and Renaissance geographical and historical scholarship to construct an ordered description of the globe. This description was rigorously structured in terms of its usage of real and imaginary geographical divisions of the globe and then in terms of the spatial logic of its ordering of descriptions of the continents and nations of the world. Within each national description, a predictable sequencing of the material presented was adhered to, opening with the basic facts of place, toponymic questions and scale, progressing through provinces and towns, before concluding with a preÂcis of the historical development of the nation. Because of the topics it covered, Microcosmus could not but intervene in debates about Church and state, and here we see Heylyn moving towards the Laudian hostility towards Calvinism, reverence of Church tradition and defence of a Catholic image of the English Reformation that would come to define his Laudian theology over the succeeding years. Clearly, Microcosmus was an enormous success, as, within four years, Heylyn had produced a new edition, which, at 814 pages (Sitwell 1993, 305), was almost twice the extent of its predecessor, but identical in its structuring. For this edition, Heylyn expanded the historical sections for each nation and also integrated more descriptive geographical information about physical and human topics. Thus, in discussing Barbary, for example, Heylyn attended in greater detail to the recent history of the area, notably its succession of rulers and rebellions, and also expounded at greater length on the landscapes to be found there and the languages spoken (Heylyn 1625, 712±23). Furthermore, although Heylyn took no part in later editions, Microcosmus was to go through some nine editions, its last incarnation emerging on the eve of the Civil War in 1639 (Sitwell 1993, 307). Each of these later editions was printed in Oxford under the imprimatur of Oxford University Press, and William Turner was the publisher of all editions from

Peter Heylyn

7

Heylyn's 1625 edition onwards. In truth, after its initial recasting in 1625, little changed about Microcosmus beyond the updating of minor points and adjustments to the text's typography, none of which discernibly changed its scope or character.

Cosmographie: Geography, History and Polemic in the Interregnum In the midst of the Interregnum (1649±60), and some 30 years after the composition of Microcosmus, Heylyn returned to geographical writings. It is quite likely that, having compounded with Cromwell and Parliament, but having lost most of his estate, Heylyn reverted to geography as a way of making some money, given the financial success of Microcosmus (Milton 2007, 153). Certainly, the publishing of the mammoth 1,100-folio-page Cosmographie in Four Bookes in 1652, involving as it did a cabal of five printers and including four costly fold-out maps engraved especially for Cosmographie by three different hands (where Microcosmus had had no such maps), suggested that the book trade shared with Heylyn a willingness to venture capital on the project. This, in turn, suggests a confidence about its marketability. This confidence was repaid with a work that went through some 12 editions over the next half-century (Sitwell 1993, 301±5), the last edition being that by Edmund Bohun in 1703 (for which, see Mayhew 2000, 86±99). As with Microcosmus, Heylyn only had a direct involvement in the first two editions, the second, 1657 edition being substantially recast in terms of the order in which material was presented. As a writing project, Cosmographie is most definitely not a mere rehash or expansion of Microcosmus in either its original or its much enlarged 1625 version. On the contrary, detailed analysis of the text shows that, whilst some authorities are clearly used in both projects (albeit Cosmographie, unlike Microcosmus, does not reference its authorities), Cosmographie was a new rendering of commonplaced material that sought to fuse more seamlessly the geographical with the historical at a time when, more than ever, Heylyn's self-image was as an historian. As an example, we can look to Cosmographie's treatment of Barbary (Heylyn 1652, Book IV, 25±47) and compare it to that discussed above for Microcosmus. Heylyn starts with the boundaries of Barbary, but then moves on to its church government and its location in terms of the imaginary division of the globe into Greek climata, neither of which had featured in Microcosmus. Cosmographie's description of the landscapes of the area is much expanded when compared with the one line on the topic in its predecessor, and the same observation applies to its discussion of the peoples of the area. There is, then, a new discussion of the languages spoken in Barbary, an explanation of the arrival of Christianity in the area and enumerations of, sequentially, the famous soldiers, scholars, mountains and rivers of the area. Before describing the provinces of Barbary individually (as in Microcosmus), Heylyn pauses `to lay down so much of the Storie of it [Barbary] as concerns the whole . . . and afterwards [I will] pursue the Historie and Chorographie of the several parts' (Heylyn 1652, Book IV, 26). These words betoken three important changes between Microcosmus and Cosmographie. First, writing at such a greatly expanded length in Cosmographie, Heylyn sought to produce more structural control, not only by the spatial sequence in which countries were described, but also by clarifying the interconnection of historical and geographical material. Secondly, in Cosmographie, the historical

8

Peter Heylyn

matter bulks far larger than it did in Microcosmus. Both projects saw the interweaving of geography and history, but historical work, true to Heylyn's broader interests, is far more pivotal in 1652 than it was in 1621. Finally, in Cosmographie, Heylyn was far more concerned to write in a narrative format, rather than in the commonplaced listings that had dominated Microcosmus (although such lists are by no means absent from Cosmographie). Taken together, these features move Cosmographie away from the genre of the student primer in which Microcosmus operated and towards the geographical and historical summa, which, in the image of Strabo, had become massively successful in Renaissance European geographical culture, most notably in the form of Sebastian MuÈnster's celebrated Cosmographia (1544) (McLean 2007). MuÈnster's work had never been translated into English and it is possible to see Heylyn's project as filling that void (for MuÈnster, see Geographers Vol. 3). Until recently, geographers and historians alike have seen Cosmographie as a simple work with no relation to Heylyn's political and religious positions. Thus, Vernon argued, in his 1682 biography, that, during the Interregnum, Heylyn `took care that what he writ should be beneficial to Royal Government'. But, equally, he suggests that Cosmographie is the exception to the rule, as Heylyn undertook this `to divert his mind from the sad complexion of the times' (Vernon 1682, 172, 142). Likewise, E. W. Gilbert, one of the few modern geographers to write about Heylyn, argues that, in the Civil War, Heylyn `returned from theology to the study of geography', and that this `must have given him great solace' (Gilbert 1972, 46, 50; see also Baker 1963). Gilbert's piece is entitled `Geographie is better than divinity' and refers to an incident recorded in the prefatory note `To The Reader' in Cosmographie, where Heylyn, buffeted by the eclipse of Laud in the 1640s, is advised by a `tall big Gentleman' to return to geographical studies and end his career as a political controversialist (Heylyn 1652, sig.A3r). The problem with any such strictly categorical separation between geography and divinity is that any special geography of the variety that Heylyn wrote had to treat political and ecclesiastical history, and therefore could not but engage with debates about the structure of the Church and state. Sensitive to this, more recent scholarship has shown that, more clearly than in Microcosmus, Cosmographie was a work that defended a Laudian position in Church±state politics (Mayhew 2000; Milton 2007, 152±6). A convenient entry point into the politics of Heylyn's Cosmographie can be found in his patriotism. In the tradition of Camden (for Camden, see Geographers, Vol. 27), Heylyn sees Britain as geographically designed to be exceptional: `Environed with turbulent Seas, guarded by inaccessible Rocks: and where those want, preserved against all forein invasions by strong Forts, and a puissant Navy' (Heylyn 1657, 294). British exceptionalism and independence are validated by the facts of geography, and contrasted with other nations, which are seen as inferior. The bases of Heylyn's patriotic defence of England can be found in the detailed narrative of Cosmographie, and they are the nature of the Church of England and the structure of the English constitution. In a sense, this is unsurprising, given that national identity in the early modern period tended to be founded on Church, state, monarchy and legal system, rather than race and empire, as in the nineteenth century (Kidd 1999; Clark 1994, 46±62). Heylyn's specific visions of the English Church and state, however, delimit his patriotism as Laudian. Looking at the state first, English geographical exceptionalism is matched for Heylyn by an exceptional and ideal constitution: `The Nobility of this Countrey is not of so much unlimited Power, as they are (to the prejudice of the State) in other Countries: whereas in other places they have some absolute, some mixt government; so that upon any little distast, they will stand on their own guard,

Peter Heylyn

9

and slight the power of their Soveraign. And on the other side, the Commonalty enjoy a multitude of Priviliges above all other Nations' (Heylyn 1657, 300). For Heylyn, the nobility and the commons should have liberties within a system of absolute monarchical power. In a significant and subversive posture for the 1650s with Charles II in exile, a belief in absolute monarchy is manifest in the texture of Heylyn's discussion in Cosmographie in several ways. First, Heylyn's description of William the Conqueror in his section on the history of England is highly pertinent: `William, surnamed the Conqueror, after the vanquishment and death of Harald, acknowledged and Crowned King, altered the antient Laws of England, and established those of Normandy, in place thereof: governing the people absolutely by the power of the Sword' (Heylyn 1657, 318). Whatever the factual accuracy of this view, it amounted in the seventeenth century to a significant defence of absolute monarchy. In this period, defenders of the rights of Parliament who wished to constrain the power of the monarch argued that the constitution predated the monarchy, and that successive monarchs had conformed to the liberties granted time out of mind by the Ancient Constitution. Within this argument, William I could not be seen as a conqueror, because that would amount to an absolute break in the continuity of constitutional government, and the subsequent legal and constitutional structure would be the grant of an absolute sovereign. As J. G. A. Pocock points out, `once men had appealed to the immemorial, the laws must be either absolutely immemorial or subject to an absolute sovereign . . .. A polemical situation could therefore arise, in which to put forward any theory as to the origin of the English law at a time within recorded human history could be interpreted, and even intended, as an argument in favour of absolute monarchy' (Pocock 1987, 52±3). Within the binary structure of immemorial rights or absolute monarchy that the historical bent of political argumentation established, Heylyn opted for the latter alternative in the Interregnum, where Parliamentarians invoked the former option, arguing that they were defending ancient liberties. It should be emphasized that, for Heylyn, absolutism could not be equated with tyranny or despotism. Indeed, Cosmographie pictures English monarchy as absolute in power, but not tyrannical in its deployment, which is contrasted with the French monarchs, who are tyrannical precisely because they do not receive the absolute submission that should be accorded to a sovereign. His summary of French government sketches this position: As for the Government of these Kings, it is meerly Regal, or, to give it the true name, Despotical . . .. As for the French Parliament or Assembly of the three Estates, which heretofore were of great credit and renown, and looked on as the principal Bulwark of the Publique liberty . . . [Louis XIII] finding them to retain something still of their antient stomack, and apt enough to clash with that absolute Soveraignty which his Predecessors had attained to, he resolved to make no more use of them . . .. The power of the French King over his Subjects being so transcendent, it cannot be, but that his Forces must be very great. (Heylyn 1657, 236±7) Clearly, Heylyn's Cosmographie had a part to play in the prosecution of this argument: by a comparative analysis of the countries of the world, Heylyn believed he could show the baleful effects of falling away from the balanced absolutism that the England of Charles I had established. If Cosmographie defended a Caroline monarchical absolutism, it also advanced a Laudian position by its attitude to the visible Church and the history of

10

Peter Heylyn

Christianity in England. Looking first at Church history, Heylyn expands on the nature of the English Reformation in a passage that makes his affinity with Laudian High Churchmanship transparent: [C]orruptions . . . had been brought . . . by the power and tyranny of the Church of Rome. . . . [The Reformation] being in most other Countries received tumultuously, by the power of the People; was here admitted upon mature deliberation, by the authority and consent of the Prince and Prelates: the Architects in this great work, without respect unto the Dictats of Luther, or Calvin, looking only on Gods Word and the Primitive Patterns, abolishing such things as were repugnant unto either, but still retaining such Ceremonies in Gods publick worship, as were agreeable to both, and had been countenanced by the practice of the Primitive times. A point wherein they did observe a greater measure of Christian prudence and moderation, than their neighbour Churches; which in a meer detestation of the See of Rome, allowed of nothing which had formerly been in use amongst them, because defiled with Popish Errors and abuses . . .. Whereas had they continued an allowable correspondency in their extrinsicals of Religion, with the Church of Rome; their party in the world had been far greater, and not so much stomached as it is. (Heylyn 1657, 302) This paragraph summarizes most of the elements of Heylyn's Laudian programme, and is in no sense an attempt to relate an impartial narrative of the English Reformation. The geographical format of Cosmographie does enable Heylyn to elaborate his argument by a spatial comparative method. By looking at the Protestant Church in other countries, Heylyn reinforced his claim that only England had reformed its Church rationally. The other Reformations, being products of the violence of extreme Calvinism, were unstable and threatened the harmony of the constitution. The French Huguenots are a case in point: `. . . being grown too insolent by reason of so great a strength, and standing upon terms with the King as a Free Estate (the Common-wealth of Rochell, as King Henry the fourth was used to call it) they drew upon themselves the jealousie and fury of King Lewis the thirteenth' (Heylyn 1657, 176). Heylyn has no sympathy for the Huguenots, and his reference to `the Commonwealth' gives a clue as to why this is the case. He believed that the English Civil War was in good part the result of Scottish Calvinists foisting their irrational Reformation on the Catholic Reformation of England: `[The Reformation] was here [in Scotland] made by a strong hand, according to the judgement of Knox and others: not taking counsel with the Prelates, nor staying the leisure of the Prince, as they did in England; but turning Prince and Prelates out of all autority [sic]; . . . [They] have endeavoured ever since by practices and correspondency with that party here, and finally by force of Arms, to thrust their own Constitutions and Forms of Worship on the Church of England' (Heylyn 1657, 332). Given the harmonious balance in Church and state that Heylyn portrayed for England, it is unsurprising that he saw the importance of a multiple kingdoms explanation for the Civil War. If England had achieved the rare and ideal mixture of power and liberty in Church and state facilitated by an absolute monarch and a Catholic Church, all groups should have been content with their situation. Heylyn would be loath to admit the English empire unto itself was riven by faction in the 1630s, and so the slide away from the ideal polity had to be ascribed to the incursion of a geographically exotic influence with alien ideas of Church and state government. Heylyn was equally critical when his geographical survey covered Roman

Peter Heylyn

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Catholic countries. But his anti-Catholicism did abate interestingly in his discussion of France because `the Gallican Clergy stands more stoutly to their naturall rights, against the usurpations and encroachments of the see of Rome, than any other that live under the Pope's authority' (Heylyn 1657, 176). Papal power in France had been curtailed, such that Heylyn could see here some echoes of the Catholic but independent conception of the Church that Laud modelled for England. Heylyn and the Laudians were frequently accused of being closet Roman Catholics by their Calvinist opponents precisely because their views on Rome were not unrelentingly negative. Such suggestions of a greater tolerance towards Roman Catholicism than Calvinist Protestantism might plausibly have been levelled at Cosmographie. More impartially, it can be said that, in constructing his descriptions of national religions, Heylyn's evaluative criterion was proximity to the Laudian conception of true Catholicity in church doctrine and government. As such, the patriotic message that the reign of Charles I had seen an ideal Church±state polity could not but be reinforced by the way in which Heylyn constructed his geographical survey. Looking across space at the nations of the world, the task Heylyn set himself in Cosmographie, was to affirm the values of Caroline monarchy and Laudian ecclesiology. As such, his geographical works, just like the historical writings he was compiling at the same time, were persuasive rhetorical deployments of information to argue a political case. And yet there is a sense in which Heylyn's tone in Cosmographie is, as Vernon and Gilbert suggest, quietist in the midst of the more aggressive political argument that he developed in other genres. Looking across history and geography, the framing argument of Cosmographie is one of Christian humility at odds with the Laudian proselytizing zeal of the 1630s: . . . though I cannot tell what effect the reading of this following Book may produce in others, yet I can warrantably say thus much of my self, that the observation of the fall of so many puissant Empires, the Extirpation of so many mighty and renowned Families, the desolation of so many flourishing Christian Churches, as the composing of this Book did present me with . . . did more conduce to the full humbling of my soul under the mighty hand of God than either the sense of my misfortune, or any other morall consideration which had come before me. (Heylyn 1657, sig.A5r) This comment was made in close proximity to a reference to the `Tragedies of blood and death which have been lately acted on the Stage of England' (Heylyn 1657, sig.A4v). The Civil War, when Heylyn took a broader perspective, was but one further example of the rise and fall of empires, and his Christianity suggested that this should direct the reader beyond history and geography. Having pointed to the moral of his Cosmographie in the `Preface', Heylyn reverted to it in concluding his massive folio. If the Caroline±Laudian synthesis had been an ideal earthly polity, and it had been destroyed by the vicissitudes of time, the workings of providence demanded a transformative view that moved from the mundane facts of geography and history to a world transcending time and space: . . . as much as the most flourishing Country which is here described, doth fall short of the unspeakable glories of that Paradise wherein God placed our Father Adam, so much and infinitely more did that Earthly Paradise fall short of the unspeakable glories of the Kingdom of Heaven. To the diligent and carefull search of which Heavenly Kingdom I heartily commit the Reader: not doubting but the Works of GOD which are here presented, and that vicissitude of Humane affairs which is herein touched at, may prompt him to some

12

Peter Heylyn serious thoughts of that mighty GOD who made all these Works, in whom is no shew nor shadow of change. (Heylyn 1657, 1105)

After a career spent enmired in polemical debates, Heylyn found in geography a quietist route to faith in Cosmographie, as well as scoring political points in its texture. In their politicization and their religiousity, both of Heylyn's great geographical works were representative of their era; in the quality of their construction, the breadth of reading they displayed and the elegance of their prose, they were exceptional products of one of the finest geographical writers of the age.

Bibliography and Sources 1. BIOGRAPHIES OF PETER HEYLYN Anon. (1681), `Life of Heylyn' prefixed to Keimelia 'ekklesiastika, The Historical and Miscellaneous Tracts of the Reverend and Learned Peter Heylyn, D.D. London: C. Harper, i±xxviii. Barnard, J. (1683), Theologo-Historicus, or the True Life of the Most Reverend Divine, and Excellent Historian Peter Heylyn. London: Daniel Brown. Heylyn, P. (1851), `Heylyn's own memoranda', in J. R. Bloxam (ed.), Memorial of Bishop Waynflete. London: Caxton Society, pp. x±xxiv. Milton, A. (2004), `Peter Heylyn (1599±1662)', in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 26, 954±8. Ð

(2007), Laudian and Royalist Polemic in Seventeenth-Century England: The Career and Writings of Peter Heylyn. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Vernon, G. (1682), The Life of the Learned and Reverend Dr Peter Heylyn. London: C. Harper. 2. MAJOR WORKS BY PETER HEYLYN 1621

Microcosmus, or A Little Description of the Great World: A Treatise Historicall, Geographicall, Politicall, Theologicall. Oxford: John Lichfield and James Short. [Subsequent editions in 1625 (by Heylyn), 1627, 1629, 1631, 1633, 1636 and 1639.]

1631

The Historie of that Most Famous Saint and Souldier of Christ Jesus: St. George of Cappadocia. London: Henry Seile.

1636

A Coale from the Altar: Or An Answer to a Letter Not Long Since Written to the Vicar of Gr. against the Placing of the Communion Table at the East End of the Chancel. London: Robert Milbourne.

1636

The History of the Sabbath. London: Henry Seile.

1641

An Help to English History. London: Henry Seile.

1642

The Historie of Episcopacie: By Theophilus Churchman. London: Abel Roper.

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1643±44

Mercurius Aulicus, Communicating the Intelligence and Affaires of the Court to the Rest of the Kingdome. Oxford: William Webb.

1643

The Rebells Catechism. Oxford: John Lichfield.

1645

A Briefe Relation of the Death and Sufferings of the Most Reverend and Renowned Prelate, the L. Archbishop of Canterbury. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

1652

Cosmographie in Four Bookes: Containing the Chorographie and Historie of the Whole World, and all the Principall Kingdomes, Provinces, Seas and Isles thereof. London: Henry Seile et al. [Subsequent editions in 1657, 1662, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1669, 1670, 1674, 1677, 1682 and 1703.]

1654

Theologia Veterum. London: Henry Seile.

1656

A Full Relation of Two Journeys, the One into the Main-Land of France, the Other into Some of the Adjacent Ilands Performed and Digested into Six Books. London: Henry Seile.

1657

Ecclesia Vindicata: or, The Church of England Justified. London: Henry Seile.

1658

A Short View of the Life and Reign of King Charles. London: Richard Royston.

1659

Bibliotheca Regia, or, The Royal Library Containing a Collection of Such of the Papers of His Late Majesty King Charles. London: Henry Seile.

1659

Certamen Epistolare. London: H. Twyford et al.

1659

Examen Historicum. London: Henry Seile and Richard Royston.

1661

Ecclesia Restaurata, or, The History of the Reformation of the Church of England. London: H. Twyford et al.

1668

Cyprianus Anglicus, or, The History of the Life and Death of the Most Reverend and Renowned Prelate William, by Divine Providence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. London: A. Seile.

1670

Aerius Redivivus, or, The History of the Presbyterians Containing the Beginnings, Progress and Successes of that Active Sect, their Oppositions to Monarchial and Episcopal Government, their Innovations in the Church, and their Imbroylments. London: John Crosley.

1681

Keimelia 'Ekklesiastika, The Historical and Miscellaneous Tracts of the Reverend and Learned Peter Heylyn, D.D. London: Charles Harper.

3. CONTEXTUAL REFERENCES MENTIONED IN THE TEXT Abbot, G. (1605), A Briefe Description of the Whole Worlde, 3rd edn. London: John Browne. Baker, J. N. L. (1963), The History of Geography: Papers by J.N.L. Baker. Oxford: Blackwells. Blair, A. (1997), The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ð

(2003), `Reading strategies for coping with information overload, ca. 1550±1700', Journal of the History of Ideas 64, 11±28.

14 Ð

Peter Heylyn (2004), `Note taking as an art of transmission', Critical Inquiry 31, 85± 107.

Botero, G. (1608), Relations of the Most Famous Kingdoms and Common-Weales through the World. London: John Jaggard. Carpenter, N. (1625), Geography Delineated Forth in Two Books. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Clark, J. C. D. (1994), The Language of Liberty, 1660±1832: Political Discourse and Social Dynamics in the Anglo-American World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cogswell, T. (1989), `England and the Spanish Match', in R. Cust and A. Hughes (eds), Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1602± 1642. London: Longmans, pp. 107±33. Collinson, P. (1982), The Religion of the Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559± 1625. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gilbert, E. W. (1972), `Geographie is better than divinity', in E. W. Gilbert (ed.), British Pioneers of Geography. Newton Abbot: David & Charles, pp. 44± 58. Headley, J. (2000), `Geography and empire in the late Renaissance: Botero's assignment, Western universalism, and the civilizing process', Renaissance Quarterly 53, 1119±55. Hotson, H. (2000), Johann Heinrich Alsted: Between Renaissance, Reformation and Universal Reform. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ð

(2006), Commonplace Learning: Ramism and its German Ramifications 1543± 1630. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hylson-Smith, K. (1993), High Churchmanship in the Church of England: From the Sixteenth Century to the Late Twentieth Century. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. Kidd, C. (1999), British Identities before Nationalism: Ethnicity and Nationhood in the Atlantic World, 1600±1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McLean, M. (2007), The Cosmographia of Sebastian MuÈnster: Describing the World in the Reformation. Aldershot: Ashgate. Mayhew, R. (2000), Enlightenment Geography: The Political Languages of British Geography, c.1650±1850. London: Macmillan. Ð

(2001), `Geography, print culture and the Renaissance: ``The Road Less Travelled By''', History of European Ideas 27, 349±69.

Ð

(2004), `British geography's republic of letters: Mapping an imagined community, 1600±1800', Journal of the History of Ideas 65, 251±76.

Ð

(2005a), `Geography's English revolutions: Oxford geography and the war of ideas, 1600±1660', in D. Livingstone and C. Withers (eds), Geography and Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 243± 72.

Ð

(2005b), `Mapping science's imagined communities: Geography as a republic of letters, 1600±1800', British Journal for the History of Science 38, pp. 73±92.

Peter Heylyn

15

Milton, A. (1995), Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought, 1600±1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ð

(2002), `The creation of Laudianism: A new approach', in T. Cogswell et al. (eds), Politics, Religion and Popularity in Early Stuart England: Essays in Honour of Conrad Russell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 162±84.

Moss, A. (1996), Printed Commonplace Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought. Oxford: Clarendon Press. MuÈnster, S. (1544), Cosmographia. Basel: Heinrich Petri. Ong, W. (1954), Ramus, Method and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Ortelius, A. (1570), Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. Antwerp: Diest. Pocock, J. G. A. (1987), The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century: A Reissue with a Retrospect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Purchas, S. (1613), Purchas His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions Observed in all Ages and Places Discovered, from the Creation unto this Present. London: Henrie Fetherstone. Sitwell, O. F. G. (1993), Four Centuries of Special Geography: An Annotated Guide to Books that Purport to Describe all the Countries in the World Published in English before 1888. Vancouver: UBC Press. Tomkins, T. (2007), These Distracted Times. Obsidian Records: CD702. Tyacke, N. (1987), Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism, c.1590±1640. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Chronology 1599

Born 29 November, Burford, Oxfordshire

1614

Attends Hart Hall, Oxford

1614±28

At the University of Oxford (Hart Hall and Magdalen College)

1621

Publishes first edition of Microcosmus

1625

Publishes second, substantially expanded edition of Microcosmus

1625

Trip to France

1628

Trip to Guernsey with Earl of Danby

1633

Presented to Prebendal Stall at Windsor

1637

Presented to living at Alresford, Hampshire and Prebendal Stall at Westminster Abbey

1642±45

With Charles I in Oxford

1646

Compounded with Parliament

16

Peter Heylyn

1652

Publishes Cosmographie

1660

Participates in coronation of Charles II

1662

Dies 8 May, Westminster, London

Gudmund Hatt 1884±1960

Henrik Gutzon Larsen

Gudmund Hatt was a key figure in Danish geography during the first half of the twentieth century, and he played a significant role in developing the fields of ethnography and archaeology. Yet, he is undoubtedly the most controversial individual in the history of Danish geography. The reasons for this relate to Hatt's prolific activities as a geopolitical commentator during the early years of the German occupation, which marked him as `pro-German' ± if not something more sinister. Virtually all of Hatt's human geography was located on the borderland between `science' and `politics', and it was largely the historical circumstances ± and a stubborn sense of scientific and national duty ± that led to his eventual fall, professionally as well as personally. In the post-war purges, Hatt was the only professor brought to trial by an extraordinary disciplinary court for public servants (Den ekstraordinñre Tjenestemandsdomstol) and sentenced for having engaged in `uvñrdig national Optrñden' (dishonourable national conduct) during the occupation. This cost him the chair of human geography at Copenhagen University, but the fact that the ageing professor was allowed to keep his pension suggests that the case against Hatt ± like his geopolitical work ± was ambiguous.

Education, Life and Work (Aage) Gudmund Hatt was born on 31 October 1884 in the village of Vildbjerg in western Jutland, where his father was the schoolteacher. The parents had moved to the village shortly before the birth of Gudmund as the first of seven children. Steffen Stummann Hansen has suggested that the intellectually ambitious and culturally engaged father soon became frustrated with the realities of rural life on the meagre heath-lands (Stummann Hansen 1995). This resulted in a poorly disguised intellectual arrogance, a trait one may also discern in the son as he matured to

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Gudmund Hatt

become the professor of human geography at Copenhagen University. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the father saw in the unmistakably intelligent boy an outlet for his unrealized intellectual (and social) ambitions. Hatt grew up on a hardy diet of scientific and philosophical discussions with the father. Yet, he apparently had a very close relationship with his more unassuming mother, who sadly died at an early age, two years after the family in 1898 moved to the Zealand town of Holbñk. Hatt did not disappoint, for, although his upper secondary schooling in Copenhagen was delayed by illness and he had to pursue most exams through self-study, he passed his exams with distinction in 1904. His prospects were brilliant, but the young Hatt was initially unsure of which direction he should choose. As he later explained in a short autobiography on the occasion of his doctorate, his interests spanned most of the natural sciences and included also philosophy and psychology (Hatt 1914). He initially matriculated to study medicine at Copenhagen University. This was evidently the wrong choice and, in 1905, Hatt left for the United States, where, according to his autobiography, he worked as groom and ditcher before becoming an assistant at a chemical laboratory. A stay with the Cherokees in Oklahoma, where a friend of his father worked as a missionary, decisively turned Hatt's attention to the field of ethnography. By paying his way as laboratory assistant, Hatt began the study of ethnography in 1906±07 under Roland B. Dixon at Harvard. Feilberg (1960) and Birket-Smith (1961) both suggest that Dixon laid the foundations for Hatt's view of ethnography and archaeology as two sides of the same coin. Yet, Hatt also saw connections between ethnography and geography. Dixon could thus in 1908 welcome his former student's decision to study geography as `a most interesting field to take up'. But, he added, `I am glad to hear that you have not forgotten anthropology entirely': indeed, Dixon saw `a field open for work which combines the two', although he found `the title ``anthropogeography'' . . . a little terrifying' (Dixon to Hatt, 7 January 1908, private papers, box 3). Hatt had, by 1908, returned to Denmark, where he gave some public lectures, which, by their portrayal of native Americans' dire predicament, caused some newspaper debate (Kristensen 1960). This was not the last time Hatt was to cause a public furore. Like most Danes with ethnographical interests at the time, he went on to study natural history and geography at what was then the only university in the country, Copenhagen University. This brought him into contact with the pioneers of Danish university geography, Ernst Lùffler (1835±1911) and, particularly, H. P. Steensby (1875±1920), who probably first introduced Hatt to Ratzelian anthropogeography. Hatt graduated in 1911 with distinction. That year, he married Emilie Demant Hansen (1873±1958), an artist who had lived in Lapland for a year with the Sami and who, in 1910, translated, edited and published a book in Sami and Danish by Johan Turi. Emilie Demant Hatt, in 1913, published Med Lapperne i HoÈjfjeldet (With the Lapps in the High Mountains) on her travels among the Sami. Her new husband's academic background was of considerable help to her in establishing her ethnographic credentials. Hatt contributed footnotes to her book and translated into English another work she produced with Turi and his nephew, Lappish Texts, in 1920 (see Hatt and Sjoholm 2008). Emilie lost two baby girls by miscarriage or stillbirth early in the marriage, and the couple remained childless. The newly wed couple travelled among the Sami people of Norway and Sweden in the summers of 1912 to 1914 to collect anthropological material. This was Hatt's only `fieldwork' in the conventional anthropological sense of the word. His line of ethnographical enquiry was generally based on the study of artefacts in museums, and it was mainly on the basis of studies at museums in St Petersburg, Helsinki, Copenhagen

Gudmund Hatt 19 and Kristiania (Oslo) that he successfully defended his doctoral thesis in September 1914 on Arctic skin clothing in Eurasia and America. In the following academic year, on a fellowship from the American-Scandinavian Foundation, Hatt visited Columbia University, where he studied with Franz Boas and visited ethnographical museums in Canada and the United States. Hatt was employed at the National Museum in Copenhagen in 1919. This position meant that Hatt became involved in archaeology as well as in ethnography. From December 1922 to September 1923, he also led an archaeological expedition to the Virgin Islands, which had been a Danish colony until 1917. Hatt had already, in 1918, planned to participate in an archaeological± ethnographical expedition to Mexico, but he left the project, apparently because of disagreements with his expedition partner, and they were in any case denied transit through the United States as the Department of State did not consider the journey necessary in a time of war (Vett to Hatt, July and September 1918; American Consular Service to Hatt, 24 October 1918; private papers, box 3). This was by no means the only example of Hatt's often stubborn and combative intellect, which arguably did much to decide his eventual fate. From 1917 to 1921, for example, he engaged in a prolonged and bitter conflict with an American anthropologist in the pages of American Anthropologist. Interestingly, considering his later fate, a long-time American friend and colleague suggested that the wrath of Hatt's opponent was to a large extent directed at the journal's editor, who `was a Boas man ± and Boas is persona non grata, owning chiefly to his pro-German attitude during the war' (Nielson to Hatt, 14 March 1921, private papers, box 4). In 1921, Hatt applied for the professorship in geography that had become vacant following the death of Steensby. Among the applicants was Alfred Wegener, the originator of the then hotly debated theory of continental drift. Judged by the ingenuity deployed by the evaluation committee with respect to the applicants, the chair was clearly intended for Martin Vahl (1869±1946), a physical geographer who is remembered for his work on the global geography of climates and vegetation. Hatt and the other Danish applicant, Kai Birket-Smith (1893±1977), were apparently aware of this, as both, in their applications, stated that they did not want to be appointed if Vahl was an applicant (Committee's report, 4 May 1921, private papers, box 17). Around the same time, Vahl and Hatt began the ambitious project of writing a handbook in geography ± what was, eventually, the four-volume Jorden og Menneskelivet (The Earth and Human Life, 1922±27). This work, known colloquially as `Vahl & Hatt', was to become a landmark work in Danish geography. Probably because of this, Hatt was, in 1923, appointed associate professor (lektor) of geography at Copenhagen University. For several years, he maintained this position in tandem with his employment at the National Museum, but, from 1927, he was ± with a corresponding reduction in pay ± allowed to reduce his work at the museum by two days a week, and, in 1929, Hatt finally left the museum upon his appointment as extraordinary professor of human geography. The authors of the canonical geographical text of the time, Vahl and Hatt, thus came to occupy the chairs of geography in Denmark. Although no longer attached to the National Museum, Hatt sustained his work in ethnography and archaeology. Funded by a steady stream of grants from the Carlsberg Foundation, he engaged in almost constant movement between Copenhagen and excavations in northern and western Jutland, which often had him sleeping in night-trains to make his arduous schedule work. These studies focused chiefly on prehistoric fields and Iron Age settlements ± an interest that also took Hatt (and Emilie) to Scotland, the Orkney and Shetland Islands, the Faeroes,

20

Gudmund Hatt

Iceland and South Greenland. As a by-product, he also became involved in efforts to preserve historic Danish landscapes. In parallel with these activities, Hatt also devoted himself to the field of human geography ± a line of work that appears to have begun almost by coincidence. As he told a Swedish colleague in 1938, `I am the oldest among [Steensby's] students and saw myself first and foremost as an ethnographer and archaeologist, but through his influence I acquired a human-geographical attitude'. Indeed, he generally saw Danish geographers as `belonging more to archaeology and ethnography than to geography in a narrow sense'. This did not bother Hatt. With a formulation that resonates surprisingly with the future problem-orientation of the progressive 1970s universities, he concluded: `Disciplinary demarcations are after all human creations and are particularly the result of the universities' need for a division of subjects. The problems, which are the most important in science, often cut across all subject divisions.' Yet, `As the university after the death of Steensby needed a teacher in human geography, . . . I was directed to economic-geographical [erhvervsgeografiske] and political-geographical analyses' (Hatt to Friberg, 2 May 1938, private papers, box 10). These fields were to come together in Hatt's human geography and, through this convergence, Hatt emerged in the late 1930s as a well known ± and quite rapidly vilified ± public intellectual. Hatt's entrance into the public domain, so to speak, began with his participation in a 1934 series of talks on the Danish state radio on inheritance and race. This led on to a large number of radio talks, particularly on colonialism and, increasingly, on the geopolitics of the unfolding world conflict. These talks were generally published as books, journal articles or newspaper features, the first being the 1936 Stillehavsproblemer (Pacific Ocean Problems) on the rise of Japan, which appeared as the first volume in the Royal Danish Geographical Society's human geography monograph series (Hatt 1936). Following articles in 1939 in the Copenhagen evening paper Berlingske Aftenavis, Hatt extended his involvement in the daily press to an unprecedented level. From 1939 to 1942, he wrote at least 115 often essaylong newspaper articles (Larsen 2009). Apart from Berlingske Aftenavis, the articles appeared in the morning paper Berlingske Tidende and the tabloid BT, which were (and are) all politically Conservative newspapers. This fact does not necessarily hint at Hatt's political leanings. He did have great regard for Erik Scavenius, the social-liberal foreign minister, and he praised the foreign politics of the longstanding social-democratic Prime Minister, Thorvald Stauning. And although Hatt developed a manifest fear of Soviet expansionism, he was not generally anxious about the Left. Hatt sided with the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War (Jerrild 1939), and signed a protest against the government's attempt to block a 1935 visit to Denmark by Maurice Dobb, the Marxist economic historian, whom the petition described as `decidedly leftwing' (Petition, April 1935, private papers, box 7). Yet, Hatt was not a revolutionary, either of the Left or of the Right. If he leaned towards a political party, we might concur with the qualified guess of Joachim Lund and locate Hatt with the Social-Liberal Party (Lund 2007). Hatt's veritable avalanche of publishing in the late 1930s and early 1940s was heralded by a handful of scholarly human geography articles with a contemporary vantage point and by his Jorden og Menneskelivet. But Hatt's human geography was, in general, educational in orientation: Hatt sought to illuminate what he considered to be the geographical foundations of the pressing problems of then troubled times, and he aimed at the widest possible audience. Perhaps fatefully, he continued until August 1943 ± well into the German occupation of Denmark. The first phase of the occupation is the oddest and most hotly disputed period in modern Danish history. For the present purpose, it is sufficient to note that from the

Gudmund Hatt 21 occupation on 9 April 1940 to 29 August 1943, Denmark was largely treated as an independent, neutral state under German `protection' ± the so-called `sovereignty fiction'. This meant that all branches of the state continued to function, including the democratically elected parliament, and that Danish±German relations were formally maintained by their respective foreign offices. The key figure in this policy of `collaboration' was Foreign Minister Erik Scavenius, who, in 1942±43, also assumed the position of Prime Minister. For some, this represented a sensible exercise in small-state Realpolitk, which carried Denmark reasonably unharmed through the war. For others, the policy of collaboration was seen as shamefully cynical and unprincipled (especially after the war). Like most of the wartime Danish establishment, and probably also the majority of Danes generally, Hatt subscribed to the first view and acted in accordance with this position. Hatt's first real action was to be a founding member of the Danish±German Society (Dansk-Tysk Forening), which was established on the instigation of the Danish Foreign Office in the summer of 1940. In his statement to the extraordinary disciplinary court, Hatt later explained that he had been somewhat reluctant to take this step, as he `was not sure whether it was right to prostrate oneself before the Germans'. But, considering that the request was initiated by the Foreign Office, Hatt accepted because he was `convinced that the policy of Foreign Minister Scavenius was the only right one under the given circumstances' (Statement, 10 December 1945, T.225). It was in his capacity as, by then, also a board member of the Danish±German Society that, in Berlin in October 1941, Hatt presented his most republished geopolitical paper, `Norden og Europa' (`The Nordic Countries and Europe'), in Nordische Verbindungsstelle, after having attended a conference on the European economy in Weimar. The paper was originally prepared for a talk Hatt gave in August 1941 at the summer meeting of the National Sweden± Germany Association (RiksfoÈreningen Sverige±Tyskland) in JoÈnkoÈping, Sweden. In his statement after the war, Hatt described this organization as a Swedish version of the Danish±German Society, but, in contrast to this organization, the Swedish association harboured ± possibly unbeknown to Hatt ± clearer national-socialist sentiments. In August±September 1940, Hatt also made a visit to Slovakia as an official guest of the newly established fascist regime. The Danish Foreign Office had facilitated this visit and Hatt's other wartime travels outside Denmark. In conjunction with these activities, Hatt wrote steadily for the newspapers. A prominent example in this respect was his article in Berlingske Tidende on New Year's Day 1941, which, under the headline `World Political New Year', took up the entire front page and most of the following four pages. Following a gap after the occupation, Hatt also resumed his talks on the radio. In spring 1941, he gave a series of talks that were subsequently published as Hvem kñmper om Kloden (Who is Fighting over the Globe) and, in August 1941, Hatt began an extended series of monthly talks under the heading `Verdenspolitisk Oversigt' (World-Political Overview). These talks had their origin in mounting German pressure upon the Danish authorities to schedule programmes that would provide Danes with an `understanding' of current affairs. Rather than run the risk of having Nazi speakers forced upon radio by the Germans, the Foreign Office decided to pick `reliable' lecturers. Hatt was among the speakers the ministry suggested to the radio. He eventually gave almost 30 of these talks. The last took place on 26 August 1943, three days before the government resigned following a general strike and subsequent German demands for the introduction of capital punishment. This broadcast marked the end of Hatt's hectic engagement as a geopolitical commentator. As German fortunes in the war began to wane, the newspapers lost their appetite for Hatt's analyses, but his work continued to be published by politically suspect

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Gudmund Hatt

journals. These included the monthly Globus: Tidsskrift for Nutidskultur, Planùkonomi og Geopolitik (Globe: Journal of Contemporary Culture, Planned Economy and Geopolitics), which was established in 1941 by a group of left-wing social-democrats, who saw the war as an opportunity to implement a planned economy. The journal initially had the support of some social-democrats, including Prime Minister Stauning, but the party soon detached itself from the venture, and the journal increasingly took the form of a Nazi-oriented propaganda outlet, which ± probably unknown to Hatt ± received covert financial support from the occupying power. This pro-Nazi tone was even truer of Europa Kabel: ékonomisk Ugeskrift (Europe Wire: Economic Weekly), a thinly concealed Nazi propaganda magazine to which Hatt contributed two articles. According to his post-war statement to the extraordinary disciplinary court, Hatt turned down an offer to become its editor. In addition, the more respectable (and Foreign-Office-supported) Tidsskrift for Udenrigspolitik (Journal of Foreign Politics) printed most of his `World-Political Overview' radio broadcasts. Neither formally nor by orientation was Hatt a Nazi. On the contrary, there is much to suggest that his work ± in part, at least ± aimed at countering the intrusion of Nazism in Danish society and politics. But his geopolitical analyses and public actions during the war were highly favourable towards Germany ± a point Hatt never tried to dodge and, even with a charitable interpretation, he all too frequently proffered statements that went well beyond what political pragmatism could require. Land og Folk, the then underground Communist bulletin, was hardly an unprejudiced voice, but one can, from Hatt's writings, see why, in 1942, it numbered him among `Hitler's creatures in Denmark' and as one of the `illegal [i.e. covert] supporters of the traitor-party', the Danish Nazi party (`Hitlers Kreaturer i Danmark', Land og Folk, 1 August 1942). Moreover, no matter Hatt's own inclination, Nazis and those more or less declared as such frequently regarded Hatt's work with enthusiasm. It is hardly surprising, then, that the ageing Hatt was among the many who were roughly and humiliatingly arrested and interned on Liberation Day, 5 May 1945. Hatt was released without charge after a week. Yet, he was still the object of criticism, in the public domain and, apparently, from some colleagues and friends. In a letter to an Irish archaeologist, for example, he recalled that a `Russophile' colleague in 1945 had said that he `ought to be shot' (Hatt to OÂ RiordaÂin, 22 July 1947, private papers, box 14). And, in one of the first books to deal with the occupation, Hatt was, for his geopolitical work, accused of having `made a whore of science' (Blñdel 1946, 570). In late July 1945 and at his own behest, but suggested by the university's leadership and his solicitor, Hatt requested that his activities during the occupation should be investigated by the extraordinary disciplinary court for public servants, which the parliament had established as part of the retrospective judicial settlement of the years of occupation. Hatt's passage through this problematic mechanism for retrospective retribution took a long time, and it was not until February 1947 that the prosecutor presented a final indictment against Hatt. In the meantime, Hatt was not formally suspended from the university, but he was relieved of all functions. Hatt was indicted on four counts, each of which was considered to constitute `dishonourable national conduct', and, in relation to one, he was also accused of having `afforded the occupying power significant propaganda support' by way of his position (Indictment, 3 February 1947, T.225). The first and most extensive count related to statements in Hatt's geopolitical writings and radio talks, which, according to the prosecutor, had voiced understanding for why Germany began the war, conveyed strongly the opinion that Germany would win the war, glorified Hitler and Germany's standing among the European nations, agitated for consent to the `new Europe' and for friendly attitudes towards Germany, criticized the

Gudmund Hatt 23 Allies, mentioned the Danish participation in German military units (on the East Front) with understanding, spoke strongly against the resistance movement and repeatedly emphasized that it would be a tragedy for Europe and particularly the Nordic countries if Germany lost the war to Russia and to the other Allies. In addition to this lengthy charge, the indictment's other counts criticized Hatt for his speeches in Germany (including three archaeological lectures) during the war, that he had allowed a Nazi student magazine to publish a quote in which he said that friendliness towards Britain and communist sympathies should not be confused with Danish patriotism, and, finally, that, in a private letter, he had praised a radio talk by one of the Danes who kept on giving such talks after August 1943. The problem was that the speaker, who was later sentenced for treason, read parts of the letter on the radio. In bringing forward the case against Hatt, the prosecutor had clearly searched high and low for anything that could incriminate him. On the basis of this mix of charges, the disciplinary court began its hearings in early April 1947. The hearings lasted for three days and received considerable press coverage. This had to do with Hatt's high (if, by then, infamous) public profile, but the media attention was also fostered by the appearance of well known witnesses like Scavenius and Cecil von Renthe-Fink, Germany's first ambassador to Denmark during the occupation. Hatt did not try to distance himself from his wartime geopolitical analyses. In fact, he conceded that his conclusions could be seen as `pro-German', but he steadfastly maintained that this had nothing to do with sympathies for Nazi Germany: in Hatt's view, he had only done his scientific and national duty. How Hatt arrived at this view will be addressed below. Here, it is sufficient to note that Hatt's defence mainly sought to emphasize that he had acted in accordance with the policy of the Danish government at the time, and that mainstream newspapers had published similar analyses. The defence did not convince the three judges. In early May 1947, they followed the prosecutor's recommendation and ruled that Hatt be dismissed from his chair at Copenhagen University. Like the indictment, however, the ruling was a hotchpotch. The judges ruled that the quote in the Nazi student magazine was regrettable but not in breach of the law. Similarly, they found several of his wartime visits to Germany unfortunate but not sanctionable. But Hatt's participation in the Weimar conference was seen to constitute `dishonourable national conduct' ± a view that applied also to his acceptance of an invitation to a conference in Prague on the future of (a German-led) Europe (in which, in the event, he did not participate). The Danish Foreign Office had facilitated invitations for both conferences, and Hatt reported to Foreign Minister Scavenius on the Weimar conference. Hatt was also found guilty in relation to the private letter aired on the radio. Aside from these somewhat odd rulings, the judges' ruling devoted most space to the main charge relating to Hatt's geopolitical writings, which `cannot be seen to express an objective±scientific account for geographical±political viewpoints [as the] statements contain both attacks on British±American±Russian politics and defence of German±Japanese politics of a purely moral character' (Ruling, 6 May 1947, T.225). Hatt was therefore also in this respect guilty of `dishonourable national conduct', but, with the indecisiveness typical of the ruling, the judges cleared Hatt of the additional charge of having `afforded the occupying power significant propaganda support'. The question of moral support for Germany seems to have been a linchpin in the court's ruling. It conceded that Hatt could have found support for his views in the politics of the government (and in press writings). But whereas the judges found that the government's policy was not based on sympathies, they found that Hatt's activities and writings had been decidedly so. Partly because of this murkiness, the court did not deprive Hatt of

24

Gudmund Hatt

part of his pension as demanded by the prosecutor. Yet, despite its facËade of jurisprudence and attempted even-handedness, it is today difficult not to agree with Lund's conclusion that the extraordinary disciplinary court in the trial of Hatt revealed itself as a moral court (Lund 2007). The ruling was a devastating blow from which Hatt never recovered. It not only terminated his tenure as a professional geographer, but it also marked his intellectual departure from the field of geography. With robust symbolism, Hatt sold his significant collection of geographical books and journals. Fortunately, the Carlsberg Foundation continued to fund his excavations, and Hatt devoted the rest of his working life to archaeology and ethnography. Yet, in this respect, too, his work was hampered by the trial. In his view, he was, for a time, subjected to a tacit block on his publishing in Denmark and, in at least one case, also in Sweden. That the Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters seemed to hesitate in publishing two manuscripts, which he had submitted in 1945 and 1946, was in this respect particularly upsetting. Hatt was also informally requested not to appear at the Academy's meetings after a quarrel with the president, Niels Bohr. From Britain and North America, on the other hand, the `pro-German' Hatt was frequently asked to submit book reviews for journals like Man and American Anthropologist, for example, and this was where his and E. Cecil Curwen's Plough and Pasture (1953) was published. Post-war passions soon began to wane, however, and, with the emergence of more sober views concerning the occupation, Hatt was seen in a kinder light. In 1949, the Academy published his earlier manuscripts, as, later, it published his major archaeological treatise, Nùrre Fjand (Hatt 1957). It was apparently for the presentation of this work that Hatt first reappeared in the Academy, where Bohr personally welcomed his return. And, on the occasion of his 75th birthday, a group of former students compiled a special issue of the archaeological journal Kuml in Hatt's honour. In spite of such honours and accomplishments, and the fact that his private papers bear witness of the sympathy many showed him, Hatt's post-war years were in general dark. Letters from Emilie suggest that, from the early years of the occupation, Hatt had become absorbed by a mounting rage against people in general, and, with some justification, the injustice he felt he had incurred at the hands of the extraordinary disciplinary court greatly aggravated such sentiments. In what may be seen as a self-imposed semi-exile, he and Emilie increasingly lived in the village of Kauslunde on Funen. Hatt also sought peace in the writing of thinly disguised (and never published) autobiographical essays and particularly in the composition of poems, of which he published two collections, the first under a pseudonym. His chosen nom de plume, Sempervirens (evergreen), hardly matched Hatt's gloomy poetry, and the death of the ailing Emilie in 1958 did away with such fortitude as remained. As a friend was to say at his grave, `wounded and torn as Gudmund Hatt's soul had become, in the great loneliness that became his fate, he could not conceal that in his innermost ``twinkling darkness'' he had been vanquished by ``hate and malice''. It was in such moments of despair that the yearning for death doubled' (Roos 1961, 259). Hatt died on 27 January 1960 at Frederiksberg Hospital near his Copenhagen home. In keeping with his semi-exile, he was buried in Kauslunde, where Emilie had been laid to rest. If they mentioned them at all, the many obituaries tended to downplay his activities during the German occupation.

