Fu Poetry Along the Silk Roads: Third-Century Chinese Writings on Exotica (East Meets West: East Asia and Its Periphery from 200 BCE to 1600 CE) [New ed.] 9781641894739, 9781802700268, 1641894733

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
List of Illustrations
Acknowledgements
Introduction. A Century of Writing on Objects
Part I. Exotic Objects at Court
Chapter One. Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos
Chapter Two. The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol
Part II. Exotic Objects in the Mainstream
Chapter Three. Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple
Chapter Four. Monkeys: Gods Elsewhere, Pets Here
Part III. Exotic Images in the Sacred Space
Chapter Five. Peacock: Auspiciousness Challenged
Chapter Six. The Lotus: Becoming A Chinese Icon
Conclusion. The Value of Otherness in Literature
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

EAST MEETS WEST

East Asia and its Periphery from 200 BCE to 1600 CE

Further Information and Publications www.arc-humanities.org/our-series/arc/emw/

FU POETRY ALONG THE SILK ROADS THIRD-CENTURY CHINESE WRITINGS ON EXOTICA

by

XURONG KONG

This book is dedicated to my three children Dingwen Troy Yang 楊鼎文

Dingyan Lucas Yang 楊鼎言

Dingyi Madison Yang 楊鼎儀

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. © 2022, Arc Humanities Press, Leeds

The authors assert their moral right to be identified as the authors of their part of this work.

Permission to use brief excerpts from this work in scholarly and educational works is hereby granted provided that the source is acknowledged. Any use of material in this work that is an exception or limitation covered by Article 5 of the European Union’s Copyright Directive (2001/29/EC) or would be determined to be “fair use” under Section 107 of the U.S. Copyright Act September 2010 Page 2 or that satisfies the conditions specified in Section 108 of the U.S. Copy­ right Act (17 USC §108, as revised by P.L. 94-553) does not require the Publisher’s permission.

ISBN: 9781641894739 e-ISBN: 9781802700268 www.arc-humanities.org Printed and bound in the UK (by Lightning Source), USA (by Bookmasters), and elsewhere using print-on-demand technology.

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Introduction. A Century of Writing on Objects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Part I. Exotic Objects at Court

Chapter One. Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Chapter Two. The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Part II. Exotic Objects in the Mainstream

Chapter Three. Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Chapter Four. Monkeys: Gods Elsewhere, Pets Here. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Part III. Exotic Images in the Sacred Space

Chapter Five. Peacock: Auspiciousness Challenged. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

Chapter Six. The Lotus: Becoming A Chinese Icon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Conclusion. The Value of Otherness in Literature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

Biblio­graphy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1: “Standing saddled horse with clipped mane, cropped and tied tail, and Roman-style bridle ornaments,” ca. second century.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

Figure 2: “Grey jade figure of a dancer imitating a macaque unearthed from the intact tomb of the second Nanyue King Zhao Mo 趙眜,” (r. 137–124 bce). Modern Guangzhou 廣州, Guangdong 廣東, China. . . . . . . 92

Figure 3: “Goddess Lakshmi on lotus,” 185–72 bce, terracotta. Modern Patna, Bihar, India. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Figure 4: “Vedika pillar and corner section with a female figure and lotus,” ca. 100–80 bce. Modern Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, India. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

More than twenty years ago, my advisor Robert Joe Cutter suggested I study the often-neglected poetry genre, yongwu fu. Since that time, I have always wondered why the poems were produced, and why their numbers rose and fell around the third century. Dr. Cutter often encouraged me when I ran into difficulties, saying, very slowly, surely, and calmly, “You are the expert, and you will do it.” With that encouragement, I never quit. I hope this book brings a measure of delight to my beloved advisor. Ten years ago, I was offered the chance to teach world history and was invited by Fan Ziye 范子烨, a senior scholar at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, to translate two major historical works for China Book Company 中華書局: Selections from the History of the Later Han 後漢書選譯 and Selections from Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government 資治通鑑選譯. This experience inspired me to connect literary writing with the Silk Roads. When I first showed my book proposal to Dr. Fan in Beijing in 2011, he was very supportive, commenting that “this project can easily receive funds of one million dollars.” I did not receive a million dollars, but I was awarded the Released Time for Research grant from Kean University and financial support from the Share Foundation; I was also nominated three times for a Fulbright scholarship and received a Fulbright Specialist grant. It was Sue Gronewold, my colleague and mentor at Kean University, and her husband, Peter Winn, a renowned historian of Latin America, who brought me to the world of global history. They have continuously offered me priceless advice on my career development, scholarly research, and even personal matters. Both of them read the book and helped me to strengthen arguments. After studying these poems from a world-history perspective, it has become clear to me that a substantial number of the objects written about during this period were foreign, and that substantial numbers of the fu are sources for modern terms for these objects, even those whose currency in Chinese culture has since vanished. This discovery, in the context of what I knew about the period, encouraged the speculation that these fu were written with a specific purpose. I started with the pomegranate, since it is decidedly foreign. My colleagues, Chris Bellitto, Elizabeth Hyde, Brian Regal, and Nira Gupta-Casale at Kean University read that chapter, commented on it, and helped me tremendously in revising it. In the summer of 2015, Chen Zhi 陳致, then the Director of Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sino­logy at Hong Kong Baptist University, invited me to give a talk on the pomegranate, where I received many valuable comments. That month I was invited to give the same talk at the Institute of Literature at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, where I received comments and encouragement from Liu Yuejing 劉躍進 and Jiang Yin 蔣寅, two famous scholars in the field of classical Chinese literature. The article on the pomegranate was published with Early Medi­eval China, and Michael Farmer, the editor of the journal, helped me shape and revise it. The thirty-six fu on six objects that comprise this study suggest that the genre of yongwu fu was not simply a literary exercise, but rather an instrument for filtering foreign objects, ideas,

viii

Acknowledgements

and culture, thus rendering them suitable for Chinese tastes. Because I was excited and eager to share my discoveries while writing this book, the following scholars welcomed my project and supported it with talk or grant invitations: Keith Knapp, ABE Yokinobu, Rong Xinjiang 榮新江, Pan Shuxian 潘殊閒, Zhang Jianwei 張建偉, and Zong Fan 踪凡. For years, I have received help from Kean University librarians, two of them being Chrisler Pitts and Craig Anderson; and generous support from Zhao Chunlan 趙春兰 and Yang Gang 楊剛 with resources. I am honoured to have received academic inspiration and support from the following scholars: my Chinese advisor Han Zhaoqi 韓兆琦 on Chinese history, Zhang Hong 張弘 on Chinese Buddhist literature, Wang Zhipeng 王志鵬 on Dunhuang Studies, Tang Jigen 唐際根 and Ji Kunzhang 吉焜璋 on Chinese archaeo­ logy, Liu Zheng 劉正 and Cheng Tsaifa 鄭再發 on Chinese philo­logy, Arun Kumar and Nirmala Sharma on Buddhist arts and texts, and Jacquelyn Stonburg on early medi­eval European arts. I have been touched by the sincere support from David Knechtges, whom I call Shiye 師爺, as a way to reflect our academic relationship and also my reverence for his help and scholarship. Dr. Knechtges read the introduction and the first two chapters, giving suggestions line by line. After I presented part of my project at the American Oriental Society Western Branch at Stanford University in 2018, Dr. Knechtges told me, “You don’t know how much I am pleased by your work.” This sentence encourages me to spare no effort to go on reading and writing on classical Chinese literature for years to come and I am eternally grateful to him. Meghan Fang 方耿美 read this book carefully, provided countless valuable comments, and spent hours with me on Zoom to clarify and improve the manu­script. Elizabeth Hollander offered professional guidance on revising the entire manu­script. The anonymous reviewer helped me to improve my arguments. Stephen West, Nicholas Morrow Williams, and Danna Messer from the press offered me friendship and professional assistance, which made the publishing process possible and joyful. I would like to dedicate this book to my family. Kong Xianbang 孔憲邦, my father, was the first person who introduced me to the field of classical Chinese literature. He told me that “humanities are an all-purpose adhesive.” I chose to believe it. Tian Jinfeng 田金 鳳, my mother, believes I am the best, and her belief encourages me to become better; she spent five years in America taking care of my three kids, which is the best gift I could ever ask for. Yang Xinsong 楊新嵩, my husband, cheers for me when I succeed, and complains about unfair treatment if I fail; he provides me the needed financial and spiritual support that any working woman needs to pursue a career dream. I hope Dingwen, Dingyan, and Dingyi will forgive me for spending more time on my research than on them. I cannot overstate my gratitude to all these people mentioned above. Without them, this decade-long journey would not have started, nor culminated in this book.

Introduction

A CENTURY OF WRITING ON OBJECTS The Silk Roads,1

arguably the first information superhighway, connected many regions, from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean and the East China Sea. During the Han Dynasty, approximately during the late first century, the Silk Roads was established as an ancient network for commercial trade. By the third century, the entire network of trading routes was already well-defined. With the help of the rich scholarship on this subject, we have decent knowledge of the ancient trading routes, its scope, its timeline, its complex networks, its development, and its values.2 In recent years, the Silk Roads have generated a rich amount of scholarly works on early medi­eval China: for example, Chen Sanping’s Multicultural China in the Early Middle Ages (2012); John Keischnick and Mier Shahar’s India in the Chinese Imagination: Myth, Religion, and Thought (2014), but neither of these focus on literary writing. Bringing the perspective of material culture to examine the Silk Roads is also not a new idea, and can be seen in Edward Schafer’s The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics (1985) and in Meir Shahar’s Oedipal God: The Chinese Nezha and His Indian Origins (2015). Again, literature does not play a key or focal role in either of these two works. Early medi­eval Chinese literary studies have received more attention in recent years, as we see in Antje Richter’s Letters and Epistolary Culture in Early Medi­eval China (2013); Howard Good’s Xun Xu and the Politics of Precision in Third Century AD (2010); Timothy David’s Entombed Epi­graphy and Commemorative Culture in Early Medi­eval China (2016); Nicholas Morrow Williams’ Imitations of the Self: Jiang Yan and Chinese Poetics (2015); and Timothy Chan’s Considering the End: Morality in Early Medi­eval Chinese Poetic Representation (2012). Yet, these important works do not consider outside influence on Chinese literary writing. *  All works in the notes in abbreviated form (surname and short title) are cited in full in the biblio­ graphy at the end. Where no pagination is provided (e.g., for an article), the entire cited work is intended. Scholars’ names in Chinese are also provided in the biblio­graphy. Citations of Chinese literature use the “juan plus the page number” system.

1  Since the word “Silk Roads” was popularized by Baron Ferdinand von Richthofen (1833–1905), a German geo­logist, originally in 1877, it gradually became a conventional term referring to the ancient trading routes and communications among different regions and cultures. For more information on the historical background of the term see Chen, “The Invention of the Silk Roads.” This term is chosen for this book because it fits my research. Although the ancients did not use this term, they were well aware of foreign goods and exchange, as seen in their literary and historical writings. Also, this book focuses more on Chinese culture through the perspective of how the Chinese reacted to the Silk Roads, and how they impacted Chinese literary writings.

2  Select books on the Silk Roads include Benjamin, Empires of Ancient Eurasia; Liu Xinru, Ancient India and Ancient China; Mair and Hickman, eds., Reconfiguring the Silk Road; and Whitfield, Life Along the Silk Road.

2

Introduction

Some books combine classical Chinese literature and cross-cultural studies, such as Tamara Chin’s Savage Exchange: Han Imperialism, Chinese Literary Style, and the Economic Imagination (2014) and Tian Xiaofei’s Visionary Journeys: Travel Writings from Early Medi­eval and Nineteenth-Century China (2012). One ends at the beginning of the third century, the other begins with the fourth century; together, they leave the third century unexamined. My contribution lies in the area of the literary history of the Silk Roads, focusing directly on the impact of the Silk Roads on third-century Chinese writing. This crosscultural and interdisciplinary analysis of material objects presented in third-century poetry sheds light on how Chinese elite, inspired by their encounters with exotic objects and cultures, enriched their own culture by means of cultural negotiation through literary writing. Various stages of the negotiation process are visible in literature: the arrival, political functions, elite contemplation, and cultural assimilation. In addition, through vivid case studies, this book brings to life the complicated and intertwined trading networks, religious encounters, and political debates through close readings of poetry. In this book, the third century refers to the period between 196 and 317, beginning with General Cao Cao’s 曹操 (155–220) capture of Emperor Xian of Han 漢獻帝 (r. 189–220) and ending with the movement of the Eastern Jin’s 東晉 capital to Jiankang 建康 (modern Nanjing 南京). This period witnessed the decline of the powerful Han Empire and the rise of the Sima 司馬 clan as they gradually gained power in the Wei State and eventually unified China as the newly formed Jin Dynasty. It was also during this time that the centre of Chinese culture began to shift southward.3 The third century also witnessed the end of the first globalization brought by the Silk Roads. When Zhang Qian 張騫 (d. 114 bce) was sent to the West to look for possible alliances, he failed in his mission, but successfully discovered an existing trade path between India and the Shu region (modern Sichuan). His later trips to the Western Regions laid the foundation for the establishment of the well-guarded Silk Roads. Afterwards, fresh ideas, unique commodities, and various people all passed along these trade routes. That busy traffic seemingly ended by the third century when a plague contributed to the fall of the Han and the Roman Empires, and again surged during the Tang Dynasty. Because of these interruptions, the early influence of the Silk Roads upon China, particularly during the third century, is often ignored. Besides the known history-related reasons, the absence of the Silk Roads in classical Chinese literature studies also lies in the style in which ancient Chinese intellectuals described their encounters with foreign cultures. The tendency was to sanitize foreign elements from the goods and ideas imported into China, to make them appear already integrated with Chinese culture and tradition. Classical Chinese texts do not appear to acknowledge the novelty or impact of foreign goods, ideas, or trade. Based on my limited knowledge, current scholarship has paid little to no attention to the role literature plays in the Sinification of material objects. Nevertheless, we find among the surviving 3  De Crespigny “believes there is room for a general survey of the third century, which saw the transition from a long-unified empire to a comparable period of disunity and conflict,” in the second part of his article “The Three Kingdoms and the Western Jin.”



A Century of Writing on Objects

3

works from the third century an impressive amount of yongwu fu 詠物賦 (rhapsody on objects), a literary description of objects encompassing plants, animals, and crafts.4 In order to understand yongwu fu, we must first determine their precise definition as well as the scope of their corpus. Wu, according to Xu Shen 許慎 (30–124), refers to “the myriad things.”5 Fu (rhapsody or fu poetry) is a major genre of Chinese literature, typically focuses on things or objects, particularly suitable for description and exposition, and its rhyme pattern places it between prose and poetry.6 In his “Wen fu” 文賦 (Fu on Literature), Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) wrote, “Fu gives form to an object, and is limpid and clear” 賦體物而瀏亮.7 Similarly, Liu Xie 劉 勰 (ca. 465–522) wrote that fu “expresses intentions by describing objects” 體物寫志也.8 Precisely because describing objects is a fundamental feature of all fu, in order to distinguish yongwu fu from other fu it is crucial to mark the boundaries of wu in yongwu fu. Critics both ancient and modern do not provide clear explanations of wu in this usage, but they have applied various, although sometimes conflicting, principles to classify fu. This, in turn, allows us to infer their conception of wu. The word yongwu appears as a poetic subgenre in Zhong Rong’s 鍾嶸 (ca. 469–518) Shipin 詩品: “Xu [Yaozhi] is good at composing yongwu pieces in shorter lines” 許 [瑤 之] 長 于 短 句 詠 物.9 Since this is the only place Zhong Rong used this term, we cannot tell much about its connotations for him. However, in the preface to Wen xuan, although he does not use the word, Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) gives some sense of the scope of the yongwu genre: Telling of cities and habitats are Sir Based-on-nothing and Lord No-such; Warning against hunts and excursions are “Tall Poplars” and “Plume Hunt.” As for Narrating a single event, Celebrating a single object— Poems inspired by wind, clouds, plants and trees, Pieces on fish, insects, birds, and beasts—

4  Although object (wu) refers to myriad things, its scope in this study encompasses those objects that are tangible, palpable, and not on a grand scale, and as such this study will omit other things such as buildings and natural scenes. For further discussion on the definition of yongwu fu, see Kong, “Wen xuan he sanshiji wenxue,” 11; Chu Hsiao-hai, “Du Liang Han yongwu fu zazu”; Knechtges, “Riddles as Poetry”; Qu Duizhi, Zhongguo pianwen gailun, 17–18; Wan Guangzhi, Hanfu tonglun, 276; Graham, “Mi Heng’s ‘Rhapsody on a Parrot,’” 39; Ma Jigao, Fu shi, 43; Gong, “Wenbian ranhu shiqing”; Yuan Jixi, Fu, 70 and 135; Cao Daoheng, Han Wei liuchao cifu, 27; Yu Yuxian, Liu chao fu shulun, 330–37; Knechtges and Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 2:1398–1507; 3:1951–56; and Williams, The Fu Genre of Imperial China. 5  See Duan, Shuowen jiezi zhu, 2a.10.

6  In this book, I use the terms fu, rhapsody, fu poem, or fu poetry equally for textual variations.

7  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 17.766. For English, see Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 3:219.

8  See Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 2:134. For English, see Liu Xie, The Literary Mind and the Carving Dragons, trans. Shih, 89.

9  See Zhong Rong, Shi pin zhu, comm. Wang Zhong, 258. Xu Yaozhi lived in the Qi Dynasty 齊 (479–502).

4

Introduction

One could extend and broaden the list And never record them all.10

述居邑則有憑虛亡是之作，戒畋獵則有長楊羽獵之制。 若記一事詠一物，風雲草木之 興，魚蟲禽獸之流，推而廣之，不可勝載矣。

Xiao Tong juxtaposes fu on cities and hunting with fu on a single event and single object, and provides examples of the single objects, such as meteoro­logical phenomena and natural living things. His fifteen categories of fu include many yongwu pieces, especially in the “Natural Phenomena,” “Birds and Animals,” and “Music” groups.11 Grace Fong, based on Xiao Tong’s comments, draws the conclusion that “the category of objects suitable for description in the fu is almost infinitely expandable ⎯ any living thing or natural phenomenon as well as an artifact is a potential candidate for poetic elaboration.”12 Unlike Fong, who focuses on the two categories “Natural Phenomena” 物色 and “Birds and Animals” 鳥獸 to define wu, Yang Licheng 楊利成 includes four of the Wen xuan categories—“Palaces and Halls” 宮殿, “Rivers and Seas” 江海, “Natural Phenomena” 物色, and “Birds and Animals” 鳥獸—as yongwu pieces. To him, the first six categories in Wen xuan—”Metropolises and Capitals” 京都, “Sacrifices” 郊祀, “Plowing the Sacred Field” 耕籍, “Hunting” 田獵, “Recounting Travel” 紀行, and “Sightseeing” 遊覽— have to do with politics and religion 政教; and the last five categories—”Aspirations and Feelings” 志, “Sorrowful Laments” 哀傷, “Literature” 論文, “Music” 音樂 and “Passions” 情—belong to human affairs 人事, while the middle four focus on wu.13 Based on the understanding and interpretations of Xiao Tong by modern scholars, yongwu in Xiao Tong’s system includes animals, plants, and meteoro­logical phenomena, but not buildings and seasons. Unlike his contemporary Xiao Tong, Liu Xie did not include natural phenomena in his classification, but rather added man-made objects to yongwu fu: As to those works whose themes are plants, animals, and other miscellaneous things, they express feelings, which arise in response to external situations, feelings which are reactions to chance experiences with various scenes. In describing the external situations, the language should be delicate and closely knit; and in forging metaphors in relation to the nature of things, appropriateness in principle should be emphasized. These are in the realm of minor works, but are crucial points in the achievement of the qualities of the wondrous and the skilful. 至于草區禽族，庶品雜類，則觸興致情，因變取會。擬諸形容，則言務纖密， 象其物宜，則理貴側附。斯又小制之區畛，奇巧之機要也14

10  See Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:77.

11  See the list summarized by Knechtges in Wen xuan, 1:29; Liao, Wei Jin yongwu fu yanjiu, 2; Yu Yan, Lidai yongwu shi xuan, 5. 12  Fong, “Wu Wenying’s Yongwu Ci,” 323.

13  Yang Licheng, “Zhaoming Wen xuan futi fenlei chutan,” 317–18.

14  See Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 2:135. For English, see Liu Xie, The Literary Mind and the Carving Dragons, trans. Shih, 91.



A Century of Writing on Objects

5

Like Xiao Tong, Liu Xie did not use the word yongwu, but he did define this subgenre in terms of content and form: this sub-genre should describe certain objects, such as plants, animals, and man-made objects, and should be concise and possessed of verisimilitude. Immediately preceding these words, Liu Xie also remarked on fu on capitals, palaces, parks, and hunting by saying that these types of fu were to “set the boundaries of a state and to mark the divisions in the country” 體國經野 and that “their significance lies in their glorification of the state” 義尚光大.15 Eight centuries later, the Yuan 元 (1306–1368) scholar Zhu Yao 祝 堯 began to use the term yongwu fu, mentioning it three times in his book Gufu bianti 古賦辨體. He first labelled Mi Heng’s 彌衡 (173–198) “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on the Parrot) and Zhang Hua’s 張華 (232–300) “Jiaoliao fu” 鷦鷯賦 (Fu on the Wren) as yongwu fu; he then went on to state that yongwu fu must be allegorical.16 Zhu considered Xie Zhuang’s 謝 莊 (421–466) “Yue fu” 月賦 (Fu on Moon) to be a fu on a “scene” 景物, and so stated that such fu should take yongwu pieces like those in the “Fu pian” 賦篇 of Xunzi 荀子 as models.17 Zhu, therefore, distinguished yongwu pieces from fu on scenes. For him, meteoro­ logical and geo­graphical phenomena were “scenes”, not wu. In other words, works about the moon or snow, for example, should not be called yongwu fu, but jingwu fu 景物賦 (fu on scenery). In summary, these critics agreed that wu included animals and plants, and excluded architecture. However, they had different ideas about natural phenomena, such as bodies of water, weather, and celestial phenomena. A similar situation still exists today. Modern scholars tend to agree that the scope of wu includes animals, plants, and crafts, but there is disagreement about natural phenomena and architecture. Some scholars separate natural phenomena from yongwu subjects: for instance, Qu Duizhi 瞿兌之 (1894–1973) classified fu into ten categories, one of which is called shanchuan 山川, including fu on mountains and rivers, such as Guo Pu’s 郭璞 “Jiang fu” 江賦 (Fu on the River); one is called jingwu 景物, including fu on natural phenomena like Xie Zhuang’s “Fu on the Moon”; and one is called wulei 物類 including fu on objects, like Zhang Hua’s “Fu on the Wren.”18 Wan Guangzhi 萬光治 also considers fu on palaces and halls as yongwu.19 William T. Graham, Jr. only mentions animals and plants as yongwu subjects when defining this genre.20 Some scholars, however, do consider natural phenomena as proper yongwu subjects: Ma Jigao 馬積高 in his Fushi 賦史 considers Song Yu’s “Rhapsody on the Wind” 風賦 a yongwu fu.21 Gong Kechang 龔克昌, Yuan Jixi 袁濟喜, Cao Daoheng 15  See Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 2:135. For English, see Liu Xie, The Literary Mind and the Carving Dragons, trans. Shih, 91. 16  Zhu Yao, Gufu bianti, 4.33b and 5.13b.

17  Zhu Yao, Gufu bianti, 6.10b. On the “Fu pian,” see Knechtges, “Riddles as Poetry.” 18  Qu Duizhi, Zhongguo pianwen gailun, 17–18.

19  Wan Guangzhi, Hanfu tonglun, 276.

20  Graham, “Mi Heng’s ‘Rhapsody on a Parrot,’” 39. 21  Ma Jigao, Fu shi, 43.

6

Introduction

曹道衡, and Yu Yuxian 于浴賢 all take fu on natural phenomena to be yongwu fu.22 By contrast, Liao Kuo-tong 廖國棟 and Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海 are the only two scholars who include buildings in the yongwu subgenre. In light of all these critical insights, when defining subject matter for yongwu, I consider natural living things such as animals and plants, as well as man-made objects, but exclude natural phenomena and buildings mainly because they are fundamentally different, largely in terms of scale, which prevents close examination. A suitable definition of yongwu fu, then, will be as follows: a subgenre of fu that describes objects, both living and manmade, that are tangible and palpable and not of grand scale. This definition delineates the yongwu fu in terms of content. The remaining parts of this book will define this subgenre further in terms of form, specific themes, and values. In accordance with this understanding of yongwu fu, I have surveyed surviving yongwu fu from the Han, Wei, and Jin times, and discovered forty-eight pieces from the Later Han 東漢 (25–220), seventy-nine from the Wei 魏 (220–265), 181 from the Western Jin 西晉 (266–317), and seventy from the Eastern Jin 東晉 (317–420).23 The production of rhapsodies on objects increased rapidly towards the end of the Eastern Han and reached its heyday during the Wei-Jin era.24 This genre was almost unknown before the later Eastern Han,25 and was largely out of fashion after the Wei-Jin period.26 The cultural milieu, particularly intercultural exchanges, might shed some light on this phenomenon. We already established the larger parameter of wu, now we need to examine the meaning of wu in the historical and cultural contexts. When cross-referencing the objects in third-century rhapsodies with the exotic goods listed in Laufer’s Sino-Iranic and Schafer’s The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, one finds that nearly a hundred and fifty out of 378 rhapsodies are about exotic goods, such as fruits, plants, herbs, animals, precious stones, and other crafts. Preliminary further close reading of the remaining rhapsodies suggests that one major purpose of yongwu fu is to react to exotica. This study is an initial step to examine the relationship between foreign goods and yongwu fu. Some scholars claim that the Han writers were fond of describing exotica to attract people’s attention and to normalize foreign objects. The exotica from the Western Regions fulfilled the desires of the Han writers and therefore offered fu this genre and those fu writers perfect chances to display their talents.27 I argue that this practice matured in the third century due to the confluence of circumstances that encouraged this 22  Gong, “Wenbian ranhu shiqing”; Yuan Jixi, Fu, 70 and 135; Cao Daoheng, Han Wei liuchao cifu, 27; Yu Yuxian, Liu chao fu shulun, 330 and 337. 23  This list is available for research consultation upon request from the author.

24  Liao Kuo-tung stated that during the Wei-Jin times, there were more than eight hundred fu, half of which were yongwu fu; see Liao, Wei Jin yongwu fu, 29. In this book, I exclude fu on cosmo­logy and buildings, which amount to nearly one hundred pieces of fu. 25  Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 32.

26  Fu writing in general decreased after the Western Jin, as there are seventy pieces from the Eastern Jin, which lasted nearly 155 years. Hu Axiang also noticed this change; see his book Wei Jin bentu wenxue, 170–71. 27  See Xue, “Qian tan Handai wenxue,” 47.



A Century of Writing on Objects

7

burst of writing on exotic goods. First, the Chinese had accumulated enough information about non-Chinese material cultures, and this gradually and naturally forced Chinese elites to respond and react to them; second, the genre and practice of rhapsodic writing had sufficiently evolved so that objects could be described with accuracy and precision; third, there were several interactive and influential literary circles, whose members had access not only to exotic goods, but to one another’s work, so they reinforced and promoted yongwu fu, and complemented each other. Each of these conditions— availability of the imports, the literary development of the genre, and the influential circles of dedicated poets—must be understood before proceeding to the texts themselves.

Accumulated Exotica

The Chinese had established contact with others living in the vast Eurasian lands before Zhang Qian’s time, but it was only after Zhang Qian was sent to the Western Regions that China began to communicate with others on a greater scale and in a more organized way. With the foundation for the establishment of the well-guarded Silk Roads, more fresh ideas, unique commodities, and diverse people flowed along these trading routes. Over the next two hundred years, frequent cultural exchanges did not diminish, even with natural and man-made disasters and chaos. Ferdinand Freiherr von Richthofen (1877–1912), a German geo­grapher who coined the term “Silk Roads,” asserted that for several centuries after the Han withdrew from Central Asia beginning in the second century ce, overland exchanges of any consequence ceased. But Daniel C. Waugh argues that when talking of cessation of exchanges, Richthofen seems specifically to be referring to the trade, if diminished, now being in the hands of merchants other than the Chinese.28 Besides foreign traders or merchants, Buddhist preachers also became active in both directions, to and from China, and played a key role in trading and urban development.29 Chinese envoys were continuously sent to establish contacts or improve relations. Inspired by the profits of their trade with others, ambitious Chinese merchants set forth along the Silk Roads.30 One example that demonstrates continued trade throughout the third century is Weilüe 魏略, written by Yu Huan 魚豢 (fl. third century) between 239 and 265, listing 65 different products imported to China from the Roman Empire alone.31 Imperial gardens and palaces, of course, were the first locations to host these foreign goods. The literary genre fu that describes the rare exotica stored in imperial gardens and palaces began with Zhang Qian’s journey and reached its zenith four hundred years later with Zuo Si’s 左思 (250–305) composition “Rhapsody on Three Capitals” 三都賦.32 28  Waugh, “Richthofen’s ‘Silk Roads’,” 4.

29  See the chart listing the numbers of Buddhist preachers between the first and sixth centuries, in Liu Xinru, Ancient India and Ancient China, 147. 30  See “Dayuan liezhuan” in Sima, Shi ji, 123.3171–72. Jian Bozan comments that these so-called envoys must be brazen merchants; see his book Qin Han shi, 315–16. 31  Yu Taishan, “Weilüe,” 137; McLaughlin, Rome and the Distant East, 179–80.

32  See bio­graphy of Zuo Si in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 92.2377. As many residents of Luoyang loved “the Sandu fu,” they copied it to the extent that the price of paper at the capital spiked.

8

Introduction

The first single book dedicating several volumes to various exotic goods, Bowu zhi 博 物誌 by Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), became possible only after hundreds of years of accumulating knowledge of other regions, customs, and products, both within and outside of China. Emperor Ling of Han 漢靈帝 (r. 168–189) showed strong interest in “foreign costumes, canopies and hanging, stools, postures, food, harps, flutes, and dances” 胡服、胡帳、胡床、胡坐、胡飯、胡箜篌、胡笛、胡舞, and his taste influenced the entire upper class at the capital,33 one of many examples. Clearly, substantial and ongoing efforts, politically and economically, were made to import foreign commodities into China, and the resulting accumulation of such wares finally became available to thirdcentury elites, whose writings contribute to the cultural normalization of these foreign goods.

Literary Ability

At this period there were three well-established literary genres: lyric poetry (shi 詩), Music Bureau poetry (yuefu 樂府), and fu poetry or rhapsody (fu 賦). Lyric poetry, represented by the Classic of Poetry 詩經, and Songs of the South 楚辭, often considered the precursor of fu, were both predominantly lyrical;34 Music Bureau poetry was fundamentally narrative;35 and rhapsody was known for being descriptive.36 For instance, when the Western Jin scholar Wei Quan 衛權 (b. 220) commented on Zuo Si’s “Rhapsody on Three Capitals,” he praised its diction because it was not “superficial and flowery” 苟華 in that “[for] various things and different kinds,/ [he] presents them [according to] illustrations and books” 品物殊類，稟之圖籍.37 Rhapsody on objects, as a subgenre of rhapsody, is also called the lesser rhapsody (xiaofu 小賦). Where grand rhapsody covers a variety of things containing long passages, rhapsody on objects focuses on just one thing and is generally shorter in length. Its unique tripartite structure allows it to be exquisitely more descriptive.38 The first part usually discusses origin and external appearance to some degree; the second part tends to explain the object’s practical features or functions; and the last part praises its virtues or merits. This structure allows for static and/or dynamic descriptions depending on the object, suiting it perfectly for defining and refining new things one at a time.39 33  See “Wuxing zhi 1” 五行志1 in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 13.3272.

34  Idema and Haft, A Guide to Chinese Literature, 116. For more discussion on lyrical tradition, see Chen Shih-hsiang, “The Shi–ching” and “On Chinese Lyrical Tradition.” 35  Dong Naibing, Zhongguo wenxue, 217.

36  Xu Gongchi argues that even the descriptive feature of fu was the result of years of evolving with a strong interest in natural history; see Xu, “Handai,” 21. 37  See “Zuo Si Sanduo Fu” 左思三都賦略解序 in Ke and Zeng, Liang Han Wei Jin, 203.

38  Stephen Owen used the term “tripartite structure” to render “sanzhun” 三準 used by Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書 when he describes Lu Ji’s ideas on the relationship among words, objects, and writings; see Qian, “Quan Jin wen,” 1177; Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 81–82. In this book, tripartite structure refers to the compositional arrangement practised by rhapsodists. 39  For more discussion on this structure, see Kong, “Origins,” 271.



A Century of Writing on Objects

9

Rhapsody on objects apparently began as a court fashion. When Emperor Xuan of Han 漢宣帝 (r. 74–49 ce) was questioned about his preference for lesser rhapsody, he defended the genre: The greatest of the fu pieces have the same moral principles as the ancient Songs, while the least of them are rhetorically ornate and designed to delight. They are like silk and crepe in a seamstress’ work or the odes of Zheng and Wei in music. According to the current mores, everyone considers these as things that please the ears and eyes. Fu, by comparison, still contain moral instruction about humaneness and propriety, and must provide information about birds, animals, plants, and trees. That is far better than the antics of entertainers and jesters or games such as bo and yi. 辭賦大者與古詩同義，小者辨麗可喜。辟如女工有綺縠，音樂有鄭衛，今世俗猶皆以 此虞說耳目，辭賦比之，尚有仁義風諭, 鳥獸草木多聞之觀,賢於倡優博奕遠矣。40

Here he claims that rhapsodies on objects, such as birds, animals, plants, and trees, were valuable, as they are of entertainment and moral edification. About one hundred years later, Wang Fu 王符 (ca. 76–ca. 157) criticized his contemporaries who had abandoned the literary tradition of eulogizing virtues and expressing intentions, and instead focused on exotic, unique, or abnormal things to attract people’s attention and praise.41 Wang’s criticism simply confirms that rhapsody on objects was in fashion during the second century. The writing of rhapsodies on objects, furthermore, was feverishly promoted by the court towards the end of the second century. On March 15, 176, Emperor Ling, despite some opposition, established a new academy within the imperial court, located inside the Hongdu Gate at the South Palace in Luoyang.42 The presumed reasons for building a second university beside the Imperial Academy (Taixue 太學) are various: foremost, it was suspected of being a strategy to help Emperor Ling form a trusted force to fight against influential scholars and powerful generals;43 but it was also apparently established to promote Confucianism by carving Confucian Classics on stone, which was called “Hongdu shijin” 鴻都石經, and by compiling the dictionary Huangxi pian 皇羲篇.44 Regardless of the purpose, this reform received more criticism than praise from Confucianists, mainly because the emperor selected and promoted university students or candidates based on their technical skills and did not follow the traditional and local recommendation system.45 The petition of the prominent scholar Cai Yong 蔡邕 (132–192) demonstrates this conflict: 40  See the bio­graphy of Wang Bao 王褒傳 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 34.2829; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 15. 41  See “Wuben” 務本篇 in Wang Fu, Qianfu lun jian jiaozheng, comm. Wang Jipei, 19.

42  Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 8.340; also see the footnote by Li Xian 李賢 (654–684) in Hou Han shu, 8.341. Yang Minggang, “Hongdu,” 130. 43  Qian Zhixi, “Hongdu,” 98.

44  Wang Xinhui, “Hongdu,” 134.

45  Qian Zhixi, “Hongdu,” 76–78; for recommendation system, see Loewe, The Government of the Qin and Han Empires, 74–76.

10

Introduction

In the first year of Guanghe [178], [Emperor Ling] established the Hongdu Gate Academy. He had painted the portraits of Confucius and his seventy-two disciples. The students were all selected for employment and recommended for appointment by provincial and commandery authorities or the Three Excellencies, who were ordered to do so by imperial decrees. Some went out to serve [in the local administration] as inspectors and governors, while others entered the palace as masters of writing and palace attendants. There were even those who were enfeoffed as marquises and who were granted noble titles. The scholar gentry were ashamed to be ranked with them. 光和元年，遂置鴻都門學，畫孔子及七十二弟子像。其諸生皆敕州郡三公舉用辟召， 或出為刺史、太守，入為尚書、侍中，乃有封侯賜爵者，士君子皆恥與為列焉.46

The students were recommended “by imperial decrees,” which means it was the emperor, not officials or local influential clans, who controlled the selection procedure. What might have vexed the scholar class even more were the criteria for the screening of candidates: Earlier, the emperor had been fond of learning, and had composed fifty chapters on “Huangxi.” Thus, he recruited students who were able to compose essays and rhapsodies. Originally, he had been inclined to summon men based on their classical learning, but later those who were recruited were all those who could compose court documents and were skilled at writing bird seal script. The number eventually reached several tens. The assistants to the palace attendants, Yue Song and Jia Hu, mostly recommended unscrupulous and opportunistic types, who all awaited imperial command at the Hongdu Gate. They enjoyed expounding on local customs and minor village affairs. The emperor enjoyed this very much, and he appointed them to positions without following the proper sequence of promotions. 初，帝好學，自造皇羲篇五十章，因引諸生能為文賦者。本頗以經學相招，後諸為尺 牘及工書鳥篆者，皆加引召，遂至數十人。侍中祭酒樂松、賈護，多引無行趣埶之 徒，並待制鴻都門下，憙陳方俗閭里小事，帝甚悅之，待以不次之位.47

At the beginning, students were chosen based on their knowledge of the classics, but later on they were selected for their calli­graphic and compositional abilities. These technical skills were essential for carving stone classics and recording official documents,48 but Cai Yong was dissatisfied with them since the Hongdu candidates did not apply these essential skills to promote the classics. Instead, they used their talents to tell “local and minor” stories and seek promotions: With students competing for profit, writers [of fu] teem like bubbles in a frothing cauldron. The most eminent among them draw somewhat upon the moral teachings of the classics, but the lowest of them string together vulgar sayings in the manner of entertainers and jesters. Some plagiarize others’ compositions and falsely claim them as their own. 而諸生競利,作者鼎沸。其高者頗引經訓風喻之言;下則連偶俗語,有類俳優,或竊成文, 虛冒名氏.49

46  See “Cai Yong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 60b.1998; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 16.