Gudmund Hatt 25

Scientific Ideas and Geographical Thought `Geopolitics' looms large in geographers' memory of Hatt. But Hatt's geopolitical engagement has conventionally been seen as only a part of his geographical oeuvre, which unfolded in an `unfortunate' period during the late 1930s and early 1940s. In part, this is because historiographers like geography professor Sofus Christiansen (1930±2007) have seen Hatt's ethnography, archaeology and geography as interrelated. And with good reason, since, as we have seen, this was also Hatt's own view. (Hatt's archaeology is addressed in several papers by Steffen Stummann Hansen (1984; 1995), and Ole Hùiris (1986) provides an excellent analysis of Hatt's ethnography.) Here, I confine my scrutiny of Hatt's work in geography to a more circumscribed understanding. This was first and foremost an engagement with human geography that particularly focused on the fields of economic and political geography. But whatever label we may choose as identifier, most of Hatt's human geography was a geopolitical engagement in two intertwined phases, detailed below. Initially, let me look briefly at Hatt's idea of geography. It is not coincidental that we have to look to the first volume of Jorden og Menneskelivet to find an exposition of Hatt's notion of geography (Vahl and Hatt 1922±27). Hatt was not in the habit of building theoretical frameworks or advancing succinct conceptualizations. Geography was first and foremost about describing `facts': as Vahl and he wrote, `the actual description of geographical facts is the foundation on which geographical science builds' (Vahl and Hatt 1922± 27, I, 1). Vahl and Hatt devoted less than a page to general considerations about the field of geography before they began what was, excepting their respective `systematic' introductions to physical and human geography, essentially a fourvolume long opus of descriptive regional geography. But they did propose a definition of their field, which, in many respects, epitomizes the conventional Danish notion of geography: The task of geography is to depict the Earth as the home and field of activity of human beings. Land and people, nature and culture, are the topics the geographer strives to connect; his [sic] goal is to demonstrate how human life and culture are conditioned by the Earth's natural conditions and utilise the possibilities afforded by the Earth's nature. (Vahl and Hatt 1922±27, I, 1) Geography was, in other words, about the integration of natural and human phenomena, and Vahl and Hatt's formulations often harboured strong hints of environmental determinism. Hatt rarely included physical geography in his geographical works, but his human geography was, particularly in the early years, tainted by determinism. But most programmatic for Hatt's geographical work to come was probably this statement: `What in particular must be demanded of the geographer are accounts of distributional conditions' (Vahl and Hatt 1922±27, I, 1). COLONIAL ANTHROPOGEOGRAPHY What Hatt approached as Erhvervsgeografi, which literally translates as `commercial geography' but may be described as `economic geography', was precisely about distribution. With its large-scale focus on colonies and human and cultural propagation, `colonial anthropogeography' would arguably be the best designation; it is hardly a coincidence that the title of his first major geographical work,

26

Gudmund Hatt

Jorden og Menneskelivet, mimics Ratzel's Die Erde und das Leben (1901±02) (on Ratzel, see Geographers Vol. 11). Climate, race and class were the keywords, which, together, revolved around the pivotal issue of colonialism, and underlying these notions was Hatt's conception of culture. Culture was, for Hatt, primarily a material concept. Indeed, if one might attach a single label to his work, it would be materialism. Sometimes, this even took the form of a crude historical materialism. Partly derived from his ethnography and echoing Ratzel, Hatt maintained that a culture could only develop in a unique geographical location, from which it could spread by migration or `culture loan'. The originally West European industrial culture was, in this respect, central: `New cultural forms have originated within limited areas and have spread to larger parts of the Earth, displacing older forms. Even today we thus see the latest and most developed economic culture-form, the West European industrial culture, advancing through countries by migration, trade and cultural influence of different sorts, displacing and exterminating [udryddende] older forms' (Vahl and Hatt 1922±27, I, 101). Hatt's use of `exterminating' was not just figurative, as he often recognized that the spread of West European industrial culture was accompanied by violence, exploitation and hypocrisy. Yet, geographical expansion was, for him, an inherent and seemingly unavoidable feature of this culture: `The industrial culture is expansive; its nature is the exchange of commodities between countries, the processing of own and foreign raw materials with an eye on the world market. A people cannot possess a well-developed industrial culture without raw material and sales markets; and industrial development can to a great extent be furthered by colonisation and emigration, which creates or secures such market' (Hatt 1928a, 230). Questions of access to resources, markets and (increasingly) the exploitation of labour were, in this way, the material foundations of Hatt's anthropogeography. This led him to probe `the colonial question', not least in relation to the tropics that, for him, possessed `vast productive power' for `the civilised humanity' (Hatt 1928b, 178). Like so many at the time, Hatt also dabbled in questions of human acclimatization in relation to the tropics, and this often, if uneasily, led him to environmental determinist conclusions. As a parallel to Vahl's delineation of global climate±plant zones, one could say that Hatt, in Jorden og Menneskelivet, made the first move in drawing up a global geography of colonial types that referred to climate in important respects. In the English-language version (Hatt 1929a), it was thus partly in relation to European acclimatization that he distinguished between immigration, plantation and trade settlements. Later, it was again with reference to climatic factors that he introduced (and mapped) `The white man's countries' in temperate and sub-tropical regions (Hatt 1936). And, although Hatt, from an early stage, noted anomalies in this rather deterministic geography, he generally maintained that Europeans in the tropics could only undertake hard physical work in highlands more than 1,500 metres above sea level. The tropical plantation settlements with vital resources were, therefore, to be found in regions `where climate prevents European immigration. The settlers here make an upper class, exploiting the economic possibilities of the country by means of a subjugated race' (Hatt 1929a, 4). This made the European foothold in the tropics tenuous and, not least because of what Hatt saw as the Chinese's superior adaptation to all climates, he initially considered them `the most vital people of the Earth', since they could `utilise the tropics' life-opportunities both as under-class and as upper-class; they can render both the Negroes and the whites superfluous' (Hatt 1928a, 228±9). With the rise of Japan, he later modified this view (Hatt 1936). Hatt also saw climate as a

Gudmund Hatt 27 presences behind different colonial regimes. For reasons of acclimatization, the British had imposed indirect rule in West Africa, while the native population in East Africa, and especially in the Kenyan highlands, `have been deprived of large and fertile areas, which have been given to white planters and land speculators'. The dispossessed populations were here `made to work under slave-like conditions of indentured labourers, and in many cases become moral and physical wrecks' (Hatt 1929a, 7). Hatt's ideas about climate were closely intertwined with questions of race, and it is probably in this respect that his work today particularly raises critical eyebrows. His geography was racist, but one should remember that this was neither unusual nor particularly controversial in his time. As Keld Buciek (1999) observes, Hatt did not depart from the views of his predecessors, Lùffler and Steensby, and the racist descriptions in Jorden og Menneskelivet were often directly cribbed from Lùffler's work. In fact, it can be argued that he sought to counter some forms of racism. Hatt rejected, for example, the view that humans could be divided into distinct races and, with only thinly veiled reference to Nazi racism, he wrote ironically about notions of a `Semitic' race, lauded the evolutionary potentialities of inter-racial mixing and questioned notions of racial hierarchy. In part at least, this had to do with Hatt's essentially neo-Lamarckian ideas of environmental influences: `The human races are in all probability based on the human species' adaptation to different environments. This assumption is corroborated by the races' sensitivity to unfamiliar climates.' Yet, he added, `not only a change of geographical environment but also a cultural change can within a few generations have profound influence on a population's genetic substance' (Hatt 1928a, 159, 161). Human characteristics were not only influenced by the physical environment: Hatt's neo-Lamarckism extended to the human environment. Particularly odd in this respect was his 1934 explanation of anti-Semitism in `certain European countries' as resentments spurred by the Jewish people's successful adaptation to modern urban environments. Yet, in spite of arguments to the contrary, Hatt frequently, freely and, often in contradictory ways, operated with racial categories, including subdivisions such as `Jews': more often than not, he was also liable to racist stereotyping and hierarchizations. While by no means exceptional, Hatt's racism is inexcusable by modern standards. It is worth noting, however, that ± even in texts ostensibly about race ± he generally slipped from writing about `races' to addressing `peoples' (Folk), which, in Danish, may imply national communities. His key concern was, in other words, to map the potentialities for peoples (and states) to heed or resist the expansive drive of industrial culture, and questions of climate and race were, here, only elements in a larger picture. While Hatt initially had seen colonies as a means both to secure markets and to reduce what he considered an overpopulated Europe, he increasingly came to reject colonies as a destination for European migration. European overpopulation, which, for Hatt, manifested itself in unemployment, was rather to be solved through the import of resources and the export of produce. This was not mainly because the tropics were unsuitable for Europeans. Particularly in relation to Africa, Hatt came in important respects to view colonialism as embedded in a race-related class conflict. At an early stage he found, for instance, that `the struggle between white and black' in South Africa had not ended with the European conquest: `By making the natives a working underclass, the Europeans have given the race-struggle a social character and at the same time barred the way for a sizable European immigration' (Hatt 1928a, 218). More generally, he argued later, `There appears to be a fundamental economic law that expensive labour must yield to inexpensive labour' (Hatt 1938a, 27). He came to see `the native labour force'

28

Gudmund Hatt

as `Africa's greatest asset' and that this involved a `proletarianisation of the natives' (Hatt 1938a, 43, 81). This did not imply that Hatt rejected colonialism. For the resolutely materialist Hatt, access to colonial resources and markets was a simple necessity for the industrial culture. If anything, Hatt was critical of the ways colonialism functioned and, not least, the hypocrisy it engendered: `English authors have in recent years often described the colonies as a burden the white man must bear for the sake of humanity and civilisation. In reality, this burden has paid off exceedingly well' (Hatt 1939a, 200). But Hatt's critical eye faltered when it came to Denmark's only colony, Greenland. With a show of that moral superiority he disdained in other colonial powers, this was, for Hatt, `one of the few colonial areas where the consideration of what is best for the native population weighs more heavily than the demands of European trade' (Hatt 1929a, 13). With the inconsistencies characteristic of his work, Hatt never altogether discarded environmental or racial arguments. His colonial anthropogeography was always environmentalist in the sense that the tropics for climatic reasons were of key importance for the industrialized economies. And his racism emerged clearly in his assessments of different peoples' abilities to adopt elements of the industrial culture. Asians were well suited in this respect, while, for Hatt, Africans were ill equipped for adopting this culture: looking at the peoples of Africa, he infamously noted that `neither the Chinese nor the Indians possess the Negroes' excellent underclass qualities' (Hatt 1938a, 41). But, in the late 1930s, he seemed to have moved a long way towards viewing colonialism as involved in ethno-class conflict: Europeans, even of Nordic race, can live and work and thrive in a hot and humid tropical climate when they are secured good conditions, particularly in the respect that any form of competition with other races' cheaper labour is blocked. . . . The Europeans have vanquished almost all foreign people on the world's battlefields; but in the field of work have the coloured races again and again asserted themselves, though often only under thraldom. (Hatt 1940a, 97, 100±1) POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY In the late 1930s, Hatt began to use the notion `geopolitics' (Geopolitik). This was undoubtedly inspired by the growing use of the term, not least in Germany, and he prudently reverted to speak of `political geography' after the war. But, in important respects, Hatt, in his use of the term, only refined and developed key elements of the worldview that had been present in his colonial anthropogeography. Fatefully, however, this brought his by-then broadly disseminated analyses closer to events in Europe. Like that of Mackinder (Geographers Vol. 9), and other contemporaries, what underlay Hatt's worldview was a vision of a world that had `closed' around the turn of the century. This was, for Hatt, in key respects, a political±economic phenomenon. 1 August 1914 marked for him the end of `Europe's happy age'. Accompanied by `much human extermination and much bloody oppression' for peoples of non-European origin (Hatt 1940a, 176), this had been an age in which the colonial powers could expand overseas. Crucially, however, other European nations could also take part in exploiting overseas natural resources in the lee of Britain's liberal trade politics. But this system collapsed, Hatt argued, mainly because `economic liberalism did not bring equal economic progress to all states' (Hatt 1938b, 5, italics in original). In the twentieth century, therefore, `it became apparent that the world already was already taken into possession, the Earth was

Gudmund Hatt 29 divided up between its conquerors, emigration from Europe had to be closed off, and the economic exploitation of overseas countries was no longer open for all European nations. Thus ended Europe's happy age' (Hatt 1940a, 176). For Hatt, the `chief cause of the increased tension which finally culminated in the Great War sprang from colonial policy' (Hatt 1929a, 10). And broadly the same material logic applied to the century's second conflagration: `. . . what is happening in the world today is a tremendous struggle, not over ideologies but over real assets; [t]he struggle concerns such realities as colonies, markets and resources' (quoted in Jerrild 1939, 174). This led Hatt to formulate an explicit analysis of Livsrum (`living space') and emerging economic±geographical blocks ± an analysis infused with urgency by his interpretation of balance of power politics. The ostensibly Ratzelian notion of `living space' was not a new idea in Hatt's geography. This was, as we have seen, a foundation of his view of industrial culture: `Any vital people possess the need and ability for expansion' (Hatt 1928a, 163). But, inspired we may assume by the popularization of Lebensraum thinking in the 1930s, he now formulated an explicit view of living space. In contrast to Ratzel's essentially agrarian view of Lebensraum, and closer to that of the German school of Geopolitik, Hatt's idea was rooted in his view of the industrial culture's innate need for resource and outlet markets. And in a world increasingly `closed' for expansion by territorial growth or trade, this had, for Hatt, led to the formation of autarkical economic±geographical blocks around leading industrial great powers. The parallels with German discussions of `pan-regions' and Groûraumwirtschaft are obvious. But living-space politics was in Hatt's perspective neither a new phenomenon nor a German invention: `Living-space politics did not originate on mainland Europe ± it actually arrived to Europe last. The division of the world into large economic blocks, which is now being finalised, began a long time ago' (Hatt 1941b, 13). The Monroe Doctrine, Russia's expansion into Asia, and the establishment of the British Empire were thus early examples of living-space politics, which had split the world into `satisfied' and `hungry' great powers, the latter being Germany, Japan and Italy. And when this politics had become associated with the `national socialists', Hatt argued, it was because the `necessity and practical implementation' of economic±geographical blocks had been intensely discussed by the Germans, while the other great powers had been satisfied `with practising practical living space politics without producing a literature on its theory' (Hatt 1941b, 14). Similarly, Hatt did not view `geopolitics' as something distinctly German, because `[o]utstanding statesmen have always conducted practical geopolitics' (Hatt 1940a, 178). While Hatt, in these ways, borrowed heavily from German Geopolitik, he warned against the Ratzelian tendency to measure a state's vitality in terms of its territorial size. Hatt probably had a particular small state in mind when he emphasized that one `should guard oneself from counting so strongly on quantity that one forgets quality' (Hatt 1940a, 174). He similarly recognized that living space did not necessarily derive from territorial possessions, and that `capital power' transcending territorial boundaries was, for him, `one of Britain's main assets' (Hatt 1939a, 200). Significantly, Hatt, the small-state geopolitician, also argued that his native Denmark had shown its vitality by expanding but that this had happened neither territorially nor through state power: The Danish people's expansive capability has . . . not unfolded particularly through state expansion. But through private enterprise and often under foreign colours the Danish expansive power has asserted itself all over the

30

Gudmund Hatt Earth. . . . The increasing intensity of Danish commercial life has thus walked hand-in-hand ± and is partly based on ± a kind of expansion, a mounting adjustment to and integration in the world economy. (Hatt 1942, 6±7)

With such a relational view of Danish living space, the fading of the liberal economic order must have worried Hatt. It was arguably for this reason that, from the late 1920s, he began to see Denmark's future in a wider political±economic European order. This included that he rejected the realism of a Nordic customs union, and Hatt was, for a while, attracted by Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi's panEuropean ideas. The shocking victories by Nazi Germany in the first years of the war made, for a while, the prospect of a `unified' Europe a likely, if also a worrying, possibility. In a sense, this provided legitimacy for Hatt's pan-European visions, and his musings in Norden og Europa (1941) came close to sketching elements of the future European Community. But, within the limits imposed by censorship, a Europe under German hegemony also seemed to worry Hatt. Like much of the Danish establishment, he appeared to fear that Denmark in a new European order would be reduced to an agrarian economy and, in a charitable reading, his frequent references to Hitler's alleged respect for the `national principle' could also be read as a plea for a measure of Danish autonomy. But it was mainly his interpretation of European balances of power that prompted Hatt's pro-German views. According to Hatt, `It is always the privileged social classes and nations that want balance'. For more than two centuries, it had thus been Britain that had maintained a European balance-of-power, because a `strong and unified Europe . . . could threaten the British Empire's very existence' (Hatt 1939a, 198). Indeed, as he observed with a flourish of Realpolitik, the `British love to speak of principles' like democracy and liberalism, but `the fundamental principle in British foreign policy is and must be the balance-principle' (Hatt 1940b, 118). This also applied beyond Europe, the notable exception being South America: `England has preferred to let the USA enforce power on the western hemisphere rather than letting rivals from the European continent extend themselves to South America' (Hatt 1939b, 15). In Europe, however, Hatt found that power was sliding eastwards, towards the Soviet Union, and `this move will accelerate if West and Central Europe destroy one another' (Hatt 1939a, 211). Moreover, he warned that to `vanquish Germany with the help of Russia must, from a British point of view, be to exorcise the Devil by means of Beelzebub'. And, Hatt continued, `Hitler's fall could very well entail a German alliance with the Soviet Union. The European balance always pursued by England would then forever be eliminated' (Hatt 1939a, 209). But Hatt did not observe from a British point of view. His viewpoint was Danish, and Denmark and the other Nordic countries lay `in a battlefield between three great blocks, . . . the British±American, the Russian, and the continental European (Hatt 1942, 9). What Hatt, not least after the annexations of the Baltic States and the wars with Finland, came to view as an expansive Soviet Union was, in this respect, particularly threatening to the more local balance of power. In his interpretation, the Soviet Union's geostrategic aim was to control the Baltic sea-lanes to the Atlantic, and this could `Russia only achieve by conquering the entire Scandinavian Peninsular and Zealand' (Hatt 1941c, 18). Arguing that the semienclosed Baltic Sea could only be defended by air power from land, Hatt concluded that `the Nordic peoples' chances of resisting this pressure' from the Soviet Union `would hardly be great if there were no other factors in the equation between Russia and the Nordic countries. . . . There are two other factors, namely England and Germany. Germany is the most important of these two, because Germany is a

Gudmund Hatt 31 Baltic power and a land power, whereas England lies outside the area and is a sea power' (Hatt 1941c, 26). Hatt had, from the late 1930s, increasingly come to address Britain and the United States as one power block, the `Anglo-Saxons', and even spoken of an `Anglo-Saxon world order' (Hatt 1939a, 199). As the war wore on, however, Britain began to wane from the picture. But the rise of the United States did not brighten his view of the prospects for Denmark or for Europe. Towards the end of his geopolitical career, Hatt ruefully predicted that `If the Axis Powers fell, their defeat would probably be celebrated by many as a victory for the national selfdetermination of European peoples. But the joy would most likely be short-lived. If there are not enough strong, unifying forces within our own continent, Europe will be subjected to foreign rule, first American and Russian, later Russian alone' (Hatt 1943, 55). Stripped to its bones, Hatt's portrayal of mechanistic balance-of-power geopolitics could read as political realism: one might say that he fleshed out some basics in the West's perception of the Cold War to come. But the packaging was often highly unsavoury. Hatt had not been an anti-Semite before the war. In fact, he found that Nazi-Germany's racial theories and harsh behaviour towards German Jews could justify fears that African's conditions would deteriorate significantly if Germany were again to acquire African colonies (Hatt 1938a, 76±7). Hatt was also among the `representatives of Danish science' who, in 1938, signed a call to help the Hebrew University in settling `the presently homeless Jewish scientists and young Jewish academics' (Komiteen for Indsamling til Det hebraiske Universitet to Hatt, 14 and 28 February 1938, private papers, box 10). Yet, towards the end of 1942, Germany, Italy and Japan were suddenly united in the `fight against the British±American±Russian±Jewish world hegemony' (Hatt 1943, 49). And, whether it was a sign of political naivety or rather a hard-nosed willingness to sup with the devil to further his cause, Hatt, in 1941, wrote that `Germany in this war struggles against foreign, Europe-hostile forces. Germany's defeat in this struggle will amount to a European catastrophe. Germany's victory could be the entry to a new and rich European blooming. . . . If the new Europe is realised, it will happen because a large and vigorous people [Folk] put its existence to the task' (Hatt 1941b, 22, 26).

Influence and Spread of Ideas Hatt's life came to overshadow his geographical ideas. Birket-Smith had a point when he wrote that it is `as an ethnographer and archaeologist rather than a geographer that [Hatt's] name will remain' (Birket-Smith 1961, 80). This is not to say that Hatt did not have an impact. As a teacher, he trained that generation of geographers that took over Danish geography from the mid-twentieth century, such as Johannes Humlum (1911±90), the first geography professor at AÊrhus University, and Carl Gunnar Feilberg (1894±1972), who, in 1949, replaced Hatt as the professor of human geography at Copenhagen University. Jorden og Menneskelivet similarly had a noticeable effect. It is no coincidence that the most extensive history of geography at Copenhagen University includes a long section entitled `Vahl and Hatt: The great textbook's period', where the authors found that the development of Danish geography for 20 years `to a large degree was based on this outstanding work. Outstanding because it so abundantly builds on new, proper geographical material treated through geographical methods' (Christiansen,

32

Gudmund Hatt

Jacobsen and Nielsen 1979, 402). Birket-Smith bestowed similar praise: `Vahl and Hatt's regional geographical handbook [must] be described as outstanding in Nordic literature, and it retains its great worth in many respects' (Birket-Smith 1961, 76±7). (Reviewers in English and American geography journals were less impressed when the first volume was published: see Geographical Journal 63 (1924), 261±2; Geographical Review 14 (1924), 676±7.) In spite of such direct and indirect influences, Hatt's impact on Danish geography was mostly negative. Changing views of what constituted `geography' played a part, but it is probably also due to the legacy of Hatt that political geography ± let alone geopolitics ± was conspicuously absent in post-war Danish geography. We have to look to the 1990s before such subjects systematically returned to the curriculum. Hatt's wartime geopolitics was clearly an embarrassment to Danish geography, and it seems worthwhile, therefore, to conclude this essay by briefly considering what led the highly intelligent and, for long, widely respected Hatt to his pro-German position. It is not altogether clear why Hatt sided so whole-heartedly with Germany. After the war, an acquaintance suggested that this was because he had become appalled with British and American society, and that he possibly felt slighted by American academia. But there is little to support such views. Hatt was critical of elements in British and American politics, but it was with Britain and America that, before and after the war, he maintained his closest connections. His relations with Germany, on the other hand, were always weak, and he generally sought to avoid writing in German. Moreover, in an interview after the outbreak of the Second World War, Hatt declared himself a democrat and found democracy to be the only possible ideology for the Nordic peoples. In this vein, he stated his `natural sympathy for the democratic great powers', which he would not like to see vanquished by the Central Powers. Yet, the arch-materialist Hatt characteristically added that democracy was an ideology that could be used as a weapon of war and `I consider it a greater misfortune if Denmark should be laid to waste in a struggle over who shall master the world markets' (quoted in Jerrild 1939, 174). It is in his materialism and unsentimental small-state political realism that we find the most rational explanation for Hatt's position. Curiously, it was thus the Western power's inability or unwillingness to counter the Nazi and fascist onslaughts on small or smaller European states (Austria, Czechoslovakia and Republican Spain) that cautioned Hatt against trusting the West to protect small states like Denmark ± a view only hardened by the West's inability meaningfully to resist the attacks on Poland and the Baltic states by the Soviet Union and Germany. But it was arguably the fate of Finland in the wars with the Soviet Union that decidedly made Hatt look towards Germany. Faced with the perceived expansionism of `the eastern giant state and its, to the Nordic way of thinking, disgusting social order' (Hatt 1941d, 122), Hatt put his trust in Nazi Germany. That the German track record in protecting small states was less than poor was, in this respect, ± whether naively or opportunistically ± of lesser importance. In his own view, Hatt's support for Germany was based on an objective analysis of what was best for Denmark. It is here important to acknowledge that while Hatt scorned the sentimental nationalism that gripped Danes during the German occupation, he clearly considered himself a Danish patriot. In his statement to the extraordinary disciplinary court, Hatt concluded: My work to contribute my part to mitigate the relationship between Denmark and Germany, I have carried out for the benefit of my own country. I viewed such work as necessary. And as only very few could or

Gudmund Hatt 33 would do this, I found that I could not evade this duty. I understood the situation such that the Danish government and particularly Foreign Minister Scavenius ± in whose insight and unselfish patriotism I continuously have had complete trust ± needed support from non-Nazi men, who could and would speak reasonably with the Germans. (Statement, 10 December 1945, T.225) Objective analysis and a national standpoint were apparently not contradicting to him. When Hatt, in May, 1939 offered Prime Minister Stauning an analysis of Denmark's precarious geopolitical situation, it was `as a political geographer ± and as a Dane' that he urged the government to accept Hitler's offer of a non-aggression treaty (Hatt to Stauning, 10 May 1939, private papers, box 11). In this respect, Hatt did not depart from the position of his contemporaries and geopolitical peers. But, in contrast to the better known geopoliticians of the great powers, Hatt could not rise or fall with his own state: as a small state geopolitician, he had to link his national geopolitical hopes to those of one of the rival great powers. In his case, this positioned Hatt with the power that became the enemy. Yet, it would be wrong simply to see Hatt's fate as a consequence of historical and political±geographical circumstances. His personality most certainly played a part. Possibly already instilled in him from childhood, Hatt did not doubt his abilities and, as he rose through the social ranks, he frequently and unyieldingly exchanged intellectual blows with other academics. Criticism apparently only prompted him to persist stubbornly in his views and in their propagation. Several people, including his wife, from an early stage of the German occupation, alerted Hatt to how his position could be perceived. This seemingly only provoked him to carry on with an energy and single-mindedness that went well beyond what could count as `scientific' or `national' duty, let alone political prudence. Miranda Carter has noted of Anthony Blunt, the Soviet `mole', that, in common with many academics, he `possessed a stubborn confidence in his own conclusions, despite a naive and limited understanding of politics. This was aided by his tendency to see the world in stark and obvious oppositions' (Carter 2001, 176). This serves well as an epigram for Gudmund Hatt.

Conclusion As with much geography of the recent past, Gudmund Hatt's geographical ideas and analyses have long been archaically curious, if not outright problematic and his position during the occupation greatly accelerated the virtual redundancy of his geography. But Hatt has a place in the history of geographical thought, which, internationally, has been hindered by the simple fact of language. In his colonial anthropogeography and political geographies, we can see clear parallels to wider geographical reasoning during the first half of the twentieth century. In notable respects, however, Hatt also departed from his more well known contemporaries. This does not imply that his ideas were in any way superior, but illustrates the truism that geographical thought always bears the imprint of the author's historical±geographical context. Further, Hatt's history clearly demonstrates that geographical thought is always inseparable from politics. For Hatt, this proved academically, if not personally, fatal.

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Acknowledgements I am grateful to Keld Buciek, Helen Carter, Joachim Lund and Barbara Sjoholm for comments on drafts of this essay. Emilie Demant Hatt's portrait of Hatt is reproduced with kind permission of Skive Kunstmuseum.

Bibliography and Sources A comprehensive bibliography of Hatt's geopolitical writings is available in Larsen (2009), which also includes a bibliography of publications on Hatt. Only Hatt's contributions to geography are included in the bibliography of selected works below. Partly overlapping bibliographies of Hatt's work in ethnography and archaeology are presented in Brùndsted and Feilberg (1959) and Nicolaisen (1960). 1. SELECTED REFERENCES ON GUDMUND HATT Blñdel, N. (1946), Forbrydelse og Dumhed. Copenhagen: Hagerup. Birket-Smith, K. (1961), `Gudmund Hatt' (obituary), in Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Oversigt over selskabets virksomhed juni 1960±maj 1961. Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, pp. 71± 80. Brùndsted, J. and Feilberg, C. G. (1959), `Gudmund Hatt' (with English translation), Kuml: AÊrbog for Jysk Arkñologisk Selskab 7±12, 241±2. Buciek, K. (1999), `Aage Gudmund Hatt ± mellem forskning og ideologi: En forskerbiografi', in S. Illeris (ed.), Danske Geografiske Forskere. Frederiksberg: Roskilde University Press, pp. 75±88. Christiansen, S., Jacobsen, N. K. and Nielsen, N. (1979), `Geografi', in T. Wolff (ed.), Kùbenhavns Universitet 1479±1979. Copenhagen: Gads Forlag, pp. 377±446. Feilberg, C. G. (1960), `Gudmund Hatt' (obituary), in Copenhagen University, Festskrift. Copenhagen: Copenhagen University, pp. 132±40. Hatt, G. (1914), `Aage Gudmund Hatt' (autobiography), in Copenhagen University, Festskrift. Copenhagen: Copenhagen University, p. 145. Hatt, E. D. and Sjoholm, B. (2008), `A Danish Lapp-Lady: With the Lapps in the High Mountains', Antioch Review 66(2), 288±301. Hùiris, O. (1986), Antropologien i Danmark: Museal etnografi og etnologi 1860±1960. Copenhagen: Nationalmuseets Forlag, pp. 103±52. Jerrild, H. (1939), `Hos Professor Hatt' (interview), Gads danske Magasin 33, 172±8. Kristensen, H. K. (1960), `Gudmund Hatt' (obituary) Fra Ribe Amt 15, 145±8. Larsen, H. G. (2009), Gudmund Hatt og geopolitikken: En kommenteret bibliografi. Aalborg: Department of Development and Planning, Aalborg University. Lund, J. (2007), `` `At opretholde Sindets Neutralitet'': Geografen Gudmund Hatt,

Gudmund Hatt 35 det ny Europa og det store verdensdrama', in J. Lauridsen (ed.), Over stregen ± under besñttelsen. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, pp. 242±93. Nicolaisen, J. (1960), `Gudmund Hatt: His work in ethnology' (obituary), Folk: Dansk Etnografisk Tidsskrift 2, 133±9. Roos, C. (1961), Indhùstningens Tid. Copenhagen: Gad. Stummann Hansen, S. (1984), `Gudmund Hatt: The individualist against his time', Journal of Danish Archaeology 3, 164±9. Ð

(1995), `Gudmund Hatt ± et arkñologisk liv mellem videnskabsfolk og hedebùnder', in J. Nordbladh (ed.), Arkeologiska liv. Gothenburg: Institutionen foÈr arkeologi, Gothenburg University, pp. 41±75.

2. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY GUDMUND HATT 1922±27

(with Martin Vahl) Jorden og Menneskelivet [The Earth and the Human Life], four volumes. Copenhagen: Schultz Forlagsboghandel.

1928a

`Menneskeracerne og deres Udbredelsesmuligheder' [`The human races and their possibilities of propagation'], Geografisk Tidsskrift 31, 151±63, 214±32.

1928b

`Hvor mange Mennesker kan Jorden ernñre?' [`How many humans can the Earth support?'], Naturens Verden 12, 161±84.

1929a

`Types of European colonization', in M. Vahl et al. (eds), Greenland, Vol. 3. Copenhagen: Reitzel, pp. 1±14.

1929b

`Begrebet ``Mellemeuropa''' [`The concept ``Middle Europe'''], Geografisk Tidsskrift 32, 92±115.

1934

`De menneskelige racer' [`The human races'], in T. Winge et al., Arv og Race. Copenhagen: Martins Forlag, pp. 37±61.

1936

Stillehavsproblemer [Pacific Ocean Problems]. Copenhagen: The Royal Danish Geographical Society.

1938a

Afrika og éstasian: Kolonispùrgsmaalene [Africa and East Asia: The Colonial Questions]. Copenhagen: Frederik E. Pedersens Forlag.

1938b

Den europñiske Situation [The European Situation]. Copenhagen: Reitzel.

1938c

`The potentialities of inter-northern commerce', Le Nord: Revue Internationale des Pays du Nord 1, 143±62.

1939a

`Den europñiske Ligevñgt' [`The European balance'], Tilskueren 56, 198±211.

1939b

Sydamerika: Fremtidens Verdensdel [South America: The Continent of the Future]. Copenhagen: Frederik E. Pedersens Forlag.

1940a

Kampen om Magten: Geopolitiske Strejflys [The Struggle for Power: Geopolitical Sidelights]. Copenhagen: Berlingske Forlag.

1940b

`Hvorpaa beror Spñndingen mellem England og Tyskland?' [`On what depends the tension between England and Germany?'], in A. Fùrslev et al. (eds), Krigen. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, pp. 114±33.

36

Gudmund Hatt

1941a

Hvem kñmper om Kloden? [Who is Fighting over the Globe?]. Copenhagen: Fergos Forlag.

1941b

Norden og Europa [The Nordic Countries and Europe]. Copenhagen: Fergos Forlag.

1941c

éstersùproblemer [Baltic Sea Problems]. Copenhagen: Fergos Forlag.

1941d

`Finland', Tidsskrift for Udenrigspolitik 7, 121±7.

1942

`Danmarks rumpolitiske Stilling i det nye Europa' [`Denmark's space± political position in the new Europe'], Globus 2, 1±12.

1943

Fra Landsbyen til Verdensriget [From the Village to the World Empire]. Copenhagen: Forlaget Globus.

1957

`Nùrre Fjand: An early Iron Age village site in West Jutland', Arkaeologisk-Kunsthistoriske Skrifter, 2, 1±382.

3. ARCHIVAL SOURCES Hatt's private papers are kept in the Danish State Archives (Rigsarkivet) in Copenhagen (archive number 7256), which also stores the prosecutor's files on Hatt's trial by the extraordinary disciplinary court (Auditùren ved Den ekstraordinñre Tjenestemandsdomstol, case number T.225). 4. CONTEXTUAL REFERENCES ON GUDMUND HATT Carter, M. (2001), Anthony Blunt: His Lives. London: Macmillan.

Chronology 1884

Born 31 October, Vildbjerg, Denmark

1906±07

Ethnographical studies under Roland B. Dixon at Harvard University.

1911

Master (skoleembedseksamen) with distinction in natural history and geography from Copenhagen University

1911

Marries Emilie Demant Hansen (1873±1958)

1912±14

Ethnographical fieldwork in Lapland (summers)

1914

Dr.phil. from Copenhagen University on the thesis Arktiske Skinddragter i Eurasien og Amerika [Arctic Skin Clothing in Eurasia and America]

1914±15

Studies under Franz Boas at Columbia University and visits ethnographical museums in the United States and Canada

1919±29

Employed at the National Museum, Copenhagen

1922±23

Leads archaeological expedition to the Virgin Islands

1923

Appointed lecturer in geography, Copenhagen University

1929

Appointed extraordinary professor of human geography, Copenhagen University

Gudmund Hatt 37 1932

Archaeological expedition to South Greenland (via the Faeroes and Iceland)

1940

13 August±4 September, travels to Slovakia

1940

17 May, gives `Baltic Sea Problems' talk to Danish±German Society

1941

Gives `The Nordic Countries and Europe' talk in RiksfoÈreningen Sverige-Tyskland (JoÈnkoÈping, 23 August) and in Nordische Verbindungsstelle (Berlin, 13 October)

1941

9±11 October, participates in Arbeitstagung des Vereins Deutscher Wirtschaftswissenschafter in Weimar

1942

Archaeological talks in Kiel, Greifswald and Leipzig

1943

26 August, gives the last of the monthly world political overview talks on Danish state radio

1945

5 May, arrested by the resistance movement (released without charge after one week in detention)

1947

8±11 April, trial by the extraordinary disciplinary court for public servants. 6 May, convicted of `dishonourable national conduct' during the occupation and sentenced to discharge (with full pension)

1960

Dies 27 January, Frederiksberg, Denmark

Tibor MendoÈl 1905±1966

RoÂbert Gyo''ri

Tibor MendoÈl's career is unlike most of those whose life and work features in Geographers: Biobibliographical Studies ± as it was far from being a success. MendoÈl's career had a bright start but was shattered following the Second World War. But it is important, nevertheless, not just because his story is not unique in Hungary ± nor would it be in any post-communist country where a generation of geographers shared his fate ± but because MendoÈl's life story offers an insight into a bitter period in the history of Hungarian geography. MendoÈl's career embraced a period when the subject of geography ± which had been institutionally strong, vital in public thought in Hungary and important in a policy context ± came near to disciplinary annihilation and became marginalized within the social sciences. MendoÈl was allowed to retain his chair up to his date of retirement, but his disciples had to leave the university, his efforts to publish his works were hindered and his scientific theories received strong criticism. Students of geography in Budapest probably did not even hear his name uttered, even within only a few years of his death: MendoÈl's works were even removed from the curriculum of the university. Yet, from the 1980s, he has been subject to cautious re-evaluation and his work began to be considered in its own terms. This essay examines, then, a man whose life as a geographer reveals much about geography in a cold political climate.

Education, Life and Work Tibor MendoÈl was born on 4 May 1905, in NagyszeÂnaÂs, a village in the Great Hungarian Plain. This land is distinctive in its characteristics: the region was desolated by Ottoman invasions in the seventeenth century, and re-populated in the following century by Slovakian and German Lutherans. Densely populated agricultural towns arose in the place of the demolished villages and, later, sporadic settlements and scattered farms emerged. Research into the unique urban network of the Great Hungarian Plain ± its formation, morphology and the functional operation of agricultural towns and isolated farms ± was to play a central role in

40

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MendoÈl's work all his life. MendoÈl's ancestors moved to the Great Plain from the territory of what is today Slovakia: both sides of his family included Lutheran ministers. After a short period as a clerk, his father became a teacher in the secondary school of the neighbouring town, Szarvas, where the young MendoÈl was pursuing his high-school studies. MendoÈl was a bright student with outstanding results in all subjects at his school-leaving exams, and was awarded second prize in a national history competition. His interest in geography can be traced back to this period, and is evident in his presentations in study circles, in competition essays and in travel writings lavishly illustrated with maps and drawings from his journeys throughout Hungary. In these travel writings, he gave detailed descriptions of the layout and townscapes of the places he visited, and he discussed there the factors behind development of towns (DoÈveÂnyi 1980). MendoÈl began his university studies in geography and history in 1923 at the University of Budapest, and became a member of the EoÈtvoÈs Collegium in the same year. Founded at the end of the nineteenth century, EoÈtvoÈs Collegium was modelled on the EÂcole Normale SupeÂrieure of Paris. It was the central focus for the training of the elite in Hungary, and the best Hungarian geographers during the inter-war period were educated there. One of the pioneers of Hungarian economic geography, PaÂl Teleki (on Teleki, see Geographers Vol. 11), was the superintendent of the institute ± a duty he continued to perform for nearly 20 years after his first nomination as Prime Minister. MendoÈl showed outstanding progress in his university studies, with both the director of the Collegium and Teleki praising his talent and diligence. In 1924, MendoÈl accompanied Teleki on his two-month research visit through the Baltic countries. At the EoÈtvoÈs Collegium, MendoÈl made life-long friends with his near contemporary BeÂla Bulla, one of the founders of climatic geomorphology in Hungary. The two men were to parallel each other in several ways. They were nominated Head of Department at the University of Budapest, of the Departments of Human Geography and Physical Geography, respectively; they became fellows of the HAS (Hungarian Academy of Sciences) at the same time; they outlived the abuses of the 1950s together; and they died at nearly the same time. In 1925, MendoÈl took up an opportunity to spend a year at the University of Vienna, where he continued his research work under the guidance of Eugen Oberhummer (on Oberhummer, see Geographers Vol. 7) (Gyuris and ToÂth 2005). MendoÈl wrote his first (unpublished) work on settlement geography during his studies in Vienna. This was entitled Az AlfoÈld telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajzaÂnak alapvonaÂsai (The Basic Features of Settlement Geography in the Great Hungarian Plain). In this, he outlined his research topics for the subsequent one and a half decades, and laid the foundations for his doctoral thesis (DoÈveÂnyi 1980). After receiving his master's degree in 1927, MendoÈl became a junior lecturer at the University of Debrecen and spent 13 years there. The University of Debrecen had been established for one and a half decades by then, and had had a Department of Geography from the beginning. Its then Head of Department, Rezso'' Milleker, was not known for his published work, and did not carry any weight in Hungarian academia as a researcher. However, MendoÈl was in stark contrast to his senior colleague. His `beginner' period was his most productive. During his years in Debrecen, MendoÈl wrote approximately 80 studies and three shorter monographs (ProbaÂld 2005). His doctoral thesis, Szarvas foÈldrajza (Geography of Szarvas) was published in 1928, and described the town of his childhood. The Geography of Szarvas is, in essence, a regional geographical work conceived within the frames of French human geography. Several years after the publication of that dissertation, which was widely celebrated in academia, he produced a theoretical

Tibor MendoÈl 41 monograph entitled TaÂj eÂs ember (Landscape and Man), in which he considered the essence of geography to be in accord with Vidal's principles. The reception of this latter book was wider than just amongst professional circles and, as a result, MendoÈl earned a reputation amongst scholars of social sciences (mainly historians), and, soon after, was considered the leading figure of the generation of young human geographers. To further understand French human geography, MendoÈl spent a year at the Sorbonne in Paris in 1933±34, doing research under the directions of Albert Demangeon (on Demangeon, see Geographers Vol. 11). In the 1930s, MendoÈl's research work took two separate directions. In the first, he worked on the distinctive features of settlement geography in Hungary, with particular reference to the Great Hungarian Plain. These investigations focused on how the highly populated agricultural towns with few urban functions fitted into the Hungarian urban network, and whether the conventional `town' concept could be applied at all to these settlements. In addition to accounting for urban functions, MendoÈl considered the towns' morphological elements. In the second theme of his work, he published theoretical essays, scrutinizing the problems of urban geography and historical geography, and investigating the relations between history and geography. These essays were influential in MendoÈl being viewed as a leading geographer by contemporary historians: he regularly published his papers in SzaÂzadok (Centuries), the review of historical society. By the late 1930s, he was the geographer asked to write the historical geographical chapters for several major historical syntheses. Thus, MendoÈl became ± among others ± a co-author of the five-volume Magyar mu''velo''deÂstoÈrteÂnet (Hungarian Cultural History) and of a collection of studies entitled UÂr eÂs paraszt a magyar eÂlet egyseÂgeÂben (Lords and Peasants in the Unity of Hungarian Life) (Gyo''ri 2005). It is a matter of note with respect to this latter volume that its prestigious authors (including the composer ZoltaÂn KodaÂly) disregarded their different political views in striving for national unity in the face of both fascism and German influence. Drawing MendoÈl into this work was an acknowledgement of his professional work and his humanistic credo (Szabo 1980). Between the two World Wars, geography enjoyed high status amongst the disciplines. The dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after the loss of the First World War ended with the dismantling of the ethnically diverse Hungary. After the Treaty of Trianon (Paris), Hungary was forced to surrender two-thirds of its territory and 60 per cent of its people (one-third of the Hungarian-speaking population). Because, following the war, the Hungarian government's primary goal was to achieve revision of the Treaty, disciplines that could provide scholarly support for irredentism were strongly supported. Geography headed the list: geographers had key positions in the peace negotiations, with Teleki being one of the chief negotiators in the Hungarian delegation and later leading these processes as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and later as Prime Minister. In the 1920s, institutional support for geography was further evident in the establishment of new departments and research centres and through offers of prestigious state positions to geographers. As a consequence, geography had to engage with the prevailing conservative±nationalist ideology. Nationalism it was, but not fascism ± partly because geographers evaded fascist movements, and partly because they rejected the scientific argumentation of German geopolitics. PaÂl Teleki (in spite of his apparent anti-Semitic views) adopted a decidedly anti-German policy during his second nomination as Prime Minister, and eventually committed suicide in 1941, when the German troops deployed through Hungary to the Yugoslavian border. Several months later, Hungary joined the Axis and entered the war. Hungarian geographers supporting the right often confronted those left-wing movements criticizing the structure of the country or state. The result in the 1930s

42

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was a clash between Hungarian geography with the so-called `village exploring movement' and with the `folk writers'. The `folk writers' were young sociologists and the so-called `sociographers' (novelists involved in sociology), who were trying to draw the nation's attention to the problems of the poor in the countryside and villages. In their works, they usually described the `sociography' of a region or village, finding the main reasons for poverty in the landlord system and in their defencelessness against landowners and state administration. The reviewers of FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek (Geographical Review, the journal of the Hungarian Geographical Society) strongly criticized their `sociographic' volumes, chastising their bias and their weak science. In turn, the `folk writers' condemned the insensitivity of those geographers wrapped up in the formalities of their profession. MendoÈl joined in the debate at the end of the 1930s, when he was in opposition to Ferenc Erdei's idealized views on agricultural towns of the Great Hungarian Plain (MendoÈl 1939; 1941). Ferenc Erdei was one of the most productive and conceptual `sociographers' of the time. This debate (carried in the pages of Geographical Review) was based on valid differences within and between professional views: whether the scattered farms surrounding the agricultural towns of the Great Hungarian Plain form an integrated social unit together with their town centre, or not. For Erdei (Erdei 1939; 1941), the scattered farms and agricultural towns were strongly interconnected, and the farmers ± having houses both in the farm and in the town (changing their residence by the season or other cycle of life) ± enjoyed the benefits both of the civic communities of towns and of an effective agriculture. On the other hand, Erdei stated, the traditional micro-villages, isolated from the towns and the outer world, acted to conserve poverty and the norms of feudal society. In his view, the `Great Plain type' urban development should be promoted more widely in Hungary. In contrast, MendoÈl emphasized that the relation between the scattered farms and the agricultural town outlined by Erdei had already vanished: scattered farms had already seceded from towns, even with respect to everyday contact and social relations, and so had become independent settlements. They did not, therefore, offer the benefits of towns to their inhabitants. To the contrary, their sporadic form made the implementation of a modern infrastructure (electrification, transport, education, health care and so on) more difficult. Thus, argued MendoÈl, they should be demolished and the construction of planned villages should be arranged. With hindsight, this divergence of opinions can easily be explained: Erdei and MendoÈl were examining different stages of a transformation and the scattered farms of Hungary at the end of the 1930s were closer to MendoÈl's description (TimaÂr 1995). The debate was later to have bitter consequences for MendoÈl. After the Second World War, Erdei, a communist, held important public office in science policy and in politics. In the 1950s, he became minister and General Secretary of HAS, and took an active part in diminishing MendoÈl. Ironically, too, Ferenc Erdei, at the head of the so-called Scattered Farm Counsel, committed himself to the policy of demolishing scattered farms and organizing them into villages (the communist authorities followed a strict settlement policy against scattered farms during their decades of totalitarianism). Finally, in the 1970s (in the preface to the reissue of his 1939 book), Erdei obliquely admitted that MendoÈl had been right after all. MendoÈl reached the peak of his career in the 1940s. After Jeno'' Cholnoky, the renowned geomorphologist, retired from the University of Budapest, the management of the university decided to divide the Department of Geography into two parts, and the 35-year-old Tibor MendoÈl was appointed to head the Department of Human Geography. This nomination was soon followed by the title of professor and the position of vice-president to the Geographical Society. In these years,

Tibor MendoÈl 43 MendoÈl was working on grand syntheses: he wrote (in German) a study of the urban geography of the Carpathian Basin (MendoÈl 1943) and, with BeÂla Bulla, began a regional geographical monograph describing the Carpathian Basin (`Greater' Hungary). The war reached the territory of Hungary in 1944, rendering it a battlefield and delaying the completion of their monograph. At the end of the Second World War, Hungary lay within the Soviet occupation zone and, after a short period, between 1945 and 1948, when democratic elections were held, the aggressive establishment of a totalitarian system began. This was to be a radical turning point, not only in the history of the country, but also in the history of all social sciences (and notably for geography). After the war ended, socalled `assurance committees' were established in every university and research centre, examining the researchers' possible involvement with fascism. After Hungary's German occupation in 1944, a fascist government had been formed in Hungary, and was associated with many atrocities, including the deportation of Jews. Few geographers had sympathized with fascism, and none had participated actively in the fascist movements; therefore, the assurance committees hardly condemned anybody. Nevertheless, Teleki's close associates were treated harshly: AndraÂs RoÂnai, having engaged in political geography, was dismissed from his position as director of the institute (although he was able to continue his career as a geologist). The professor of economic geography, Ferenc Fodor, was retired from the University of Economic Sciences. Since MendoÈl remained untouched by political affairs, and his work in social sciences was not concerned with political issues, he managed to escape censure or worse at this point. Indeed, in 1946, when he was 41 years old, the HAS elected him a fellow, and the Geographical Society appointed him as its president. Thus began MendoÈl's last productive years: with BeÂla Bulla, they completed their monograph entitled KaÂrpaÂt-medence foÈldrajza (Geography of the Carpathian Basin) (1947) (originally, its title was The Geography of Hungary), and MendoÈl wrote a short book on the regional geography of the Balkans (MendoÈl 1948). As the Communist Party was gaining ground, the situation for geography and geographers was deteriorating. What had been an overruling fascism was followed by totalitarianism over the whole of conservative±bourgeois Hungary. Where, in 1945±46, Teleki was still viewed in a positive light, he was soon after considered as one of the fascist war criminals. Irredentist demands were regarded ± and not unjustly ± as one of the key reasons for Hungary having enter the war. Thus, geography, which was seen to have provided the scientific grounds for irredentism and irredentist propaganda, was denounced. In 1949, after the so-called `year of change', the communist science policy decided to regulate the HAS by eliminating from its board those fellows who could not comply with the new system. The `cleanup' affected the social sciences greatly, but none so much as geography: all four geographer fellows of HAS (Jeno'' Cholnoky, Gyula Prinz, BeÂla Bulla and Tibor MendoÈl) were expelled. The fact that three of the four were physical geographers proves that the removals were not addressed (only) to the persons, but primarily at the science. In the same year, the Hungarian Geographical Society was dissolved, only for it to be re-established (with another management) in 1952. During these years, the journal of the society, Geographical Review, was also temporarily discontinued (ProbaÂld 2005). MendoÈl's professional positions were altered beyond repair. Vacant positions at the university were filled with new people ± including those returning from Soviet emigration ± some of whom had neither geographical qualifications nor a master's degree (e.g. GyoÈrgy Markos and SaÂndor RadoÂ). With their active participation, a great ideological change was enacted: Marxist

44

Tibor MendoÈl

principles became the central paradigm. In addition, the state's requirements towards geography had also changed and, after separating out physical and social geography, economic geography in turn received new regional planning responsibilities in building socialism (e.g. assigning new industrial sights, choosing land for new agricultural cultivations). Even the term `human geography' faded out of common use, with `economic geography' becoming the officially recognized expression: certain subdisciplines (political geography, ethnical geography, historical geography) completely disappeared (Gyo''ri 2005). In his study of history of Hungarian geography, written in early 1950s but unpublished for decades, Ferenc Fodor sharply reproved this period in noting: `All that has happened since 1944 is not science history any more but politics, and so was the devastation and burial of our science. The history of scientific knowledge can not tell all about it now, but one day it should and it will' (Fodor 2006, 285). In 1950, the Department of Human Geography at the University of Budapest was renamed and transformed to become the Department of Economic Geography, while MendoÈl remained its Head of Department. Those geographers who were allowed to keep their positions ± including MendoÈl ± had to comply with the altered circumstances. This could involve, for example, an apparent adoption of Marxist ideology together with joining the Communist Party (BeÂla Bulla and the economic geographer, Ferenc Koch, chose this option). But efforts at compliance could also take the form of passive resistance: geographers could embed their papers within the context of class conflict and the Marxist usage of concepts while not changing the substance or focus of their work. MendoÈl followed this path, and his book, BevezeteÂs a foÈldrajzba (Introduction to Geography) (1952), and his `A szocialista telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz probleÂmaÂi' (`The problems of socialist settlement geography') (1954) reflect an obligatory but not unprincipled conformity with Marxism. Such `passive resistance' did not improve MendoÈl's situation and position: he continued to receive attacks as being the representative of the old (middle-class-bourgeois) geography. In the 1950s, all of MendoÈl's disciples and close associates were dismissed from the university, and he was hindered in publishing his works and in earning the title Doctor of Science (formed after Soviet models, this was the highest possible professional rank). At this time, MendoÈl wrote his largest book, which was to have been entitled AÂltalaÂnos emberfoÈldrajz (Principles of Human Geography). The manuscript, several hundred pages long, was never published (Antal 2006). MendoÈl reworked one chapter (the largest) into a separate book, which, after six years, was printed in 1963 in limited numbers (ProbaÂld 2005). This was his AÂltalaÂnos telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz (Principles of Settlement Geography) (1963), which academia nowadays considers MendoÈl's principal work. He submitted a nearly 600-page-long volume as his dissertation in requirement of becoming a doctor of science (D.Sc.). Its assessment was prolonged for years, and MendoÈl became D.Sc. only posthumously, in 1967: Ferenc Erdei was a member of the jury judging the dissertation. The story of MendoÈl's research likewise reveals how much his work was impeded. Before the Second World War, he had elaborated a detailed research plan to investigate Hungary's historical geography. This investigation was meant to be based on a line of cross-sectional analyses (complex regional geographical descriptions) in interdisciplinary collaboration (MendoÈl 1938). MendoÈl started the research in 1951 with his colleagues along a revised, narrow syllabus (they reduced their goal to exploring the transformations of urban networks). The plan dragged slowly for years: according to the records of a research team member, MendoÈl was still elaborating minor issues in 1957. Ferenc Boros explained its slow progress as a result of the `multiple personal changes implemented in the research group' (the

Tibor MendoÈl 45 dismissal of MendoÈl's associates) and of MendoÈl's extended `disease' (Boros 1957, 459). In the event, only several brief studies were published from this monumental research programme. As with other geographers, MendoÈl could not evade the aggressively worded assaults against his scientific methods and writings. In the 1950s, many debates took place in which `new' geographers criticized the work of their `old' colleagues and did so from the standpoint of Soviet economic geography. The Marxist critique of PaÂl Teleki's work was, for instance, written by one of his former disciples, Ferenc Koch (Koch 1956), and discussed at an academic debate. A similar debate was organized for the work of LaÂszlo KaÂdaÂr (another Teleki student, and Head of the Department of Geography at the University of Debrecen). In 1960, at the HAS, a session entitled AnkeÂt a telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz helyzeteÂro''l (Conference on Urban Geography) was held, its main topic being the assessment of MendoÈl's and his students' research methods (Abella 1961). At the session ± at which Ferenc Erdei presided ± the `new' geographers vehemently attacked MendoÈl's work on settlement geography, emphasizing its weak connections with economic geography and condemning the excessive presence of urban morphology. The assaults were partly against MendoÈl's monograph, AÂltalaÂnos telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz (Principles of Settlement Geography), then being published, and partly against his 1954 study, `A szocialista telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz probleÂmaÂi' (`Problems of socialist settlement geography'), which had been reedited and printed in a shortened version in 1955. In this study, as one of the committee members pointed out, `MendoÈl does not conceive of new ideas with regard to settlement geography, he merely restates his old approach in a new form' (Abella 1961, 124). From among the participants in the debate, only the `old' associates and the historians in attendance supported him, and MendoÈl himself left the room in the middle of the session without saying a word. Such assaults wore MendoÈl down, both physically and mentally. His health shattered, he struggled with high blood pressure and his drinking problems worsened. In 1965, he retired from the university and, in August the following year, Tibor MendoÈl died. With his death, the establishment of new scientific trends continued unperturbed at the University of Budapest.

Scientific Ideas and Geographic Thought Today's academics assess MendoÈl primarily as the propagator of Vidal's human geography and as the creator of Hungarian urban geography. In the early 1920s, when MendoÈl started his university studies, he encountered a dynamic, burgeoning Hungarian human geography, centred on the paradigm of French human geography that foregrounded regional syntheses. Hungarian geography in the second half of the nineteenth century still followed German points of reference and, at the turn of the century, for example, Richthofen's geomorphology remained dominant. That the basic principles of French human geography became known in the 1910s was due chiefly to PaÂl Teleki's activities, and the important role that geography played in the peace negotiations was also influential in helping the subject secure prominence. Teleki and his associates promoted the idea of regional unity in the Carpathian Basin while upholding the idea of a Greater Hungary: the Carpathian Basin is a landscape that can be accurately confined with its physical geographical borders (it is the drainage area of the Danube and its tributary streams) and, in terms of economic geography, it is a union of regions depending on and complementing each other in production. This explains why, between the two

46

Tibor MendoÈl

World Wars, Hungarian geography consistently adhered to Vidal's concept of regions being basically determined by physical features (Hajdu 2001). This is also why MendoÈl, as with many of his contemporaries, chose regional geography to be the topic of his doctoral thesis. The title, Szarvas foÈldrajza (Geography of Szarvas), might seem misleading (since it refers to one town only) but, in MendoÈl's interpretation, such settlements meant the smallest unit of the landscape. Szarvas is one of the agricultural towns in the Great Plain that incorporate an extensive world of scattered farms with distant limits: today, many newly founded villages share the former administrative territory of the town. The thesis is based on a strong historical geographical analysis and concentrates on how human activities in different eras made use of the environment, and what local and regional energies rendered the forming of the town possible. While Geography of Szarvas demonstrated the methods of Vidal's human geography through `fieldwork', Landscape and Man systematically investigated the theoretical grounds of geÂographie humaine. This short monograph is divided into seven chapters, which examine the relation between human communities and their milieus over time in emphasizing their interdependence. MendoÈl's later monographs on regional geography, such as the Geography of the Carpathian Basin (Bulla and MendoÈl 1947) and the Geography of the Balkans (MendoÈl 1948), also follow the key concepts of French human geography. By the 1930s, however, it is clear that MendoÈl had noticed pitfalls in the methodology of French human geography. In his studies published in 1935, he claimed that regional monographs based on the principles grounded by Vidal de la Blache developed only a refined analysis and that there were no new essential considerations in French geography. He also argued that those studies on regional geography take too broad a scope of research, are overcautious about the completeness of regional survey, and that they go beyond the domain of geography by describing the past and by intruding into the fields of other sciences (e.g. urban history, economic history). The borders between geography and history were blurred in these works; thus, the professional affiliation of works and authors became dubious (MendoÈl 1935a; 1935c). `At the same time,' wrote MendoÈl, `within the German sciences a new social scientific synthesis is being formed on another subject, a new field of science is expected to be born: the urban studies' (MendoÈl 1935a, 68±9). In that regard, his major field of research became urban geography. MendoÈl's work on urban geography can be divided into two partly overlapping groups. On the one hand, he was interested in the structure of Hungary's urban network, typecasting its towns, and in explanations for regional differences (MendoÈl 1935b; 1936a; 1943). On the other hand, he was fascinated by the internal structure of towns, the morphology of built environment and the relationship between city functions and morphology (MendoÈl 1936b). For MendoÈl, the two fields of research were connected by the following inquiry: how should those special agricultural towns in the Great Hungarian Plain be understood within the urban network of Hungary? These highly-populated towns have predominantly onestoried buildings with a definite agricultural character and with significant population in the outskirts. They performed city functions without possessing a hinterland. Villages are missing from the urban network of the Great Hungarian Plain, and the agricultural towns are often adjacent. In solving those problems, MendoÈl also employed the tools of urban morphology. Since the different types of dwelling houses are informative of the lifestyles and vocations of the inhabitants, statistical data processing can be complemented with mapping and morphological data surveying for circumscribing the urban population. Thus, and in relation to the settlements in the Great Plain, the city centre's real city virtues and functions can be dissociated from its village-like outskirts. This so-called functional

Tibor MendoÈl 47 morphology method became one of the fundamental elements of MendoÈl's and his students' urban investigations (Janko 2005). As for resolving the problem of the `town without a hinterland', he proposed a specific `Great Plain' city model, in which three functionally separate settlements shared the administrative territory of a town: the `real' town limited to the town centre, the surrounding village with its agricultural function, and an area of scattered farms to the outskirts (MendoÈl 1963, 35±6; Becsei 2005, 48). The latter two belts are the hinterland of the `real' town, even when that relationship was obscured in the statistical data of settlements. It is intriguing to speculate why this completely apolitical urban morphological research became the target of attacks in the 1950s. I do not have an exact answer. One possible explanation is that MendoÈl was not inclined to `adapt': following the `year of change' in 1948, he still tried to continue his researches on settlement geography and settlement morphology, which had been declared redundant, and he did not (or, if he did, did so only superficially) incorporate into his works the ideas of Soviet economic geography. GyoÈrgy Markos, a participant at the Conference on Urban Geography, noted that `It is the primary duty of Hungarian scholars of urban geography as well to exercise Marxist urban geography. This labour has to stand on the ground of economic geography, since urban geography can be considered as one of its subdisciplines' (Abella 1961, 123). Neither `The problems of socialist settlement geography' (1954) nor the Principles of Settlement Geography (1963) fulfilled those requirements. If MendoÈl does have a work in which the Marxist approach can be detected, it is the textbook Introduction to Geography, published in 1952 (reissued in 1999 in a shortened version). The book summarizes the history of geography (particularly the history of geographical discoveries), considering the scientific ideas and drives for discoveries in relation to a context of the history of philosophy and the history of economy. In this work, periodization and drafting a picture of social history are applied along Marxist lines; even the usage of concepts diverges from what the reader could ordinarily associate with in MendoÈl's studies. By today's interpretations, the Principles of Settlement Geography, published in 1963, may be reckoned MendoÈl's masterpiece. This assertion is true if we consider the volume of the book, its manual-like thoroughness and systematic approach. Those acclaiming the book do not compare it with works of French human geography, but rather with a record of German settlement geography, namely Allgemeine Siedlungsgeographie (Principles of Settlement Geography) by Gabriela Schwarz (ProbaÂld 2005). Yet, in the view of this author, the mental vigour so typical of MendoÈl's studies from the 1930s seems already to be missing from this monograph. There is, moreover, something more conspicuously present, and that is the adherence to rigid logical schemes and the frequent attempts at categorization (mainly at establishing the basic types of settlements). There are, too, signs of a bitter sadness in a simply worded statement in the brief section on the history of science: `Socialist sciences do not know human geography' (MendoÈl 1963, 38).