47  See “Cai Yong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 60b.1991–92; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 11. 48  Wang Xinhui, “Hongdu,” 134.

49  See “Cai Yong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 60b.1996; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 14 and 16.



A Century of Writing on Objects

11

Such minor skills as painting, calli­graphy, and fu writing have no application in rectifying the state and handling administration. 夫書畫辭賦，才之小者，匡國理政，未有其能.50

According to Cai Yong, the writing about “local customs and minor village affairs” is full of entertainment employing plain diction, yet lacks moral values and bears no application to state affairs. Unfortunately, their works are all lost, so again, Cai Yong’s criticism opens a window for us to understand their style, which he called “fushu”: …at the Hongdu Gate, they recruit and assemble multitudes of petty men who compose fushuo, and are favoured in their time for such minor arts as writing in worm script. 又鴻都門下，招會群小，造作賦說，以蟲篆小技見寵於時.51

Fushuo, according to David Knechtges, is a type of rhapsody that involves displays of wit, jokes, and amusing stories. Ironically, Cai Yong’s “Rhapsody on the Dwarf” could be considered as a fushuo, or the Hongdu Gate School style of composition.52 That said, it should be mentioned that it was a common practice among the Chinese elite to separate writings for state affairs from personal written accounts. Take the example of Cao Cao, who offered Emperor Xian of Han a “spring wine made by a ninestage fermentation process” 九醞春酒 from his hometown Bozhou (modern Boxian 毫縣, Anhui 安徽). Along with this special tribute, Cao Cao wrote a memorial explaining how he modified the ingredient composition and fermentation process to make this wine sweeter and tastier for the emperor.53 Even though it is difficult to date this document,54 Cao Cao’s passion for wine is well-known, particularly in his literary writings, such as these lines composed in 210: “Who can unravel these sorrows of mine?/ I know only one man, the God of Wine” 何以解憂, 唯有杜康 (“Duange xing” 短歌行).55

50  See “Cai Yong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 60b.1996; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 25.

51  See “Yang Ci zhuan” 楊賜傳 in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 54.1780; Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 26. 52  Knechtges, “Court Culture,” 23 and 34.

53  Cao Cao, Cao Cao ji, 40.

54  No research has been conducted on dating this memorial, but I attempt to connect it with two other documents by Cao Cao in 214: “Rang Jiuxi biao” 讓九錫表 and “Rang Niuxi ling” 讓九 錫令, in which Cao Cao hypocritically refused to accept the title of Nine Distinctions offered by Emperor Xian of Han see Cao Cao, Cao Cao ji, 39 and 80; for details on this event, see de Crespigny, Imperial Warlord, 383–89. The connection here is that the three writings all apply the number nine. Similarly, there were only five ranks in nobility, and no nine stages of fermentation in wine; therefore, Cao Cao might have invented the noble title and wine name to symbolize or legitimize his unexceptional position, which is merely lower than a king but much higher than a marquis, traditionally the highest nobility. De Crespigny suggested dating it earlier in the period between 196 and 220, when Cao Cao was seeking to reassure his royal “hostage/captive” of his good will (personal communication to the author, December 4, 2018). 55  See Cao Cao, Cao Cao ji, 8; for dates, see Zhang, San Cao nianpu, 111.

12

Introduction

In contradiction to his personal writing to the ruler Cao publicly issued a decree banning alcohol in 207,56 which directly caused the death of Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208).57 Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) speaks vividly of this dual attitude in writing: “For establishing oneself one needs first of all to be cautious and serious, for writing one further needs to be unconventional and unrestrained” 立身先需謹慎，文章且須放蕩.58 For any member of the ancient elite, “establishing oneself” unavoidably included formal writing for state affairs, so here Xiao Gang essentially distinguishes between casual writings and formal writings, thus defining standards similar to those that Cai Yong applied to criticize the writing of Hongdu scholars; clearly, they do not disapprove of the writing itself, but rather its purpose. Emperor Ling of Han established Hongdu Gate Academy, summoned the talented practitioners of painting and rhapsody, welcomed foreign goods, promoted mundane or secular feelings,59 and indirectly promoted “literary consciousness” 文學自覺 that later prevailed among Wei-Jin writers,60 who were the leading rhapsodists on objects, as we will see in this book. This political and cultural reform took place while the emerging literary genre, rhapsody on objects, had reached a stage that required political aid to secure or even boost its visibility.61 Emperor Ling and his writing circles, the Hongdu scholars, not only encouraged future rulers and nobles to recruit talented writers in order to promote the interests of the ruling class, but also motivated more writing circles to write about daily life, represented by exotic objects.62 When later rhapsodists combined Emperor Ling’s two preferences, namely, rhapsody and foreign goods, writing on objects flourished. These rhapsodists also brought the critical and opposite voices into consideration; therefore, their purpose of writing yongwu fu expanded, as we will see in the political agenda of the fu poems.

Writing Circles

The third century raised more prolific writers than any other pre-Tang period. Two hundred years later, these third-century writers were well regarded in Wenxin diaolong 文 心雕龍, Shipin 詩品, and Wen xuan 文選, three major works of literary criticism which deal with writings and writers of all periods, reflecting the acceptance of third-century literary styles.63 Liu Xie刘勰 (ca. 465–520) assessed twenty-five writers from the Wei 56  Zhang Keli, San Cao nianpu, 96.

57  See “Kong Rong zhuan” 孔融傳 in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 70.2272.

58  See Xiao Gang’s letter to his son Xiao Daxin 蕭大心 (523–551) “Jie Dangyang gong Daxin shu” 誡 當陽公大心書, in Quan Liang wen, 11.3010a; for a translation see Marney, Liang Chien-wen Ti, 95; Tian, Beacon Fire, 173–74. 59  Zhang Chaofu, Hanmo, 120–27.

60  Wang Yongping, “Han Lingdi,” 11–17. 61  Wang Yongping, “Han Lingdi,” 13.

62  Fan Wenlan connects Jian’an literature with the Hongdu Gate Academy; see his comments on “Shixu” in Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 9.681n16.

63  These criticisms did not focus on yongwu fu, but the writers valued by Xiao Gang, Zhong Rong,



A Century of Writing on Objects

13

State and twenty-three from the Western Jin.64 Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (ca. 467–519) evaluated 122 poets, forty-one or one-third of whom were from the third century: fifteen from the Wei and twenty-six from the Western Jin. Among the eleven poets in the upper grade in Zhong Rong’s ranking system, eight were from the third century.65 Among the hundred and thirty writers selected in Wen xuan by Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), twentythree were from the Wei and thirty-four were from the Western Jin, totalling fifty-seven writers (43 percent) in Wen xuan from the third century. Among the 480 pieces of writing in Wen xuan, seventy-nine were from the Wei and one hundred and nine were from the Western Jin, 187 in total or 38 percent of the Wen xuan collection.66 These three critics had different views on literature, but they drew similar conclusions about who perfectly represented the third century. Let us take the example of Zhong Rong’s pointed comment, which introduces the two most famous coteries of writers in the third century: In the Jian’an period (196–220), Cao Cao and his sons [Cao Zhi 曹植, 192–232, and Cao Pi 曹丕, 187–226] sincerely loved polite letters. The Duke of Pingyuan and his brother [refers to Cao Zhi and Cao Pi] gloriously became beams in the house of literature. Liu Zhen [d. 217] and Wang Can [177–217] became their “attendant wings.” There were “those clinging to the Dragon and the phoenix” who brought up the rear, numbering in all more than one hundred. An abundance of wonderful writing came to completion in this age. Thereafter, continuing into Jin times [265–317], literature fell into decline. In the Taikang region [280–289], the “three Zhangs,” the “two Lus,” the “Pan pair,” and the “single Zuo,” suddenly rose up and followed in the wake of the Jian’an period sovereigns. The earlier poetic legacy was not yet at an end. There was truly a restoration of belles lettres. 降及建安，曹公父子篤好斯文，平原兄弟郁為文棟，劉楨、王粲為其羽翼。次有攀龍 托鳳，自致於屬車者，蓋將百計。彬彬之盛，大備於時矣。爾後陵遲衰微，迄於有 晉。太康［晉武帝年號］中，三張、二陸、兩潘、一左，勃爾復興，踵武前王，風流 未沫，亦文章之中興也67

Inspired by the literary circles of the Later Han and aided by his political influence, Cao Cao successfully attracted many gifted literary talents to form a court writing circle. Its representatives were Liu Zhen, Wang Can, Xu Gan 徐幹 (171–217), Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (d. 212), Ying Yang 應瑒 (d. 217), and Chen Lin 陳琳 (d. 217).68 This active cirand Liu Xie were active and prolific, as we will see in the following chapters.

64  See the data on the comparison of Wenxin diaolong and Wen xuan in Shimizu, “Sairon Monzen to Bunshinchōryū to eikyō kankei,” trans. Jin and Zhang as “Zailun Wen xuan.” 65  Cao Daoheng, “Wenxuan yu Xijin wenxue,” 11.

66  This data combines my own research with that of Shimizu Yoshio, Shin Monzen gaku. I made some changes: for example, Shimizu Yoshio mistakenly put Liu Kun 刘琨 into the Eastern Jin Dynasty, whereas I listed him under the Western Jin. Cao Daoheng also points out that, “Wen xuan selected plenty of works from the Western Jin such as Pan and Lu, which reflects a certain historical view. For this phenomenon, we should undertake further research, and should not ignore it”《文 选》所以大量选录西晋特别始潘陆之作，其实是反映了一个历史阶段的看法。对这一现象，我 们应该深入研究，而不应加以忽视. See Cao, “Wen xuan yu Xijin wenxue,” 126. ‬‬ 67  Zhong, Shipin, 1; for English, see Wixted, “Life Configurations,” 110.

68  The last five were added according to “Wang Can zhuan” in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.599:

14

Introduction

cle often gathered upon the orders of the Cao brothers. Five writers from this circle, namely Cao Pi, Cao Zhi, Wang Can, Chen Lin, and Ying Yang were involved in the two compositional activities on the rosemary and the agate bridle, as seen in the following chapters. Less than half a century later, the newly established Western Jin court followed Cao’s example to attract literary talents and promote dynastic interests.69 Its talented writers included Zhang Zai張載 (ca. 250–ca. 310), Zhang Xie 張協 (ca. 255–307), Zhang Kang 張 亢 (fl. 317–325), Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), Lu Yun 陸云 (262–303), Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 250–311), and Zuo Si 左思. Here we see brothers (the three Zhangs and the two Lus), an uncle and nephew (the Pans), as well as siblings (Zuo Si and his younger sister Zuo Fen 左芬, d. 300). Zuo Fen did so well in writing that in 271 she was summoned to the court as a lady-in-waiting for Emperor Wu of Jin 晉武帝 (Sima Yan 司馬炎, r. 265–290), and was later promoted to Honourable Companion (guipin 貴嬪 ) in 274.70 This group of writers was described as “the men of talents of the Jin” by Liu Xie.71 The members also discussed among themselves various political and literary issues:72 when completing his well-known piece “Rhapsody on the Three Capitals,” Zuo Si asked Zhang Zai to write a preface.73 One other name should be added to the literary circle of the Western Jin. It is true that Fu Xuan was not highly appreciated in fifth-century literary history: Zhong Rong listed him under the Lower Grades,74 Liu Xie briefly commented that “Fu Xuan’s writing is didactic” 傅玄篇章，義多規鏡,75 and Wen xuan includes only one of his poems.76 However, these later assessments do not accurately represent his political and literary significance. Fu Xuan, zi Xiuyi 休奕, was a native of Niyang 泥陽 (modern Ningxian 寧縣, Gansu), born at the end of the Han, and lived through the Wei and one decade of the Jin. In 245, he was selected to assist in composing Wei shu, the official history of Wei. Later, he was transferred to the position of Magistrate of Wen 溫 (modern Wenxian, Henan), the hometown of the Sima clan. By fulfilling this duty, Fu Xuan established a good relationship with the Sima clan, which paved the way for his later prominence after Sima Yan 司 馬炎 (236–290) established the Jin dynasty. The new emperor advanced Fu Xuan’s noble stature to viscount and honoured him with the post of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary together these seven were known as Jian’an qizi 建安七子.

69  Toshiyuki Satō listed seven writing circles during the Western Jin, and offered a detailed discussion on their members in his book Xijin wenxue yanjiu, trans. Zhou Yanliang, 29–106. 70  See Zuo Fen’s bio­graphy in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 31.957–62.

71  Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 6.67.

72  Toshiyuki Satō, Xijin wenxue yanjiu, trans. Zhou Yanliang, 177–83.

73  See the bio­graphy of Zuo Si in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 92.2376. 74  Zhong, Shipin, 57.

75  Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 10.701.

76  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 29.1257.



A Century of Writing on Objects

15

(sanji changshi 散騎常侍), and finally metropolitan commandant (sili jiaowei 司隸校尉) in 275.77 Fu Xuan was one of the key composers of Jin court music, and also a prolific writer. He composed Fuzi 傅子, which “totalled one hundred and forty headings, and several hundreds of thousands of words. In addition, there were collected essays of over a hundred juan.”78 Fu also composed various literary works: 99 yuefu, 33 poems, 59 rhapsodies, and 22 epi­graphs.79 Fu Xuan’s extant thirty-nine rhapsodies on objects, more than any other poet’s writings during Wei-Jin times, serve as an excellent example of the methodo­logy of describing objects verisimilarly.80 Not only did his political and literary influence ensure him an important position within the Jin learned group, it also helped spread his distinct writing style into the Jin Dynasty.81 One anecdote testifies to his impact: when completing the “Rhapsody on the Mengsi Pond” 濛汜池賦, Zhang Zai presented it to Fu Xuan, who introduced or promoted Zhang at the court on the strength of his writing skills.82 In the chapters on the pomegranate, the monkey, the peacock, and the lotus, we will read rhapsodies by representative Jin writers such as Fu Xuan, Zuo Fen, Zhang Xie, Zhang Zai, Pan Yue, Pan Ni, along with other “men of talents,” such as Ying Rosemary Zhen 應貞 (d. 269) and Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291). Elites in the third century were beginning to experience exotica in their daily lives, and yongwu fu was its perfect mode of expression. In addition, competition for literary eminence among peers was also commonplace, and coteries of talented men began to coalesce. If only a handful of individual writers had favoured and practised this style of writing, their work on exotica might have long been gone, since it would hardly have received sufficient attention, either from their peers or from later generations. It was only when groups of influential and skilful writers made conscious efforts that this genre became fashionable and attracted more support and resources, which in turn allowed the genre to flourish. As we will see, the writers either gathered together to write under a powerful figure, such as the composition on the rosemary and the agate bridle under the order of Cao Pi, or they wrote with friends or colleagues over a single object, such as the pomegranate.83 The following six chapters illustrate the mature state of rhapsody on objects by examining six exotic goods and fu poems written about them: nine pieces of rhapsody on the pomegranate, eight on the lotus, five on rosemary, five on the horse, four on the 77  See “Fu Xuan zhuan” in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 47.1317; Kong, “Fu Xuan ji,” 72–75. 78  Paper, “The Life,” 77–78; Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 47.1323.

79  Based on Lu, Xian Qin liang Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi and Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, vols. 45–46. 80  For further study on Fu Xuan’s fu, see Kong, “Fu Xuan’s (217–278) Rhapsodies.”

81  For further discussion on Fu Xuan’s influence, see Kong, “Origins of Verisimilitude,” 267–288. 82  See the bio­graphy of Zhang Zai in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 55.1518.

83  For the discussion on the writing circle of Wei and Western Jin and their locations, see Hu, Wei Jin, 165; also see the discussion on the seven writing circles during the Western Jin in Toshiyuki Satō, Xijin wenxue yanjiu, trans. Zhou Yanliang, 29–106.

16

Introduction

peacock, and four on the agate bridle. The six goods in thirty-five poems analyzed in this book have been selected because they share the following conditions: the rhapsodists’ shared knowledge and background, the relatively complete texts, and relevant contents of these fu poems. The authors of these fu were the most influential poets and historians of their time, composing nearly one tenth of the third-century fu poems. Their ability to compose and their access to foreign goods enable them to better record and reflect their encounters. The thirty-five poems in this book are chosen also because they are either complete or near complete, which make thorough analysis possible. In addition, they represent assimilation into Chinese culture at three different levels: courtly luxury, popular commodity, and sacred images. Courtly luxury, represented by rosemary and the agate bridle, surfaced briefly in Chinese writings as political metaphors and then disappeared so completely that only the Chinese terms for their names remain. Chapter One examines the five rhapsodies on rosemary and related historio­graphical documents; traces the etymo­logy of midie, rosemary in Chinese, to Linear B, the precursor of Greek; and analyzes the different purposes for Cao Pi, Cao Zhi, and their followers. Their collective expressions did not bring this Mediterranean herb to life in Chinese culture, but the social energy encoded in their writing continues to generate interest in the lives of the Caos. Chapter Two focuses on four rhapsodies on the agate bridle written by Cao Pi and his followers. Textual and historio­graphical analysis of these writings reveal the “shared codes” among Chinese, Central Asians, and Indians through religious and commercial exchanges, also demonstrating how Cao Pi skilfully integrated the agate with the Five Elements theory to legitimize his coming rule. Although the rarity and beauty of these two imports brought them attention at court, imperial favour did not sustain them long, and their existence in Chinese culture was brief and unrepeatable. The pomegranate and trained macaque, by contrast, began as courtly luxuries but were fully assimilated into Chinese popular culture as objects of pleasure and entertainment, and remain there to the present day. Chapter Three explores the process of transforming the pomegranate, a Persian import, into a Chinese cultural staple by examining nine rhapsodies written during Wei-Jin times. Considering also some later reflections upon the fruit, it appears that the Chinese collectively accepted its exotic features but strongly denied its foreign origin. Chapter Four traces the linguistic and cultural origins of the trained macaque, imported from India. Through textual analysis and intellectual history of the five rhapsodies on the monkeys, we see how Chinese elites welcomed the animal and its uniquely imitative training as exotic entertainment, while at the same time filtering out its foreign religious significance. The sacred associations of the lotus and the peacock, on the other hand, were profound: each embodied the elements of rarity, utility, and truth, which could successfully merge with existing Chinese traditions, eventually allowing them to become Chinese sacred icons in their own right. In each case, however, the object’s sacred associations had to be aligned with its tangible presence. Chapter Five juxtaposes the purely notional image of the peacocks in antique literature with four third-century rhapsodies on the actual birds, only lately introduced into China. By exploring material exchange with other cultures to the south, we see Chinese poets transforming what had once been a



A Century of Writing on Objects

17

purely mystical bird into a hybrid being, ideal as well as real, reshaping this tangible foreign bird to blend with an ancient and intangible tradition. Examining eight rhapsodies on the lotus with the aid of historio­graphical documents, Chapter Six uncovers the influence of early translated Buddhist sutras, linguistically, in that lianhua replaced fuqu, the traditional name for lotus in China, and, in terms of icono­graphy, in the transformation of the native lotus from an ordinary flower to a cultural icon with three profound associations: detachment, sun-like radiance, and lotus-picking activities. This chapter also explains the crucial role played by Chinese writers in the course of rejuvenating Chinese images following inspiration by Indian culture. These thirty-six rhapsodies on six objects suggest that the genre of Rhapsody on Objects was not simply a literary exercise, nor a mode of courtly amusement and competition,84 but also an instrument for filtering foreign objects, ideas, and culture, thus rendering them suitable to Chinese tastes and speculation. While these fu poems themselves were produced to fulfil a variety of immediate desires or demands, they indeed enriched Chinese culture and tradition with new objects and ideas, while maintaining the traditional understanding that makes China the centre of the world, keeping other places peripheral, politically, culturally, and spiritually. As we will see, these rhapsodists engaged in deliberate cultural negotiation between foreign goods and their own tradition, and their writings played a crucial role in blending new and unfamiliar imports into Chinese culture. In the end, they successfully established names and literary conventions that reinforced or exploited exotic prestige while controlling their influence. The focus on exotic goods in this book is inspired by Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilization in Ancient Iran, published in 1919 by Berthold Laufer (1874–1934). This botanic encyclopedia investigates the Asiatic migration of nearly fifty plants through Chinese documents. To Laufer, exotica carried multiple economic, agricultural, and medicinal values, as he claims, “The Chinese merit our admiration for their farsighted economic policy in making so many useful foreign plants tributary to themselves and amalgamating them with their sound system of agriculture. The Chinese were thinking, sensible, and broad-minded people, and never declined to accept gratefully whatever good things foreigners had to offer.”85 Fu Poetry, however, moves to embrace other values of exotic goods by looking at their complex acceptance through the lens of poetry. This book considers the cultural and spiritual changes that took place as a result of these exchanges of exotica. Exotic goods arrived at a time known for its “tremendous exposure of literary activities”;86 they 84  For further discussion on the negative assessment of rhapsodies on objects see Lu Kanru, “Zuo Si pingzhuan,” 54; Zhongguo, Zhongguo wenxue shi, 223; Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue, 259, 261, and 271; Ye Fengyu, Xi Jin zuojia, 215; Luo Zongqiang, Wei Jin Naobeichoe wenxue, 63; Wang Lihua, Xi Jin shifeng, 19–20; Tang, “Cong Jian’an dao Taikang,” 20; Nie, Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 71. Nicholas Williams edited eight articles written by contemporary fu scholars to define and promote fu, which is descriptive, philosophical, lyrical, and political; see Williams, The Fu Genre of Imperial China. 85  Laufer, Sino-Iranica, 189.

86  This expression was used by David Knechtges for Han times, but the tradition continued until Wei-Jin times. See Knechtges, “Culling the Weeds,” 202.

18

Introduction

earned the attention of the learned men, and became muses for the rhapsodists. The rhapsodists in turn provided exotica opportunities to merge into Chinese culture with new names, new associations, and new images; success was not guaranteed, however, for the poets’ purpose might be mainly to ponder the centrality of existing political power. Succeed or fail, exotica inspired our poets to create shared social energy, full of different voices, kind or harsh, foreign or native, remote or near. Embedded in writing, this diverse energy has survived, preserving endless impressions of the third century.

Part I

EXOTIC OBJECTS AT COURT This part focuses on two foreign objects, rosemary and the agate bridle, which surfaced briefly in Chinese literature for political purposes and then disappeared so completely from Chinese writings that only the Chinese terms for their names remain. Although their rarity and beauty brought them attention at court, imperial favour did not sustain them long, and their existence in Chinese culture was brief and unrepeatable.

Chapter One

ROSEMARY AND THE CONTEST OF THE CAOS Rosemary, a fragrant evergreen herb native to the Mediterranean, appeared

in Chinese history only briefly briefly in the format of writings by Cao Pi Pi 曹丕, Cao Zhi 曹植, and their followers. The short-lived career of this exotic herb witnessed the power struggle between the aforementioned brothers, and disappeared when the fight was over, leaving us vivid pictures of each individual’s attitudes towards their own rivalry and foreign cultures. Rosemary started its journey in China with its mysterious name, midie 迷迭, or meidet, the reconstructed pronunciation of the Later Han (25–220).1 Rosemary or rosmarinus officinalis in Latin, is derived from “ros,” meaning dew, and “marinus,” meaning sea.2 Its common names include Sea Dew, Ros Maris, Rosmarine, and Rosemarie.3 According to Pedanius Dioscorides (d. 90), a Greek pharmaco­logist and botanist, rosmarinus was the same as libanotis,4 due to their similar odours.5 The Greek term libanotis is close to labiatae, an alternative name for mint, the mentheae (lamiaceae) tribe of plants, of which rosemary is a member.6 Mint was known as menta or mentha in Latin, minthe in Greek, and mi-ta in Linear B.7 As the earliest attested written form of Greek, Linear B disappeared during the late Bronze Age, but it continued to influence the Greek language, and might help us to understand the connection between an unidentified substrate language of the ancient Mediterranean and Chinese rosemary mei-det. The linguistic connection might also be the result of the encounter between Greekspeaking Macedonian merchants and the Chinese court. According to Claudius Ptolemy (100–160), a Roman geo­grapher, Maes Titanus, a Macedonian who spoke Greek and was a Roman citizen, once arranged a team of commercial agents to go to Central Asia.8 In 100 1  Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 381 and 569. Olivia Milburn doubts midie referred to rosemary in ancient China, for two reasons: first, Li Shizhen described it bearing fruit in cold weather, which is different from rosemary; second, Chen Lianqing noted midie as a variety of scented creeper. Li’s statement is based on Cao Zhi’s imaginative writing, which we will discuss below. As for Chen’s notes, he suspects that midie might be one of the creepers based on two terms from Chen Lin and Cao Pi. See Chen, “Wei-Jin zhiji shuru zhongguo de xiangliao,” 8–17. In my close readings, I further argue that it is acceptable to translate midie as rosemary. Ronald Miao used rosemary for midie; see Miao, Early Medi­eval Chinese Poetry, 289n46. 2  Chen Shouliang, Zhongguo zhiwu zhi, 66.198.

3  Skeat, An Etymo­logical Dictionary of the English Language, 3444.

4  Dioscorides, De materia medica, trans. Osbaldeston, bk. 3, chap. 89, 467. 5  Abbe, The Plants of Virgil’s Georgics, 177.

6  The Plants Database, s.v. “rosmarinus officinalis,” by United States Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service: https://plants.usda.gov/core/profile?symbol=ROOF.

7  Skeat, An Etymo­logical Dictionary of the English Language, 2521–22. Further study on Linear B is needed. 8  Ptolemy, Geo­graphy, bk. 1, chap. 11; Berggren and Jones, Ptolemy’s Geo­graphy, 71–72.

22

Chapter One

ce, at a trade outpost on the Kushan frontier known as the Stone Tower (Tashkurgan),9 Maes and his team happened to be chosen by chance by Han agents to represent their distant homeland to the imperial court. They might have referred to themselves as Macedonians, so the name of their homeland, a region previously unknown to China, was translated by the Chinese scribes as mengqi doule 蒙奇兜勒 (Macedonian–Tyre).10 Midie, while derived from the Greek word for mint, did not itself refer to mint, because there had been a word for mint before rosemary entered China. In his “Rhapsody on Sweet Springs Palace” 甘泉赋, Yang Xiong 扬雄 (53 bce–18 ce) listed mint as bakuo 茇葀, or pat–kuat.11 In his encyclopedia Sino-Iranica, Laufer mentions mint (Mentha arvensis and aquatica), stating that the native herb was called bakuo, and the foreign one called hu bakuo 胡茇葀 (mint of hu), also styled Xinluo bakuo 新羅茇葀 (mint of Sinra).12 Because of its linguistic connection with mint, rosemary, with its pungent smell, might have been devalued as nothing more than another kind of mint already known to the Han people, and this devaluation might explain its desultory reception in China. Before landing in third-century China, rosemary had been widely recognized as a medicinal herb in the West. Aretaeus of Cappadocia (fl. first century ce), an ancient Greek physician, suggested boiling rosemary along with other herbs to cure phrenitis.13 He also suggested using it to cure kidney stones and ulcers.14 Another Greek physician, Dioscorides, had a long list of its medical uses: for hemorrhoids, inflammation, warts, ulcer, eyesight, epilepsy, jaundice, hernia, convulsion, gout, and vitiligo (a form of leprosy).15 Pliny the Elder (23–79), a Roman naturalist, wrote about using rosemary in honey production.16 Rosemary was also a significant presence in Western literature. Virgil (70–19 bce), the classical Roman poet, mentioned rosemary in The Georgics.17 Athenaeus, a native of Naucratis, a Greek city in Egypt, claimed that Virgil’s description of rosemary and other plants was just “a regular list of the flowers suitable to be made into garlands.”18 9  Riaz Dean prefers to locate this place in modern Osh, Kyrgyzstan; see his article “Location of Ptolemy’s Stone Tower.” 10  Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 4.188; McLaughlin, Roman Empire and Silk Routes, 191.

11  Quan Han wen, 51.403; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 2:23. When explaining mint, Li Shizhen 李時珍 listed the term Yang Xiong used, saying that bohe was the colloquial name for this herb; see Li, Bencao gangmu, 14.97a–b (917). For the reconstructed sound, see Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 153 and 341. 12  Laufer, Sino-Iranica, 198.

13  “The Cure on Phrenitics,” bk. 1, chap. 1 of On the Therapeutics of Accurate Disease, in Aretæus, The Extant Works, trans. Adams, 378–87 at 384.

14  “Cure of Calculus and Ulceration of the Kidneys,” bk. 2, chap. 3 of On the Therapeutics of Accurate Disease, in Aretæus, The Extant Works, trans. Adams, 487–88. 15  Dioscorides, De materia medica, trans. Osbaldeston, bk. 3, chap. 89, 467. 16  Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, bk. 11, chap. 15.

17  Virgil, The Georgics, bk. 2, line 177.

18  Athenaeus of Naucratis, The Deipnosophists, bk. 15, chap. 31. Available at http://www.perseus. tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3atext%3a2013.01.0003.



Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

23

To Virgil, however, these flowers or herbs might have had political and rhetorical connotations.19 In his Odes, Horace (65–68 bce) once instructs a “thrifty woman” on her offerings to the Lares, guardian spirits of the house and household: Give but your little gods their due, The rosemary [marino rore] twined with myrtle frail.20

Here rosemary, combined with myrtle, a common herb from south Italy associated with Aphrodite, the goddess of love, is used to make small garlands. Its sprig is “easily broken off,” so this accords with the simplicity of Phidyle’s offering.21 When telling the story of the death of Cyllarus, a centaur, in the battle between the legendary Lapiths and centaurs in Greek mytho­logy, Publius Ovidius Naso or Ovid (43 bce –17 ce) describes how Hylonome, Cyllarus’s lover, normally adorns herself: She smoothed her long locks with a comb; and now She decked herself with rosemary and now With violets or with roses in her hair22

Due to its aroma, rosemary is listed here along with roses and violets, both traditionally associated with beauty and women. In contrast to its images in the West, which convey multiple values related to medicine, sacrifice, and beauty, rosemary attracted the attention of the Wei court for a completely different reason. It is unclear whether Wei writers were aware of any Western imagery connected with rosemary. Considering the well-established political and economic relationship between Rome and China,23 it is likely that they did, but deliberately chose to accept and describe rosemary differently to fit their needs. There are two extant ancient Chinese historical records on rosemary. One is from Weilüe, produced by the historian Yu Huan 魚豢 about the state of Wei (220–265), which listed rosemary as a product from Rome (Daqin guo 大秦國).24 Another account is from Guangzhi 廣志 by Guo Yigong 郭義恭 (fl. fourth century), which states that “midie is from the Western Sea” 迷迭出西海中.25 This sea here refers to the Mediterranean.26 Besides these two historians, five eminent figures of the Wei welcomed this aromatic and composed five rhapsodies, which were summarized by Li Shizhen 李時珍 (1518–1593), a renowned herbalist from the Ming Dynasty:27 19  Wilkinson, The Georgics of Virgil, 87 and 159–62.

20  Horace, bk. 3, poem 23; translation from The Odes of Horace, trans. Kaimowitz, 129; Sullivan, “Horace’s Ode to Rustica Phidyle.” 21  Rudd and Nisbet, Commentary on Horace, 268–69.

22  See “Centaurorum et Lapitharum pugna,” in Ovid, Metamorphoses, bk. 12, line 410 (translation from the Perseus online translation of Arthur Golding in 1567). 23  For the exchange between Rome and China and on the spice trade, see Shi, “Sichou zhilu”; Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World.” 24  Weilüe in Li, Bencao gangmu, 898.

25  Li, Bencao gangmu, 898.

26  See the explanation on xihai in Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 59.

27  Li, Bencao gangmu, 898; Liao Guodong also summarized these writings; see Liao, Weijin yongwu

24

Chapter One

During the reign of the Emperor Wen of Wei [r. 220–226] [midie xiang] was planted in the imperial court. The emperor [Cao Pi] along with Cao Zhi and others composed rhapsodies, which praise its long boles, slender stems, tiny twigs, soft roots, and luxurious flowers. [Their writings also explain that] it can bear fruit in severe frost and not wither; people harvested and stored it in the dark, broke its sprigs off, put them into sacks and wore them. It has a pungent smell, similar to today’s loosestrife. 魏文帝時自西域移植庭中，同曹植等各有賦，大意其草修幹、柔莖、細枝、弱根、繁 花，結實嚴霜弗凋，收采幽殺，摘去枝葉，入袋佩之，芳香甚烈，與今之排香同氣.28

Li Shizhen points out that several poets were able to compose poems on this plant because it became available to them at Cao Pi’s court. Besides Cao Pi and Cao Zhi, the other poets were Wang Can (177–217), Chen Lin (d. 217), and Ying Yang (d. 217). Since three of the five poets died before Cao Pi took the throne in 220, the arrival of the plant might have been 216 or 217, around the year Cao Pi was designated heir-apparent in the tenth month of 217.29 Li Shizhen also observes that these writings have shared features, which will be discussed later. As the leading figure of this writing circle, Cao Pi expressed personal ambitions, starting with his preface: I have the rosemary herb planted at the courtyard. Praising its spreading twigs and pleasant aroma, I wrote a fu poem about it: 余種迷迭於中庭, 嘉其揚條吐香, 馥有令芳, 乃為之賦曰.30

Here Cao Pi claimed that he wrote for the sake of praising rosemary’s special fragrance. This would be plausible were it not for the poem’s last line, “信希世而特生” (I believe that this plant is rare and unique). Xishi 希世 (extremely rare) and tesheng 特生 (to be born uniquely) together suggest a hint of his own upcoming victory, his designation as the heir apparent. Let us read the entire poem to explore his key message: 坐中堂以遊觀兮， 覽芳草之樹庭。

重妙葉於纎枝兮， 揚脩榦而結莖。 承靈露以潤根兮， 嘉日月而敷榮。 隨迴風以揺動兮， 吐芬氣之穆清。 薄西夷之穢俗兮，

Sitting in the audience hall I look around,

Observing this fragrant herb planted in the courtyard (deŋ).31 It lays its marvellous leaves on slender twigs, Spreading long boles and forming stalks (gɛŋ). It receives numinous dew to moisten its roots, Praising the sun and moon it blooms (wɛŋ). Following the whirling wind it sways, It exudes a fragrant scent, pleasant and pure (tsiɛŋ). Despising the impure customs of Western barbarians,

fu, 185.

28  For hairy stalk loosestrife, or paixiang, see Fan and Hargett, Treatises and the Supervisor, 44n54. 29  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.49; Connery, The Empire of the Text, 165.

30  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 4.1074 (this is part of Quan shangwu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen); Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 308–9; Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Mideixiang,” 33–34.

31  The reconstructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 498, 335, 575, 433, 612, and 459 respectively.



越萬里而來征。 豈衆卉之足方兮， 信希世而特生。

Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

25

It has journeyed ten thousand li to join us (tśɛŋ). How can any herb compare to it, This plant is truly rare and unique (ṣɛŋ).

As a typical short or lesser fu, this work consists of twelve lines with six words in each, and of one rhyme geng 耕 (*–eŋ); it ends with xi, a sentence particle, on odd lines; and consists of a tripartite structure. The first two lines describe the setting where the herb was planted. The following three stanzas provide a detailed description of the herb’s structure and development. This informative section connects the plant (its leaves, stems, sprigs, roots, movements, and fragrance) with nature (such as sun, moon, wind, and two kinds of water: dew from the sky and wave from the earth). The last two stanzas connect the herb to the human world by praising its uniqueness, since this herb chose to join Cao Pi’s faction. Cao Pi’s term “impure customs” suggests that his reign will be purer and better than that of the rosemary’s birthplace. This herb is indeed “rare and unique.” It has been favoured by nature and heaven, voluntarily presented itself to Cao Pi, and more importantly, bloomed at the perfect time, when Cao Pi was about to be officially designated as the heir, and thus it becomes an omen foretelling Cao Pi’s coming power. The poem, highlighted by the last two stanzas, therefore, celebrates not only the exotic herb, but also Cao Pi’s promising future as a ruler-to-be. Becoming the heir was not an easy path for Cao Pi. It was difficult for Cao Cao to choose between his oldest son, Cao Pi, and his most talented son, Cao Zhi. In the same year, 211, Cao Pi was bestowed with the position of the Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses 五官中郎將,32 while Cao Zhi received the title Marquis of Pingyuan 平原侯.33 Cao Cao seemed to favour Cao Zhi more, as he entrusted the latter to guard his headquarters in the city of Ye while he was on a campaign in 214.34 Cao Zhi, however, was careless, drank heavily, and, on one occasion, disobeyed his father’s orders. Hence, Cao Zhi gradually lost his father’s favour, even though his “carelessness” might have been the result of his brother’s conspiracy.35 Eventually Cao Pi was designated as the heir of Wei in 217 and became Cao Cao’s successor in 220.36 Considering his battles with his brother over the line of succession, Cao Pi’s rhapsody on rosemary appears to express his confidence in being designated as the heir. If these five writers composed together, as scholars believe, then it was probably composed before Cao Pi officially became heir, but after he was confident about his appoint32  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.34. The position, the Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses, in charge of the expectant appointees serving as courtiers and called court gentlemen; see Sun and Meng, Jianming gudai zhiguan cidian, 242–43; Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 571. 33  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.557.

34  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.557.

35  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.558; Cutter, “The Incident at the Gate,” 235.

36  For more related information on choosing an heir, see Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 414; Cutter, “The Incident at the Gate,” 228–62; De Crespigny, A Bio­graphical Dictionary, 45 and 51.

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ment, because the other three writers died in the spring of 217.37 Based on the historical survey above, Cao Pi would have gained that confidence when his brother Cao Zhi started to lose favour after 214. The question then becomes when did the rosemary arrive? It might have happened after 215 when Liangzhou 涼州 was pacified in the tenth month of this year—afterwards the trading route with the west was reopened, so exotic goods like rosemary were able to arrive at Cao Pi’s court.38 Wang Can left with Cao Cao on a campaign against Wu in the winter of 216 and died on the return to Ye in 217.39 Therefore, these pieces could have been written around 216, between the winter of 215 when the Silk Roads were reopened and the winter of 216 when Wang Can left.40 Cao Pi had reasons to act as a successor, which he did, as the following anecdote indicates: Before the Emperor Wen [Cao Pi] and King Si of Chen [Cao Zhi] fought for the heir apparent, later when the Emperor Wen was designated as the heir, he held Xin Pi’s [d. 235] neck and complacently said: “do you know how happy I am?”41 初,文帝與陳思王爭為太子,旣而文帝得立,抱毗頸而喜曰”辛君知我喜不？”

Cao Pi could not help but show his complacency. Based on this anecdote, it is not hard to understand why Cao Cao had been hesitating to claim his successor. It is also not difficult to assume that Cao Pi would act the same even before he was officially appointed the heir. Evidently, by praising the arrival of this rare and heavenly favoured herb, rosemary, Cao Pi was indeed celebrating victory over the succession issue and revelling in his bright future. One must then be curious as to how his rival reacted. Let us now turn to Cao Zhi’s “Rhapsody on the Rosemary” 迷迭香賦: 播西都之麗草兮， 應青春而凝暉。 流翠葉於纎柯兮， 結微根於丹墀。

People transplanted the beautiful herb from the Western Capital,42 Responding to the spring it exudes radiance (hui).43 Its green leaves spread on tender stems, It attaches its tender roots to the red-lacquered staircases (ḍi).

37  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.602; Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 413.

38  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.44. For further explanation, see Zhao Youwen, who argues that the trade route was reopened after Liangzhou was pacified in 215, when the treasures such as precious stones and spices from Rome could reach China. Wang Can and Chen Lin both passed away in 217, so all the works on Roman precious goods might have been written in 216; see Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 139. 39  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.599; Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 32.

40  Milburn states that it is hard to date these writings, but feels confident dating them closer to 216; see her article “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 32–33. 41  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 25.699.

42  “Western capital” traditionally refers to Chang’an, the capital of the Western Han located in modern Xi’an, but in this writing, it likely refers to the Western Regions. 43  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 286, 187, 356, 574, 231, 181, and 266 respectively.



信繁華之速實兮， 弗見彫於嚴霜。 芳暮秋之幽蘭兮， 麗崑崙之芝英。 既經時而収采兮， 遂幽殺以増芳。 去枝葉而特御兮， 入綃縠之霧裳。 附玉體以行止兮， 順微風而舒光。

Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

27

I trust that this luxuriant plant will truly flower rapidly,44 and won’t see it wither in severe frost (ṣaŋ). As fragrant as the late autumn-flowering thoroughwort, As beautiful as the auspicious plant of Kunlun (ʔɨaŋ).45 After a while they are ready to pick, Then they are air-dried to increase their aroma (pʱuaŋ). Its leaves are removed, ready for use, They are hidden in the fine silk of wispy garments (dźaŋ) In motion and stillness, they adhere to the wearer’s body, Carried by breezes, it sends its fragrance afar (kuaŋ).46

This work has fourteen lines, two more than Cao Pi’s. It has two rhymes: the first four lines are rhymed with zhi 脂 (*–i), and the remaining lines are rhymed with geng (*–eŋ). Like Cao Pi’s work, it has six words per line, each odd line ending with xi. It is also written in a tripartite structure: the first couplet mentions the herb’s provenance in the west and its beginning of life in spring; the second and third couplets describe its structure and growth; and the last part, stanzas four through seven, praises its qualities of endurance and fragrance. Among the five writers, Cao Zhi was the only one who mentions seasons. To understand his very pointed allusions to the growth and hardiness of the plant, it is important to understand the rosemary’s physio­logy. It is a native of the Mediterranean region, with its temperate climate, featuring long dry summers and short mild winters. Rosemary hardly survives under minus 2°C, sprouts at 5°C, slowly grows at 10°C, and flourishes at 20°C.47 Its successful growth relies on coolness, sun, good drainage, and frequent misting.48 It blossoms four or five times a year, with its peak times between April and May.49 Cao Pi most likely had the rosemary planted in Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei 河北). Although Cao Cao claimed Xuchang 許昌 (southwest of modern Xuchang, Henan) as his capital, he spent most of his time in Ye; several times he trusted his sons Cao Pi and Cao Zhi to guard Ye while he was on campaigns. The Ye city too is a dry and semiarid climate, which has dry, cold winters and hot, humid summers. Cao Pi and his contemporaries even witnessed the historical low temperature on record,50 as Cao Pi had to cancel a staged battle in 225 because the Hui River 淮河, hardly ever under zero degrees, was frozen.51 44  Su, rapid, might be read as shu 數, meaning multiply; see Han Geping, Quan Wei Jin fu jiaozhu, 50.

45  Zhiying refers to lingzhi, glossy ganoderma, which is regarded as auspicious.

46  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 14.1128–29; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 433–34; Milburn, “Rhap­ sodies on Midiexiang,” 36–37. 47  Zhang Lili, “Midie xiang,” 73.

48  Reppert. Growing and Using Rosemary, 3. 49  Zhang Lili, “Midie xiang,” 73.

50  Zhu Kezhen, “Zhongguo jin wuqian nian,” 21. 51  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 2.85.

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The point here is that the rosemary couldn’t survive its first winter in China. According to Cao Zhi’s descriptions, however, it did, as line 6 reads, “I won’t see it shed leaves in cold frost” 弗見彫於嚴霜. The cold frost, yanshuang, refers to any cold days after the Frost’s Descent (shuangjiang 霜降), one of the twenty-four solar points, which occurs in the ninth lunar month (September or October) and signifies that many plants would perish soon, turning yellow and shedding leaves. Yueling 月令 of Liji 禮記 summarizes the features of frost in the north part of China: In the last month of autumn… The hoar-frost begins to fall, and all labours cease (for a season)… The plants and trees become yellow and their leaves fall, on which the branches are cut down to make charcoal. 季秋… 是月也，霜始降，則百工休… 是月也，草木黃落，乃伐薪為炭。52

While most plants will not survive after the Frost’s Descent, Cao Zhi claims that he won’t see the rosemary shed leaves. The contrast between literal withering in the Yueling and literary withstanding of the cold in Cao Zhi’s rhapsody indicates that Cao Zhi was deliberately contradicting well-known facts. His intention is obvious to any learned man, due to Confucius’ famous saying, “When the year becomes cold, then we know how the pine and the cypress are the last to lose their leaves” 歲寒然後知松柏之後凋也.53 By adding fabricated seasonal information about rosemary, Cao Zhi encourages himself to be strong while facing the reality that his older brother was encroaching upon his dream. The tone changes in the last two lines, which focus on the use of the harvested plant, rather than its survival. In line 13, yuti, “jade-like body,” could refer either to an honourable person or a beauty. In Zhanguo ce, it is used for Empress Dowager Zhao 趙太后, who had recently taken charge of state affairs. Chu Long 觸龍 sent a request for an audience saying: “Your majesty, Empress Dowager, how has your honourable body been, I eagerly wish to pay your majesty a visit” 恐太后玉體之有所郤也，故願望見太后.54 In Han shu 漢書, yuti refers to Liu He 劉賀 (92–59 bce) the grandson of the Emperor Wu of Han 漢 武帝 (r. 141–87 bce) who took the throne for twenty-seven days. Wang Ji 王吉 (d. 48 bce) once advised him: “[The king] several times abused his weak and honourable body by working too hard, which is not the principle of longevity” [大王]數以耎脆之玉體，犯 勤勞之煩毒，非所以全壽命之宗也.55 In Cao Zhi’s own poem “Meiren pian” 美人篇, yuti refers to a beauty, “Bright gems decorate her delicate body” 明珠交玉體.56 Here, if yuti refers to a beauty, this last stanza could simply point out a practical use of the herb. But if we read yuti as referring to an honourable person, it would appear 52  Zhu, Liji xunzuan, 267 and 270; The Li Ki, trans. Legge, 293 and 295.

53  Lunyu, 9.28; Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu, 95; Analects, trans. Legge, 89.

54  Liu, Zhanguo ce, 768; Liu Xiang, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 332. For detailed analysis of Chu Long’s strategy, see Gentz, “Rhetoric as the Art of Listening.” 55  See “Bio­graphy of Wang Ji” 王吉傳 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 72.3059.

56  See “Meinu pian” 美女篇 in Liu Yuejin, San Cao, 120.



Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

29

that Cao Zhi is flattering his brother Cao Pi, albeit while implicitly complaining about the darkest moments of his life.57 If the attitude toward his brother expressed in this last line is ambiguous, its direct violation of his father’s will is unequivocal. Cao Cao’s attitude to fragrance and incense was decidedly hostile, and he once issued an order forbidding his family to use incense or any fragrant substances: When the state was pacified, I forbid my family to burn incense. Later my daughters were selected to be concubines, so we burned for them. I dislike burning incense, and wish my order could be carried out. Today I ban it again, even wearing them on one’s clothes is not allowed. Only when the house is unclean [smelly], burning sweet gum resin and wrinkled giant hyssop may be applied. 昔天下初定，吾便禁家內不得香薰。後諸女配國家為其香，因此得燒香，吾不好燒 香，恨不遂所禁，今復禁不得燒香，其以香藏衣著身亦不得。房室不潔，聽得燒楓膠 及蕙草.58

Identifying the exact date of this document is difficult, but certain information here suggests that it might have written after 213. The three daughters of Cao Cao, Cao Xian 曹憲, Cao Jie曹節, and Cao Hua 曹華, were selected to be the Noble Ladies of Emperor Xian in the seventh month of the eighteenth year of Jian’an 建安 (213).59 In another decree, Cao Cao firmly stated that burning incense for his sacrifice was not allowed, “My incenses can be allocated among my wives, but not for sacrificing” 余香可分與諸夫人, 不命祭.60 Again, it is hard to date this order, but Cao Cao’s persistent aversion to the use of fragrant herbs and incense had been documented as early as 213. Cao Zhi, however, purposely and openly opposed his father’s will by praising the fragrance of rosemary through a wearer’s body movements. His rhapsody on the rosemary is implicitly bemoaning his loss of favour and the opportunity to be an heir. How did other writers react to the rosemary while handling the thinly veiled struggles between the Cao brothers? When Cao Pi became the Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses, the well-known literary circle formed: When the Emperor Wen was appointed the Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses, [Cao Pi] and Cao Zhi, Marquis of Pingyuan, both loved writing, [therefore] Wang Can, Chen Lin, Ruan Yu, Ying Yang, Liu Zhen were all treated well by Cao Pi and Cao Zhi.61 始文帝為五官將，及平原侯植皆好文學。粲與北海徐幹字偉長、廣陵陳琳字孔璋、陳 留阮瑀字元瑜、汝南應瑒字德璉、東平劉楨字公幹並見友善。

These writers were treated fondly by both brothers, two contenders for the throne; they often gathered together to compose on set topics after 211.62 By 216, when they 57  Scholars argue that Cao Zhi did not care about power as much as Cao Pi, because he focused on pursuing literary immortality; see Cutter, “The Incident at the Gate,” 228–62. 58  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 3.1067. 59  See Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.42.

60  See “Yiling” 遺令, in Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 3.1068.

61  See bio­graphy of Wang Can in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.599.

62  For their writing activities, see Yuan Hongliu, “Yexia tongti”; see “Group Composition of fu” in Connery, The Empire of the Text, 173–75.

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Chapter One

composed on rosemary, the political situation was simpler and clearer, so the followers’ attitudes and standpoints also inevitably improved. Let us now look at Wang Can’s rhapsody:63 惟遐方之珍草兮， 産崑崙之極幽。 受中和之正氣兮， 承隂陽之靈休。 揚豐馨于西裔兮， 布和種于中州。 去原野之側陋兮， 植髙宇之外庭。 布萋萋之茂葉兮， 挺苒苒之柔莖。 色光潤而采發兮， 似孔翠之揚精。

There is a precious herb coming from distant lands, Once grew in the outer extreme seclusion of Kunlun (ʔiu).64 It holds harmonious unrighteousness, And gains numinous blessing from yin and yang (xu). It spreads rich fragrance in the Western frontier, And now plants various seeds in the central states (tśu). It has left the harrowing and bare wilderness, Standing in the courtyard of the tall hall (deŋ). It spreads lustrous leaves, And projects slender sprigs (gɛŋ). It is gleaming and brilliant, Like the glow of the peacock and kingfisher feathers (tsieŋ).

This work is very similar to Cao Pi’s in that it has xi in odd-numbered lines, 12 lines, and 6 syllables in each line. Similar to Cao Zhi, this work also has two rhymes: lines 1 to 6 are rhymed in you 幽 (*–u) rhyme group and lines 7 to 12 rhymed in geng (*–eŋ) rhyme group. The two rhymes also mark two divisions of the poem: part one introduces the plant and part two describes its growth. Interestingly enough, Wang Can echoes Cao Pi’s rhapsody three times. The first time, Wang Can opens the poem by saying this is an auspicious plant, echoing Cao Pi’s last line. The second time, in lines 3 and 4, Wang Can emphasizes that it is a result of the harmonious relationship between yin and yang, sky and earth, which echoes Cao Pi’s lines 4 to 6 on its relationship with nature. The third time is in lines 5 to 8, where Wang Can explains that rosemary left its place of origin and joined the grand hall for it prefers a civilized environment, which echoes Cao Pi’s lines 9 and 10, in which it “discards impure customs.” It is clear that Wang Can is following Cao Pi’s writing intention faithfully. Let us take a look at Chen Lin’s poem:65 立碧莖之娜婀， 舒綵條之蜿蟺。 下扶疎以布濩， 上綺錯而交紛。

Holding upright its graceful emerald stems Spreading its slender sprigs (dźan).66 Below, it sinks down deep to spread luxuriantly, Above, its twigs entwine and intersperse beautifully (pʱun).

63  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 90.960; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 163–64; Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 38–39; Miao, Early Medi­eval Chinese Poetry, 248–50. 64  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 579, 542, 623, 498, 541, and 430 respectively.

65  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 92.968; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 29–30; Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 40. 66  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 453, 235, 529, and 551 respectively.



Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos 匪荀方之可樂， 實來儀之麗閑。 動容飾而發微， 穆斐斐以承顔。

31

Although not as pleasant as xun, the fragrant plant,67 But it indeed has the elegance of the dancing phoenix (gɛn). It appears gentle and elucidate subtleties, Respectfully and gracefully, it delights its viewer (ŋan).

As the shortest one of the five fu, this rhapsody has only eight lines, forty-eight characters, and two rhymes, yuan 元 (en or an) and wen 文 (*–un), which also rhymed with each other. The first four lines describe its growth; the next four lines praise it. Let us focus on lines 5 and 6, which clearly convey the writer’s eulogistic intention: 匪荀方之可樂， 實來儀之麗閑。

Although not as pleasant as xun, the fragrant plant, But it indeed has the elegance of the dancing phoenix.

The key word here is laiyi 來儀, which is from “Yiji” 益稷 in Shang shu 尚書:

When the nine parts of the service, as arranged by the Ti, have all been performed, the male and female phoenix come with their measured gambolling [into the court]. 簫韶九成，鳳皇來儀68

Kui 夔, the Minister of Music of Shun, appeared in the conversation between Shun 舜 and Yu 禹 playing music for Yao to honour Yu. Laiyi emphasizes the arrival of phoenixes, which responds to the harmonious relationship between rulers and nature, and represents an auspicious omen.69 The application of the laiyi allusion existed before Chen Lin. When Zuo Xiong 左雄 (d. 138) was promoted to the Director of the Imperial Secretariat by Emperor Shun of Han 漢順帝 (r. 126–145), he submitted a memorandum on governing skill and personnel management saying: The Han dynasty has had many fine officials, and the best of them are flourishing now. That is the reason that your majesty could attract auspicious phoenixes, and contribute to the state’s resurgence.70 漢世良吏，於茲為盛，故能降來儀之瑞，建中興之功。

Zuo Xiong rephrased the laiyi allusion to connect the arrival of the phoenix with the political contribution of his ruler. The deep connection between the tributary system described in Shang shu and the political application of tributary goods by later dynasties or people will be discussed further later. Maybe using the allusion of laiyi alone was not good enough for Chen Lin, so in the last two lines, he further expresses his intent by pointing out that this unusual herb, because of its symbolic meaning, has the ability to “delight its viewer” in a reverent manner, and this viewer must be Cao Pi, the ruler-to-be. 67  Xun, a mythical plant, is mentioned in Shanhai jing jiaozhu by Yuan Ke, 126; also see Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 29. 68  Shang shu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 130; The Shu King, trans. Legge, 61.

69  Ding Junmiao summarized major explanations in history and provides his own definition of yi, meaning arriving; see Ding, “Fenghuang laiyi.” 70  See “Zuo Xiong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 61.2016.

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Now let us move to the last rhapsody by Ying Yang:71 列中堂之嚴宇， 跨階序而駢羅。 建茂莖以竦立， 擢脩榦而承阿。 燭白日之炎隂， 承翠碧之繁柯。 朝敷條以誕節， 夕結秀而垂華。 振纎枝之翠粲， 動綵葉之莓莓。 舒芳香之酷烈， 乗清風以徘徊。

Placed in the high eaves of the high hall, It crosses the palace wings and spreads out (lai).72 It grows luxuriant stems to point upward, And pulls long sprigs to connect with the eaves (ʔai). It shines day and night, And holds its emerald and lush stems (kai). In the morning, it spreads stalks to grow its stems, At dawn, it forms buds and hangs down flowers (xwa). It shakes its lustrous and slender needles, And moves its variegated and sumptuous leaves (mo). It exudes pungent aroma, And sways with the breeze (ɣuəi).

Like Chen Lin’s rhapsody, it has no xi; like Cao Pi’s, it has twelve lines. Different from the other four, it has three rhymes, ge 歌 (*–ai) for lines 1 through 8, zhi 之 (*–ə) for lines 9 and 10, and wei 微 (*əi) for lines 11 and 12. The last two sounds rhymed,73 so we can separate the poem into two parts. In contrast to other writers, Ying Yang stays absolutely objective. This piece of rhapsody did not mention the herb’s origin, but starts with a current phenomenon and sticks to it throughout the whole piece. It is very descriptive, makes no allusions, suggestions, associations, or personifications. If the writer values anything about the rosemary, it must be its smell, which is opposite to the claims made by Cao Pi and his faithful followers, such as Wang Can and Chen Lin; this also challenges Cao Cao’s will to ban fragrance. This diverse gathering of fu poets express wildly different political opinions using a single herb. The older brother enjoyed the new discovery, taking it as a harbinger of his own bright future; the younger brother had to hide his true disappointment by stressing human virtues symbolized by plants; two followers of the brothers openly celebrated the successor’s mood by celebrating the exotics; and one follower sneakily presented himself as a neutral party by describing the rosemary as plainly as possible. Unfortunately, the three followers all passed away in an epidemic that same spring; fortunately, they did not witness the ensuing battle, which became more severe after Cao Pi took the throne. After its appearance during the Wei times, in both historical and literary works, rosemary disappeared in Chinese culture. One millennium later, in his encyclopedia on the principles of diet and healthy living, Zunsheng bajian 遵生八箋, Ming scholar Gao Lian 高濂 (fl. 1573–1581) lamented that rosemary can only be seen in books: 71  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 42.700; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 112–13; Milburn, “Rhapsodies on Midiexiang,” 41–42. 72  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 370, 149, 333, 283, 378, and 286 respectively.

73  See Schuessler and Karlgren, Minimal Old Chinese, 275; Li Fanggui includes rhymes wei and zhi under the Zhi she 止攝; see Li Fanggui, Shanggu yin yanjiu, 8; Wang Li reconstructed mei and huai as muəi and ɣuəi, both rhyming in hui 灰; see Li and Zhou, Hanzi gujin, 126 and 128.



Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

33

Ancient incenses have unique names, such as…the rosemary [from the Western Regions, when burned, it can dispel evils]…they were either from foreign regions, or made in court, and both their ingredients and formulas are all lost.

古之名香，種種異稱…迷迭香 “出自西域，焚之去邪”…此皆載之史冊，而或出外夷，或 製自宮掖，其方其料，俱不可得見矣.74

In one section named “incense/fragrance” (Lun xiang 論香), Gao lists near eighty kinds of spices including rosemary, and pointed out that, unfortunately, they all disappeared in Chinese culture. It seems that rosemary disappeared from the scene partly because it could not survive in Ye in winters. It arrived in China in 216, sprouted in spring, flourished in summer, and then perished in late fall or early winter. We assume that without sufficient knowledge of handling the plant during winter, it eventually faded out of sight entirely. Climate alone, however, cannot explain rosemary’s complete disappearance. Merchants could surely bring more, since the Silk Roads remained opened during Cao Pi’s reign: In the second month of Huangchu [222], the kings of Shanshan, Qiuci, and Yutian respectively sent envoys with tribute, so the Emperor Wen of Wei issued a decree saying, “The Western Rong pledged allegiance, and Qiang of Di paid respect to my sovereign, which had been praised in Shijing and Shangshu. Lately the foreign countries in the Western Regions knocked at our borders and submitted to our authority, so I am sending envoys to comfort and console them.” Therefore, the routes to the Western Regions reopened, and the position of the Commander of the Centre was established.

黃初三年二月，鄯善、龜茲、于闐王各遣使奉獻，詔曰”西戎即敘, 氐羌來王，詩書之 美。頃者西域外夷並款塞內附，其遣使者撫勞之。” 是後西域遂通，置戊己校尉75

In this short decree, Cao Pi quoted twice from the classics. The first quotation “The Western rong pledged allegiance” 西戎即敘 is from “Yugong” 禹貢in Shang shu: Hair-cloth and skins were brought from Kunlun, Xizhi [modern Gonghe 共和, Qinghai 青海], Qusou [modern Gonghe, Qinghai],76 the wild tribes of the west all coming to submit to Yu’s arrangement. 織皮崐崘、析支、渠搜，西戎即敘77

This line lists tribute from three tribes located in Yongzhou 雍州, west of Xia, which includes all of modern Shannxi and Gansu and extends indefinitely northward into the desert. It emphasizes the contribution of Yu, who managed the whole country so well that wild tribes came to pledge allegiance. 74  Gao, Zunsheng bajian, 618–19.

75  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 2.79. This military position was designed to take in charge of the garrison in Central Asia. 76  Li Wenshi, “Yugong zhipi,” 192.

77  Shang shu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 3.180; The Shu King, trans. Legge, 72. I have changed the spelling of proper names to pinyin.

34

Chapter One

Another quotation or allusion on “Qiang of Di paid respect to my sovereign” 氐羌來 王 is from “Yingwu” 殷武 of “Shangsong” 商頌 in Shi jing:78 昔有成湯 自彼氐羌 莫敢不來享 莫敢不來王 曰商是常

Formerly, in the time of Tang the Successful, Even from the Qiang of Di, They dared not but come with their offerings; [Their chiefs] dared not but come to seek acknowledgement; Such is the regular rule of Shang.

This poem is the second of the five songs in “Yingwu,” which is the last song in “Shangsong.” It praises Wuding 武丁, Emperor Gaozong of Shang 商高宗 (r. 1324–1265 bce), for defeating the Chu 楚, fighting with foreign states in the west, and contributing to the resurgence of Shang.79 Because of these two classical allusions, Cao Pi’s decree not only provides us evidence that the route to the West opened, but also confirms that Cao Pi valued trading with others, as along with the preceding sages and rulers. If he really enjoyed rosemary, it should have been very easy for him to acquire more. It seems that the Wei people did not realize the real value of rosemary.80 In China’s pre-modern history, rosemary’s medicinal properties remained unknown, meaning that medical knowledge of the herb did not travel from the west to third-century China. Li Shizhen (1518–1593) only mentions its strong smell, while other herbalists and pharmaco­logists recognize its usefulness only as incense; for example, Chen Zangqi 陳藏 器 (681–757) describes its function as “To get rid of odours, make cloth fragrant, burning it can ward off ghosts” 去惡氣，令人衣香，燒之去鬼;81 Five Dynasties Li Xun 李珣 (ca. 855–ca. 930) summarizes it as follows: It has a plain taste, and cannot heal disease. Burning it can ward off ghosts, combining with Qianghuo82 to make bolus or powder, which can be used to repel mosquitos and gnats. It has no other uses. 味平，不治疾。燒之祛鬼氣，合羌活為丸散，夜燒之，辟蚊蚋。此外別無用矣.83

Aside from this humble function as insect-repellent, Cao Zhi and Ying Yang mention only one practical usage of this herb, as perfume, but this potential value of rosemary was rejected by Cao Cao, the most powerful figure in China when it was first introduced. Blind to its medical value and uncaring of its use as fragrance, ancient China seemingly had no reason to cherish the herb or even keep it. Even worse, the Chinese seemed 78  Shijing yizhu, annot. Zhou Zhenfu, 553; The She King, trans. Legge, 390–91; I have changed the spelling of proper names to pinyin. 79  Zhang, “Yingshang jiuge,” 29.

80  Shi, “Sichou zhilu,” 59.

81  Chen’s work Bencao shiyi 本草拾遺 has been lost, but its content has been preserved in both Zhenglei bencao 證類本草 and Bencao gangmu; see its Chinese text in Li, Bencao gaomu, 898. 82  Qianghuo or Notopterygium incisum, is a perennial herb native to China. See Chen Jiujin, Zhongguo xingzuo shenhua, 55.190. 83  Li Xun, Haiyao bencao, 33.



Rosemary and the Contest of the Caos

35

to dislike foreign herbs or spices in general. The historian Fan Ye 范曄 [398–ca. 445] once criticized some spices as useless. He wrote “Hexiang fang,” the preface of which reads “…[for these foreign herbs,] although they are cherished in foreign countries, no one believed them to be beneficial in the Central Land.” 撰《和香方》，其序之曰，並 被珍于外國，無取於中土。84 Although he did not mention rosemary specifically, Fan Ye’s hostile attitude to fragrant herbs was unmistakable. Nevertheless, rosemary was welcomed and favoured, briefly, by the Wei court, simply because it appeared at the perfect time when Cao Pi was about to be appointed as the heir. As an exotic import, and a natural subject for literary meditation, rosemary was transformed into a handy political tool for Cao Pi to express his ambition and complacency and to legitimize his coming rule. Perhaps its dominating political symbolism overshadowed its practical values, and eventually limited rosemary’s longevity in Chinese culture. To Shakespeare, rosemary “is for remembrance: pray, love, remember,” as mad Ophelia beseeches.85 Ironically, in the Wei time of China, it stood for power, pride, envy—and was soon forgotten. Despite being an auspicious plant, rosemary did not find a home in China and disappeared along with Cao Pi and the State of Wei. Despite its evanescence, it left unforgettable traces, notably its name, midie. Our five Wei fu writers physically gathered and composed, mentally practised their best skills to be politically correct, repeatedly eulogized the imported herb, and applied the traditional concept of tributary goods. Their writing, collectively, reveals a richness of what Stephen Greenblatt calls “social energy,” which “is manifested in the capacity of certain verbal, aural, and visual traces to produce, shape, and organize collective physical and mental experience.”86 Many cultural and social practices rendered rosemary extinct in China, but “the social energy encoded”87 in these writings has survived for centuries.

84  Shen Yue, Song shu, 69.1821; for more information about Fan Ye, see Elcher, “Fan Ye’s Bio­ graphy.” 85  Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act 5, Scene 5, lines 169–70. 86  Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations, 6.

87  Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations, 7.

Figure 1: “Standing saddled horse with clipped mane, cropped and tied tail, and Roman-style bridle ornaments,” ca. second century. Harvard Art Museums / Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Gift of R. H. Ellsworth Ltd. in memory of Phyllis and C. Douglas Dillon, Photo © President and Fellows of Harvard College, 2004.211.A–E.

Chapter Two

THE AGATE BRIDLE: TRANSFORMING AN INDIAN ROCK INTO A POLITICAL SYMBOL1 Agate, a multicoloured

gemstone, is known as manao 瑪瑙 in modern Chinese.2 Zhang Hongzhao 章鴻釗 (1877–1951), a Chinese pioneering geo­logist, along with his colleagues, laid the groundwork for the first national geo­graphical survey of China. One of his greatest geo­logical contributions was Shiya 石雅, a thorough study of the rocks, fossils, and metals known in Chinese literature. In Shiya, Zhang identified seventeen ancient rock terms from pre-Qin texts as agates, including two well-known terms: qiong 瓊 and chiyu 赤玉.3 The word manao, however, did not appear until the Later Han period. Considering that there are over eighty kinds of agate in the world,4 a number of varieties might have existed in Chinese documents or society under different names. How manao entered the Chinese lexicon and how it gained popularity in Chinese culture bring our attention to the third century, when Buddhism and other foreign cultures arrived, and began to converge with Chinese culture. Manao, written as 瑪瑙 or 馬瑙, appears thirty-five times in five sutras produced between the Later Han and Wei periods (Table 1).5 Manao appears either as a symbol of a wealthy state such as in Anabindi Hua qizi jing6 and Xulai jing,7 or as one of the 1  For the decorative bridles, please refer to Fig. 1.

2  See “manao” in Sun, Han-Ying kexue jishu, 1850; Zhang, Zhubao yushi, 254; Farley, “Agate”; “The word manao has more often been Englished as agate,” claims Schafer, so I follow this widelyaccepted practice, although he prefers to translate it as “Carnelian”; see Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 228–29. 3  Zhang Hongzhao, Shiya Baoshi shuo, 37–38. 4  Zhang Qinglin, Zhubao yushi, 254–59.

5  The first two texts are controversial. Nattier labels these sutras as either apocryphal or un­ certain; see her book, A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations, 44–72, 76–77, 157, 158, and 177, respectively. Nattier applied two types of evidence to identify the translators, “external evidence, including above all the testimony of the Chu sanzhang ji ji, which as the earliest extant scriptural catalogue is an essential starting point, and internal evidence, the vocabulary and style of the text in question.” The second evidence is sometimes the exact reason that some scholars credit certain sutras to An Shigao, including Phra Kiattisak Ponampon in his thesis, “Mission, Meditation and Miracles,” 99–100 and 160–61. For my research, with or without the controversial texts, my arguments remain valid, and I choose to list all available documents for curious readers as additional information. This statement is applicable for other Buddhist texts cited in this book.

6  See T2.140.862b. The citation here and following is based on the Tripitaka collection of Buddhist scripts where 2 refers to the second canon; 140 the 140th script; 862 the page number and b the second column. The online representation of this can be found at https://dia.dila.edu.tw/uv3/ index.html?id=Tv02p0862#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=867&xywh=-1911%2C-167%2C5966%2C3333. 7  See T12.328.54c3.

38

Chapter Two

Table 1: Distribution of Manao

Number of Number occurrences of Sutra Title of Sutra 4

T140

1

T526

5

T361

1

T28

14

T360

Anabindi hua qizi jing 阿那邠邸化七子經 (Anāthapiṇḍika-nirmita-sapta-putra-sutra)

Translator An Shigao安世高 (fl. 148–170)

Foshuo zhangzhezi zhi jing 佛說長者子制經 (Śreṣṭhi-pūtrajeta-sūtra)8

An Shigao

Foshuo Xulai jing 佛說須賴經 (Surataparipṛcchā–sutra)

Bai Yan 白延 (fl. 256–260)

Foshuo Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing 佛說無量清淨平等覺經 (Sukhāvatīvyūha–sūtra) Foshuo Wuliangshou jing 佛說無量壽經 (Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha–sutra)

Lokakṣema (Zhi Loujiachen) 支婁 迦讖 (fl. 179–189) Saṅghavarman (Kang Sengkai) 康僧鎧 (fl. 253)

Seven Treasures, such as in Zhangzhezi zhi jing,9 Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing,10 and Wuliang shou jing.11 In either symbolic form, this precious stone, along with other precious substances, attests to the connection between its religious or spiritual status and economic, political, or religious power, as during the Middle Period of Indian Buddhism (0–500 ce) rich merchants were patrons and the target audience of rising Buddhist doctrines.12 These early Buddhist sutras, however, still did not tell us why the agate was called “horse brain.” The explanation within Buddhist writings came much later. Kuiji 窺基 (632–682) explained that the colour of the agate or 遏濕摩揭婆 resembles that of a horse brain.13 According to Hui Lin 慧琳 (737–820), the agate was called aśmagarbha in Sanskrit [阿濕摩揭婆], which means horse brain.14 The agate’s true name in Sanskrit, however, might be gomedaka.15 Some scholars assert that aśmagarbha was invented to account for its Chinese name.16 8  For the Sanskrit translation of the title, see Buddhist Chinese–Sanskrit Dictionary, 1203, 212, 17, and 368. 9  See T14.526.801c7.

10  See T12.361.283a–c.

11  See T12.360.270–71.

12  Osto, Power, Wealth and Women, 79, 82, 82, and 113. 13  See T34n1723_001 妙法蓮華經玄贊.

14  See Hui Lin’s Yiqie jing yin yi 一切經音義, T54.2128.440.c12. 15  Wilson, A Dictionary, Sanskrit and English, 301.

16  Watters, Essays on the Chinese Language, 434. Asmagarbha only appeared once; see Edgerton,



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol

39

Interestingly enough, there is indeed a Chinese name in non-Buddhist writings, and it is accompanied by the earliest explanation we can find. Around 216 ce Cao Pi composed the “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” 瑪瑙勒賦.17 In the preface, he explains the origins of the precious stone and its unique name: The agate is a type of jade originating from the Western Regions. Its crisscross pattern resembles a horse brain, for which its local people called it so. It can be used to tie the neck, or to decorate bridle bits. I have an agate bridle bit; it is so beautiful that I rhapsodized it. I ordered Chen Lin and Wang Can to compose as well. 瑪瑙，玉屬也。岀自西域,文理交錯，有似馬腦, 勒。余有斯勒, 美而賦之, 命陳琳、王粲並作.18

故其方人因以名之。或以繫頸,或以飾

Here Cao Pi claims that the “local people,” referring to the Western Regions, named this jade-like stone after its resemblance to horse brain. “This etymo­logy can scarcely be regarded seriously,” declared Thomas Watters (1848–1901), but “it seems certain that manao is of foreign origin. It is possible that the pronunciation of manao by the early translators represented a dialectical variety of marakata with the meaning of agate.”19 He used marakata, referring to diamond or emerald, to reflect the ongoing controversy over the Buddhist term for agate, which further reflected the intricate and convoluted diffusion and exchanges among China, India, and other central regions. One possible explanation for the usage of manao goes as follows: some people, likely merchants or diplomats, from the Western Regions, a loose term referring to any area west of China, introduced the agate as horse brain; Cao Pi, the leading court figure who accessed the precious tributary stone, adopted its exotic and fun name, composed a poem on it, and ordered his followers to compose as well, and naturally promoted this stone as well as its name in Chinese; afterwards, Buddhist translators adopted manao as the standard form for the agate in their translating system. Given the debate over the authenticity of these sutras and the scarcity of documents on the relations between Cao Pi and Buddhism, however, this scenario can only be speculative. However, the fact that manao always appears with other precious stones in the sutras known as the Seven Treasures of Buddhism makes it clear that the emergence of manao was part of a bigger trading network and a vibrant multicultural society. As Xinru Liu summarized the role of trade in the early development of Buddhism: The transport of pearls, coral, glass objects, and precious stones from India to China and Chinese silk to India and the West stimulated the standardization of the sapta–ratna [seven treasures] concept and of other necessities for Buddhist ceremonies. Simultane-

Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, 2:81. Kumar does not mention any Indian writings on the etymo­logy of agate in terms of horse brain; see Kumar, A History of Sino-Indian Relations, 22. I also used the following database to search, and found no information describing agate as horse brain: Thesaurus Indogermanischer Text- und Sprachmaterialien and Internet Sacred Text Archive (http:// www.sacred-texts.com).