Influence and Spread of Ideas MendoÈl's work had little international consequence, since only a few of his more significant studies were published in a language other than Hungarian (in German). Lack of language ability would not have hindered his presence in the international scholarly world, however, for he had outstanding writing and oral skills in German and French as a result of years he spent in Vienna and Paris, and

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he could read English and Russian. It was, rather, the outbreak of the war that limited engagement with his work (MendoÈl was only 34 years old in 1939), and the fact that it was impossible in Hungary to become involved in West European scientific life in the decades after the Second World War. The reaction within Hungary to MendoÈl's works has several distinctive features. After MendoÈl's death, none of his close disciples remained at the University of Budapest. Most were dismissed in the 1950s. Some were employed at libraries (Endre SzaÂva-KovaÂts), worked at the state cartography institute (PaÂl Zombai), or at a publishing company (Mrs Piroska Havas): only a few managed to stay within the academy. Edit Lettrich continued to work for the Geographical Research Centre of the HAS, and Jeno'' Major was nominated senior lecturer at the Budapest University of Technology. Neither continued their career undisturbed. Erno'' Wallner, who, in being older than his mentor, cannot really be regarded as a student of MendoÈl, but who worked with the methods of MendoÈl's settlement geography and so shared MendoÈl's fate, was retired from the university in 1958. Those individuals who struggled the most to develop the research represented by MendoÈl were those who turned to functional morphology in their urban geographical studies. Only a few opportunities were evident in the 1960s and 1970s for work in Hungarian settlement geography and, from amongst the young geographers who took them, it was primarily JoÂzsef Becsei and PaÂl Beluszky (and the latter only in some of his studies) who took up MendoÈl's heritage (Janko 2005). The hostility towards MendoÈl ± which was, by then, manifest mainly in silence ± was slowly being resolved. On the tenth anniversary of MendoÈl's death in 1976, the Geographical Review dedicated a double issue to its former president, and featured a selection of his studies. In this volume, which was co-edited by former disciple, Erno'' Wallner, aged 85, advocated MendoÈl's methodology with the following words: `I beseech the colleagues of today to stand up from their desks and go to the settlements, following the example of Tibor MendoÈl, and compose a study offering research methods for a town or village based on onsite inspections' (Wallner 1976, 77). In 1980, on the 75th anniversary of MendoÈl's birthday, a memorial conference was held in his birth town, where all the participants ± including Edit Lettrich (Lettrich 1980) ± praised a segment of MendoÈl's oeuvre. (These short essays were published in the county's science review.) With reference to the memorial year ± also in a county edition ± the Geography of Szarvas was reprinted under the editorship of JoÂzsef Becsei. SaÂndor Somogyi, a physical geographer, who used to attend MendoÈl's lectures as a university student, unveiled the plaque of MendoÈl as the general secretary of the Geographical Society. He expressly reprimanded MendoÈl's opponents: `Those who believed and claimed themselves avowed materialists did not understand MendoÈl's instinctive materialism; their geographic approaches were much more shallow than what was needed' (Somogyi 1980, 437). No one from amongst those colleagues in MendoÈl's former department was amongst the authors of those complimentary essays. With the end of communism, MendoÈl's name again became fashionable. One reason for this was the new paths then being sought by Hungarian geography. As early as the 1970s, many scholars had endeavoured to adopt current international trends, as was evident, for example, in a smaller `quantitative revolution' at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s. Even so, the majority of economic geographers teaching in universities stuck to the course set by the Soviet economic geography. Some made only nominal changes and then as late as the early 1990s. Similarly, the Department of Economic Geography was hastily renamed the Department of Social Geography (TimaÂr 2006, 653). In addition to establishing closer relations with international developments, the renewal also brought about the exhumation

Tibor MendoÈl 49 of Hungarian geography's buried past. I was studying geography and history at the University of Budapest in the middle of the 1990s and had the experience of reading MendoÈl's works, whose vigour was beyond anything in the `flat', catalogue-like textbooks on economic geography. As it happens, I did not encounter MendoÈl's name in economic geography courses, but in history. In certain fields of science ± for example, at a key workshop on Hungarian historical geography in NyõÂ regyhaÂza ± novelty was achieved by putting former Hungarian geography into practice, including MendoÈl's programme on historical geography. In the spirit of reaching back to the old Hungarian geography, Geography of the Carpathian Basin and Introduction to Geography were reprinted in 1999. Other sources also increased their attention to MendoÈl references: authors tried to `legitimate' their works by incorporating MendoÈl's name. Even those who had little concern with his ideas called themselves MendoÈl's disciples. Indeed, a curious, if rather invisible, `tug of war' took place around the name and works of Tibor MendoÈl for the right to be seen as his genuine intellectual heir. In 2005, upon the centennial anniversary of MendoÈl's birth and in the course of the Year of MendoÈl-Centenary, a range of conferences and volumes and a thematic issue of Geographical Review paid tribute to him as, then, one of the most distinguished personalities of Hungarian human geography. The authors of the different studies depicted MendoÈl's life in controversial ways, mainly referring to the events of the 1950s. ZoltaÂn Antal and GyoÈrgy Perczel (MendoÈl's successors as Head of Department) used the expression `established themselves at other workplaces' as a reference to MendoÈl's disciples (Antal and Perczel 2005, 21), and they commented on MendoÈl's retirement with the following words: `The staff of young lecturers of the department was deserted, without a helping hand' (Antal and Perczel 2005, 24). Ferenc ProbaÂld (professor at the Regional Geography Department at the University of Budapest) noted of the very same event as follows: `Within one decade ± mostly for political reasons ± all of his close associates were dismissed from the department, and the young teachers taking their places propagated a radically different approach and research orientation' (ProbaÂld 2005, 9). GyoÈrgy Perczel summarized the 1950s in his epilogue to the reprint of MendoÈl's textbook, Introduction to Geography, by saying: `. . . from the 1940s until his death Tibor MendoÈl was the most appreciated scholar of human geography in the country' (Perczel 1999, 262). On the other hand, ZoltaÂn KovaÂcs (the general secretary of the Hungarian Geographical Society) commented upon the same period in the editorial preface of Geographical Review by saying: `The communist regime wrecked his scientific career, . . . the ideological assaults against his person, the unjustifiable slights and continuous humiliation as well as the intrigues of his surroundings undermined his health' (KovaÂcs 2005, 1). In his study, ZoltaÂn Antal offered perhaps the most delicate interpretation in the symbolic battle fought for MendoÈl's legacy and his name in trying to reconcile PaÂl Teleki, Tibor MendoÈl and GyoÈrgy Markos as the founders of Hungarian economic geography (Antal 2006). What is awkward about this premise is his portrayal of MendoÈl as an economic geographer, when he was not engaged with economic geography.

Conclusion The history of Tibor MendoÈl's career and reception reaches beyond the significance of a personal life story. It offers an insight into twentieth-century Hungarian geography and into Hungarian social sciences in general. What it also shows, of

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course, is that the conduct and even the nature of the geographical and social sciences are always influenced and sometimes even determined by broader ideological circumstances and politics. The present outcome of the more recent MendoÈl `heritage industry' proves that his work history has not been finished yet: though its protagonist has been dead for more than 40 years, his spirit (or perhaps his phantom) returns occasionally. Varying attitudes towards his life and work ± from rejection through concealment to shyly expressed and latterly more bravely worded tributes ± have always been only partially about professional and subjectbased issues. Interpretations of his life and work have also always been matters of historiography and politics.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Charles Withers for his encouragement during my research visit to write MendoÈl's biography. I am also grateful to the British Academy: their funded scholarship, taken at the University of Edinburgh, opened new vistas for my research in historical geography.

Bibliography and Sources 1. REFERENCES ON TIBOR MENDOÈL Abella, M. (1961), `AnkeÂt a telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz helyzeteÂro''l eÂs feladatairoÂl' [`Conference on urban geography'], FoÈldrajzi EÂrtesõÂto'' [Geographical Bulletin] 10, 121±7. Antal, Z. (2006), `Az aÂltalaÂnos gazdasaÂgi foÈldrajz hazai megalapozoÂi: Teleki PaÂl, MendoÈl Tibor eÂs Markos GyoÈrgy' [`The founders of Hungarian economic geography: PaÂl Teleki, Tibor MendoÈl and GyoÈrgy Markos'], in J. Blaho and J. ToÂth (eds), TanulmaÂnyok MendoÈl Tibor szuÈleteÂseÂnek 100 eÂvforduloÂjaÂra [Studies for the Centenary of Tibor MendoÈl]. OroshaÂza: PeÂcs, pp. 22±39. Antal, Z. and Perczel, Gy. (2005), `SzemelveÂnyek tanszeÂkuÈnk toÈrteÂneteÂboÄl' [`Selections from the History of our Department'], in Gy. Perczel and Sz. Szabo (eds), 100 eÂve szuÈletett MendoÈl Tibor [Tibor MendoÈl was Born 100 Years Ago]. Budapest: Trefort, pp. 13±53. Becsei, J. (2005), `Egy magyar klasszikus vaÂrosszerkezeti modell (MendoÈl Tibor telepuÈleÂsmorfoloÂgiaÂja)' [`A classical Hungarian urban model: The urban morphology of Tibor MendoÈl'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek [Geographical Review] 129, 47±64. Boros, F. (1957), `Adatok MagyarorszaÂg telepuÈleÂsaÂllomaÂnyaÂnak XVII. szaÂzadi fejlo''deÂseÂhez' [`Data on the development of Hungary's urban network in the XVII century'], FoÈldrajzi EÂrtesõÂto'' 6, 459±74. DoÈveÂnyi, Z. (1980), `MendoÈl Tibor gyermek eÂs ifjuÂkora' [`The childhood and youth of Tibor MendoÈl'], BeÂkeÂsi EÂlet [Life in BeÂkeÂs] 15, 413±16.

Tibor MendoÈl 51 Erdei, F. (1939) Magyar vaÂros [The Hungarian Towns]. Budapest: Athenaeum. Ð

(1941), `A tanyaÂs telepuÈleÂsek foÈldrajzi szemleÂlete' [`Geographical approach to settlements with scattered farms'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 69, 103±13.

Fodor, F. (1951, 2006), A magyar foÈldrajztudomaÂny toÈrteÂnete [The History of Hungarian Geography]. Budapest: MTA FKI. Gyo''ri, R. (2005), `MendoÈl Tibor eÂs a magyar toÈrteÂneti foÈldrajz' [`Tibor MendoÈl and Hungarian historical geography'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 129, 103±16. Gyuris, F. and ToÂth, Cs. (2005), `MendoÈl Tibor õÂ raÂsos hagyateÂka MagyarorszaÂgon' [`Tibor MendoÈl's written heritage in Hungary'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 129, 199±205. HajduÂ, Z. (2001), `MagyarorszaÂg koÈzigazgataÂsi foÈldrajza' [Geography of the Hungarian regional administration]. Budapest: PeÂcs, DialoÂg Campus KiadoÂ. JankoÂ, F. (2005), `A telepuÈleÂsek belso'' szerkezeteÂnek vizsgaÂlata: A ``MendoÈlmoÂdszerto''l'' a szociaÂlgeograÂfiaÂig' [`Studying the internal structure of settlements: From the ``MendoÈl-method'' to social geography'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 129, 15±30. Koch, F. (1956), `Teleki PaÂl gazdasaÂgfoÈldrajzi munkaÂssaÂgaÂnak bõÂ raÂlata' [`The criticism of PaÂl Teleki's works on economic geography'], MTA TaÂrsadalmi±ToÈrteÂneti TudomaÂnyos OsztaÂlyaÂnak KoÈzlemeÂnyei [Reports of the Social± Historical Departments of HAS] 8, 89±122. KovaÂcs, Z. (2005), `Elo''szoÂ' (A `FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek' MendoÈl szaÂmaÂhoz) [Editorial Preface to the Special Issue of Geographical Review for MendoÈl's Centenary], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 129, 1. Lettrich, E. (1980), `MendoÈl Tibor szerepe eÂs jelentoÄseÂge a magyar geograÂfiaÂban' [`Tibor MendoÈl's role and significance in Hungarian geography'], BeÂkeÂsi EÂlet 15, 417±25. Perczel, Gy. (1999), `MendoÈl Tibor eÂleteÂroÄl, munkaÂssaÂgaÂroÂl' [`On the life and works of Tibor MendoÈl'], in M. Tibor (ed.), A foÈldrajztudomaÂny az oÂkortoÂl napjainkig [History of Geography from the Antiquity Until Today]. Budapest: ELTE EoÈtvoÈs, pp. 259±62. ProbaÂld, F. (2005), `MendoÈl Tibor munkaÂssaÂga eÂs szellemi oÈroÈkseÂge' [`The works and intellectual heritage of Tibor MendoÈl'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 129, 7±14. Somogyi, S. (1980), `MendoÈl Tibor emleÂkezete' [`Commemoration of Tibor MendoÈl'], BeÂkeÂsi EÂlet 15, 434±9. SzaboÂ, F. (1980), `MendoÈl Tibor eÂletmu''ve eÂs a taÂrstudomaÂnyok' [`Tibor MendoÈl's oeuvre, and the social sciences'], BeÂkeÂsi EÂlet 15, 426±30. TimaÂr, J. (2006), `The transformation of social and cultural geography during the transition period (1989 to present time) in Hungary', Social and Cultural Geography 7, 649±67. TimaÂr, L. (1995), `Erdei Ferenc eÂs MendoÈl Tibor vitaÂi a magyar vaÂrosroÂl' [`Debates between Ferenc Erdei and Tibor MendoÈl on Hungarian towns'], SzaÂzadok [Centuries] 129, 617±28.

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Wallner, E. (1976), `EmleÂkezeÂs MendoÈl Tiborra' [`Commemorating Tibor MendoÈl'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 100, 173±86. 2. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY TIBOR MENDOÈL (INCLUDING THOSE REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT) 1928

Szarvas foÈldrajza [Geography of Szarvas]. Debrecen: Tisza IstvaÂn TudomaÂnyos TaÂrsasaÂg (new edition: 1981, BeÂkeÂscsaba).

1932

TaÂj eÂs ember: Az emberfoÈldrajz aÂttekinteÂse [Landscape and Man: Review on Human Geography]. Budapest: A Magyar Szemle KincsestaÂra.

1935a

`A vaÂros probleÂmaÂja a francia eÂs a neÂmet foÈldrajztudomaÂnyban' [`The issue of towns in French and German geography'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 63, 101±16.

1935b

`VaÂrosaink valoÂdi nagysaÂga eÂs a helyzeti energiaÂk tõÂ pusai' [`The actual size of our towns and the types of regional energy'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 63, 361±8.

1935c

`A francia emberfoÈldrajz keletkezeÂse eÂs a toÈrteÂneti tudomaÂnyok' [`The establishment of French human geography and historical sciences'], SzaÂzadok 68, 61±9.

1936a

`A helyzeti energiaÂk eÂs egyeÂb teÂnyezoÄk szerepe vaÂrosaink valoÂdi nagysaÂgaÂban eÂs jellegeÂben' [`The role of regional and other factors in the actual size and nature of our towns'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 64, 98± 108, 121±32.

1936b

AlfoÈldi vaÂrosaink morfoloÂgiaÂja [The Urban Morphology in the Great Hungarian Plain]. Debrecen: Debreceni Egyetem FoÈldrajzi InteÂzet.

1938

`TelepuÈleÂstoÈrteÂnet, telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz, toÈrteÂneti foÈldrajz' [`Urban history, urban geography, historical geography'], in EmleÂkkoÈnyv SzentpeÂteri Imre szuÈleteÂseÂnek hatvanadik eÂvforduloÂjaÂra [Festschrift for the 60th Birthday of Imre SzentpeÂteri]. Budapest, 312±34.

1939

`NeÂhaÂny szo az alfoÈldi vaÂros keÂrdeÂseÂhez' [`Some words on the towns of the great plain'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 67, 217±32.

1940

`Az uÂj telepuÈleÂsi rend' [`The new settlement system'], in S. Domanovszky (ed.), Magyar mu''velo''deÂstoÈrteÂnet [Hungarian Cultural History], Vol. 4. (Barokk eÂs felvilaÂgosodaÂs [Baroque and Enlightment]). Budapest: Magyar ToÈrteÂnelmi TaÂrsulat, 167±89.

1941

`Falu eÂs vaÂros a magyar taÂjban' [`Villages and towns in the Hungarian landscape'], in S. Eckhardt (ed.), UÂr eÂs paraszt a magyar eÂlet egyseÂgeÂben [Lords and Peasants in the Unity of Hungarian Life]. Budapest: Budapesti M. Kir. PaÂzmaÂny PeÂter TudomaÂnyegyetem BoÈlcseÂszettudomaÂnyi KaraÂnak MagyarsaÂgtudomaÂnyi InteÂzete, pp. 81±105.

1941

MegjegyzeÂsek Erdei Ferenc, `A tanyaÂs telepuÈleÂsek foÈldrajzi szemleÂlete' c. cikkeÂhez [Comments on Ferenc Erdei's article `Geographical approach to settlements with scattered farms'], FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 69, 113±15.

Tibor MendoÈl 53 1943

`Die Stadt im Karpatenbecken', FoÈldrajzi KoÈzlemeÂnyek 71 (international edition), 31±148.

1946

`A vaÂrosfoÈldrajz taÂrgya eÂs feladata' [`The subject and functions of urban geography'], VaÂrosi Szemle [Urban Review] 32, 1±23.

1947

(with BeÂla Bulla) A KaÂrpaÂt-medence foÈldrajza [Geography of the Carpathian Basin]. Budapest: OrszaÂgos KoÈzneveleÂsi TanaÂcs (new edition: 1999, Budapest: Lucidus KiadoÂ).

1948

A BalkaÂn foÈldrajza [Geography of the Balkans]. Budapest: BalkaÂn InteÂzet.

1952

BevezeteÂs a foÈldrajzba [Introduction to Geography]. Budapest: ELTE (textbook) (new edition: EoÈtvoÈs Kiado (1999) A foÈldrajztudomaÂny az oÂkortoÂl napjainkig [History of Geography from the Antiquity Until Today]. Budapest: ELTE).

1954

`A szocialista telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz probleÂmaÂi' [`The problems of socialist settlement geography'], MTA TaÂrsadalom- eÂs ToÈrteÂnettudomaÂnyi OsztaÂlyaÂnak KoÈzlemeÂnyei 5, 599±627. AÂltalaÂnos telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz [Principles of Settlement Geography]. Budapest: AkadeÂmiai KiadoÂ.

1963 1967

`NeÂhaÂny szempont a hazai telepuÈleÂshaÂloÂzat vizsgaÂlata, telepuÈleÂseink osztaÂlyozaÂsa eÂs elhataÂrolaÂsa keÂrdeÂseÂben' [`Approaches to the investigation of Hungarian urban network regarding the classification and demarcation of our settlements'], FoÈldrajzi EÂrtesõÂtoÄ 16, 107±17.

Chronology 1905

Born 6 June in NagyszeÂnaÂs (BeÂkeÂs county), Hungary

1915±23

Attends the Lutheran Secondary School of Szarvas

1923±27

Studies geography and history at the University of Budapest and EoÈtvoÈs Collegium

1925±26

Studies geography at the University of Vienna

1927±40

Teaches at the Department of Geography at the University of Debrecen (assistant lecturer 1927±30, lecturer 1930±37, reader 1937±40)

1928

Awarded Ph.D. for a dissertation entitled Szarvas foÈldrajza [Geography of Szarvas]

1932

TaÂj eÂs ember [Landscape and Man] is published

1933±34

Visiting researcher at Sorbonne, Paris

1940±65

Head of Human Geography Department at the University of Budapest

1942±45

Vice-president of Hungarian Geographical Society

1943±65

Professor at the University of Budapest

1946±49

President of Hungarian Geographical Society

1946

Fellow of Hungarian Academy of Sciences

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Tibor MendoÈl

1947

Marries Piroska MolnaÂr

1947

Publication of A KaÂrpaÂt-medence foÈldrajza [Geography of the Carpathian Basin], written with BeÂla Bulla

1949

Hungarian Geographical Society is disbanded

1949

Barred as a fellow of the HAS together with the other geographers. He is rehabilitated in 1989

1950

The Department of Human Geography at the University of Budapest becomes the Department of Economic Geography

1952

BevezeteÂs a foÈldrajzba [Introduction to Geography] is published

1960 1963

Attacks against MendoÈl's works in urban geography AÂltalaÂnos telepuÈleÂsfoÈldrajz [Principles of Settlement Geography] is published, and wins an award from HAS

1965

Retires from the University of Budapest

1966

Dies 21 August in Budapest

1967

Posthumously awarded the title of Doctor of Science

1989

HAS rehabilitates him, and re-instates him as a fellow

Koji Iizuka 1906±1970

Toshihiro Okada

Koji Iizuka introduced P. Vidal de la Blache's geographical theory to Japan as part of attempts to bring about innovation in human geography in Japan in the midtwentieth century. Iizuka also undertook comparative studies on Japanese, oriental, occidental and American cultures, as he was well aware of the continuous changes of his own country. Immediately after the Second World War, he played an important and leading role in the development of democracy in Japan. As much as Michitoshi Odauchi (1875±1954) (Geographers Vol. 26), who was a pioneer of Japanese human geography, Iizuka was a promotor of geography's connections with other sciences in France and a leading proponent of the French school of geography into Japan. Both men were critical of the Japanese school of landscape morphology represented by Taro Tsujimura of the Department of Geography, Imperial University of Tokyo, as much as they were critical of geopolitics. Both men were also deeply involved with the Japanese political situation at that time. Iizuka, like Odauchi, was nevertheless part of a relatively minor group within Japanese geography at this time, the community being dominated by Naomasa Yamasaki (1870±1929) (Geographers Vol. 1), Takuji Ogawa (1870±1941) (Geographers Vol. 6), Keiji Tanaka (1885±1975) and Taro Tsujimura (1890±1983).

Education, Life and Work BEFORE 1945 Koji Iizuka entered the Faculty of Economics, Imperial University of Tokyo, in 1927, where he specialized in European economic history under the supervision of Eijiro Kawai (1891±1944). He was appointed assistant in the faculty in 1930, but, shortly thereafter, his field of subject changed to economic geography. Iizuka had earlier been influenced by his father, Akira Iizuka, a zoologist, who promoted his son's interest in ecology. With these twin influences, Iizuka came to specialize in geography based on the conjunction of social science with natural science.

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Iizuka first encountered P. Vidal de la Blache's Principes de Geographie Humaine (Principles of Human Geography) (1922) in 1930. This book was to become an important influence upon his later study of geography. His first book, Shakai Chirigaku no Doko (Trends in Social Geography) (1932) was influenced by de la Blache in its attention to his bio-ecological argument and in dealing with regional societies and regional relationships. In order to further his research, Iizuka studied at the University of Sorbonne in Paris from 1932 to 1934 ± he was the first student sent to France by the Japanese Government. Under the guidance of Lucien Gallois (1857± 1941), Albert Demangeon (1872±1940) and Emmanuel de Martonne (1873±1955), all disciples of Vidal de la Blache and influential geographers in their own right (see Geographers Vols 24, 11 and 12, respectively), he researched the history of geography and ecology of Germany and of France. Upon his return from France, Iizuka serialized his thesis `Chirigakushi no Shomondai' (`Reflections on the history of the progress of human geography') in the Geographical Review of Japan in four articles in 1935 and 1936. This thesis was an investigation of the theoretical characteristics of Alexander von Humboldt (1769± 1859), Carl Ritter (1779±1859) (see Geographers Vol. 5), Oskar F. Peschel (1826±75) and Friedrich Ratzel (1844±1904). His book, Hokui 79 do (79 Degrees North, published in 1938), was based on the many trips he had made in Europe. His translations of Vidal de la Blache's Principe de Geographie Humaine (1922) and of Lucien Febvre's La Terre et l'Evolution Humaine, Introduction Geographique a l'Histoire (1922) were published in 1940 and 1941, respectively. Although the Lukou-kiao (Marco Polo Bridge) Incident (the China Incident) broke out in 1937 and strongly affected the study of geography in Japan, Iizuka was able to publish the travel book and the translations unaffected by the consequences of the Incident. He was, by this time, in his early thirties, a part-time staff member of the Department of Cultural Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and lecturing on economic geography as a part-time lecturer at Chuo University and Rikkyo University in Tokyo. When Japan entered the Second World War in December 1941, Iizuka was 35 years old. He was, that year, appointed professor of the Faculty of Economics in Rikkyo University and became a part-time member of the Institute of Oriental Culture, Imperial University of Tokyo, founded in 1942, where he was promoted to professor in December of 1943. Iizuka travelled to Manchuria and Mongolia between February and June 1945 at his own expense but under the protection of the Japanese army. Iizuka had undertaken the trip ± despite the war and immediately before the defeat of Japan ± as he wished to observe the condition of the peoples living in the Japanese occupation zones and colonies and to investigate the political, social and cultural relations between those zones and Japan. He was additionally motivated to make this trip on the basis of his prescient forecast of the defeat of Japan. His overall purpose was to outline the optional conditions for life in post-war Japan and for the Japanese: a detailed record of this trip was published as Manmo Kiko (Iizuka 1972). AFTER 1945 Shortly after the end of the war, Iizuka directed his energy to giving speeches and writing articles to help in the modernization of Japanese culture and to help raise the social conscience of the Japanese people. He published one book per year in this period: Hikaku Bunka-ron (Discussions on Comparative Culture) (1948), Sekai-shi ni okeru Toyo Shakai (Oriental Societies in the World History) (1948), Nippon no Guntai (Japanese Military) (1950) and Nippon no Seishin teki Fudo (Japanese Moral Civilization) (1952) being the principal works. He also wrote Chirigaku Hihan (Criticism on Geography)

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(1947) and Jinbun Chirigaku (Human Geography) (1950), in which latter work he criticized contemporary ideas on environmentalism. He published his doctoral thesis, Jinbun Chiri Gakusetsu-shi (History of Geographical Theories), a compilation of theses published between 1935 and 1944, in 1949. Iizuka severely criticized geographical determinism for reasons to do with Japanese society. In Oriental societies, the subjective approach of man towards the environment was lacking. This being so, geographical determinism might have been uncritically accepted as fatalism in such societies and was interpreted as preventing Japan from forming a democratic moral order. Iizuka was also a critic of geography in modern Japan, which adhered to environmentalist tenets and, in this sense, his writings on geography were characterized by his awareness of Japan's changing social conditions. Iizuka's first work in geography in the post-war period was critical of geopolitics. Although he had been a critic of geopolitics during the war, he had not been particularly critical of the organic theory of the state that supported geopolitics, never referring, for example, to Karl Haushofer's theory, which, for others, had a great influence on Japanese geopolitics (on Haushofer, see Geographers Vol. 12), and hardly at all on the background of changing socio-economic and historical circumstances that had caused geopolitics to gain prominence in Japan. These points were thoroughly discussed in his thesis of post-war days (Iizuka 1947). Iizuka criticized that view, conventional in world history, which took modern European culture as history's highest expression. He considered the history of Mediterranean civilization in its own terms and offered new insights into the historical and geographical meanings of the world as articulated by the conquering nomad peoples of the world. At the same time, he pointed out that science and education in modern Japan were not separate from those of Europe, and he expected the younger generation of Japanese post-war scholars to study Asia for its own sake, unaffected by European sciences.

Scientific Ideas and Geographical Thought BEFORE 1940 Iizuka regarded Vidal de la Blache's Principes de Geographie Humaine highly. One reason for this was because he perceived a strong bio-ecological argument in the work and he wished to introduce this viewpoint, and the research method of ecology, into Japanese geography in order to improve what he saw as a subject that treated very mechanistically the relationship between nature and the human race. A second reason ± seemingly rather contradictory of the first ± was because the content and the methodology of this book were not just those of bio-ecology. Vidal de la Blache dealt, according to Iizuka, with contacts and negotiations among regional societies and human organizations and with the problem of growth and development of regional relationships. What, then, did Iizuka think marked human geography from ecology? He considered the focus of human geography was to study the human race's geographical expressions on the basis of the structure and development of human social systems ± in other words, as a theory of social groups. Further, since the regional characteristics of human societies were connected with economic areas, knowledge of economic history and of market theory would be necessary. Iizuka thus argued for the necessity of studying a human geography based on sociology, economic history and economics. He believed that this

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methodology would lead to the construction of geography as a social science, and that Vidal de la Blache's ecological theory was a necessary stage in the development of Japanese geography. Iizuka's work on the history of geographical thought and ideas was distinguished by his attention to past geographical theories in relation to contemporary thought, and he argued that this research method would pave the way for geographical theories to be historically grounded. He drew these insights from his experience of economic history, but, notably, Iizuka's work in their respect focused on geographical ideas in Germany, rather than upon those of France. Intentions to investigate the works of Jean Brunhes (1869±1930) (Geographers Vol. 25), Camille Vallaux (1870±1945) (Geographers Vol. 2) and Lucien Febvre (1858±1956) (Geographers Vol. 23) were never realized. Yet, he never lost sight of the value of Vidal de la Blache's ecological methodology to Japanese geography. Iizuka emphasized that if the aim of human geography was to attain the status of social science, it was necessary to adopt ecological methodology first. He shared this idea with Odauchi, who, indeed, had developed this idea before Iizuka and so may have influenced him. Since Iizuka went to the Fifth Tokyo Prefectural Junior High School (1919±24), where Odauchi was a teacher of geography, it is possible that Iizuka paid attention there to what Odauchi said and wrote. Iizuka's paper, `Bibliographical notes', is included in Jinbun Chirigaku Genri (the Japanese translation, in 1940, of Vidal de la Blache's Principes de Geographie Humaine). Iizuka discussed the history of geographical theories in modern Europe, and argued how the geographical theories of A. Humboldt and C. Ritter were developed by F. Ratzel, and perfected by Vidal de la Blache. He recognized the excellence of Vidal de la Blache's theory. Iizuka recognized that it was essential to introduce Vidal de la Blache's theory into Japanese geography and, in so doing, to shift the main currents of geographical work there away from landscape studies and mechanistic models of man±land relationships. For these reasons, Iizuka played an important role in introducing the French school of geography into Japan. 1941±45: THE WAR YEARS In the summer of 1941, Iizuka began to participate in discussions of Japan's social situation. He foresaw a critical moment when Japan might confront the United States, which had developed as an overwhelming economic power even in relation to the whole of Europe. He justified the standpoint of Japan's position at the outbreak of the `Greater East Asia War', considering it a war between Japan and the United States as imperialistic countries, while regarding the China Incident as a Japanese invasion. For a war to be supported, however, just cause had to be articulated and realized. Iizuka did not confine the idea of a `Greater East Asia Coprosperity Sphere' to that of a mere slogan, but tried to give it expression, to make it a substantially large economic bloc in which Japan would play a leading role. He proposed improving Japan's technology by learning from the United States, saving materials by learning from Germany, and expanding Japan's industrial productivity. He further proposed to advance a regional division of labour. In doing these things, Iizuka was emphasizing the necessity of a `Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere' ± a sphere in which geography had to contribute. Yet, at the same time, he criticized the occupation policy by which Japan tried to impose its social and economic thought on foreign lands. He considered that China was able to resist Japan because Chinese society was a complex of village communities and, he argued, its national economy was not organically united, which made Chinese society passively stagnant and so able to resist foreign influence. At the outbreak of

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the Second World War, Iizuka considered the government of China a puppet of America and European countries; he later began to perceive these circumstances to be the basis of China's resistance. Although, as noted, Iizuka supported the construction of greater Asian economic cooperation, he was severely critical of the geopolitics of Rudolf Kjellen and of the German geopolitical geographers. He analysed the theoretical structure of such work and pointed out its unscientific character being the result of a weak engagement with the political geography of Friedrich Ratzel. It should be noted that Iizuka's criticism of geopolitics was carried out in a very difficult period, given the contemporary political circumstances in Japan. Iizuka also examined the history of modern geography in relation to socioeconomic history and the history of thought, and discussed the nature of geography as a social science. In doing so, he particularly evaluated the role played by Vidal de la Blache in, as Iizuka saw it, setting geography free from geographical determinism, with his practical research based on historical perspectives. In the late 1930s, Iizuka valued Vidal de la Blache, and took the view that research in ecological geography had to be promoted in Japan. In the 1940s, however, Iizuka considered Vidal de la Blache's theory not an absolute prescription, but a relative one, even as he himself turned to the emergent social sciences in order to study geography. His emphasis upon social scientific research in geography focused upon local communities in relation to their geographical environments and in relation to the development of socio-economic history (Iizuka 1944). AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR In his Chirigaku Hihan (1947), Iizuka discussed human geography in relation to bioecology (what we might now call community ecology), pointing out three factors held in common: both sets of ideas considered the relationship between human life and natural environments; both took local communities and villages as their object of study; both were based on social and historical views. He also said, however, that there was a qualitative difference between them: that human geography included a social scientific field of research. In his emphasis upon geography and bio-ecology, however, he wanted to ensure an historical perspective and to criticize popular determinism and landscape geography from which historical views were excluded. In his Jinbun Chirigaku (1950), Iizuka incorporated a more evidently social science focus to his geography. He there clearly pointed out the limitations of the genre de vie (way of life) concept of this French school of geography, and emphasized that discussion of the way of life must be done in relation to society and its production. Of course, for the Japanese, then, liberation from pre-modern production and social relations was an urgent issue, but Iizuka also came to have this attitude after studying the Chinese revolution in 1949. Although China succeeded in remarkable democratization, Japan was still struggling in his view, and Iizuka realized the necessity of innovative production systems. Even as he criticized him, Iizuka maintained a high evaluation of Vidal de la Blache. Although Iizuka did not consider Vidalian ideas satisfactory as social scientific research, he valued the profound nature of Vidal de la Blache's insights and regarded him as a top scholar in the field: Vidal de la Blache's research standards were what Japanese geographers should aim for. Iizuka came to view the colonialization of Asia as the major explanatory factor behind the stagnation of Asian societies. Asian colonies, like those in Africa, were effectively `stepping stones' for the development of an outside capitalism and for the

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modern civilization of Europe. The civilization imposed by European nations on their colonies was far from humanism, democracy or political liberalism and Iizuka, from this viewpoint, also came to criticize the sciences brought from modern Europe, even if, as we have seen, he admired some individual figures such as Vidal de la Blache.

Influence and Spread of Ideas Koji Iizuka's research activities extended over a period of 40 years. He wrote extensively after the Second World War, and almost all his published treatises on geography appeared after 1945. This is one reason why they made a significant contribution to the spread of democratic ideals in Japan after 1945. Additionally, he had great influence upon many students and teachers of the subject ± a fact that made him deeply conscious of his leadership role and intellectual contribution to Japanese society (Suizi 1971; Okada 1992, 1993). Iizuka taught at the Graduate School of Geography at the University of Tokyo from 1954 until his retirement in 1967. His influence was thus especially striking among graduates of the University of Tokyo. His critical engagement with environmentalism was largely accepted by the new generations of Japanese geographers after the Second World War and Iizuka's implicit introduction of Marxist viewpoints resulted in the emergence of Marxist-oriented geography among some in the younger generation of Japanese geographers. Many of his followers were at pains to achieve a Marxist approach to geography (Takeuchi 2000). Iizuka's many books were widely read and several were reissued, reprinted, republished or produced in new editions. A few notable ones may be mentioned: Hokui 79 do (Iizuka 1938) was produced in new editions in 1971 and 1980; Jinbun Chirigaku Genri (Principes de Geographie Humaine) (1940) was retranslated in 1970; and Daichi to Jinrui no Shinka (La Terre et l' Evolution Humaine) (1941) was published as a retranslation in 1971. Chirigaku Hihan (Iizuka 1947) was one of the books on geography most widely read at that time in Japan. Hikaku Bunka-ron (Iizuka 1948) was produced in a new edition in 1970 and Jinbun Chiri Gakusetsu-shi (Iizuka 1949) was republished in 1969. Nippon no Guntai (Iizuka 1950) appeared in new editions in 1968 and 1991, as did Nippon no Seishin teki Fudo (Iizuka 1952), which was reissued 24 times by 1970, and Sekai to Nippon (Iizuka 1955), which was reissued 17 times by 1961 and which appeared as a textbook in 1964. Ajia no naka no Nippon (Iizuka 1960) was published as a popular edition in 1962, and as an enlarged edition in 1969. Chirigaku to Rekishi (Iizuka 1966), reissued three times by 1969, was often used as a university textbook. These facts suggest that his influence spread widely, at least through books published in his lifetime. Iizuka Koji Chosaku-shu (The Selected Works of Koji Iizuka) (10 volumes, 1974±76) was published posthumously. Contributions appeared from Shin-ichi Takahashi (1913±85) and Shigeki Toyama (1914± ) on modern Japanese history, on the history of thought by Masao Maruyama (1914±96), Keizo Ikimatsu (1928±84) and Toru Miyakawa (1927± ) and on modern Chinese history by Yuzo Kato (1936± ) and Masataka Banno (1916±85). Further contributions were made by numerous scholars: on the history of Oriental economy by Kazuo Furushima (1921± ), on Indian history by Matsuo Ara (1921± ), on the history of the modern Arab World from Yuzo Itagaki (1931± ) and on the history of the Medieval Occident by Yozo Horigome (1913±75). Law was the subject of an essay by Masao

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Fukushima (1906±89). Geography was covered by numerous authors: Takeo Oda (1907±2006), Akira Takahashi (1932± ), Masanori Koga (1930± ), Toshio Irie (1922±2002), Iwao Kamozawa (1924±2003), Daijiro Nishikawa (1928± ), Shinsaku Yamana (1926±2003) and Akira Ebato (1932± ). The fact that so many authorities wrote on so many fields indicates that Iizuka's influence was evident in over various fields of study. As professor and director of the Institute of Oriental Culture at the University of Tokyo and as author of many publications, Iizuka made impressive contributions to the encouragement and development of area studies in Japan. This work on Asia, for example, had considerable influence on the promotion of Asian studies in post-war Japan. Through his research on Asia, he came to understand the ethnocentrism or Eurocentrism inherent in many scientific works and so emphasized the necessity of intellectual liberation from the limits of these European viewpoints. His influence in this regard was positive, and served to encourage a more objective attitude towards the methodology of Western geography and of geographical thought (Takeuchi 2000). It is interesting to note, then, that, by contrast, his discussions on geopolitics were largely ignored by academic contemporaries in Japan, and were not taken up with any seriousness until after Iizuka's death (Okada 1992, 1993).

Acknowledgements Sincere thanks are due to Professor Emeritus Keiichi Takeuchi, who gave me invaluable advice and edited the English. The assistance of Professor Masaki Taniguchi with the English translation is also deeply appreciated.

Bibliography and Sources 1. SELECTED WORKS ON KOJI IIZUKA Okada, T. (1992), Kingendai Nihon Chirigaku Shiso-shi [Modern and Contemporary History of Geography in Japan]. Tokyo: Kokon shoin. Ð

(1993), `Societal contexts and conceptualization in the history of geography in modern Japan: Some biobibliographical case studies', Geographical Review of Japan 66B, 1±17.

Suizu, I. (1971), `Iizuka Koji to jinbun chirigaku' [`Koji Iizuka and human geography'], Jinbun Chiri [Human Geography] 23, 619±45. Takeuchi, K. (2000), Modern Japanese Geography: An Intellectual History. Tokyo: Kokon shoin. 2. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WORKS OF KOJI IIZUKA 1932

Shakai-Chirigaku no Doko [Trends in Social Geography]. Tokyo: Tokyo shoin.

1938

Hokui 79 do [79 Degrees North]. Tokyo: Sansei do.

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1940

Jinbun Chirigaku Genri (Japanese translation in two volumes of P. Vidal de la Blache's Principes de Geographie Humaine). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.

1941

Daichi to Jinrui no Shinka (Japanese translation of L. Febvre's La Terre et l'Evolution Humaine). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.

1944

Kokudo to Kokumin [Nation and Territory]. Tokyo: Kokon shoin.

1947

Chirigaku Hihan: Shakai-kagaku no ichi bumon to shite no Chirigaku [Criticism of Geography: For Geography as a Social Science]. Tokyo: Teikoku shoin.

1948

Hikaku Bunka-ron [Discussions on Comparative Culture]. Tokyo: Hakujitsu shoin.

1948

Sekai-shi ni okeru Toyo Shakai [Oriental Societies in the World History]. Tokyo: Mainichi-shinbun sha.

1949

Jinbun Chiri Gakusetsu-shi: Hoho-ron no tame no gakusetsu-shi teki hansei [History of Geographical Theories: Methodological Reflections]. Tokyo: Nihon hyoron sha.

1950

Jinbun Chirigaku [Human Geography]. Tokyo: Yuhikaku.

1950

Nippon no Guntai [Japanese Military]. Tokyo: Todai kyodokumiai shuppan bu.

1952

Nippon no Seishin teki Fudo [Japanese Moral Civilization]. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.

1955±57

Sekai to Nippon: Asu no tame no Jinbun Chiri [World and Japan: Human Geography for the Future]. Tokyo: Taishukan shoten.

1960

Ajia no naka no Nippon [Japan in Asia]. Tokyo: Chuokoron sha.

1963

Tokyo-shi to Seiyo-shi no Aida [The Gap between Western History and Oriental History]. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.

1964

Tokyo e no Shikaku to Seiyo e no Shikaku [The Western Viewpoint and the Eastern Viewpoint]. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.

1965

Kiki no Han-Seiki [The Critical Moment of Half a Century]. Tokyo: Bungeishunju shinsha.

1966

Chirigaku to Rekishi [Geography and History]. Tokyo: Kokon shoin.

1968

Chirigaku Hoho-ron [Essence of Geography]. Tokyo: Kokon shoin.

1971

Yoroppa tai Hi-Yoroppa [Europe versus non-Europe]. Tokyo: Iwanamishoten.

1972

Manmo Kiko [Trip to Manchuria and Mongolia]. Tokyo: Chikuma shobo.

Chronology 1906

Born 3 April in Tokyo, Japan

1924

Graduates from the Fifth Tokyo Prefectural Middle School

1927

Graduates from Gakushuin High School

1930

Graduates from the Faculty of Economics, Imperial University of

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Tokyo; appointed assistant of the Faculty of Economics, Imperial University of Tokyo 1932±34

Conducts research at the University of Sorbonne in Paris as the first student sent to France by the Japanese Government

1936

Part-time lecturer in economic geography at Chuo University (until 1942); appointed non-regular staff member of Department of Cultural Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (until 1940)

1937

Part-time lecturer in economic geography at Rikkyo University

1941

Professor of Faculty of Economics, Rikkyo University (until 1948); appointed non-regular staff member of the Institute of Oriental Culture, Imperial University of Tokyo

1943

Professor of the Institute of Oriental Culture, Imperial University of Tokyo (until 1967)

1945

Travels in Manchuria and Mongolia, February±June

1946

Takes the extension course on Oriental culture under the auspices of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo (until 1948)

1953

Awarded a Doctor of Literature, University of Kyoto

1958

Appointed head of the Institute of Oriental Culture (until 1960); travels in Australia and New Zealand from August to September

1961

Makes official trips to India, Pakistan and Western Asia, January± February; to Europe and Africa, April±August

1964

Reappointed as head of the Institute of Oriental Culture

1967

Takes early retirement as professor of the University of Tokyo; appointed professor of Sapporo University

1970

Dies 4 December in Tokyo

Richard John Chorley 1927±2002

Peter Haggett and David R. Stoddart

Richard Chorley was arguably one of the most influential British geographers of the second half of the twentieth century. A student of Robert Beckinsale (Oxford) (Geographers Vol. 22) on one side of the Atlantic and Arthur Strahler (Columbia) on the other, it was at Cambridge that he stamped his influence for over four decades from his appointment as a Demonstrator in 1958 to his death as an Emeritus Professor in 2002. His prodigious output of publications and seminal insights into Earth-surface processes made him tower over his research field, placing British geomorphology, for several decades, at the very centre of the world stage. To this, he added lifelong support for a monistic view of a geography, embracing physical and human geography into a coherent whole and working to implement major reforms at both school and university levels. In this essay, we look at his life and his major published research. We then go on to consider the factors that contributed to his influence.

Education, Life and Work Richard John Chorley (Dick) was born at 00.50 on 4 September 1927 at 58 Summerland Avenue, Minehead, West Somerset. Always intrigued by numerical patterns, he later regretted that the exigencies of summer time made him miss, by only a few minutes, the happier numerical sequence of 3±9±27. Typically, he later compensated for this by observing two birthdays on successive days. He was the only child of Walter Joseph Chorley (1895±1952), master ironmonger and later hospital secretary administering the Bridgwater group of hospitals, and his wife Ellen Mary, neÂe Ketnor (1895±1965). Both parents were of Somerset stock, with family clusters around Luccombe on the edge of Exmoor and Nynehead in the Vale

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of Taunton Deane. Disentangling family history and tracing and restoring his ancestors' graves in Somerset churchyards were later to become a deep interest. The whole of Chorley's childhood was spent in West Somerset ± an area of exceptionally intricate and sharply etched tectonic landforms that had puzzled early geologists such as Bishop James Ussher and Henry De la Beche. There has been speculation as to whether this environment played some part in kindling his lifetime interest in the study of the Earth's surface shape and form (Haggett, in Stoddart 1997b, 215±41). After local primary schooling in Minehead, he attended, from 1937 to 1946, Minehead Grammar School (always impishly miss-spelt by Dick as `Grammer' to tease his old English teacher). His years at MGS and the cast of local characters of which Chorley formed a part were to form a constant source of stories in later life and he kept a group school photo on his kitchen wall at home, with names he remembered (almost all) carefully added. From school, he went into the Army to do his two years of National Service, rising to the rank of lieutenant in the Royal Engineers. He later observed that the fact that the Third Reich collapsed between his passing his medical and his later arrival at training camp counselled him against drawing hasty cause-and-effect conclusions from temporal correlation. One legacy of his service days, which his Cambridge tutorial students may recall, was the old hand grenade kept on his desk: he used to idly finger the detonating pin when a particularly poor essay was being read. As an ex-serviceman, Chorley was exempt from Latin or Greek (subjects he had not pursued at Minehead) when, in 1948, he was admitted to Exeter College, Oxford, the alma mater of one of his heroes, the great geologist Charles Lyell (1797± 1875). There, he was delighted to find eccentric fellow students such as Robert Robinson still riding his penny-farthing bicycle up the Broad. He studied geography along with Yi-Fu Tuan at the School of Geography in Mansfield Road. Oxford geography still bore the marks of its founding fathers, Halford John Mackinder (Geographers Vol. 9) and Andrew John Herbertson (Geographers Vol. 3), and was still dominantly a humane study with an emphasis on regional geography. One of its examination requirements was for undergraduates to write a geographical dissertation on a small area. Unsurprisingly, he chose a local Somerset region and wrote in the de Martonne (Geographers Vol. 12) `pays' tradition on Minehead, Watchet and the Brendon Hills, with their distinctive remnants of a short-lived iron-working industry in the second half of the nineteenth century. His period as a questioning Oxford undergraduate there has been amusingly recalled by R. P. Beckinsale, who was Chorley's sole tutor over his three years and whose own iconoclastic views greatly influenced Chorley (Beckinsale 1997). It was his tutor's advice that was the major factor in his choosing to do graduate work in the United States rather than staying on at Oxford. The next six years, 1951±57, were spent in the United States and were to be critical in shaping Chorley's subsequent career. Awarded both Fulbright and Smith-Mundt Scholarships, he had originally planned to work under the geomorphologist Armin K. Lobeck (Geographers Vol. 22) at Columbia University. But, on arrival in New York City in September 1951, Chorley found meantime that Lobeck had been taken ill and he had perforce to turn to A. N. Strahler in the Geology Department as his research supervisor. A long note describing his first meeting with the tall, gangling, 34-year-old Midwesterner (who reminded him of James Stewart) survives in the Chorley archives. Arthur Strahler had his office on the third floor of Schermerhorn Hall at Columbia. The brief meeting was to have an immediate impact, viz.:

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With the comment: `Well, I guess you might like to look at this!', Strahler handed me a copy of his erosional slope development paper [Strahler 1950] and ushered me out. In a state of excitement I went to the Lions' Den, ordered myself a large chocolate malted with two scoops of ice cream, and settled down to read the paper. The milk shake rose about half the length of the straw ± and remained there! I recall that the jukebox was playing Glen Miller's `String of Pearls' at the time. Strahler's paper, with its reliance on statistical methods and fluid mechanics, opened Chorley's eyes to a dynamic geomorphology far removed from the denudation chronology then dominating British fluvial geomorphology. Chorley found himself at Columbia to be part of a firecracker group of graduate students ± including Stanley Schumm, Mark Melton and Marie Morisawa, each of whom went on to make major contributions to geomorphology ± all working under Strahler, who was beginning to explore a then revolutionary, quantitative approach to landform evolution (Strahler 1992). Chorley became an instructor in geology at Columbia in 1952 and then went on to a similar post at the prestigious Brown University in 1954. Well set for a North American academic career, family reasons intervened and he returned to England from the United States in 1957. He registered at Oxford for a DPhil under the supervision of Marjorie Sweeting in the School of Geography but, with her absence abroad, worked with his old tutor. A colleague there, David Cooper, recalls working with Dick on the erodibility of soils in the Oxford region. This involved extensive fieldwork augering samples from the soils developed on the Jurassic sands and thixotrophic clays near the city and also exploring the lower Cretaceous strata to the southwest, both uncertainly accessed via Cooper's Ford Anglia or Chorley's Standard 8. Samples were brought back for analysis in the soils laboratory run by P. H. T. Beckett in the University School of Agriculture. Meantime, Chorley kept abreast of developments back in the United States (via both colleagues at Columbia, Luna Leopold at the US Geological Survey, and Reds Wolman at Johns Hopkins) and also began work on a meteorology text. During the Oxford year, he continued to look for academic jobs. When David Linton (Geographers Vol. 7) left Sheffield in 1958, Chorley sent a letter of inquiry there with a c.v. asking whether there was a vacancy for a geomorphologist. Having a spare stamp, he also sent the carbon copy to Cambridge, with a similar inquiry. The following day, he was telephoned by Professor Steers and called for interview: Chorley was then 31 and was to stay in Cambridge for the rest of his life. The Department of Geography at Cambridge, which Chorley joined in October 1958 as a Demonstrator (a fixed-term junior post), housed a remarkable group of physical geographers. It was headed by a distinguished coastal geomorphologist, Alfred Steers, and the stable of physical geographers included Vaughan Lewis (glaciology) (Geographers Vol. 4), Bruce Sparks (quaternary geomorphology), Dick Grove (tropical landforms) and W. W. Williams (coastal surveying). John Jackson (geodesy) provided the cross-link with geophysics under Sir Edward Bullard, which was then also housed in the School. Lewis was the dominating influence on Chorley, eccentric and, mathematically trained, he loved to `fly kites' and relished the clash of scientific ideas that sometimes followed. Chorley's immediate teaching duties were, typically for the period, handed down by the Head of Department rather than negotiated by the arriving junior. Together with fellow Demonstrators Tony Wrigley, Michael Morgan, Chris Board and Peter Haggett (soon to be joined by David Stoddart), he was responsible for the Monday, Wednesday and Friday laboratory classes and associated fieldwork;

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Figure 1. Chorley with a party of Cambridge University geography students at Sandringham, Norfolk, Easter Term 1964, conducting soil infiltration experiments. Students who went to major careers in academic and planning areas include a kneeling Valerie Haynes (Girton), Graham Chapman (St Catharine's) with deerstalker hat and David Rabson (Sidney Sussex) on the right. (Photo from Rosemary Chorley)

here, he was responsible for surreptitiously slipping in statistical analysis to a somewhat conventional curriculum. Sparks (a Second World War naval meteorologist) wished to devote more time to quaternary studies so Chorley took over teaching in the climatology area. Finally, he was allowed to give some lectures on quantitative geomorphology based on the Horton±Strahler paradigm. Study of successive October editions of the Cambridge University Reporter showed that although Chorley's range of lectures widened and deepened over the next 40 years, many of the same teaching themes were to continue. Regular courses were given (under various titles) on quantitative fluvial geomorphology, atmosphere and climate, hydrology, and statistical methods. New courses were added from time to time on the history and philosophy of geomorphology (as part of the `Geographic Thought' series) and regional landform studies (as illustrated by the classic landforms of the south-western United States). Field days and week-long courses, hilariously recalled by both students and colleagues, were led to the familiar landscapes of Exmoor and Wessex from bases at Taunton and Weymouth (Figure 1). Like Oxford, Cambridge has a long history of courses given in the surrounding region through the activities of the University Extra-Mural Board. In 1948, the University had bought a rambling Elizabethan mansion (with its surrounding gardens and parkland) located about three miles west of Cambridge. Built in 1543 and briefly used as a royal residence, Madingley Hall provided an attractive base for its in-house residential courses. School mathematics in England in the late 1950s was going through major changes with the introduction of linear algebra and statistical models and teachers were asking for more guidance. Through R. E. Pahl, an extra-mural staff tutor, the Board learnt that geography was one of a number of subjects also experiencing change and Chorley and Haggett were invited to put on

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a week-long residential course for geography teachers on `new developments in the discipline'. Its structure was to parallel the course already started on the `new mathematics', which had proved a success. The invitation came when both were in the United States: Chorley working with Stan Schumm (another Strahler student) with the US Geological Survey at Denver and Haggett teaching summer school at Berkeley. At a meeting at the abandoned mining town of Bodie in September 1962, the invitation was discussed and accepted. The following summer (July 1963), the first group of teachers paid their 10 guineas (the combined cost of a week's lectures plus full board, and tennis and croquet) and met in the elegant salon of Madingley Hall. Because residential accommodation was limited, only 28 places were available (the others were for the mathematicians) and, happily, the course was oversubscribed. It was here that, over the next five summers, a remarkable combination of 135 young and enthusiastic school teachers assembled, who were to go on to revolutionize the subject at school level. The title of the course meandered from year to year from `Modern geography' (1963) to `Theory and techniques in modern geography' (1967). Typically, the course began with lectures covering developments in each of the main areas of geography with an emphasis on spatial modelling. There were then practical classes covering a few main techniques (e.g. morphometric analysis, graph theory, linear programming, multivariate modelling, remote sensing applications, spectral analysis). Mid-week provided an opportunity for fieldwork (with an emphasis on sampling designs) and visits to the Cambridge geography department. The end of the week had a specifically schools focus, wrestling with practical classroom implementation problems. After a gap of five years, the Annual Madingley Summer Schools were resumed in July 1973 and continued until August 1978. It was to have major implications for both Chorley's publications and journals (see next sections). One of the invited Madingley lecturers was to have a special significance for Dick. Rosemary Joan Macdonald More was a Cambridge geographer who did her graduate work on irrigation systems at Berkeley, followed by a doctorate at Liverpool. She returned to Cambridge for two years as Director of Studies at Girton College before moving to a lectureship in hydrology at Imperial College. They were married in the summer of 1965 in the chapel of Sidney Sussex College, where Dick had been appointed a fellow three years earlier. Photos of the event show a gaggle of co-authors (Beckinsale, Board, Dunn, Haggett and Wrigley) decked out in unaccustomed finery. This happiest of partnerships produced one son (Richard William, born 1966) and one daughter (Eleanor Mary, born 1968). Despite persistent concentration on college and Department matters, he always found time for family and urgent work taken home was often confined to the very early morning hours before the family were awake. He also had remarkable powers of `parallel processing', watching soccer on television while working out the exact sequence of a chapter is a typical example. Dick's home and family were the bedrock on which his academic life rested. Although not widely regarded as a `committee man', Chorley did more than his fair share of administration. On the university side, he served for five years as Head of the Geography Department, for seven years as secretary of the Faculty Board, and for a record-breaking 21 years as a member of the University's Board of Graduate Studies. The latter brought him a unique `certificate of diligent attendance' from the Board, on which it was recorded that he had `read (or ought to have read) at least 6.5 miles of Board papers, attended 88.7 % of meetings, and seen off six chairmen and 55 other members'. Less well known was his interest in and work for the University's Development Studies Programme. This goes back to

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Keynes in the 1930s and, under Chorley's chairmanship, integrated courses in Land Economy and Area Studies into its wide-ranging programme. In all his committee work, he was a patient and well prepared chairman, encouraging a width of opinion and showing a quiet, gentle touch and a lack of dogma. On the college side, he served as Director of Studies in Geography for several decades and as a much-loved Vice-Master. Formal retirement at Cambridge came at age 67 but scarcely interrupted his long-established research habits. He followed a contented pattern of cycling each morning from his Newnham home across Coe Fen to the Department of Geography in Downing Place to work on the latest `history' volume. This was broken by morning coffee with colleagues in the Department, lunch at his college and home again for tea. Supervision of undergraduates, advising graduate students, the occasional lecture and dealing with the tide of correspondence with colleagues around the world continued. North American invitations to lecture came by the score but were gently set aside as he drew in his spatial horizons. Regular visits to children and the seasonal cycle of homages back to his native Somerset continued the familiar pattern. But retirement was to be brief. Richard Chorley suffered a severe heart attack at his home in Grantchester Meadows, Cambridge, on 12 May 2002 and he died in Addenbrooke's Hospital shortly thereafter. He was 74. His funeral service was held on 21 May in Sidney Sussex chapel and was followed by burial in Cambridge's Ascension cemetery. In line with his interest in numbers, he had chosen plot 33. Ever loyal to his Somerset homeland, he had asked that any funeral tributes should be donated to the renewed West Somerset Railway, in which he had been a founder investor.