17  For dating this poem in 216, see Yuan Hongliu, “Yexia tongti,” 105–6; Cao Pi, Wei Wendiji quanyi yi, annot. Yi Jianxian, 37. 18  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 4.1075; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 304.

19  Watters, Essays on the Chinese Language, 434. Marakata means emerald or diamond in Sanskrit.

40

Chapter Two

ously, the identification of the concept of the seven treasures as symbols of the Buddhist ideal world increased the demand for luxury goods not related to daily life.20

The Seven Treasures was invented to reflect the trade between India and China, and more specifically, the need and demand of the Chinese market; in other words, it was the Indian Buddhists’ strategy to merge itself into Chinese culture and attract Chinese followers. In this context the usage of the term manao can be understood as what Stephen Greenblatt calls a “Shared code,” a term used as a “set of interlocking tropes and similitudes that function not only as the objects, but as the conditions of representation.”21 The connection between India and China through the agate is demonstrated by the anecdote recorded in Xijing zaji 西京雜記 regarding the Han Dynasty (compiled after the mid-sixth century):22 During the reign of the Emperor Wu of Han [156–87 bce], Shendu [modern India] offered a set of horse equipment, with an interlink halter decorated with jades, a bridle with the agate, and a saddle coated with bright glaze. Even when the saddle was put in a dark room, its light shines as far as ten more feet, as if daytime. People at Chang’an from then on started to competitively decorate their horses. Sometimes one set of horse accessories was worth one hundred gold pieces.23 武帝時，身毒國獻連環羈，皆以白玉作之，馬瑙石為勒，白光琉璃為鞍。鞍在闇室 中，常照十餘丈，如晝日。自是長安始盛飾鞍馬，競加雕鏤。或一馬之飾直百金.

This story connects this precious stone with Shendu 身毒, a transcription of the Sindhu in Sanskrit and the Hindu in Iranian,24 and means “ocean,” referring to the country around the valley of the present Indus River.25 During Chinese medi­eval times, a number of countries besides India were also known to the Chinese for producing agate: the Southwestern states 西南諸國,26 Yuezhi 月氏,27 the Roman Empire 20  See Liu, Ancient Indian and Ancient China, 101. 21  Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations, 86.

22  Knechtges and Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 3:1651.

23  Jin 金 gold weighing one jin 斤 was worth one thousand coins; see “Shi huo zhi xia” 食貨志 下 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 24.1178; for further discussion see Fan and Cohen, Chinese Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science and Techno­logy, 263. See this story in Ge, Xijing zaji, 10. This book comprises nearly 130 sections, most of which describe events and personages in Chang’an during the Former Han dynasty. Although its authorship is problematic, scholars agree on the date of its compilation and its historicity; see Knechtges and Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 3:1648–52; Cheng, “Xijin zaji de zuozhe”; Nienhauser, “An Interpretation,” 38, 41, and 49. 24  Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 78.

25  Wilson, A Dictionary, Sanskrit and English, 925.

26  Guo Yigong, Guangzhi, 7.5, in Biji xiaoshuo, 19.127. Guo also mentions chiyu, saying it was from Fuyu 扶余 (located in modern northeastern China and northern Korea); see Guo Yigong, Guangzhi, 7.5, in Biji xiaoshuo, 19.126.

27  This message from Xuanzhong ji 玄中記 by Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324) is quoted in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 808.3591.



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol

41

大秦,28 and the Persian Empire 波斯國.29 Historically, however, the most valuable agate, doradar, meaning veined agate, was from Ranpur in Gujarat, India.30 Gandhara, another place located in modern Gujarat, was called Qiantu guo 千塗國 in Chinese historical texts, and was also known for producing precious stones.31 The agate was said to be made into goblets 鍾32 or jars 甕.33 The story also connects the agate with the bridle and testifies that this connection might have been established during the Han times. After Indian merchants or envoys offered this fancy bridle, the nobles at the capital fell in love with decorating their horses. This Han fashion had impacted Cao Pi as well: he ordered his craftsmen to make him a bridle when he obtained the agate, as seen in his preface of the “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle.” The significance of manao to Cao Pi was, however, not where this precious stone came from, nor why it was called manao, but how this rare and beautiful gem landed at his court and how to explain its arrival. The poem reads: 有竒章之珍物 寄中山之崇岡 禀金徳之靈施 含白虎之華章

There is a rare object with unique patterns, Lodged in the towering ridges of the Kunlun mountains (kaŋ).34 Endowed with the numinous bounty of Metal Virtue,35 Embodied with the sumptuous patterns of White Tiger (tśaŋ).36

28  Weilüe 魏略, by Yu Huan 魚豢 (fl. third century), is a lost book; this message is recorded in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 808.3590. 29  Wei shu,109.2270.

30  Ball, A Manual of the Geo­logy of India, pt. 3, Economic Geo­logy, 508. Ball also provides detailed descriptions of agate mining, cutting, and trading (503–5).

31  He Qinggu, Sanfu huangtu, 156; “Qian Han shang” 前漢上 in Wang Jia, Shiyi ji, 121. Schafer lists some popular uses of agate including cups, dishes, bowls, jars, and other kinds of vessels; see Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 229.

32  An agate goblet was discovered in 400 ce when Lü Zuan 吕纂, the Emperor Ling of Later Liang, robbed the tomb of Zhang Jun 張駿 (307–346), a former Liang ruler; see Liangzhou ji 涼州記, quoted in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 808.3590; Jin shu offers a different version, that Lü Zuan did not rob the tomb: instead, he punished the robbers; see Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 122.3067.

33  The people from Danqiu 丹丘 (modern Haining, Zhejiang 浙江海寧, a legendary place where immortals live) offered an agate jar for containing dews to the Emperor Ku 帝喾, known as Gaoxin 高辛. See Wang Jia, Shiyi ji, 19–20, where manao is written as 碼碯.

34  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 250, 606, 558, 176, 266, 636, 166, 631, 526, 302, 240, 185, and 539 respectively. Shi 飾 is from Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 419. Zhongshan, written as 鍾山 sometimes, is also considered as the alternative name of Kunlun Mountains 崑崙山; see Han Geping, Quan Wei Jin fu jiaozhu, 15.

35  Jinde, the Metal virtue, is one of the Five Elements promoted by the naturalists or yinyang jia during the Warring States periods, and its representing figure is Zou Yan 鄒衍 (305–240 bce); see Sima, Shi ji, 28.1368; for detailed discussion see Feng Youlan, Zhongguo zhexue shi, 1:200–209; 2:497–573; Feng Youlan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, 1:159–69; 2:7–87; and Yuan Chen, “Legitimation Discourse and the Theory of the Five Elements.” The Wei State claimed the Earth or tu as its element; see Weilüe 魏略, in Li Daoyuan, Shuijing zhu jiaoshi, annot. Chen Qiaoyi, 369–70. 36  The White Tiger is one of five symbols of Chinese constellations and represents the West.

42

Chapter Two 扇朔方之玄氣 喜南離之焱陽 歙中區之黄采 曜東夏之純蒼 苞五色之明麗 配皎日之流光 命夫良工 是剖是鐫 追形逐好 從宜索便 乃加砥礪 刻方為圓 沈光内炤 浮景外鮮 繁文縟藻 交采接連 奇章異采 的爍其間

It fans the black ether of the North,37 And delights in the fiery red of the South (jaŋ).38 It absorbs the yellow glow from the Central Region,39 And shines pure cobalt blue from the East (tsʱaŋ).40 Carrying the dazzling beauty of the Five Colours,41 It matches the floating radiance of the bright sun (kuaŋ). Skilled craftsmen were ordered, To cut and to engrave (tsyan). Seeking form and pursuing perfection, They followed what is proper and crafted nimbly (bien). Afterwards they used whetstones, And ground it from square into round (wen).42 Its latent luminosity shines internally, And its flowing sheen glows externally (sian). With profuse patterns and lavish embellishments, Its hues are intertwined and interlinked (lian). Unique patterns and extraordinary gloss, Conspicuous among them (kɛn).

37  Agate is nursed by water, as jade is found in rock in or by water. Water, as one of the Five Elements, is associated with the north and black. Shuofang, the northern region, appears in Yao dian 堯典 of Shang shu 尚書, “Yao further ordered his brother He to reside in the northern region, in what was called the Sombre Capital” 申命和叔，宅朔方，曰幽都; see Shang shu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 21; The Shu King, trans. Legge, 134. He was ordered to observe and examine the change of winter. Xuanqi, black vapours, appears in Wang Yi’s 王逸 “Aisui” 哀歲 of Jiusi 九思 in Chuci 楚辭, “Clear and cool is the autumn sky, High and bright the deep blue ether” 旻天兮清凉, 玄 气兮高明; see Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 325; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 316.

38  Fire, as one of the Five Elements, is associated with the south, red, and summer. Li, one of eight trigrams, associates with fire and south, therefore is called nanli 南離. See Zhouyi jijie zuanshu, annot. Li Daoping, 305. Yanyang or yangyan 陽炎 appears in Liu Xiang’s “Yuanyou” 遠遊 of Jiutan in Chuci, “the sun in a red glow goes to its western lodgings, and from its fiery brightness looks back on the world” 日暾暾其西舍兮, 陽焱焱而復顧; see Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 312; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 301. 39  Zhongqu, the Central Region, is associated with yellow and Earth, or tu, one of the Five Elements.

40  Dongxia, the eastern part, refers to the eastern side of China; it appears in “Weizi zhi ming” 微子 之命 in Shang shu, “God will always enjoy your offerings; the people will be reverently harmonious (under your sway). I raise you therefore to the rank of high duke, to rule this eastern part of our great land”上帝時歆, 下民祗協, 庸建爾于上公, 尹茲東夏. Kong Yingda explained dongxia as “the state of Hua and Xia in the east” 正此東方華夏之國; see Shangshu zhengyi, comm. and subcomm. by Kong Anguo and Kong Yingda, 522; The Shu King, trans. Legge, 163. For the discussion on hua and xia, see Zhan, “Hua Xia kao,” 1–28. The east is associated with blue and wood.

41  Wucai, five colours, therefore refers to red, black, blue, white, and yellow, corresponding to the five directions and five elements.

42  For jade carving techno­logy, see Zhang Yao, Yu yun, 56–82; Ming, Chinese Jade, 7–18. Based on my own research, although China had a long history of carving jade, detailed treatises on the subject were not prepared until the early sixteenth century; see Song Yingxing, Tiangong kaiwu, 445–54; and in English as T’ien-Kung Kai-wu, trans. Sun and Sun, 300–309.



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol 嘉鏤鍚之盛美 感戎馬之首飾 圖兹物之攸宜 信君子之所服 爾乃 藉彼朱𦋺 華勒用成 駢居列跱 煥若羅星

43

I adore the magnificent beauty of carved horse frontlets,43 And exalt the charger’s military horses (syik). I consider it suitable for this creature, And believe it useable for a gentleman (buk). Therefore, Securing the red tapestry,44 The luxurious bridle is complete (dźeŋ). The agates are arranged side by side, glimmering like stars aligned (seŋ).

Based on its rhyme scheme, this piece can be divided into four parts. Part one, lines 1 to 10, rhymes in yang 陽 (–aŋ) and explains the agate’s provenance and its values based on the Five Elements theory. Part two, lines 11 to 22, rhymes in yuan 元 (–an) and describes the process of the agate forming. Part three, lines 23 to 26, rhymes in zhi 職 (–ək) and determines its uses. Part four, lines 27 to 31, rhymes in geng 耕 (–eŋ) and praises the agate on the bridle. Two properties of the agate are highlighted here: decorative and symbolic. After being skilfully chiselled and polished, the rock resembles jade, and becomes a treasure for gentlemen to decorate their horses. In addition, this precious stone conveys a symbolic value: Jinde or the value of Metal, one of the Five Elements. The agate holds this metal value because, as mentioned in line three, it is from the West, whose corresponding element is Metal. The Five Elements—Wood, Fire, Water, Metal, and Earth—have their own rise and fall as well as their correlation with human affairs. Metal, associated with the west, white, and righteousness, creates Water/the north, conquers Wood/the east, is created by Earth/the centre, and is conquered by Fire/the south.45 Its relation to the four other elements is articulated by Cao Pi in lines 3 to 10, as it blows away the dark air from the north, takes redness from the south, and gains yellow from the central and blue from the east. Cao Pi used the Five Elements theory to transfer and integrate the agate into the Chinese cultural tradition. The agate in Cao Pi’s writing is paradigmatic of the process of cultural transference and assimilation. Line 7, “It absorbs the yellow glow from the Central Region” 歙中區之黄采, deserves more attention. By saying it absorbs the glow from the Central Region, the author is sug43  Louxi, “frontlets,” see “Hanyi” 韓奕 of Daya in Shi jing, “A dark-coloured robe with the dragons on it, and the red slippers; The hooks for the trappings of the breast-bands, and the carved frontlets” 玄 袞赤舄, 鉤膺鏤鍚. See Shi sanjia yiji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 975; The She King, trans. Legge, 2:547.

44  Ji, 罽, “rug or tapestry,” is a foreign woollen textile used for producing tents or curtains by Xiongnu. In Han shu, ji appears as “Xiongnu are able to obtain their horses, cattle, felt, and ji” 匈奴能 得其馬畜旃罽; see Ban Gu, Han shu, 96.3930. See Zuchowska, “Roman Textiles,” 220.

45  The Five Elements theory was promoted by the naturalists or yinyang jia during the Warring States periods, and its representative figure is Zou Yan 鄒衍 (305–240 bce), see Sima, Shi ji, 28.1368. for detailed discussion of this theory; see Feng Youlan, Zhongguo zhexue shi, 1:200–209; 2:497–573; Feng Youlan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, 1:159–69; 2:7–87; Yuan Chen, “Legitimation Discourse and the Theory of the Five Elements”; Puett, Becoming a God, 145–200; Bodde, Chinese Thought, Society, and Science, 97–103.

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gesting that the true birthplace of the agate is the Wei state, because the Central Region is associated with Earth or tu and creates Metal, referring to the agate, the foreign metal from the west. The agate is supposed, inevitably, to come and eventually came to the Wei court, which is located in the centre region imbued with the yellow glow. In other words, the agate’s arrival in the Wei court is not a random visit, but a meaningful and expected return. The deep meaning behind the Metal Virtue of the agate lies in line 4, “Embodied with the sumptuous patterns of White Tiger.” The White Tiger is a righteous beast mentioned in Shi jing: Zouyu is a righteous beast. It is a white tiger with black stripes and does not eat living creatures. It will arrive from afar when the ruler has the virtue of ultimate fidelity. 騶虞，義獸也。白虎黑文, 不食生物, 有至信之德, 則應之46

This righteous beast correlates strongly with a wise ruler. Considering white and tiger are both associated with the west, and so with the agate, it is clear that Cao Pi links the agate here to the tiger and thus to himself. The entire Five Elements Theory was extremely convenient for Cao Pi. Once incorporating this new substance into the system by having it interact with the other elements, Cao Pi could then transform agate into a political symbol that legitimized his coming rule. The ease with which Cao Pi incorporates the agate into the Chinese political–cosmo­logical system raises question as to when the Five Elements theory was created, and when certain writings on pre-Qin periods appeared to corroborate this theory, so that they would correspond with each other so perfectly. The correlation between the two elements, Metal and Earth, in this piece also helps us to determine the time the rhapsody was written. Cao Pi claimed Earth or tu as the Element of his court,47 and named his reign title Huangchu 黃初 (Yellow Beginning) in the tenth month of 220.48 Accordingly, the application of the Five Elements might have been written after he knew that he would be the heir apparent, as he could not help expressing his excitement over finding these exotic stones to symbolize his coming power. This poem also must have been written before he received that title officially, since he was designated as the heir in the tenth month of 217, while Wang Can and Chen Lin died in the epidemic of the spring 217.49 Responding to Cao Pi’s excitement, Wang Can wrote: 遊大國以廣觀兮

Visiting the grand state to broaden my outlook,

46  See Mao Shi zhuan jian tongshi, annot. Ma Ruichen, 104; The She King, trans. Legge, 37. 47  See Weilüe 魏略 in Li Daoyuan, Shuijing zhu jiaoshi, annot. Chen Qiaoyi, 369–70. 48  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.49; Connery, The Empire of the Text, 165.

49  For the death of Wang Can, see Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.599. For the death of Ying Yang and Chen Lin, see, “Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen died in 217. The Emperor Wen wrote to Wu Zhi (177–230) saying: ‘there were many epidemics, many of my friends suffered, Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen all died of one plague’” 幹、琳、瑒、楨二十二年卒。文帝書與元城 令吳質曰: “昔年疾疫，親故多離其災，徐、陳、應、劉，一時俱逝; see Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 21.602; Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 413.



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol 覧希世之偉寳 總眾材而課美兮 信莫臧于瑪瑙 被文采之華飾 雜朱綠與蒼皂 於是 乃命工人 裁以飾勒 因姿象形 匪彫匪刻 厥容應規 厥性順徳 御世嗣之駿服兮 表騄驥之儀式

45

I surveyed rare, precious treasure (pou).50 After viewing myriad materials and examining their beauties, I believe that nothing is more favourable than the agate (nou). Sumptuously decorated with patterns and colours, Flecked with vermillion and green, azure and black (dzou). Therefore, Skilled craftsmen were ordered, To cut them to decorate a bridle (lək). Following their natural shapes, Without carving or engraving (kʱək). Their appearance accords with (nature’s) rules, Their nature complies with virtues (tək). Used for the outfit of the Heir Apparent’s fine steed, They enhance the comportment of his thoroughbred horse (śjək).51

This poem consists of two parts: part one, lines 1 to 6, rhymes in you 幽 (–u) and connects this stone to state affairs; part two, lines 7 to 14, rhymes in zhi 職 (–ək) and explains this political connection. The key message lies in the first two lines, “Visiting the grand state to broaden my outlook,/ I surveyed rare, precious treasure.” There is no question that this grand state (or daguo) refers to the Wei, and that the phrase “to broaden my outlook” suggests its nascent influence: to any outsider, the great Wei did not exist yet, but to Wang Can, from the top circle of the future Wei, it existed no later than 217, when Cao Pi was designated as the heir apparent. In the poem, the selection of the agate symbolizes and celebrates his elevation. Commenting on this piece, Roland Miao has observed that “what virtues the agate may have of and by itself Wang Can does not say.”52 Our analysis answers his unresolved concern: the unspecified virtues are Cao Pi’s—befitting him to be a ruler. Chen Lin offered a rather elaborate and sophisticated piece. In the preface, he first states: The Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses [Cao Pi]53 obtained some agates. He made them into a jewelled bridle. Adoring the bright sheen of their flowery appearances, he ordered me to rhapsodize it.

50  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 158, 397, 601, 346, 334, 208, and 466 respectively.

51  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 90.960; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 162–63; for English translation, see Miao, Early Medi­eval Chinese Poetry, 249–50.

52  Miao, Early Medi­eval Chinese Poetry, 249. I changed “cornelian” and “Wang Ts’an” to agate and Wang Can solely to retain consistency.

53  Cao Pi was bestowed with this title in 211; see Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.34. The position, the Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses, oversees the expectant appointees serving as courtiers and called court gentlemen; see Sun and Meng, Jianming gudai zhiguan cidian, 242–43; Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, 571.

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五官將得馬瑙,以為寳勒,美其英采之光豔也,使琳賦之.54

Here Chen Lin confirmed the story behind the bridle: that is, Cao Pi obtained the agates and then had them crafted into bridle decoration. The content reads: 託瑶溪之寳岸 臨赤水之朱陂 帝道匪康 皇鑒元輔 顧以多福 康以碩寶 四賓之䇯 播以淳夏 色奮丹烏 明照烈火 爾乃

They live on the precious banks of Yao Stream,55 And overlook the vermillion waves of Scarlet River (pai).56 The emperor’s way is not for relaxation, And august mirror needs subjects’ assistance (bua). [I] wish that [our country] would be endowed with generous fortune, And favoured with big treasures (pou).57 Rong bamboo from the four directions,58 Sown on the height of summer (ka).59 As colourful as the flying crimson bird,60 As bright as shining sun (huaiB). Therefore,

54  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 92.968; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 27.

55  Yaoxi, the precious jade river, also known as Yaoan 瑤岸 or yaoya 瑤崖, is a legendary place known for producing jade, as in “Xishan jing” of Shanhai jing 山海經西山經, “the eastern part of Zhong Mountain is called Yaoan” 之東曰瑤岸; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 42; for English translation see A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 104 (chap. 12, § 55).

56  Chishui, the Red River, is a legendary river, the source of which on Kunlun Mountain, lies to the south. “Lisao” of Chuchi says, “Warily I drove along the banks of the Red Water” 遵赤水而容與; see Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 45; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 78. The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 169, 240, 158, 301, 290, 350, 633; 175; 596, 558, 443 respectively; ni, yi, and xi are from Schuessler and Karlgren, Minimal Old Chinese, 97, 299, and 276. 57  The above four lines are added based on entry 8 “bao” 寶 in Wu Yu, Yunbu, 3.109.

58  The following four lines are added based on entry 33 “xia” 夏 in Wu Yu, Yunbu, 3.215. Rong, a type of bamboo with patterned head, might have been used to cut jade–containing rocks. According to archaeo­logical discoveries, bamboo was used to cut rocks; see Zhang Yao, Yu yun, 123.

59  Chun, pure, the pure summer here refers to the summer extreme or summit of summer, that is, summer solstice. Bamboo can be planted anytime, but the sanfu days (three triple hottest days, the third geng day after the six month was the first fu; the fourth geng day was the middle fu; and the first geng day after the start of autumn was the last fu), which is about twenty-eight days after the summer solstice. For English discussion of the twenty-four sub-season system, see Huang Jianxin, A Humble Hero, 80–81; for discussion of the summer taboos see Sima, Shi ji, 5.184; Liu Tseng-Kuei, “Taboos,” 893–94.

60  Danwu, also chiwu 赤烏, red crow, is regarded as an omen symbolizing a successful ruling. Since Zhou took fire as its element, King Wen of Zhou received a red crow; see Sima, Shi ji, 28.1366. This story is recorded in Lüshi chunqiu, “When it came to the time of King Wen, Heaven first caused a fiery-red crow to appear and alight on the altars of Zhou, holding in its beak a document written with cinnabar, King Wen proclaimed, ‘The qi of fire is in ascendance.’ Since the qi of fire was ascendant, he honoured the colour vermillion and modelled his affairs on fire,” see Lü Buwei, Lüshi chunqiu, annot. Gao You, 13.2.1, 127; for English translation and discussion, see “Yintong” 應同 of Youshi lan 有始覽 in Lü Buwei, The Annals, trans. Knoblock and Riegel, 282–83.



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol 他山為錯 荆和為理 制為寶勒 以御君子 督以鈎繩 規模度擬 雕琢其章 爰發絢采 瑰姿瑋質 紛葩艷逸 英華內照 景流外越 令月吉日 天氣晏陽 公子命駕 敖燕從容 太上去華 尚素朴兮 所貴在人 匪金玉兮 初傷勿用 俟慶雲兮 遭時顯價 冠世珍兮 君子窮達 亦時然兮

47

With rocks from Mountain Ta as grindstones,61 And Jing He’s Jade as a model (liə).62 They will be made into a jewelled bridle, to protect the gentleman (tsiə). Controlling them with hooked ropes, Moulding them with compasses (ŋɨə). Curving and grinding along with their patterns, They then emit brilliant glows (tsʱə). With marvellous looks and extraordinary substance, They are bright and surpassing colourful flowers (jit). Inside, illustrious images radiate, Outside, they glitter like streaming light (wat).63 Today is the lucky day of this month, And the heavenly airs are clear and bright (jaŋ). The young lord ordered the carriage to be readied, We all attended and enjoyed ourselves leisurely (joŋ).64 The ancient sages eliminated extravagance, And praised simplicity (ʏei). What matters most lies in people, Does not lie in gold or jade. Encountering difficulty, do not worry, One should just wait for auspicious clouds.65 Facing tough times only highlights your value, Which are cherished by the world. Gentleman’s failure or success, Resides in the circumstance of the times.66

61  Tashan is seen in “Huming” 鶴鳴 of Xiaoya 小雅 in Shi jing 詩經, “The stones of these hills, may be made into grind-stones” 他山之石，可以為錯; see Shi sanjia yiji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 640; The She King, trans. Legge, 2:297.

62  Jing He is Bian He 卞和 from Chu, but here this term refers to the well-known Heshi bi 和氏 璧; “Yuansi” 怨思of Jiutan in Chuchi says, “破荊和以繼” (Jing He’s jade is smashed up for builder’s rubble), see Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 291; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 288.

63  Jingliu is liujing, as Zhang Heng’s 張衡 (78–139) “Xijing fu” 西京賦 reads, “Streaming light shone within the halls, which drew lamination from the sun and moon” 流景內照, 引曜日月; see Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 58; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1.199.

64  Aoyan is from the line in “Luming” 鹿鳴 of Xiaoya in Shi jing, “I have good wine, which my admirable guests drink, enjoying themselves” 我有旨酒，嘉賓式燕以敖; see Shi sanjia yiji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 554; The She King, trans. Legge, 2:246.

65  Qingyun, auspicious clouds, here refers to a ruler or an elder person. For example, in “Shang zegong yingzhao shi biao” 上責躬应诏诗表 by Cao Zhi, “not discriminating against thorns and brambles, such is the kindness of auspicious clouds” 是以不別荊棘者，慶雲之惠也; see Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 269; Cutter, “Personal Crisis and Communication in the Life of Cao Zhi,” 156. 66  The last couplet is similar to the words in “Qisu xun” 齊俗訓 of Huainanzi 淮南子, “Failure or

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This long poem has four parts. Part one, lines 1 to 10, rhymes in ge 歌 (–ai), yu 魚 (–a), and you 幽 (–u), and explains how and why the precious stone appeared. Part two, lines 11 to 22, rhymes in zhi 之 (–ə), zhi 質 (–it), and yue 月(–at), and describes the procedure for making things out of the agate. Part three, lines 23 to 26, rhymes in yang 陽 (–aŋ) and dong 東 (–oŋ), and describes the occasion when the writer saw the agate. Part four, lines 27 to the end, ending with xi 兮, articulates moral lessons inspired by the agate. Different from other fu which focus on physical quality, here the author stresses what the ruler does with the agate in order to praise him. The opening of the poem explicitly juxtaposes the precious stone in its natural state with the ruler in the wish that “our country would be endowed with generous fortune,/ And favoured with big treasures.” With the arrival of the agate, this wish is fulfilled. The ruler demonstrates his ruling abilities, using crafting agate as metaphor from lines 11–20: to recognize talents, craft them into treasures, bring out the best quality, and protect his people and state. Yet the last ten lines invoke the authority of the ancient sages, to say that people are more important than treasures: “What matters the most lies in people.” The political association of the next lines is a puzzle: “One should just wait for auspicious clouds,” seems to be comforting Cao Zhi, who has lost the chance to be the next ruler. But the words of the sage also seem to be warning Cao Pi not to be obsessed with objects and pay more attention to his people. It suggests that he wait for the favour of the ruler, but then claims that time is more important, as “Gentleman’s failure or success/ Resides in the circumstance of the times.” Gong Kechang reads the last part as a high-sounding warning for others, “a common practice during the Wei-Jin times.”67 Is it acceptable for a subject to warn when his crowned prince is enjoying the precious stone and linking it with his future power? Although it is hard to assert if the last seven lines are authentic, since they were added later according to Yunbu 韻補, the early philo­logical and phono­logical book by Wu Yu 吳 域 (ca. 1100–1154), considering Chen Lin’s writing on rosemary—which applies historical allusions to project Cao Pi’s future as a ruler—it makes sense that Chen Lin would use the foreign object as a symbol of his ruler’s power, not to lament the loss of the young brother or to warn anyone. Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266), a Wei-Jin writer and historian, also composed a rhapsody on the agate bridle. Although Wang Chen was not directly related to Cao Pi’s circle, he likely had the opportunity to view this precious piece of craftmanship and the fu on it due to his access to court circle and imperial archives. First, he composed and prepared the final version of the history of the Wei,68 therefore he had access to imperial archive and court objects. Second, he was raised by his uncle Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259), who was Cao Pi’s Instructor 太子文學 and Palace Cadet 中庶子 when he was heir designate,69 success resides in the circumstances of the time” 窮達有時; see Liu An, Huainanzi jishi, annot. He Ning, 11.815; Liu An. The Huainanzi, trans. Major, 422. 67  Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 29.

68  Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 39.1143; Cao and Shen, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 15–16; Knechtges and Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 2:1151–52.

69  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 27.744; Cao and Shen, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 23; Knechtges and



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol

49

so it is likely Wang Chen might have heard of or seen the agate bridle or other fu on the foreign object. Wang Chen’s piece reads: 有殊域之妙寶兮 托靈山之曲阿 傍洞穴之幽谿兮 洄綠泉之湍波 厥象伊何 如規之盈 鮫鱗紆鬱 白黒殊形 如米之潔 如玉之貞 固乾坤之所育兮 匪彫鏤而自成 爾乃 施飾龍首 加服鸞鑣 和鈴鏘鏘 迴景逍遥

There is a marvellous treasure from remote regions, And it lies by the bending riverbanks of divine mountains (ʔâ).70 Near deep valleys of grottos, It swirls in the rapid waves of verdant springs (pai). When it was first formed, It looked like the full round made by a compass (jeŋ). Its patterns are like fish scales, deep and curving, Its shapes are as different as black and white (yaŋ). It is as pristine as rice, It is as righteous as jade (tśjen). It is nurtured by heaven and earth, Neither by carving nor incising (źjäŋ). Thereupon, It was used to decorate the dragon head,71 Along with bells and bits (luk). The bells tinkle, clang clang, We are all riding, leisurely (jau).72

The poem is divided: part one, the first two couplets, rhymes in yu (–a) and ge (–ai), and provides information on the bridle’s provenance; part two, lines 5–12, rhymes in yang (–aŋ), geng (–eŋ), and yuan (–en), and describes its characteristics; part three, the last two couplets, rhymes in jue 覺 (–uk) and xiao 宵 (–au), and mentions its decorative usage. Wang Chen does not link this crafted object to any particular ruler, but he hints at its political value in the last two couplets. In the second to last line, he alludes to “Sitie” 駟驖 of Qinfen 秦風 in Shi jing, “Light carriages, with bells at the horses’ bits; Convey the long and short-mouthed dogs” 輶車鸞鑣，載獫歇驕.73 This line refers to the Warring State Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 2:1150.

70  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 149, 169, 575, 540, 610, 353, and 559 respectively.

71  Longshou, a dragon head, here refers to a horse head, see “Liyi zhi 3” 禮儀志下 in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 3152. 72  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 28.1618.

73  Shi sanjia yiji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 439; The She King, trans. Legge, 192. There are some issues here. First, luan has two forms, 鑾 and luan 鸞. The reason may be what Xu Shen 許 慎 (25–189) explained, that the bell was supposed to emit a sound like that of the fabulous bird luan. See Xu Shen, Shuowen jiezi zhu, annot. Duan Yucai, 4a.39b. Xu Shen also states that the luan bird was a tribute from Qiang during the Zhou times. Edward Schafer connects luan with Persian simurgh, a benevolent and mystical bird; see his book, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 38, 288, and n251. Jacquelyn Stoneberg, an art historian of Rome and medi­eval times, notices that most of the bells have eight radiating points on their heads, and in Abrahamic architecture or lore, eightsided buildings are used to bury the dead, since eight symbolizes eternity. That means the origin

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Chapter Two

period, when luan existed and when charioteering or horse riding was a metaphor for statecraft, which is asserted in Lüshi chunqiu, Guanzi, and Kongzi jiayu:74 The Former Kings employed their people the way a charioteer does fine horses. A light load, a new whip, and not allowing the horses to run at will are the reasons the horse covers a thousand li. The same is also true of those who are skilful at using the people. 先王之使其民，若御良馬，輕任新節，欲走不得，故致千里。善用其民者亦然.75

The reins that direct the people consist of those things the sovereign honours. The gates through which they are led consist of those things the sovereign puts first. 御民之轡，在上之所貴。道民之門，在上之所先.76

Minzi 閔子 (536–487 bce) asked Kongzi about statecraft. Kongzi said,

Virtues and rules are the vehicles to rule people, same as bit and rein to control a horse… The ruler who cannot manage his people discards virtues and rules, instead applying only punishment and regulations, which is similar to riding a horse, if the charioteer discarded bit and rein, but only uses whip and crop…the horses must be hurt, and chariot must be destroyed. Similarly, without virtues and rules but with only punishment and regulations, people must run away and the country must be lost. 夫德法者，御民之具，猶馬之有銜勒也…不能御民者，棄其徳法，專用刑辟。譬猶御 馬，棄其銜勒，而專用錘策…馬必傷，車必敗，無徳法而用，民必流，國必亡.77

In Wang Chen’s poem, the agate, bitted bridle, and bells together present a wise ruling practice. Although Wang Chen was not part of the court circle and was not present when the other three writers composed the poems on the agate bridle, he connected the

of this luan chariot bell needs further study. (This is based on my conversation with Stoneberg on November 8, 2017.) Other scholars have also raised this question; see Han Jinqui, “Xi Zhou luanling qiyuan guankui,” 103. The second issue is where the bells were placed. Zheng Xuan 鄭 玄 (127–200) thinks it was added to the bit shank, as a way to differentiate this light chariot from daily carriages. See Shi sanjia yiji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 439. But the archaeo­logical discovery did not show any evidence to support Zheng’s explanation: instead, the bells are often added to heng 衡, the horizontal drawbar resting on the horse’s neck. Clearly, Qin Han and later people did not understand the chariots and horse equipment since they did not have the chance to see chariots with a single shaft. (This is based on my conversation with archaeo­logist Ji Kunzhang 吉琨 璋 on November 1, 2017.) It is difficult for us to determine what style of chariot Cao Pi used or its purpose. The symbolic purpose of bells on horses is for a driver to control and for a ruler to manage a country. Based on archeo­logical discovery, only Western Zhou and Warring State periods had the bell or luan, whose shapes did not have major changes. For more discussion on luan bells, see Ren Diefei, “Qian Qin shiqi luanling de xingzhi fenxi yu fenqi,” 332–35; Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon in Early China, 128.

74  The idea has been elaborated on by Dai De (48–33 bce) in his Da Dai Liji, which has been thought to have been compiled during Later Han times; for its statement on charioteering, see Da Dai Liji jiegu, annot. Wang Pinzhen, 66.145–46.

75  See “Shiwei” 適威 in Lü Buwei, Lüshi chunqiu jishi, annot. Xu Weiyu, 19.527; Lü Buwei, The Annals, trans. Knoblock and Riegel, 493. 76  See “Mumin” 牧民 in Guan Zhong, Guanzi jiaozhu, annot. Li Xiangfeng, 14; Guan Zhong, Guanzi, trans. Rickett, 56. 77  Kongzi jiayu, comp. Wang Guoxuan and Wang Xiumei, 206.



The Agate Bridle: Transforming an Indian Rock into a Political Symbol

51

craft with statecraft following the “shared code” or “shared social energy,” and enriched the connection that Cao Pi and his circle made between the foreign craft and political situation. In Wang Chen’s writing, the penultimate line mentions the bells’ harmonious sound, which again amplifies the prosperous and flourishing ruling. Besides these four writers from the third century, five later poets of the Northern and Southern Dynasties also mention agate bridles. Wu Jun 吳均 (469–520), a Qi and Liang period writer and historian, alluded to “White jade saddles, and gold and agate bridles” 白玉鏤衢鞍, 黄金瑪瑙勒 in “Zeng Ren Huangmen 2” 贈任黃門二.78 This poem was written to Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), a Liang scholar and prose writer who served as attendant gentleman at the Yellow Gates between 502 and 503. Wu Jun was aged thirty-four or thirty-five when he composed this piece lamenting his wasted youth.79 In the poem, the agate bridle symbolizes its frivolous pleasures. Zhang Shuai 張率 (475–527), a Qi and Liang period writer, wrote, “Golden saddles, agate bridles,/ The passersby crowd to watch” 金鞍馬瑙勒，聚觀路傍兒 in “Xiangfeng xing” 相逢行.80 Zhang Shuai followed traditional style and described a noble’s life81 by connecting the agate bridle with youthful high spirits. He Xun 何遜 (480–520), a Liang writer, wrote, “Jade saddles and agate bridle, and gold bands and coral whips” 玉羈瑪瑙勒，金絡珊瑚鞭 in “Xuegu” 學古 or “Chang’an shaonian xing” 長安少年行.82 This title is from an old tune called “Jieke pian” 結客篇 and Cao Zhi was known for it. This poem is about a youth looking to establish military achievements.83 The agate bridle, a luxury decoration, enhances the heroics of the young noble. Xing Shao 邢邵 (b. 496), a Northern Wei, Eastern Wei, and Northern Qi learned person, wrote “In the morning I drove a chariot with agate reins,/ In evening, I drank from a bear-ear shaped goblet” 朝驅瑪瑙勒，夕銜熊耳杯 in “Dongri shangzhi pian”冬日傷 志篇.84 This poem carries the theme from the Wei and Jin and the diction of the Qi and Liang, expressing a heartfelt nostalgia about the pleasures of the past,85 which are represented by the agate bridle. Zhang Zhengxian 張正見 (527–575), a Liang and Chen writer, wrote, “Dusts fly with agate bridles, and wines reflect seashell goblets” 塵飛馬腦勒，酒映硨磲杯 in “­Master 78  Wu Jun, Wu Jun ji jiaozhu, annot. Lin Jili, 100.

79  For the discussion on when he wrote, see Zhu Dongrun 朱東潤, “Shiren Wu Jun” 詩人吳均 in Zhang and Zhao, Ershi shiji, 92.

80  Guo Maoqian, Yuefu shiji, 34.509; Xu Lin, Yutai xinyong, 6.244; for English translation see Xu Lin, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, trans. Birrell, 170–71. 81  Song Yali, “Yuefu shige ‘Xiangfengxing’ Dong Jin Nanchao yanbian kao,” 79–80.

82  See “Xuegu” in He Xun, He Xun ji, 26–27. See “Chang’an shaonian xing” in Guo Maoqian, Yuefu shiji, 66.959.

83  For more discussion on this poem, see Xie Weifeng 謝偉鋒, “Xueguo qiyi” 學古其一, in Xiao, Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao Sui shi jianshang cidian, 1043–44.

84  Kang and Tang, Xing Shao ji jianjiao quanyi, 112–13; Zheng Xiaorong, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 209–11; Luo Yuming, A Concise History of Chinese Literature, 234. 85  Luo Yuming, A Concise History of Chinese Literature, 235.

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Liu” 劉生.86 “Master Liu,” a popular yuefu tune title during the Southern Dynasties period, focuses on a heroic and noble figure who treats subjects gently.87 This writing reflects this theme and portrays a noble; agate bridle and seashell goblets highlight the point. All five of these later poets associate the agate bridle with youth and the past, in contrast to aging and the present. It is not impossible that they owned agate bridles, but it is more likely that they are referring to the famous two—the tributary good from India for Emperor Wu of Han and the luxury craftwork owned by Cao Pi88—and that the jewel has become, in these poems, a metonymy for the glories and graces of the nobility. The literary figure of the agate bridle followed a cycle of fashion: rising first as an exotic tribute to royalty, reaching its peak as a courtly icon, then as luxury adornment for the elite, ending finally as a nostalgic emblem of departed youth and past glories. Afterwards, the agate bridle disappeared from literary history. The stone, however, remained popular. Just as midie is still the Chinese name for rosemary, manao remains the Chinese name for the agate, adopted by both the Chinese and Buddhists. Writing on group composition, Nicholas Morrow Williams observes: “Although a poem might be composed at a particular moment, its primary motivation is not to reflect the feelings of its author, but rather to engage with other aspects of cultural life. In this cultural context, literature becomes a durable system of interacting images, devices, and allusions.”89 In the case of the Wei literary circle, agate is the interacting image; yongwu fu is the literature; the cultural context is how to participate in the larger reaction to foreign objects such as the ornamental agate, with the name they used to celebrate the peculiarities of the imported stone, the designs of the king and the king’s kingdom.

86  Guo Maoqian, Yuefu shiji, 24.360.

87  See “Liusheng Wang Chang kao” 劉生王昌考 in Liu Hang, Han Tang yuefu zhong de minsu yinsu jiexi, 19–23. 88  The rulers and writers of Qi and Liang and even later generations had a great esteem for Cao Cao and his circle, and they were fond of alluding to the Wei-Jin times in their writings. For more discussion on this custom see Wang Yao, Zhonggu wenxu shi, 256. 89  Williams, Imitations of the Self, 28.

Part II

EXOTIC OBJECTS IN THE MAINSTREAM This section focuses on two imports which began as courtly luxuries but were fully assimilated into Chinese popular culture as objects of pleasure, and remain there to the present day. One chapter explores the process of transforming a Persian import, the pomegranate, into a Chinese cultural staple by examining nine rhapsodies written during the Wei-Jin times and later reflections upon the fruit, in which it appears that the Chinese collectively accepted its exotic features but strongly denied its foreign origin. The next chapter traces the linguistic and cultural origins of the trained macaque, imported from India, through textual analysis and intellectual history of the five rhapsodies on the monkeys. Here we see how Chinese elites welcomed the animal and its unique ability for mimicry as exotic entertainment, while at the same time filtering out its foreign religious significance.

Chapter Three

POMEGRANATE: BECOMING CHINESE APPLE1 Around six thousand years ago, the Persian people began to domesticate the

wild pomegranate tree.2 Soon this tree, along with its flower and fruit, had become a well-known image in Indian stories, Christian writings, Hebrew literature, and Greek mytho­logy.3 The pomegranate did not appear in Chinese records until much later, around the second century ce. Moreover, an etymo­logical study reveals that the Chinese word for the pomegranate came directly from an extinct Iranian language. Early records credit Zhang Qian for introducing this foreign fruit to China. For example, Lu Ji’s陸機 (261–303) “Letter to Younger Brother Lu Yun” 與弟雲書 notes, “Zhang Qian visited other countries as the imperial Envoy. After eighteen years, he returned with tulin, which is anshiliu (pomegranate)” 張騫為漢使外國，十八年，得塗林，安石 榴也4 Additionally, in Bowu zhi 博物志, a compendium of Chinese stories about natural wonders, Zhang Hua noted, “Zhang Qian visited the Western Regions, and what he got were grapes, cilantro, alfalfa, and anshiliu (pomegranate)” 張騫使西域，所得蒲桃、胡 荽、苜蓿、安石榴.5 Although the original documents for the citations above have long been lost, these passages are preserved in several encyclopedias: Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術 (compiled between 522–544), Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚 (compiled in 624), Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (compiled in 983), and Chuxue ji 初學記 (compiled in 728). These citations all reinforce the idea that it was Zhang Qian who brought the Western fruit to China. What these passages do not explain, however, is how the fruit’s Chinese names, written as tulin 涂林, danruo 丹若, ruoliu 若榴, and anshiliu 安石榴, were formed. The earliest mention of the pomegranate appears in Li You’s 李尤 (44–126) “Rhapsody on the Deyang Hall” 德陽殿賦:6 蒲桃安石， 曼延蒙籠。

Grape and pomegranate, spreading and luxuriant.

Here the fruit is called anshi 安石. Laufer argued that the sound of anshi 安石, an–sek, ar–sek, or ar–sak, is similar to Arsak or Asaak, the capital of the Parthian Empire (247 1  Some portions of this chapter have been published in “An Annotated Translation of Fu on the Pomegranate in Yiwen leiju.”

2  Heber, Schulman, and Seeram, Pomegranates, 202; Hodgson, The Pomegranate, 164, available at https://archive.org/details/pomegranate276hodg/page/n5. 3  Heber, Schulman, and Seeram, Pomegranates, 211; Hodgson, The Pomegranate, 164–65. 4  Ouyang, Yiwen leiju, 86.1480.

5  Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 970.4300; Xu Jian, Chuxue ji, 28.683. 6  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 50. 746.

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bce–224 ce) which was better known as Anxi 安息 in the historical record.7 The early medi­eval sound of shi is dźak and xi is sɨk, so it is not farfetched to link 安石 and 安息.8 However, since Anxi was already a familiar word as a place name, we can assume that the fruit was not named after the capital, and that the term anshi has another source. A clue to this question comes from the Persian language. The pronunciation of the word for pomegranate in Modern Persian is identical to its Middle Persian (224–654) pronunciation, anAr,9 which is very close to anruo 安若 (ʔan–nak).10 The written forms of ruo 若 and shi 石 are similar, so their two ­graphs could easily have been confused or mistakenly interchanged, an assumption supported by the following documents. During Later Han times, the fruit was referred to as ruoliu 若榴. When mentioning the fruits at the imperial garden, Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) used ruoliu 若畱 in his “Rhapsody on the Southern Capital” 南都賦.11 In his thesaurus Guangya 廣雅, Wei scholar Zhang Ji張揖 (fl. 227–232) explained “ruoliu here is shiliu” 若榴石榴也.12 The same term also appeared in Cai Yong’s 蔡邕 (133–192) “Poem on a Kingfisher” 翠鳥詩:13 庭陬有若榴， 綠葉含丹榮。

The pomegranate tree stands at the court, Its green leaves blossom scarlet flowers.

Later, Cao Zhi’s 曹植 (192–232) “Poem on the Abandoned Wife” 棄婦詩 begins with the pomegranate written as 石榴.14 Although we may feel content to use these documents as evidence of the interchangeability of anshi 安石 and anruo 安若, one puzzle remains: liu 榴. Based on the form 畱 used by Zhang Heng, it is clear that the tree radical was added to the phonetic transcription of the fruit. Laufer guessed that the liu might be a lost sound from another Persian name for pomegranate.15 Frustrated with the name, the most famous pharmaco­ logist and herbalist, Li Shizhen, almost jokingly explained, “Liu here means tumor, since its fruit hangs like extra tumors” 榴者，瘤也，丹實垂如贅瘤也.16 His understanding was based on the fact that in Chinese “tumor” is written as 瘤, but is homophonous with 榴. Not satisfied with his own interpretation, Li Shizhen moved on to explain this name by twisting the words of the leading agronomist from the Northern Wei dynasty 7  Laufer, Sino-Iranica, 284. After examining the four ancient names and comparing their sounds to those in Semitic, Sanskrit, Persian, and Sogdian, Laufer stated, “the Chinese names of the tree point clearly to Iranian languages” (285).

8  The constructed pronunciation of the two words is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 462 and 523. 9  MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 9.

10  See Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 150 and 447.

11  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 1.155; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1.322–23.

12  Zhang Ji, Guangya shuzheng, annot. Wang Niansun, 352. 13  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 7.193.

14  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 7.455; Watson, The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry, 112–13. 15  Laufer, Sino-Iranica, 284

16  Li, Bencao gangmu, 1782.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple

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(386–543), Jia Sixie 賈思勰. In his well-known agricultural encyclopedia, Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術, Jia Sixie instructed people on how to put stones and skeletons around a pomegranate’s roots to produce plentiful flowers and fruits.17 Li Shizhen summarized Jia’s guidance and concluded that liu must refer to the pomegranate tree once stones have been placed around it: Planting this tree, one must put stones and skeletons around its roots, then the flowers and fruits will flourish. In this case, the name of anshi [literally: “putting stones”] might be after this practice.18 凡植榴者，須安礓石枯骨於根下，即花實繁茂，則安石之名義，或取此也。

From the extant materials, it is hard to know the exact origin of the character liu, but based on the development of the names for this fruit, from anshi 安石, to anruo 安若, to ruoliu 若畱, to anshiliu 安石榴 during the early medi­eval period, and up to modern day shiliu 石榴, it is clear that the imported fruit started to be called by the standard name anshiliu around the third century, and this happened chiefly due to nine fu poems.

Group Composition

During the Western Jin dynasty, the pomegranate tree not only received the wellaccepted name anshiliu 安石榴, but also attracted the attention of more writers, whose literary imitation of or competition with one another helped to make this Persian fruit more acceptable to the Chinese. We know of nine surviving pieces of fu on the pomegranate by nine individual writers: Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) “Anshiliu fu” 安石榴赋 (Fu on the Pomegranate) Ying Zhen 應貞 (d. 269) “Anshiliu fu bing xu” 安石榴赋並序 (Fu on the Pomegranate, with Preface)

Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291) “Anshiliu fu”

Pan Ni 潘尼 (250–311) “Anshiliu fu bing xu”

Yu Shu 庾儵 (late 3rd century) “Anshiliu fu bing xu”

Pan Yue 潘岳 (d. 300) “Heyang tingqian Anshiliu fu bing xu” 河陽庭前安石榴賦並序 (Fu on the Pomegranate in Front of My Court at Heyang, with Preface)

Zhang Zai 張載 (ca. 250–ca. 310) “Anshiliu fu” Zhang Xie 張協 (ca. 255–307) “Anshiliu fu”

Fan Jian 范堅 (fl. 311) “Anshiliu fu”19

17  Jia Ming, Yinshi xuzhi, 4.58.

18  Li, Bencao gangmu, 1782.

19  The translations of the nine pieces are all based on the texts collected in Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen.

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Four of the nine works include prefaces, which give us important information about the purpose of the pieces and the fruit itself. In the preface to his poem, Ying Zhen explains, When I served the Secretariat, there stood a pomegranate tree in front of the chamber for people on duty. The twigs and leaves flourished, and flowers and fruits prospered, therefore I composed a rhapsody for it.20 余往日職在中書時，直廬前有安石榴樹。枝葉既盛，華實甚茂，故為之作賦。

We know then that his fu is about a particular tree located inside the office of the Secretariat, into which between 260 and 290, the Palace Library was integrated.21 Perhaps not coincidentally, between 245 and 309, seven of the nine poets worked at the same office that Ying Zhen had occupied. Fu Xuan served at the Palace Library as Editorial Director 著作郎 in 245;22 Ying Zhen served there in 244; Zhang Zai was appointed Assistant Editorial Director 佐著作郎 in 275, Editorial Director 著作郎 in 288, and Vice Director 中書侍郎 in 304; Xiahou Zhan served there as Vice Director 中書 侍郎 in 285; Zhang Xie served as Assistant at the Palace Library 秘書郎 in 285 and Vice Director at the Secretariat 中書侍郎 in 290; Pan Yue worked at the Palace Library as Editorial Director 著作郎 in 297; and from 304 to 309 Pan Ni served there as Editorial Director 著作郎 and Secretariat Director 中書令.23 Since the pomegranate trees were not widely planted at the time, it is more than possible that the rhapsodists were inspired by the same tree or trees located in the palace library. Arriving in China around the second century bce, the pomegranate tree was mainly planted in imperial gardens, as seen in one passage from Xijing zaji 西京雜記: When the Emperor Wu of Han began to reconstruct and expand the Shanglin Park [since 139 bce], the subjects from afar offered famous fruits and rare trees…ten orange trees, ten pomegranate trees, and ten pear trees.24

初修上林苑，群臣遠方，各獻名果異樹…橙十株，安石榴十株，楟十株.

This para­graph provides the following information: first, the pomegranate tree was a tribute, and therefore rare; second, it was planted in the imperial garden at Xianyang, northwest of modern Xi’an. This rarity continued to be planted in the imperial gardens until the fifth century, as seen from the following description from Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽 伽藍記 compiled by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 in 547: In the front of the Temple of the White Horse, there were trees of pomegranate and grape, and they were different from the ones at other locations: their twigs and leaves spread, seeds and fruits were huge. The pomegranate fruit can weigh up to seven

20  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 35.1660.

21  Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 24.735.

22  All titles in this para­graph are retrieved from Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 909, 911, 927, 922, 929, 925, and 928.

23  There is no information about Yu Shu, and no career information about Fan Jian before he moved to the south during the Yongjia Era 永嘉 (307–312). See Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 75.1989. 24  Ge, Xijing zaji, 7.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple

59

catties,25 and grapes were bigger than dates. The taste of both fruits was extraordinary and excelled other fruits in the capital. When they were ripe, the emperors of the Northern Wei ordered to have them picked; they bestowed some to palace ladies. The palace ladies received them and in turn gave them to their relatives for their extraordinary taste. Whoever received them dared not eat them right away, therefore the fruits normally travelled to several families. There was a saying at the capital, “The White Horse Temple has sweet pomegranates, one fruit of it is worth a cow.”26 白馬寺浮屠前奈林、蒲萄，異於餘處：枝葉繁衍，子實甚大。奈林實重七斤，蒲萄實 偉於棗，味並殊美，冠於中京。帝至熟時，常詣取之，或復賜宮人。宮人得之，轉餉 親戚，以為奇味。得者不敢輒食，乃歷數家。京師語曰: “白馬甜榴，一實直牛。”

This para­graph offers three new insights. First, by the end of the fifth century, Luoyang had the pomegranates. Second, by that time the tree was still very rare and quite valuable. The rulers would pick the fruits in person, and often offered fruits to their relatives. Third, Luoyang residents praised the pomegranates for their extraordinary size and taste. Based on the two historical records cited above, from the second century bce to the fifth century ce the pomegranate tree mainly remained among imperial gardens, although it spread along with the change of Han Capital from the west to the Central Region at Luoyang. Therefore, it is quite possible that most of the nine privileged writers looked at the very same tree/s during these six decades, since they all worked at the imperial library. These writers were in close personal contact as well: the Zhangs and Pans were brothers, and Fu Xuan and Ying Zhen had overlapping time at the same office, as did Zhang Xie, Zhang Zai, and Xiaohou Zhan. Fu Xuan promoted Zhang Zai after reading his “Fu on the Mengsi Pond” 濛泗池賦;27 Pan Yue wrote Xiaohou Zhan’s dirge when he passed away.28 The Wei-Jin period is a time known for its “important developments and innovations in poetic genres, and an age dominated by a circle of talented authors who were accurately aware of each other’s work.”29 This fashion made literary influence among writers not only more tangible, but easier. Even though, from limited extant materials, there is no direct evidence that they discussed others’ writing on the pomegranate, it is very likely that this group was well aware of some writers’ work on this foreign fruit, particularly with the consideration of their personal contacts and literary activities, and the analysis of their compositional styles. In keeping with the format and structure of rhapsody on objects, each fu author needed to cover the subject’s origin and growth and highlight its virtues. The challenge was to create or recreate their own image of the pomegranate while describing the same 25  One catty is approximately nine and one third pounds in weight, or 4.24 kg.

26  Yang Xuanzhi, Luoyang qielan ji, 171–72.

27  Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 55.1518. For further discussion on writing influence during the third century, see Kong, “Verisimilitude,” 274–75. 28  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 57.2449–54.

29  Cutter, “To the Manner Born?,” 54.

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foreign object with shared information on it and with shared writing conventions, such as topoi, allusion, patterns, and even dictions. One way to write differently was to describe different parts of the pomegranate tree. Zhang Xie described sixteen particular parts of the plant: the bud (meng 萌), stem (jing 莖), stalk (gan 榦), branch (ke 柯), leaves (ye 葉), petal (rui 蕤), corollas (pa 葩), sepal (e 萼), pedicel (di 蔕), anther (ya 芽), seed (li 粒), skin (fu 膚), fruit (shi 實), cell (fang 房), colour (se 色), and taste (wei 味). Pan Yue described only four: the twig, stalk, stem, and fruit. Describing parts differently was another way for writers to differentiate themselves. Four writers describe the leaves with different adjectives: Zhang Xie’s cuiye 翠葉 (emerald green leaves), Pan Yue’s gaoye 膏葉 (luscious leaves), Pan Ni’s lüye 綠 葉 (green leaves), and Xiahou Zhan’s ye linci 葉鱗次 (leaves crowded like scales). In yet another example, they all describe the branches differently: Zhang Xie’s fenggan 豐榦 (luxuriant branches), Pan Yue’s ronggan 榮榦 (strong branches), Pan Ni’s ruogan 弱榦 (soft branches), Zhang Zai’s zhuogan 擢 榦 (to grow branches), and Xiahou Zhan’s fangan 繁 榦 (flourishing branches). Writers also distinguished their work by applying different cosmic images that marked seasonal changes. Zhang Xie wrote, “the Flying Dragon announces a new season” 飛龍啓 節.30 The flying dragon refers to the Azure Dragon 蒼龍, one of four symbols of Chinese astro­logy, which consists of seven mansions and appears in the east, announcing the arrival of spring. Zhang Xie wrote, “The Milky Way flows west,/ The Jiao Mansion tilts southward” 天漢西流，辰角南傾.31 In autumn, the Milky Way points southwest, and turns to the west at midnight.32 The Jiao xiu, the Virgo constellation, appears in the southern sky in summer and moves towards the west in the fall. Zhang Zai wrote, “The Dragon Fire moves west” 龍 火西夕.33 The dragon fire refers to the Xin xiu, the Scorpio constellation, which appears in the western sky at the end of August. Some writers refer to seasonal changes more directly. Xiahou Zhan wrote, “A seasonal rain becomes dry,/ A gentle breeze touches myriad things” 若乃時雨新希，微風扇物,34 and “Between the end of spring,/ And the beginning of summer” 于是乎青陽之末，朱明之初.35 Pan Yue wrote, “The late spring had left,/ And the hot summer has just arrived” 于是暮春告謝，朱夏戒初.36 Finally, Pan Ni wrote, “When fall breezes blow,/ Its flowers grow into fruits” 商秋授氣，收華斂實.37 Applying different prosodic patterns also helped the writers to achieve different effects in their compositions. The two longest pieces, one by Zhang Xie and another by Pan Yue, include 46 and 52 lines respectively. Their sentence patterns can be seen in the following table: 30  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952. 31  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952. 32  Liu Yuejin, San Cao, 72.

33  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1950. 34  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1852. 35  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1852. 36  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 92.1990. 37  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 94.2001.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple

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Table 2: Sentence Patterns in Fu on Pomegranate by Zhang Xie and Pan Yue 6 per couplet

4 per couplet

6+4 per couplet

11

9

3

Zhang Xie Pan Yue

4

19

7 per couplet

4+7 per couplet

1

1

Zhang Xie’s work features an alternating pattern of hexasyllabic and tetrasyllabic lines. Pan Yue’s work is dominated by tetrasyllabic lines, which are linked by uneven lines. A tetrasyllabic pattern, “perfectly balanced,”38 is the “sound of Daya” 四言《大雅》之 音也, as claimed by Lu Shiyong 陸時雍 (b. 1612),39 and “it is dense but not hurried” 四字密而不促 and “refining and smoothing” 雅潤為本, as observed by Liu Xie 劉勰.40 The hexasyllabic unit is the heritage of Chuci,41 “relaxed but not slow” 六字格而非緩, claimed by Liu Xie,42 and “sweet and pleasant” 甘而媚, described by Lu Shiyong.43 When hexasyllabic and tetrasyllabic lines combined during the Later Han time,44 called wenti fu 文體賦 (prose rhapsody) or snafu 散賦,45 rhapsodic writing became shorter and more refined, as well as more dynamic and diverse; therefore, it can focus more on describing individual objects.46 This being said, Pan Yue is more innovative by applying the popular poetic form for rhapsody on objects. The tetrasyllabic format, claimed by Wu Fusheng, “because of its antiquity, and because of the canonization and extensive study of Shijing since the Han time, had become archaic by the time of the Jin Dynasty. With a few exceptions, poets used it mostly for poems composed on solemn occasions.”47 The subtler way to be different was to use similar or dissimilar sentence patterns or structures. Fu Xuan writes, 其在晨也, 灼若旭日棲扶桑; 其在昏也， 奭若燭龍吐潛光。

In the morning, It is blazing as if the rising sun rests on the Fusang; In the evening It is flaming as if the candescent Dragon exhales a deep glow.48

38  Feng Shengli, “A Prosodic Explanation,” 240.

39  Lu Shiyong, Shijing zong lun, comm. Li Ziguang, 35.

40  Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 7.571.

41  Guo Jianxun groups six-syllable fu as Saoti fu 騷體賦; see his book on the study of rhapsodic genre, Cifu wenti, 7. 42  Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong zhu, annot. Fan Wenlan, 7.572.

43  Lu Shiyong, Shijing zong lun, comm. Li Ziguang, 36.

44  Sun, Handi cifu, 146.

45  Guo Jianxun, Cifu wenti, 36.

46  Cao Shenggao, “Saoti xinbian,” 39.

47  Wu, “Written at the Imperial Comment,” 60. 48  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 45.1718.

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Chapter Three

Pan Ni writes,

遥而望之, 煥若隨珠耀重淵。 詳而察之, 灼若列宿出雲間.

Zhang Xie writes, 爛若百枝並燃, 爀如烽燧俱燎.

Zhang Zai writes, 熻若羣翡俱， 爛若百枝並然.

Looking from afar, It is as glowing as if the Pearl of Duke Sui illuminates at a deep river.49 Viewing closely, It is as flaming as if stars come out of clouds.50 Lustrous as if hundreds of branches blaze together, Flaming as if beacon smoke and fire burn altogether.51 Flaming as if a flock of kingfishers stay perched, Lustrous as if hundreds of branches blaze together.52

This famous pattern, Adjective + 若 (as if) + Subject + (Adverb + Verb), might be the influence of Cao Zhi, as he used it in his well-known piece entitled “Rhapsody on the Goddess of Luo” 洛神賦:53 遠而望之， 皎若太陽升朝霞; 迫而察之， 灼若芙蕖出綠波。

Gaze at her from afar, And she glistens like the sun rising over the morning mists; Examine her close up, And she is dazzling as lotus emerging from limpid ripples.

By applying this pattern, or considering the literary influence of Cao Zhi, maybe we can also say that, by imitating Cao Zhi, the four Jin writers not only highlighted the beauty and power of this pattern, but also enriched it. Cao Zhi evoked the sun and the flower to celebrate the goddess; Fu Xuan and Pan Ni inverted and enhanced this model by evoking celestial (sun and stars) and mystical objects (dragons and pearls) to celebrate the pomegranate; Zhang Zai and Zhang Xie, two brothers, intensified this style by likening precious stones and fire to the foreign good. By imitating and competing with texts from past and present, each of these four writers improved and expanded the descriptive capacity of the pattern, in their own creation and usage. Additionally, allusions helped these writers to distinguish themselves from one another. Encouraging himself to be optimistic while facing politically difficult times, Pan

49  The suizhu refers to the story of the Duke of Sui, who was a descendant of Zhou and once saved a wounded snake, and later that snake presented him with a large pearl, which could illuminate a dark room. See chapter “Lanming xun” 覽冥訓 in Liu An, Huainanzi jishi, annot. He Ning, 6.458; Liu Yiqing, Shih-shuo Hsin-yu, trans. Mather, 42n3.

50  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 92.1990 and 94.2000–2001. Pan Ni and Pan Yue have shared lines according to Quan Jin wen. In this chapter, I refer to Tim Chen’s research on certain textual issues. See Chen, “Liang Pan,” 18–23. 51  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952.

52  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1950.

53  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 19.897; Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 13.1122. For English, see Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:3 and 369.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple

63

Yue wrote, “The earthen stoop has no step,/ The fence only reaches to one’s shoulders” 土階無等, 肩牆惟淺.54 This is an allusion to a story in the Analects: Zigong, on hearing that Shusun Wushu 叔孫武叔 had praised him as superior to Zhongni or Confucius to the officers of the court, replied: Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompassing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. The wall of my Master is several fathoms high. If one does not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. But I may assume that they are few who find the door. Was not the observation of the chief only what might have been expected?55

Pan Yue applied the literary and courtly reference or story to transform the foreign fruit into a symbolic image. Pan Ni, however, used myths to embellish the charm of the pomegranate flowers 湘涯二后， 漢川遊女; 攜類命疇， 逍遥避暑。

The two consorts of Yao at the shores of the River Xiang, Wandering lady of the River Han, They bring friends and order others, And pass the summer at ease.56

Here “two consorts” refer to Ehuang 娥皇 and Nüying 女英, the daughters of Shun 舜 and also the wives of Yao 堯; both of them died on the shores of the River Xiang.57 The “Wandering lady” refers to the goddess of the River Han, the largest branch of the Yangtze River. These three goddesses danced, sang, and played near the rivers; and the red flowers perfectly accompanied them. Fu Xuan, Zhang Xie, and Zhang Zai ennoble the pomegranate tree’s unique appearance by alluding to the same mystical objects: zhulong 燭龍 (candescent dragon), fusang 扶桑, and ruomu 若木. The zhulong or zhuyin, the Candescent Dragon, was a redcoloured spirit with a human face and snake body. When the spirit closed his eyes, night arrived, and when he opened his eyes, daytime began. The spirit also represented wind and rain.58 The fusang in the east and ruomu in the west were mystical trees where the rising and setting suns resided.59 Fu Xuan wrote, 其在晨也, 灼若旭日棲扶桑; 其在昏也,

In the morning, It is blazing as if the rising sun rests on the Fusang; In the evening,

54  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 92.1990.

55  Lunyu, 19.23; Yang Bojun, Lunyu yizhu, 204; Analects, trans. Legge, 211. 56  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 94.2001.

57  Sima, Shi ji, 1.33; Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 176; for English translation see A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg,159–61.

58  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 438; for English translation see A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strass­berg, 104. 59  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 437; for English translation see A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strass­berg, 106.

64

Chapter Three 奭若燭龍吐潛光。

Zhang Zai writes,

似西極之若木， 譬東谷之扶桑.

Zhang Xie writes,

皦如朝日， 晃若龍燭。 晞絳采於扶桑， 接朱光於若木.

It is flaming as if the Candescent Dragon exhales a deep glow.60 It looks like the Ruo Tree in the Western End, And like the Fusang tree in the Eastern Valley.61 Bright like the rising sun, Gleaming like Candescent Dragon. To cast scarlet hue on the Fusang, To inherit vermillion lustre from the Ruo tree.62

Considering their relationship, the repetitive imitation can be considered as the Zhang brothers’ way of acknowledging their mentor, Fu Xuan. Unlike the group compositions on rosemary and the agate bridles, which were ordered by the court, the writers here compose the pomegranate pieces in response to others’ works. Their exchanges are naturally full of imitation, imagination, and intersection. The result of this imitative while competitive composition is profound, as it sums up what Stephen Greenblatt has called a “social energy” with “shared codes”—the creation and recreation of a hybrid image, the pomegranate. Altogether, their various but intersecting writing styles, shown in varied but interactive dictions, prosodic patterns, sentence structures, and allusions, inevitably define the genre; more importantly, they collectively transform the foreign fruit into a Chinese image, firmly grounded in China’s own intertextual history and convention.

A Witness of the Competition

One preface perfectly conveys the character of this interactive and intersective group composition and competition. Yin Yun 殷允 (fl. 370–381) states in his “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate”: One day I wandered into the library and saw the two fu by Pan and Zhang. Although their words are sometimes beautiful, they are not perfectly good. I had time to select different words, so composed one saying: 余以暇日，散愁翰林。睹潘、張石榴二賦，雖有其美，猶不盡善。容復措辝，故聊為 之賦曰 或珠離於璚琬， 或玉碎於雕觴。 璘彬洒映, 曄紫嬰緗。

Some are split as pearls in a jade bowl, some are broken like jade in a carving goblet. They are brightly sparkling, in radiate purple and light yellow.

60  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 45.1718. 61  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1950. 62  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple 璀若瑤英之攢鍾巘， 粲若靈蚌之含珠璫。

65

Glittering as Yao-gems hoarding like peaks, Shining like luminous mollusks holding pearl ornaments.63

Yin Yun was not happy with the works or poems of the previous poets because they were “sometimes beautiful but not perfectly good” (a comment alluding to the Analects, in which the master remarks on the music adapted by King Wu of Zhou.)64 Being good means to be approved or morally sanctioned; here, it implies being useful and practical in societal or state affairs. Based on this understanding of Yin’s writing purpose, although he does not specify which Zhang and which Pan he is referring to, he might refer to Pan Ni and Zhang Xie: first because they both mention jades; and second, Pan Ni and Zhang Xie did not stress any profound values of the pomegranate, while their brothers, Pan Yue and Zhang Zai, praised the fruit for its sacrificial functions, which were indeed state affairs. Pan Yue wrote, “It can be presented to kings and dukes, [before sacrifice], /Also can be offered to ghosts and spirits. [after sacrifice]”; Zhang Zai wrote, “Above, it can be offered to the spirits at the imperial ancestral temple,/ Below, it can be applied as blush to the faces of ladies of the harem.” To Yin, Pan Ni and Zhang Xie did not explicitly evoke the pomegranate as a political symbol; to us, however, their rhapsodies on the fruit are not devoid of political symbolism. Let us take a close look at these two fu poems. Fu on the Pomegranate with Preface65 by Pan Ni

The pomegranate is an extraordinary tree in the world, and a precious fruit, therefore the men of letters narrate and rhapsodize it. Maybe they are moved by current realities and use it to express their thoughts, or they are inspired by the object itself and begin to compose verses. 安石榴者，天下之奇樹，九州之名菓也，是以屬文之士，或敘而賦之。葢感時而騁思, 覩物而興辭。 余遷舊宇， 爰造新居。 前臨曠澤， 卻背清渠。 實有斯樹， 植于堂隅。 華實竝麗， 滋味亦殊。

After leaving my previous house, I built a new one (kɨa).66 In front, it faces a wild swamp, At rear, it lies on a clear canal (gɨa). There stands this tree, Planted in a corner (ŋɨo). Its flower and fruit are equally beautiful, And its flavour is also unique (dźo).

63  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 129.2200.

64  Lunyu, 3.25; Analects, trans. Legge, 28.

65  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 94.2000–2001.

66  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 322, 324, 587, 470, 543, 178, 411, 195, 303, 472, 587, 449, 250, 593 or 464, 563, 620, and 567 respectively. Wan 翫 is from Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 467.

66

Chapter Three 可以樂志， 可以充虚。 朱芳赫奕， 紅萼參差。 含英吐秀， 乍含乍披。 遥而望之， 煥若隨珠耀重川。 詳而察之， 灼若列宿出雲間。 湘涯二后， 漢川遊女。 攜類命疇， 逍遥避暑。 託斯樹以棲遲， 遡祥風而容與。 爾乃 擢纖手兮舒皓腕， 羅袖靡兮流芳散。 披緑葉于脩條， 綴朱華兮弱榦。 豈金翠之足珍， 實茲葩之可翫。 商秋授氣， 收華斂實。 千房同蔕， 十子如一。 繽紛磊落， 垂老曜質。 滋味浸液， 馨香流溢。

It can be used to enchant intention, And to satisfy hunger (hɨa). Vermillion flowers, flame and abundant, Red calyxes, long and short (tṣʱai). It holds petals and puts forth spikes, Now hold, now disperse (pʱɨai). Looking from afar, It is glowing as if the Pearl of Duke Sui shines at a deep river (tśʱuan). Viewing closely, It is flaming as if the stars had come out of clouds (kɛn). The two queens at the shores of the River Xiang, And roaming ladies of the River Han (na), All bring friends and order others, To pass summer time at ease (dźa). Relying on this tree, they rest; Facing auspicious wind, they are carefree (ja).67 At this moment, They raise their delicate hands and extend their fair wrists, Their silky sleeves spread and floating fragrance disperses (san). It grows green leaves on long branches, And hangs red flowers on soft twigs (kan). How can only gold and jade be worth cherishing? Indeed, this flower is worth prizing (ngwan). When shrill autumn confers winds,68 People collect its flowers and harvest its fruits (źit). Thousands of arils all share membranes, Every ten seeds form a pocket (ʔit). Profuse and numerous, Shining and glittering (tśit). Its taste permeates, And its aroma overflows (jit).

This piece consists of four parts. Part one, which includes lines 1–10 that rhyme in yu 魚 (–a) and hou 侯 (–o), introduces this plant’s location and special taste. Part two, which includes lines 11–18 that rhyme in ge 歌(–ai), yuan 元 (–an/en), and yu, describes its 67  The “auspicious wind” (Xiangfeng 祥風) refers to jingfeng 景風, jing or great, the warm and gentle east blowing wind arriving forty-five days after qingming 清明; “it means that yang-fluid has grown and become nourishing”; see “Bafeng” 八風 in Ban, Baihu tong, 180; for an English translation, see Ban Gu, Po hu t’ung, trans. Tjan, 534. The auspicious breeze also symbolizes the great ruling, since people from all directions come to court with their offers. See “Fengshan” 封禪 in Ban, Baihu tong, 144. 68  The fall is called “shrill autumn” (shangqiu 商秋), because its corresponding musical scale is cold; see “Yueling” 月令 in Liji xunzuan, annot. Zhu Bin, 261; The Li Ki, trans. Legge, 283. I follow David Knechtges’ translation of shang as “shrill”; see Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 2:286.