Scientific Publications and Geographical Thought Chorley's scientific writing extended for nearly a half-century. His first brief scientific paper on some neglected source material in quantitative geomorphology was published in the Journal of Geology in 1956; work to which he contributed continues to be published. Over that period, he wrote, singly or with collaborators, eight major volumes and edited a further five; the several that subsequently appeared in multiple volumes, in revisions and in translations push the total of volumes well into the twenties. To these he added over four score more research papers published in 25 journals that ranged from US Geological Survey, Professional Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society (Series A) to Nature and Geography. Although, here, we try to systematize the corpus of Chorley's main scientific writings into separate sections, in truth, they form a continuous piece, a toccata and fugue around one or two repeating themes. The notion of quantification and systems analysis extends through much of his writing, as does a deep respect for the historical context of scientific discovery. Students outside his door waiting for a supervision would hear the constant tapping of the keys and the end-of-line bell on his old Remington portable (a treasured gift from his mother) as another piece was completed. His work ranged in format from sets of magisterial volumes, whose preparation took a decade or more, down to short, quirky papers in which he reflected on Cambridge academic life (1995a), or related the shape of drumlins to the action of an egg-laying duck (1959c). In between came practical reports on the Geomorphic Controls on the Management of Nuclear Waste (1983) or speculations on the role of analogue theory in geography (1964d). Here, we identify four clusters:

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quantitative and theoretical geomorphology; soils, hydrology and climatology; history of the study of landforms; Madingley and the `new' geography. QUANTITATIVE AND THEORETICAL GEOMORPHOLOGY At the time of Chorley's return from the United States, the dominant paradigm in British geomorphology continued to be the Davisian cycle of erosion, with special emphasis on eustacy and the study of past erosion levels. The classic work of Sidney W. Wooldridge (Geographers Vol. 8) and D. L. Linton on the erosional history of south-east England was typical of such work. Chorley offered an alternative quantitative model-based paradigm with an emphasis on numerical modelling and General Systems Theory. Mathematics and modelling, rather than landscape history, lay at the heart of this new geomorphology driven by Chorley. Fired with a deep interest in quantitative geomorphology from his period under Strahler, his early papers directly reflected that influence. Papers on the Hortonian laws of morphometry, their relation to climate (1957a; 1957b) and on new standards for measuring drainage-basin shape (1957c) led the charge. He went on to develop a simplified approximation to the hypsometric integral (1959c) and explored the evolution over time of both poly-cyclic drainage basins and the slope relations within an expanding stream system (1958b; 1961). Spatial comparisons were also made between the morphometric features of different regions using the Appalachians and Dartmoor as examples (1962a). His ideas on network evolution were incorporated into both chapters on the drainage basin (1969c) and in a book with Haggett on Network Structure in Geography (1969c), in which the authors explored how linear networks in both physical and human geography could be analysed in very similar ways. His long chapter on `The application of statistical methods to geomorphology' in Dury's book (1966a) became a much-thumbed bible for graduate students and colleagues alike. Unsurprisingly, not all his senior colleagues were in sympathy with his methods and a paper at the Royal Geographical Society on slope profiles (1964g) attracted strong criticism from S. W. Wooldridge. The writings of Ludwig von Bertalanffy on systems dynamics caught Chorley's attention in the late 1950s and, after corresponding with the author, he explored their implications for landform study. His pioneering `Geomorphology and general systems theory' (1962b) had wide influence. He was later to expand these ideas into the broader arena of physical geography and, with his former Cambridge student, Barbara Kennedy, produced Physical Geography: A Systems Approach (1971a), which had worldwide influence on both teaching and research in the field. He was later to return to the theme with Robert Bennett in their monumental volume on Environmental Systems (1978a), which explored the analysis of such systems set within a philosophy of general systems and with emphasis on the building of optimization control models (1981a). Chorley's friendship with the north-western geologist, W. C. Krumbein, led him to explore further the role of statistical analysis in tackling landform problems. A major review of trend-surface mapping (1965e) with applications to raised shorelines (1967e) reflected this influence, as did a later study of Breckland sands using a hierarchical form of variance analysis (1966b). SOILS, WATER AND THE ATMOSPHERE The brief period back in Oxford in 1957±58 working in a soils laboratory was also to leave a rich legacy. `The geomorphic significance of some Oxford soils' (1959a)

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Figure 2. Chris Board (left) with Richard Chorley taking ring penetrometer measurements on Lower Greensand soils near Sandy, Bedfordshire, early 1960s. (Photo by Peter Haggett)

was to presage a cluster of papers that explored the relationship between soil characteristics and landform morphology. Regional studies of the Lower Greensand ridge in east-central England (1964e; 1969e) and the Breckland sands (1966b) were accompanied by more technical papers on shear resistance of soils (1964f) (Figure 2). This area of interest was connected to his theoretical interests. The Oxford soils study was driven by the belief that soils and their hydrology determined surface erosional processes so that the controls of relief are less through the rock characteristics than through the surface processes that reflect the nature of the soils. Later in life, Chorley was to return to soil studies, taking part with fellow Cambridge geomorphologist Keith Richards in a series of major group papers on the role of Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) in mapping static and dynamic aspects of water in soils (e.g. 1993a; 1997b; 1998). In this, he linked up through his Chinese research student Miriam Amin with Laurie Hall, Professor of Medicinal Chemistry at Addenbrooke's Hospital, Cambridge, to explore the potential of imaging for mapping three-dimensional flow structures. Chorley's studies also ranged widely from geomorphology into much broader areas of physical geography. He used his Cambridge lectures on the atmosphere to craft an enduring basic textbook. Atmosphere, Weather and Climate (1968a), now in its eighth edition, was written with Roger Barry (Southampton, then Colorado), who had given his Cambridge lectures when Chorley was working in North America. This was shortly followed by a major edited volume on hydrology. Water, Earth and Man (1969a) brought together a dozen authors in a synthesis of basic hydrology, fluvial processes and water-resource planning; it was later to be published in three separate volumes. In this, he worked with his wife, Rosemary More, encouraging her to bring her hydrological insights from work at Imperial College into an

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overarching systems framework. His paper with M. J. Kirkby on through flow, overland flow and erosion (1967d) was a classic. A set of edited essays on Spatial Analysis in Geomorphology (1972a) and a major text on Geomorphology (1984) with Stan Schumm and David Sugden rounded out work in this area. The spatial analysis book was important to the development of the British Geomorphology Research Group (BGRG), since he waived royalties, allowing the group to build up funds, starting the tradition of edited volumes whose royalties supported research being produced from the annual meetings. THE HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF LANDFORMS What may prove to be Chorley's most enduring work was his writing of a definitive study of the history of geomorphology. Entitled The History of the Study of Landforms or the Development of Geomorphology, it was conceived on the grand scale and was to occupy the last 40 years of his life. At the time of Chorley's death, three volumes had been published and the fourth (with his own completed chapters) had been initiated. Together, the four volumes form a unique and outstanding record of the evolution of geomorphology as a scientific discipline. Volume 1, Geomorphology before Davis (1964a), written with A. J. Dunn and R. P. Beckinsale, dealt with contributions to the field up to 1890. Tony Dunn had been at Minehead School with Dick, went on to study geography at Aberystwyth and had then turned to a legal career in local government: Robert Beckinsale was his old Oxford tutor. Arranged in four parts, it analysed early contributions from the Greeks through successive centuries to the early years of the nineteenth century, the age of Lyell (1820±45), the controversy between the marine and subaerial erosionists (1846±75) and, finally, the contributions of the western explorations (particularly John Wesley Powell (Geographers Vol. 3) and Grove Karl Gilbert (Geographers Vol. 1)). A feature of all this and subsequent volumes in the series was the remarkable depth of coverage, each period documented with long extracts from the original references so that it combined the authority of a source book with the integrated architecture of a review volume. Long as it was, the final text was shortened by a quarter of a million words from the original version. The text was enlivened, not only with 131 illustrations drawn from the originals, but with a garnish of anecdotes and parodies that brought the actors alive. The pursuit of geomorphology in Chorley's hands was shown to be a serious but never a solemn pursuit. In the preface, the authors `unite in gratitude to the person who having purloined the only copies of the notes and text of Part 3 from Victoria Station (the Margate line) subsequently returned them. We hope that most of our readers will not consider the second act more unpardonable than the first' (Chorley, Dunn and Beckinsale 1964a, xv). It was to be nine years before the next volume was ready. Volume 2, The Life and Work of William Morris Davis (1973a), again written with Beckinsale and Dunn and published after another decade of research, dealt with the concepts and contributions of William Morris Davis (Geographers Vol. 5). Again, divided into four parts, it mischievously imposes Davis's own phases of the landform cycle on the life of its originator: youth, maturity, old age and final rejuvenation. It is a paradox that although Chorley's research papers emphasized an alternative paradigm, in this biographical volume, he gives full scope to Davis's remarkable powers of analysis and synthesis. To do this, he made close contact with Davis's family and made extensive use of the archives in Harvard University. The volume ranks as one of the finest biographies of a geographer ever penned. Volume 3, Historical and Regional Geomorphology, 1890±1950 (1991), jointly

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authored with Beckinsale alone, took nearly two further decades of work. It treats two major themes during the `classic' period of geomorphology, between 1890 and 1960. The four parts of the volume examine global influences (such as crustal and climatic changes), Davisian influences both within and outside the United States, historical geomorphology, both eustatic and tectonic, and regional geomorphology. The fourth and final volume (2008a) came 17 years later. It was completed after his death by a score of Chorley's students and colleagues under the editorship of Tim Burt (Durham), Denys Brunsden (London), Nick Cox (Durham) and Andrew Goudie (Oxford) and concentrates on studies of geomorphic processes and of Quaternary geomorphology, carrying these themes into the second half of the twentieth century, since when process-based studies have become so dominant. The five sections (geological controls, fluvial processes and landforms, glacial processes and landforms, other regional processes and landforms and the mid-century revolutions) each consists of separate chapters written by a score of leading British geomorphologists. One of the chapters on the quantitative revolution in fluvial geomorphology is by Chorley (2008b) and the whole volume was written as a tribute to his influence. In addition to these major volumes, Chorley wrote a number of shorter accounts on the diastrophic background to contemporary geomorphology (1963), two shorter studies of W. M. Davis (1965b; 1981b), several contributions to Gillispie's Dictionary of Scientific Biography on figures such as D. W. Johnson and W. Penck (1971c; 1972d; 1973d; 1974), and he contributed to a major monograph on G. K. Gilbert (1980). Works that became major `classics' of modern fluvial geomorphology by R. E. Horton and J. H. Mackin were also critically appraised (1995b; 2000). MADINGLEY AND THE `NEW GEOGRAPHY' Chorley foresaw the need to widen his concerns for radical change in physical geography to embrace the need for change in the discipline of geography as a whole. In this, he teamed up with a fellow Cambridge demonstrator and West Somerset man, Peter Haggett, to form what David Harvey once termed the `terrible twins' of British geography. Given the efforts that contributors had put into the Madingley course (described in the preceding section), they considered it worthwhile to have a permanent record of the lectures given at these summer schools. The first Madingley volume, Frontiers in Geographical Teaching (1965a), was based on the first summer's classes and several chapters placed their emphasis squarely on teaching. But it was the second that was to have more impact. Although sub-titled simply `The second Madingley lectures', the next volume was more ambitious in scope and addressed to a wider professional audience. Models in Geography (1967a) has recently been re-assessed by Golledge (2006) in the `Textbooks that shaped generations' series. It consisted of 18 chapters divided into five sections: `Role of models' (Chorley, Haggett and George); `Models of physical systems' (Chorley, Barry and More); `Models of socio-economic systems' (Wrigley, Pahl, Keeble, Garner, Hamilton and Henshall); `Models of mixed systems' (Grigg, Stoddart, Harvey and Haggett); and `Information models' (Board, Morgan and Harries). Although not overtly quantitative, it was marked throughout by a stress on models within a broadly positivist framework. Because of its considerable size (including 2,000 references), the book was subsequently reissued as three separate volumes. A third joint Chorley±Haggett volume to emerge directly from Madingley came from their parallel class notes on the geographical analysis of linear structures in

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physical and human geography, respectively. Published by Arnold as Network Analysis in Geography (1969b), it was planned as the first of an ambitious threevolume trilogy on spatial analysis but, with Haggett's departure for Bristol and Chorley's need to complete the next `History' volume, the other two (on the analysis of surfaces and of point patterns) were delayed and eventually written by others. The Madingley series continued in a slightly different format in the late 1960s and his edited Directions in Geography (1973b) rounded out the period. A detailed study of the Madingley enterprise and the work that emerged from it is discussed in Haggett (2008).

Factors in Chorley's Influence Chorley's huge scholarly corpus of writing would surely be enough to secure his place in academia's Hall of Fame. But they only partly explain his huge influence. In this final section, we look at some of the other ways in which his presence was felt by the discipline. We identify five: through his classroom teaching and public lectures; through his research students and colleagues; through the journals he founded; through his publishing links; and through his Cambridge college. Finally, we look beyond these formal channels to the warmth and generosity of character that gave him a pivotal position within his discipline that will long be remembered and cherished. Chorley was a consummate classroom teacher. Lecturing, as opposed to writing, was, in his view, a Barnum and Bailey circus act and few who took his classes on networks will forget an abstruse topological point demonstrated by removing his waistcoat down one arm of the still buttoned outer jacket. Undergraduates will remember him for outstanding, if iconoclastic, teaching, a dominating classroom presence and those embroidered stories that are still being told and retold around the world. As we have noted, at Cambridge, he carried a heavy teaching load, with his courses on the `Landforms of the SW United States' proving a special favourite (Figure 3). Harriet Allan records attending his lectures in the late 1970s: I particularly remember his lectures on the `South West' and how funny they were. He had the class in stitches of laughter showing slides of people like G.K.Gilbert and J.W.Powell, riding on mules, their camps, and stories about their privations. Students in the previous year encouraged us all to go, whether or not we were taking the relevant exam paper. Even his pronunciation of place-names gave the area an exotic relevance. (Keith Richards to P.H., 15 October 2007) Chorley's world of learning was peopled by heroes and villains, black and white figures, not shades of grey. A major public lecture by Chorley at a conference caused a frisson of excitement, rather like seeing W. G. Grace striding to the wicket: sixes struck over the establishment pavilion continued to be a hallmark of a vintage Chorley innings. But appearances could be deceptive. Although his lectures were meticulously prepared and usually heavily illustrated, most were delivered without reference to his extensive notes. Indeed, he often carried with him a sheaf of papers (to `give the class a touch of confidence', as he put it), but these might be on any subject and, indeed, sometimes were simply blank pages. A second channel was through his graduate students and his colleagues.

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Figure 3. Chorley's love of the American Southwest extended beyond its landforms to its colourful folklore. Taking a break from fieldwork at Boothill Graveyard, Tombstone, Arizona, Summer 1962. The graveyard has since been tidied up, with more elaborate gravestones added. (Photo by Stanley Schumm, courtesy of Rosemary Chorley)

Although he had many research students over the years, he did not establish (or wish to establish) any cloned `school' of followers. This was partly due to respect for an individual student's interests, partly because he did not seek large or programmatic research grants that called on an organized army of graduate students to attack. Rather, he accepted students with great care but then gave them their head. Once accepted, the looseness of his reins was legendary. His students will recall a supervisor who encouraged them to ask new questions and allowed them to wander on the loosest of reins. His standard check on progress was his inimitable `Everything going all right, then?' or `All well?' when they passed on the Department's main staircase. Robert Bennett recalls: My PhD topic was on modelling and systems (on regional economic modelling in NW England) and Dick offered the right links and support. I worked for him on the history of the study of landforms on Davis. He funded this from some source or other and it allowed me to do a course on differential equations for engineers. (R. J. Bennett to P.H., 7 May 2008) Their cooperation was eventually to lead to a major joint volume on environmental systems (1978a), with an emphasis on control theory. However idiosyncratic his supervision methods, the fact that most graduate students completed outstanding work and went on to senior posts at universities both in the United Kingdom and overseas testifies to their success. An incomplete list includes M. G. Anderson (Bristol), R. J. Bennett (Cambridge), Kevin Bishop

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(Uppsala), M. A. Carson (McGill), G. P. Chapman (Lancaster), I. S. Evans (Durham), R. I. Ferguson (Durham), R. D. Hey (East Anglia), R. S. Jarvis (Texas), J. A. A. Jones (Aberystwyth), B. A. Kennedy (Oxford), M. J. Kirkby (Leeds), C. M. Madduma Bandara (Peredinaya), K. S. Richards (Cambridge), H. O. Slaymaker (British Columbia) and A. Werrity (St Andrews). Once launched on their academic careers, he guaranteed them lifetime support. Looking over the list of Chorley publications, one of the striking aspects is the large number of colleagues with whom he cooperated. He published jointly with 26 co-authors and edited volumes with contributions by as many again. He persuaded 37 lecturers to take part in the first five years of Madingley. Lecturers were paid at the modest rate of five guineas per session and persuading colleagues to serve at a peak time for both family holidays and overseas fieldwork speaks volumes for Dick's persuasiveness. With co-authors, he had a generous spirit of cooperation, always encouraging those he worked with to publish jointly, always pushing younger colleagues further up the list of authors to help their careers get under way. The journals Chorley founded continue to flourish. By the late 1960s, several of the original Madingley team had left Cambridge or were moving on into new fields. He felt it a pity to let the momentum built up by Frontiers and Models wane. Casting around for some ways to keep it going, the idea of an annual hardback series of volumes reviewing developments across geography was one way forward. Arnolds eventually agreed to publish Progress in Geography under the editorship of the `gang of four' (Board, Chorley, Haggett and Stoddart), who had all been laboratory Demonstrators together at Cambridge. They were supported by a distinguished advisory board: Brian Berry (Chicago), George Dury (Sydney), Torsten HaÃgerstrand (Lund) (Geographers Vol. 26), Kenneth Hare (Toronto) (Geographers Vol. 25), Les King (Ohio State), Jim Parsons (Berkeley) (Geographers Vol. 19), Gottfried Pfeifer (Heidelberg) and Stan Schumm (Colorado State), who reflected the catholic aims of the new series but also contained a strong modelling emphasis. The first volume was published in 1969 and drew heavily on American and Australian contributors. The volume was lead off by a 50-page review by the irrepressible Peter Gould (Geographers Vol. 24) on methodological changes since the 1950s. Nine volumes of PIG were published between 1969 and 1976. In the early years, manuscripts were hard to find but, as its reputation grew, so the pressure of new material led to delays in publication and a decision was taken to replace the hardback series with a quarterly journal. While we had hoped and pressed for a single journal, a survey of readers and subscribers suggested that two separate journals would be more acceptable. The first issues of Progress in Physical Geography and Progress in Human Geography were published in the year after the last hardback volume. Each journal carried a similar subtitle indicating that it aimed to be an `international review of geographical work' in the `natural and environmental sciences' and the `social sciences and humanities', respectively. This was deliberately added to emphasize our wish to carry papers by non-geographers who were doing important geographical work. While both journals were catholic in content, the inclusion of a built-in `progress report' section allowed the editors to ensure that quantitative methods in both physical and human geography were amongst the fields regularly reviewed and updated. The original `gang of four' was first supplemented by two further editors, Bruce Atkinson of Queen Mary College London and David Lowenthal of University College London, and later by Ron Johnston of Sheffield University and Andrew Goudie of Oxford. Thirty years later, both journals continue and flourish as a long-term legacy of Madingley. Chorley's links with particular London-based publishing houses were critical in

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getting volumes and journals published and thus also an indirect factor in his influence. He built up close links with two houses in particular. First, Methuen, in New Fetter Lane, where Peter Waite and Janice Price, their geography editors, accepted nine of his volumes (Frontiers, Models, Atmosphere, Weather and Climate, the History of Landforms series), and second, with Edward Arnold, in Maddox Street, where John Davey, who had already worked on one of Haggett's books, agreed to the Progress in Geography series and the two parallel journals that grew from them. Chorley was immensely successful in meeting deadlines and, supported by the skills of the Cambridge Department of Geography drawing office led by Roy Versey and, later, Mike Young, delivered beautifully illustrated copy. A disinterest in royalty returns (`a few crumbs from the publisher's table' will do) was rewarded with a sequence of books, some of which were to become bestsellers. These were the days when the completed manuscript preceded rather than followed the contract. To our knowledge, only one book manuscript was ever rejected; the American publisher McGraw Hill declined his `Introduction to the atmosphere', as they already had Riehl's book (with a similar title) under production. He later regarded the rejection as great good fortune, since it allowed him to team up with Roger Barry (then at Southampton and a Madingley contributor) in producing a revised version as Atmosphere, Weather, and Climate, which has not been out of print since 1968 and is now under revision for a ninth edition. A fifth channel was through his Cambridge college. When Chorley arrived at Cambridge in the late 1950s, college fellowships were sparse, with only four (Fitzwilliam, Newnham, St Catharine's and St Johns) with two or more geography fellows. Following the Bridges Report on College±University Links in 1960, new college opportunities opened up and, in 1962, he became the first geography fellow at Sidney Sussex College. Founded in 1596, Sidney was one of the smaller colleges, set amongst tranquil gardens but right in the heart of the university city. Its small size, its informal structures and its tradition of fostering undergraduates from state (rather than public) schools all appealed to him. The fact that he was the first geography fellow in the college's history meant he had a free hand to develop the discipline there as he thought proper. He did this by admitting bright, enthusiastic students (reflected in rising degree-class levels in the Geographical Tripos lists) and by further enthusing them. Derek Gregory recalls his undergraduate supervisions: We had a keen sense that we were privileged eavesdroppers on Geography in the making . . .. He was, quite simply, at the very top of his field which he surveyed with a brilliant, idiosyncratic, panoramic gaze, and he possessed an ability to see connections and make you see things differently I left so many supervisions thinking `I've never seen it like that before'. (Derek Gregory to P.H., 16 August 2007) Gregory was one of a number of outstanding geographers later elected to fellowships at the college (Figure 4). Chorley also encouraged scholars such as George Dury (another iconoclastic geomorphologist who had retired from the United States to the area) to spend periods in the college as visiting fellows and brought outstanding teachers to the college on Schoolmaster Fellowships. He was fellow there for the next 40 years, from his election in 1962 and as its Vice-Master, 1990±93. Typically idiosyncratic was his campaign to follow up Dorothy L. Sayer's proposition that clues embedded in the detective stories pointed to Sherlock Holmes having been an undergraduate at Sidney. His Sherlock Holmes at Sidney Sussex College, 1871±73 is a collector's piece in imaginative reconstruction.

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Figure 4. Devotion to his Cambridge college was an important constant in his life. Chorley (front row, right) with members of the Sidney Sussex College geographical society (the `Vidal de la Blache Society') in May 1983. Other members on the front road include Peter Haggett (left), Derek Gregory (fourth from left) and Graeme Smith (sixth from left). After his death, the society was renamed the `Richard Chorley Society' in his honour.

When one enthusiastic Japanese reader asked for a memento of `Sherlock Holmes' college', Chorley duly scoured the mason's yard and sent him a gift-wrapped brick! All the above help to explain Dick Chorley's influence, but say little about the man himself. Only his immediate family will know the true and very private Richard but, for those of us who were his colleagues, three features stand out. First was his bubbling and infectious good humour. He had what the poet John Betjeman called the `bonus of laughter'; faced with the choice between life being seen as tragic or comic, he plumped unerringly for the latter. Working with Chorley was a guarantee of laughter. Second was his steadfast loyalty and sense of duty. Whether it was visiting week after week and year after year an old friend with terminal illness or attending a dull but necessary committee meeting or writing yet another reference for an old student finding it hard to get started, he was utterly loyal and dependable. Asked once why he continued to support the Somerset cricket team, which had failed to win the championship in 110 years of trying, he responded: `Any Tom, Dick or Harry can support a winning team. It's supporting the no hopers that needs real concentration.' Yet a third strand was his diffidence and self-effacement. Essentially a modest and retiring man, Dick Chorley felt he had enjoyed a fortunate life. Awards came from the Royal Geographical Society (the Gill Memorial in 1967 and the Patron's Medal in 1987), the Association of American Geographers (1981), the British Geomorphological Research Group (the Linton Medal and their first life member, 1974) and the University of Bristol (an Honorary D.Sc., 1996). He also had an outstanding Festschrift volume, Process and Form in Geomorphology, meticulously edited by one of his oldest friends. It is ironic that the Royal Society (which had last honoured another physical geographer, Wooldridge, in 1959) failed to recognize Chorley's distinction and did not break its drought of geographical FRS until 2002.

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His own view was one of total disinterest and, in later life, many other awards were gently but firmly turned aside. All three strands underline his positive attitudes to life. Richard Chorley always considered himself to have lived a fortunate, even a charmed, life. While humour and self-deprecation were part of his character and concealed huge determination and year after year of hard work, there were times when fortune did indeed come to the rescue. He was not happy with the Oxford syllabus and, as Beckinsale points out, had he done better in his examinations there, he might have stayed on to do research, rather than moving to the United States. At Columbia, it was Lobeck's indisposition that precipitated the critical transfer to Strahler. At Cambridge, it was Lewis's death that created the established vacancy that Chorley was to fill with such distinction. There were times in his life when a way suddenly and unexpectedly opened. Born and bred in West Somerset, he remained to the end a West Country man, with his deep family links with the Exmoor area, and a soft burr that a lifetime in Oxford and Cambridge never eradicated. One of his last public speeches was at Dulverton on Exmoor, at a conference to mark the 40th anniversary of Exmoor National Park, held in September 1994. It was a typical bravura after-dinner performance that drew heavily on his familiar West Country store of stories, many from his `Just William' childhood. Typically, it reduced his audience to side-aching tears. That evening caught the spirit of a man whose whole life was marvellously and fully lived; rarely have such huge scholarly talents been combined with such warm good humour and such gentle self-effacement. Dick's sense of humour was legendary and shone through all that he did. But there was also a deeply serious side. As one of us recalled at his funeral service in Sidney Sussex College chapel: Despite the theory and the mathematics he found `the landscape in its glory' (as John Keble put it) had theological as well as scientific meaning. One limpidly-clear day in autumn of 1962 we were travelling with one of his old students down the Owens Valley in California when the view suddenly opened up. For mile after mile after mile the eastern, faulted face of the Sierra Nevada rolled away in its majesty, 9000 feet above the valley floor. We climbed up through the sage brush and tumbleweed on a small hill to get a still better view and then left Dick alone, moved to the edge of tears, by his contemplation of God's handiwork. It was a handiwork (Bunyan's `Shooe in the Earth') that Dick was to spend his whole life studying ± and gracefully illuminating for us. So, perhaps in the end, the greatest secret of Chorley's influence was very simple. He was so deeply fascinated by geography that he could not conceive of anyone else not sharing that enthusiasm. In Derek Gregory's words, `He had the ability to transmit his love of commitment to geography as an intellectual enterprise, always bursting with ideas and enthusiasm in equal measure' (Derek Gregory to P.H., 17 July 2007).

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Bibliography and Sources 1. OBITUARIES, OTHER ACCOUNTS RELATING TO RICHARD CHORLEY, AND PAPERS CITED IN TEXT Anon. (2002), `Professor Richard Chorley', The Times, 24 June 2002. Beckinsale, R. P. (1997), `Richard Chorley: A reformer with a cause', in D. R. Stoddart (ed.), Process and Form in Geomorphology. London: Routledge, pp. 3±12. Golledge, R. (2006), `Textbooks that moved generations: Models in Geography', Progress in Human Geography 30, 107±13. Haggett, P. (2002a), `Richard Chorley', The Independent, 18 May 2002. Ð

(2002b), `Richard John Chorley, 1927±2002', Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 27, 522±5.

Ð

(2008), `The local shape of revolution: Reflections on quantitative geography at Cambridge in the fifties and sixties', Geographical Analysis 40, 336±62.

Stoddart, D. R. (ed.) (1997a), Process and Form in Geomorphology (Festschrift volume for Richard Chorley). London: Routledge. Stoddart, D. R. (1997b), `Richard J. Chorley and modern geomorphology', in D. R. Stoddart (ed.), Process and Form in Geomorphology. London: Routledge, pp. 383±95. Sidney Sussex College Magazine (2003), Memorial and essays on Chorley. Strahler, A. N. (1950), `Equilibrium theory of erosional slopes approached by frequency distribution analysis', American Journal of Science 248, 673±96. Ð

(1992), `Quantitative/dynamic geomorphology at Columbia, 1945±60: A retrospective', Progress in Geomorphology 16, 65±84.

2. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY RICHARD CHORLEY Only the most important of Chorley's publications are given here. A full list of Chorley's publications up to 1995 is given in Stoddart (1997), pp. 400±5, see above, and an updated publication list is available on the Cambridge Department of Geography website (www.geog.cam.ac.uk). Here, books are separated from papers but the qualifiers after a year of publication (a, b, etc.) run across both these categories. Papers by Chorley are cited in the text simply as (1964d), etc. BOOKS 1964a

The History of the Study of Landforms or the Development of Geomorphology, Vol. 1: Geomorphology before Davis. London: Methuen (with A. J. Dunn and R. P. Beckinsale).

1965a

Frontiers in Geographical Teaching. London: Methuen (edited with P. Haggett) (second edition, 1970).

1967a

Models in Geography: The Second Madingley Lectures. London: Methuen

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1968a

Atmosphere, Weather and Climate. London: Methuen (with R. G. Barry) (seventh edition, 2000).

1969a

Water, Earth and Man: A Synthesis of Hydrology, Geomorphology and Socioeconomic Geography. London: Methuen (editor) (later published in three separate volumes).

1969b

Network Analysis in Geography: An Exploration in Spatial Structure. London: Edward Arnold (with P. Haggett) (second edition, 1972).

1971a

Physical Geography: A Systems Approach. London: Prentice-Hall (with B. A. Kennedy).

1972a

Spatial Analysis in Geomorphology. London: Methuen.

1973a

The History of the Study of Landforms or the Development of Geomorphology, Vol. 2: The Life and Work of William Morris Davis. London: Methuen (with R. P. Beckinsale and A. J. Dunn).

1973b

Directions in Geography. London: Methuen.

1978a

Environmental Systems: Philosophy, Analysis and Control. London: Methuen and Princeton: Princeton University Press (with R. J. Bennett).

1984

Geomorphology. London: Methuen (with S. A. Schumm and D. E. Sugden).

1991

The History of the Study of Landforms or the Development of Geomorphology, Vol. 3: Historical and Regional Geomorphology 1890±1950. London: Routledge (with R. P. Beckinsale).

1997

Sherlock Holmes at Sidney Sussex College: An Imaginative Reconstruction. Cambridge: Sidney Sussex College.

2008a

The History of the Study of Landforms or the Development of Geomorphology, Vol. 4: Quaternary and Recent Processes and Forms (1890±1965) and the MidCentury Revolutions. London: The Geological Society (with T. P. Burt, D. Brunsden, N. J. Cox and A. S. Goudie).

3. SELECTED SCIENTIFIC PAPERS AND CHAPTERS 1956a

`Some neglected source material in quantitative geomorphology', Journal of Geology 64, 422±3.

1956b

`The relationships between angle of land slope and soil profile characteristics in the D.S.A.', First Report of the Commission for the Study of Slopes, International Geographical Union, pp. 42±3.

1957a

`Illustrating the laws of morphometry', Geological Magazine 94, 140±50.

1957b

`Climate and morphometry', Journal of Geology 65, 630±8.

1957c

`A new standard for estimating drainage basin shape', American Journal of Science 255, 138±41 (with D. E. G. Malm and H. A. Pogorzelski).

1958a

`Group operator variance in morphometric work with maps', American Journal of Science 256, 208±18.

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1958b

`Aspects of the morphometry of a ``poly-cyclic'' drainage basin', Geographical Journal 124, 370±4.

1959a

`The geomorphic significance of some Oxford soils', American Journal of Science 257, 503±15.

1959b

`A simplified approximation for the hypsometric integral', Journal of Geology 67, 566±71 (with L. S. D. Morley).

1959c

`The shape of drumlins', Journal of Glaciology 3, 339±44.

1961

`Early slope development in an expanding stream system', Geological Magazine 98, 117±30 (with C. S. Carter).

1962a

`Comparison of morphometric features, Unaka Mountains, Tennessee and North Carolina and Dartmoor, England', Bulletin of the Geological Society of America 73, 17±34 (with M. A. Morgan).

1962b

`Geomorphology and general systems theory', US Geological Survey Professional Paper 500-B, 1±10.

1963

`Diastrophic background to twentieth-century geomorphological thought', Bulletin of the Geological Society of America 74, 953±70.

1964b

`The fall of Threatening Rock', American Journal of Science 262, 1041± 1054 (with S. A. Schumm).

1964c

`The Vigil Network system', Journal of Hydrology 2, 19±24 (with H. G. Slaymaker).

1964d

`Geography and analogue theory', Annals of the Association of American Geographers 54, 127±37.

1964e

`An analysis of the areal distribution of soil size facies on the Lower Greensand rocks of east-central England by the use of trend surface analysis', Geological Magazine 101, 314±21.

1964f

`Geomorphic evaluation of factors controlling the shearing resistance of surface soils in sandstone', Journal of Geophysical Research 69, 1507±16.

1964g

`The nodal position and anomalous character of slope studies in geographical research', Geographical Journal 130, 70±3.

1965b

`A re-evaluation of the geomorphic system of W.M. Davis', in R. J. Chorley and P. Haggett (eds), Frontiers in Geographical Teaching. London: Methuen, pp. 21±38.

1965c

`The application of quantitative methods to geomorphology', in R. J. Chorley and P. Haggett (eds), Frontiers in Geographical Teaching. London: Methuen, pp. 147±63.

1965d

`Frontier movements and the geographical tradition', in R. J. Chorley and P. Haggett (eds), Frontiers in Geographical Teaching. London: Methuen, pp. 358±78 (with P. Haggett).

1965e

`Trend-surface mapping in geographical research', Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 37, 47±67 (with P. Haggett).

1965f

`Scale standards in geographical research: A new measure of areal magnitude', Nature 205, 844±7 (with P. Haggett and D. R. Stoddart).

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1966a

`The application of statistical methods to geomorphology', in G. H. Dury (ed.), Essays in Geomorphology. London: Heinemann, pp. 275±387.

1966b

`Regional and local components in the areal distribution of surface sand facies in the Breckland, eastern England', Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 36, 209±20 (with D. R. Stoddart, P. Haggett and H. O. Slaymaker).

1966c

`Talus weathering and scarp recession in the Colorado Plateaus', Zeitschrift fur Geomorphologie NF 10, 11±36 (with S. A. Schumm).

1967b

`Models, paradigms and the new geography', in R. J. Chorley and P. Haggett (eds), Models in Geography. London: Methuen, pp. 19±41.

1967c

`Models in geomorphology', in R. J. Chorley and P. Haggett (eds), Models in Geography. London: Methuen, pp. 59±96.

1967d

`Throughflow, overland flow and erosion', Bulletin of the International Association of Scientific Hydrology 12, 5±21 (with M. J. Kirkby).

1967e

`Trend surface mapping of raised shorelines', Nature 215, 611±12 (with S. B. McCann).

1968b

`Base level', and `History of geomorphology', in R. W. Fairbridge (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Geomorphology. New York: Reinhold, pp. 58±60, 410± 16.

1969c

`The drainage basin as the fundamental geomorphic unit', in R. J. Chorley (ed.), Water, Earth and Man. London: Methuen, pp. 77±99.

1969d

`The role of water in rock disintegration', in R. J. Chorley (ed.), Water, Earth and Man. London: Methuen, pp. 135±55.

1969e

`The elevation of the Lower Greensand ridge, south-east England', Geological Magazine 106, 231±48.

1969f

`The Standing Committee on the Role of Models and Quantitative Techniques in Geographical Teaching', Geography 54, 1±4.

1971b

`Forecasting in the earth sciences', in M. Chisholm, A. E. Frey and P. Haggett (eds), Regional Forecasting. London: Butterworth, pp. 121±37.

1971c

`Gabriel-Auguste Daubree (1814±1896)', in C. C. Gillispie (ed.), Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 3. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, pp. 586±7.

1971d

`The role and relations of physical geography', Progress in Geography 3, 89±109.

1971e

`An experiment in terrain filtering', Area 3, 78±91 (with K. Bassett).

1972b

`Spatial analysis in geomorphology', in R. J. Chorley (ed.), Spatial Analysis in Geomorphology. London: Methuen, pp. 3±16.

1972c

`Cartographic problems in stream channel delineation', Cartography 7, 150±62 (with P. E. Dale).

1972d

`Albert Heim (1849±1937)', in C. C. Gillispie (ed.), Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 6. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, pp. 227±8.

1973c

Comments on `Systems modelling and analysis in resource management', by J. N. R. Jeffers, Journal of Environmental Management 1, 29±31.

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1973d

`Geography as human ecology', in R. J. Chorley (ed.), Directions in Geography. London: Methuen, pp. 155±69.

1973d

`Douglas Wilson Johnson (1878±1944)' and `Willard Drake Johnson (1859±1917)', in C. C. Gillispie (ed.), Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 7. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, pp. 143±5, 148±50.

1974

`Walther Penck (1888±1923)', in C. C. Gillispie (ed.), Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 10. New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, pp. 506±9.

1976

`Some thoughts on the development of geography from 1950 to 1975', Oxford Polytechnic Discussion Papers in Geography 3, 29±35.

1978b

`The hillslope hydrological cycle', in M. J. Kirkby (ed.), Hillslope Hydrology. Chichester: John Wiley, pp. 1±42.

1978c

`Glossary of terms', in M. J. Kirkby (ed.), Hillslope Hydrology. Chichester: John Wiley, pp. 365±75.

1978d

`Bases for theory in geomorphology', in C. Embleton, D. Brunsden and D. K. C. Jones (eds), Geomorphology: Present Problems and Future Prospects. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 1±13.

1980

`G.K. Gilbert's geomorphology', in E. L. Yochelson (ed.), The Scientific Ideas of G.K. Gilbert, US Geological Survey Special Paper 183, pp. 129± 42 (with R. P. Beckinsale).

1981a

`Optimization: Control models', in N. Wrigley and R. J. Bennett (eds), Quantitative Geography: A British View. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, pp. 219±24 (with R. J. Bennett).

1981b

`William Morris Davis (1850±1934)', Geographers: Biobibliographical Studies 5, 27±33.

1983

Geomorphic Controls on the Management of Nuclear Waste, Nuclear Regulatory Commission Report NUREG/CR-3276, 1±137 (with S. A. Schumm).

1987

`Perspectives on the hydrosphere', in M. J. Clark, K. J. Gregory and A. M. Gurnell (eds), Horizons in Physical Geography. London: Macmillan Education, pp. 378±81.

1989

`From Madingley to Oxford: A foreword to Remodelling Geography', in W. Macmillan (ed.), Remodelling Geography. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. xv±xx (with P. Haggett).

1993a

`Spatial and temporal mapping of water in soil by magnetic resonance imaging', Hydrological Processes 7, 279±86 (with M. H. G. Amin et al.).

1993b

`William Vaughan Lewis', Cambridge University, Department of Geography, The William Vaughan Lewis Seminars 1, i±ii.

1994

`Magnetic resonance imaging of soil±water phenomena', Magnetic Resonance Imaging 12, 319±21 (with M. H. G. Amin et al.).

1995a

`Haggett's Cambridge: 1957±1966', in A. D. Cliff, P. R. Gould, A. G. Hoare and N. J. Thrift (eds), Diffusing Geography. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 355±74.

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1995b

`Classics of physical geography revisited: Horton, 1945', Progress in Physical Geography 19, 533±54.

1996a

`Studies of soil water transport by MRI', Magnetic Resonance Imaging 14, 879±82 (with M. H. G. Amin, K. S. Richards, S. J. Gibbs, T. A. Carpenter and L. D. Hall).

1996b

`Visualisation of static and dynamic water phenomena in soil using Magnetic Resonance Imaging', in V. P. Singh and B. Kumar (eds), Sub-Surface Water Hydrology. Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp. 3±16 (with M. H. G. Amin, L. D. Hall, K. S. Richards, T. A. Carpenter and B. W. Bache).

1997a

`Study of infiltration into a heterogeneous soil using Magnetic Resonance Imaging', Hydrological Processes 11, 471±83 (with M. H. G. Amin, L. D. Hall, K. S. Richards, L. D. Hall, T. A. Carpenter, M. Cislerova and T. Vogel).

1997b

`Study of flow and hydrodynamic dispersion in a porous medium using Pulsed-Field-Gradient Magnetic Resonance', Proceedings, Royal Society of London, Series A 453, 489±513 (with M. H. G. Amin, S. J. Gibbs, K. S. Richards, T. A. Carpenter and L. D. Hall).

1997c

`MR properties of water in saturated soils and resulting loss of MRI signal in water content detection at 2 tesla', Geoderma 80, 135±65 (with L. D. Hall, M. H. G. Amin, E. Dougherty, M. Sanda, J. Votrubova, K. S. Richards and M. Cislerova).

1998

`Infiltration into soils with particular reference to its visualisation sand measurement of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)', Progress in Physical Geography 22, 135±65 (with M. H. G. Amin, L. D. Hall and K. S. Richards).

2000

`Classics in physical geography revisited: J.H. Mackin 1948', Progress in Physical Geography 24, 136±40.

2008b

`The quantitative revolution in fluvial geomorphology', in R. J. Chorley et al. (eds), The History of the Study of Landforms, Vol. 4. London: The Geological Society, Chapter 19.

4. ARCHIVAL SOURCES This account is based on personal knowledge and recollections based over many decades and on Richard Chorley's voluminous academic papers and books. His academic notes, correspondence and photographs have been deposited in 11 boxes (two of them are large tin trunks!) in the archives of the Royal Geographical Society, London. These do not include four volumes of notes and photographs for an autobiography, which remain with the family and have not been consulted. Sources for his work at Madingley Hall are located in the Cambridge University Archives, which contain the Annual Reports of the Board of Extra-Mural Studies, give summaries of each course and detailed background papers: see E. Welch, A Typescript Catalogue of Archives of the Board of Extra-Mural Studies, University of Cambridge (typescript, 86pp, 2004). We are especially grateful to Rosemary Chorley for permission to use his RGS papers and for hours of conversation and recollection. Among the other friends, colleagues and co-workers to whom we owe a debt in

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writing this are Malcolm Anderson (Bristol), Robert Bennett (Cambridge), Roger Barry (Colorado), Tim Bayliss-Smith (Cambridge), Chris Board (LSE), Tim Burt (Durham), Andy Cliff (Cambridge), David Cooper (Bedford), Derek Gregory (UBC), Barbara Kennedy (Oxford), Ray Pahl (Kent), Keith Richards (Cambridge), Stan Schumm (Colorado), Sarah Stone (RGS) and Mike Woldenberg (Buffalo). A portrait in pastel of him by Juliet Pannett (1994) hangs in Sidney Sussex College.

Chronology 1927

Born 4 September at Minehead, Somerset, England

1939±46

Minehead Grammar School

1946±48

Lieutenant, Royal Engineers

1948±51

Exeter College, Oxford University, Hons BA (Geography)

1951±52

Fulbright and Smith-Mundt Scholarships to Department of Geology, Columbia University, New York

1952±54

Instructor in Geography, Columbia University, New York

1954

MA Oxford University

1954±57

Instructor in Geology, Brown University, Providence, USA

1958±62

Demonstrator in Geography, Cambridge University

1962±74

Lecturer in Geography, Cambridge University

1962±

Fellow, Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge

1963±78

Co-Director, Madingley Geography Conferences

1964±75

British representative to the Commission on Quantitative Techniques of the International Geographical Union (Chairman 1968)

1967

Gill Memorial Medal of the Royal Geographical Society for contributions to physical geography and quantitative studies

1968±73

Chairman of the Committee on the Role of Models and Quantitative Techniques in Geographical Teaching of the Geographical Association

1970±75

Secretary, Faculty Board of Geography and Geology, Cambridge University

1970±74

Reader in Geography, Cambridge University

1973

Board of Graduate Studies

1974±94

ad hominem Chair in Geography, Cambridge University

1974

ScD, Cambridge University

1974

First honorary life member of the British Geomorphological Research Group

1981

Honors Award, Association of American Geographers

1984±89

Head of the Department of Geography, Cambridge University

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1987

Patron's Medal of the Royal Geographical Society

1988

Honorary Member of the Italian Geographical Society

1988±93

Council of the Royal Geographical Society

1990±94

Vice-Master, Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge University

1996

Honorary Doctor of Science, University of Bristol

2002

Dies at Cambridge, England, 12 May, aged 74 years

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 1873±1947

Eduard A. Koster

One hundred years ago, Johann Wilhelm Karl Oestreich, educated in the last years of the nineteenth century by pre-eminent German-Austrian geographers and geologists at the universities of Marburg, Munich, Vienna and Berlin, became the first professor in physical geography and geomorphology at a Dutch university: the University of Utrecht. He is generally considered to be the founding father of academic physical geography in the Netherlands. Early in his career, he undertook major expeditions to the Balkans and the Himalaya-Karakoram mountains. His travel reports, geomorphological observations and highly innovative concepts of mountain evolution attracted a great deal of attention during the first part of the twentieth century. In the second part of his career, he devoted his attention to teaching, reviewing and encyclopaedic work and thereby laying the foundation for a successful school of Dutch physical geographers.

Education, Life and Work EARLY YEARS Johann Wilhelm Karl Oestreich was born on 11 December 1873, in Frankfurt am Main in Germany. His father, Christian Ludwig Eduard Oestreich, was a teacher at the Elisabethenschule, a renowned gymnasium in Frankfurt. On his mother's side, he stemmed from a respectable family of lawyers, historians and mathematicians. His mother, Marie Creizenach, was the daughter of a lawyer (Oberlandesgerichtsrat), Dr Julius Creizenach. She was a very gifted woman with an extensive knowledge of German literature, who exerted a strong influence on her children. After two preliminary school classes in the Frankfurter Adlerflychtschule, Karl Oestreich received his secondary education at the municipal gymnasium. His

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teachers encouraged his scientific interest in subjects like history, geography and classic studies. Moreover, owing to the many holiday trips with his father, he became an experienced student of landscapes, and this probably stimulated the direction and development of his later scientific career. During his school years, he had already visited the Alps and became fascinated by the beauty of the mountains. In 1892, Oestreich started his academic studies and, as was usual at the time for students with his social standing, attended different universities. He enrolled at Marburg, where he followed courses in history, geography and philology (classic languages). Nevertheless, the fascinating lectures by Theobald Fischer on the Mediterranean region as well as his many trips to the Alps stimulated Oestreich to change to the University of Munich, where he could follow a comprehensive geological curriculum. During 1894 and 1895, he mainly studied aspects of geology, palaeontology and mineralogy. An excursion to the Dolomites, under the leadership of the geologists Karl Alfred Ritter von Zittel and August Rothpletz, further strengthened his love for Alpine regions. Consequently, he moved from Munich to Vienna, where, again, he concentrated on physics, geology and geography between early 1895 and late 1896. During this period, Vienna was an important centre for geological studies with world-famous teachers like Eduard Suess, Albrecht Penck (Geographers Vol. 7) and Eduard Richter (Geographers Vol. 10). The magnum opus of Suess, Das Antlitz der Erde (published in several volumes between 1883 and 1901), is a fine example of a major study in the earth sciences, bridging, as it does, the gap between geography and geology. Moreover, Suess was known as an exceptionally good teacher who inspired a group of geographers and geologists, which eventually became known as the Austrian-German school of earth sciences at the turn of the nineteenth century. Oestreich was also shaped by this tradition, and his later work at the University of Utrecht likewise reflected the influence of the Vienna school by combining aspects of geology, geomorphology and physical geography. Of comparable influence on Oestreich was the contact with Albrecht Penck, the undisputed grandmaster of German geography. His books on the Morphologie der ErdoberflaÈche (1894) and Die Vergletscherung der deutschen Alpen (1892) were compulsory study material for all serious students in earth sciences. In due course, the student Oestreich became his friend, and always saw Penck as his `godfather' in science. Oestreich participated in several excursions to the Alps and it is likely that the excursion to the Adriatic Karst region under the leadership of Richter and Penck laid the foundation for Oestreich's later fascination for the Balkan countries. Through his early years and beyond, Oestreich spent his vacations and joined excursions in Alpine regions. He became a proficient mountaineer, who, in later years as professor in Utrecht, always enjoyed bringing inexperienced students from the Low Countries to the top of high mountains, whereby he excelled in agility and endurance. To complete his studies, he moved to the University of Berlin in the fall of 1896. In Berlin, he primarily studied glacial geology of the Northwest European Lowlands under Felix Wahnschaffe, also meeting the famous geologist and explorer Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen (1833±1905) (Geographers Vol. 7). Considering the broad knowledge base obtained during his youth at home, his successive studies at Marburg, Munich, Vienna and Berlin, as well as his extensive travels in Germany and abroad, it is not surprising that Karl Oestreich became an all-round scholar and scientist. In 1896 and 1897, Oestreich worked on his Ph.D. on the geology and geomorphology of the valley of the rivers Mur and MuÈrz in the Alpine region of Steiermark, in south-east Austria. Oestreich applied a highly innovative theory by

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 91 analysing and interpreting the correlative sediments as an expression of the denudation history of the earlier relief development of the mountains as the source area for these sediments. He concluded that, prior to the high mountain stage of the Alps, there existed a lower relief phase of hills and lakes. J. Cadisch and E. Niggli would later speak of `the coming into being of the Alps as mirrored by the foreland sedimentation' in their book, Der Geologie der Schweizer Alpen (1934). In the publication Das Werden der Alpen im Spiegel der Vorlandsedimentation (Geologische Rundschau, 1928), Cadisch fully explained the concept of correlative sediments. This theory was, in fact, introduced by Oestreich in his 1898 thesis. Oestreich was a typical exponent of the morphotectonics school in geomorphology, which has been defined by his former student, J. P. Bakker, as that part of geomorphology that aims at reconstructing the relatively recent movements of the Earth's crust by means of studying the nature and position of sediments and levels of planation (peneplain remnants and fluvial terraces). On several occasions, Bakker ± the founder of physical geography at the University of Amsterdam since 1937 ± remarked that the concept of correlative sediments was one of Oestreich's major contributions to geomorphology. Nevertheless, Bakker later postulated that this concept did not apply to regions in the humid tropics, since the strong chemical weathering characteristic of these regions will produce fine sediments, irrespective of the original relief. Consequently, the texture of foreland sediments reflects climatic conditions rather than changes in relief. Finally, in present-day processoriented geomorphology, the concept of correlative sediments does not play an important role any more. On 25 May 1898, Oestreich obtained his doctorate at the University of Marburg by defending his thesis, entitled Ein alpines LaÈngstal zur TertiaÈrzeit (An Alpine Longitudinal [or Strike] Valley of Tertiary Age). EXPEDITIONS TO THE BALKANS AND KARAKORAM-HIMALAYA Soon after completion of his dissertation, Oestreich received an assignment from the Geographical Society in Vienna to perform geomorphological exploratory research in the Balkans, especially in what was then called Old-Serbia, Macedonia and East-Albania. These regions were under Turkish regime and trips in these regions were strictly pioneering work. For the most part, his travels in 1898 and 1899 brought him to what is today known as Kosovo, and his expeditions there were certainly not without danger. This is reflected in his first reports on his travels in the Vilajet Kosovo (1899). Kosovo, then under Turkish rule, was a Vilajet, which was the largest administrative unit in the Turkish Empire, more or less the equivalent of a province. At the congress of Berlin of 1878, it was decided by the European superpowers that Kosovo ± and the Vilajets of Salonici and Monastir ± would remain under Turkish rule (Oestreich 1903; 1904). In fact, Turkish authority was never really obeyed but was, at most, tolerated. Kosovo reverted to a state of more or less permanent revolt ± a situation that continued until 1912, when Kosovo came under Serbian rule (which was little improvement). With typical understatement, Oestreich described his first experiences during his journey in Kosovo, travelling in the surroundings of Pristina, Mitrovica, Prizren and Skopje, as follows: `. . . in unserer naÈchsten NaÈhe, in Europa, giebt es noch LaÈnder, die nicht nur mit dem Schleier des Geheimnisvollen, sondern sogar mit dem Reiz der Gefahr umkleidet sind' (`. . . not far away, in Europe, there are still countries not only covered with a blanket of mystery, but even with the charm of danger') (Oestreich 1899, 305). Rather surprisingly, he again undertook extensive travels to the Balkans, especially Bulgaria, notably during the First World War in 1916 and 1917. His journey to Bulgaria was financed by the Karl Ritter Foundation (Berlin) through

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the mediation of Albrecht Penck. This was made possible because Bulgaria had chosen the side of the Axis countries, although, in the Netherlands, this certainly raised some eyebrows. While socio-economic and environmental conditions had improved in comparison to the situation during his earlier travels in the Balkans, and despite his physical strength, even he was not up to the unhygienic conditions. He became ill and was hospitalized in Sofia for a considerable time. In contrast to his earlier reports on his Balkan travels, published in international journals, the results of his 1916±17 expeditions to Bulgaria and Thrace (north-eastern Greece) only appeared much later in a Geographical and Geological publication series of the University of Utrecht. Another rather surprising interruption to his scientific work was in 1899±1900, when he voluntarily enlisted in the military as an officer-quartermaster, stationed in the Taunus mountains. Even then, he continued making geomorphological observations by mapping remnants of planation surfaces (peneplains or RumpfflaÈchen). His publications on the geomorphology of the Rhenish Slate Mountains (Rheinisches Schiefergebirge) (1908±09) are one result of this unusual period of supposedly military activities. Oestreich recognized the peneplain origin, known to him from recent American literature, whereas people like von Richthofen still interpreted these planation levels as abrasion surfaces. In later years, Oestreich continued working in the Rhine-Eifel-Taunus regions, which resulted in his publications of 1922 and 1926. Oestreich also correctly interpreted the bent nature of older Rhine terrace levels as indications for Pleistocene tectonic movements of the Rhenish Shield. In 1901, Oestreich returned to the University of Marburg and started working on his second thesis (the so-called Habilitationsschrift). The extensive report on his geomorphological observations during his travels through the Balkans of 1898±99, entitled BeitraÈge zur Geomorphologie Makedoniens, was accepted as his second thesis, and was published in the proceedings of the Imperial/Royal Geographical Society in Vienna (Oestreich 1902). The custom in Germany to produce two theses was a prerequisite for anybody who wanted to apply for a full professorship. Soon afterwards, Oestreich wrote a series of travel reports, also discussing the confusing political±ethnographical situation in this part of the Balkans, most of which appeared in Hettner's Geographische Zeitschrift (1901±05). Apart from his remarks on the difficult terrain conditions and the always present dangers of travelling, mostly on horseback, with only a few military companions in lands infested with bands of robbers, these publications make interesting reading, not least because of the present-day politically unstable conditions of Kosovo, enclosed by Serbia, Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro. Owing to his extensive work in the Balkans, Oestreich became known by the nickname `Balkan-Oestreich'. Oestreich obtained a position as `Privatdozent' (roughly equivalent to the status of an associate professorship, which, traditionally, did not receive a salary, but was paid directly by his students) at the University of Marburg in 1903. Until 1908, when he was appointed as full professor at the University of Utrecht (the Netherlands), he taught courses in physical geography, climatology, cartography and oceanography, and he supervised excursions and field exercises in Germany. Soon after he took up his position as an unpaid lecturer at Marburg, he was invited by the famous Himalayas explorers William Hunter Workman and Bullock Workman to participate in their second expedition to the north-western Himalayas and the Mustagh-Karakoram mountains. Oestreich's job as a topographer was to map the glaciers, particularly the huge Tschochoglacier in what is now known as the Gilgit-Baltistan region in north-western India (an area still disputed by Pakistan). He published his pioneering geomorphological investigations of this

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 93 unknown mountain range in a monograph in Petermann's Mitteilungen (Oestreich 1906), entitled Die TaÈler des Nordwestlichen Himalaya: Beobachtungen und Studien. The Mustagh mountain glacier type, which Oestreich distinguished and described in the Zeitschrift fur Gletscherkunde, found its way into the glaciological literature (Oestreich 1911). CONTACT WITH WILLIAM MORRIS DAVIS Karl Oestreich was an ardent supporter of the ideas of William Morris Davis (Geographers Vol. 5). Davis was a prolific writer and many of his letters were of article length. He corresponded with all or most geography departments and societies in existence from 1885 to 1930 (Beckinsale 1976; Wardenga 2004). In one of the first letters of Davis to Oestreich (22 December 1906), now in the archives of the University of Utrecht, he expressed his appreciation for the important findings of Oestreich concerning the origin of the high plains of DeÂusi (or Deosai), as described in his monograph, Die TaÈler des Nordwestlichen Himalaya (1906). This highlying planation surface is interpreted as an uplifted peneplain ± in Oestreich's words, `ein gehobener Fastebene'. Davis wrote `I had read about the Deosai plains a good number of years before the idea of the peneplain came into my mind; and when first coming on the highland of DeÂusi in your pages I did not recognize my old friend; but on identifying it, I was all the more pleased to find that it falls in with the increasing class of examples of uplifted masses of deformed and previously worn-down structures, which are so significant in the history of mountains'. During his years in Marburg, Oestreich met Davis on several occasions, notably at the International Geographical Congress in Geneva in 1908. That same year, Davis was a guest at Oestreich's home in Marburg. The ideas of Davis concerning the cyclic scheme as a basis of the systematic or genetic description of landform evolution, formally enunciated in 1889, greatly influenced Oestreich, and he became one of his strongest supporters. The proposition `form = f (structure, process, stage)' played a key role in all of Davis's studies on landscape evolution. Davis had an array of international contacts, which he carefully kept up, such as during his long, privately arranged pilgrimage across western Europe in 1911. In that year, Davis, in cooperation with Dr Fr. Nussbaum from the University of Bern, invited a number of prominent European earth scientists to participate in a small informal geographical excursion across Great Britain, France and Switzerland on the way to the International Geographical Congress at Rome, 16±22 October 1911. There can be little doubt that, during this and other meetings, Davis promoted his ideas about the cyclic evolution of landforms. In 1912, Oestreich, as well as several other leading European earth scientists (who are listed in Science 35 (1912), 812±13), had the opportunity to join the Transcontinental Excursion of the American Geographical Society organized by Davis, and thereby became familiar with the geomorphological concepts developed in the United States (Oestreich 1915b). Oestreich was in close contact with Davis particularly between 1906 and 1918 ± the archives of the University of Utrecht contain a collection of letters and postcards from Davis to Oestreich. A large part of this correspondence concerns the offer by Oestreich to translate Davis's `Practical Exercises in Physical Geography', published in 1908, into German. Davis and Oestreich came to an agreement in 1908, including a remuneration, regarding the translation and adaptation of the manuscript to European standards. This involved, among other things, the conversion of all measures to the metric system, the inclusion of European examples of geomorphic phenomena and the translation of English to German terminology. This last point appeared to be rather challenging, given the recurring

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correspondence between the two gentlemen. With his usual thoroughness, Oestreich even called in his colleagues Julius Braun, Alfred RuÈhl, Albrecht Penck and Joseph Partsch to help find German equivalents for English terms (Braun and RuÈhl had translated earlier work by Davis). In 1913, they met in London, during one of Davis's European trips, to discuss the reasons for the delay in translation. The translation and adaptation for an European audience proved to be a major task, which Oestreich finally completed in 1918, when the Praktische UÈbungen in Physischer Geographie von William Morris Davis uÈbertragen und neu bearbeitet von Dr. Karl Oestreich and the accompanying Atlas were printed by the Teubner Verlag in Leipzig. The exercises, concentrating on central European examples, were accompanied by a series of schematic figures, topographic maps, contour maps, cross profiles and block diagrams exemplifying coastal, fluvial, volcanic and other structural landforms. All illustrations were redrawn by Oestreich's technician in Utrecht, A. van der Zweep. DENUDATION CHRONOLOGY VERSUS THE GEOGRAPHICAL CYCLE The Davisian explanatory, descriptive model of landform evolution was given, at the time, worldwide recognition, with the exception of leading academics in Germany. Nevertheless, the lectures given by Davis during his European lecture tours (in the summer of 1908, he lectured at several German universities, including Marburg, and was a visiting professor in the winter semester of 1908±09 in Berlin and at the Sorbonne in Paris in 1911±12) were translated into German in 1912 by A. RuÈhl, appearing with the title Die erklaÈrende Beschreibung der Landformen (The Explanatory Description of Landforms). It is curious that Davis's most complete statement of his model, with all its complications, was thus published in German, but has never appeared in English. The ideas of Davis were mainly based on his experience and phenomenal knowledge of existing landforms. The notion of a geographical cycle essentially boils down to an a priori sequential transition from one relief type into another one ± in other words, from stages of youth to adolescence, maturity and old age. But even Davis himself argued that the actual transition of landforms in his typological classification system can never be observed, let alone empirically proven. In fact, this means that the idea of a `geographical cycle' cannot be tested and, as such, it cannot really be considered a scientific theory: it has even been called a philosophical concept. It is, however, certainly nothing less than a brilliant line of reasoning, which has strongly influenced geomorphological thinking for a long period of time. A lucid overview of the geographical cycle and its twentieth-century influences can be found in Tinkler (1985). In his early work, Oestreich was a typical proponent of that work within geomorphology that has been called denudation chronology. He described and tried to understand the development of mountain landscapes by concentrating on the changes in morphogenetic conditions exemplified by so-called correlative sediments. In contrast to the concept of the `geographical cycle', which is a theoretical framework for the morphogenetic evolution of landscapes, denudation chronology is based on empirical research of specific regions with the purpose to understand regional landscape evolution. Another difference is that the `geographical cycle' just considers tectonic and other forms of land movements, as well as sea level changes, climatic changes and so on, as `interruptions' and `accidents' in the course of the ideal cycle. What connects these geomorphic perspectives is the fact that, in both cases, the theoretical end of the erosion cycle ± the peneplain ± plays a key role in the reconstruction of landscape evolution. No doubt strongly influenced by his prolonged involvement in the translation of Davis's `Practical

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 95 exercises', Oestreich became and remained for the rest of his career a dedicated follower of Davisian ideas. Oestreich's student, J. P. Bakker, became an early supporter of climatic geomorphology, however, and one of the many critics of the utility of the geographical cycle concept. Davis was well aware of the many objections, especially by German geographers, regarding the term `cycle'. It was often considered an inappropriate term to describe a period of time during which a land mass runs through its developmental changes, not least because it was not a strictly circular process and nothing at the end resembled the beginning. In his letter of 22 December 1906 to Oestreich, Davis offered the opinion that this objection had little credence in the case of plains and plateaus, for they truly end as smooth flat plains, very similar to their initial forms. He continued to note, however, that `with mountains, the objection seems to be well taken in many instances as it can be supposed that in their initial stages mountain forms were as disordered as their structures'. But, for mountain masses, which are carved out of uplifted peneplains, like the example of the DeÂusi upland described by Oestreich in the Himalayas, the use of the term `cycle' appeared to be appropriate `for the form with which the present cycle begins is strikingly similar to that in which it will end, namely, a peneplain'. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY IN THE NETHERLANDS Oestreich's work in the Balkans, in the Himalayas and in various parts of Germany all established him as a prominent earth scientist. Consequently, it was not surprising that the Netherlands Government and the Board of the University of Utrecht, in deciding to establish for the first time separate chairs for physical and human geography at a Dutch university, chose him. After initial protests by Parliament and in the media, because the person proposed for the chair of human geography was also a German, it was decided that no qualified Dutchman could be found (the chair was first offered to Gustaf Molengraaf, who had been Professor of Geology at the Polytechnic of Delft from December 1905: but he declined it), and so Oestreich was appointed in 1908. He formally accepted his appointment by giving his inaugural lecture Die Landschaft on 16 November 1908. Although the title of his lecture might indicate otherwise, the essence of his talk concerned purely geomorphological issues. In fact, Oestreich stressed the structural determination of landforms. He also showed himself to be a firm believer of the `geographical cycle concept' as advocated by Davis in a number of papers following his 1898 textbook, Physical Geography. In occupying the first chair exclusively dedicated to physical geography and geomorphology, Oestreich is regarded as the founding father of Dutch academic physical geography. Oestreich received funds from the Dutch government to build up a geographical library as well as a map collection. Together with his colleague in human geography, Professor J. F. Niermeyer, he laid the foundation of what now is generally considered as one of the largest and most valuable old map and atlas collections in the country, including a large number of sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury maps from famous Dutch and Flemish cartographers such as Johan and Willem Blaeu, Jodocus Hondius, Abraham Ortelius, Petrus Plancius, Gerardus Mercator and Lucas Waghenaer. A happy incidental circumstance was that, in those years, large private geographical collections from scientists such as Friedrich Ratzel (who died in 1904), Ferdinand von Richthofen (who died in 1905) and Theobald Fischer (who died in 1910) became available. Oestreich, who knew his former teachers well, took advantage of these opportunities. In spite of Oestreich's earlier important findings with regard to aspects of denudation chronology, the origin of peneplanation, terrace building and glacial

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typology, he never received the same level of international recognition as some of his pupils, notable Jan Pieter Bakker. The second half of his career during his years at Utrecht can best be characterized by his encyclopaedic orientation. This is clearly illustrated by his many contributions to topics of earth sciences for Oosthoek's illustrated encyclopaedia and in one of his latest publications, the booklet Grepen uit de geschiedenis der Physische Aardrijkskunde (Aspects of the History of Physical Geography), which appeared shortly before his death in the popular Servire's Encyclopedic Series (Oestreich 1947). In this treatise, he discussed the development of (physical) geography from the Greek philosophers to the founding fathers of `modern' earth science in the beginning of the twentieth century. Moreover, many of his later publications had more of a review character. Oestreich produced several overviews on the significance of geomorphic phenomena of planation and degradation processes, such as (primary, buried, exhumed, dissected, uplifted and or intersecting) peneplains and piedmont surfaces (flats or benches) (Oestreich 1930; 1938a; 1939). These were themes of interest to him since his early studies in the Balkans and Himalayas. He wrote `in memoriams' for several Dutch and German professors in geographical sciences; he wrote essays for teachers in secondary education; and he produced a large number of book reviews, mainly published in the (Netherlands) Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap (TAG). Oestreich was also influential in strengthening the position of physical geography in the university. During his tenure at Utrecht, Oestreich became familiar with the geomorphological and sedimentological history of the Netherlands: representative studies of this are evident in publications on various aspects of the glacial geomorphology of the country, written in 1938 (Oestreich 1938b; 1938c). As a teacher, Oestreich always struggled with the Dutch language. Most of his papers, which appeared in the Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap (TAG) were translated and edited by his first Ph.D. assistant and staff member, Jacoba Hol. Oestreich was at his best during the many excursions to the German uplands (Mittelgebirge), the Ardennes and the Alps. On the 25th anniversary of his professorship in 1933, his students expressed their affection for their teacher by preparing a memorial book containing reports of 26 excursions between 1909 and 1928 (Boerman et al. 1933). During his career, Oestreich supervised the theses of eight students, several of whom became distinguished professors (J. B. L. Hol, Utrecht; J. P. Bakker, Amsterdam; A. J. Pannekoek, Leiden). The fact that Oestreich, throughout his many years at the University of Utrecht, never initiated new investigations, generally restricting himself to elaboration and the recapitulation of previous material, was probably caused by his heavy teaching load as well as by personal grief. A great loss was the death of his only brother, an officer in France during the First World War. At the same time, his wife became seriously ill and demanded much attention. Despite these personal circumstances, his early work was regularly cited during the early twentieth century and his work on mountain geomorphology was a stimulus to many. The last part of his career was nevertheless rather sad. During the Second World War, he was, to his dismay, declared stateless. This happened despite the fact that Oestreich never showed any sympathy for the Nazis. In 1944, he quietly resigned his position at the university after reaching the age of 70. The circumstances of wartime meant there could be no question of a celebration. The sudden death on 26 October 1947 of the founding father and grandmaster of Dutch geomorphology and physical geography, Karl Oestreich, at his home in Driebergen came as a shock to all geographers in the Netherlands. For 36 years, he had been the leading geomorphologist in the country. Had he lived, Oestreich would have achieved the

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 97 50th anniversary of his doctorate on 25 May 1948: his many (former) students had already made plans for a grand celebration. Instead, two of his closest students and co-workers, Professors Dr Jacoba Hol and Jan Pieter Bakker, wrote an elaborate in memoriam, published in the Journal of the Royal Netherlands Geographical Society (KNAG) 1948, for which Oestreich had served as a member of the editorial board since 1914. Jacoba Hol was his successor at the University of Utrecht in December 1945; Bakker took up the chair in physical geography at the University of Amsterdam in 1946. Oestreich had been actively involved in the work of this Society since his appointment as a board member in 1910. Most of the information for this bibliographical sketch of Karl Oestreich has been derived from this in memoriam. Their portrayal of the life and work of Oestreich describes his thorough and wide-ranging knowledge of geographical landscapes extending from the Himalayas to the Low Countries, and looks at his erudition, remarkable memory and artistic talents.

Acknowledgements Many thanks to Dr Marco van Egmond (map curator) and Jeroen Bosman (Geosciences librarian) of the Library of Utrecht University (UU) and Dr Paul van den Brink (historical geographer in the Faculty of Geosciences UU) for their responses to my enquiries and to Dr Ben de Pater (Faculty of Geosciences UU) for his comments on the manuscript. Dr Wendy Eisner (Department of Geography, University of Cincinnati) kindly corrected the English text.

Bibliography and Sources 1. SELECTION OF BIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES ON KARL OESTREICH Boerman, W. E. et al. (1933), Gedenkboek Oestreich, Bundel excursieverslagen 1909±1928. Groningen: Uitg. Wolters. Heslinga, M. W. (1969), `Over de universitaire geografiebeoefening in Nederland voÂoÂr 1921' [`Geographical teaching in Dutch universities before 1921'], Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap (TAG) 3, 3±9. Hol, J. B. L. and Bakker, J. P. (1948), `Prof. Dr. Karl Oestreich 1873±1947', Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 65, 3± 18. Koster, E. A. and Kwaad, F. J. P. M. (1993), `Geomorphology in the Netherlands', in H. J. Walker and W. E. Grabau (eds), The Evolution of Geomorphology: A Nation-by-Nation Summary of Development. London: Wiley, pp. 299±309. Pannekoek, A. J. (1962), `Geological research at the universities of the Netherlands', Geologie en Mijnbouw 41, 161±74. Pater, B. de (1999), Een tempel der kaarten: Negentig jaar geografiebeoefening aan de Universiteit Utrecht. Faculteit Ruimtelijke Wetenschappen: Universiteit Utrecht.

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Schrader, R. (1974), `Honderd jaar Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 1873±1973' [`Hundred years of the Royal Netherlands Geographical Society'], Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 8, 236±402. Steijn, H. van (2004), `Fysische Geografie', in B. de Pater (ed.), Minnaars der aarde, over 125 jaar geowetenschappen aan de Universiteit Utrecht, ver van huis en haard. Uitg. Faculteit Geowetenschappen: Universiteit Utrecht, pp. 159±82. Vos, W. (1982), Beknopte geschiedenis van de Fysische Geografie en haar toepassingen. Rapport 307 Rijksinst. voor onderzoek in de bos-en landschapsbouw `De Dorschkamp': Wageningen. 2. BOOKS AND BOOK CHAPTERS BY KARL OESTREICH 1899

Ein Alpines LaÈngstal zur TertiaÈrzeit, dissertation (thesis), UniversitaÈt von Marburg/Jahrbuch K. K. Geologische Reichsanstalt, pp. 165±212.

1902

BeitraÈge zur Geomorphologie Makedoniens. Habilitationsschrift (second thesis), Abhandlungen K. K. Geographische Gesellschaft Wien 4/1.

1906

Die TaÈler des Nordwestlichen Himalaya: Beobachtungen und Studien. Gotha: Justus Perthes/ErgaÈnzungsheft No. 155 zu Petermanns Mitteilungen. Die Landschaft, OÈffentliche Antrittsrede gehalten am 16 November 1908 in der Aula der ReichsuniversitaÈt zu Utrecht. A. Oosthoek Uitg: My. Utrecht.

1908

1912

1918a

1918b

`Die SuÈdosteuropaÈische Halbinsel und die TieflaÈnder an der unteren Donau', in F. Heiderich and R. Sieger (eds), Karl Andree's Geographie des Welthandels, pp. 136±204. Praktische UÈbungen in Physischer Geographie von William Morris Davis uÈbertragen und neu bearbeitet von Dr. Karl Oestreich. Leipzig: Teubner Verlag. Atlas zu den praktischen UÈbungen in Physischer Geographie von William Morris Davis uÈberarbeitet und ergaÈnzt von Dr. Karl Oestreich. Leipzig: Teubner Verlag.

1924

Beobachtungen uÈber RumpfflaÈchen und Erosionsstadien im Iskergebiet. Belgrade: Gedenkboek M. Jovan CvijicÂ, Imprimerie d'EÂtat du Royaume des Serbes, Croates et SloveÁnes, pp. 1±33.

1927

`Die Landschaft Hollands', in Holland, Handbuch fuÈr Reisende v. Karl Baedeker, 26 Auflage.

1933

Kraischte und Erma-Schlucht. Festschrift Anastas T. Ischirkov. Mitteilungen der Bulgarischen Geographischen Gesellschaft Bd. I, pp. 55±73.

1941

`Geomorfologie', in 2de Suppl. R. Schuiling, Nederland, Handboek der Aardrijkskunde, pp. 106±11.

1947

Grepen uit de geschiedenis der Physische aardrijkskunde. Servire's Encyclopaedie A6, 1, Den Haag.

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 99 3. SELECTION OF ARTICLES BY KARL OSTREICH 1899a

`Reisen im Vilajet Kosovo', Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin 6/7, 305±19.

1899b

`ReiseeindruÈcke aus dem Vilajet Kosovo', Abhandlungen K.K. Geogr. Gesellschaft Wien I, 331±72.

1899c

VorlaÈufige Mitteilung uÈber eine zweite Reise in die europaÈische TuÈrkei', Mitteilungen K.K. Geogr. Gesellschaft Wien 7, 221±36.

1903

`Makedonien und die Albanesen. Eine politisch-ethnographische Skizze, zumeist auf Grund eigener ReiseeindruÈcke', Jahresbericht des Frankfurter Vereins fuÈr Geographie und Statistik [1901±1903], 5±28.

1904

`Makedonien', Geographische Zeitschrift 10(4), 185±203; 10(5), 241±53; 10(8), 450±61; 10(9), 513±24.

1905

`Die BevoÈlkerung von Makedonien', Geographische Zeitschrift 11(5), 268±92.

1907a

`Betrachtungen ber die Hochgebirgsnatur des Himalaya', Verhandlungen des XVI Deutschen Geographentages zu NuÈrnberg, 44±50. `Zur Landschaftkunde der OÈsterreichischen Alpen', Geographische Zeitschrift 13, 255±64.

1907b 1907c

`Die Englische Mission nach Tibet. I. Ein geomorphologisches Problem im politischen Vorspiel der britischen Expedition nach Tibet', Geographische Zeitschrift 13(6), 281±95.

1908±09

`Studien uÈber die OberflaÈchengestalt des Rheinischen Schiefergebirges', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen IV, 1±6, 73±8; 1909, III, 57±62.

1909a

`Der Kaukasus. Die morphologischen und glazialen GrundzuÈge des Gebirges, auf Grund von M. v. DeÂchys Kaukasuswerk dargestellt', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen II, 40±6.

1909b

`Geologische und geomorphologische Terrassenstudien', Monatsberichten der Deutschen geologischen Gesellschaft 61(3), 157±61.

1910

`De OberflaÈche Mazedoniens', Geographische Zeitschrift 16, 560±72.

1911a

`Der Tschochogletscher in Baltistan', Zeitschrift fuÈr Gletscherkunde 6(1), 1± 30.

1911b

`Das GelaÈnde in der Kartendarstellung', Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin, 645±59.

1912a

`Ein glaziales Stauchungsprofil bei Arnheim', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 29(6), 733±6.

1912b

`Theobald Fischer. Eine WuÈrdigung seines Wirkens als Forscher und Lehrer', Geographische Zeitschrift 18(5), 241±54.

1912c

`Zur unterirdischen Hydrographie der Belgischen Ardennen', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen I, 146±7.

1914a

`In het klassieke land der geomorphologie', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 31(2), 176±87.

1914b

`Die geomorphologische Wissenschaft', Verslagen der Geologische Sectie van het Geologisch-Mijnbouwkundig Genootschap voor Nederland en KolonieÈn I, 134±6.

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J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich

1914c

`Himalaya-Studien', Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin 6.

1915a

`Morphologische Betrachtungen des nord-westlichen Himalayas', Verslagen der Geologische Sectie van het Geologisch-Mijnbouwkundig Genootschap voor Nederland en KolonieÈn II, 32±9.

1915b

`Die Grande CouleÂe', Memorial Volume of the Transcontinental Excursion of 1912 of the American Geographical Society of New York, 259±73.

1916a

`Mazedonien', Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin 129±58.

1916b

`Die Seen Mazedoniens', Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin, 111±17.

1917

`Reise in Bulgarien 1916: Ein Reisebericht', Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde zu Berlin, 1±20.

1919a

`Prof. Dr. C.E.A. Wichmann 1879±22 Maart 1919', Utrechts Dagblad, 22 Maart 1919.

1919b

`Hollands Erdreich', in F. DuÈlberg (ed.), Die Nachbarn. Band I: Holland. Leipzig: Seemann Verlag, pp. 41±74.

1919c

`C.M. Kan', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen, 149.

1922

`Het Hoofdterras langs het doorbraakdal der Lahn', Verhandelingen van het Geologisch-Mijnbouwkundig Genootschap voor Nederland en KolonieÈn. Geologische Serie VI, 115±34.

1924

`Dr. Jan Lorie 30 Juni 1852±5 Januari 1924', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 41(2), 131±7.

1925

`Het voormalig hertogdom Nassau: Zijn geografische ligging en zijn natuurlijke hulpbronnen: Een geografische schets', Tijdschrift voor Economische Geografie 5, 129±42.

1926

`Die Entwicklung unserer Kenntnis von der Formenwelt des Rheinischen Schiefergebirges', Zeitschrift fuÈr Geomorphologie B. II, 135±59.

1927

`Robert Sieger', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 44(3), 377±82.

1929

`Die Niederlande (1915±28)', Geographisches Jahrbuch 44, 196±224.

1930

`Peneplain en piedmonttrap', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 47(4), 74±88, 610±22.

1932

`Hendrik Blink', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen, 81.

1933

`Kraischte und Erma-Schlucht: Festschrift Anastas T. Ischirkov', Mitteilungen der Bulgarischen Geographischen Gesellschaft Bd. I, 55±73.

1934

`William Morris Davis', Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen 4, 136.

1935

`De Graubundener Passen', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 52(4), 544±64.

1936a

`Lawinekunde, een nieuwe tak van wetenschap', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 53(4), 483±8.

1936b

`Alfred RuÈhl', Geographische Zeitschrift, 143±7.

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 101 1938a

`LaÈnderkunde der EuropaÈischen Erdteile: Die Niederlande (1928±38)', Geographische Jahrbuch 54, 597±634.

1938b

`Excursion dans la reÂgion glaciaire NeÂerlandaise', CongreÁs International de GeÂographie Amsterdam 1938. Excursion B4 La reÂgion glaciaire, 3±32.

1938c

`Gedanken zur Glazialerosion', Comptes Rendus du CongreÁs International de GeÂographie Amsterdam 1938, Tome II, Section IIa, 75±7.

1938d

`Die neueren StroÈmungen in der NiederlaÈndischen Geographie', Geographische Zeitschrift 44(7±8), 289±98.

1938e

`Historisches zur Frage der Piedmonttreppe', Comptes Rendus du CongreÁs International de GeÂographie Amsterdam 1938, Tome II, Section IIa, 162±8.

1938f

`La geneÁse du paysage naturel', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 55(2), 554±72.

1939

`Aanteekeningen over de piedmonttrap van het Fichtelgebergte', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 56(4), 525±42.

1940a

`Dr. Ph. C. Visser over de gletschers van den Karakorum', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 57(1), 81±8.

1940b

`Die Niederlande 1928±38', Geographisches Jahrbuch 54, 597±634.

1941a

`Ijstijd en actualisme: Opmerkingen naar aanleiding van de verhandeling van Dr. C. G. S. Sandberg: Ist die Annahme von Eiszeiten berechtigt?', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 58(3), 363±80.

1941b

`Twee oude bekenden: Neckar en Donau. Een excursie-herinnering', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 58(6), 227±38.

1942a

`BodemrelieÈf en rivierennet van BelgieÈ als gevolg van jonge tectoniek: Naar aanleiding van het werk van Ch.Stevens: Le relief de la Belgique', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 59(3), 371±410.

1942b

`Gesteentestroomen of gletschers? Naar aanleiding van een verhandeling van Jhr. Dr. C. G. S. Sandberg over ``GesteinsstroÈme''', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 59(2), 178±87.

1943

`Beschouwingen omtrent een blootgekomen karstoppervlak bij Winterswijk', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 60(2), 163±6.

1944

`Over orogenese en vergletschering in den noordwestelijken Himalaya', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 61, 146±70.

1945a

`Het Hooge Venn en de ``Venn-glooiing''', Verhandelingen van het Geologisch-Mijnbouwkundig Genootschap voor Nederland en KolonieÈn, Geologische Serie 14, 361±73.

1945b

`Auf alten und neuen Wegen in Bulgarien: 2e deel', Geogr. en Geol. Meded. Rijksuniv. Utrecht, Physiogr. Reeks 18.

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1946

`Een posthume huldiging aan wijlen mevrouw J. Visser-'t Hooft', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 63, 437±8.

1947

`Geografisch belangrijke bijdragen uit een geologische feestbundel', Tijdschrift van het (Koninklijk) Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 64(1), 18±30.

4. CONTEXTUAL REFERENCES CITED IN TEXT Beckinsale, R. P. (1976), `The international influence of William Morris Davis', Geographical Review 66(4), 448±66. Tinkler, K. (1985), A Short History of Geomorphology. London: Croom Helm. Wardenga, U. (2004), `The influence of William Morris Davis on geographical research in Germany', Geojournal 59, 23±6. 5. ARCHIVAL SOURCES In Utrecht University Library, the `Oestreich Archive' contains letters from William Morris Davis to Karl Oestreich; letters from Oestreich during his Balkan travels; notebooks containing his field observations from campaigns in the Balkans, the Alps and the German Uplands; manuscripts of articles and public lectures; diaries of expeditions to the Balkans, as well as an approximately 500 page-long travel report, Aus dem Tagebuch einer Himalaya-Reise; reprints of publications; book reviews. The University Museum of Utrecht University has a collection of photographs and manuscripts of professors of the (State) University of Utrecht. The Archive of the City of Utrecht has documentation regarding the appointments of professors at the (State) University of Utrecht.

Chronology 1873

Born 11 December in Frankfurt am Main, Germany

1883±92

Primary school and municipal gymnasium, Frankfurt am Main

1892±94

Geography, history and plant taxonomy at the University of Marburg

1894±95

Geology, palaeontology and mineralogy at the University of Munich; excursion to the Austrian Dolomites

1895±96

Studies geography (under Albrecht Penck), geomorphology and geology (with Eduard Suess) at the University of Vienna; excursions to the Alps and the Adriatic Karstregion; becomes a proficient mountaineer

1896

Studies geography, cartography and geology (under von Richthofen) at the University of Berlin

1896±98

Thesis fieldwork in the Alpine region of Steiermark (south-east Austria)

1898

Graduates Ph.D. 25 May at the University of Marburg

J. W. K. (Karl) Oestreich 103 1898±99

Geomorphological expeditions in Serbia, Macedonia and Albania (at that time, part of Turkey) for the Geographical Society of Vienna

1899±1900 Voluntary military service; stationed and fieldwork in the Taunus mountains (Germany) 1902

Habilitationsschrift (second thesis) accepted

1902

Expedition to the Himalayas and Karakoram mountains, employed as topographer on the Workman expedition

1903

`Privatdozent' (private lecturer) at the University of Marburg

1906

First contacts with William Morris Davis

1908

Chair in Physical Geography and Geomorphology at the State University Utrecht; inaugural lecture on 16 November

1912

Participates in the Transcontinental Excursion in the United States led by William Morris Davis

1916, 1917 Expeditions to Bulgaria and Thrace (TracieÈ, south-east Balkans) 1918

Publishes the translation of the Practical Exercises in Physical Geography (W. M. Davis) into German

1932

Death of his wife, Anna Levy

1933

Celebrates 25 years as a professor

1940

Declared stateless by the Dutch government at the beginning of the Second World War

1944

Retires from the State University Utrecht

1947

Dies 26 October in Driebergen, the Netherlands

Awarded the Order of the Netherlands Lion; Honorary member of the Geographical Societies of Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Sweden; corresponding member of the `Senckenbergische Naturforschende Gesellschaft' in Frankfurt am Main, the `Gesellschaft fuÈr Erdkunde' in Berlin, and the Royal Belgian Geographical Society; Recipient of the Cvijic medal of the Yugoslavian Geographical Society.

Charles Patrick Daly 1816±1899

Karen M. Morin

If the name Charles Patrick Daly is not immediately recognizable as someone important or influential in the history and historiography of geography, it would not be surprising. Although Daly was president of the New York-based American Geographical Society (AGS) for 35 years in the later nineteenth century (from 1864 to 1899) and, in this position, had an impact upon American geographical knowledge and practices in numerous ways, he was and probably still is most remembered today for his career as revered Judge and later Chief Justice of the New York Court of Common Pleas, his `day job'. Throughout the 1870s, 1880s and 1890s, Daly was a prominent figure among the New York (and, to some extent, European) public, principally as a judge, community leader, but also as a popularizer of geography. Daly led numerous social and civic reform societies in New York City, and was a prolific writer and lecturer on a number of scholarly, literary and social issues in addition to his geographical writings. As geographer, Daly hosted popular geographical `spectacles' in New York City, especially those featuring explorers returning from the field. His annual addresses on the `state of geographical knowledge' for each year were widely reported on by the New York press. This essay focuses primarily on Daly's impacts within geography via the AGS, his written works and lectures and, where appropriate, how these intersected with his civic reform work. I take as a starting observation that Daly's influence upon geography included both the imaginative geographies of places he created for his many audiences, as well as their effects on actual spaces, locally, in New York City, but also in the American Midwest, the Arctic and the Belgian Congo among others.

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Education, Life and Career Charles Patrick Daly is a little known, although influential, American geographer of the second half of the nineteenth century. He appears in Harold Hammond's biography, A Commoner's Judge (1954), as a classic example of the `self-made man'. After losing both parents at a young age, Daly worked hard and educated himself, emerging triumphantly from early nineteenth-century American mercantile capitalism as a celebrated (and wealthy) scholar, jurist, orator, historian and geographer. Daly was born on the lower east side of New York City on 31 October 1816, the son of Irish working-class immigrant parents from Galway. His parents, Elizabeth and Michael Daly, had immigrated to the United States two years before Charles's birth. His birthplace was the small hotel his father managed, on the east side of Broadway Street (later to become the site of the famed Tribune Tower). Daly's mother died when he was three years old and his father when Charles was 12. Part of his early education took place at a local Roman Catholic parochial school; where the rest took place remains unknown. Daly left home aged 13, after his father's death, ending up in Savannah, Georgia, where he worked as an apprentice to a quill-maker. He later spent two years seafaring the Atlantic, the North Sea, the Baltic and the Mediterranean, during which time he is said to have fought with pirates off the Barbary Coast and rescued a nun off the coast of Holland. Daly came back to New York in 1832, at age 16, and began an apprenticeship to a master carpenter. During his late teenage years, Daly joined a neighbourhood literary society, where he befriended the attorney William Soule, who urged him into his legal career. Daly worked during the day and studied at night, taking advantage of the library at the Mechanic's and Tradesmen's Society. (Throughout his life, he would cite the availability of this library as key to his many successes.) When his employer died, though legally freed from the apprenticeship, Daly stayed on as cabinetmaker to help the employer's widow. Finally, by 1836, at aged 20, he accepted employment as a clerk in the New York law office of Rowley and Soule and, in 1839, he was admitted to the New York Bar, having served only three of the seven years of apprenticeship customarily required at the time for the Bar exam. Four years later, Daly was elected to the New York State legislature. Among other noteworthy pieces of legislation as New York State assemblyman, he introduced the Bill in 1843 to establish Manhattan's Central Park. In 1844, he was appointed Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, on which he served (was elected) continuously until 1885, the last 27 years as Chief Justice. When he retired from the Bench, he returned to private law practice. He eventually died of a ruptured blood vessel, `apoplexy', in 1899, aged 83. Throughout his legal career, Daly made some newsworthy decisions, particularly during and in the aftermath of the Civil War. On the matter of southern trade at the ports, he advised US President Abraham Lincoln against the hanging of so-called `privateers', arguing instead that they should be treated as prisoners of war. It was Daly's decision in the Astor Place Theater Riots case that gained him a national reputation, as the case hinged on American troops firing on American citizens, killing 22 and resulting in the imprisonment of dozens of others. Daly's decision in the case set a new precedent for criminalizing rioting ± a decision that only further inflamed already tense ethnic and class conflict in the city among Irish immigrants and their native-born neighbours (most of whom were Protestant English). Charles Daly was among the Irish in New York but, in many ways, not

Charles Patrick Daly 107 one of them. He was one of the few Irish-born or first-generation Irish-Americans to become a successful entrepreneur or professional: only 1 per cent of New York's hundreds of lawyers at mid-century, for example, were Irish. In addition to his geographical writing, Daly wrote several books on the history of the courts, as well as a large and eclectic assortment of works (many issued in pamphlet form) on everything from the world's fairs and markets, Jewish settlement in the United States, antiquity, New York City politics, the Civil War, Christopher Columbus, the Monroe Doctrine, botanical gardens, Shakespeare, theatre in America and poetry. Daly and his wife, Maria, attracted much attention within New York's social scene, partly because Daly was a leader or member of numerous scholarly, literary, philanthropic and social reform societies, and he gained considerable press coverage for his many addresses before them. In addition to his well publicized role in court proceedings, Daly led several reform efforts that addressed the rights and degraded environments of poor or workingclass Irish, Jewish and German immigrants. These, in turn, informed an important part of the geographical knowledge and practices he advanced in New York City and beyond. The organizations for which Daly served as president, vice-president, executive director, board member, secretary or honorary member included the New York Historical Society, the Friendly Sons of St Patrick, the Irish political machine Tammany Hall (of which he was an on-again, off-again member and one-time vice-president), the Emigrant Aid Society, the Sanitary Reform Society, the League for the Protection of American Institutions (which worked for the separation of Church and state), the Working Women's Protective Union, the Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen and the American Jewish Historical Society, to name only a few. While Daly's interest and publications in literature, theatre and history cast him as an honoured member and lecturer before many of the city's prestigious (Anglo-centric) `high culture' societies (such as the Century Club and Adelphi Society), he was also known as a `friend of labour' in aligning himself with a number of civic and philanthropic organizations. During a trip to Europe in 1851, Daly was introduced to Alexander von Humboldt ± a meeting that likely sparked his interest in geography. Von Humboldt wrote of Daly to his friend Freiherr von Bunsen: I cannot close these hurried lines without thanking you, from the bottom of my heart, for the acquaintance I made with Judge Charles Daly . . . Few men leave behind them such an impression of high intellect upon the great subjects that influence the march of civilization; . . . Moreover, what is uncommon in an American, and still more uncommon in the practical life of a greatly occupied magistrate, is that this highly intelligent and upright man, has a deep and lively interest in the fine arts, and even poetry. Shortly after his return from Europe, Daly joined the American Geographical Society, which had formed only months earlier. CHARLES DALY AND THE AGS The American Geographical Society (AGS), established in 1851, is the oldest and was the pre-eminent professional geographical organization in the nineteenthcentury United States. Before the National Geographical Society appeared in the 1880s, the AGS, together with the United States Geological Survey and a few universities, carried geography's only institutional power in the post-Civil War

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United States. In assessing the origins and development of the AGS, Charles Daly emerges as a key figure in the shaping of the goals, practices and procedures of the AGS and thus of American geography more broadly. According to the AGS today, Charles Daly was the first individual to have launched the organization onto the `world stage'. Daly was a member of the AGS for over 40 years. He quickly ascended from member in 1855 to councillor three years later, and to president from 1864 until his death in 1899. With a combination of business acumen, scholarly erudition and more than a touch of showmanship, Daly revived the society from its hiatus during the Civil War and shaped its commanding public presence, at least in New York and within geographical circles in other major US and European cities. He greatly expanded the AGS finances, membership (from a couple of hundred in the early 1860s to approximately 1,400 by 1874) and its library. The AGS library became the largest privately maintained geographical research library and map collection in the western hemisphere. Daly donated 700 volumes from his own personal library (of 12,000 volumes) to the AGS on his 75th birthday, bringing its total to 14,000 volumes by 1874. He invigorated the society's published journal with professional articles (beyond simply reprints of lectures) and increased AGS correspondence with numerous geographical and scientific societies around the world (34 of them in 1877). He became an honorary member or fellow of many overseas societies, including the Royal Geographical Society (RGS) as well as the Italian, Berlin, Imperial Russia and Madrid geographical societies. His guest appearance at the RGS in June 1874 was widely covered by the London papers. Late in his life, Daly also secured funding for the construction of a new building for the society. An article in the New York Tribune of 26 September 1897 called Daly the `oldest living geographer' who had `saved' the organization from dissolution when he took it over, almost single-handedly amassing sufficient funds to undertake the building project ($400,000). The society established the Charles P. Daly Medal in 1902, which recognizes `valuable or distinguished geographical services or labors'.

Geographical Work and Thought While many geographical issues of the day attracted Charles Daly's attention, his primary interest was in exploration of the `unknown', particularly of those blankest spaces on the map to the western imaginary, the Arctic and Central Africa. While Daly was clearly concerned with `social progress' via the uplift of immigrants, working women and others of the disenfranchised, `geographical progress' meant filling up the blank spaces of the map with physical description ± with coastlines, temperatures, wildlife, resources and so on. Such description constituted in large part the content of his work with the AGS. By this measure, Daly concluded in 1873, the world was no more than half known. Daly's approach to filling in the blank spaces of the world map was both encyclopaedic and Humboldtian. He spent hours poring over maps and planning the voyages of men supported by the AGS, the federal government or private entities. The AGS only directly supported one major expedition during Daly's tenure as president ± an 11-month overland (sledge) journey in search of the remains of the perished Franklin expedition led by Frederick Schwatka in 1878±80. Daly's (and the AGS's) influence on exploration, however, stretched well beyond this formal type of support. He was a prolific writer on geographical topics, publishing 40 papers and commentaries. He wrote on topics such as the `History of

Charles Patrick Daly 109 physical geography' and the `Early history of cartography', on exploration in the American West, and on the global `state of geographical knowledge' for each year (the bibliography has a full list of his publications). He privately and publicly hosted and supported the expeditions of many famous and infamous explorers, and brought their researches to a broad audience via AGS publications and special events and meetings coordinated around their visits to New York. His geographical meetings in New York City were enormously popular, drawing crowds of 2,000 or 3,000 spectators to venues such as the New York Historical Society and Cooper Union. Daly had a keen appreciation for the potential of the popular press to advance himself and his many causes, such that scores of New York newspapers closely followed his judicial decisions, reform work, as well as his staging of these spectacular geographical events. These included newspapers such as The New York Times, New York Daily Tribune, New York Herald, The World, New York Sun and The Times of London. Daly presided over more meetings and receptions devoted to the Arctic than to any other place. His reception honouring survivors of Charles Hall's Polaris North Pole attempt in 1874 was especially newsworthy due both to Hall's death as well as to the extraordinary survival story told by those who returned. The 1878 meeting featuring the Earl of Dufferin, Governor-General of Canada and President-elect of the RGS, at which a plan was discussed to establish a permanent research station (the `Howgate Polar Colony') on the border of the North Polar Sea, likewise received substantial press coverage, as did those meetings featuring explorers of Africa such as Henry Morton Stanley and Paul du Chaillu. Such meetings typically opened with remarks by Daly, followed by speeches from each of the principals. (Du Chaillu, not incidentally, was Daly's close friend: he came to live with Daly after Daly's wife's death in 1894.) Daly's annual addresses on the state of geographical knowledge for the year, which were given annually between 1865 and 1893, were the basis to his widespread recognition as a geographer and had considerable press coverage in New York newspapers. These addresses were typically delivered at society meetings and published in the society's Journal. These popular discourses were written (and delivered) in accessible, plain language, often without any reference to the sources of information (though his sources were typically correspondence with geographical societies around the world or direct correspondence with explorers). The addresses enumerated or collated researches of the previous year, exhaustively and elaborately detailing scientific advances gained by voyages of discovery, surveys, navigational achievements and so on, but also covering practically any subject dealing with study of the Earth ± geology, astronomy and meteorology ± or topics simply of interest to Daly, such as prehistoric archaeology and curiosities found by explorers. Results from voyages of discovery in Daly's lectures often appeared in the form of lists, collections of facts, an enumeration of explorers' accomplishments and achievements. Daly's speeches on expeditions and surveys are filled with an encyclopaedic cataloguing of place names, routes and descriptive detail, as well as re-tellings of the difficulties and obstructions faced by explorers and destinations achieved. In his annual speech in 1870, Daly listed 23 geographical and scientific `events' for that year (and numbered them as such), including the discovery of trees of enormous height and magnitude in Australia, some 69 feet in circumference; the invention and practical use of a self-registering compass; the discovery, through the spectroscope, of a method for determining the proper motion of the stars; the French expedition up the Mekong river; the completion of the geological survey of New Jersey; the return of Captain Hall from the Arctic, along with interesting

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mementoes of the lost Franklin expedition; and the completion of the Pacific railroad. Western American survey and expedition results also constituted in large measure the substance of these reports ± their locations, progress, findings and calls for support. Thus, Daly's annual geographical reports, widely relayed in detail to both AGS members via their own lectures and publications and the public via open meetings and a host of New York newspapers, served as an important conduit in public education and solicitation relating to Western (and other) exploration. Daly's annual reports also enumerated facts upon social or census-type information, such as comparative resource availability or immigration and population patterns in various locations. While Daly's approach was often encyclopaedic ± descriptive lists of accomplishments or findings ± others of his speeches were more `synthetic' ± Humboldtian ± in their attempt to integrate and analyse such findings. One such example appeared as part of his 1870 annual report, in which he spoke at length in an attempt to disprove the existence of an open polar sea. In this report, Daly integrated evidence of Gulf-stream patterns, seasonal variations in temperature and eye-witness accounts to attempt to disprove the existence of such open waters. While he had maintained, over the course of two decades, that logic and scientific evidence proved contrary to first-hand reports of explorers such as Matthew Maury, Isaac Hayes and Elisha Kane that water freely flowed at the North Pole, he nonetheless insisted that there was no evidence for the supposed warm ocean currents beyond a certain northern latitude. He was eventually vindicated on the issue. When Daly discussed American benefits from exploration, they were cast as commercial or business in nature. Infused with the Enlightenment ideal of uniting scientific knowledge with progress, Daly overarchingly defined geographical knowledge acquired from voyages of discovery ± and thus the purpose of geographical societies that supported them ± as that which ultimately would be commercially useful. Indeed, the AGS's leitmotif, from its beginning, was in support of a commercial or `business' geography ± the declaration `Geographical Exploration is Commercial Progress' was a headline to issues of its Journal in the nineteenth century. In his 1884 annual address, Daly explained that he selected exploration of Central Africa as his topic for the evening's speech because such exploration `will be followed by very important commercial results, and already indicates the necessity of adopting . . . a policy [based on the demands of] our future interests and that of other maritime nations'. His association with African exploration, particularly his avid political support for King Leopold II's ruthless colonization plan for the Congo, was based on commercial links to be developed there. Aside from two years at sea as a teenager, three short trips to Europe and one to the American West, Daly travelled little beyond the east coast of the United States. He might easily be characterized as an `armchair explorer' who lived the life of adventure vicariously through his many friends and associates and through his staged geographical spectacles. This is not all that surprising or exceptional, as most members of the AGS were industrialists and likewise more interested in learning about exotic, far-off places than experiencing them first-hand. And, yet, if Daly was an armchair explorer, he was an influential one ± perhaps mostly by advocating the support of expeditions among the privately wealthy of New York and state and federal governments, but also by influencing the way knowledge derived from expeditions was received by large public audiences. Daly also brought the `Washington Letters' to AGS publications later in his life, which outlined US federal government activities of special interest to geographers.

Charles Patrick Daly 111 These `Washington Letters', published from 1887 to 1900, are especially important in illuminating links between the power of geography and the power of the state, for instance in reportage of census data and the status of government-sponsored surveys. Finally, as alluded to above, Charles Daly lived and worked during a precedentsetting era of social reform in New York City, where (mainly) bourgeois men and women who were connected to the (mainly) Protestant churches became actively involved in the spiritual as well as material uplift of targeted populations such as the urban poor. While his selected reform efforts and affiliations carried significant limitations ± he was against abolition for the challenges it generated for Irish workers, and he advocated mining opportunities on confiscated Native American land in the South Dakota Black Hills, for instance ± Daly clearly worked for the benefit of immigrants and used his considerable weight and influence to improve their conditions in New York City and elsewhere. Leadership in these causes resonated closely with his work as a geographer; one might easily typify him as an early city planner in these efforts.

Daly's Influence: In the Text and On the Ground Charles P. Daly's contributions to geography and the AGS were intellectual, social and material. Taking the long view, the general nature of geography to Daly was as `field studies'. In 1871, shortly after Daly took over the AGS presidency, the name of the organization was changed from the American Geographical and Statistical Society to the American Geographical Society. This name change in part reflected a shift in the society's focus, from the collection and analysis of geographical statistics at the interpretive `centre' (AGS headquarters) towards explorers' experiences in `the field': I elsewhere term this a move `from hard facts to hard bodies' (Morin 2008). As geographer, he was influential in creating both imagined and real geographies of the Arctic, the African Congo, Cuba, Central America, Ireland, the Middle East and western America for the public and his many constituents. His platform ± lectures and speeches, and the savvy management of the New York press to disseminate them widely ± as well as his scholarly writings, historical research and legal decisions all made material `imprints' within and outside of the United States. I touch on a few of these influences here. Charles Daly was undoubtedly New York's most influential `access point' to the Arctic and North Pole region in the later nineteenth century. As AGS president, he helped support and develop the infrastructure necessary for Arctic exploration and, in turn, commercial ventures in the region. This is evidenced by his and the AGS's support of numerous northern expeditions: directly, the above-named Schwatka expedition but, indirectly, many others, including those of the future AGS president Robert E. Peary (1903±07), controversial discoverer of the North Pole and recipient of much of Daly's patronage during his expeditions to Greenland and points north in the 1890s. AGS support included setting up trading stations with Inuit; pressuring the US government for support of various expeditions; providing expeditionary equipment and cartographic support; and debating travel routes, physical geography and ethnographical questions via their many lectures and publication venues. There were many potential commercial benefits to polar exploration, many of which Daly weaved through his speeches and writings. American whalers had been in the Arctic region since the mid-nineteenth century, and related resources

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including whale oil, ivory, furs, trophy animals and minerals such as gold were sought by AGS members and others. Attempts to find a navigable Northwest Passage were infused with the commercial logic of finding a practical shipping route through which to open trade between Europe and Asia (China and Japan). So, too, was a host of other proposed commercial routes, more or less dependent on, and hopeful of, finding an open water passage at the Pole. Daly lectured on these topics at length. In his annual report of 1873, for instance, he outlined one such proposed route: `. . . a staunch steamer could pass from the Scandinavian coast through the Arctic Ocean to Behring Strait and return the same summer.' While commercial logic underlay most of Daly's interest and reports on the region (as opposed to the `race to the pole' per se), it must also be noted that Daly meanwhile both reinscribed as well as challenged gender and racial hierarchies of the day in his interactions with and public depictions of his Inuit friends. These include the famous Inuit explorer, Joe Ebierbing, who appeared at a number of Daly's geographical society meetings, and was guest in the Daly home. Daly's impacts in Africa were similarly significant. Unbeknown to most, the United States participated through the AGS in the nineteenth-century colonization of Africa, with Charles Daly serving as the American mouthpiece, cheerleader and institutional `point man' for King Leopold II of Belgium's colonization plan for the African Congo. Leopold heavily recruited Daly's support for his plan and, in turn, Daly provided an American platform for Leopold, organizing support among the mercantile community, lobbying Congress and hosting geography meetings about current explorations there, primarily with the object of establishing trading stations for rubber and ivory. Daly was unlikely to have been taken in by Leopold's supposed humanitarian efforts in the Congo (suppression of the slave trade): he likely went along with it for the commercial advantages it offered American business interests. The geographical knowledge thus constituted and deployed by the AGS for such purposes ± such as reports of trade routes and resource potentiality, indigenous ethnographies and lectures by Henry Morton Stanley ± shed light on the explicitly commercial nature of early American geography as promoted by the AGS and Charles Daly. As New York `city planner', Charles Daly also exercised considerable influence in improving the rights and spaces of immigrant communities. As judge, he wrote and ruled on improved inheritance laws for recent arrivals. As siting commissioner, his efforts were influential in establishing the Bronx Botanical Gardens, a `garden for the masses' and still today one of New York's most important landmarks. As noted Irish leader and mayoral appointee, he helped to write and pass the Tenement House Law of 1879, which proscribed radical improvements to the debased Irish slums in lower Manhattan. These included changes to tenement housing building codes and standards in light, ventilation, drainage, fireproofing and licensing regulations, amongst others. Daly's work in New York City was thus intricately tied to geography as a discipline, but also to geography as a set of practices. His labours on behalf of Irish communities helped to solidify community building as well as infrastructural improvements on the ground. As decades-long president of the premier geographical society in the country at the time, and certainly that of New York City, Daly's voice and knowledge carried considerable weight in matters affecting the city's infrastructure as well as that of the `Irish cause'. While Daly received much public praise for his work on behalf of those in need, he seems also to have had a number of personal motivations for his civic agenda, and used AGS venues to promote them. Daly's wife's family profited enormously by Daly's swaying the city council to site the Bronx Botanical Gardens on their land, for example, basing his arguments on the needs of the working classes and the `well

Charles Patrick Daly 113 being of even the poorest man'. He was also influential in establishing German colonies in the American Midwest ± attracting immigrants from Germany to settle on land he personally bought and sold from the Northern Pacific Railway (NPR) company in Wisconsin and Minnesota ± a company of whom he was a major stockholder. In turn, the western routes of the Northern Pacific were researched, debated, promoted and published by the AGS. AGS support and promotion of western exploration, and particularly Daly's support and promotion of the Northern Pacific Railroad, its accompanying settlements in the West and the benefits that were to accrue to Germans settling there, were all major features of what was to become the discipline of `American geography' in the nineteenth century. Such work, conducted in the field as well as in the offices and lecture halls of the AGS ± the study, debate and publication of railroad expeditions and planned routes, agricultural and manufacturing potential of the areas to be served and town siting, for instance ± produced some of the most influential geographical knowledge of the western United States of the time. Charles Daly's geographical work thus clearly illustrates, among many other things, the close connections between the personal and the geopolitical in geography's story.