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple

67

brightly coloured flowers. Part three, which includes lines 19–24 that rhyme in yu again, applies myths to embellish the charm of the pomegranate flowers. Part four, which includes lines 25–30 that rhyme in yuan (–an) and lines 31–36 that rhyme in zhi 質 (–it), praises the flowers and fruit of the pomegranate for their fragrant beauty and flavour. Scholars have trouble understanding the purpose and meaning of writings on objects, especially one like this, which seems to express nothing but praise for the fruit. In his inclusive research on Wei-Jin rhapsodies on objects, Liao Kuo-tung considers this piece as representing all works on the pomegranate, saying they are “written purely for praising the beauty of the pomegranate”; they are “exquisite writings” with “elaborate description, exaggerative and romantic imaginations,” and they do not “need to carry any deep meaning.”69 Pan Ni’s preface, however, explains that he is not simply depicting a fruit, but reflecting certain thought over reality. In addition, based on this preface, we know these writers are imitating each other and competing with one another in their work. It appears that the exotic inspired their imagination and energized their mind, so they vied over this foreign good to show off their splashy writing skills. But if the pomegranate, or other exotic goods, is the stimulus for literary competition, it is also an instrument for these poets to express or encode political sentiments, particularly when we consider their high official status and close relationships with each other and with their ruler. We cannot overlook the impact of Cao Pi’s claim about rosemary, “Despising the impure customs of the Western barbarians,/ It has journeyed ten thousand li to join us.” It seems then that the very presence of foreign goods at the central court itself symbolized political loyalty. Each foreign import at the centre of a fu was a kind of personification, either of the poet himself or of the court personage he wanted to praise or promote. This symbolic application is not peculiar to Chinese writers, including Jin writers, and will be discussed further later. Rhapsody on the Pomegranate70 By Zhang Xie71 攷草木于方志， 覽華實于園疇。 窮陸産於苞貢，

I examined the herbs and plants in topo­graphic records, And surveyed the flowers and fruits in imperial gardens (du).72 I also studied tributary products,

69  Liao, Weijing Yongwufu, 178.

70  See Ouyang, Yinwen leiju, 86.1481. Quan Jin wen has two more lines under line 18: 素粒紅液， 金房緗隔 (Translucent seeds, red juice, golden cells, separated by silk-like membranes); see Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952.

71  Zhang Xie was the younger brother of Zhang Zai. He served the imperial court as Vice Director of the Secretariat, and his last official position was administrator of Hejian 河間 (southeast of modern Xian 獻, Hebei). He is known for his ten poems “Za shi” 雜詩 and a fu “Qi ming” 七命 (Seven Commands), and also considered as a precursor to Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) and Bao Zhao 鮑 照 (414–466). See Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 25.1518–24; Knechtges and Wang, Ancient and Early Medi­eval Chinese Literature, 3:2180–82. 72  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 191, 362, 434; 599, 409; 204, 607, 357, 625, 393, 447;

68

Chapter Three 差英奇于若榴。 耀靈葩于三春， 綴霜滋于九秋。 爾乃 飛龍啓節， 揚飇扇埃。 含和澤以滋生， 鬱敷萌以挺栽。 傾柯逺擢， 沈根下盤。 繁莖篠密， 豐榦林攢。 揮長枝以揚緑， 披翠葉以吐丹。 流暉俯散， 廻葩仰照。 爛若百枝竝燃， 赫如烽燧俱燎。 皦如朝日， 晃若龍燭。 晞絳采于扶桑， 接朱光于若木。 爾乃 赬萼挺蔕， 金芽承蕤。 䕃佳人之玄髻， 發窈窕之素姿。 遊女一顧傾城， 無鹽化為南威。

Sigh! How superior and marvellous pomegranate is (liu). It is shining with divine corollas in spring,73 And is decorated by frost in autumn (tsʱiu).74 At this moment, The Flying Dragon announces a new season,75 And gusting winds while fanning dust (ʔə). It captures moisture dew to sprout, And grows proliferating buds to rise (tsə). Its branches bend and draw afar, And its roots sink and twist underneath (ban). Abundant stems pack like dwarf bamboos, Luxuriant stalks bunch like woods (dzuan). Waving long branches to spread green, It wears verdant leaves and bears vermillion (tan). Floating rays look down while casting light, Swirling corollas look up while seizing illumination (tśau). It is lustrous as if hundreds of stars blaze together, And it is flaming as if beacon smoke and fire burn altogether (leu). It is bright like the rising sun, And it is gleam like Candescent Dragon (tśok). It exposes to scarlet chromaticity on the Fusang, And inherits vermillion lustre from the Ruo Tree (mok). At that time, Its red calyxes are supporting its peduncles, And golden anthers holding its petals (nuai). It shadows the dark hair of a beauty, And inspires her to behave attractively (tsij). Glancing at it, a roaming lady can overthrow a city, Glancing at it, even the ugly would turn into a beauty (ʔui).76

510, 433, 575, 187, 188, 575, 169, and 541 respectively. Ai 埃 and cuan 攢 is from Schuessler, Minimal, 99, 259; zi is from Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 626. 73  The spring is called sanchun 三春 (three springs) here which refers to the three months in spring: mengchun 孟春 is for the first lunar month, zhongchun 仲春 for the second lunar month, and jichun 季春 for the third. The earlier appearance of this term is in Ban Gu’s “Zhongnanshan fu” 終南 山賦; see Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 24.602.

74  The autumn is called jiuqiu 九秋, which literally means the nine ten-day weeks of autumn. See Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:326, 202.

75  The “flying dragon” (feilong 飛龍) traditionally refers to a ruler. Here it refers to the canglong 蒼龍 constellation, Green Dragon, which is the guardian of the eastern sky. It includes seven lunar mansions: Jiao 角, Kang 亢, Di 氐, Fang 房, Xin 心, Wei 尾, and Ji 箕. When Jiao (Spica in Virgo). When Kang lunar mansions (Kappa in Virgo) appear in the east at the end of the lunar fourth month (in spring), the Yu 雩, a rain sacrifice, would be offered. See Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, 107.

76  The “ugly” (Wuyan 無鹽) refers to Zhong Lichun 鍾離春, the queen of Emperor Xuan of Qi 齊 宣王 (d. 301 bce). She was from Wuyan (modern Dongping 東平, Shandong), and she was ugly but



Pomegranate: Becoming Chinese Apple 于是 天漢西流， 辰角南傾。 芳實壘落， 月滿虧盈。 爰采爰收， 乃剖乃拆。 素粒紅液， 金房緗隔。 内憐幽以含紫， 外滴瀝以霞赤。 柔膚冰潔， 凝光玉瑩。 漼如冰碎， 泫若珠迸。 含清冷之温潤， 信和神以理性。

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At that time, The Heavenly River flows west,77 And the star Horn tilts southward (kʱyeŋ).78 Its abundant fruits fall like rocks, As if the full moon starts to wane (jeŋ). We go to pick up and collect, To break and peel (tʱak). It has translucent seeds, red juice, And golden cells, which is separated by silk-like membranes (kek). Inside it favours darkness and takes on purple, Outside it trickles as a luminous aurora (tsʱak). Its soft rind is as pure as driven snow, And coagulated brilliance is as lucent as jade (waŋ). It sparkles like ice breaking, And glistens as pearls bursting (peŋ). It is mild and pleasant, So it harmonizes with spirits and moderates one’s nature (sieŋ).

This poem is in three parts. Part one, lines 1–6, rhymes in you 幽 (–u) and introduces the plant by highlighting two of its features: its foreign origin and its life cycle. Part two, lines 7–40, describes the plant. This second part has six sections: section one, lines 7–10, rhymes in zhi 之 (–ə) and is about sowing the seeds; section two, lines 11–16, rhymes in yuan 元 (–an) and is about its leaves; section three, lines 17–24, rhymes in wu 屋 (–ok) and you (–u) and stresses the brightness of its flowers; section four, lines 25–30, rhymes in zhi 脂 (–i), ge 歌 (–ai), and wei 微 (–ui), and links the flowers with human activities; section five, lines 31–34, rhymes in geng 耕 (–eŋ) and describes its fruits; and section six, lines 35–40, rhymes in duo 鐸 (–ak) and describes its seeds. Part three, the last six lines, rhymes in yang 陽 (–aŋ) and praises the fruit for its extraordinary appearance and taste. This piece, compared to Pan Ni’s, is more diverse and dynamic, as it has more rhymes and more mixed prosodic patterns. This fu poem seems to carry no profound meaning, as Yin Yun asserted; the context of writing on foreign goods by Cao Pi and his followers and the writing motivation within this group, however, charge this piece with political significance. Simply by depicting a foreign good with verisimilitude and by artistically transferring an exotic virtuous. Later Wuyan became the proper noun for an unattractive girl. See her story “Qi Zhong Lichun” 齊鍾離春 in Liu Xiang, Lienü zhuan, 6.10.173–76. The “beauty” (Nanwei 南威) refers to a beauty from the State of Jin 晉國. Because of her, Duke Wen of Jin missed court meetings for three days, so later he pushed her away. See “Wei ce 2” 魏策二 in Liu, Zhanguo ce, 847; Liu Xiang, ChanKuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 358. 77  The “Heavenly River” (tianhan 天漢) refers to the Milky Way, which in autumn points southwest, and turns west at midnight. See Liu Yuejin, San Cao, 72.

78  The “Star Horn” (chenjiao 辰角) is the Jiao Constellation, Spica in Virgo. When the Cold Dew 寒 露 arrives on the eighth day of the eighth lunar month, this star appears, then the rain stops. See Wei Zhao 韋昭 (204–273)’s comments “Zhouyu 2” 周语中 in Xu Yuanhao, Guoyu jijie, 63.

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good into the Chinese writing system, the writers were completing a mission, that is to eulogize their ruler. A connection between foreign goods and wise rulers is established in an anecdote in Shang shu dazhuan 尚書大傳, the first commentary to the Book of Documents: after successfully managing the world for six years, the Duke of Zhou received the offer of a white pheasant from Yueshang, a small state from the far south. The Yueshang people reached Zhou after travelling through several areas speaking different languages. Their efforts on presenting themselves to Zhou demonstrate their admiration and submission, and also highlights the great rule of Zhou. The Duke of Zhou said, “Without virtues, a gentleman cannot accept the tributes with enjoyment” 德不加焉，則君子不響其質. After he passed away, no one was as virtuous as the Duke, so the tribute from Yueshang stopped.79 This anecdote was later applied by Ying Zhen in his well-known panegyric poem “Hualinyuan shi” 華林園詩, written for a gathering at Hualin Park hosted by Emperor Wu of Jin 晉武帝 (r. 266–290). In legitimizing Jin’s replacement of Wei, Ying links the emperor with the Duke of Zhou, the known wise ruler, claiming “Via translations Yueshang sent its tribute, / It fills our royal house” (越裳重譯，充我皇家).80 For Ying Zhen, then, the connection between a wise ruler and an exotic tribute was natural. When rhapsodizing on the pomegranate, Ying did not miss the opportunity to enrich the connection. He also composed the early piece on the pomegranate; the connection applied in his fu therefore influences later writers.

Missing Values

The combination of the symbolic and political associations might help us to explain why none of the writers mention any values the pomegranate carried in the west for centuries. All of the nine writers praised the pomegranate tree and its flowers, as was required by the fu genre. Besides praising the colour and taste of the pomegranate, the writers included their own personal readings and ideas regarding this exotic plant. Pan Yue described a tree in Heyang (Modern Mengxian 孟縣, Henan), where he served as Magistrate in 282. Pan Ni’s “Anshiliu fu bing xu” 安石榴賦並序 includes a preface: Pomegranate is an extraordinary tree in the world with precious fruit. Because of this, men of letters sometimes narrate and rhapsodize about it. Maybe they were moved by their life and expressed their thoughts, or inspired by external objects and began to compose.81 安石榴者，天下之奇樹，九州之名菓也，是以屬文之士，或敘而賦之。葢感時而騁思, 覩物而興辭。

Yu Shu’s “Anshiliu fu bing xu” 安石榴賦並序, is different from the others in that it features an allegorical interpretation: 79  Shang shu dazhuan, comp. and annot. Chen Shouqi, 4.4a–b.

80  Li Shan, Wenxuan, 20.954; for a study on these poems, see Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 54–58. 81  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 94.2000.



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During mid-spring, the pomegranate trees overlook a stream, and their abundant leaves are flourishing; when the hot summer is approaching, their leaves and flowers are suddenly dropping and falling. That is why gentlemen must notice danger in times of peace and prepare themselves for decadence in times of prosperity. Because of this, I composed this rhapsody.82 于時仲春垂澤，華葉甚茂，炎夏既戒，忽乎零落。是以君子居安思危,在盛慮衰。可無 懼哉。乃作斯賦。

Yu Shu anthropomorphized this tree and used its “suddenly dropping and falling” leaves as a metaphor to describe the value of preparing men for dangerous situations and other quickly changing events. Compared to his peers, this was a rather new and fresh approach. Zhang Xie considered the pomegranate “mild and pleasant,/ so it harmonizes with the spirits to order one’s nature” 含清冷之温潤，信和神以理性.83 Zhang Zai regarded the pomegranate as powerful, since, “Above, it can be offered to the spirits at the imperial ancestral temple,/ Below, it can be presented to the guests at the Jade Hall” 充嘉味于 庖籠, 極醉酸之滋液。上薦清廟之靈，下羞玉堂之客.84 Xiahou Zhan praised the pomegranate, for “It can sober up and whet the appetite,/ Cheer the spirit and recruit energy” 雪酲解䬼, 怡神實氣.85 Pan Ni valued the pomegranate because “Its taste is penetrating and juicy,/ and its fragrance overflows” 滋味浸液, 馨香流溢.86 Pan Yue used its power to encourage himself: 其華可玩， 其實可珍。 羞於王公, 薦於鬼神。 豈伊仄陋， 用渝厥真。 菓猶如之， 而况于人。

Its flowers can be prized, And its fruits can be cherished. It can be presented to kings and dukes, [before sacrifice], Also can be offered to ghosts and spirits. [after sacrifice] Even though this place is narrow and humble, It keeps its values real and true. A fruit can do so, So much worse for a man.87

Although these Chinese poets recognized and praised the fruit’s taste, minor medical uses, and ritual value, they were seemingly unaware of its symbolic association with life and death in the west. In Greek mytho­logy, the pomegranate caused Persephone to fall into temptation, and her punishment was to stay six months a year in the underground kingdom of Hades. This story also represents ancient Greek explanations of seasonal changes.88 Later, Prophet Mohammed convinced his followers to eat the pomegran82  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 36.1668. 83  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1952.

84  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 85.1950. Yutang refers to palaces or mansions.

85  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1852. 86  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 94.2001. 87  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 92.1900.

88  Ely, Gods of Greece and Rome, 90–96; Stoneman, Greek Mytho­logy, 142.

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ates to rid themselves of envy and hatred.89 In ancient Egypt, the pomegranate came to be considered a sacred fruit. Egyptians of high status or importance were buried with pomegranates in the hope of rebirth. Ancient Persians believed that it was the pomegranate seeds that made their warriors so formidable. The soldiers of the Immortals Corps of Xerxes (519–466 bce) stuck silver or golden pomegranates on the hilts of their spears.90 King Cyrus (d. 530 bce) founder of the Persian Empire, wished to have as many good generals as there were seeds in a pomegranate.91 In the west, the pomegranates were associated with female beauty, weddings, and fertility. According to the ancient Persian fairy tale, Simurgh, there was a pomegranate tree at a palace that bore only three fruits, which turned into three ladies at night. The king ordered one of his three sons to guard the tree every night because the ladies would become their future brides.92 This oral tale tells us that ancient Persian nobles valued this tree and that the pomegranates were linked to women because of the association between its abundant seeds and female fertility. Ancient Greeks believed that the first pomegranate tree was cultivated on the Island of Cyprus by the Goddess of love, Aphrodite; therefore, the pomegranate juice achieved the reputation of a “love potion.”93 Following tradition, modern Greeks break open a pomegranate fruit during wedding ceremonies as a symbol of the couple’s fertility. Ancient Roman brides adorned their hair with small pomegranate branches as a symbol of richness and fertility. They also believed that Eve was seduced with a pomegranate in the Garden of Eden.94 Again, this association with femininity and fertility did not exist in the context of early medi­eval China. Pan Yue and Pan Ni mentioned, “Thousands of arils all share a membrane,/ every ten seeds form a pocket” 千房同膜，十子如一,95 but little connection was made between the abundant amount of seeds in the fruit and fertility. They focused instead on offering more descriptive facts. The Chinese did not offer this fruit at weddings or associate it with fertility until the late sixth century. One historical anecdote testifies to this: Gao Yanzong, the King of Ande, took the daughter of Li Zushou as his concubine. Later, Emperor Wenxuan of Qi [r. 550–559; Gao Yang 高洋, uncle of Gao Yanzong] attended a banquet hosted by Mr. Li. The mother of the concubine [Song Lingyuan 宋靈媛 (513–561)] offered the emperor two pomegranates. He asked around and no one knew her intention, so the emperor threw the fruits away. Wei Shou [(505–572), Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs] said, “The pomegranate has numerous seeds. The king just got married, and the mother of his concubine wished them to have more offspring.” The

89  This fruit is mentioned three times in the Qur’an: see Ar–Rahman 55:68 and Al–An’am 6:99 and 6:141; also see Goor, “The History of the Pomegranate in the Holy Land,” 225. 90  Herodotus (483–425 bce), The Histories, bk. 7, chap. 41, section 3. This text is available online. 91  Herodotus, The Histories, bk. 4, chap. 143, section 2.

92  “Simorgh,” ed. Ghahremani.

93  Faraone, Ancient Greek Love Magic, 75. 94  Levin, Pomegranate Roads, iii.

95  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 92.1990 and 94.2001.



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emperor was very pleased, ordered Wei Shou to “bring them back,” and also bestowed upon her two rolls of beautiful silk.96

安德王延宗納趙郡李祖收女為妃，後帝幸李宅宴，而妃母宋氏薦二石榴於帝前。問諸 人莫知其意，帝投之。收曰: “石榴房中多子，王新婚，妃母欲子孫眾多.” 帝大喜，詔 收”卿還將來,” 仍賜收美錦二疋

Even in the mid-sixth century, the link between the fruit and fertility was not a wellaccepted concept. In the West, the pomegranate was much valued for its medical uses, such as its anthelmintic or parasite-destroying properties. In the oldest preserved medical document, the Ebers Papyrus, the fruit was used as a remedy for roundworm.97 The Egyptians of the Presynaptic period used the yellow pomegranate rind to dye leather.98 The Greeks recognized the fruit’s medicinal values as well. Hippocrates (460–370 bce) one of the most important figures in the history of medicine, applied pomegranate-seed extracts to cure skin and eye inflammation and to treat digestive problems.99 Dioscorides, a physician, pharmaco­logist, botanist, and the author of De materia medica, recommended various pomegranate parts, sometimes in combination with other ingredients, for stomach ailments, mouth and genital sores, gum disorders, and loose teeth, as well as for expelling parasites.100 Soranius (ca. 98–138), a Greek physician, recorded five contraceptive uses of pomegranate seeds or rinds.101 Galen of Pergamum (ca. 129–217) stated that pomegranate juice was good for the bowel and stomach; its flower was an effective astringent; and its skin, or rind, can cure dysentery and agglutinate fresh wounds.102 Although pomegranates had been widely used for various medicinal purposes in the West, the Chinese poets failed to mention its medical functions. In China, it was during the fifth century that the physician, naturalist, and Daoist Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), briefly mentioned that physicians used its roots and rinds, but did not give us more detailed descriptions of medicinal uses.103 One millennium later, Li Shizhen listed thirteen prescriptions using pomegranate, mainly for digestive issues.104 This leads one to believe that Li Shizhen’s own highly influential work, Bencao gangmu (Compendium of Material Medica), might be the result of communicating with others. 96  Li Baiyao, Bei Qi shu, 490.

97  The Papyrus Ebers, trans. Ebbell.

98  Lucas and Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 35.

99  Hippocrates, The Writings of Hippocrates and Galen, trans. Coxe, 120; Hippocrates, “On the Nature of Woman,” para. 86, 289; “Of Female Diseases,” bk 1, para. 85, 301; “The Seventh Book of Epidemics,” 445. 100  Dioscorides, De materia medica, trans. Osbaldeston, bk. 1, chaps. 151–55, 157–58.

101  Soranus, Gyneco­logy, bk. 1, chap. 19, § 62 (ed. Temkin, 64–65). 102  Galen, The Alphabet of Galen, ed. Everett, 283.

103  The text reads, “the flowers of this plant are lovely, so people like to plant it, and it is popular among foreigners. It has sweet and sour, two types of fruits, and physicians only applied the roots and rinds of the sour ones. People avoid eating its seeds” 石榴花赤可愛。故人多植之，尤為外國 所重。有甜酢二種，醫家惟用酢者之根殼。榴子乃服食者所; see Li, Bencao gangmu, 1783. 104  Li, Bencao gangmu, 1784–85.

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Three out of nine fu writers mentioned the pomegranate’s foreign roots. Zhang Xie was “surveying products from the lands offered as tributes,/ and was surprised to find the pomegranates” 窮陸産于苞貢，差英奇于若榴. Zhang Zai wrote, “It starts to put down roots in the Western Sea” 肇結根于西海. Xihai might refer to the Mediterranean Sea.105 Xiahou Zhan wrote, “it puts down deep roots in foreign places” 滋玄根于夷壌兮.106 But even the three writers who do mention the pomegranate’s foreign origin make no attempt to stress any relation between its foreign roots and its extraordinary appearance and value. This attitude of denial also exists in other fu composed by their contemporaries and later writers. The following poets praised the pomegranates in a similar style to our nine rhapsodists, not linking it with its foreign root: Emperor Yuan of Liang 梁元帝 (r. 552–555),107 Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513),108 Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549),109 and Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505).110 It is difficult to believe that when introducing or offering this exotic fruit to the Chinese, foreign people did not mention or brag about its established properties, particularly medical ones. Without sufficient ancient texts and records, however, it is difficult to know how much these nine writers knew of the pomegranate’s applications or associations in other cultures. In any event, by ignoring the fruit’s foreign origins and values, their fu poems collectively promote its exotic beauty as its political symbolism. The unexpected result of these handful of fu poems from the third century was to transform and blend a completely foreign product into Chinese traditional culture. They did it so skilfully that few people knew or even cared about where this fruit came from originally. Even today, in places as far removed as New York, people still know the pomegranate as the “Chinese apple.”

105  Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 59. 106  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1852. 107  Ouyang, Yiwei leiju, 86.1480.

108  Ouyang, Yiwei leiju, 86.1480.

109  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 2017.

110  Jiang Yan composed a eulogy on the pomegranate; see Yan Kejun, Quan Liang wen, 38.3172.

Chapter Four

MONKEYS: GODS ELSEWHERE, PETS HERE There are various

simian species known colloquially as “monkeys” that often get confused with each other. In this study, the monkey is used practically and simply as a group name, but mainly referring to the gibbon and macaque, which were often the subjects of literary writing during the third century. By the third century, both gibbon and macaque were exotic imports. The earliest historical record on gibbon or yuan mentions that this monkey was from Xinhui 新會, which belongs to the ancient kingdom Nanyue 南越.1 Xinhui is located in modern Guangdong, where gibbons once existed; in modern China gibbons only reside in southern Yunnan or on Hainan Island, due to long-term deforestation of tropical and monsoon forests.2 Macaques might have come to the Central Regions from three directions: west, south, and east. Han shu offers the first record on the macaque’s origins, stating that “Jibin 罽賓 produces muhou 沐猴.”3 Jibin (kiat–pien) is a transcription of Kophen, an ancient name for Kabul, and refers to the area of Gandhāra, the middle and lower reaches of the Kabul River, including Puṣkalāvatī and Taxila in modern Pakistan.4 Wei shu 魏書 records that Woguo 倭國, modern Japan, produced mihou 獼猴.5 Archaeo­logists have discovered the figure of macaques from as early as the second century bce in Nanyue, modern Guangxi, Guangdong, and parts of Vietnam, as evidenced by a jade figure of a dancing macaque (see Fig. 2).6 Language reflects a similar history. The macaque is now called houzi 猴子, and the gibbon is called yuanhou 猿猴.7 Surprisingly, the often used words yuan and hou do not appear in pre-Qin excavated texts,8 which include bronze inscriptions, bamboo and wooden slips, and silk documents. Instead they both only appear in pre-Qin transmitted manu­scripts: Hou appears twice in Zhuangzi 莊子;9 and yuan is mentioned five times in 1  Du, Tongdian, 4915.

2  Gao Yaoting, “Lishi shiqi woguo changbiyuan fenbu de bianqian,” 2–8. Besides dedicating two chapters on environmental issues, Mark Elvin marks the third century as the time of “accelerating environmental degradation,” ; see his book The Retreat of the Elephants, 6 and chapters 3 and 4. 3  Ban Gu, Han shu, 96a.1885.

4  Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 50n31. 5  See “Woren zhuan” 倭人傳 in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 30.856.

6  This object was discovered inside the tomb of Zhao Mo 趙眛 (d. 122 bce the second King of Nanyue, located in modern Guangzhou, Guangdong; see Zhongguo wudao zhi Guangdong juan, 307.

7  Van Gulik noticed that in his time Chinese people called gibbon yuanhou; see his book, The Gibbon in China, 33. 8  The following databases are used: Jianbo jinshi ziliaoku; Hanji dianzi wenxian ziliaoku; Zhongguo gudai jianbo zixing cili shujuku; and Zhanguo Chu jianbo wenzi dianxing xingti jiansuo xitong.

9  The word hou appears in “Qiwu lun” 齊物論 and “Renshijian” 人世間 in “Neipian” 內篇; see Zhuangzi jishi, annot. Guo Qingfan, 93 and 177.

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Zhuangzi,10 seven times in Shanhai jing,11 twice in Wenzi 文子,12 once in Zhanguo ce 戰國 策,13 and twice in Chuci 楚辭.14 Gibbon, or yuan, was also written as 猨. Han-Wei scholars believed that during preQin times the nao 猱 most resembled the yuan.15 Erya 爾雅 explains that “Nao, similar to yuan, is good at climbing” 猱蝯善援.16 Nao appears in Shi jing, 223, “Jiaogong” 角弓: “Don’t teach a monkey to climb trees; it is like adding mud to one in the mud“ 毋教猱升 木、如塗塗附.17 Mao Heng 毛亨 (ca. 150 bce) explained, “Nao is similar to yuan” 猱猨屬. Lu Ji 陸璣 (261–303) stated that “the nao is macaque…nao and yuan belong to the same group” 猱獼猴也…然則猱猨其類大同也. Another archaic animal name that can be confused with yuan is you 狖. According to Yiwu zhi 異物志 (completed in 90 ce by Yang Fu 楊孚, fl. late first century), “you is similar to yuan” 狖, 猨類.18 But in Guangya 廣雅, Zhang Ji 張緝 (fl. 227–232) identified it with wei 蜼, which is a snub-nosed monkey, jinsihou 金絲猴 or rhinopithecus.19 Based on the information provided by the Han-Wei philo­logists, nao or you might be similar to yuan, but they are not the same.20 Based on the scattered appearance of 10  The word yuan 猨 appears in “Qiwu lun” of “Neipian” and “Tianyun” 天運 of “Waipian”, and the word yuan 猿 appears in “Ying diwang” 應帝王 of “Neipian”, “Tiandi” 天地, and “Shanmu” 山木 of “Waipian”; see Zhuangzi jishi, annot. Guo Qingfan, 93, 515, 295, 427, and 688. 11  The word yuan 猨 appears in “Nanshanjing” 南山經, “Zhongshanjing” 中山經, and “Xishanjing” 西山經; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 1.2, 1.17, 5.165, and 2.36; and the word yuan 猿 appears in “Nanshanjing”, “Zhongshanjing,” and “Dahuangbeijing” 大荒北經; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 1.3, 5.158, and 11.396. 12  Huan Kuan, Yan tie lun, annot. Wang Liqi, 260.

13  See “Mengchang jun you sheren er fuyue” 孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅 in Liu Xiang, Zhangguo ce, 384.

14  The yuan appears six times in the collection of Chuci, but four of them appear in the poems by Han poets like “Dao luan” of Jiusi 九思悼亂 by Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), “Yuansi” of Jiutan 九嘆怨 思 by Liu Xiang, “Zhao yinshi” 招隱士 by Huainanxiaoshan 淮南小山 (alleged author, a retainer at the court of Liu in 179–122 bce), “Ai shiming” 哀時命 by Zhuang Ji 莊忌 (or Yan Ji 嚴忌, fl. 157 bce). It also twice appears in Qu Yuan’s works like “Shangui” of Jiuge 九歌山鬼 and “Shejiang” of Jiuzhang 九章涉江; see 猨 in “Shangui” and “shejiang” in Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 2.81 and 4.130. 15  Van Gulik identified you 狖 and nao 猱 as gibbon; see The Gibbon in China, 32.

16  Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 329.

17  For English, see The She King, trans. Legge, 406.

18  Yang Fu, Yiwu zhi jiyi jiaozhu, comp. Wu Yongzhang, 214.

19  Zhang Ji, Guangya shuzheng, annot. Wang Niansun, 384 or 10b.54a–b. Guo Pu described wei as having a protruding nose that it covers when it rains; this is a common feature among all rhino­ pithecus; see Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 108. For a bio­logical description and explanation of its protruding nose, see “Jinsihou shu fenlei diwei de yanjiu” 金絲猴屬分類地位的研究, in Chen Fuguan, Jinsihou yanjiu jinzhan, 22. 20  Van Gulik argued that you and nao are gibbons; one reason for that is “numerous literary sources of the first centuries ad use nao–yuan or yuan–nao as a binom,” and “yu is another word for gibbon”; see his The Gibbon in China, 32. My argument is that this phenomenon perfectly indicates that nao or you are not yuan, they are combined because they are two different objects. Similarly, one line in Zhaungzi clearly points out that yuan and hou are two different things; see “Qiwu lun” in Guo, Zhaungzi jishi, 93.



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yuan in the extant transmitted texts, and assuming they are genuine, the character yuan started to appear around the late Warring states period, and became popular during the Qin–Han times. Han linguists used yuan to explain archaic terms such as nao and you, because they were more familiar with yuan, which further confirms its popularity and familiarity among elites during the Han times. During the Han times when yuan became popular, it was also often mentioned together with hou or macaques I would climb the high mountains, but on them are macaques and gibbons.

將升兮高山，上有兮猴猿。 Wang Yi’s 王逸 (fl. 130–140) “Daoluan” 悼亂, Jiusi 九思 in Chuci.21

If the ape and monkey quit their trees and took to the rivers they could not manage as well as fish and turtles. 猿獮猴錯木據水，則不若魚鱉。 “Mengchang jun you sheren fuyue” 孟嘗君有舍人而弗悅, “Qi ce” 齊策 in Zhanguo ce.22

When gibbons and monkeys left woods and were caught by foxes and raccoons, it was only because they were not at their own positions. 猿猴失木，禽于狐貉者，非其處也。 “Tancong” 談叢 in Shuoyuan 說苑.23

Male pheasants crow together, and apes and macaques chase after each other. 野雉群雊，猿猴相追。 Cao Pi’s “Shanzai xing I” 善哉行其一.24

Owning the vision of Li Zhu,25 it is swifter than apes and macaques.

體離朱之聰視兮，姿才捷於獼猿。 Cao Zhi’s “Chan Fu” 蟬賦.26

Rolling waves stirred clear echoes, and gibbons and monkeys howled from high on shore. 流波激清響,猴猿臨岸吟。 Wang Can’s “Qi’ai shi II”七哀詩其二.27

21  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 322; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 314, with changes.

22  Liu, Zhanguo ce, 384; Liu Xiang, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 187. 23  Liu Xiang, Shuoyuan jiaozheng, annot. Xiang Zonglu, 408. 24  Huang Jie, Wei Wudi Wei Wendi shi zhu, 274.

25  Li Zhu or Li Lou 離娄, was a legendary figure known for his extraordinarily acute eyesight, but he failed to find the dark pearls that the Yellow Emperor lost; see Guo, Zhangzi jishi, 424. Mengzi praised his eyesight at the beginning of “Li Lou pian” 離娄篇; see Mengzi zhengyi, annot. Jiao Xun, 473.

26  Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 94n27.

27  Wang Can, Wang Can ji, ed. Yu Shaochu, 6; Owen, An Antho­logy of Chinese Literature, 256.

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Caging the power of a gibbon or monkey, then expecting to see its talent for nimbleness and agility.

檻猿猴之勢，而望其巧捷之能者也。 Wu Zhi’s 吳質 (177–230) “Da Dong’e [Cao Zhi] wang shu” 答東阿王書.28

Gibbons are also called lesser apes and more closely resemble macaques than other great apes such as orangutans or gorillas,29 so it is understandable that Chinese from the early medi­eval period mentioned gibbons and macaques together. Eventually, in modern China, yuanhou would no longer refer to two primates, the yuan and hou, but just one, the gibbon.30 Mihou 獼猴 or macaque was called jü 狙 in Zhuangzi 莊子,31 and written as muhou 母猴 in Hanfeizi 韓非子,32 muhou 沐猴 in Shiji 史記,33 and muhou 木侯 in Mawangdui 馬王堆34 and in Yang Xiong’s 扬雄 (53–18 bce) Fayan 法言.35 The various names might be loosely related to mihou’s etymo­logy. According to modern linguist Zhang Yongyan, mu is actually a non-Chinese element mainly recording the sound. Connections have since been discovered between mu (moʔ) and the monkey in other Proto-Burmese and Tibetan languages: mjok in old Burmese, mjauk in Lawng, mjuk in Atśi, and muk in Tibetan’s Midźu.36 There is an old Tamil word, mandi, attested in caṅkam literature, meaning “female monkey.”37 The Chinese name might have first started with mu 母, referring to women, as females in the animal world are sometimes bigger and stronger than their male counterparts. Later the sound mu was changed to ma 馬, meaning big; and then again ma changed to mi 彌, as the sounds of mu (moʔ), ma (ma), and mi (mie) were close in ancient times,38 and might have easily been interchanged.39 Therefore, 28  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 42.1911; Richter, A History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, 319. 29  Guo and Yu, Shijie yuanhou yilan, 203.

30  See Van Gulik, The Gibbon in China, 33.

31  See “Qiwu lun” in Zhouzi jijie, annot. Wang Xianqian, 16.

32  See “Waichushuo zuoshang” 外儲說左上 in Han Fei, Hanfeizi jijie, comm. Wang Xianshen, 32.267. 33  See “Xiang Yu benji” 項羽本紀 in Sima, Shi ji, 315.

34  See “Taichan shu tuban” 胎產書圖版 and “Taichan shu shiwen zhushi” 胎產書釋文註釋 in Mawangdui hanmu boshu si, 85 and 135. For explanation, see Ma Jixing, Mawangdui guyishu kaoshi, 786; Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, 379. 35  See “Chongli” 重黎 in Yang Xiong, Fayan yishu, annot. Wang Rongbao, 14.372.

36  Zhang Yongyan, “Mihou jie,” 235.

37  Lutgendorf, Hanuman’s Tale, 40; The Narrinai Four Hundred, trans. Dakshinamurthy, 304 (poem 151) and 364 (poem 181). These poems were believed to be composed between 100 bce and 200 ce but they had been circulating orally for much longer. 38  The constructed pronunciation of the two words is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 392, 373, and 381.

39  Based on my conversation with Dr. Tsai-fa Cheng, a historical linguist, on October 18, 2017. Also see Zhang Yongyan, “Mihou jie,” 236.