Bibliography and Sources 1. OBITUARIES AND OTHER STUDIES ON CHARLES P. DALY Anon. (1858), `Personal recollections of distinguished statesmen and politicians: Judge Charles P. Daly', New York Leader, 1 May. Ð

(1881), `Men of the hour: Chief Justice Daly', The Hour, 29 January.

Ð

(1882), `Off-hand portraits VIII: Charles P. Daly', The Knickerbocker, 15 June.

Ð

(1885), `The retirement of Chief Justice Daly', Albany Law Journal, 28 November, 422.

Ð

(1885), `Justice Daly retires: An affecting scene yesterday in the Court of Common Pleas: A chat with the judge', Daily Telegraph, 20 November.

Ð

(1885), `Chief Justice Daly', New York Times, 15 November.

Ð

(1899), `Charles P. Daly dead', New York Times, 20 September.

Ð

(1899), `Obituary: Ex-Chief Justice Charles P. Daly, L.L.D.', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 31(4), 398±400.

Ð

(1899), `Obituary', American Hebrew, 22 September.

Ð

(1900), `Daly Commemoration', Transactions of the Society, January± February, 1900, Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 32(1), 88±100.

Hammond, H. (1954), A Commoner's Judge: The Life and Times of Charles Patrick Daly. Boston: Christopher Publishing House. Ð

(1962), Diary of a Union Lady 1861±1865, Maria Lydig Daly (ed.). New York: Funk & Wagnalls.

Knott, H. W. K. (1973), `Charles Patrick Daly', Dictionary of American Biography 5, 41±2.

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Kohler, M. J. (1899), Charles P. Daly: A Tribute to His Memory. New York. Morin, K. M. (2008), `Charles P. Daly's gendered geography, 1860±1890', Annals of the Association of American Geographers 98(4), 897±919. Pinther, M. (2003), `Charles Patrick Daly 1816±1899', Ubique 23(2), 1±4. Ruiz, E. (1975), Geography and Diplomacy: The American Geographical Society and the `Geopolitical' Background of American Foreign Policy, 1848±1861, unpublished Ph.D., Northern Illinois University. Ryan, B. (1999), `Charles Daly', in J. Garraty (ed.), The American National Biography. Cary, NC: Oxford University Press. Wright, J. K. (1952), Geography in the Making: The American Geographical Society 1851± 1951. New York: American Geographical Society. 2. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY CHARLES P. DALY 1849

Daly's Reports (1849±1885), 23 vols. Court of Common Pleas, New York Bar Association Library.

1851

`Letters on Cuba', New York Chronicle, 22 September.

1855

Historical Sketch of the Judicial Tribunals of New York from 1623 to 1846; a.k.a. History of the Court of Common Pleas for the City and County of New York, with an Account of the State and Its Tribunals, from the Time of Its Settlement by the Dutch in 1623 until the Adoption of the State Constitution in 1846. New York: R. Delafield Smith.

1859

`Notes on Siam', Journal of the American Geographical and Statistical Society 1(7), 193±9.

1860

Naturalization: Embracing the Past History of the Subject, and the Present State of the Law in the United States, Great Britain, Etc., from the New American Cyclopaedia. New York: John F. Trow, Printer.

1861

Are the Southern Privateersmen Pirates? New York.

1863

The Nature, Extent and History of the Jurisdiction of the Surrogates' Courts of the State of New York. New York.

1867

Life Tenure of Judges: An Address to the New York State Constitutional Convention of 1867. New York.

1868

The Political and Municipal Rights of the City of New York: An Address before the Convention of 1867. New York.

1870a

`Annual address: Review of the events of the year and recent explorations and theories for reaching the North Pole', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 2, lxxxiii±cxxvi.

1870b

Gulian C. Verplanck, His Ancestry, Life and Character. New York.

1871

Life and Services of Dr. David Livingstone. New York.

1872

Barratry: Its Origin, History and Meaning in the Maritime Laws. New York.

1873a

`Annual address: The geographical work of the world in 1872', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 4, 63±118.

Charles Patrick Daly 115 1873b

`Report on the reception tendered by the American Geographical Society to Henry M. Stanley, Esq., on his return from Central Africa', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 4, 453±68.

1874a

`Annual address: The geographical work of the world in 1873', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 5, 49±94.

1874b

`Annual address: The geographical work of the world in 1874', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 6, 53±92.

1874c

`Palestine exploration', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 5, 166±8.

1875

`Annual address: The geographical work of the world in 1875', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 7, 31±92.

1875

`Remarks on explorations of Central Africa', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 7, 296±304 (with Bayard Taylor).

1875

`Remarks on Stanley's verification of Ptolemy's geography', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 7, 290±5.

1876

`Annual address: The geographical work of the world in 1876', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 8, 45±95.

1877

`The plan of the King of Belgium for the civilization of Central Africa, and the suppression of the slave trade', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 9, 88±103.

1877

Court of Common Pleas: The 9th Avenue Railroad Company vs. New York Elevated Railroad Company. New York.

1878

`Annual address: Geographical work of the world in 1877', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 10, 1±76.

1878

In Memory of Henry Peters Gray. New York.

1879

`Annual address: The early history of cartography, or what we know of maps and map-making before the time of Mercator', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 11, 1±40.

1880

`Annual address: Geographical work of the world in 1878 & 1879', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 12, 1±107.

1884

`Recent developments in Central Africa and the Valley of the Congo', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 16, 89±159.

1888

`Annual address: Recent geographical work of the world', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 20, 1±38.

1890

`Annual address: On the history of physical geography', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 22, 1±55.

1891

Want of a Botanical Garden in New York: Remarks of Ex-Chief Justice Chas. P. Daly, Meeting held May 19, 1891, to Take Action under the Law Enacted by the Legislature for the Establishment of a Botanical Garden in the City of New York. New York.

1892

`Who discovered the Pygmies?', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 24, 18±22.

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1892

`An expedition to the Northern Magnetic Pole', Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 24, 215±61 (with W. H. Gilder).

1893a

The Settlement of the Jews in North America, Max Kohler (ed.). New York: Philip Cowan.

1893b

`Annual address: Have we a portrait of Columbus?', 9 January, Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York 25, 1±63.

1894

The Common Law: Its Origins, Sources, Nature, and Development, and What the State of New York has done to Improve upon It. New York.

1895

`Annual Report of the Council', American Geographical Society (Bulletin), New York.

1896a

`Annual Report of the Council', American Geographical Society (Bulletin), New York.

1896b

Is the Monroe Doctrine Involved in the Controversy Between Venezuela and Great Britain? New York.

1896c

First Theatre in America: When was the Drama First Introduced in America?

1897

Birthday Verses of Charles P. Daly. New York.

3. ARCHIVAL SOURCES American Geographical Society: Council Meeting Minutes, 16 volumes, 1854± 1915; Society Meeting Minutes, seven volumes, 1851±77; correspondence by author last name (two boxes of Charles Daly papers); Bulletin of the American Geographical and Statistical Society, Vols 1 and 2, 1852±56; Proceedings of the American Geographical and Statistical Society, Vols 1 and 2, 1862±65; Journal of the American Geographical [and Statistical] Society, Vols 1±32, 1859±1900, New York City. New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division: Charles P. Daly Correspondence and Papers, Boxes 1±10, Vols 1±24; Maria L. Daly Correspondence and Papers, Boxes 11±12, Vols 25±30, New York City; `Interview with Mrs. Henry R. Hoyt' (Daly's niece) by Harold Hammond, Box 10.

Chronology 1816

Born 31 October, New York City

1839

Passes the New York Bar, became junior law partner

1843

Elected to New York State Assembly

1844

Elected Judge of the New York Court of Common Pleas, serving until 1885

1849

Rules on the celebrated Astor Place Theater Riots case

1855

Joins American Geographical Society

1856

Marries Maria Lydig; no children

1858

Elected to Council of the American Geographical Society

Charles Patrick Daly 117 1864

Elected President of the American Geographical Society, serving until 1899

1871

Elected Chief Justice, Court of Common Pleas, until 1885

1885

Retired from bench at mandatory retirement age, presided over by US President Chester A. Arthur

1899

Dies 19 September, at Sag Harbor, New York

Marion Isabel Newbigin 1869±1968

Avril Maddrell

Marion Newbigin was one of the `founding parents' of British geography in the early twentieth century, and the only woman to be recognized as such. She graduated in zoology from Aberystwyth University College in 1893 and went on to be one of the first women to complete a D.Sc. at Aberystwyth in 1898. She was appointed editor of the Scottish Geographical Magazine in 1902 ± a post she held for 30 years and through which she exerted considerable influence on the shape of geographical thought and practice. Newbigin's career might best be described as one made up from a portfolio of part-time appointments: lecturing, examining, writing and editing (she gave, for example, an annual lecture series at Bedford College, examined for the University of London Board of Geographical Studies, was an external examiner and worked as assistant editor of the Scottish Forestry Society's journal). Despite the insecurities associated with the lack of a permanent full-time post, Newbigin was prolific as an author, writing over 20 books and 30 papers, with her wide-ranging oeuvre addressing school children and academic researchers. Her work on regional geography helped to establish and embed this discourse in British geography, but it was her innovative work in biogeography that drew on her natural science training which arguably had the greatest influence in the long term: her Plant and Animal Geography (1936) was reprinted over 30 years later, in 1968. Although premature death in 1934 prevented full recognition of her contribution to geography in her own lifetime, Newbigin's presidency in 1922 of Section E (Geography) of the British Association for the Advancement of Science was a fitting tribute to a career in which she meshed scientific and geographical enquiry and broke several professional barriers for women.

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Education, Life and Work Marion Newbigin was born on 23 September 1869, daughter of Emma (neÂe France) and James Leslie Newbigin, whose profession is listed as `chemist and druggist' on her birth certificate. She was born in the family home, Greenbatt Cottage, Alnwick, in Northumbria, and, although she lived much of later life in Edinburgh, she was always strongly associated with the northern borderlands of England. It is reported that James Newbigin believed his sons should be independent and make their own way in the world from their teenage years, but that his daughters were entitled to education and support as long as was required. The three Newbigin sons and five daughters appear to have been successful under this unequal arrangement (Boog Watson 1967±68). As a consequence, at least four of the Newbigin girls undertook higher education and were able to support themselves financially through their professions. They were also remembered by younger members of the extended family as feminists and fierce characters (Boog Watson 1967±68). Marion Newbigin's early schooling is not known, but, with her sister Maud, she attended the university standard classes of the Edinburgh Association for the University Education of Women. While Maud continued at Edinburgh and was one of the first cohort of eight women to be awarded a degree by Edinburgh University in 1893, Marion passed her London University matriculation examination in June 1890 at Herriot Watt College in Edinburgh and entered the recently founded University College of Wales Aberystwyth in September 1891, aged 22. At Aberystwyth, she studied chemistry, physics, biology and mathematics, passing her London Intermediate examination in 1892, and was awarded a B.Sc. (Hons.) in zoology (Second Division) in 1893. Her speedy completion of the degree was a reflection of the level of study previously undertaken at Edinburgh. Newbigin graduated five years after the first woman to take a degree at Aberystwyth, and at a time when women's suitability for membership and ability to contribute to geographical knowledge was being debated at the Royal Geographical Society in 1892 and 1893. She continued to study at Aberystwyth and went on to gain a D.Sc. in 1898 through publication (Clout 2003). She was only the second woman at Aberystwyth to achieve this award. Newbigin was soon thereafter employed as part of the team of specialists analysing the oceanographic data collected by the Challenger between 1872 and 1876. While working at the Millport Marine Biological Station and in the labs at the Royal College of Physicians, she undertook original research on colouration in plants and animals. This work led to joint publications with N. D. Paton and others, culminating in the publication of Colour in Nature (1898) and Life by the Seashore (1901) (Maddrell 1997; Creese 2004). Work on the Challenger project was influential in the careers of several of the new generation of professional geographers, such as H. R. Dickson, H. R. Mill (Geographers Vol. 1), A. J. Herbertson (Geographers Vol. 3) and J. Y. Buchanan, and Newbigin's career switch to geography has likewise been attributed to her involvement in analysing the results of the expedition (Lochhead 1984). Hilda Newbigin considered, however, that the move to geography largely began under the influence of James Geikie, whose geological lectures Newbigin attended in 1890±91. In correspondence, Newbigin herself made references to financial necessity as a factor. It was through the recommendation of James Geikie, Honorary Editor of the Scottish Geographical Magazine (SGM), that Newbigin was drawn into the geographical community, first as assistant and soon as full editor of the journal ± a post she held until her death in 1934. Over these 32 years, Newbigin exerted a growing influence over the content

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and quality of the journal and, in turn, through the journal on British geography more widely. A biography of Geikie was among Newbigin's many publications (Newbigin and Flett 1917). If women's access to degrees in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was patchy, then opportunities for them to work in higher education were even more limited and Newbigin was constrained by this situation throughout her life. Initially, as one of the first women in Britain to study and gain qualifications in the natural sciences, she was able to find a niche teaching these subjects from 1897 when she succeeded her former tutor, J. Arthur Thompson, as lecturer in biology and zoology at the Edinburgh Extra Mural School of Medicine for Women. This work came to an end in 1916 however, when women medical students were given full access to the previously men-only University of Edinburgh courses in medicine. While Newbigin may have applauded this move, it cost her her job. In that year, Newbigin applied for and was admitted to the membership of the London-based Royal Geographical Society (three years after membership was opened fully to women). In 1921, she received the Society's Back Award for services to geography, which included her editorship of SGM and her `many writings on geographical subjects, and especially those dealing with the nationality of the Balkans' (Anon. 1921, 79). This was the same year in which she became vicepresident of Section (E) of the British Association of the Advancement of Science (BAAS), going on to serve as president 1922±23, and vice-president again in 1923 and 1924. In 1923, Ella Christie and Marion Newbigin were the first women to be appointed to the RSGS Council ± a position Newbigin held until her death. In the same year, Newbigin received the RSGS Livingstone gold medal, the citation in the journal stressing her original work for `numerous contributions to geographical science, based largely on her own observations' (Anon. 1924, 30). Correspondence shows that Newbigin lived in at least three different Edinburgh addresses, including Mortonhall Road and Dyck Place. In later years, Newbigin lived at 2 Chamberlain Road, Edinburgh, with sisters Maud (after she retired as Deputy Principal at Portsmouth Day Training College), Alice, who was a teacher of geography, and Hilda, who worked in the College of Agriculture (Boog Watson 1967±68). Newbigin herself never reached retirement age. She died suddenly on 20 July 1934, aged 64, her death attributed to a heart complaint and to overwork, including the examining work from which she had recently returned. Her obituary in the Scottish Geographical Magazine commented that it was characteristic of her energies and foresight that, although her death came unexpectedly, everything was prepared for the 50th anniversary edition of the journal. The portrait accompanying Newbigin's obituary in SGM (reproduced here on page 119), seems to reinforce the image of the hard-working serious woman, but it belies the sharp wit and sense of humour for which she was also renowned (Freeman 1976b). Other obituaries also stressed her love of gardening, her admirable determination to travel despite poor health and her much valued friendship.

Scientific Ideas and Geographical Thought Freeman (1976b) has suggested that, of her numerous professional roles, Newbigin was happiest as a writer. Her publications were certainly prodigious for her day, with her dozens of books and papers written in different registers for her different audiences. Newbigin's books included school texts, such as The British Empire Beyond the Seas (1914) and A New Geography of Scotland (1920) and Commercial Geography

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(1926) and Modern Geography (1911), published in the Home University Library Series. She wrote a travel account, Frequented Ways (1922), which was typeset before the war. Academic treatises ranged from her early biological research including Colour in Nature (1898), which was later incorporated with her geographical work in Animal Geography (1913) and Plant and Animal Geography (1936), as well as regional studies, such as Geographical Aspects of the Balkan Problems (1915) and Southern Europe (1932). Newbigin's sister, Florence, accompanied her on many of her travels and was acknowledged for her drawing of sketch maps, illustrations and indices for Life by the Seashore, Southern Europe, Frequented Ways and Plant and Animal Geography. Newbigin's geographical writings may be grouped under the headings of physical±scientific geography and regional±political geography, with her work in epistemology±pedagogy a minor theme. These themes were often interwoven in many of her texts and papers (Maddrell 2009). In the first instance, Newbigin brought her scientific training to her writing, to which, in her later work, she added her experience of travelling and fieldwork as well as her skills as a photographer. Her writing was also characterized by a wide knowledge of geographical and related literature, especially French texts, and her willingness to get to grips with and make use of local knowledge: `. . . one cannot be said to know any part of the earth's surface until one realises how it appears in the eyes of its inhabitants' (Newbigin 1922a, v). Drawing on her training in biology, Newbigin gave greater attention to flora and fauna than was generally found in contemporary geographical work. In her introductory chapter to the third edition of Man and his Conquest of Nature (1917), she repeatedly refers to the concepts and explanations of the botanist and the zoologist in her later chapter on the sea. Using her specialized knowledge of biological influences within geographical discourses of the early twentieth century, and echoing Mary Somerville (Somerville 1848, 1), Newbigin considered that `The main object of geography may be said to be to bring out the relation between the life of organisms ± of plants, animals and, in particular, of man ± and the physical conditions which prevail on the surface of the globe' (Newbigin 1929, xv) (on Somerville, see Geographers Vol. 2). This line of reasoning was continued in her biogeographies Animal Geography (1913) and Plant and Animal Geography (1936), the latter published posthumously. Her last two regional books were A New Regional Geography of the World (1929) and Southern Europe (1932). Newbigin's university studies and Challenger work were imbued with Darwinian theory and she saw the publication of the Origin of Species in 1859 as `marking the beginning of the distinctively modern period of geographical science' in which `He [Darwin] showed that there is a delicately adjusted balance between organisms and their surroundings, taken in their widest sense' (Newbigin 1911c, 1 and 11). Darwin's Origin of Species is a lode stone in Newbigin's work, interwoven as her work is with references to succession, evolution and competition applied to flora and fauna. Her whole thesis in Man and his Conquest of Nature is evident in the title of the book and in its introductory chapter, `The battlefield'. Influenced as she was by French possibilism (Newbigin 1917d, v), Newbigin tempered the popular role accrued to struggle and competition, citing Darwin's own stress on the metaphorical character of struggle in his work and preferring to focus on the study of geographical interrelations (Newbigin 1911c, 9). Newbigin was also sensitive to the impact of human domination over other species, particularly the effect of industrial processes on vulnerable human and animal groups. Newbigin's first research paper in the SGM was a regional study of Kingussie district in southern Inverness-shire (Newbigin 1906). Then, the regional approach to geography was relatively novel but it would become the accepted discursive

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framework. This paper demonstrated the standard structure for such regional study: general description and delineation of the region; climate; natural resources; population; means of communication. In this article, Newbigin both demonstrated her ability to write within the regional discourse and provided a template for others, as, at the same time, she showed herself to be knowledgeable about Scotland (Maddrell 2009). Newbigin espoused the region as the most appropriate unit of geographical study, not least because it allowed intensive survey of representative sections of the globe or nation whilst avoiding superficial generalizations that more detailed knowledge might disprove. Given her training in and continued commitment to scientific method, this process of verification was an important part of Newbigin's epistemology, and her appreciation for intensive survey within the regional approach was also based on her understanding of its empirical and explanatory efficacy: this was the means that `makes it possible to bring out specific instances of man's response to his physical environment, with a certainty not otherwise obtainable' (Newbigin 1929, xvii). Some of her regional analysis was weakened by national and gendered stereotypes, such as when she discussed Mediterranean agriculture or representations of Turks as economically parasitic (Maddrell 1997), or her representations of the Albanian people (Freeman 1980, 95). Newbigin's earlier work relied upon the classification of peoples, reproducing that long-standing tradition within geography texts that takes a `scientific' approach deeply embedded with cultural values and notions of hierarchy (Maddrell 1997; 1998). Newbigin's later discussions of race and nationality (Newbigin 1917a; 1918a) seemed to undergo a marked change. They continued to represent a strong relationship between place and human characteristics, but are more sensitive to the dynamism and hybridity of those characteristics. Influenced by Marrett's (1917) volume on anthropology, Newbigin argued that geographers and politicians had been overly influenced by the disciplinary inheritance of biological theory that adopted the belief that the same mechanism that produced and maintained diversity in other organisms operated in the same way for people (Newbigin 1918a). This led her to conclude that, under modern conditions, `race' was a political tool and that nationality was something that could change ± pertinent observations in the context of the war and possibilities for peace in the post-First World War Balkans (Maddrell 2004, 2009). It is in her regional studies that we can identify traces of gender sensitivity in Newbigin's work ± in, for example, the impact of male economic migration in Kingussie (Newbigin 1906), and in the lack of attention given to the influence of women in the analysis of forced emigration and naturalization policies (Newbigin 1917a). Attention to gender is most explicit in Man and his Conquest of Nature (1917d), where Newbigin discusses the gendered division of labour, benefits of female employment and women's competence in managing social and financial institutions in communities where men worked in deep-sea fishing. These case studies appear to reflect her own position in relation to women's work and public roles at a time when the suffrage debate was raging in the United Kingdom and, perhaps even more pertinent by the 1917 third edition, women were engaged in war work as well as suffrage campaigns (Maddrell 2009). These thematic strands of scientific method, epistemology in geography, the region and the locality can be found throughout Newbigin's work, but they are especially clear in her work addressed to teachers of geography. Newbigin's 1907 paper on weather, based on a talk to teachers at Aberdeen University and at the Outlook Tower in Edinburgh, articulated her views on the purpose of education and how this relates to scientific knowledge (Newbigin 1907). The paper provided clear practical advice on how to make, keep and build on basic weather charts, and

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her emphasis on gaining the child's interest in the subject illustrates Newbigin's sensitivity to what constitutes good teaching as well as good scientific practice. She argued that no subject was too trivial for scientific study, implicitly championing the everyday, and that scientific study was now accessible to everyone. More than that, as the franchise expanded, she argued that national social, economic and political stability depended `upon a widespread sympathy with the aims of science, if not upon a widespread knowledge of its contents' (Newbigin 1907, 628). Throughout her writing and addresses to learned and educational audiences, Newbigin repeatedly addressed the nature and purpose of geography, especially human geography, making an argument for geographical enquiry to be grounded in scientific methods and to focus on the relationship between people and place. In her 1905 SGM editorial, Newbigin argued that the purpose of the journal (and geography) was threefold: the dissemination of geographical knowledge; a discipline that exemplified the methods and results of modern science; and one that stood as an intermediary between scientific specialists and the general public, not least in the application of scientific findings to everyday life (Newbigin 1905). In her 1922 presidential address to the BAAS Section E, Newbigin reiterated her contention that human geography was, in effect, the biology of humankind, with the impact of people upon their environments necessitating particularly close study. Newbigin was also conscious of the wide-ranging demands placed upon students studying geography on the new degree courses that might include foreign languages, surveying and geology, and she suggested that geography degrees should be offered as differentiated arts and science degrees (Newbigin 1925).

Influence and Spread of Ideas Newbigin's influence on geographical knowledge and practices can be seen in three areas: her writing, editorship, and as a role model. First and foremost, Newbigin's writing was grounded in her biological training, not least in Darwin's work on evolution, and this imbued her vision of geography and its relation to the natural sciences. A scientist by training, living and working in Edinburgh, where scientists were among the intellectual elite, Newbigin credited Darwin with having endowed geography with scientific status that enabled it to escape from its `chaotic jungle' or gazetteer-like `matrix of mere facts' (Newbigin 1911a, 13). In addition to this rationale for geography, expressed through her role as editor and independent author, Newbigin's writing had an impact in the fields of political geography and biogeography. A recurrent thread in her work was democracy (Maddrell 2009). Her First World War writings `show remarkable social concern for the building of a better Europe in a more sensible world and perhaps tell us more about Marion Newbigin than any formal obituary or appreciation' (Freeman 1976a, 208). In her geographical analysis of the Balkans and the wider 1914±18 War (Newbigin 1915a; 1915b; 1920a), Newbigin illustrated the relationship between the mismatch of topography and political units and the persistent political problems experienced in the region (Maddrell 1997). In her own time, these writings, which explicitly engaged with the politics of the First World War, had particular impact and reflect her premise that an understanding of geography as an applied subject is crucial to understanding socio-economic trends and political events. Her Geographical Aspects of Balkan Problems (1915) was well received as a timely and enlightening publication, as was Aftermath (1920), an analysis of the post-war geography of Europe and its implications. Although Newbigin did not live to see the onset of the

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Second World War, her book on Southern Europe (1932) was recommended reading to support the Navy Intelligence Handbook on Italy. Published posthumously, with editorial work from H. J. Fleure and additional chapters written by Margaret Dunlop, Plant and Animal Geography appeared in 1936 (on Fleure, see Geographers Vol. 11). This was the culmination of a lifetime's reflections on the relationships between Newbigin's chosen field, biology, and her adopted field, geography. The book became foundational to what was to become the sub-discipline of biogeography and was reprinted as a `classic text' in 1968, with a preface by Monica Cole. There and elsewhere, Newbigin's lively prose style as an author, combined with her analytic clarity, might also be credited with helping to engage at least two generations of young people studying geography. Newbigin is perhaps best remembered for her long record of service, combined with the public nature of her responsibilities as editor of the SGM. As she grew in confidence in the latter role, she made it her own and came to exert huge influence on the journal and its authors over three decades. She achieved this through a combination of four things: she demanded high standards in the journal (Freeman 1976b); she contributed articles to the journal, thereby providing a model for suitable articles; she ensured that the journal reflected Scottish interests but was also outward-looking; and she put much time and effort into supporting new authors: `It is difficult to over-estimate the part which Dr. Newbigin played in encouraging original work in what is still a new and therefore difficult subject, and one in which the canons of sound scholarship are not yet established' (Taylor 1934, 367). Consequently, Newbigin is credited with making the SGM a leading British geographical journal (Adams et al. 1984; Herries Davies 2004) and has been held up as the ideal editor (Freeman 1961, 1976b, 1984). While Newbigin's role at the Royal Scottish Geographical Society is seen as equivalent to that of H. J. Fleure at the Geographical Association and Clements Markham, J. S. Keltie (Geographers Vol. 10) and A. R. Hinks at the Royal Geographical Society (Wright 1957, cited in Herries Davies 2004), it has also been argued that Newbigin was the only editor in the British Isles to have had a real impact on the shape of their journal and the practice of the discipline (Herries Davies 2004). In some ways, this is not surprising, as editors were often viewed as paid technicians, as was true of the post to which Newbigin was originally appointed, their role sometimes left anonymous in records of learned societies, as was the case with Mills' 1930 centenary account of the Royal Geographical Society (Herries Davies 2004). Through those skills and attributes that Newbigin brought to the SGM, notably her academic scientific credentials, professionalism and determination, Newbigin made the journal in her own image, orchestrating an agenda to convert SGM `into a scholarly but lively journal of modern geography' (Herries Davies 2004, 7), not least by orienting geography away from concerns with empire whilst ensuring it avoided parochialism. On her death, the quality and influence of the SGM were considered Newbigin's `proper eulogium' (Anon. 1934). Yet, while Freeman (who held his first post as Assistant Lecturer in Edinburgh 1933±35 around the time of Newbigin's death: on Freeman, see Geographers Vol. 22) and his pupil, Gordon Herries Davies, represent Newbigin as the beau ideal of editorship ± a view reinforced by obituaries and later celebratory histories of the Scottish Geographical Magazine ± her work was not without its critics. Both Arthur Hinks and Hugh Mill had cause to make complaints to her about editorial decisions, and Newbigin, on occasion, expressed the view that her work at the RSGS was taken for granted (Maddrell 2009). Mill, her contemporary at the RGS and RSGS, described Newbigin in his 1951 biography as the British counterpart of the American geographer, Ellen Churchill Semple (for Semple, see

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Geographers Vol. 28). He considered Newbigin had died before her merits were fully recognized, admired her judgement (they shared exam board duties) and acknowledged her as having `won a high place in the educational world'. While these are all positive remarks, they seem selective and tempered accolades in comparison with others' reports. At her death, Newbigin was credited with being the first geographer to thoroughly apply the scientific method consistently to her work (Anon. 1934, 333), and for laying the foundations of the scientific method on which Scottish geography was built (Adams et al. 1984). This may be attributing too much to one individual, but Newbigin was certainly evangelical about the importance of primary research, fieldwork and the study of the natural environment. If Newbigin's appointment at the SGM may be attributed to the patronage of James Geikie, she nevertheless established herself soon enough as someone of professional ability and commitment. Whilst her work was recognized with awards from the Royal Scottish Geographical Society and the Royal Geographical Society, her research was not always thought to conform to the geographical discourse of the latter. Correspondence reveals that she resented this. Although working at the heart of the Scottish institution and playing a significant role in the geographical section of the BAAS, Newbigin remained, to an extent, marginalized from London's geographical establishment, only addressing and subsequently publishing with the RGS on one occasion. Writing in 1976, Freeman considered it a merit that Newbigin demonstrated no `tiresome insistence' of being a woman working in a man's world but, nonetheless, it is clear that Newbigin was a feminist as well as a democrat. There are no known records of political affiliations or campaigns, but Newbigin's qualifications and professional life spoke volumes. She exemplified the credentialist route: her qualifications cut through any suspicion of inadequacy and gave her access to scientific and geographical circles. Her hard work and intellectual integrity kept her there until she developed her own sphere of influence within the SGM and wider geographical community, if not the full-time lectureship that might have provided her with better financial security. Newbigin's long tenure as editor of SGM, awards, RSGS Council membership and presidency of Section E of the BAAS (the first woman to hold that or any other geographical presidency) presented an object lesson to the women and men who came into contact with her. Although only short-held posts compared to her own tenure, the two editors to follow her at the SGM were women. While Newbigin's reputation has been maintained (valorized even) in histories of Scottish geography and editorship, her work merits more critical engagement than it has hitherto received.

Bibliography and Sources 1. REFERENCES ON MARION NEWBIGIN Anon. (1921), `The Royal Geographical Society (1921) meetings: 1920±21', Geographical Journal 58, 79. Ð

(1924), `The Annual Business Meeting', Scottish Geographical Magazine 40, 30.

Ð

(1934), `Obituary: Marion Isabel Newbigin', Scottish Geographical Magazine 50, 331±3.

Marion Isabel Newbigin Ð

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(1934), `Obituary: Marion I. Newbigin', Geography 19, 220.

Adams, J. H., Crosbie, A. J. and Gordon, G. (1984), The Making of Scottish Geography: 100 Years of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society. Edinburgh: RSGS. Boog Watson, W. N. (1967±68), `The first eight ladies', University of Edinburgh Journal 23, 227±34. Clout, H. (2003), `The regional approach', in R. Johnston and M. Williams (eds), A Century of British Geography. Oxford: The British Academy/Oxford University Press. Creese, M. R. S. (2004), `Marion Newbigin', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Freeman, T. W. (1961), A Hundred Years of Geography. London: Duckworth. Ð

(1976a), `The Scottish Geographical Magazine: Its First Thirty Years', Scottish Geographical Magazine 92, 92±100.

Ð

(1976b), `Two ladies', The Geographical Magazine 49, 208.

Ð

(1980), A History of Modern British Geography. London: Longman.

Ð

(1984), `The Manchester and Royal Scottish Geographical Societies', The Manchester Geographical Journal 150, 55±62.

Herries Davies, G. L. (2004), `Our first sixty years: One editor remembers', Irish Geography 37, 6±14. Lochhead, E. (1984), `The Royal Scottish Geographical Society: The setting and sources of its success', Scottish Geographical Magazine 100, 12±22. Maddrell, A. (1997), `Marion Newbigin and the scientific discourse', Scottish Geographical Magazine 113, 33±41. Ð

(1998), `Discourses of race and gender in school geography texts 1830± 1918', Environment and Planning D. Society and Space 16: 81±103.

Ð

(2004), `Marion Newbigin', The Dictionary of Nineteenth-Century British Scientists. Bristol: Thoemmes Press.

Ð

(2009), Complex Locations: Women's Geographical Work in the UK 1830±1970. Oxford: RGS-IBG Blackwells.

Mill, H. R. (1951), Hugh Robert Mill: An Autobiography. London: Longman. Naval Intelligence Handbooks, Italy, Volume I, Appendix IX. London: HMSO. Somerville, M. (1848), Physical Geography. London: John Murray. Taylor, E. G. R. (1934), `Obituary. Dr. Marion I. Newbigin', Geographical Journal 84, 367.

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2. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WORK OF MARION NEWBIGIN 1898

Colour in Nature: A Study in Biology. London: John Murray.

1901

Life by the Seashore. London: Allen & Unwin.

1905

`The value of geography', Scottish Geographical Magazine 21, 1±4.

1906

`The Kingussie district: A geographical study', Scottish Geographical Magazine 22, 285±315.

1907

`The study of weather as a branch of nature knowledge', Scottish Geographical Magazine 23, 627±48.

1911b

Tillers of the Ground. London.

1911c

Modern Geography. London: Williams and Norgate.

1912

Introduction to Physical Geography. London: Dent.

1913a

Animal Geography: The Faunas of the Natural Regions of the Globe. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

1913b

Elementary Geography of Scotland. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

1913c

Ordnance Survey Maps: Their Meaning and Use. Edinburgh: W. & A. K. Johnston.

1914

The British Empire Beyond the Seas. London: Bell.

1915a

Geographical Aspects of Balkan Problems. London: Constable.

1915b

`The Balkan Peninsula: Its Peoples and its Problems', Scottish Geographical Magazine 31, 281±303.

1916

`The geographical treatment of rivers', Scottish Geographical Magazine 32, 57±69.

1917a

`Race and nationality' (with transcript of discussion), Geographical Journal 50, 313±35.

1917b

`Constantinople and the straits: The past and the future', Scottish Geographical Magazine 33, 507±15.

1917c

James Geikie: The Man and the Geologist. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd (with J. S. Flett).

1917d

Man and his Conquest of Nature. London: A. & C. Black.

1918a

`The origin and maintenance of diversity in man', Geographical Review 6, 411±20.

1918b

`The geographical bearings of the armistice terms', Scottish Geographical Magazine 34, 441±8.

1920a

Aftermath: A Geographical Study of the Peace Terms. Edinburgh: W. & A.K. Johnston.

1920b

A New Geography of Scotland. London: Herbert Russell.

1922a

Frequented Ways. London: Constable.

1922b

`Human geography: First principles and some applications', Scottish Geographical Magazine 38.

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1924a

Commercial Geography. London: William Norgate.

1924b

The Mediterranean Lands: An Introductory Study in Human and Historical Geography. London: Christophers.

1925

`The training of the geographer: Actual and ideal', Scottish Geographical Magazine 41, 27±36.

1929

A New Regional Geography of the World. London: Christophers.

1932

Southern Europe: A Regional and Economic Geography of Mediterranean Lands. London: Methuen.

1936

Plant and Animal Geography. London.

3. ARCHIVAL SOURCES Papers on Newbigin are to be found in Aberystwyth, University of Wales Register, Marion Newbigin. The National Archives (formerly the Public Record Office) has her birth certificate (23 September 1869). Further papers are to be found in the NLS, in some BAAS papers (Bodleian Library, Oxford) and in the Royal Geographical Society with the Institute of British Geographers, Correspondence Block 1911±1920 (Newbigin to Hinks and to Heawood) and British Association LBR MSS no. 4, re Newbigin (correspondence from Hilda Newbigin) and in the Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Council Minutes 1902±05.

Chronology 1869

Born 23 September, Alnwick

1890

Passes University of London Matriculation at Herriot Watt College, after studying at the Edinburgh Association for the University Education of Women

1891

Enters University College of Wales, Aberystwyth

1893

Awarded B.Sc. (hons.) in Zoology, University of London (external candidate)

1897±1916 Lecturer in zoology and biology, Edinburgh Extra Mural School of Medicine for Women 1898

Awarded D.Sc., University of London (external candidate)

1898

Publication of Colour in Nature

1901

Publication of Life by the Seashore

1902

Appointed Editor of the Scottish Geographical Magazine

1911

Publication of Modern Geography

1915

Publication of Geographical Aspects of Balkan Problems

1916

Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and presents paper to Society

1920

Publication of Aftermath

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1921

Back Award, Royal Geographical Society

1922

President, Section E (Geography) of the British Association for the Advancement of Science

1923

Appointed to Council of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society

1924

Silver Medal, Royal Scottish Geographical Society

1932

Publication of Southern Europe

1934

Dies in Edinburgh

1936

Plant and Animal Geography published posthumously

1968

Plant and Animal Geography reprinted

Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier 1917±1995

Hugh Clout

Madame Beaujeu-Garnier began her career as a geomorphologist but proceeded to write major works in population geography and urban geography. She was a pioneering editor of French regional atlases, both the for the Nord region and for the Ile-de-France. Further innovative work spanned marketing geography and study of the world's great metropolitan centres. In addition to supervising doctoral students and research assistants, she found time to lecture to foreign students at the Sorbonne, edit periodicals (including one for schoolteachers) and write books for the general public. As well as being closely involved with the planning and management of Paris, she travelled widely, was well known at international conferences and had professional contacts in many countries. Author of two major works on Paris, she was an inspiration to her students and to male and female geographers alike.

Education, Life and Work Jacqueline Marthe Garnier was born on 1 May 1917 at Aiguilhe, close to the town of Le Puy in the Haute-Loire deÂpartement of the Massif Central. Her father, Jacques Garnier, was a colonel in the gendarmerie and her mother, Marthe (neÂe Perrin), looked after the household. Her father's postings meant that the family moved several times and Jacqueline's secondary education took place in Roanne and then at Le Mans. In conversation with Anne Buttimer, she recalled `a marvellous study experience in high school' and then the choice between science and the humanities in higher education (Beaujeu-Garnier 1983, 142). Largely because of `a brilliant and dynamic teacher' at Le Mans, she selected history for her undergraduate

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studies that would be pursued at the Sorbonne in Paris during the late 1930s. But, in order to study history in the French university system, undergraduates also had to follow courses in geography; the `two were inseparable' at that time. Jacqueline had detested geography at school, since it `seemed to call for simple memorization of insipid nomenclatures and endless details'. At the Sorbonne, things were different and her `first course in geography was truly a revelation. Andre Cholley [a geomorphologist who occupied the chair of regional geography] spoke of French regions'. In her own words, `suddenly everything became clear, demonstrable: here was a field which could be descriptive and concretely grounded, and at the same time vivacious and interpretative'. Thanks to Cholley, `logical reasoning replaced encyclopaedic memorization'. With geographers Emmanuel de Martonne (Geographers Vol. 12), Albert Demangeon (Geographers Vol. 11), Maximilien Sorre (Geographers Vol. 27), Cholley and various historians as her professors, Jacqueline qualified with a degree in history and geography. Despite the outbreak of the Second World War and the fall of France in the summer of 1940, she described these early years at the Sorbonne as `rather uneventful'. She served one year in the geographic service of the French army, dealing with cartographic matters, and, in 1942, was appointed to a teaching assistantship in geography that she would occupy for five years. Despite countless difficulties of access in the field, she began research for a state doctorate, rising to the challenge thrown out by the veteran geomorphologist De Martonne that `morphology was no field for a woman'. Jacqueline focused on the Morvan, an upland area that was suggested and was close to Roanne, where she had lived as a teenager. Working under the supervision of Cholley, she completed her doctorate in 1947, with the major thesis on the Morvan and a secondary thesis on the human geography of the Brenner valley in Austria, the final stages of her work being facilitated by a bursary from the national research organization (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique). The minor thesis benefited from guidance from Max. Sorre, described by Jacqueline as `one of the great masters of human geography'. She continued: `Ultimately, it is to him that I owe the essence of my development in geography.' Sorre would discuss his own writing and research with the young teaching assistant, whom he introduced to leading scholars in France and from abroad who visited the Sorbonne. One of these was Dr Jacques May, the medical geographer, who would exercise considerable influence on both of them. At age 30, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier (for, by now, she had married Jean Beaujeu) was the possessor of a doctorat d'eÂtat that qualified her to hold a permanent post in a French university. Whilst not the first woman to have achieved a state doctorate (being preceded by Marguerite-Alice Lefevre in 1925, and TheÂreÁse Sclafert in 1926), she was certainly the youngest, completing her thesis so rapidly by virtue of intense and sharply focused hard work. This would be a distinguishing characteristic during the rest of her life, as would her position as an inspiring role model for female scholars. For a year, she lectured at the small university of Poitiers, using her spare time to embark on a formidable reading programme that would serve as a foundation for her later books. In 1948, she accepted a chair of geography in the northern industrial city of Lille that had served as a kind of nursery for academics who would eventually move to a chair at the Sorbonne, which was viewed as the pinnacle of academic achievement in France (Gamblin 1996). Albert Demangeon, Max. Sorre, Roger Dion (Geographers Vol. 18), Aime Perpillou and Pierre George had already taken that route and, in due course, would be followed by Pierre Birot, Philippe Pinchemel and Pierre FlatreÁs as well as Jacqueline herself. At Lille, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier was required to teach physical as well as

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human geography and it was during her early years in northern France that her major thesis was finally published (after a delay caused by paper shortages), as was the first version of her textbook on the physical geography of France. Nevertheless, exposure to the concentration of industrial and commercial energy in Lille, as well as the stark juxtaposition of great wealth and grinding poverty, `marked the burgeoning of . . . sensitivity to economic and social issues which has motivated much [of my] subsequent research' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1983, 143). In this, she was influenced by Sorre, who had worked on industrial and social themes during his time at Lille. It was he who `successfully planted the seminal ideas', whilst `Lille provided the fertile and highly variegated soil from them to flower' (BeaujeuGarnier 1983, 143). In addition, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier was aware of the problems that were beginning to hit old industrial and mining areas in Great Britain and was sure that the post-war economic euphoria that characterized northern France could not last. As well as a reorientation of personal enquiry away from physical geography, the 13 years at Lille were marked by a number of other career developments. Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier developed a remarkable diversity of approaches to writing that included short texts for undergraduates or educated members of the general public, major works of synthesis and a multiplicity of short articles, notes and reviews for L'Information GeÂographique (aimed at undergraduates and schoolteachers) and for the Annales de GeÂographie, the leading scholarly geographical journal founded by Paul Vidal de La Blache in 1891. With the encouragement of two directors of the Revue Politique et Parlementaire, she digested economic, financial and political topics for selected parts of the globe. The first result was her small book on L'Economie de l'AmeÂrique Latine, in the prestigious 128-page Que-sais-je? series, which first appeared in 1949 and would be published in its 11th edition in 1996. Other short syntheses on the economy of the Middle East (1951) and of the British Commonwealth (1967) would follow in the same series. Working with Andre Gamblin as her assistant, she launched the Images eÂconomiques du monde that has presented current statistics and commentaries on an annual basis from 1956 to the present, being edited by Gamblin since her death. The first major work of synthesis by Madame Beaujeu-Garnier was the twovolume GeÂographie de la population (1956±58) that exceeded 1,000 pages of text. Her commitment to producing useful reviews is exemplified by the collective book on the state of research by French geographers at the middle of the twentieth century, to which she contributed chapters on `new trends in geomorphology' and on `population geography'. This book was coordinated with Georges Chabot and Rene Clozier, the two other editors of L'Information GeÂographique, and was published by the J.-B. BaillieÁre company that was responsible for that journal. As professor, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier began to supervise advanced students who would present their doctoral theses in later years and also had the opportunity to build up a team of assistants to analyse and map socio-economic indicators for each local authority area (commune) in the region of Le Nord-Pas-de-Calais. With support from academic colleagues, the preÂfet (chief administrator), local politicians and economists from the national statistics office (Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques), she edited the Atlas du Nord (1961), which combined maps with explanatory texts. In this way, she `became convinced about a special vocation or ambition for geographers: to open up the university to life, to educate young people from experience as well as from books, and to share in dialogue with the widest possible array of people from administrative, political and social sectors of society' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1983, 143). As with many other members of the geographical professoriat at Lille, the call of

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the Sorbonne was strong and, in 1960, aged 43, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier was appointed professor of regional geography in the University of Paris, in succession to Georges Chabot. Her publication record was remarkable, she was an energetic and versatile teacher, her credibility with school teachers and inspectors of education was of the highest standing, and she had demonstrated her ability to manage a team of assistants whose collective efforts were about to appear in the form of the Atlas du Nord. Just as dynamic Lille was different from sleepy Poitiers, so the metropolitan Sorbonne was very different from provincial Lille. With the largest concentration of geographical resources, students and staff in France, the Institut de GeÂographie at 191 rue Saint-Jacques was close to the centre of political and economic power in an aspiring world city. Madame Beaujeu-Garnier, by now divorced but with a son, FrancËois, installed herself in an apartment just two minutes' walk from the Institut and less than ten minutes by taxi from government offices and ministries. The new professor, petite of stature but with a firm vocal delivery, threw herself into an intensive programme of regional teaching (France, Europe, North America) and thematic work (population and urban geography), and also started to supervise cohorts of advanced students (working at master's level) and doctoral researchers. Working alongside Georges Chabot and physical geographer Andre Guilcher, she contributed to the three-volume text on L'Europe du Nord et du NordOuest (1958±63) in the Orbis collection of student texts. Again with Chabot, she wrote the Traite de geÂographie urbaine (1963) that had its roots in his little book, Les villes (1948). In 1964, a new version of Le relief de la France was published and in the following year came Trois milliards d'hommes: traite de deÂmo-geÂographie (1965) that reformulated her earlier ideas on population geography in a systematic fashion. In 1966, an English translation entitled A Geography of Population was published in London by Longmans. This initiated an array of English versions of her books that were directed, and sometimes translated, by her friend Stanley H. Beaver, professor of geography at the University of Keele and editor of the `Geographies for advanced studies' series for Longmans (Clout 2005). Despite this frenzy of publication, coupled with her teaching load, an unbroken commitment to lecture each week to foreign students taking the Cours de civilisation francËaise de la Sorbonne, and editorial work for L'Information GeÂographique and for the Annales de GeÂographie (from 1967), Beaujeu-Garnier was amassing intellectual support from colleagues and advanced students, and moral and financial support from Parisian politicians for a new venture. This was the production of the Atlas de Paris et de la ReÂgion Parisienne (1967) that projected the experience she had gained at Lille on to a much larger screen, that of the capital city and its surrounding metropolitan region. The Paris atlas would differ from the Atlas du Nord, since it would comprise two volumes, one containing detailed maps at the scale of communes, city wards or individual enterprises (factories, offices or shops) and the other in the form of a 964-page text. The whole project was coordinated by Beaujeu-Garnier and by Jean Bastie (from Toulouse and latterly Nanterre), who had completed a doctorate on the suburbanization of Paris and to whom she had been introduced by Pierre George. These remarkable documents, with their preface by Paul Delouvrier, chief administrator and `author' of the master plan for Paris, promoted additional opportunities that were seized enthusiastically alongside her routine commitments. Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier acted initially as a consultant to the Parisian regional administration that was coming into being and then, in 1971, became a member of the economic and social committee for the Ile-de-France region. In this capacity, she was able to involve younger colleagues and advanced students in a range of operations in `applied geography'. Her two-volume Atlas et

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geÂographie de Paris et de la region Ile-de-France (1977) drew on the research that she had inspired and directed during the preceding decade, partly at her `Analyse de l'Espace' (spatial analysis) research unit at the University of Paris. In 1981, she assumed responsibility for the Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes sur Paris et l'Ilede-France (CREPIF), serving as preÂsidente for the remainder of her life, ably assisted by Jean BastieÂ. Other opportunities duly arose at national and international levels. As the pioneer editor of a regional atlas, she chaired the working group for developing regional atlases of the Comite national francËais de geÂographie from 1961 to 1968 and, between 1977 and 1984, presided over its new section devoted to marketing geography. In 1983, she was elected preÂsidente of the venerable SocieÂte de GeÂographie de Paris (founded 1821) and became increasingly involved with the activities of the International Geographical Union, chairing a working group on metropolitan areas that she had initiated in 1980. She was a memorable presence at the 15th International Geographical Congress in Paris in August 1984 but, by then, it was clear that her health was failing. In 1986, she retired from her chair of regional geography but, despite her physical frailty, her productivity continued unabated. Six volumes on French provincial cities had appeared under her editorship (1978±80) and she had published a new text on urban geography (1980). In the 1990s came an edited volume (with Bernard DeÂzert) in honour of her friend, Jean BastieÂ, and, finally, in 1993, Paris: hasard ou preÂdestination?, the `contemporary' volume in the prestigious `Histoire de Paris' series. On the occasion of her 70th birthday, friends, colleagues and former pupils produced not one, but two volumes in her honour (Bastie 1987; Anon. 1987; Gottmann 1987). Covering more than 1,000 pages, the essays that they contained demonstrated the enormous range of interests held by Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier who, uniquely, specified `the world' as her regional specialism in the official inventory of French geographers (Clout 1996). In addition to writing and enjoying the company of her grandchildren, she continued to advise `her' graduate students in her final years. Madame Beaujeu-Garnier died in Paris on 28 April 1995 (Bastie 1995; Demangeot 1995; Pinchemel 1995). The booklet produced after the ceremony held at the Sorbonne on 9 December in celebration of her life listed a score of new publications since 1987 and the names of 17 additional students who had successfully defended doctoral theses under her supervision following her formal retirement (Bonnamour et al. 1996).

Scientific Ideas and Geographical Thought Like all French geographers that preceded her, but few who followed her, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier was an `all-rounder'. Her doctoral work had been essentially in physical geography but her main systematic books dealt almost exclusively with aspects of human geography. The doctorat d'eÂtat qualification had required a demonstration of competence in both sides of the discipline and, during the 1940s and 1950s, she would have been required to teach (and supervise) both physical and human work at university level. Only after 1960 at the Sorbonne was she able to focus on regional geography and especially upon its human expressions. Focusing on that north-eastern extension of the central highlands that had fascinated William Morris Davis earlier in the century (on Davis, see Geographers Vol. 5 and the essays on Chorley and Oestreich in this volume), Le Morvan et sa bordure is brief and emphatically physical. It was completed in December 1947 and

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published four years later. Its orientation reflects the fact that Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier obtained certificates in both geology and mineralogy to complement her undergraduate courses in history and geography. She confessed that her thesis was `a fruit of youth' and had `no pretension of being a definitive work, but rather expresses the current state of conclusions or hypotheses that five years of research have allowed me to elaborate' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1951a, vii). Only 22 pages were devoted to landscapes, with the aim of `awakening the curiosity and interest of the reader'. The bulk of the text traced the morphological evolution of the complicated upland of the Morvan, highlighting solid geology, tectonic processes, erosion surfaces and drainage networks. The final part specified the challenge of interpreting valley forms, interior basins and the upland's sedimentary fringes. Its author concluded that `some characteristics do not only belong to the Morvan but are also found in other upland massifs' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1951a, 258). Distinctive contributions were made to understanding the on-going transformation of uplands composed of old hard rocks, and the operation of differential disaggregation processes within crystalline rocks. Indeed, Madame BeaujeuGarnier would publish several specialist articles on aspects of denudation chronology and crystalline geomorphology, and contributed field evidence for the morphological map of the Paris Basin assembled by Andre Cholley (BeaujeuGarnier 1956). Students would be more familiar with her short texts on the relief of France that examined each major physical region in turn (Beaujeu-Garnier 1953; 1964). Her secondary thesis examined valley terrain between Brenner and Innsbruck, providing `a fine example of human exploitation of physical conditions that are both mediocre (high mountains) and exceptionally favourable (a pass in the Alps)' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1951b, 480). Tracing physical, historical and then recent socio-economic circumstances, this short work placed considerable emphasis on settlement morphology. The two-volume GeÂographie de la population represented Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier's first major synthetic statement in human geography. After critical discussion of available statistical indicators and a presentation of the pattern of human settlement on the face of the globe, the text reviewed the population geography of western and southern Europe (with `white extensions' in the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand), Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, Monsoon Asia and `countries with experience of socialism' (the USSR, China). By virtue of its global reach and emphasis on human occupation of diverse environments, this massive book evokes earlier writings by Max. Sorre and reflects Madame Beaujeu-Garnier's earlier involvement with medical geography, following in his footsteps and those of Jacques May. Indeed, she was the first French delegate on the medical geography working group of the International Geographical Union. Her bibliography was vast, incorporating items in English, German and Italian as well as French. Some photographs of parts of Spain, Portugal, Italy, Algeria, Egypt and Syria are credited to her husband, Jean Beaujeu, and a picture of Avila taken by him shows Jacqueline seated in the foreground. It is not unreasonable to assume that she had travelled widely in the Mediterranean during this phase of her life. Certainly, she was publishing brief notes on the Italian economy in L'Information GeÂographique as early as 1946. Problems of rapid population growth in `less developed' parts of the world would be highlighted in Trois milliards d'hommes: traite de deÂmo-geÂographie (1965), which adopted a systematic approach to population geography, unlike the emphasis on world regions in the earlier two-volume textbook. Trois milliards d'hommes began characteristically with a definition of the field of study and a critique of available demographic statistics. Then, it focused on the distribution of mankind across the

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globe, the impact of the falling death rate and consequent increase in numbers (especially in the Third World), internal and international migration, and shifting trends of employment from primary, through secondary, to tertiary sectors. It was this work that appeared as A Population Geography in 1966 and served as a useful textbook for English-speaking undergraduates. It went into a second revised edition, although the timing of that was not propitious, since the `new' quantitative/theoretical geography was beginning to be practised in the United Kingdom, the United States and northern Europe. The Traite de geÂographie urbaine, written in association with Chabot, offered another wide-ranging synthesis but its regional coverage was far from balanced. After a brief section on the definition and mapping of towns, attention was drawn to Europe, the USSR, Australasia and the Americas, North Africa and Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa: the rich legacy of cities in China and India was dismissed, however, in a mere handful of pages. This Eurocentric orientation was partly determined by the available literature at that time but it also reflected the fact that Chabot had taught urban geography to French planning students at the Institut d'Urbanisme de Paris (in rue Michelet) during the 1950s and that role was assumed in 1960 by Madame Beaujeu-Garnier. She continued to teach at the IUP until the reorganization of French higher education following the social disturbances of 1968. Urban functions, structures and living conditions were presented at the core of the Traite de geÂographie urbaine, including the challenge of waste disposal that had been one of the ecological concerns of Sorre. Finally, spheres of influence were considered in two chapters that revealed familiarity with the ideas of Walter Christaller (including his original publication of 1933) and of quantitative geographers in Scandinavia (on Christaller, see Geographers Vol. 7). This was not surprising, since Chabot was a specialist on Northern Europe, visited Scandinavian universities frequently and was fluent in Swedish. The book's many maps were largely redrawn from the works of others but most of its photographs were from the camera of Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, reflecting her first-hand knowledge of Britain, much of continental Europe, North America, South America (especially Brazil), North Africa, Australia and the Pacific Islands. The Traite was translated by G. M. Yglesias and Stanley Beaver, who slightly reorganized the order of information in the final chapters, and it appeared as An Urban Geography in 1967. This textbook also filled a gap in the existing English-language literature but was very soon overtaken by innovations in Anglo-American urban studies. The vast enterprise of the Atlas de Paris et de la ReÂgion Parisienne (with BastieÂ, 1967a) revealed Madame Beaujeu-Garnier's phenomenal hard work in obtaining detailed data from various ministries and her ability to establish and enthuse a team of 30 assistants, many of whom were junior members of staff at the Institut de GeÂographie and some of whom were undertaking doctoral work under her supervision. Reading the remarkable 964-page text that accompanied the map volume reveals the structure of that team and also the fact that some senior geographers in Paris also made contributions. For example, Chabot wrote on higher education and the international role of Paris, and Perpillou discussed agricultural land use in the Paris region. Driven by her desire to make geography useful, and exploiting her personal contacts in the capital, Madame BeaujeuGarnier marshalled resources from numerous local authorities (the district de Paris, the Ville de Paris, the deÂpartement de la Seine), the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique and the Institut de GeÂographie de l'Universite de Paris. She had already established the Association Universitaire de Recherches GeÂographiques et Cartographiques (AUREG) in 1962, with the express purpose of generating the maps. Jean Bastie (1996, 40) recalled that he and Madame Beaujeu-Garnier

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presented a copy of the Atlas de Paris to President De Gaulle, who `examined it attentively and expressed his appreciation'. As a result of that success, funds were released through the DeÂleÂgation aÁ l'AmeÂnagement du Territoire et aÁ l'Action ReÂgionale to enable geographers and administrators to prepare atlases for other regions of France (Lisle 1996, 61). It was Madame Beaujeu-Garnier who chaired the working group to coordinate that ambitious national enterprise. The events of May 1968 and subsequent repercussions for the organization of higher education in France led to the fragmentation of the old Universite de Paris (then widely known as La Sorbonne) into a number of autonomous universities. The Institut de GeÂographie in rue Saint-Jacques was allocated to the `new' universities of Paris I, IV and VII that espoused divergent ideological positions. Paris IV was the more `traditional' of the three and retained strong links with the humanities, whilst Paris I and VII were `modernizing' in conception, with geography in Paris I working alongside economics and law, and operating in more of a social science framework at Paris VII. The academic community of the Institut de GeÂographie had experienced profound ideological and inter-generational tensions that Madame Beaujeu-Garnier attempted to grasp by listening attentively to the concerns of the students and to the demands of some, not only to reform teaching and learning in general, but also to transform geography into a more `relevant' discipline. Former colleagues were now employed by completely separate institutions, despite the fact that some still worked in the same building and glimpsed each other in the corridors or on the staircase, sometimes turning the other way. Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, who had opted for the Universite de Paris I, regretted the inevitable reassignment of colleagues to other institutions and was especially concerned by the choice of Jean Dresch, geomorphologist and development studies expert, to opt for Paris VII. Through all these upheavals, she continued her research and consultancy, and successfully settled her doctoral students in the new environment of Paris I. She produced two small books on the population of France (1969) and the regions of the United States (1970), whilst, at the same time, assembling her thoughts for La geÂographie: meÂthodes et perspectives (1971). This brief text sought to combine traditional, holistic geographical values with new ideas and methods emanating from the `Anglo-Saxon' world and being mediated and reshaped by some young French geographers. In many ways, this would prove to be her least successful book, since Madame Beaujeu-Garnier was, above all else, a woman of action rather than deep reflection, a `do-er' rather than a `thinker'. Her lifelong approach was to identify a goal and then to work at full speed to achieve it, whether that involved writing another book, editing an issue of a journal or coordinating the production of an atlas. As her colleague, Philippe Pinchemel, recalled, she adopted `a scientific approach' in her conception of geography in order for it to be taken seriously: `That is why she denounced the weaknesses of our discipline and distrusted a theory-laden, model-building, ``jargon-making'' geography. She saw this as a waste of time, carrying with it a risk of looking inward, and of cutting off the subject from decision makers and the wider public'. Hence, `the geography of Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier was pragmatic and distant from the quarrels of different ``schools'' and epistemological uncertainties' (Pinchemel 1996, 17). In a revealing interview in 1979, she declared frankly: `I do not define geography, I perform it constantly; I live within it and I cannot say what it is' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1979a, 10, cited in Pinchemel 1996, 17). Put bluntly, she was not the most appropriate person to produce a convincing text with methodological aspirations. She was well aware of the writings of Peter Haggett, Richard Chorley

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(Geographers this volume), David Harvey, Bill Bunge, Brian Berry, Torsten HaÈgerstrand (Geographers Vol. 26) and countless other practitioners of what was being called the `la nouvelle geÂographie' that flourished across the Atlantic and in northern Europe. She was astute enough to realize that the discipline was already changing; however, my feeling is that her heart was not really in this transformation. As Pinchemel (1996, 15) stated, she practised `a geography strongly rooted in classical geography', with its three pillars of physical geography, regional study and cartography. Yet, she also relished discovering new fields such as medical geography, marketing geography and the geography of metropolitan centres (Beaujeu-Garnier 1983, 145). La geÂographie: meÂthodes et perspectives was very much a personal attempt to `stimulate reflection and criticism and . . . to enlist the support of others who are plagued by similar doubts about our discipline' (BeaujeuGarnier 1971, vii). Her attempts to offer `a revised approach to geography, to suggest a more systematic and comprehensive approach for spatial analysis, to consider fundamental spatial characteristics that have frequently been ignored or misunderstood, and . . . to indicate new directions for research and publication for geography' were, frankly, unconvincing. It was all the more bizarre that her meditation on innovations (largely) in `Anglo-Saxon' geography was then translated into English. It was quietly ignored. Similarly, her little textbook on France in `The World's Landscapes' series, and published only in English, had little impact. Nonetheless, at a time when most academics would start to think about retirement, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier committed herself to two projects, which both developed, albeit in different ways, from work undertaken for the Atlas de Paris. The first was a fascination for la geÂographie du commerce, revealed so powerfully through maps of retail and wholesale establishments in Paris and the surrounding suburbs. Under her chairmanship, the International Geographical Union set up a working group and she produced the first textbook synthesis on this topic with very substantial help from her colleague Annie Delobez, who had researched material for the Atlas de Paris and was collaborating on the annual production of Images eÂconomiques du monde. With appropriate additions for English-language readers, Longmans published a translated version entitled A Geography of Marketing in 1979. The success of this growing specialism made Madame Beaujeu-Garnier a well known figure on the international geography circuit who regularly attended highlevel meetings throughout the world and contributed many essays to `state-of-theart' collections. As Pinchemel (1996, 15) stated, `She was the most international, the most universal geographer of her time'. She was made laureÂat d'honneur of the IGU at the 17th International Geographical Congress in Sydney in 1988. This global geographer always returned to her beloved France, however, especially to Paris, which she proclaimed to be `ma grande ville' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1977a, I, 7). A fascination with great cities was present throughout her career, from the formative years at Lille to her long sojourn at the Universite de Paris. Despite deep immersion in the urban geography of France, she was also enthralled by distant cities, taking enormous pleasure in exploring Salvador Da Bahia in Brazil with the help of her friend, Milton Santos (Santos 1996). Her ability to synthesize, to compare and contrast was demonstrated effectively in an article on Paris, London and Moscow (Beaujeu-Garnier 1966b). This strand of her work developed along two routes, one specific and one general. The general route embraced her work as chair of the metropolitan cities group of the IGU during the 1980s and whose deliberations were published by the CREPIF. The specific example was, of course, Paris, to which she devoted a two-volume work in 1977 that was part of a series aimed at educated members of the general public rather than academic

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geographers. With numerous photographs and maps in full colour, this was a handsome but challenging book that did not overlook poverty, pollution, congestion and noise. Its author looked to city planners and politicians to cope with these problems and envisaged the Paris region as being `strong in Europe and balanced within France' as a result of wise regional planning (Beaujeu-Garnier 1977a, II, 196). Her commitment to the regional organizations of the capital continued throughout the final decades of her life, as she served as a member of the economic and social committee of the Ile-de-France, a collaborator on the preparation of its regional plan (scheÂma directeur), an advocate of building new towns around the capital and an enthusiast for establishing the Institut d'Urbanisme de la ReÂgion Parisienne (Doublet 1996, 47). Paris: hasard ou preÂdestination? (1993) examined the old debate between `favourable' physical resources (especially location) and the decisions taken by key individuals across the centuries to shape the city's greatness. It traced the historic growth of the capital before focusing on its socio-economic activities, planning challenges and role within France and across the globe. Thus, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier (1993, 433) argued `Paris belongs to the heritage of mankind and is not simply the capital of France'. The domination of Paris is that of `absolute centrality, certainly in terms of politics . . . and in every aspect of finance, economics, culture and innovation' (Beaujeu-Garnier 1993, 436). And yet, while `Paris is undoubtedly a major force on the international ``chessboard'' this is a fragile force'. If obsessed exclusively with its glorious past, Paris risked becoming `a museum city . . . incapable of following the rhythm of contemporary change [hence] all choices are delicate' regarding the future of the city (Beaujeu-Garnier 1993, 459). She insisted that coming to the right decisions was not the sole responsibility of politicians and planners, but lay also with every citizen of Paris. Adorned with full-colour photographs and extensive cartography, this is a handsome book, let down by the fact that some of its maps were copied directly from other sources or have been executed crudely.

Influence and Spread of Ideas Throughout her career ± in Poitiers, Lille and Paris ± Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier was respected as a teacher. Petite of stature, she spoke with a calm but firm voice, demonstrating full command of the topic under discussion. Jacqueline Bonnamour (1996, 53) recalled the elegant young lady at the Sorbonne who knew all the latest songs of the moment but who adopted an appropriate air of authority when lecturing to her own students or to the many thousands who attended her classes in the Cours de civilisation francËaise. For Marie-Claire Robic, Madame BeaujeuGarnier had certain `qualiteÂs seÂduisantes' relating to her attractive lively personality (rather than reflecting any intention `to seduce' in the English sense of the term). As was the custom during the 1950s and 1960s, she organized her lecture notes for reproduction in cyclostyled form by the Centre de Documentation Universitaire for sale to students, not only in Paris, but also in the provinces and, indeed, beyond France. Her range of `grey publications' ranged from notes on the British Isles (1951), Central Europe (1953) and the physical geography of France (1953) to the economy of the United States (1963) and the physical geography of North America (1963). Very much in the same spirit, she wrote short books on Latin America, the Middle East, the British Commonwealth, the population of France and the regions

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of the United States, although these were not prepared exclusively with the student market in mind. Then came her major textbooks on population geography and urban geography, translated into several languages, which reached a wide international audience, and the books on the French capital, written in the 1970s and the early 1990s, that were not translated. Academics, students and schoolteachers encountered her name frequently in the pages of L'Information GeÂographique and the Annales de GeÂographie. She served on the editorial boards of these journals and welcomed articles from foreigners. I know from experience that she arranged for them to be translated into French at no expense to the author (Clout 1996): how I cannot imagine. Similarly, French colleagues recall how she encouraged them in their work and in their writing. Madame BeaujeuGarnier was also an indefatigable reviewer of books and author of short articles derived from her reading or from her travels. Her personal bibliography is enormous but, once the books, book reviews, review articles and short notes are accounted for, it would not be unfair to conclude that the number of research contributions, in the currently accepted sense of the term, is relatively slight. At Lille and in Paris, she supervised hundreds of student projects (at the equivalent of master's level), together with a phenomenal number of doctorates: 30 doctorats d'eÂtat, 87 doctorats de 3e cycle, and 8 doctorats nouveau reÂgime. (The last two categories are approximately equivalent to the Ph.D. but state doctorates (now superseded) were much lengthier works, often undertaken over a decade or more.) Unsurprisingly, her style of supervision was not particularly intensive, again in the French tradition. She once remarked that Oxbridge tutors treated their students `like schoolchildren', giving them too much personal attention. Andre Fischer, Jacques MaleÂzieux and TheÂreÁse Saint-Julien (1996, 28), three of her doctoral students and subsequently professors, remarked: `She gave confidence to the thesis writer, allowing the greatest possible choice of topic and methodology. No single vision or ideology was imposed, no message was even suggested; but she knew how to encourage and enrich individuals so that they made the best of their work.' She was able to `clear writer's block and to liberate researchers from any anxieties they might have, sending them away confident to pursue their own work. She engendered confidence, and made you self confident' (Fischer, MaleÂzieux and Saint-Julien 1996, 28). As well as supervising her own students, Madame Beaujeu-Garnier served as an external examiner on examining panels for over 300 other doctoral students. She was an effective manager of the large team of people that worked on the Atlas de Paris, `acting in no way like a mandarin, but being able to communicate her enthusiasm to her collaborators, whilst giving them freedom to proceed' with their work (Delobez 1996, 44). She hated long meetings and protracted speeches, employing her charm or occasional bluntness to bring proceedings to a halt when she felt they were going nowhere. Whilst frustrated by displays of stubbornness or failure to get things done, `she was incapable of criticizing or rejecting' work from her colleagues. She pushed herself hard and expected dedicated support from those in whom she placed her trust. Her younger colleagues detected an in-built fault in her managerial style, since everything passed across her desk and through her head, whether this was with respect to research projects or running the Analyse de l'Espace team at the Universite de Paris I: The structure that she chose was totally centralized; everything was controlled by her. This guaranteed maximum coherence, whilst also allowing various scientific positions to be aired. She knew how to involve a large number of people simultaneously in the tasks of teaching, research and external activity, and thereby created a sense of cohesive action. In all this we

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Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier encountered her qualities of efficiency but also one of her rare weaknesses, since with this kind of structure everything had to go through her; the collective result drew as much on the contribution of each individual as on the scientific structure of the whole group. (Fischer, MaleÂzieux and SaintJulien 1996, 30)

Conclusion Well known by virtue of her writing and teaching, a familiar and friendly face at international geographical meetings, an effective voice in the regional committee of the Ile-de-France, a wise counsellor on editorial boards and a valuable `ambassador' at the SocieÂte de GeÂographie, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier was unquestionably an influential figure in her lifetime. The major qualities of this `great lady of geography' were unceasing hard work and an ability to synthesize complex material into a coherent and often persuasive argument. In this respect, she was a superb rapporteur at international conferences and at planning meetings (Clout 1996). Always dynamic and seemingly tireless, she could be relied upon to get things done, even when her health began to fail in her later years. She was indeed a pragmatist rather than a theoretician and it is by her writings that her contribution must be evaluated. Her compendious textbooks on population geography and urban geography were of great significance in the French-speaking world when they first appeared but had the misfortune of being published in English translation at the very moment that `Anglo-Saxon' geography was reinventing itself. Things would also change in France, albeit later. Now these great TraiteÂs appear dated, both in approach as well as in content. Amongst her many works, the Atlas de Paris et de la ReÂgion Parisienne (with J. BastieÂ) and Paris: hasard ou preÂdestination? are perhaps her greatest achievements, but neither has been translated and hence are not appreciated outside the francophone domain. In one respect, however, Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier left an unquestionable legacy: she showed that a woman could rise to the very top of professional geography at a time when it was very much a man's world. `Geographer-heroine' would be an appropriate conclusion to this appreciation of her life and work.

Acknowledgements My thanks are extended to FrancËois Gay, Hugh Prince, Marie-Claire Robic and Iain Stevenson for advice and information.

Bibliography and Sources 1. REFERENCES ON JACQUELINE BEAUJEU-GARNIER Anon. (1987), `J. Beaujeu-Garnier et la geÂographie', in MeÂlanges offerts aÁ J. BeaujeuGarnier. Paris: Centre d'Analyse de l'Espace de l'Universite de Paris I, pp. 2±3 (bibliography of works, pp. 4±16).

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BastieÂ, J. (1987), `PreÂface', in Villes et ameÂnagement: meÂlanges jubilaires offerts aÁ Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier. Paris: CREPIF & SocieÂte de GeÂographie, pp. 11±14 (complete bibliography of works to 1987, pp. 633±52). Ð

(1995), `Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, 1917±1995', Acta Geographica 102, 2±4.

Ð

(1996), `La SocieÂte de GeÂographie', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 39±41.

Beaujeu-Garnier, J. (1983), `Autobiographical essay', in A. Buttimer (ed.), The Practice of Geography. London: Longmans, pp. 141±52. Bonnamour, J. (1996), `Une personnalite qui a marque le plus grand nombre', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 53±6. Bonnamour, J., Courel, M.-F. and Pitte, J.-R. (eds) (1996), Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG (bibliography of last works, pp. 93±4). Clout, H. (1996), `Madame Beaujeu-Garnier, a personal appreciation', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 77±80. Ð

(2005), `Cross-Channel geographers', CybergeÂo, 330, 1±15.

Delobez, A. (1996), `La geÂographie du commerce', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 43±6. Demangeot, J. (1995), `Hommage aÁ Jacqueline-Beaujeu Garnier', Bulletin de l'Association de Geographes FrancËais 74, 185±98. Doublet, M. (1996), `Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier et l'ameÂnagement du territoire', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 47±51. Fischer, A., MaleÂzieux, J. and Saint-Julien, T. (1996), `Les cadres de son action, l'Institut de GeÂographie de Paris', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 25±30. Gamblin, A. (1996), `L'Universite de Lille', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 19±23. Gottmann, J. (1987), `De la reÂgion aÁ l'ameÂnagement', in Villes et ameÂnagement: meÂlanges jubilaires offerts aÁ Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier. Paris: CREPIF and SocieÂte de GeÂographie, pp. 623±32. Lisle, E. (1996), `Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier et les sciences sociales', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline BeaujeuGarnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 57±64. Pinchemel, P. (1995), `Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier, 1917±1995', Geographical Journal 161, 354±5. Ð

(1996), `Une geÂographe dans son temps', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F.

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Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 13±17.

Santos, M. (1996), `Une geÂographe internationale', in J. Bonnamour, M.-F. Courel and J.-R. Pitte (eds), Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier: une geÂographe universelle. Paris: PRODIG, pp. 31±4. 2. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS BY JACQUELINE BEAUJEU-GARNIER 1949 L'EÂconomie de l'AmeÂrique Latine. Paris, Que sais-je? Series: Presses Universitaires de France (11th edition 1996). 1951a

Le Morvan et sa bordure: eÂtude morphologique. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

1951b

`La reÂgion du Brenner', Revue de GeÂographie Alpine 39, 431±80. L'EÂconomie du Moyen-Orient. Paris, Que sais-je? Series: Presses Universitaires de France (3rd edition 1969).

1951c 1953

Le Relief de la France par la carte et le croquis. Paris: Centre de Documentation Universitaire.

1956±58

GeÂographie de la Population, two volumes. Paris: Th. GeÂnin.

1956

`Carte morphologique du Bassin Parisien: La reÂgion du Sud-Est', MeÂmoires et Documents du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique 5, 59± 66.

1956

Editor annually, with A. Gamblin, Images eÂconomiques du monde. Paris: SEDES (from 1968 with A. Delobez).

1957

(editor with G. Chabot and R. Clozier) La GeÂographie francËaise au milieu du XXe sieÁcle. Paris: J.-B. BaillieÁre.

1958±63

(with G. Chabot and A. Guilcher) L'Europe du Nord et du Nord-Ouest, three volumes. Paris: `Orbis' series, Presses Universitaires de France.

1961

(editor) L'Atlas du Nord. Paris: Berger-Levrault.

1963

(with G. Chabot) Traite de geÂographie urbaine. Paris: Armand Colin.

1964

Le Relief de la France. Paris: SEDES.

1965

Trois milliards d'hommes: traite de deÂmo-geÂographie. Paris: Hachette.

1966a

A Geography of Population. London: Longmans.

1966b

`Bassin de Londres: Bassin de Moscou: Bassin de Paris', Urbanisme, 96 97, 44±53.

1967a

(editor with J. BastieÂ) L'Atlas de Paris et de la ReÂgion Parisienne, two volumes. Paris: Berger-Levrault.

1967b

Urban Geography. London: Longmans.

1969

La population francËaise. Paris: Armand Colin.

1970

Les reÂgions des Etats-Unis. Paris: Armand Colin.

1971

La geÂographie: meÂthodes et perspectives. Paris: Masson.

Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier

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1975

France. London: Longmans.

1977a

Atlas et geÂographie de Paris et de la reÂgion parisienne, two volumes. Paris: Flammarion.

1977b

(with A. Delobez) La geÂographie du commerce. Paris: Masson.

1977±80

La France des villes, six volumes. Paris: La Documentation FrancËaise.

1979a

`Interview avec Madame Beaujeu-Garnier', Espaces-Temps 10±11, 10.

1979b

(with A. Delobez) A Geography of Marketing. London: Longmans.

1980

La geÂographie urbaine. Paris: Armand Colin.

1991

(editor with B. DeÂzert) Grande ville: Enjeu du XXIe sieÁcle. MeÂlanges en hommage aÁ Jean BastieÂ. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

1993

Paris: hasard ou preÂdestination? Une geÂographie de Paris. Paris: Association pour la publication d'une histoire de Paris.

Chronology 1917

Born 1 May at Aiguihle, near Le Puy, Haute-Loire

1929±42

Studied at lyceÂes in Roanne and Le Mans, followed by university education at the University of Paris

1940

Appointed secretary to the editorial board of L'Information GeÂographique

1942

Appointed assistante at the Institut de GeÂographie of the Sorbonne

1947

Awarded doctorat d'eÂtat

1947

Appointed lecturer in geography at the University of Poitiers

1947

Appointed professor at the University of Lille

1956±58

Publication of GeÂographie de la population

1960

Appointed professor of regional geography, University of Paris

1960

Publication of the Atlas du Nord

1963

Publication (with G. Chabot) of Traite de geÂographie urbaine

1965

Publication of Trois milliards d'hommes: traite de deÂmo-geÂographie

1966

Publication of A Geography of Population (translated by S. H. Beaver)

1964

Publication (with J. BastieÂ, editors) of L'Atlas de Paris et de la ReÂgion Parisienne

1967

Publication of Urban Geography (translated by G. M. Yglesias and S. H. Beaver)

1971

Publication of La geÂographie: meÂthodes et perspectives

1977

Publication of Atlas et geÂographie de Paris et de la reÂgion d'Ile-de-France

1977

Retires from chair of regional geography Universite de Paris I

146

Jacqueline Beaujeu-Garnier

1977

Publication (with A. Delobez) of La geÂographie du commerce

1980

Publication of La geÂographie urbaine

1983

Elected preÂsidente of the SocieÂte de GeÂographie de Paris

1991

Publication (with B. DeÂzert as co-editors) of Grande ville

1993

Publication of Paris: hasard ou preÂdestination?

1995

Dies in Paris, 28 April

Hugh Clapperton 1788±1827

Jamie Bruce Lockhart

Hugh Clapperton, born in Annan, Dumfriesshire in 1788, came into the field of geographical discovery with a useful background of 12 years' service in the Royal Navy, as a petty officer in the Napoleonic wars and then as a lieutenant commanding schooners deployed on pioneering and survey duties on the Great Lakes of Canada in 1814±17. Demobilized on half-pay, he returned to Scotland, where, in 1821, out of boredom at home and a thirst for adventure, he responded enthusiastically to an opportunity to participate in a government-sponsored mission of scientific and geographical enquiry to be sent from Tripoli to explore the interior of northern Africa beyond the Sahara and to attempt to trace the final course of the River Niger. The expedition, later known as the Borno Mission, spent over three years in the field. On his return to London in 1825, Clapperton was appointed to lead a followup diplomatic±commercial mission to the capitals of the central Sudan, arriving by way of the Guinea coast. Although he died in Sokoto in 1827, before he was able to travel to the termination of the Niger, which he had correctly identified, his accurate cartographic achievement and comprehensive and objective accounts of the lands and people of the interior blazed the trail for his successors. The information gathered by Hugh Clapperton over two expeditions prepared the way for future sustained and extensive contact with a region of considerable potential for Western nations, and, today, his reports still represent unique and valued insights into an important part of pre-colonial Africa.

Introduction Clapperton's deserved reputation in the field of geographic endeavour rests upon two expeditions he made into the interior of North Africa in the 1820s. The aims of

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both expeditions, sponsored by the British government, were to explore countries in and beyond the Sahara then unknown in the West and to attempt to trace the final course and termination of the River Niger. During the course of the Borno Mission of 1821±25, Clapperton became one of the first two Europeans to cross the Sahara from Tripoli to the central Sudan and to return safely to report their findings to the geographers and natural scientists of Europe. The second enterprise was a followup mission under Clapperton's own command: its main aim was to open diplomatic±commercial relations with the Caliphate of Sokoto. The expedition landed on the Guinea coast in December 1825 and ended when Clapperton died in Sokoto in April 1827. Clapperton thus became not only the first person to chart scientifically every degree of latitude of northern Africa from the Mediterranean to the Bight of Benin, but the first European to provide an account of the physical, human and economic geography of significant parts of that vast region of Africa. Acclaim for his achievements, however, was rather muted at the time, and for a combination of reasons. His travels had taken place at a period of transition in British attitudes to Africa. The expeditions had their origins in a major project of the age of the Enlightenment and dated back to 1788 (the year of Clapperton's birth), when the African Association, embarrassed by Western natural scientists' lack of knowledge of the interior, resolved to despatch its `geographical missionaries' to find out more (Hallett 1965). But, by the turn of the 1830s, when Clapperton's servant, Richard Lander, brought his master's travel diaries back to London, public interest in north-western Africa was on the wane and official British commitments there were being retrenched: the age of European commercial, evangelist and eventually imperial interest in the continent had not yet begun. On top of this, both missions had been costly in terms of lives and apparently meagre in results with respect to the potentially glamorous matter of the discovery of the Niger's final course, which Clapperton had in fact ascertained but was unable to trace before he died. Nevertheless, Clapperton's contribution to the advancement of Western knowledge of this important region of Africa turned out to be pivotal. On the eve of the Borno Mission, maps of the interior still rested on approximations delivered in classical times and by medieval Arab travellers, with the occasional second-hand and unverifiable account of more recent date. Within five years of Clapperton's death, however, the broad outlines of the region had been accurately charted and most aspects of its geography solidly appraised. Clapperton was very well qualified for the task. His family background and upbringing, the training and experience gained in 12 years' service in the Royal Navy and wider interests acquired after his demobilization through close association with former naval medical service colleagues active in the field of the natural sciences in Edinburgh were all contributory factors.

Education, Life and Work Hugh Clapperton was born in May 1788 in Annan, in south-west Scotland, where his father was a surgeon in a community of agricultural small-holders and a handful of merchants in a region somewhat outside the mainstream of the early industrial development of the late eighteenth century. His mother came from a relatively well-to-do farming family in nearby Lochmaben, which was also the home of Hugh's paternal grandfather, a respected surgeon and famed antiquarian with good connections among Scotland's men of letters. Hugh was the seventh

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surviving child of the marriage, but, when he was four years old, his mother died and his father married a woman 20 years his junior. It appears that the boy was given little time and attention either by his stepmother, soon preoccupied with her own large family, or by his father, who, by this time, reputedly had become a hardened drinker and something of a wastrel. Hugh thus began early to make his own way, and relatives and friends offered accounts of a competitive, physically strong, rambunctious boy (McDiarmid 1830). He enjoyed a modest but sound education at a village dame school and then with a privately hired tutor before leaving home at around the age of 13 to go to sea. Economic conditions (and the French wars) and tradition made this a natural step for a younger son. His older brothers had all gone into the armed services or medicine or both, as had his uncles before them; and, indeed, one brother and an uncle had served as medical officers on slave ships after finishing medical studies. Following a spell on a local coastal vessel, Hugh was entered as a ship's boy on a 258-ton schooner trading out of Maryport on the Solway Firth on regular passages to the Baltic states and across the Atlantic to North America. Reports of his conduct and abilities were good and he was set fair to becoming a successful officer in the merchant marine, able to command a reasonable income and with the prospect of working his way towards ownership. Aged 17, however, he was pressganged into the Royal Navy after an incident at Liverpool in which he was caught trying to smuggle a parcel of salt ashore for his landlady. He started at the bottom, as a cook's mate on a 600-crew man-of-war. After six months, he ran, to serve in a privateer, only to rejoin the Royal Navy in Gibraltar a few months later, this time as a volunteer. He started again before the mast, but, through the intervention of his uncle, Samuel Clapperton, a Major of Marines who was also serving on the Mediterranean Station, Hugh Clapperton eventually joined the number of young officers whose naval careers could be developed by personal connection as well as ability. Two years' service in the Mediterranean as a midshipman saw Clapperton involved in action off the coast of Spain and ocean patrols off Portugal, before he was posted to the East Indies Station. On the voyage out, he survived capsize in a ship's boat deployed in a mid-Atlantic rescue operation in a storm. He participated in the capture of ReÂunion in 1810 and was among the first through the breach in the shore action. There followed two years on patrols around the East Indies and the China seas, promoted master's mate (responsible for the actual sailing of the ship) and attached to a fleet supplied with ill-maintained ships and serving in harsh conditions in which numerous shipmates succumbed to disease and fever. On return to England in early 1814, he was posted to the North Atlantic Station and, while awaiting passage, was sent as one of only a handful of officers selected for special training as instructors in a newly introduced form of cutlass fighting. Once at sea again, Clapperton was offered but turned down the post of flag officer to the commanding admiral and chose instead deployment to the Great Lakes of Canada in the war against the United States, where he was more likely to gain preferment in action. There, he was given a number of acting-commands afloat and, finally, in 1816, he received formal confirmation of a lieutenant's commission and took command of his own schooner. For two years, he commanded small ships deployed on pioneering work in remote outposts on Lake Huron, a frontier existence that put a premium on qualities of toughness and self-reliance and demanded a considerable degree of tolerance of unfamiliar cultures. Clapperton was well suited to the life: indeed, frustrated at one time by delays in gaining his coveted promotion, he had allegedly considered staying on in Upper Canada as a backwoodsman.

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While in Canada, Clapperton served with a group of young naval hydrographers recruited to survey the Great Lakes by Captain William Fitzwilliam Owen (one of the founders of the Naval Survey department, who later made a fiveyear survey of the whole coastline of the African continent). Thus, on top of his naval training and experience and his preparation for examinations for a lieutenant's commission, Clapperton became familiar with the practical work of able natural scientists. Demobilized on half-pay in 1817, Clapperton returned to Scotland but could not settle easily into life in Dumfriesshire, where he drifted into a round of rural sports and drink, and had an affair with a local girl who bore his illegitimate son. Impatient with provincial ways, he moved back to Edinburgh and the more stimulating company of a circle of former naval officers, including several naval surgeons who had since turned to studies of the natural sciences at Edinburgh University. Among them was a friend and neighbour, Dr Walter Oudney. Oudney, who had presented a medical thesis on oriental dysentery based on notes collected during service on the East Indies Station, was resolved to switch from medicine to science (Nelson 1830). He had a special interest in botany and was a keen member of the Wernerian and Linnean societies, becoming an active member of a circle of natural scientists led by James Scott, whose mentor was the distinguished scientist and collector Professor Robert Jameson. For Oudney and his colleagues, the geographical discoveries emerging from recent expeditions, such as those into the interior of north-west Africa in the search for the final course of the River Niger, were particularly intriguing. BACKGROUND: AFRICA AND THE RIVER NIGER Europeans had long been fascinated by the inaccessible interior of northern Africa, particularly the countries south of the Sahara in the Sudan (the bilad as-Sudan, Land of the Blacks, or Nigritia, as it had become known over the centuries). The scientists were keen to document an inventory of the world's fauna, flora and minerals in the search for new and rare species and materials of potential scientific and commercial value. The Sudan had been renowned for centuries as a source of gold, ivory, spices, civet, kola nuts, leather products ± and slaves for the Ottoman world ± and the curiosity of the adventurous was stirred by tales of Mansa Musa's gold and of Africa's elusive Prester John. European geographers had some conception of climatic conditions in the Sudan with reference to the western and eastern rims of the continent at similar latitudes but almost none of the likely topography and little notion of the people who inhabited the land and controlled its natural resources, or of their cultures, intellectual lives and commercial systems. The same was also true of the hinterland beyond the swamps and forests of the Guinea coast, which had not been penetrated by Europeans, despite their continuous presence offshore since the days of Portuguese occupation of Benin in the fifteenth century. Equally frustrating to Western scientists was their inability to identify the final course of the River Niger. Since the days of antiquity, geographers of the metropolitan Western and Islamic worlds knew that a great river flowed through the Sudan but they lacked particulars. It was not until reports were received from Mungo Park at the end of the eighteenth century that the Niger's eastward course was reliably established (Park 1799; Withers 2004), but the scientists in the 1820s still did not know where it terminated. Theories abounded. Some said it flowed east to become the Nile, others had it disappearing into a great lake in the heart of Africa and either evaporating there or emerging, after flowing underground, in the

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Bahr al-Ghazal. Some thought it might be the same river as the Congo; and many were convinced that the river was prevented from reaching the Guinea coast by a mountain range (sometimes known as the Mountains of Kong) running behind and parallel to the coast from the East African highlands to Senegal. Better knowledge was in fact available at the time, but, scanty and unclassified, it had become confusingly blended with rumour and speculation. Records point towards Beaufoy, Secretary to the African Association, being the first to receive reports, in 1789, identifying the Bight of Biafra as the outlet of the Niger ± a theory that was posited by Christian Gottlieb Reichard in 1802 and later in the work of James McQueen in Glasgow when he was investigating reports obtained in the West Indies of slaves having been sent down or across the Niger before being shipped to the Americas and preparing new accounts of African geography (MacQueen 1821; Withers 2004). The Brazilian geographer d'Andrada similarly collected information from enslaved Hausa Muslims, who led him to believe that they had been taken down the Niger and that the delta connected by lagoon with Lagos (published in MeneÁzes de Drumond 1826). The Niger's entry into the sea on the Guinea coast may have been quite common knowledge in esoteric circles in Brazil in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, and similar reports received from Hausa merchants appearing on the coast had been published in The Times in 1816 and debated at the same period (Robertson 1819; Bowdich 1819). Such information, together with clues received from interested merchants on the coast, was also absorbed and utilized by geographers studying river delta systems worldwide. In 1820, however, identification of the final course of the Niger, even if apparently discovered and re-discovered, was still not in any sense scientifically based. The river was thus a main target of the explorers despatched by the African Association, notably Mungo Park and Friedrich Hornemann (Bovill 1964±66c) and, after the Napoleonic wars, the British government sponsored further missions. The latter were coordinated by the Department of Colonies and War, under Secretary of State, Earl Bathurst, but their direction was quickly assumed by John Barrow, Second Secretary to the Admiralty. Barrow was an able and tireless bureaucrat who held this post for 41 years. His interests focused on the two great unresolved issues of the period ± the north-west passage across Canada to the Pacific, and the course of the River Niger to the sea ± and these, together with his voluminous contributions to the learned journals of the day, earned him the reputation of an authority in the field of geographical discoveries. The first expeditions involved a series of sorties mounted from the west coast under military leadership and intended to follow Mungo Park's footsteps to the middle Niger. They were bedevilled by poor organization, shortages of water and supplies and widespread dysentery and fever, and, in the face of anxieties about the suspicions of local leaders and Arab merchants, had to abort, with the loss of many lives. Fever similarly took its toll on an attempt to reach the Niger in an ascent of the River Congo in a purpose-built sloop with a wood-burning engine. The high mortality rate on the expeditions launched from the Atlantic coast was held to be an unacceptable cost, and attention shifted to a potentially healthier and politically more promising trans-Saharan route identified in reports sent from Tripoli to the Admiralty in 1817: according to the British Consul-general, Hanmer Warrington, the Regent of Tripoli, Yusuf Pasha Qaramanli, was able and willing (for a consideration) to escort a British mission safely across the Sahara. John Barrow thus despatched Joseph Ritchie, a 29-year-old Scottish surgeon, accompanied by a young naval officer, George Francis Lyon, and John Belford, a shipwright from the Malta dockyard, to investigate. They duly reached Murzuq,

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the great caravan crossroads of the northern Sahara, in 1819. There, they ran out of funds, Ritchie sickened and died, and Belford became half-blind. Lyon was able to collect information about conditions in the interior from Fezzanis and other merchants at Murzuq (Lyon 1821), but he himself travelled no further than southern Fezzan before having to abort the mission. Back in Tripoli, Lyon sent to London not only graphic accounts of the Saharan slave trade, but also reports from Borno merchants that the Niger flowed through Lake Chad and Bagirmi to join the great Nile of Egypt south of Dongola. As a result, the focus in London shifted from Timbuktu to Borno, and Barrow, more than ever personally convinced (albeit wrongly) that the Nile and Niger were one river, began preparing a fourth expedition, later known as the Borno Mission.

The Borno Mission, 1822±25 To find someone sufficiently qualified to undertake the important new work of scientific enquiry, John Barrow turned to friends at the University of Edinburgh, where he had just received an honorary degree for his contributions to the natural sciences: Robert Jameson and James Scott strongly recommended Walter Oudney. And, in early 1821, when it turned out that Warrington, although keen to establish British consular representation in the Sahara, had never intended to accompany the mission himself, Oudney was asked to identify a suitable travelling companion. His choice fell on Hugh Clapperton. Independently, however, Earl Bathurst appointed a third officer, an Englishman, Dixon Denham, a well connected army lieutenant, to lead the work of geographical exploration. This arrangement caused confusion over command and responsibilities and resulted in deep and lasting illfeeling between the two Scotsmen and the Englishman ± tensions that came close to imperilling the outcome of the expedition. Official instructions issued to the Borno Mission required the travellers to cross the Sahara, acquaint themselves with the people, geography and languages of the Sudan, to acquire appropriate assistance of the local potentates, to learn about trade and access to the interior and to do what they could to identify the final course of the River Niger, and to prepare the ground for future missions of discovery. Accompanied by a naval carpenter, William Hillman, from the Malta dockyard, and John Tyrrwhit, a proteÂge of Warrington's, and servants recruited in Tripoli, the mission arrived in Fezzan in April 1822. While Denham returned to Tripoli to complain about delays on the part of Yusuf Pasha (and hoping to make a quick journey to London to lobby for promotion to shore up his overall command), Clapperton and Oudney undertook a two-month excursion westward of Murzuq, becoming the first Europeans to visit the long-inhabited wadis of western Fezzan and Ghat, the capital city of the Ajjer Tuaregs. With an escort of 200 armed Arab tribesmen led by Abu Bakr Bu Khulum, an aspirant to the Beyship of Fezzan, the entire expedition finally crossed the Sahara in the winter of 1822±23, arriving in Borno's capital, Kukawa, in February 1823. The Arab escort looked forward to plunder from slave raids, and Bu Khulum's brief from Tripoli certainly included military reconnaissance in the central Sudan (Folayan 1979). Despite the many hardships of desert travel, they made good time on the ancient Garamantian road (the shortest Saharan crossing) over the central plateau between Hoggar and Tibesti, through the salt-producing oasis of Wadi Kawar and across the sand dunes of the southern TeÂneÂre to Lake Chad. The mission spent the year of 1823 in Borno but found their travel plans

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restricted for political reasons by Borno's leader, Sheikh Mohammed al-Kanemi: he was anxious to consolidate his empire in the face of rebellion on several frontiers (Brenner 1973) and he was uncertain of the true intentions of Tripoli's ruler and his representative Abu Bakr Bu Khulum. While Denham travelled alongside a combined Borno-Mandara army to the Mandara mountains (where Bu Khulum was killed in a battle against a Fulani force who were supported by the rival imperial power, Sokoto), Clapperton and Oudney explored to the south of Lake Chad and the delta of the River Shari. In mid-year, the British travellers all joined a Borno military expedition along the Yo valley to quell a potential rebellion by the Manga people, but, from July to December, they were incarcerated in Kukawa. Their ready funds (which had been held for them, for reasons of safety, by the Bu Khulum clan) had run out and they came to be regarded with some hostility by the local people on account of the alleged closeness of their connections with Tripoli. They suffered gravely in the rainy season, Clapperton coming close to death and unable to leave his tent for two months. In January 1824, they were again able to contemplate further travel. While Denham remained in Borno to explore to the south and east of Lake Chad, Clapperton left with Oudney for Kano with the aim of proceeding to Nupe, where, from many accounts, the Niger's final course would be ascertained. Oudney died three weeks later and Clapperton proceeded alone to Kano and thence to Sokoto, the capital of the Fulani leader, Mohammed Bello (Last 1967). In Sokoto, because of local wars, Clapperton was refused permission to travel either to Nupe or to the Niger at Yauri, not far from Bussa (the scene of Mungo Park's demise), a distance of less than two weeks' march, and the imminent onset of the rains ruled out any prolongation of his stay. Clapperton felt under siege. The Arab merchants whom he had previously regarded as useful, obliging and pleasant fellow-expatriates appeared to have turned against him. He decided to cut his losses and repair to Borno (although he later much regretted his decision), continuing to be sensitive to accusations of having failed to fulfil his brief to reach the Niger, despite getting so close to his objective. Before departure from Sokoto, he finalized arrangements with Sultan Bello for a new and full-blown British diplomatic± commercial mission to arrive the following summer by way of the Guinea coast, bringing aid and trade in exchange for measures to put a halt to the slave trade within the Caliphate and, once back in Kukawa in July 1824, made ready for a return to Tripoli and London at the earliest opportunity. During Clapperton's absence in Kano and Sokoto, Denham had remained in Borno, receiving reinforcements from London (principally on account of the continuing strained relations between himself and Clapperton), in the form of John Tyrwhitt and an interim replacement, Ensign Ernest Toole. The latter reached Borno in December 1823 to take up his post, but died nine weeks later. Tyrrwhit arrived shortly thereafter and accompanied Denham on an attempt to travel to the east of Lake Chad. In late September 1824, Denham and Clapperton set off from Borno in company with a large trade caravan, leaving Tyrrwhit behind as viceconsul in Kukawa (he died there in October of that year). They reached London on 1 June 1825.

Clapperton's Second Expedition, 1825±27 In London, official agreement was quickly given for a follow-up mission on the strength of Clapperton's own reports about the geographical extent and political

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significance of the Sokoto Caliphate. Clapperton himself was placed in command and a naval ship put at his disposal. He was accompanied by two officers recruited by John Barrow, Captain Robert Pearce RN and Dr Morison, and ± Clapperton's choice ± by Dr Thomas Dickson, a childhood friend, together with two interpreterguides and servants, notably Clapperton's own personal servant, the 20-year-old Cornishman, Richard Lander, who was to do his master proud. Hugh Clapperton's official instructions were to open diplomatic and commercial relations with Sultan Bello (providing a consular and medical presence); to reinstate contact with AlKanemi in Borno; to continue to explore the geography of the interior; and to ascertain the final course of the River Niger. The journey out was delayed not only by the frigate's deployment on antislavery patrol duties, but equally by the lack of information concerning access to the interior and the absence on the coast of Bello's promised representative. Eventually, with the help of a remarkable British merchant, John Houtson, Clapperton landed his main mission at Badagry with a view to leading it into the interior through the empire of Oyo, meanwhile dispatching Dickson on a parallel expedition to the Niger at Yauri by way of Dahomey (Dickson succumbed in the interior a number of weeks later). Clapperton faced enormous problems. Unbeknownst to him at the start of his expedition, the interior was in a state of political turmoil (Law 1977), and trade routes used for a century or so were closed and many traditional contacts dislocated. Worse still was the prevalence of malarial fever. Within three weeks of landing on the coast, his two brother officers and one European servant were dead. Clapperton and Lander were barely well enough to travel themselves but, accompanied by Houtson, they doggedly made their slow way to Katunga, the capital of Oyo ± only to find the region surrounding the capital in rebel hands and the usual roads to the Niger closed. By making a detour through Borgu, Clapperton was able to cross the Niger to the state of Nupe in April, but once again found himself delayed on account of civil war (Mason 1979). In June, he recommenced his journey on the fringes of the Sokoto empire through countries in rebellion against central authority before regaining the safety of Hausaland. There, however, the situation was yet worse: he found the rival caliphates of Sokoto and Borno to be at war (and his previous British mission accused of having provided Borno with military assistance). On arrival in Kano in August 1826, Clapperton made a hurried but abortive attempt to reach Sokoto in the rains, eventually arriving there, in the wake of the Caliphate's armies, in October. On suspicion of carrying in his baggage a supply of arms destined for Bello's enemy, the Sheikh of Borno, Clapperton was held under house arrest, and only released when Borno forces had been ousted from Sokoto's frontier region and a ceasefire had been declared. He began once more to contemplate the poor results of his broken mission and possible options for onward travel. By this time, however, his strength had failed, sapped by repeated bouts of dysentery, diarrhoea and malaria. He died in Sokoto on 13 April 1827 and, on Bello's instructions, was buried just outside the nearby village of Jangebe [often `Jungavi' in English texts].

Clapperton's Achievements Clapperton's charts of his and Oudney's expeditions to the two great valleys of western Fezzan, Wadi al-Ajal and Wadi Ash-Shati, the homes of nomadic and semi-sedentary Arab and Tuareg peoples, and to Ghat, the capital of the Ajjer

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Tuareg, were the first to reach Western Europe. In a region not visited by other Europeans for another 25 years, he made sketches of the southernmost known Roman monument at Jarma, described the romantic ridges of the Akakus mountains, the dunes of the Dawada sand seas and the harvesting of shrimps in its remote salt lakes; his was also the first European attempt at a Tifinagh word list and an account of Tamachek script. Clapperton also left a very complete and accurate record, drawn up on the south-bound journey, of the caravan route across the central Sahara together with notes (of interest still today) on the depth of wells, any vegetation and the availability of supplies from indigent populations in Wadi Kawar and in the southern regions of the TeÂneÂre inhabited by Tubu tribes. He also set down valuable information on features of the landscape, such as rocky outcrops, which materially aided his navigation on the return journey and which would serve to assist future travellers. His, and Denham's, records give a graphic account of the inhospitable skeleton trail through the central plateaux of the desert. On the return journey, they witnessed at first hand the cruel treatment meted out on the road by some merchants to exhausted and dying newly acquired slaves. Clapperton's mapping in the central Sudan was also remarkably accurate, although he placed Kano and Lake Chad (long heard of, but never previously identified) about one and a half degrees too far to the east. His account of latitudes was faultless, but more surprising is the general accuracy of his records of routes lying in an east±west direction, particularly where running estimates of position based on courses and distances travelled had to be kept until an opportunity arose to fix a longitude. In Borno, travelling in small parties accompanied only by interpreter-guides, Clapperton was able to see and report a great deal on the geography, people and customs of the Lake Chad region, both on hunting trips along the shores of Lake Chad and on an expedition with Oudney through the Kotoko region on the southern rim of the lake. His survey of the river's main route through the delta of the River Shari, based on course readings made in a canoe while being punted and pulled through the floating reeds, is a remarkable achievement, as a comparison of Clapperton's chart with modern maps shows. Denham provided an account of the country of Mandara after joining a military expedition against Fulani near Mora, and also produced accounts of the Shari further upstream and of the lands on the south-eastern rim of Lake Chad. He failed, however, in his main objective of completing a journey round the whole of Lake Chad to confirm whether or not any other significant waters entered or flowed out of the lake. This was one of the more significant omissions on the part of the Borno Mission. Clapperton also drew up accurate maps of travels westward along the Yo river valley, the former heartland of the ancient Borno empire before the Fulani invasions of the first decade of the nineteenth century. During his journeys in 1824, he also set down comprehensive descriptions of the routes across the Borno±Hausa borders to Kano, the great emporium of the central Sudan, and produced careful notes on the caravan roads from Kano to Zamfara and across the Gundumi wilderness to Sokoto on the Rima river valley. On the occasion of his second expedition, Clapperton again delivered accurate maps, this time of his journey through Oyo to the capital Katunga, and thence to the Niger near Bussa (even if, once more, some one and a half degrees out in longitude, with an eastern bias); a journey along twisting tracks through the thick forests and around granite outcrops did not constitute ideal conditions for pinpoint navigation. As the first European to have penetrated the interior behind the Guinea coast, he leaves us a fascinating picture of the economies, societies and

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customs of the once extensive empire of Oyo, neighbouring Borgu and northern Nupe, another country in the throes of internal commotion and civil war. On both expeditions, Clapperton gathered an important store of oral information concerning the areas along and surrounding his routes. Travelling through northern Oyo and Borgu on his second mission, for instance, he formed a useful notion of the extent of the uplands (the so-called Mountains of Kong) running from northern Dahomey to Benin, and also located Yauri. During both missions, he acquired a good indication as to the location of Bauchi and its highlands and the position of the river port of Funda. Most notably, Clapperton commissioned maps from resident Arab and Hausa merchants who had travelled regularly across the Sudan and south to trading posts on the Niger or through the eastern dominions of the Caliphate to Adamawa, Mandara and Funda. He also obtained a map of the Sokoto Caliphate from Sultan Bello himself; and, while at Bello's court, the explorer additionally commissioned maps of the wider Sudan from scholars who had travelled from Masina to Kordofan (Bruce Lockhart and Lovejoy 2005). Although based on very different underlying approaches to geographical knowledge from his own, those maps together provided Clapperton with a useful broad account of the region to set against the framework of his own scientifically calibrated coastal outline, although they delineated precisely neither the final course of the Niger nor the distance from the Sudan to the sea. The route maps drawn up by Arab merchants were linear in character, presenting data vital for a long-distance traveller: the number of days' travel between staging posts; the relation of the road to the course of particular rivers; the location of boundaries and borders, toll and ferry points, mountains, forests and areas likely to be inhabited by the inhospitable or the downright hostile. The maps provided by Sultan Bello, on the other hand, were more concerned with political space, showing the positions relative to Sokoto of political entities important to the Caliphate, tributary and neighbouring states, commercial partners and places of historical interest. In terms of geographical descriptions (distances, direction of flow of rivers, extent of mountain ranges), however, those charts were symbolic or indicative only. The commercial and political classes had limited knowledge of the sea. In addition, there was probably confusion in use of the word bahr, meaning water of any kind, from a well and marsh to lakes and open waters. Few Arab or Hausa merchants or political figures of the Sudan had been to the sea, where the climate was injurious to themselves and their animals. They handled their trade with coastal peoples at intermediary points, including the towns referred to by Bello as his sea ports, namely Atagara (Idah), Rabba, Raka and Funda (Opanda), on or near the lower Niger. These towns, which indeed provide access to the coast by a water highway, were described as being distant 14 days' hard march, or 20 days' slow going by caravan from Kano ± in other words, a distance of some 300 miles. This left Clapperton with a cartographic puzzle, arising from an underlying clash of assumptions. For residents of the Sudan, the sea not unreasonably included the complex of interlinked coastal rivers, creeks and lagoons, at the head of which lay the confluence of the two great rivers, the Niger and the Benue (between the provinces of Nupe and Opanda). For Clapperton, however, the sea meant the open sea only and the puzzle was that if a town lay 300 miles south of Kano, it had to be some five or six degrees (or some 250 miles) north of the Guinea coast. The conundrum is apparent from the official maps of the Borno Mission, and it was one that Clapperton was unable to solve until his second expedition. Upon their first arrival in the Sudan, he and Oudney believed the answer to the riddle of the Niger's final course was to be found in Nupe and, subscribing to the thesis of

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James McQueen, fully expected the river to terminate on the Guinea coast. In the course of the Borno Mission, these hypotheses were confirmed to Clapperton several times: through the merchants' route maps, in the information contained in Infaq alMaysur (Arnett 1922), from Bello's own statements and sketch maps and from other oral statements collected in Kano and Sokoto. Thus, the explorer came to believe that the Niger found a way through the Mountains of Kong (supposed by many to be impenetrable), and that an upland watershed existed somewhere between the wider Lake Chad basin (including the River Shari) and the rivers feeding the Niger ± in other words, a continuation of the watershed he had recognized on the western edge of the Kano emirate, dividing the Yo and its tributaries flowing eastward to Lake Chad from the rivers flowing westward towards the Niger (Figure 1). On return home to England in 1825, Clapperton was quite clear in his own mind that the great river terminated in a delta on the Guinea coast, probably somewhere near Benin. As Dixon Denham wrote to his brother Charles from Murzuq the previous November, `He [Clapperton] carries the Niger of Park into the Atlantic by means of the different branches of the River Formosa. I never met anyone who agreed' (Denham 1826). Clapperton was cautious about dissemination of the maps and knowledge he had collected, possibly not wishing to cross his employer, John Barrow, who held contrary views, and in part being very reluctant to share his information with potentials rivals such as Major Gordon Laing, who was soon to set out from Tripoli bound for Timbuktu. It was some months before the proceedings of the Borno Mission were published. As a result, in Scotland, a conspiracy was suspected: it seemed to Scottish scientists that information was being deliberately held back ± something seen as proof of the existence of important discoveries not yet available to the public, and ipso facto, that such discoveries had proved Barrow's thesis (that the Niger joined the Nile) was incorrect: `The silence which has hitherto been observed upon a subject of such national curiosity and interest and about a journey of discovery, undertaken at the national expense for the benefit of the nation, appears to be as unaccountable as it is unprecedented . . .. From the information which he [Clapperton] obtained, he considers it certain that the mighty Niger terminates in the Atlantic, in the Bights of Benin and Biafra' (Glasgow Courier, October 1825). Fuel was added to the fire when the editor of The Sierra Leone Gazette told friends in Scotland that he had interviewed Clapperton on his voyage out to the Guinea coast in October 1825, and that the explorer had shown him a map `in which the Niger was laid down as flowing southward from Nyffe till it entered the Atlantic in the Delta of Benin' (Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine 1826, 698). When, eventually, the official map of the Borno Mission was published, in March 1826, it recorded speculation about the final course and termination of the river but, in the absence of hard evidence, was constrained to leave a blank space between the mission's routes in the Sudan and the charted Guinea coast. The published copy and translation of Bello's map included a note inscribed by an unknown secretary at the Sultan's court to the effect that this river (the Niger) became the Nile: this annotation caused considerable confusion and no doubt gave heart to fellow subscribers to Barrow's thesis. On his second expedition, travelling north from the coast to reach the River Niger on the Borgu±Nupe borders, Clapperton acquired further information about the river, its sea-ports and its route: `over rocks' from Nupe to Raka (two days' march from Katunga), past the mouth of the Kaduna river (marked on Bello's map), starting its final course to the sea near Funda and flowing past Benin to the coast. Although he did not live to make the journey to the mouth of the Niger, it is clear from his journals that the explorer established to his own satisfaction the

158 Hugh Clapperton

Figure 1. Southern part of the route of the Niger, extract from Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton and Walter Oudney, Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa (London: John Murray), facing page 269.