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based on the linguistic development and connection, mihou can be understood as big monkey.40 Around the first century bce, mihou started to appear and gradually replace the old names for macaques. It first appeared in “Zhao yinshi” 招隱士 by Liu Xiang 劉向 (77–6 bce): “macaques and bears” 獼猴兮熊羆.41 Afterwards, mihou became the stable term for macaques as more scholars used it. Wang Chong 王充 (27–ca. 97) used it six times in his Lunheng 論衡42; Zhang Yan 張晏 (fl. third century) used mihou to explain muhou, which is recorded in Shi ji jijie 史記集解 by Pei Yin 裴駰 (fl. 438).43 Zhang Hua described a monster found in the Shu region as mihou in Bowu zhi.44 During Qin–Han times when mihou or macaque started to merge, it was connected with yuan or gibbon. It was around the third century that yuan and hou became the standard terms for gibbon and macaque. Why, then, did their older names disappear or get replaced? What are the cultural associations behind these changes? The answers to these questions lie in the five major rhapsodies on monkeys and apes and their historical and intellectual contexts during the third century: Wang Yanshou 王延壽 (ca.118–ca.138) “Rhapsody on the Macaque” 王孫賦45

Xu Gan 徐幹 (171–217) “Rhapsody on the Black Gibbon,” 玄猿賦 (lost)46

Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263) “Rhapsody on the Macaque” 獼猴賦47

Zhong Yu 鍾毓 (d. 263) “Rhapsody on the Leaf Monkey” 果然賦 (incomplete)48

Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques” 猨猴賦 (incomplete)49

The five poets here used five different names for three species of primate: wangsun 王 孫 and mihou 獼猴 for macaques, xuanyuan 玄猿 and yuan for gibbons, and guoran 果 然 for leaf monkeys. 40  Fang Yizhi, Tongya, 46.555–56. Li Diaoyuan 李調元 (1734–1803) stated that the big monkey was called mihou 獼猴, or muhou 母猴; later mu 母 was changed to ma 馬; see Li Diaoyuan, Nanyue biji, 9.348. 41  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 234.

42  See “Wushi pian” 物勢篇 in Wang Chong, Lunheng jiaoshi, annot. Huang Hui, 3.150 and 155.

43  See “Xiang Yu benji” 項羽本紀 in Sima, Shi ji, 315. Zhang Yan was the Han shu commentator and chief officer of the Western Region in Dunhuang 敦煌; see “Xiyu zhuan” 西域傳 in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 88.2927; Yu Taishan, “A History of the Relations between the Chinese Dynasties and the Western Regions,” 160–61. 44  Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi jiaozheng, annot. Fan Ning, 36.

45  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 58.791.

46  This title is mentioned by Cao Pi 曹丕 in his “Dianlun lunwen” 典論論文; see Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 52.2271; Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 62. 47  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 44.1305; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 562–65. 48  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 24.1186; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 560. 49  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 46.1721.

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Guoran, identified as the leaf monkey,50 is not a recognized species in modern times; Chinese zoo­logists now call it yehou 葉猴, a literal translation of the English term “leaf monkey.” Historically, the term guoran seldom appears in literary works, usually only in mytho­logical and travel writings, as for example in Shanhai jing 山海經: Guoran resembles macaque, can call their own names, coloured in dark and black. They live in groups, the elder walks in front and the youth behind. Whoever picks fruits would offer them to the elder, it seems they are righteous. There are guoran in the mountains of Jiaozhi [modern northern Vietnam and parts of Guangdong and Guangxi]. Rau people shoot them and use their hides as fur beddings, which are very warm. 果然獸似獮猴，以名自呼，色蒼黑。羣行，老者在前，少者在後，得果食輙與老者， 似有義焉。交趾諸山有之。獠人射之，以其毛為裘褥，甚温煖。51

In addition to describing this monkey’s praiseworthy behaviour, the para­graph above also provides us with the information that this monkey was native to the extreme southern part of China and that its fur was of great value. Guoran also appears in Nanfang caomu zhuang 南方草木狀 by the Western Jin official Ji Han 嵇含 (263–306).52 This reference reads as follows: The guoran beast lives in mountains and trees. People shoot them with poisonous arrows, and strip off their hides. Their fur can be blue, red, and white. When sewn together it is good for covering seats. Jiuzhen [modern Qinghua 清化, or Thanh Hoa, Vietnam] and Rinan [modern Shunhua 順化, or Thuan Hoa, Vietnam] counties are known for having guoran. 果然獸，生在山林上，民人以弓毒射之，剝取皮，皮文青赤白色，縫相連作席。出九 真日南郡.53

This para­graph shares similar information with the one from Shanhai jing. Interestingly enough, neither of the entries exist in their original collections, but both are preserved by the Tang commonplace book Yiwei leiju 藝文類聚, which was completed in 624. The fact that so little information survives suggests to us that the term guoran was probably not considered popular during the third century when Zhong Yu composed his fu on it. Zhong Yu, a prominent official of the Western Jin dynasty, was the son of the wellknown calli­grapher Zhong Yao 鍾繇 (151–230), and the older brother of Zhong Hui 鍾 會, who pacified Shu 蜀, revolted against Jin, and was killed in 264.54 Zhong Yu was also a contemporary of Ji Kang 嵇康 (224–263), the younger brother of Ji Han’s grandfather

50  There are two kinds: a grey one, presbytis pileatus, and a black one, presbytis francoisi. See Van Gulik, The Gibbon in China, 36. He identified guoran as leaf monkey based on the description of this beast in Li, Bencao gangmu, 51.2918.

51  Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 910.4034. The “Rau people” (liaoren 獠人), liao literally means night hunt. Liaoren refers to an ancient minority group living in the area of modern Guangdong, Guangxi, Hunan, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou, and is related to the modern Rau people.

52  Ji Han was the paternal nephew of Ji Shao 嵇紹 (ca. b. 254), who was the son of Ji Kang 嵇康 (224–263). Ji Han was killed before taking up the post as the provincial governor of Guangzhou 廣 州; see Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 89.2302–3.

53  This para­graph is preserved in Ouyang, Yiwen leiju, 95.1654.

54  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 13.399–400.



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Ji Xi (fl. mid-third century), who was a Daoist philosopher, alchemist, and a poet. Zhong Yu’s fu reads: 果然似猴象猿， 黑頰青身。 肉非嘉殽， 唯皮為珍。

Guoran looks like monkey but also resembles gibbon, With black cheeks and a dark body. His flesh is not delicious, But his hide is precious.

Zhong Yu’s poetic description offers much of the same information about the guoran: it looks like a monkey or gibbon, and people care more for its fur than for its meat. We know now that leaf monkeys, an endangered species, live in tropical or subtropical limestone hills, such as those in Guangxi, Guizhou, and some parts of Yunnan, as well as parts of Vietnam and Laos.55 Both Zhong Yu and Ji Han had opportunities to travel to the south. Zhong Yu was designated as the governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei).56 Ji Han served General Liu Hong 劉弘, who defended the south and was stationed in Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan, Hubei 湖北襄樊).57 Since they lived in areas close to the habitat of leaf monkeys, Ji Han and Zhong Yu might well have been exposed either to the animal or to the story of the animal. Yet what about later writers who also travelled to the south? It is quite mysterious that the guoran eventually dropped out of Chinese consciousness, and only occasionally entered the travel records about the south after the third century. The exotic nature of gibbons and macaques are reflected in two rhapsodies by Fu Xuan and Ruan Ji. Wang Yanshou also wrote a fu on macaques. He called them wangsun 王孙, and created many new but less frequently used terms to describe them.58 It is an interesting piece, but offers few cultural points relevant to this project. In contrast, noting the animal’s foreign roots and emphasizing its ability to entertain, Fu Xuan and Ruan Ji created new images. Fu Xuan’s work is the only extant rhapsody on both of the monkeys: 余酒酣耳熱， 懽顏未伸， 遂戲猴而縱猿， 何璷畋之驚人。 戴以赤幘， 襪以朱巾。 先裝其面，

When I am merry with wine and my ears burn, But a happy expression has not yet spread across my face (śin).59 I dally with macaques and jump with apes, How exciting it is to chase after them (ńin).60 I put them in scarlet hats, And dress them with vermillion socks (kin). I first decorate their faces,

55  Liu Zhenhe, “Presbytis froncoisi,” 56–58.

56  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 13.400.

57  Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 89.2301.

58  Donald Harper offers excellent research on this work with an annotated translation; see his paper “Poets and Primates.”

59  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 573, 440; 197; 573, 225, and 516 respectively. For jin and chen, see Schuessler, Minimal, 327 and 319. For yin, see Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 555.

60  Lu refers to jade although its meaning here is unknown. Tian means to hunt or catch animals.

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Chapter Four 又丹其唇。 揚眉蹙額， 若愁若瞋。 或長眠而抱勒， 或嚄咋而𪗳齗。 或顒仰而踟躕， 或悲嘯而吟呻。 既似老公， 又類胡兒。 或低眩而擇颯， 或抵掌而胡舞。

And then redden their lips (źuin). They either lift their eyebrows or knit their brows, Some seem anxious, others furious (tśʱin). Some of them lie down while holding reins, Some bawl while wrangling (ngj+n). Some raise their heads and hesitate, Some wail and sigh (śin). They look like elderly men, And like foreigners (ńe). They perform conjuring tricks and turn swiftly,61 Or clap their hands and dance like foreigners (mua).

Though incomplete, this piece leaves us with valuable information. Based on its rhyme scheme, there are three parts. Part one, lines 1–14, rhymes in zhen 真 (–in) and describes how the writer plays with the monkeys and how they play with him. The writer also dresses them up, so they can be ready for their show. Part two, lines 15–16, rhymes in zhi 支 (–e) and compares them with humans. Part three, lines 17–18, rhymes in yü 魚 (–a) and portrays their movements as they perform. Fu Xuan compares the animals to foreigners in some respects: the two primates look like young barbarians, move like foreign conjurors, and dance like foreigners. The term hu’er (a young barbarian) was used for entertainers and servants, “particularly the dancers who performed the popular ‘barbarian stomp’ (huteng) dance from the Western Regions.”62 It bears no negative connotation. In the following examples, it refers to a young barbarian man whom General Li 李将军 ran into and whose horse he took.63 Hu’er also refers to Jin Midi 金日磾 (134–86 bce) son of King Xiutu of Xiongnu 休屠王64 as well as Ruan Fu 阮孚 (278–326), son of Ruan Xian 阮咸 (234–305) and a Xianbei slave.65 Xie Lang 謝朗 (323–361), the talented nephew of Xie An 謝安 (320–385), was also given the nickname hu’er.66 61  I treat di 低 as elementary, inferior, or lower level, and xuan as conjuring tricks. I offer further explanation later in the chapter.

62  Abramson, Ethnic Identity, 92. Rong Xinjiang states that hu refers to the foreigners living in the Western Regions in general and to Persians, Sogdians, and natives of Western regions in particular; see his article, “He wei huren?” 7.

63  See “Li jiangjun liezhuan” 李將軍列傳 in Sima, Shi ji, 109.2871; “Li Guang Su Jian zhuan” 李廣 蘇建傳, in Ban Gu, Han shu, 54.2443; “Xiaowu huangdi ji san” 孝武皇帝紀三 in Xun, Han ji, 197. Han Zhaoqi 韓兆琦, the eminent scholar of Shi ji, said that hu’er is a neutral word; from private correspondence July 10, 2017. 64  “Huo Guang Jin Midi zhuan” 霍光金日磾傳 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 68.2960; “Xiaowu huangdi ji si” 孝武皇帝紀四 in Xun, Han ji, 217.

65  Xianbei is a Proto-Mongolic ancient nomadic people that once resided in the eastern Eurasian steppes in what is today Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, and Northeastern China. See Jin zhugong biezhuan jiben 晉諸公別傳輯本 in Tang, Jiujia jiu Jin shu jiben, 500; Zhou Mi’s Record of Clouds and Mist Passing Before One’s Eyes, trans. Weitz, 85.

66  See “Yanyu” 言語 in Liu Yiqing, Shishuo xinyu jiaojian, annot. Xu Zhen’e, 2.72; see his bio­graphy in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 79.2087.



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The xuan 眩 in line 17 is a very interesting word. Some scholars ignore this character and define “dixuan” 低眩 as “look down.”67 Some translate it as “to look confused” 亂視,68 which could be right in terms of etymo­logy, but wrong in terms of cultural context. This word was used twice in Shi ji to describe foreign jugglers:69 Tiaozhi [Syrian Kingdom] is at a distance of several thousand li west of Anxi [Parthia]… its people are good at conjuring. 條枝在安息西數千里…國善眩70

The King of Anxi…sent out [his own] envoys to come to Han in company with the Han envoys so as to observe Han territory. They took large birds’ eggs [ostrich eggs] and conjurors from Lixuan [Egyptian Kingdom] as presents for Han. 安息王…發使隨漢使來觀漢廣大，以大鳥卵及黎軒善眩人獻於漢。71

Ying Shao 應劭 (140–206) defines xuan as “to trick or perplex each other” 相詐惑.72 Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) glosses it as “magic skills like swallowing knives, vomiting fire, growing melons, planting trees, killing persons, cutting horses and so on” 今吞刀、吐 火、殖瓜、種樹、屠人、截馬之術皆是也.73 The two texts both mention Persia and Egypt: in ancient Egypt the city of Alexandria was celebrated for its skill with magic,74 and ancient Persian priests were also known for mastering magic tricks.75 Since xuan must be rendered as some kind of bewildering body movement, this line can be better understood within the context of the next line: “to clap their hands and dance like foreigners” 或抵掌而胡舞. The figure of a dancing monkey is preserved on a mural inside a Western Jin tomb discovered in Dingjiazha 丁家閘, Jiuquan 酒泉, 67  Van Gulik, The Gibbon in China, 47.

68  Zhang and Wang, Fuzi Fu Xuan ji jizhu, 297.

69  Shi ji records that people from both Tiaozhi and Lixuan are good at conjuring, but Yu Taishan considered that it should be people from Lixuan; see Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Medi­ terranean World,” 20.

70  See “Dayuan liezhuan” 大宛列傳 in Sima, Shi ji, 123.3163. Han shu copied this story; see “Xiyu zhuang shang” 西域傳上 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 96.3888; Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 6. Friedrich Hirth offered a different translation and identified Tiaozhi as Chaldea; see his article “The Story of Chang K’ien,” 97.

71  See “Dayuan liezhuan” 大宛列傳 in Sima, Shi ji, 123.3173; Han shu copied this story, see “Xiyu zhuang shang”西域傳上 in Ban Gu, Han shu, 96.3890; Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 20. Friedrich Hirth identified Lixuan as Li–kan or Syria; see Hirth, “The Story of Chang K’ien,” 107. 72  Sima, Shi ji, 123.3264. 73  Sima, Shi ji, 123.3264.

74  Pelliot, “Li-kien, autre nom du Ta-tscin,” 690–91.

75  Su Qikang 蘇其康 examines this tradition in that area from linguistic connections, proving that the modern English word “magician” is from “Magi,” referring to Zoroastrian priests who practised magic. Chinese translated this term as mudu 慕闍; see Su, Wenxue, zongjiao, xingbie he minzu, 317–18. For background information about the Alexandria conjuring tradition see Grant, Cleopatra, 43.

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Gansu province, which depicts a banquet.76 In his book Tang xi nong 唐戲弄, studying the establishment of the theatre in Tang, Ren Bantang 任半塘 (1897–1991) argues that during the Wei-Jin times, there was no monkey show, but a barbarian dance, in which a human acts like a monkey to entertain others as dwarfs and acrobats do.77 Based on the examination of Fu Xuan and Ruan Ji’s poems, I disagree with him that there was no real monkey show where monkeys performed with humans, but I agree with him on the connection between the monkey and the hu barbarians. Fu Xuan describes the performing monkeys very vividly here, and evidently the rest of this incomplete text was similarly devoted to their antics. Half a millennium later, he was criticized by Li Deyu 李徳裕 (787–847), an eminent scholar and statesman of the Tang Dynasty: Formerly Fu Xuan wrote a poetical essay on gibbons and macaques, but he only took pleasure in disguising them [as human beings], and made them perform like actors. Moreover, he did not refer at all to their widely different nature. I now write this poetical essay, in order to distinguish clearly gibbons and macaques. 昔傅休奕有猿猴赋，但説其变态似优，以为戱玩，且不言二物殊性，予今作赋以辨之 耳。” 李徳裕 “白猿賦78 Li Deyu’s “Fu on the White Gibbon”

Li Deyu aimed to offer more bio­logically and culturally significant features of the two primates, which is the convention of yongwu fu. In his preface, Li criticizes Fu Xuan for being too liberal, but Fu Xuan is known for faithfully following the conventions of fu writing. Fu Xuan has thirty-three extant fu, most of which follow the tripartite structure and offer detailed information and description of the objects.79 His fu on macaques is evidently an exception, and the reason is clear: he was fascinated with their ability to play and perform like people. In other words, the primates’ ability to entertain was new and exciting to Fu Xuan. His unconventional excitement testifies that either the monkey’s performance or the monkeys themselves were new to him. Ruan Ji’s 阮籍 (210–263) “Rhapsody on Macaques” 獼猴賦 is deeply embedded in Chinese culture and offers an opposite voice on writing on exotica. It reads:80 昔禹平水土， 而使益驅禽。

Before, Yu pacified the floods,81 And ordered Bo Yi to drive off birds and beasts (gɨm).82

76  Zhang Pengchuan, “Jiuquan Dingjiazha gumu bihua yishu,” 175.

77  Ren Bantang, Tang xi nong, 469, 484, and 487.

78  Li Wenrao, Li Wenrao bieji, 2.7b–8b; Van Gulik, The Gibbon in China, 56. 79  Kong, “Origins of Verisimilitude,” 270.

80  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 44.1305; my own translation with references to the English translations of Owen and Swartz, The Poetry of Ruan Ji and Xi Kang, 180–87; and of Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 55–58. 81  Yao had Yu dig the channels and drain off the flood. See Shang shu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 525.

82  Yi refers to Bo Yi 伯益, son of Gaotao 皋陶 and the ancestor of ancient Yin clans 贏姓. He was good at hunting and animal husbandry. He aided Yu with flooding control, but when Yu yielded his position to him, he refused and instead lived as a recluse; see Mengzi zhengyi, annot. Jiao Xun, 647.



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滌蕩川谷兮， He then cleaned up the rivers and valleys, 櫛梳山林。 And tidied up the mountains and woods (lim). 是以神姦形于九鼎， Therefore, spirits and evils were cast on the Nine Tripods,83 而異物來臻。 and exotic animals arrived here (tsin). 故豐狐文豹釋其表， The Giant Fox and Patterned Leopard release their skins,84 閒尾騶虞獻其珍; Jianwei85 and Zouyu86 were offered as treasures (tin). 夸父獨鹿祓其豪， Kuafu87 and Dulu88 cut their manes, 青馬三騅棄其羣。 The Blue89 and Red Horse90 left their herds (gun). 此以其壯而殘其生者也。 These animals were destroyed for being splendid. 若夫熊狚之游臨江兮， When bears and wolves wander by the riverbanks,91 見厥功以乘危。 They are showing off their skills while stepping into a risky journey (ŋyai). 夔負淵以肆志兮， The one-legged Kui relies on the deeps to release its intentions,92 The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 430, 359; 610, 438, 510, 412, 486, 458, 316, 430, 400, 425, 184; 538, 429, 610, 360, 267, 198, 633; 539, 440, 429; 549; 359, 538, and 458. For zhen, chun, yan, yin, and jin, see Schuessler, Minimal, 322, 337, 363, 361, and 317. For zi, see Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 626. 83  This line is from “Xuangong 3” 宣公三年 in Zuozhuan. Wang Sunman explained to the King of Chu that the real function and values of the nine tripods were to protect people; see Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu, 2.669–70; The Ch’un Ts’ew, trans. Legge, 292–93.

84  The fox and leopard story is from “Shanmu” 山木 in Zhuangzi, where the two animals tried their best to avoid being captured or trapped, but they cannot avoid their fate, as their skins were highly demanded by men. Here Ruan Ji altered the story, saying they come to men to offer their skins, in order to exaggerate how exotica corresponds to Yu the great. See Zhuangzi jishi, annot. Guo Qingfan, 671; The Writings, trans. Legge, 2:29.

85  The jianwei, big tail, is an ancient beast, also called yu 虞; see “Dongwu” 動物 in Fang Yizhi, Tongya, 556 (46.8a). 86  The zouyu is the title of a poet in Shi jing; commentators argued it has three meanings: officer title, hunter, and a righteous beast. Based on the context, Ruan Ji uses the third meaning to exaggerate the omens Yu brought. A white tiger with black spots, zouyu does not kill animals but only consumes the ones that die of natural causes. See discussion on zouyu, in Shi sanjia ji yi shu, annot. Wang Xianqian, 1.119–23; The She King, trans. Legge, 36–37.

87  The kuafu is the name of a beast; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 4.103; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 120.

88  The dulu is a legendary beast, and has a somewhat complicated history. Early commentators stated it is located in the West; see “Shi ji di liushiyi” 史記第 61 in Zhu, Yi Zhoushu ji xun jiaoshi, 131. Later, some scholars believed it to be an imaginary animal; see Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 563. I follow the reading that it is a legendary animal for this context.

89  The “blue horse” (qingma 青馬) was offered to the Zhou court by the eastern states and was managed by the Duke of Zhou; see “Wanghui di 59” 王會弟 59 in Yi Zhou shu jixun jiaoshi, annot. Zhu Youceng, 116. This term also appears in “Dahuang dongjing” 大荒東經; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 357. 90  The “red horse” (sanzhui 三騅) is from “Dahuang dongjing”; see Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 357.

91  The dan refers to a wolf-like beast; see “Xishan jing” 西山經 in Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 25.

92  The kui is a sea monster whose form resembles an ox with a blue-black body, a single leg,

86

Chapter Four 楊震聲而？皮。 處閑曠而或昭兮， 何幽隱之罔隨。 鼷畏逼以潛身兮， 穴神丘之重深。 終或餌以求食兮， 焉鑿之而能禁？ 誠有利而可欲兮， 雖希覿而為禽。 故近者不稱歲， 遠者不歷年； 大則有稱於萬年， 細則笑於目前。 夫獼猴直其微者也， 猶繫累於下陳。 體多似而匪類， 形乖殊而不純。 外察慧而內無度兮， 故人面而獸心， 性褊淺而干進兮， 似韓非之囚秦。 揚眉額而驟眒兮， 似巧言而偽真。 藩從後之繁眾兮， 猶伐樹而喪鄰。

But raising thunderous sound, it lost its skin (bɨai). They stayed in remote places yet become visible to men, Where is the hidden place that they cannot be found (zyai)? The Xi mouse fears being hurt and hides itself,93 Burrowing into a deep hole under the sacrificial altar for Earth (sɨm).94 At last it is baited for seeking food, How can digging a hole prevent one’s capture (kɨm)? When a thing is indeed profitable and wanted, Even rarely seen animals can be caught (gɨm). Therefore, getting nearby ones takes less than a year, Catching faraway ones won’t need over one year (nen). Big animals may be praised for all ages, And small ones may be mocked right in the moment (dzen). The macaque is a humble animal, So it is tied with ropes to go down the palace (djen).95 Its body resembles a human, but not the same kind, Its behaviour is strange and not innocent (dzuin). Outside it seems clever, but within immoderate, Indeed a human face but a beast’s heart (sim). Its nature is narrow and shallow but very ambitious, Like Han Fei jailed in Qin (dzin).96 Raising its eyebrows and forehead it suddenly opens its eyes, Wheedling and dishonest (tśin). Separated from many followers, Like the old man who cut a tree but lost his neighbour (lin).97

and no horn. Wind and rain accompany it when it enters or exits water. His sound is like thunder. The Yellow Emperor made his skin into a drum. See “Dahuang dongjing” in Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 361; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 209.

93  The xi is a field mouse that lived under icy soil; its long fur was used to make heavy coats. See Shenyi jing 神異經, compiled by Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (154–93 bce), commentary by Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), which is recorded in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 34.163. 94  This couplet refers to the story in “Yi diwang” 應帝王 of Zhuangzi; see Zhuangzi jishi, annot. Guo Qingfan, 291; The Writings, trans. Legge, 1:260.

95  “In front of a main hall” (xiaochen 下陳) refers to the place used for displaying sacrificial goods and is also the location where concubines and maids would line up; it therefore conveys the meaning of humble positions. See “Qiren you Feng Xuan zhe” 齊人有馮諼者 of “Qi ce 4” 齊策 4 in Liu Xiang, Zhangguo ce jianzhu, annot. Zhang Qingchang, 266; Liu Xiang, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 197.

96  See the bio­graphy of Han Fei in Sima, Shi ji, 63.2147–53. The First Emperor of Qin (r. 221–206 bce) was impressed by Han Fei’s (d. 233 bce) two essays, “Wudu” 五蠹 and “Gufen” 孤憤, and summoned Han from the state of Han, planning to offer him a high position. But Li Si, the chief administrator of Qin and the former schoolmate of Han, was jealous and ordered Han to commit suicide. 97  This line is from the story “The Paulownia Tree is No Longer Good” 梧樹不善; see Lü Buwei, Lüshi chunqiu, annot. Gao You, 195; Lü Buwei, The Annals, trans. Knoblock and Riegel, 399. This book was compiled in 239 bce under the sponsorship of Lü Buwei (d. 235 bce a minister of Qin. The story reads:



Monkeys: Gods Elsewhere, Pets Here 整衣冠而偉服兮， 懷項王之思歸。 耽嗜欲而眄視兮， 有長卿之妍姿。 舉頭吻而作態兮， 動可增而自新。 沐蘭湯而滋穢兮， 匪宋朝之媚人。 終蚩弄而處紲兮， 雖近習而不親。 多才伎其何為？ 固受垢而貌侵。 姿便捷而好技兮， 超超騰躍乎岑嵒。 既?東避兮， 遂中岡而被尋。 嬰徽纏以拘制兮， 顧西山而長吟。

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It straightens its clothing and cap, a splendid array,98 Like King Xiang Yu longing to go home (kui).99 Indulging in sensual desires it looks askance, As if Tan Changqing dances (tsʱi).100 Raising its head and lips, it strikes poses; Moved, so it can be extended and regenerated (sin). Bathed in eupatorium water it somehow gets dirtier, Not as attractive as Song Zhao (nin).101 At last, it is mocked and abused, and placed in ropes, Living close to its master, it never gains favour (tsʱin). What good is its versatility? Constantly enduring humiliation and being emaciated (tsʱim). Its posture agile, it enjoys showing off, It leaps and jumps over cliffs and spires (ŋɨm). Having once run eastwards, Upon arriving in the middle ridges, it was caught (zim). Now tied with ropes, impounded, It faces the Western mountain and gives a long moan (ŋɨm).102

An old man suggested that his neighbour cut a withered paulownia tree, saying it was no longer useful. Once his neighbour cut it down, he asked to have some as firewood, which upset his neighbour, who thought him treacherous. Here Rua Ji borrows this story to criticize the monkey who lost his friends because of his dishonesty.

98  The “splendid robes” (weifu 偉服) is from the story in “Qince 1”; see Liu Xiang, Zhangguo ce jianzhu, annot. Zhang Qingchang, 59; Liu Xiang, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 83. Su Qin 蘇秦 (380–284 bce) tried to convince King Huiwen of Qin 秦惠王 (356–311 bce) to take up arms and become a hegemon, and criticized civil officials for their graceful but useless words and robes.

99  This line is from the story “Muhou er guan” 沐猴而冠 in “Xiang Yu benji” 項羽本紀, Sima, Shi ji, 7.315. When it was suggested he become a hegemon, Xiang Yu (232–202 bce) expressed his homesickness and decided to return home, saying “to become rich and noble without returning to one’s homeland is like going out at night in embroidered clothes. Who would notice then?” The advisor replied, “People say that the men of Chu are nothing but macaques with hats on. Indeed, they are.” See English translation in Sima, The Grand Scribe’s Records, ed. Nienhauser, 1:194. 100  Tan is known for imitating monkey dances; see Ban Gu, Han shu, 77.3245. Other scholars understand “Changqin” as Sima Xiangru, whose zi is Changqing. I prefer to understand it as Tan Changqin, since the latter has connection with macaques; in addition, the one couplet above mentions King Xiang Yu, whose story is also connected with the monkey. 101  Song Zhao was the son of the Lord of Song and was known for his good looks. His sister Nanzi 南子 had an affair with him even after she became the wife of Duke Ling of Wei 衛靈公 (d. 493 bce). See Yang, Chunqiu zuozhuan zhu, 4.1597. For the story of Nanzi and Song Zhao, see Goldin, The Culture of Sex in Ancient China, 27–28.

102  The “West Mountain” (xishan 西山), or a mountain in the west, refers to Shouyang Mountain 首陽山 (in modern Yongji, Shanxi 山西永濟) where Boyi 伯夷 and Shuqi 叔齊, escaped to live as recluses. As two sons of the ruling lord of Guzhu 孤竹 (modern Tangshan, Hebei 河北唐山), a vassal state of the Shang Dynasty 商, their escape demonstrates their loyalty to Shang. See “Boyi liezhuan” in Sima, Shi ji, 61.2123.

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Chapter Four 緣榱桷以容與兮， 志豈忘乎鄧林？ 庶君子之嘉惠， 設奇視以盡心。 且須臾以永日， 焉逸豫而自矜？ 斯伏死於堂下， 長滅沒乎形神。

Climbing on rafters it hesitates, How can it forget the Deng Grove (lim)?103 Luckily this gentleman shows mercy, And arranges a marvellous show for it to do its utmost (sim) . Moments like these prolong the days, How can it indulge itself and brag about it (gɨn)? It sacrifices its life at the food of the hall, Forever losing its own form and spirit (zin).

The above fu has three parts. Part one, from the beginning to line 27 (“And small ones may be mocked in this moment” 細則笑於目前), rhymes in qin 侵 (–im), zhen 真, wen 文 (–un), ge 歌 (–ai), and yuan 元 (–en). This part explains how exotic animals were found and used by people. Part two, from line 28 (“Macaque is a humble animal” 夫獼猴直其 微者也) to line 53 (“It leaps and jumps over cliffs and spires” 超超騰躍乎岑嵒), rhymes in qin 侵 (–im), zhen 真 (–in), wei 微 (–ui), zhi 脂 (–i), and yuan 元 (–en); part two not only states that macaques were from outside, but also describes the macaque’s physical traits and habits. Finally, the third part rhymes in qin (–im) and zhen (–in), and tells of the monkey’s life in captivity.104 This rhapsody, though more conventional in structure than Fu Xuan’s poem, “is written for criticism, not for describing the monkey,” claims Chen Bojun 陳伯君 in his commentary on this rhapsody.105 Instead of celebrating the monkey’s performance, Ruan Ji goes behind the scenes. In what Stephen Owen calls this “coming later” theme,106 Ruan Ji speaks in the voice of a monkey, who misses his virtuous home, the Deng Grove, and his former freedom. Being talented, he is humiliated, since his master never cares about him. Being captured, he can only drag out a feeble existence, helplessly. As for the personal subtext, its allusion is controversial. Traditional scholars read Ruan ji’s lament in various ways—as condemning his contemporaries, or sighing over his political situation, or bemoaning the death of Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249),107 a distant kinsman and co-regent with Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) to Cao Fang 曹芳 (206–239) or Emperor Ming of Wei (r. 226–239), who was slaughtered with his clan and followers by Sima Yi in 249.108 Owen, on the other hand, while agreeing that “The Macaque seems satirical,” maintains that although Ruan Ji may have had a particular individual in mind, we have no idea who that person might have been and attempts to identify the target are 103  The Deng Grove (denglin 鄧林) is a legendary place related to the giant Kuafa 誇父, who raced with the sun and died of thirst; after his death, his staff turned into a grove called Denglin. See Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 8.238–39.

104  Several rhyme groups such as qin, zhen, wen, and yuan were rhymed during the third century; see Luo and Zhou, Han Wei Jin, 36. 105  Ruan Ji, Ruan Ji ji, annot. Chen Bojun, 46.

106  Owen and Swartz, The Poetry of Ruan Ji and Xi Kang, 16.

107  Gong, “Wei-Jin xuanxue,” 110; Han Geping, Zhulin qixian, 41; Ruan Ji, Ruan Ji ji, annot. Chen Bojun, 46–47. 108  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 9.287.



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purely speculative.109 Viewed in the context of other writings on exotica of this period, one speculation might be that Ruan Ji is mocking the court scholars who celebrate exotica as their political symbols. In this piece, although the monkey is the focal point, one third of the rhapsody recounts the captures and exploration of other animals, sent or offering themselves, to please gods with their special and unique features. Similarly, exotica were understood in China as tributary goods, as sacrificial goods, as symbolic goods, representing the respect from afar, honouring a ruler or state. For Ruan Ji’s predecessors and peers, the exotic import embodied expectations about central power, peripheral tribute, and outside influences. As with rosemary and the agate to Cao Pi and his followers, and as with the pomegranate for the core Western Jin office-scholars, an exotic object could be subtly personified, and identified with insiders or interlopers. Ruan Ji, by contrast, had the courage to turn this well-established literary tradition against the central power. His exotic creatures mock people, are victims, hurt by advertising their uniqueness and also by the greed of their captors. His concern could be philosophical: as a follower of xuanxue 玄學, or metaphysical learning, Ruan Ji advocated the Way of nature. For him, capturing animals and forcing them to entertain or serve the central state was unnatural. But his protest might have a political dimension as well, because there is so much evidence, as we have seen, of an established practice of using writings on exotica to eulogize political power. Despite his special tone, Ruan Ji’s poem does share themes with Fu Xuan’s, which reinforce the association of macaques with foreignness, not only in terms of exotic commodity but also with unsettling strangeness. For example, both authors draw attention to the monkey’s facial features and expressions as well as their performances. Ruan Ji mentions that the macaque “resembles a human” but is not the same 體多似而匪類, it behaves “strangely” 形乖殊而不純, “Not as attractive as Song Zhao” 匪宋朝之媚人, and that all the monkey “got was sneers and restraints” 終蚩弄而處紲兮. Fu Xuan associated the macaque with barbarians in one line, and Ruan Ji added a negative connotation to the comparison. Considering the macaque as ugly was nothing new for Chinese writers. The silk manu­scripts from Mawangdui 馬王堆 tomb 3 suggest that when a woman was three months pregnant, she should not look at macaques because they might adversely influence the formation of the baby’s body.110 The burial date of Mawangdui tomb 3 is around 168 bce. Hundreds of years later, the macaque face was used to characterize ugly women, as seen in “Choufu fu” 醜婦賦 by Liu Sizhen 劉思真, describing an unattractive woman with “a deer head and macaque face” 鹿頭獼猴面.111 While popular legend demonized the ugliness of the macaque’s face, Chinese historians racialized it. When Yan Shigu (581–645) commented on Wusun 烏孫 in Han shu, he 109  Owen and Swartz, The Poetry of Ruan Ji and Xi Kang, 19.

110  See “Taichan shu shiwen zhushi” 胎產書釋文註釋 in Mawangdui hanmu boshu, 135.

111  Xu Jian, Chuxue ji, 19.459. Although it is controversial, scholars tend to date Liu Sizhen to the Southern Dynasties (420–589); see Ma Gaoqiang, “Dunhuang bianwen,” 55; Huang Shuiyun, “Chounü fu chutan.”

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said, “Wusun [Aryans] have unique looks compared with other people from the Western Regions. Modern barbarians, with blue eyes and red beards, resembling macaques, are the same race as the Wusun” 烏孫於西域諸戎其形最異，今之胡人，青眼赤須，狀類 彌猴者，本其種也.112 Similarly, in Sui shu 隋書, Dangxiang 黨項 or Qiang 羌, Indo-Aryans and ancestors of modern Tibetans, called themselves the race of the macaques.113 Both Wusun and Qiang have been identified by modern scholars as Indo-Aryans, a group to which Tibetans belong.114 According to the birth tale of the first Qiang, the father was a macaque and the mother was a rock demon.115 Rolf-Alfred Stein (1911–1999), a French Tibeto­logist, suggests that mi might mean “human” in Tibet.116 Amdo 安多, located on the east side of Tibet, is also known for producing macaques,117 and many tales about macaques are associated with this place. In short, major historical and linguistic resources point to the Indian subcontinent as the origin of the macaque. In Indian culture, the monkey is treated as a god, Hanuman,118 who is also the patron deity of the martial arts.119 Nonetheless, the monkey’s face also has negative associations in Indian mytho­logy. When the heavenly maiden Anjana mocked Indra for having a thousand eyes, Indra cursed her to be born on Earth with a monkey face.120 Ravan also laughed at the “monkey face” of Shiva’s bull-vehicle Nandi.121 The monkey was also one of Buddha’s many former lives.122 When Buddhism arrived in China, macaques inspired dancers to imitate monkeys as if offering fruit to Buddha.123 112  See his comments in Ban Gu, Han shu, 96b.3901n1.

113  “Dangxiang is Qiang and descendants of Sanmiao. They include tribes such as Dangchang and Bailang and call themselves the offspring of macaques” 黨項，羌者，三苗之後，其種又宕昌、白 狼，皆自稱獼猴種; see Wei Zheng et al., Sui shu, 83.1845. Since Yan Shigu was one of the editors of Sui shu, that sentence might have been edited by him. Scholars have not reached an agreement over sanmiao: it could be an ancient tribe in north or south China, or it could be related to Zang or Tibet; see Wang Yao, Zhongguo zangxue shi, 30–32; Marcel Granet introduced Sanmiao as a winged creature related to the Extreme West upon the Hill of the Feather; see Granet, Chinese Civilization, 207.