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river's actual course and correct termination, and precisely how trade came to the Sudanic region from the nexus of rivers, creeks and lagoons feeding into the Bights of Benin and Biafra. On matters of distances, latitude and longitudinal positions, Clapperton's second expedition allowed him to complete the mapping that had had to be left blank in the official report of the Borno Mission. Most importantly, his findings gave the next generation the confidence to go and see for themselves. No less significant than his work of geographical survey are Clapperton's achievements in the realm of human, social and economic geography. His writings from his stay in Borno in 1823 and in parts of 1824 provide a lively picture of the workings of a competent state, with legal and administrative structures, relatively advanced agricultural production and levels of commerce, all adding invaluably to the more systematic and comprehensive accounts left by Dixon Denham (Denham 1826). During his stays in Kano and Sokoto on both expeditions, Clapperton set about the task with particular diligence (aware perhaps that responsibility for such reporting was solely his) and provided extensive accounts of life and customs in the Caliphate and its capital, derived both from his own observations and information elicited from Bello's court, in particular from the vizier, Gidado dan Lemu, and the latter's household. Other important sources were his acquaintances among Arab merchants resident in the Sudan, who often provided background for Clapperton's own visual observations, such as of Kano and its great commercial market with its sophisticated trading and financial systems. Clapperton introduced Western Europeans to the civilizations of the central Sudan and his journals continue today to be valued as key material on pre-colonial Nigeria. Ironically, while Europeans knew next to nothing about the Sudan, the opposite was not in fact the case. Through contacts across the Islamic world, Sudanic leaders in the 1820s knew a fair amount about the West, including Britain (for instance, her defeat of the Algerian fleet, her expulsion of the French from Egypt and her assistance to the Greek rebellion against the Porte). That Clapperton was well aware of the level of intellectual life in the capital is clear from the collections of books he presented on his second expedition to Bello and Gidado: Tamburlaine's History of the Tartars, Euclid's Elements, the New Testament and parts of the Old, the Koran, and other books in Arabic: the gift was well judged, as Heinrich Barth later remarked, `Those few books taken by the gallant Scotch captain into central Africa have had a greater effect in reconciling the men of authority in Africa to the character of Europeans than the most costly present ever made to them' (Barth 1857±59, III, 372).

The Influence and Spread of Clapperton's Ideas Clapperton's achievements were built upon in two fields of scientific study: his cartographic work formed the bases for subsequent geographical surveys undertaken by his successors on the ground, and his sociological reporting informed many later studies of human and economic geography of the region. He had blazed the trail with his investigations into what was to be found in those lands between the Sudan and the coast and how access to them was to be obtained. Others made the final discoveries, but Clapperton was the one who had dared. It was Clapperton's personal servant, Richard Lander, who demonstrated to European sceptics in 1830 that the Niger did indeed flow into the Bight of Benin. Accompanied by his brother, John, and a handful of servants from Clapperton's mission, Lander returned to Bussa and travelled downstream by canoe to the

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confluence of the Niger and the Benue, where they were enslaved and sold down the river, to be redeemed by one Captain Thomas of Liverpool, whose ship was in the delta. Lander thus won the laurels that, as Clapperton's former patron, Captain William Owen, remarked, `nothing but the hand of death could have taken from his predecessor' (Owen 1833, 362). Richard Lander went on to accompany Macgregor Laird on the first of a series of missions attempting to ascend the newly identified waterway into the interior. Macgregor Laird mounted further expeditions in the following 25 years, as did other pioneers, such as the indefatigable John Beecroft, John Glover, the future governor of Lagos, and naval surveyor Daniel May (May 1860), who travelled routes between the river and the coast that had been sketched on maps given to Clapperton a quarter of a century earlier. Then came the missionaries and men of commerce, gradually penetrating, from the 1840s onwards, into southern Oyo through regions that Clapperton had travelled. In 1854, American pastors at Oke Iho contemplated in admiration Clapperton's lonely journey through the mountains across the Ofiki valley some 30 years earlier (Clarke 1972). William Baikie, the remarkable pioneer and consul at Lokoja at the Niger±Benue confluence, travelled from Nupe to Kano along a caravan route identified to Clapperton on maps obtained from merchants in Kano (Baikie 1867). Although the merchants' maps in question were not published at the time, knowledge of them appears to have reached an esoteric circle of geographers in London by the 1840s. They had been left behind by Clapperton on his departure on his second expedition with a close friend, one Barry Cornwall, who handed them to Captain William Smyth, RN (a founding member and later president of the Royal Geographical Society). Smyth, who was the officer who had first reported the possibility of an opening to the Sudan from Tripoli, had taken a special interest in the missions to the Niger, and had subsequently become friendly with Clapperton. On receipt of the maps, Smyth made them available to the geographers, and fellow Society members, G. C. Renouard and W. D. Cooley (Geographers Vol. 27), by whom the maps were subsequently deposited with the Society (probably after 1841, since there is no reference to them in Cooley's study of the geography of central Africa: Cooley 1841). The maps, now held in the Society's Map Room under the reference MR Nigeria SS/39, were first published in Bruce Lockhart and Lovejoy (2005). In the north, James Richardson, setting out to survey the slave trade in northern Sahara, was the next to follow in Clapperton's footsteps in Ghat and western Fezzan ± where the frugal abolitionist complained that Clapperton and his companions had been overgenerous in payments made for supplies and services (Richardson 1848, I, 287). Clapperton's true successor in advancing into the central Sudan from the north, however, was Heinrich Barth. In 1850, Barth arrived in the Sudan with Richardson (who died soon thereafter) and Adolf Overweg, and crossed and re-crossed Clapperton's routes in his energetic and painstaking survey of the entire region from Bagirmi to Timbuktu: Barth regularly extolled the accuracy of Clapperton's map-making, at the same time commending the intrepidity of `the gallant Scotch captain'. He extended Clapperton's surveys considerably, travelling to Adamawa and to Logon, thus accurately identifying the watersheds between the Niger±Benue and the Logon±Shari basins. Not long after these scientists and explorers came the outriders of empire, such as the employees of the Niger Company, seeking to negotiate agreements with the potentates of the northern empires; and finally, at the turn of the century, Frederick Lugard and the imperialists arrived, whose whole approach was fundamentally

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different from Clapperton's. For times had moved on, as the editor of an article in the Edinburgh Review (commenting on Clapperton's second expedition) noted: The first intercourse between men in dissimilar situations and states of Society is very generally friendly and even cordial . . .. Insensibly this gay colouring fades; the hostile principles of man's nature begin to stir within him; grudges and jealousies arise, which the very ignorance and inexperience of each other render deep and difficult to remove. (Edinburgh Review 1829) Accounts of Clapperton's travels and achievements were also trumpeted in the period of high empire: in anthologies of exploration, usually emphasizing the brave sacrifice of earlier heroes on their lonely missions or praising the adventurous spirits of the first to prepare the way for empire. In the early twentieth century, colonial administrators made reference to and admired his work, but it was at the time of the movement for independence in the 1960s that Clapperton's researches came into their own again in the investigations of pre-colonial Nigeria by a new generation of scholars. In comparison with Clapperton's, Lander's accounts of the lower Niger were valued though essentially less comprehensive reports (limited as they were by the nature of his canoe voyage) and, similarly, the first river expeditions of Macgregor Laird and his successors had relatively little contact with the peoples and cultures of the interior. After Barth, few Western travellers made any attempt to survey the savannah lands ± Gerhard Rohlfs being an enthusiastic exception (Rohlfs 1874) ± until the arrival, from the 1870s onwards, of men of commerce and colonial politics. Thus, Clapperton's insights became increasingly valued and drawn upon in more modern research and still serve as something of a benchmark for other accounts, written and oral, indigenous and external, of the lands of today's Nigeria. Modern anthologies pay tribute to Clapperton's work, recognizing his important, if under-valued, achievements ± `Hugh Clapperton is an explorer whose name is less well remembered than he deserves' ± and note that his reputation has been diminished by Barrow's later editing of his journals (Bridges 2007, 195). The particular validity of Clapperton's records stems from their manifest objectivity and spontaneity. Clapperton was well equipped by experience and by character to be a valid commentator and, as Curtin noted, `portrayed the culture of the Western Sudan with sympathy and an unusual degree of modesty' (Curtin 1964, 207). He went to Africa with no pre-conceptions (his job was to see Walter Oudney safely there and back home again) or romantic notions about the lands and people he expected to visit. He exhibited a sailor's steady regard for practical observation, and was armed with a knack for languages, a deal of tolerance of the unfamiliar, empathy for the ways of life of others, an openness of mind and a willingness to learn. In his writings, he told things as they appeared to him, with no desire to pander to official expectations or public prejudice or prevailing fashions. In short, Hugh Clapperton fitted in. The Arab merchants resident in the Sudan initially treated him as one of their own, a fellow expatriate and valued companion in a distant land, with many common interests and assumptions ± until Clapperton's vocalization of his ideas for the development of future British contact and trade by sea understandably caused them to become suspicious of him as a commercial rival. The ordinary people of town and countryside saw Clapperton as just another foreigner on well travelled caravan roads, while, for their part, the political leaders took Clapperton for what he was, the representative of a foreign power with whom they were prepared to open relations on cordial, if cautious, terms to establish what benefits might accrue to themselves from a future exchange.

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Thus, the peoples of the Sudan were, in their turn, exploring the explorer, an agreeable and acceptable representative of a distant power which held no threat immediately but whose intentions awaited their judgement. Reflections of this interplay give Clapperton's observations a special place in the development of geographical knowledge of this important region of Africa.

Bibliography and Sources 1. WORKS BY HUGH CLAPPERTON Clapperton's journals of his travels in Africa published in the 1820s, edited by John Barrow, were: 1826

Denham (Major), Captain Clapperton and the late Doctor Oudney, Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the Years 1822, 1823 and 1824. London: John Murray.

1829

Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo, to which Is Added the Journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the Sea-coast. London: John Murray (reprinted Frank Cass, London, 1966).

Modern transcriptions of previously unpublished journals are in: Bruce Lockhart, J. and Lovejoy, P. E. (eds) (2005), Hugh Clapperton into the Interior of Africa, Records of the Second Expedition, 1825±1827. Leiden: Brill, Leiden. (Appendix V of this work ± `Contemporary maps, 485±515' ± includes first publication of Cooley, W. D., `A collection of route maps of the Niger river together with original letters from Clapperton and others', from Royal Geographical Society MS. MR Nigeria S/S 39). Bruce Lockhart, J. and Wright, J. (eds) (2000), Difficult and Dangerous Roads, Hugh Clapperton's Travels in Sahara and Fezzan, 1822±25. London: Sickle Moon Books, with Society for Libyan Studies. Bruce Lockhart, J. R. (ed.) (1996), Clapperton in Borno: Journals of the Travels in Borno of Lieutenant Hugh Clapperton RN, from January 1823 to September 1824. Westafrikanische Studien, Bd 12, KoÈln: RuÈdiger KoÈppe Verlag. 2. CONTEXTUAL REFERENCES CITED IN TEXT Arnett, E. J. (1822), The Rise of the Sokoto Fulani. Kano. Baikie, W. B. (1867), `Notes of a journey from Bida in Nupe to Kano in Hausa, performed in 1862', Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 37, 92±108. Barth, H. (1857±59), Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa, Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849±1855, three volumes. New York: Harper and Brothers. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (1826), `Geography of Central Africa: Denham and

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Clapperton's Journals', 19, 687±709 (review article of Narrative of Travels and Discoveries). Bovill, E. W. (ed.) (1964±66), Missions to the Niger, four volumes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bovill, E. W. (1964±66), `The Journal of Frederick Hornemann's Travels from Cairo to Mourzouk, the Capital of the Kingdom of Fezzan in Africa in the years 1797±1798', in E. W. Bovill (ed.), Missions to the Niger, I, 1-122. Ð

(1964±66), `The Letters of Major Alexander Gordon Laing, 1824±26', in E. W. Bovill (ed.), Missions to the Niger, I, 123±394.

Bowdich, T. E. (1819), Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee. London: John Murray (second edition published by Frank Cass, 1966). Brenner, L. (1973), The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bridges, R. (2007), `Clapperton, Hugh', in D. Buisseret (ed.), The Oxford Companion to World Exploration, two volumes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, I, 194±5. Clarke, W. H. (1972), Travels and Explorations in Yorubaland 1854±1858, Library of Southern Baptist Philological Seminary USA, ed. J. A. Atanda. Ibadan: University of Ife. Cooley, W. D. (1841), The Negroland of the Arabs Examined and Explained: Or an Inquiry into the Early History and Geography of Central Africa. London: Cass 1966. Curtin, P. D. (1964), Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action 1780±1850. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Denham, D. (1826), `Supplemental chapter on Bornou', appended to `Major Denham's narrative' in Narrative of Travels and Discoveries, in E. W. Bovill (ed.), Missions to the Niger, III, 513±36. Folayan, K. (1979), Tripoli during the Reign of Yusuf Pasha Qaramanli. Ife: University of Ife Press. Glasgow Courier, October 1825. Hallett, R. (ed.) (1965), Records of the African Association 1788±1931, two volumes. London: Oxford University Press. Last, M. (1967), The Sokoto Caliphate. London: Humanities Press. Law, R. (1977), The Oyo Empire, c.1600±c.1836: A West African Imperialism in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lyon, G. F. (1821), A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa in the Years 1818, 1819 and 1820. London: John Murray. McQueen, J. (1821), Geographical and Commercial View of Northern and Central Africa, Containing a Particular Account of the Course and Termination of the Great River Niger in the Atlantic Ocean. Edinburgh: William Blackwood. Mason, M. (1979), Foundations of the Bida Kingdom. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press.

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May, D. J. (1860), `Journey in the Yoruba and Nupe Countries in 1858', Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 30, 212±33. McDiarmid, J. (1830), `Captain Clapperton', in Sketches from Nature, Edinburgh [1830], 322±36. MeneÁzes de Drumond (1826), `Lettres sur l'Afrique ancienne et moderne', Journal des Voyages 32, 190±224. Nelson, Rev. T. (1830), Biographical Memoir of the Late Dr Walter Oudney, Captain Hugh Clapperton and Major Gordon Laing. Edinburgh. Owen, W. F. (1833), Narrative of Voyages to Explore the Shores of Africa 1822±26. London. Park, M. (1799), Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa in the Years 1795, 1796 and 1797. London: W. Bulmer. Richardson, J. (1848), Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara in the Years of 1845 and 1846, two volumes. London. Robertson, G. (1819), Notes of Africa, Particularly those Parts which Are Situated between Cape Verd and the River Congo. London: Sherwood, Neeley and Jones. Rohlfs, G. (1874), Reise durch Nord-Afrika vom Mittellandischen Meere bis zum Busen von Guinea, 1865 bis 1867, 2. HaÈlfte: von Kuka nach Lagos (Bornu, Saria, Nupe, Yoruba), Petermann's Geographischen Mitteilungen Erganzungsheft 34. Withers, C. W. J. (2004), `Mapping the Niger 1798±1832: Trust, testimony and ``ocular demonstration'' in the late Enlightenment', Imago Mundi 56, 170±93. 3. ARCHIVAL SOURCES CITED Denham, D. (1824), Letter to Charles Denham, 26 November, in Royal Geographical Society, MS AR 64 (the papers of Major later Lieutenant Colonel Dixon Denham). Edinburgh Review (1829), 49, No. 97, March, 127.

Chronology 1788

Born 13 May in Annan, Dumfriesshire, Scotland

1806

25 November, volunteers into the Royal Navy

1815

20 March, receives lieutenant's commission

1817

Demobilized on half-pay and returns to Scotland

1821

March, appointed a member of the British government's Borno Mission. In October, arrives in Tripoli with Dr Walter Oudney

1822

April±August, arrival in Murzuq and exploration in Fezzan; November, departure across the Sahara for Borno

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1823

February, arrives in Kukawa, capital of Sheikh Mohamed Al-Kanemi of Borno; March±July, explores Borno

1824

January±July, travels through Hausaland to Sokoto, capital of Sultan Mohammed Bello's caliphate, and back to Kukawa

1824

September, starts return journey to Fezzan with a trade caravan

1825

30 May, returns to London; June, appointed leader of a second expedition into the interior; 22 June, promoted to rank of commander; 27 August, leaves England for Africa aboard HMS Brazen; 30 November, lands at Badagry on Guinea coast to prepare journey inland

1826

March, publishes Narrative of Travels and Discoveries

1826

10 April, crosses River Niger from Borgu into Nupe; 20 October, returns to Sokoto

1827

13 April, dies in Sokoto

1828

June, Clapperton's personal servant, Richard Lander, returns to London with Clapperton's journals

1829

January 1829, publication of Clapperton's Journal of a Second Expedition (edited by John Barrow)

Index

The index is divided into two parts: 1. A general index, including personal names, organizations, conferences, societies, and geographical concepts, theories and research. 2. A cumulative list of biobibliographies which includes all the geographers listed in volumes 1±28. 1.

GENERAL INDEX

Aberystwyth University College, Wales 119, 120 Africa x, xii, 27, 28, 59, 110, 112, 136, 137, 147, 148, 150±9, 161, 162 African Association 148, 151 Alps xi, 90, 96 American Geographical Society x, xii, 93, 105, 107±13 anthropogeography 25, 26, 28, 33 applied geography 134 archaeology xi, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 31 Arctic 105, 108, 109, 110, 111 Asia 29, 57, 59, 61, 112, 137 Association of American Geographers 79 Austria 32, 90, 132 Balkans 89, 91, 92, 96, 122, 123, 124 Bakker, Jan Pieter 91, 95, 97 Barbary 4, 5, 6, 7, 106 Barrow, John xii, 151, 152, 154, 157 Barth, Heinrich 160, 161 Beaujeu-Garnier, Jacqueline ix, x, xii, 131±46 Beckinsale, Robert 65, 66, 69, 73, 80 Bello, Sultan 153, 154, 156, 157 Bertalanffy, Ludwig von 71 Birket-Smith, Kai 19, 31, 32 Bohr, Nils 24 Borno 147, 148, 152±4, 155, 157, 159 Britain 8, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 93, 123, 125, 133, 137, 140 British Association for the Advancement of Science 119, 121, 124, 126 British Geomorphology Research Group 73, 79 Bulla, BeÂla 40, 43, 44

Cambridge University xi, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 78, 80 Camden, William 8 Canada 19, 147, 149, 150, 151 Carpenter, Nathaniel 5 Chabot, Georges 133, 134, 137 Charles I 2, 3, 5, 9, 11 China 58, 59, 112, 136, 149 Cholley, Andre 132, 136 Cholnoky, Jeno'' 42, 43 Chorley, Richard (Dick) x, xi, 65±88, 135, 138 Christaller, Walter 137 Clapperton, Hugh xii, 147±65 climatic geomorphology 40 climatology 71, 72±3 Colombia University 65, 66, 67, 80 commercial geography 25 Congo 105, 110, 111, 112, 151 continental drift 19 Cooley, W.D. 160 Copenhagen University 17, 18, 23, 31 Cromwell, Oliver 3, 7 Daly, Charles Patrick x, xi, xii, 105±18 Danish-German Society (Dansk-Tysk Forening) 21 Darwin, Charles xii, 122, 124 Davis, William Morris x, xi, 71, 73, 93±5, 135 Demangeon, Albert 41, 56 Denham, Dixon 152, 153, 155, 157, 159 Denmark ix, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 32 ,33 denudation chronology 67, 136 Dion, Roger 132

168

Index

Ecole Normale SupeÂrieure 40 Ecology 57, 59 economic geography xi, 25, 40, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 55, 56, 148 Edinburgh University 120, 121, 150, 152 England ix, 1, 8, 10, 30, 67 environmental determinism 25, 26 Erdei, Ferenc 42, 44, 45 ethnography 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 31, 111 Europe 4, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 56, 57, 58, 60, 110, 112, 124, 125, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 148, 155 Febvre, Lucien 56, 58 fieldwork x, xi, 18, 46, 67, 68, 69 Finland 30, 32 Fischer, Theobald 90, 95 Fleure, H.J. 125 fluvial geomorphology 67, 74 Fodor, Ferenc 43, 44 France xii, 2, 5, 9, 11, 55, 56, 93, 133, 134, 138, 139, 140, 142 geomorphology ix, x, 42, 65, 131, 132, 133, 136 geopolitics ix, 17, 20, 21, 25, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 41, 55, 57, 59 Geikie, James 120, 121, 126 General Systems Theory x, xi, 70, 71, 73 Germany 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 41, 43, 47, 56, 58, 59, 92, 94 Gilbert, Edmund William 8, 11 Gilbert, Grove Karl 73, 74, 75 Gould, Peter 77 Great Hungarian Plain 39, 41, 42 Greece 4 Greenland 20, 28, 111 Gregory, Derek 78, 80 HaÈgerstrand, Torsten 77, 139 Haggett, Peter 67, 68, 69, 71, 74, 75, 77, 138 Hansen, Emilie Demant 18, 19, 24 Harvard University 73 Hatt, Gudmund ix, x, xi, 17±38 Haushofer, Karl 57 Herbertson, Andrew John 66, 120 Heylyn, Peter ix, x, xi, 1±16 Himalaya-Karakoram mountains 89, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97 historical geography 41, 44, 49 Hitler, Adolf 22, 30, 33 human geography xi, xii, 17, 25, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 55, 65, 57, 59, 71, 77, 95, 132, 133, 135, 136, 148 Humboldt, Alexander von 56, 58, 107, 110 Hungary ix, xi, 39±50

Hungarian Academy of Sciences 40, 42, 43, 45, 48 Hungarian Geographical Society 42, 43, 46, 48, 49 hydrology 71, 72±3 Iizuka, Koji ix, x, xi, 55±63 Imperial University of Tokyo 55, 56 Imperial College 69, 72 Institute d'Urbanisme de Paris 137 International Geographical Congresses 93, 135, 139 International Geographical Union 135, 136, 139 Italy 29, 31, 136 Japan x, xi, 20, 26, 29, 31, 55±61, 112 Jackson, John 67 Jutland 19 KaÂdaÂr, LaÂszlo 45 Kano 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160 Keckermann, BartholomaÈus 5 Kenya 27 Kjellen, Rudolf 59 Koch, Ferenc 44, 45 Kosovo 91, 92 KovacÂs, ZoltaÂn 49 Lander, Richard 154, 159, 160 landform evolution 67, 71, 73±4, 93, 94 landscape morphology 55, 136 Laud, William 1, 2 lebensraum 29, 30 Leopold II, King of Belgium 110, 122 Linton, David 67, 71 Lùffler, Ernst 18, 27 London 147, 148, 152, 153, 160 Lyell, Charles 66, 73 Mackinder, Halford 28, 66 Madingley Hall xi, 68, 71, 74±5, 77, 78 Manchuria ix, 56 Markham, Sir Clements 125 Markos, GyoÈrgy 43, 47, 49 Martonne, Emmanuel de 56, 66, 132 Marxist geography ix, 44, 45, 47, 60 medical geography 136, 139 MendoÈl, Tibor ix, x, xi, 39±54 Mill, Hugh R. 120 Mongolia 56 More, Rosemary Joan Macdonald 69, 72 National Sweden-Germany Association 21 neo-Lamarkism xi, 27 Netherlands ix, x, xi, 89, 92, 96, 106 Newbigin, Marion ix, x, xi, 119±130

Index New York x, 105, 106, 107, 109, 111, 112 Nigeria 159, 161 North America 24, 134, 137, 149 Norway 18 Odauchi, Michitoshi 55, 58 Ogawa, Takuji 5 Ortelius, Abraham 5 Ostreich, J.W. Karl ix, x, xi, 89±104, 135 Oudney, Walter 150, 152, 153, 155, 156, 161 Oxford University 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 66, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73, 80 Paris 47, 131, 132, 134, 139, 140, 141 Park, Mungo 150, 151, 153 Peary, Robert E. 111 Penck, Albrecht xi, 90, 92, 94 Perczel, GyoÈrgy 43 Peschel, Oskar F. 56 physical geography x, xi, xii, 19, 25, 40, 43, 44, 65, 71±4, 77, 89±97, 111, 122, 132, 135, 139, 140, 148 Poland 32 political geography ix, xi, 25, 28, 32, 33, 43, 59, 122 population geography 131, 133, 134, 136, 137, 142 Powell, John Wesley 73 Prague 23 Prideaux, John 2 Prinz, Gyula 43 Prynne, William 2, 3 quantitative geomorphology 68, 70, 71 quantitative modelling x, 137 Quantitative Revolution xi, 48, 74 Quaternary geomorphology 74 Ratzel, Friedrich 18, 26, 29, 56, 58, 59, 95 regional geography 25, 32, 40, 43, 46, 56, 66, 72, 119, 122, 134, 135, 139 Richthofen, Ferdinand von 45, 90, 92, 95 Ritchie, Joseph 151, 152 Ritter, Carl 56, 58, 90 River Niger x, xii, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160 River Nile 150, 152, 157 Royal Danish Geographical Society 20 Royal Geographical Society 71, 79, 108, 109, 120, 121, 125, 126, 160 Royal Geographical Society of Vienna 91, 92 Royal Netherlands Geographical Society 97 Royal Scottish Geographical Society 125, 126 Royal Society 79

169

Russia 23, 29, 31 Sahara 148, 150, 151, 152, 155 Scavenius, Erik 20, 21, 23, 33 Schumm, Stanley 67, 69, 73, 77 Schwatka, Frederick 108, 111 Scotland 123, 147, 148, 150, 157 Scott, James 150, 152 Scottish Geographical Magazine 119, 120, 122, 124, 125, 126 Semple, Ellen Churchill 126 settlement geography 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48 Slovakia 21, 40 social geography 44, 48, 56 SocieÂte de GeÂographie de Paris 135, 142 Sokoto 147, 148, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159 Somerset ix, 65, 70, 74, 79, 80 Somerville, Mary xii, 122 South Africa 27 South America 30 Soviet Union 30, 32, 136 Spain 4, 5, 32, 136, 149 Sparks, Bruce 67, 68 Stanley, Henry Morton 109, 112 Stauning, Thorvald 20, 22, 33 Strabo 8 Strahler, Arthur 65, 66, 67, 71, 80 Steensby, H.P. 18, 19, 27 Stoddart, David 67, 74, 77 Sudan 147, 148, 150, 152, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 161, 162 Sweden 18, 21, 24 Tanaka, Keiji 55 Teleki, PaÂl 40, 41, 43, 45, 49 Tokyo 56 Tripoli 151, 152, 153, 157 Tsujimura, Taro 55 Tuan, Yi-Fu 66 United States Geological Survey 69, 107 United States of America 19, 31, 32, 58, 59, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74, 80, 93, 106, 110, 138, 140, 141, 149 University of Amsterdam 91 University of Berlin 89, 90, 94 University of Bristol 75, 79 University of Budapest 40, 44, 45, 48, 49 University of Debrecen 40, 45 University of Marberg 89, 91, 92, 94 University of Munich 89, 90 University of Sorbonne, Paris 41, 56, 94, 134, 138, 141 University of Tokyo 60, 61 University of Utrecht 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97

170

Index

University of Vienna 40, 89, 90 urban geography ix, 41, 43, 45, 46, 48, 131, 134, 135, 137, 139, 142 Vahl, Martin 19, 25, 26, 31, 32 Vidal de la Blache, Paul x, xi, 41, 45, 46, 55, 56, 57, 59, 133 Vienna 47 Vallaux, Camille 58 Wallner, Erno'' 48

2.

Wegener, Alfred 19 West Africa ix, x, xii, 27 William I (the Conqueror) 9 Williams, W. W. 67 Wooldridge, Sidney W. 71, 79 Wrigley, Tony 67, 69, 74 Yamasaki, Naomassa 55 Yugoslavia 41 Zombai, PaÂl 48

CUMULATIVE LIST OF BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES

ADAIR, John (1660±1718) 20, 1±8 AL-BIRUNI (Abu'Rayhan Muhammad) (973±1054) 13, 1±9 AL-HASAN, see LEO AFRICANUS AL-KINDI (801±873) 17, 1±8 ALMAGIA, Roberto (1884±1962) 13, 11±15 AL-MUQADDASI (c. 945±c. 988) 4, 1±6 ANCEL, Jacques (1882±1943) 3, 1±6 ANUCHIN, Dmitry Nikolaevich (1843±1923) 2, 1±8 APIANUS, Peter (1495 or 1501±1552) 6, 1±6 ARBOS, Philippe (1882±1956) 3, 7±12 ARDEN-CLOSE, Charles Frederick (1865±1952) 9, 1±13 ARMSTRONG, Terence Edward (1920±1996) 18, 1±9 ARQUEÂ, Paul (1887±1970) 7, 5±9 ASCHMANN, Homer (1920±1992) 24, 1±27 ATWOOD, Wallace Walter (1872±1949) 3, 13±18 AUROUSSEAU, Marcel (1891±1983) 12, 1±8 BAINES, Thomas (1820±1875) 23, 1±13 BAKER, John Norman Leonard (1893±1971) 16, 1±11 BAKER, Samuel John Kenneth (1907±1992) 22, 1±11 BANSE, Ewald (1883±1953) 8, 1±5 BARANSKIY, Nikolay Nikolayevich (1881±1963) 10, 1±16 BARBOUR, George Brown (1890±1977) 23, 14±34 BATES, Henry Walter (1852±1892) 11, 1±5 BAULIG, Henri (1877±1962) 4, 7±17 BEAUFORT, Francis (1774±1857) 19, 1±15 BEAUJEU-GARNIER, Jacqueline (1917± 1995) 28, 133±148 BECKINSALE, Robert Percy (1908±1998)

22, 12±27 BERG, Lev Semenovich (1876±1950) 5, 1±7 BERNARD, Augustin (1865±1947) 3, 19±27 BINGHAM, Millicent Todd (1880±1968) 11, 7±12 BLACHE, Jules (1893±1970) 1, 1±8 BLAUT, James Morris (1927±2000) 27, 107± 130 BLODGET, Lorin (1823±1901) 5, 9±12 BOBEK, Hans (1903±1990) 16, 12±22 BONNEY, Thomas George (1833±1923) 17, 9±16 BOSE, Nirmal Kumas (1901±1972) 2, 9±11 BOWEN, Emrys George (1900±1983) 10, 17±23 BOWMAN, Isaiah (1878±1950) 1, 9±18 BRAHE, Tycho (1546±1601) 27, 1±27 BRATESCU, Constantin (1882±1945) 4, 19±24 BRAUDEL, Fernand (1902±1985) 22, 28±42 BRAWER, Abraham Jacob (1884±1975) 12, 9±19 BRIGHAM, Albert Perry (1855±1929) 2, 13±19 BROEK, Jan Otto Marius (1904±1974) 22, 43±62 BROOKS, Alfred Hulse (1871±1924) 1, 19±23 BROOKS, Charles Franklin (1891±1958) 18, 10±20 BROWN, Ralph Hall (1898±1948) 9, 15±20 BROWN, Robert Neal Rudmose (1879±1957) 8, 7±16 BRUCE, William Speirs (1867±1921) 17, 17±25 BRUNHES, Jean (1869±1930) 25, 1±12 BUACHE, Philippe (1700±1773) 9, 21±7 BUJAK, Franciszek (1875±1953) 16, 23±30 BUSCHING, Anton Friedrich (1724±1793) 6, 7±15 CAMDEN, William (1551±1623) 27, 28±42

Index CAMENA d'ALMEIDA, Pierre (1865±1943) 7, 1±4 CAPOT-REY, Robert (1897±1977) 5, 13±19 CAREY, Henry Charles (1793±1879) 10, 25±8 CARTER, George F. (1912±2004) 26, 27±49 CAVAILLEÁS, Henri (1870±1951) 7, 5±9 CHATTERJEE, Shiba P. (1903±1989) 18, 21±35 CHISHOLM, George Goudie (1850±1930) 12, 21±33 CHRISTALLER, Walter (1893±1969) 7, 11±16 CHORLEY, Richard John (1927±2002) 28, 67±90 CHULALONGKORN, King of Siam (1853±1910) 21, 65±71 CHURCH, James Edward, Jr (1869±1959) 22, 63±71 CLAPPERTON, Hugh (1788±1827) 28, 149±167 CLARK, Andrew Hill (1911±1975) 14, 13±25 CLEMENTS, Frederic Edward (1874±1945) 18, 36±46 CODAZZI, Augustin (1793±1859) 12, 35±47 COLAMONICO, Carmelo (1882±1973) 12, 49±58 COLBY, Charles Carlyle (1884±1965) 6, 17±22 CONEA, Ion (1902±1974) 12, 59±72 COOK, James (1728±1779) 20, 9±23 COOLEY, William (1795±1883) 27, 43±62 COPERNICUS, Nicholas (1473±1543) 6, 23±9 COPPOCK, John Terence (Terry) (1921±2000) 26, 6±26 CORNISH, Vaughan (1862±1948) 9, 29±35 CORTAMBERT, EugeÁne (1805±1881) 2, 21±5 COTTON, Charles Andrew (1885±1970) 2, 27±32 COWLES, Henry Chandler (1869±1939) 10, 29±33 CRESSEY, George Babcock (1896±1963) 5, 21±5 CUISINIER, Louis (1883±1952) 16, 96±100 CVIJICÂ , Jovan (1865±1927) 4, 25±32 D'ABBADIE, Antoine (1810±1897) 3, 29±33 DALY, Charles Patrick (1816±1899) 28, 107±120 DANA, James Dwight (1813±1895) 15, 11±20 DANTIÂN-CERECEDA, Juan (1881±1943) 10, 35±40

171

DARBY, Henry Clifford (1909±1992) 26, 79±97 DARWIN, Charles (1809±1882) 9, 37±45 DAVID, Mihai (1886±1954) 6, 31±3 DAVIDSON, George (1825±1911) 2, 33±7 DAVIS, William Morris (1850±1934) 5, 27±33 DE BRAHM, William Gerard (1718±1799) 10, 41±7 DE CHARPENTIER, Jean (1786±1855) 7, 17±22 DE MARTONNE, Emmanuel (1873±1955) 12, 73±81 DEE, John (1527±1608) 10, 49±55 DEMANGEON, Albert (1872±1940) 11, 13±21 DIÂAZ COVARRUBIAS, Francisco (1833±1889) 19, 16±26 DICKEN, Samuel N. (1901±1989) 13, 17±22 DICKINSON, Robert Eric (1905±1981) 8, 17±25 DIMITRESCU-ALDEM, Alexandre (1880±1917) 3, 35±7 DION, Roger (1896±1981) 18, 47±52 DOKUCHAEV, Vasily Vasilyevich (1846±1903) 4, 33±42 DOUGHTY, Charles Montagu (1843±1926) 21, 1±13 DRAPEYRON, Ludovic (1839±1901) 6, 35±8 DRYER, Charles Redaway (1850±1927) 11, 23±6 DRYGALSKI, Erich von (1865±1949) 7, 23±9 DUNBAR, William (1749±1810) 19, 27±36 ELTON, Charles Sutherland (1900±1991) 21, 14±27 ERATOSTHENES (c. 275±c. 195 BC) 2, 39±43 EVANS, Emyr Estyn (1905±1989) 25, 13±23 EVEREST, Sir George (1790±1866) 15, 21±36 EYRE, Edward John (1815±1901) 15, 37±50 FABRICIUS, Johann Albert (1668±1736) 5, 35±9 FAIRGRIEVE, James (1870±1953) 8, 27±33 FAWCETT, Charles Bungay (1883±1952) 6, 39±46 FEBVRE, Lucien (1878±1956) 23, 35±49 FEDCHENKO, Alexei Pavlovich (1844±1873) 8, 35±8 FENNEMAN, Nevin Melancthon (1865±1945) 10, 57±68

172

Index

FITZROY, Robert (1805±1865) 11, 27±33 FLEURE, Herbert John (1877±1969) 11, 35±51 FORBES, James David (1809±1868) 7, 31±7 FORMOZOV, Alexander Nikolayevich (1899±1973) 7, 39±46 FORREST, Alexander (1849±1901) and FORREST, John (1847±1918) 8, 39±43 FOX, Cyril (1882±1967) 23, 50±60 FRANZ, Johann Michael (1700±1761) 5, 41±8 FREEMAN, Thomas Walter (1908±1988) 22, 72±90 FRESHFIELD, Douglas William (1845±1934) 13, 23±31 GALLOIS, Lucien (1857±1941) 24, 28±41 GANNETT, Henry (1846±1914) 8, 45±9 GARCIA CUBAS, Antonio (1832±1912) 22, 91±8 GAVIRA MARTIN, Jose (1903±1951) 19, 37±49 GEDDES, Arthur (1895±1968) 2, 45±51 GEDDES, Patrick (1854±1932) 2, 53±65 GEIKIE, Archibald (1835±1924) 3, 39±52 GENTILLI, Joseph (Giuseppe) (1912±2000) 25, 34±41 GERALD OF WALES, see GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS GERASIMOV, Innokentii Petrovich (1905±1985) 12, 83±93 GILBERT, Edmund William (1900±1973) 3, 63±71 GILBERT, Grove Karl (1843±1918) 1, 25±33 GILLMAN, Clement (1882±1946) 1, 35±41 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS (c. 1146±1223) 21, 28±45 GLACKEN, Clarence James (1909±1989) 14, 27±41 GLAREANUS, Henricus (1488±1563) 5, 49±54 GMELIN, Johann Georg (1709±1755) 13, 33±7 GOBLET, Yann-Morvran (1881±1955) 13, 39±44 GOODE, John Paul (1862±1932) 8, 51±5 GOULD, Peter Robin (1932±2000) 24, 42±62 GOURDU, Pierre (1900±1994) 25, 60±80 GOTTMAN, Jean (1915±1994) 25, 42±59 GOYDER, George Woodroffe (1826±1898) 7, 47±50 GRADMANN, Robert (1865±1950) 6, 47±54 GRANO, Johannes Gabriel (1882±1956) 3, 73±84

GREELY, Adolphus Washington (1844±1935) 17, 26±42 GREGOR, Howard F. (1920±2000) 27, 131±142 GREGORY, Augustus Charles (1819±1905) 23, 61±72 GREGORY, Francis Thomas (1821±1888) 23, 61±72 GREGORY, John Walter (1864±1932) 23, 73±84 GREY, George (1812±1898) 22, 99±111 GRIGORYEV, Andrei Alexandrovich (1883±1968) 5, 55±61 GUYOT, Arnold Henry (1807±1884) 5, 63±71 HAÈGERSTRAND, Torsten (1916±2004) 26, 119±57 HALL, Robert Burnett (1896±1975) 25, 81±92 HARE, F. Kenneth (1919±2002) 25, 93±108 HASSERT, Ernst Emil Kurt (1868±1947) 10, 69±76 HATT, Gudmund (1844±1960) 28, 19±40 HAUSER, Henri (1866±1946) 26, 50±66 HAUSHOFER, Karl (1869±1946) 12, 95±106 HERBERTSON, Andrew John (1865±1915) 3, 85±92 HERDER, Johann Gottfried (1744±1803) 10, 77±84 HETTNER, Alfred (1859±1941) 6, 55±63 HEYLYN, Peter (1599±1661) 28, 1±18 HIMLY, Louis-Auguste (1832±1906) 1, 43±7 HO, Robert (1921±1972) 1, 49±54 HOÈHNEL, Ludwig von (1857±1942) 7, 43±7 HOLMES, James Macdonald (1896±1966) 7, 51±5 HOWITT, Alfred William (1830±1908) 15, 51±60 HUGHES, William (1818±1876) 9, 47±53 HUGUET DEL VILLAR, Emilio (1871±1951) 9, 55±60 HULT, Ragnar (1857±1899) 9, 61±9 HUTCHINGS, Geoffrey Edward (1900±1964) 2, 67±71 IBN BATTUTA (1304±1378) 14, 1±11 IGLEÂSIES-FORT, Josep (1902±1986) 12, 107±11 IIZUKA, Koji (1906±1970) 28, 57±66 ILESÆICÂ, Svetozar (1907±1985) 11, 53±61 ISACHSEN, Fridtjov Eide (1906±1979) 10, 85±92 ISIDA, Ryuziro (1904±1979) 15, 61±74

Index JAMES, Preston Everett (1899±1986) 11, 63±70 JOBBERNS, George (1895±1974) 5, 73±6 JOHNSTON, Alexander Keith (1844±1879) 26, 98±109 JONES, Llewellyn Rodwell (1881±1947) 4, 49±53 KANT, Edgar (1902±1978) 11, 71±82 KANT, Immanuel (1724±1804) 4, 55±67 KECKERMANN, BartholamaÈus (1572±1609) 2, 73±9 KELTIE, John Scott (1840±1927) 10, 93±8 KENDREW, Wilfrid George (1884±1962) 17, 43±51 KIM, Chong-ho (c. 1804±1866) 16, 37±44 KINGSLEY, Mary Henrietta (1862±1900) 19, 50±65 KIRCHOFF, Alfred (1838±1907) 4, 69±76 KOMAROV, Vladimir Leontyevitch (1862±1914) 4, 77±86 KRAUS, Theodor (1894±1973) 11, 83±7 KROPOTKIN, Pyotr (Peter) Alexeivich (1842±1921) 7, 57±62, 63±9 KRUÈMMEL, Johann Gottfried Otto (1854±1912) 10, 99±104 KUBARY, Jan Stanislaw (1846±1896) 4, 87±9 LARCOM, Thomas Aiskew (1801±1879) 7, 71±4 LATTIMORE, Owen (1900±1989) 20, 24±42 LAUTENSACH, Hermann (1886±1971) 4, 91±101 LEFEÁVRE, Marguerite Alice (1894±1967) 10, 105±10 LEICHHARDT, Friedrich (1813±1848?) 17, 52±67 LEIGHLY, John (1895±1986) 12, 113±19 LELEWEL, Joachim (1786±1861) 4, 103±12 LENCEWICZ, Stanislaw (1899±1944) 5, 77±81 LEO AFRICANUS (Al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al WazzaÃn az-ZayyaÃtõÃ ) (c. 1499±1550) 15, 1±9 LEPEKHIN, Ivan Ivanovich (1740±1802) 12, 121±3 LEVASSEUR, Emile (1828±1911) 2, 81±7 LEWIS, William Vaughan (1907±1961) 4, 113±20 LHWYD (LHUYD), Edward (1660±1709) 24, 63±78 LI DAOYUAN (fl c. AD 500) 12, 125±31 LINTON, David Leslie (1906±1971) 7, 75±83 LLOBET I REVERTER, Salvador

173

(1908±1991) 19, 66±74 LOBECK, Armin Kohl (1886±1958) 22, 112±31 LOMONOSOV, Mikhail Vasilyevich (1711±1765) 6, 65±70 MacCARTHY, Oscar (1815±1894) 8, 57±60 McGEE, William John (1853±1912) 10, 111±16 McNEE, Robert Bruce (1922±1992) 25, 109±21 MACKINDER, Halford John (1861±1947) 9, 71±86 MAGELLAN, Ferdinand (c. 1480±1521) 18, 53±66 MAKAROV, Stepan Osipovich (1848±1904) 11, 89±92 MAKIGUCHI, Tsunesaburo (1871±1944) 20, 43±56 MALTHUS, Thomas Robert (1766±1834) 20, 57±67 MARSDEN, Kate (1859±1931) 27, 63±92 MARTINEAU, Harriet (1802±1876) 21, 46±64 MARX, Karl (1818±1883) 19, 75±85 MASON, Kenneth J. (1887±1976) 18, 67±72 MATHER, Cotton (1918±1999) 23, 85±96 MATTRES, FrancËois Emile (1874±1948) 14, 43±57 MAURY, Matthew Fontaine (1806±1873) 1, 59±63 MAY, Jacques M. (1896±1975) 7, 85±8 MEHEDINTI, Simion (1868±1962) 1, 65±72 MELANCHTHON, Philipp (1497±1560) 3, 93±7 MELIK, Anton (1890±1966) 9, 87±94 MENDOÈL, Tibor (1905±1966) 28, 41±56 MENTELLE, Edmunde (1730±1815) 11, 93±104 MENTELLE, FrancËois-Simon (1731±1799) 11, 93±104 MEURIOT, Paul (1861±1919) 16, 45±52 MIHAILESCU, Vintila (1890±1978) 8, 61±7 MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Nikolai Nikolaevich (1846±1888) 22, 132±40 MILL, Hugh Robert (1861±1950) 1, 73±8 MILNE, Geoffrey (1898±1942) 2, 89±92 MILOJEVICÂ, Borivoje ZÆ. (1885±1967) 23, 97±104 MITCHELL, Thomas Livingstone (1792±1855) 5, 83±7 MONGKUT, King of Siam (1804±1868) 21, 65±71 MUELLER, Ferdinand Jakob Heinrich von (1825±1896) 5, 89±93 MUIR, John (1838±1914) 14, 59±67

174

Index

MUNSTER, Sebastian (1488±1552) 3, 99±106 MUSHETOV, Ivan Vasylievitch (1850±1902) 7, 89±91 MYRES, John Linton (1869±1954) 16, 53±62 NAKANOME, Akira (1874±1959) 20, 68±76 NALKOWSKI, Waclaw (1851±1911) 13, 45±52 NANSEN, Fridtjof (1861±1930) 16, 63±79 NELSON, Helge (1882±1966) 8, 69±75 NEUSTRUEV, Sergei Semyonovich (1874±1928) 8, 77±80 NEWBIGIN, Marion Isabel (1869±1968) 28, 121±132 NIELSEN, Niels (1893±1981) 10, 117±24 OBERHUMMER, Eugen (1859±1944) 7, 93±100 OBRUCHEV, Vladimir Afanas'yevich (1863±1956) 11, 105±10 ODAUCHI, Michitoshi (1875±1954) 26, 110±18 O'DELL, Andrew Charles (1909±1966) 11, 111±22 OESTREICH, J.W. Karl (1873±1947) 28, 91±106 OGAWA, Takuji (1870±1941) 6, 71±6 OGILBY, John (1600±1676) 20, 77±84 ORGHIDAN, Nicolai (1881±1967) 6, 77±9 ORMSBY, Hilda (1877±1973) 5, 95±7 PALLAS, Peter Simon (1741±1811) 17, 68±81 PARK, Mungo (1771±1806) 23, 105±15 PARSONS, James Jerome (1915±1997) 19, 86±101 PARTSCH, Joseph Franz Maria (1851±1925) 10, 125±33 PAULITSCHKE, Philipp (1854±1899) 9, 95±100 PAVLOV, Alexsei Petrovich (1854±1929) 6, 81±5 PAWLOWSKI, Stanislaw (1882±1940) 14, 69±81 PEEL, Ronald (1912±1985) 25, 122-39 PENCK, Albrecht (1858±1945) 7, 101±8 PENNANT, Thomas (1726±1798) 20, 85±101 PERRON, Charles-EugeÁne (1837±1909) 20, 102±7 PETERMANN, August Heinrich (1822±1878) 12, 133±8 PHILIPPSON, Alfred (1864±1953) 13, 53±61 PITTIER, Henri-FrancËois (1857±1950) 10, 135±42 PLATT, Robert Swanton (1891±1964) 3,

107±16 PLAYFAIR, James (1738±1819) 24, 79±85 PLEWE, Ernst (1907±1986) 13, 63±71 POEY, Felipe (1799±1891) and POEY, AndeÂs (1825±1919) 24, 86±97 POL, Wincenty (1807±1872) 2, 93±7 POLO, Marco (1254±1324) 15, 75±89 PORTER, Revd Professor Josias Leslie (1823±1889) 26, 67±78 POWELL, John Wesley (1834±1902) 3, 117±24 PRICE, Archibald Grenfell (1892±1977) 6, 87±92 PUMPELLY, Raphael (1837±1923) 14, 83±92 PUTNAM, Donald Fulton (1903±1977) 21, 72±84 RAFFLES, Thomas Stamford (1781±1826) 24, 98±108 RAIMONDI DEL ACQUA, Antonio (1826±1890) 16, 80±7 RAISZ, Erwin Josephus (1893±1968) 6, 93±7 RATZEL, Friedrich (1844±1904) 11, 123±32 RAVENSTEIN, Ernst Georg (1834±1913) 1, 79±82 RECLUS, EliseÂe (1830±1905) 3, 125±32 RECLUS, Paul (1858±1941) 16, 88±95 REISCH, Gregor (c. 1470±1525) 6, 99±104 RENNELL, James (1742±1830) 1, 83±8 REVERT, EugeÁne (1895±1957) 7, 5±9 RHETICUS, Georg Joachim (1514±1573) 4, 121±6 RICHTER, Eduard (1847±1905) 10, 143±8 RICHTHOFEN, Ferdinand Freiherr von (1833±1905) 7, 109±15 RITTER, Carl (1779±1859) 5, 99±108 ROE, Frank Gilbert (1878±1973) 18, 73±81 ROE, John Septimus (1797±1878) 21, 85±96 ROMER, Eugeniusz (1871±1954) 1, 89±96 ROSBERG, Johan Evert (1864±1932) 9, 101±8 ROSIER, William (1856±1924) 10, 149±54 ROXBY, Percy Maude (1880±1947) 5, 109±16 RUÈHL, Alfred (1882±1935) 12, 139±47 RUSSELL, Richard Joel (1895±1971) 4, 127±38 RYCHKOV, Peter Ivanovich (1712±1777) 9, 109±12 SALAZAR ILARREGUI, Jose (1823±1892) 23, 116±25 SALISBURY, Rollin D. (1858±1922) 6, 105±13 SAÂNCHEZ GRANADOS, Pedro C. (1871±1956) 20, 108±18 SAUER, Carl Ortwin (1889±1975) 2, 99±108

Index SAWICKI, Ludomir Slepowran (1884±1928) 9, 113±19 SCHLUÈTER, Otto (1872±1959) 6, 115±22 SCHMITHUÈSEN, Josef (1909±1984) 14, 93±104 SCHMITTHENNER, Heinrich (1887±1957) 5, 117±21 SCHRADER, Franz (1844±1924) 1, 97±103 SCHWERIN, Hans Hugold von (1853±1912) 8, 81±6 SCORESBY, William (1789±1857) 4, 139±47 SEMEÈNOV-TYAN SHANSKIY, PeÈtr Petrovich (1827±1914) 12, 149±58 SEMEÈNOV-TYAN SHANSKIY, Veniamin Petrovich (1870±1942) 13, 67±73 SEMPLE, Ellen Churchill (1863±1932) 8, 87±94 SHALER, Nathaniel Southgate (1841±1906) 3, 133±9 SHEN KUO (1033±1097) 11, 133±7 SHIGA, Shigetaka (1863±1927) 8, 95±105 SIBBALD, Robert (1641±1722) 17, 82±91 SIEVERS, Wilhelm (1860±1921) 8, 107±10 SIGN, Jules (1879±1940) 12, 159±65 SINGH, Chandra Pal (1939±2000) 23, 126±39 SMITH, George Adam (1856±1942) 1, 105±6 SMITH, Joseph Russell (1874±1966) 21, 97±113 SMITH, Wilfred (1903±1955) 9, 121±8 SMITH, William (1769±1839) 23, 140±51 SMOLENSKI, Jerzy (1881±1940) 6, 123±7 SOÈLCH, Johann (1883±1951) 7, 117±24 SOLEÂ I SABARIÂS, LluõÂ s (1908±1985) 12, 167±74 SOMERVILLE, Mary (1780±1872) 2, 100±11 SORRE, Max (1880±1962) 27, 93±106 SPENCE, Catherine Helen (1825±1910) 22, 141±56 SPENCER, Joseph Earle (1907±1984) 13, 81±92 STAMP, Laurence Dudley (1898±1966) 12, 175±87 STEINMETZ, Sebald Rudolf (1862±1940) 24, 109±24 STOÈFFLER, Johannes (1452±1531) 5, 123±8 STOKES, John Lort (1811±1885) 18, 82±93 STRZELECKI, Pawel Edmund (1797±1873) 2, 113±18 TAMAYO, Jorge Leonides (1912±1978) 7, 125±8 TANSLEY, Arthur George (1871±1955) 13, 93±100

175

TATISHCHEV, Vasili Nikitich (1686±1750) 6, 129±32 TAYLOR, Thomas Griffith (1880±1963) 3, 141±53 TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, Pierre (1881±1955) 7, 129±33 TELEKI, Paul (1879±1941) 11, 139±43 TENISON-WOODS, Julian Edmund, see WOODS, Julian Edmund Tenison TERAN-ALVAREZ, Manuel de (1904±1984) 11, 145±53 THOMPSON, David (1770±1857) 18, 94±112 THORNTHWAITE, Charles Warren (1899±1963) 18, 113±29 TILLO, Alexey Andreyevich (1839±1900) 3, 155±9 TOPELIUS, Zachris (1818±1898) 3, 161±3 TORRES CAMPOS, Rafael (1853±1904) 13, 102±7 TOSCHI, Umberto (1897±1966) 11, 155±64 TROLL, Carl (1899±1975) 3, 111±24 TULIPPE, Omer (1896±1968) 11, 165±72 ULLMAN, Edward Louis (1912±1976) 9, 129±35 VALLAUX, Camille (1870±1945) 2, 119±26 VALSAN, Georg (1885±1935) 2, 127±33 VAN CLEEF, Eugene (1887±1973) 9, 137±43 VAN PAASSEN, Christiaan (1917±1996) 22, 157±68 VAVILOV, Nikolay Ivanovich (1887±1943) 13, 109±16, 117±32 VEDOVA, Giuseppe Dalla (1834±1919) 23, 152±62 VERNADSKY, Vladimir Ivanovich (1863±1945) 7, 135±44 VICENS VIVES, Jaume (1910±1960) 17, 92±105 VIDAL DE LA BLACHE, Paul (1845±1917) 12, 189±201 VILA I DINARES, Pau (1881±1980) 13, 133±40 VIVEN DE SAINT-MARTIN, Louis (1802±1896) 6, 133±8 VOLZ, Wilhelm (1870±1959) 9, 145±50 VOYEIKOV, Alexander Ivanovich (1842±1916) 2, 135±41 VUIA, Ramulus (1881±1980) 13, 141±50 VUJEVIC, Pavle (1881±1966) 5, 129±31 WAIBEL, Leo Heinrich (1888±1951) 6, 139±47

176

Index

WALLACE, Alfred Russel (1823±1913) 8, 125±33 WANG YUNG (1899±1956) 9, 151±4 WARNTZ, William (1922±1988) 19, 102±7 WARD, Robert DeCourcy (1867±1931) 7, 145±50 WATSON, James Wreford (1915±1990) 17, 106±15 WELLINGTON, John Harold (1892±1981) 8, 135±40 WEULERSSE, Jacques (1905±1946) 1, 107±12 WHEATLEY, Paul (1921±1999) 24, 125±45 WHITTLESEY, Derwent Stainthorpe (1890±1956) 25, 128±58 WILKES, Charles (1798±1877) 15, 91±104 WISSLER, Clark (1870±1947) 7, 151±4

WOODS, Julian Edmund Tenison (1832±1889) 21, 114±122 WOOLDRIDGE, Sidney William (1900±1963) 8, 141±9 WRIGHT, John Kirtland (1891±1969) 22, 169±81 WU SHANG SHI (1904±1947) 13, 151±4 XU HONGZU (1587±1641) 16, 31±6 YAMASAKI, Naomasa (1870±1928) 1, 113±17 YI CHUNG-HWAN (1690±1756) 21, 123±130 YONEKURA, Jiro (1909±2002) 27, 143±151 ZHENG HE (1371±1433) 20, 119±25