114  Lü Simian 呂思勉 identified Wusun people as Aryans; see Lü Simian, Baihua benguo shi, 2.39. Nicolas Ostler also identifies them as Indo-Aryans; see Ostler, The Last Lingua Franca, 126n1. Lü Simian identified Qiang people with Zang 藏, who were also Indo-Aryans; see Lü Simian, Baihua benguo shi, 2.181. George van Driem identified them with Tanguts; see Van Driem, Languages of the Himalayas, 1:450. 115  Stein, “Les K’iang des marches sino-tibétaines,” 6; Geng, Xizang de wenming, 25. 116  Stein, “Les K’iang des marches sino-tibétaines,” 5.

117  Geng, Xizang de wenming, 27.

118  Lutgendorf summarized the literary accounts on Hanuman between 1000 and 400 bce, see his article “Monkey in the Middle,” 315–18. 119  The Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki, trans. Goldman, 5:54.

120  Lutgendorf, Hanuman’s Tale, 129.

121  The Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki, trans. Goldman, 5:30–31.

122  The Jataka, ed. Cowell, 5:516.

123  Niu, Dunhuang bihua yueshi ziliao zonglu yu yanjiu, 588.



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The following story is included in the earlier Buddhist sutra in Liudu jijing 六度集經 translated by Kang Senghui 康僧會 (d. 280): At this moment Ś� akra, Lord of the Devas, took the form of a monkey whose marvelous prestige made the mountain tremble; the son of the sovereign was greatly afraid, but the Brahman said to him: “Do not be afraid. He comes to bring me offerings.” The monkey, seeing the three monks, was defiant and remained motionless without advancing. The Brahman said to him, “Come near.” The monkey then came and offered the fruits which the Brahman accepted and the four men fed on them…The Buddha said to Sariputra: “The grandson of sovereign was myself; The Brahman, endowed with the four faculties of contemplation, was Sariputra; …Sakra, master of the devas, is Jiande (Kanthaka)” 時天王釋化為獼猴，威靈震山皇孫大懼。梵志曰: “爾無懼也，彼來供養” 獼猴覩三道 士，疑住不前。梵志曰： “進” 獼猴即進，以果供養，梵志受之。四人共享…佛告鶖鷺 子： “皇孫者，我身是。四禪梵志者，鶖鷺子是…天帝釋者，揵德是”124

In this jakata tale, Buddha was the crown prince Xuluo (Asura), who had undergone difficulties to save his wife and others. In one account, Kanthaka, the future royal white horse of Buddha, ordered macaques to offer fruits to him and others. Soon multiple versions of the story appeared, including the famous one in which macaques offer honey to Buddha, as is mentioned in Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 by Huijiao 慧晈 (469–519).125 These earlier connections between monkeys and the Indian continent encourage us to speculate on the history of the monkey’s cultural journey: a certain species of macaque was produced and trained by Indo-Aryans, who brought dancing macaques to the central regions around the mid-second century bce. This type of monkey was different from previous native species in China, and it became very popular because it could be trained to perform. Evidently, when new words for this macaque appeared they almost completely replaced the existing names for monkeys. This sub-species of macaque was good at imitating people, and people in turn imitated the monkey’s movement in dance. According to Han shu, Tan Changqing 檀長卿, a eunuch, was criticized by Ge Kuanrao 盖寛饒 (d. 60 bce), a Western Han official, for dancing like a macaque fighting with a dog.126 During Han times, people believed that imitating the macaque’s bawling could heal internal hot ailment.127 The rhapsodists of the third century enjoyed observing macaques dancing and memorialized their spontaneity in words. Thanks to their writings, the standard terms for gibbon and macaque were promoted, and the entertaining image of the monkey was stabilized. Later generations could learn of the dancing macaques, the cultural exchanges between Chinese and Indo-Aryans such as the Qiang and Indians, and the excited or negative reactions of elites to exotic animals and cultures. In the process of coming to China, the monkey’s foreign divinity as ancestor and god was forgotten and 124  Liudu jijing, 8.45b, T03N0152_001. The English translation is based on the French translation of Chavannes, Cinq cents contes et apo­logues, 3:301 and 304. For more information on earlier Buddhist translations, see Nattier, A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations. 125  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 129. 126  Ban Gu, Han shu, 77.3245.

127  Ma Jixing, Mawangdui guyishu kaoshi, 860–61; Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, 315.

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Figure 2: “Grey jade figure of a dancer imitating a macaque unearthed from the intact tomb of the second Nanyue King Zhao Mo 趙眜,” (r. 137–124 bce). Modern Guangzhou 廣州, Guangdong 廣東, China. Image courtesy of the Museum of the Nanyue King of the Western Han Dynasty.

the comic macaque became dominant in the Chinese consciousness. Today, visitors to the Shannxi region can still see macaques making faces, darting around, dancing, and fighting in ways reminiscent of the Wei-Jin poems.128

128  See the images of macaques riding on sheep in Zhongguo wudao zhi Shannxi juan, 277.

Part III

EXOTIC IMAGES IN THE SACRED SPACE This part focuses

on two exotic objects with sacred associations—peacock and lotus—through which foreign influence was merged with existing Chinese icono­graphy, albeit in very different ways. Chapter Five considers the impact on the sacred image of peacocks in four thirdcentury rhapsodies. Chapter Six uncovers the influence of early translated Buddhist sutras in the transformation of the native lotus from an ordinary flower into an icon charged with spiritual associations.

Chapter Five

PEACOCK: AUSPICIOUSNESS CHALLENGED The image of

the peacock appeared in Chinese documents as early as the eleventh century bce but merely as a heavenly companion of the phoenix and other auspicious creatures. It became the centre of literary writings during the third century, where it existed as an auspicious symbol and as a deprecated exotic. This mixed existence informs the material exchanges between China and other countries, which brought real peacocks into the sphere of Chinese writers. Chinese writers’ personal speculations over this exotic bird demonstrates Chinese elites’ contributions to their culture by merging foreign goods into their tradition. The peacock is called kongque in Chinese, written as 孔雀, and occasionally it was also called kong. Chinese bio­logists describe its crying sound as “ga–wo, ga–wok” or “gaooa–woook,”1 and Indian scholars describe it like “kok kok.”2 In Vietnamese, the peacock is called công trống, and thus the character 䲲, pronounced as gong, was created to represent the peacock in Cha-Nom, a logo­graphic writing system using classical Chinese characters to represent Vietnamese words.3 These sound descriptions are close to kong or kʰoŋ,4 the first word or sometimes single word used for the peacocks in Chinese. Because of this association, it is likely that kong alludes to the crying sound of the peacock.5 Que, following the meanings of xiao 小 (small) and zhui 隹 (short-tailed birds),6 refers to one surprising feature of the peacock: although it has enormous fan-like feathers, its tail is relatively small.7 Before the third-century’s rhapsodies on the peacocks, the bird was often associated with the phoenix. The phoenix is such a mysterious creature in Chinese culture that there is no consensus even on what it is made of. Some scholars have stated that the image of the phoenix is based on a wind spirit, based on linguistic analysis; so that the symbols of the four directions were all related to the phoenix.8 Other scholars argue that the image of the phoenix derived from the peacock, based on either linguistic analysis 1  Zheng Zuoxin et al., Niaogang, 4.190.

2  Nair, “The Peacock Cult in Asia,” 151.

3  For the information on 䲲, see “peacock,” Vietnamese Nôm Preservation Foundation at. http:// www.nomfoundation.org/nom-tools/Nom-Lookup-Tool/Nom-Lookup-Tool?uiLang=en. 4  Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 336.

5  Kong in kongque does not necessarily mean big, as kongque and daque 大雀 are listed together and the latter refers to ostrich; see Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 88.2918. Schafer also questioned the meaning of kong; see “Peacock” in his book The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 97.

6  For the meanings of zhui, see Xu Shen, Shuowen jiezi zhu, annot. Duan Yucai, 4.12a. For the meaning of que, see Wang Li, Gu hanyu zidian, 1607. 7  For its short tail information, see Zheng Zuoxin et al., Niaogang, 4.189.

8  See “Feng zi d xingcheng ji yanbian yu xian yin shiqi de feng xinyang” 風字的形成及演變與先殷 時期的風信仰, in Wei Cide, Zhongguo gudai fengshen congbai, 13–52; Qin, “Shi huang.”

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or archaeo­logical discoveries,9 such as several bronzes with the peacock imagery and a jade from the tomb of Fu Hao 婦好 (d. 1200 bce) shaped as a peacock.10 Then there are some scholars who argue that the original image of the phoenix might be that of an ostrich, but its image in history has been closer to the peacock.11 Some also argue that an original referent of the phoenix was a tributary bird such as the Samandal of India.12 The third century witnesses the link between the peacock and the divine Vermillion Bird. The original image of the Vermillion Bird was the quail, but it had become closer and closer to the phoenix during the Han times with tomb images, so that it is hard to distinguish the vermillion bird from the phoenix. Scholars had to provide a way: only when xuanwu, or the Dark Warrior, appears, can you know that the bird is the vermillion bird; otherwise it must be the phoenix.13 Regardless of these confusions, one thing that is clear and absolute is that these auspicious creatures—peacocks, phoenix, and the four spirits such as the vermillion bird— were not connected with celestial images until Han times when the Five-Element theory matured. Derk Bodde offered a sound and precise summary of the development of this theory and stated that after the First Emperor officially adopted water as the element, “the Five Elements and yin–yang ideas gained general currency in all schools of thought, and the Han thinker Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 bce), in his Chunqiu fanlu, integrated them with Confucian moral and social values into a single, all-embracing system.”14 Third-century rhapsodists practised this correlative thinking and further developed the traditional image of the peacock as the companion of the phoenix to that of the vermillion bird, thereupon transferring the bird from an earthly image to a celestial one. This transformation became possible only after the Five-Element theory was embraced by elites, after the Han fell, claims Derk Bodde,15 when the rhapsodists were active. The values of this transformation will be discussed below as well.

9  Ye Yusen, Yinxu shuqi qianbian kaoshi, 2.35; Dong Zuobin, “Anyang Houjiazhuang chutu zhi jiagu wenzi,” 117; Li Xiaoding, Jiagu wenzi jishi, 1367.

10  Fu Hao is the queen as well as a military commander of King Wuding 武丁 (ca. 1250–1192 bce).

11  Chen Jiujin, Zhongguo xingzuo shenhua, 87 and 88; as for the ostrich, see He Xin, Zhushen de qiyuan, 344. 12  Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 38. 13  Li Linfa, Hanhua kaoshi he yanjiu, 234.

14  Bodde, Chinese Thought, Society, and Science, 102. In Dong Zhongshu: A “Confucian” Heritage and the Chunqiu fanlu, Loewe examined Dong’s life, and challenged Dong’s authorship after detailed discussion of the contents, authorship, and transmission of Chuanqiu fanlu. 15  Bodde, Chinese Thought, Society, and Science, 102–3.



Earlier Literature

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The peacock first appeared in the Chuci and then grand fu, which provides us information about the forming process of the peacock image in early literary writings. 孔蓋兮翠旍， 登九天兮撫彗星。

孔雀盈園， 畜鸞皇只。

駕鸞鳳以上遊兮， 從玄鶴與鷦明。 孔鳥飛而送迎兮， 騰群鶴於瑤光。

實孔鸞兮所居， 今其集兮惟鴞。

鸞皇孔鳳日以遠兮， 畜鳧駕鵝。

蓍蔡兮踴躍， 孔鶴兮迴翔。

With peacock canopy and kingfisher banner, He mounts the nine-fold heaven and grasps the Broom Star

“Shao Siming” 少司命 of Jiuge 九歌.16

The gardens are stocked with peacocks; Simurghs and phoenixes are raised here.

“Dazhao” 大招.17

Drawn by phoenixes, skywards I soared, Leading a train of black cranes and jiao–ming birds.18 Peacocks came flying to welcome and escort us. I sent off a flight of swans to the Dipper’s Handle.

“Yuanyou” 遠遊 of “Jiu tan” 九嘆.19

Truly a place for peacocks and simurghs to nest in! Yet now an owl alone roosts in them.

Wang Yi, “Shouzhi” 守志of “Jiu si” 九思.20

The simurghs, peacocks and phoenixes grow daily more and more remote; The geese, the chickens, and the ducks fill the courtyard and the halls. Dongfang Shuo (140–87 bce), “Miujian” 謬諫 of “Qi jian” 七諫.21

The ancient turtles leap and sport, Peacocks and cranes circling soar.

Wang Bao (fl. 61–58 bce), “Kuang ji” 匡機 of “Jiu huai” 九懷.22

16  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 41–42; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 112.

17  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 199; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 301. The second line is my own translation.

18  According to Shuowen jiezi, Jiaoming is a marvellous bird of the south or west. It is identified as a type of phoenix, and Knechtges translated it as “blazing fire bird”; see his Wen xuan, 1:414n615. 19  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 313–15; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 301.

20  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 341; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 316. I changed “phoenixes” to “peacocks and simurghs.”

21  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 243; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 258. The first line is my own translation.

22  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 257; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 270. I changed “great cranes” to “peacocks and cranes.”

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All these passages clearly include the peacock with the conventionally auspicious animals, such as simurghs, phoenixes, cranes, and turtles, in symbolizing good fortune. The propitious images of the peacock were cherished and inherited by the later writers of the grand fu: 其上則有 鵷鶵孔鸞, 騰逺射干。 其下則有 白虎玄豹， 蟃蜒貙犴。

孔雀集而相存兮， 玄猿嘯而長吟。 翡翠脅翼而來萃兮， 鸞鳯飛而北南。

玄鸞孔雀， 翡翠垂榮。

孔翠羣翔， 犀象競馳。 白雉朝雊， 猩猩夜啼。

鷓鴣南翥而中留， 孔雀綷羽以翺翔。 山雞歸飛而來棲， 翡翠列巢以重行。

In the treetops there are: The phoenix, peacock, simurgh, Leaping gibbon, and tree-jackal. Beneath them there are: The white tiger, black panther, The Manyan and leopard cat.

Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179 –117 bce), “Zixu fu” 子虛賦.23

Peacocks flock together as if paying courtesy calls; Black gibbons shriek and howl. Kingfishers fold their wings and snuggle together; Only the phoenixes soar off alone, one north, one south. Sima Xiangru, “Changmen fu” 長門賦.24

Black simurghs and peacocks, Kingfishers shedding a glorious lustre.

Yang Xiong 楊雄 (53 bce –18 ce), “Yülie fu” 羽獵賦.25

Peacocks and kingfishers soar in flocks, Rhinoceroses and elephants gallop in wild stampede. White pheasants call in the morning, Orangutans shriek in the night.

Zuo Si 左思 (250–305), “Shudu fu” 蜀都賦.26

The francolin, winging southward, tarries among them, The peacock, in variegated plumes, soars by. The golden pheasant, on homeward flight, comes here to roost, The kingfisher builds its tiered nests, one upon another. Zuo Si, “Wudu fu” 吳都賦.27

In the tradition of the Chuci and grand fu writing, the auspicious figure of the peacock was simply one entry in a catalogue, the fine companion of other propitious animals or birds. 23  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 351; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 2:61–62.

24  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 714; Knechtges, “Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju’s ‘Tall Gate Palace Rhapsody’,” 55. 25  25 Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 396; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 2:131. 26  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 177; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:345.

27  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 213; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:391.



Rhapsodies on the Peacock

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In rhapsodies on objects, by contrast, the peacock became the centre of the piece, as we see in the following four rhapsodies, which appeared around the beginning of the third century: Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) “Rhapsody on the Peacock” 孔雀賦 (lost)

Yang Xiu 楊修 (175–219) “Rhapsody on the Peacock with Preface”

Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264) “Rhapsody on the Peacock”

Zuo Fen 左芬 (ca 255–300) “Rhapsody on the Peacock”

Yang Xiu’s work is the only one with a preface. This preface not only provides us with valuable information on the writing background, but also offers us chances to know Cao Zhi’s lost work: In the garden of the King of Wei [Cao Cao, 216], the peacocks have lived for a while and now are displayed with other types of birds. When they first arrived, people marveled at them, but now guests don’t even glance at them. The Marquis of Linzi [Cao Zhi, 214] sighed that the world treats scholars similarly, which provoked him to compose a rhapsody. I was ordered to write one, so I composed it. 魏王園中有孔雀，久在池沼，與眾鳥同列。其初至也，甚見奇偉，而今行者莫眡。臨 淄侯感世人之待士亦咸如此，故興志而作賦。并見命及，遂作賦曰28

In addition to establishing the peacocks in the garden of the King of Wei, we know from this preface that the poem was composed between 216 and 219.29 Yang Xiu refers to Cao Cao as the King of Wei, and it was in 216 that Cao Cao received this title.30 Yang Xiu was executed in 219, after he and Cao Zhi got drunk and rode horseback to the officially forbidden Sima Gate.31 Also because of this preface, Cao Zhi’s effort to create a new image of the peacock was preserved. Unlike previous writers who canonized the peacock as an auspicious image, Cao Zhi offers it as an emblem of undeserved degradation by claiming that the world did not know how to cherish the scholars’ talents, exactly as they ignored this exotic and once sacred bird. Cao Zhi was bestowed with the title of Marquis of Linzi (modern Zibo 淄博, Shandong Province) in 214,32 and was once favoured by his father Cao Cao, as the latter entrusted him to guard Ye, their headquarters, while Cao Cao was on campaign in 214.33 28  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 51. 757; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 72–73.

29  Lu Kuanru located this writing around 217; see Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 416. 30  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1.47.

31  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.558. His execution might be foreshadowed by an anecdote: Yang Xiu once several times informed his friend Cao Zhi of the council’s agenda so the latter could prepare beforehand, which greatly irritated Cao Cao. See Dianlue 典略 quoted in Sanguo zhi, 19.560n3. 32  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.557.

33  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.557.

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Cao Zhi, however, was careless, drank heavily, and he gradually lost his father’s favour.34 Eventually Cao Pi was designated as the heir of Wei in 217 and became the successor of Cao Cao in 220.35 Considering this background, it is not difficult to understand why Cao Zhi lamented the fate of the bird he saw. In order to encourage his master, Yang Xiu, however, praised the bird as a great omen in an upbeat tone: 有南夏之孔雀， 同號稱于火精。 寓鶉虛以挺體， 含正陽之淑靈。 首戴冠以飾貌， 爰龜背而鸞頸。 徐軒翥以俛仰， 動止步而有程。

There is a peacock from South China; It compares to the Phoenix, Essence of Fire. It dwells at Mansion Chun and holds its body high, And possesses the spirits of the sun mist. It wears a cap to decorate itself, And has a tortoise-like back and a simurgh-like neck.36 It slowly soars up while bobbing up and down, In motion and stillness, it follows its rules.37

The auspicious associations are visible in every couplet. The first couplet compares this bird to the most auspicious creature in Chinese history, the phoenix, which is also called Essence of Fire, huojing, and actually engenders the Vermillion Bird, which represents the South.38 Like the Vermillion Bird, the peacock is also from the south, Nanxia.39 The second couplet follows the last term of the previous couplet and continues applying cosmo­logical images to glorify the bird. “It dwells at Mansion Chun and holds its body high,/ and possesses the spirits in the Sun Mist.” Mansion Chun, chunxiu, refers to liu 柳, the third xiu or mansion of the Vermillion Bird of the South, is equivalent to Hydra in the Western sky vicinity,40 and is one of four regions in Chinese constellations. 34  Cao Zhi started to lose favour between 214 and 217; “But Zhi acted in a headstrong manner, did not refine himself, and drank immoderately. Cao Pi checked him with skill. He put on airs and embellished himself, while people in the palace and his supporters spoke together on his behalf” 而 植任性而行，不自彫勵，飲酒不節。文帝御之以術，矯情自飾，宮人左右並為之說，故遂定為 嗣. See Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 19.558; Cutter, “The Incident at the Gate,” 235.

35  For related information on choosing an heir, see Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue, 414; Cutter, “The Incident at the Gate,” 228–62; De Crespigny, A Bio­graphical Dictionary, 45 and 51.

36  Luan, helper of the phoenix, represents the masculine values of yang, associated with spring and the fabulous, multicoloured, solar bird; see Girardot, Myth and Meaning in Early Daoism, 131. 37  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 51. 757; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 72–73.

38  “Phoenix is the Essential of Fire” 鳳爲火精, in Kongyantu 孔演圖, recorded in Xu Jian, Chuxue ji, 30.1a (723). For “Yinghuo, the Essential of Fire produced the Vermillion Bird” 熒惑火精生朱烏, this sentence was recorded in Qingleng zhuan青泠傳, quoted in Baopuzi 抱樸子, by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343), which again is preserved in Ouyang, Yiwen leiju, 92.1592. 39  “Nanxia refers to the vast space south to River Han, reaching to Huguang [modern Hunan and Hubei provinces] and Minhai [modern Fujian and the south coast of Zejiang province], even the rebellion of An Lushan [755–763] did not affect it”; see “Dongxi nanbei” 东南西北 in Jiao Hong, Jiaoshi bi cheng, 344.

40  Liu is equivalent to Hydra in the western sky; see Carus, Chinese Thought, 108–12. For a brief history of Chinese constellations, see Sun and Kistemaker, The Chinese Sky during the Han, 15–36.



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The third couplet compares this bird to other auspicious animals, like tortoise and simurgh. The first line indirectly compares it to a gentleman: “It wears a cap to decorate itself.” According to ancient rites, once a man reaches twenty, he will be offered a capping ceremony, which announces his qualification of entering his manhood. After that, he always needs to wear a cap in public, in different styles depending on situation.41 By saying this bird has a cap, the author indicates that it always acts and behaves properly. The last couplet carries on the meaning of the previous couplet, uses the term xuanzhu associated with simurgh,42 and again praises the bird’s propriety, this time more directly: “In motion and stillness, it follows its rules.” Yang Xiu here promotes three associations for the peacock: first, with the phoenix, fire, and stars, based on its birth origin; second, with auspicious animals based on its appearance; third, with a proper gentleman based on its behaviour. The first connection was inherited from literary tradition, and the last two connections allude to the Shanhai jing in its praise of the phoenix: [At Danxue Mountain…] There is a bird. Its appearance is like that of a pheasant. It is varicoloured and patterned. Its name is fenghuang. Its head markings say “virtue.” Its wing markings say “propriety.” Its back markings say “rites.” Its chest markings say “kindness.” Its stomach markings say “fidelity.” This bird drinks and eats as it wishes. It sings and dances by itself. If it appears, the empire is at peace. 有鳥焉，其狀如雞，五采而文，名曰鳳皇，首文曰德，翼文曰義，背文曰禮，膺文曰 仁，腹文曰信。是鳥也，飲食自然，自歌自舞，見則天下安寧43

In Shanhai jing, the phoenix is linked with the south as well, but not linked with stars. There are also no other extant records linking the peacock with both fire and stars. While it would be too much to claim that Yang Xiu initiated this connection in literature on his own, it is clear that his writing reflects the newly emerged astro­logical or astronomical theory of his time, as we will discuss soon. Yang Xiu extended traditional practice to celebrate the bird as an auspicious symbol in order to encourage Cao Zhi. Zhong Hui celebrates it, too, but in order to encourage himself. Zhong was one year old when Cao Pi died and seven years old when Cao Zhi died. The Cao brothers’ fight had long been over when Zhong Hui composed his ode to the peacock. As a major philosophical figure, he initiated the new school of xuanxue 玄學 (metaphysical learning); as a major political figure, he gained the highest position in the Wei Court. In 264, however, he revolted against it, because by that time it was the Sima clan that controlled the Wei court.44 What can this auspicious bird bring to Zhong Hui?

41  See “Guanyi” 冠儀 in Liji xunzuan, annot. Zhu Bin,874–76.

42  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 144; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 198.

43  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 1.16; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:298, 614.

44  See his bio­graphy in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 28.784–95. For Sima Yi’s 司馬懿 (179–251) revolt, see Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 1.16–19; Li Hu, Zhonggu shidai, 798, 815–19.

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有炎方之偉鳥， 感靈和而來儀。 稟麗精以挺質， 生丹穴之南垂。 戴翠旄以表弁， 垂綠蕤之森纚。 裁修尾之翹翹， 若順風而揚麾。 五色點注， 華羽參差。 鱗交綺錯， 文藻陸離。 丹口金輔， 玄目素規。 或舒翼軒峙， 奮迅洪姿。 或蹀足踟躕， 鳴嘯郁咿。

There is a superb bird from the south, Who arrived, responding to the harmonious society (ŋɨai).45 It possesses an elegant spirit and upholds its beauty, It was born in the south part of Cinnabar Grotto (tźuai). It wears an emerald crown as a bonnet And hangs green crests as a long silk-braided ribbon (se). It trims long tail feathers and spreads them high, And follows winds like a fluttering flag (hyai). Five colours intermittently decorate its body, Its iridescent feathers vary in length (tśʱai). Tangled and twisted, Its patterns are extremely colourful (liai). Red beak on the golden face, Deep eyes with white circles (kye). Sometimes it spreads feathers and stands high, Energetically and strongly (tsʱi). Sometimes it treads feet in perplexity, Yu–yi, it cries (ʔi).46

This poem consists of four parts. The first part, lines 1–4, rhymes with ge 歌 (–ai), and introduces the origin of this bird; part two, lines 5–8, rhymes with ge (–ai) and zhi (–e), and focuses on its head and feathers; part three, lines 9–14, rhymes with ge (–ai) and zhi 支 (–e), and describes other parts of its body; the last part rhymes with zhi 脂 (–i) and depicts its behaviour. To Zhong Hui, this bird was marvellous to look at, and more importantly, imbued with deeper meaning. Zhong Hui equates this bird with the phoenix by choosing two terms, laiyi and danxue, which are traditionally associated with the phoenix. Danxue 丹穴 (Cinnabar Grotto), refers to Danxue Mountain, where the phoenix lives according to Shanhai jing.47 Laiyi 來儀 is from “Yiji” 益稷 in Shang shu 尚書 when Kui 夔, the minister of music of Shun, appears in the conversation between Shun 舜 and Yu 禹, to play music for Yao in honour of Yu: When the nine parts of the service, as arranged by the Ti, have all been performed, the male and female phoenix come with their measured gamboling (into the court). 簫韶九成，鳳皇來儀.48

45  The constructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­ logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 567, 197, 526, 286, 179, 349, 267, 633; and 278. For zi, see Kroll, A Student’s Dictionary, 626. 46  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 23.1188; Gong, Quan Sanguo fu, 634–35; Han, Quan Wei-Jin fu, 69.

47  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 1.16.

48  Shangshu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 130; The Shu King, trans. Legge, .61.



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The arrival of the phoenix or laiyi symbolizes the harmonious relationship between rulers and nature, and presents an auspicious omen.49 The allusive use of laiyi had already been an established convention for at least a century. When Zuo Xiong 左雄 (d. 138), was promoted to the Director of the Imperial Secretariat by Emperor Shun of Han 漢順帝 (r. 126–145), he submitted a memorandum on governing skills and personnel management saying: The Han dynasty has had many fine officials, and the best of them are flourishing now. That is the reason that your majesty could attract the auspicious phoenix, and contribute to the state’s resurgence. 漢世良吏，於茲為盛，故能降來儀之瑞，建中興之功.50

Here Zuo Xiong rephrases the laiyi allusion to connect the arrival of the phoenix with the political contribution of his ruler. As we have seen from the chapters on rosemary and the agate bridles, Chen Lin also applied this allusion to praise the heir-apparent Cao Pi. Which ruler could possibly be in Zhong Hui’s mind? Cao Pi, the only truly powerful ruler of the Wei court had passed away when Zhong was an infant. Other Wei kings were merely rulers in name. During Zhong Hui’s time, the power of Wei passed into the hands of the Sima clan, but he eventually revolted against them. It is more likely that his peacock is a self-portrait, and that the auspices of the regal phoenix are an expression of his own ambitions. If so, however, the invocation was a failure: he lost his life in chaotic rebellions in the Shu state at the age of thirty-nine.51 Yang Xiu wrote on the peacocks for his master Cao Zhi, and Zhong Hui wrote for his own ambition; whom should Zuo Fen write for? 戴綠碧之秀毛， 擢翠尾之脩莖。 飲芳桂之凝露， 食秋菊之落英。 耀丹紫之儵爍， 應晨風以悲鳴。

It wears blue-green crest feathers,52 And lifts its halcyon tailfeathers on long stems. It drinks the rounded dewdrops of fragrant cinnabar, And consumes the falling flowers of autumn chrysanthemums. Its feathers resplendent in crimson and purple, It answers to a morning zephyr with a mournful cry.53

This is an incomplete piece, but possesses enough lines to demonstrate her writing purpose, which was evidently not to describe the animal accurately. Under Zuo Fen’s pen, the bird drinks dews and eats flowers, just like Qu Yuan in the Chuci: 49  Ding summarized major explanations in history and provides his own definition of yi, meaning arriving; see Ding, “Fenghuang laiyi.” 50  See “Zuo Xiong zhuan” in Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 61.2016.

51  For a detailed description of Zhong Hui’s rebellion, see Li Hu, Zhonggu shidai, 815–19.

52  Lübi might have been the leek-green quartz known as prase; see “Dixing xun” 墬形訓 in Liu An, Huainanzi jishi, annot. He Ning, 4.351; Schafer, The Vermilion Bird, 159; Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, trans. Knechtges, 1:124, line 204.

53  Chenfeng, a falcon; see Shijing yizhu, annot. Zhou Zhenfu, 185; The She King, trans. Legge, 200. For the poem see Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 13.1533. See this fu in Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 13.1533.

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In the mornings I drank the dew that fell from the magnolia; At evening ate the petals that dropped from chrysanthemums. 朝飲木蘭之墜露兮，夕餐秋菊之落英.54

This literary description reminds us of the phoenix, or imaginary bird, only. As an omnivorous bird, the domesticated peacock might eat plants, berries, seeds, insects, while the wild ones eat land-shells, insects, small lizards, tiny frogs, and snakes. As a thirsty bird, abundant water is very necessary.55 Clearly, Zuo Fen was not describing what the bird was doing, but personified it as an upright or lofty scholar who carefully kept purifying his body or mind. According to her bio­graphy in Jin shu, Zuo Fen, the younger sister of the well-known Western Jin writer Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305), was selected as a lady-in-waiting for Emperor Wu of Jin 晉武帝 (Sima Yan 司馬炎, r. 265–290) in 271, and later promoted to guipin 貴嬪 (Honourable Companion) in 274.56 But she was not happy with her palace life, as she expressed in her “Lisi fu” 離思賦 written during her first year in the palace. For her isolation and loneliness, Zuo Fen blamed palace rules and the emperor himself.57 She saw the peacocks only after she began to live in the palace, as the peacocks were rare birds and special tributary goods from other countries. Thinking of the dissatisfaction with palace life, Zuo Fen projected her suffering onto the peacocks, who were brought to this foreign land and were kept in an isolated place just like herself, still trying to keep their own dignity, but crying out in helplessness and desperation.

Icono­graphy

Our three fu writers all extend and enrich the traditional linkage of the peacocks with the phoenix in Chuci and grand fu. Yang Xiu applied the proper values of the phoenix to the peacock; Zhong Hui applied the symbolic meaning of the phoenix to the peacock for political ambition; and Zuo Fen applied the purity and integrity of the phoenix to the peacock. In addition, they all claimed that peacocks came from the south with green feathers. Yang Xiu mentioned “There is a peacock from South China”; Zhong Hui said “It wears an emerald crown as a bonnet,/ and hangs green crests as a long silk-braided ribbon”; and Zuo Fen said to “lift its halcyon tailfeathers on long stems.” Archaeo­logical discoveries confirm that their descriptions are based on physical facts and all point to the bird’s origin in the south.58 54  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 7; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 70.

55  Zheng Zuoxin et al., Niaogang, 4.191; Jackson, Peacock, 25.

56  For her bio­graphy, see Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 31.957–62.

57  For a brief introduction to Zuo Fen and her “Lisi fu,” see Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 51–54; Knetchges, “Zuo Fen,” in Chang et al., Women Writers of Traditional China, 30–35.

58  Xing Fuhua, “Cong Luoyang chutu wenwu kan handai de zhuque,” 15–19 at 15: “vermillion body and green wings” 朱身綠翼. “Colour pottery from the later time of the Western Han appears in the shape of a vermillion bird with yellow body and green wings” 西漢晚期彩陶，朱雀身塗黃色，翼 塗綠色; see Luoyang shi, “Luoyang youdian,” 24.



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Based on modern bio­logical studies, there are two kinds of peacocks, the blue peafowl, pavo cristatus, from India and Sri Lanka; and the green one, pavo muticus, from southern Myanmar (Burma) and the southern part of China.59 During the eras of the Han (206 bce–220 ce) and Wei-Jin (220–420), peacocks appeared in most places south of the Yangzi River, such as modern Sichuan, Hunan, Hubei, Yunnan, Guangdong, and Guangxi.60 Han shu 漢書 mentions that Zhao Tuo 趙佗 (240–137 bce) King of Nanyue 南 越, offered the Han court two peacocks. The kingdom of Nanyue included parts of modern Guangdong, Guangxi, Fujian, and northern and central parts of Vietnam.61 Hou Han shu 後漢書 mentions that the Kingdoms of Dian 滇國 (278–115 bce) and Ailao 哀牢 (fl. third century bce–76 ce) were domesticating and breeding peacocks.62 Dian included modern Yunnan, and Ailao included parts of Yunnan and Myanmar. Jin shu 晉書 records that three thousand peacocks were about to be sent away from Jiaozhi交趾.63 Jiaozhi commandery included modern Guangdong, Guangxi, and the northern part of Vietnam. Wu shu 吳書 of Sanguo zhi 三國志 mentions that Jiaozhi had the peacocks.64 During the Han and Wei-Jin times, these areas were all under the authority of central governments, so they were possibly the major contributors of green peacocks to the courts. Although it is not wrong to claim that the peacocks our writers saw were from the south, it is not entirely accurate either, because even during the Han and Wei-Jin times, there were records mentioning that some peacocks were from the Western Regions or the West:65 Jibing [Kabul] produces peacocks. 罽宾国出孔爵66

59  Zheng Zuoxin et al., Niaogang, 4.188. The subspecies living in China or Indochina (now Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia) was called pavo matitus imperator in 1949 by Jean Delacour (1890–1985); see Jackson, Peacock, 127.

60  Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 88.2918; Ban Gu, Han shu, 95.3852; Bai Na, “Cong shiliao tanjiu zhongguo lishi shiqi kongque de dili fenbu,” 56–58. Wen and He, “Zhongguo lishi shiqi kongque de dili fenbu jiqi bianqian.” 61  Ban Gu, Han shu, 95.3852.

62  Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 86.2846 and 2849.

63  See the bio­graphy of Tao Huang 陶璜 in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 57.1558. 64  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 53.1252.

65  Jin shu also mentioned the peacock as a tributary good from the Western Regions, but the event happened in 327, after our three writers passed away, so I list here as a reference: “The people from the western regions offered blood-sweating horses, clothes cleaned in fire, wild yaks, peacocks, elephants and other precious crafts in total of more than two hundred pieces” 西域諸國獻汗血 馬、火浣布、犎牛、孔雀、巨象及諸珍異二百餘品; see the bio­graphy of Zhang Jun 張駿 in Fang Xuanling et al., Jin shu, 86.2235. For modern scholarly research on this topic, see Wang Zijin, “Qiuci kongque kao,” 85. Modern scholars also connected the peacock with Tibetan culture; see Fu and Wan, “The Peacock’s Gallbladder.” 66  Ban Gu, Han shu, 96.3885. “Jibin 罽賓 refers to the area of Gandhāra (the middle and lower reaches of the Kabul River including Puṣkalāvatī� and Taxila). Jibin [kiat–pien] is a transcription of Kophen, an ancient name for Kabul”; see Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 50n31. On the various problems concerning Jibin, see Yu Taishan, Saizhong shi yanjiu, 144–67.

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In the Western Regions, Tiaozhi [the Seleucid Syrian Kingdom] produces peacocks. 條支國出孔雀67

During the reign of Emperor Wu of Jin, people from the Western Regions offered his court peacocks. These birds understood human’s language. When people snapped their fingers, they would respond to the sound and dance. 世祖時，西域獻孔雀，解人語，彈指應聲起舞68

Among the four entries here, the first one was written before our three writers, and the second was written later, but the story refers to the period prior to their time. The last one is relevant to Zuo Fen; she might have seen the peacocks, or she might have received the order from Emperor Wu to write poems on the peacocks offered by the Western Region people. The point is that they were aware of the existence of blue peacocks in the West. The question now is why our writers preferred to claim that peacocks are from the south. The answer lies in transforming the peacock into the Vermillion Bird. Two steps were involved with this process: first, to link it with the southern direction, and second, to link it to the symbol of the direction. Let us take Yang Xiu’s work as an example first: 有南夏之孔雀， 同號稱于火精。 寓鶉虛以挺體， 含正陽之淑靈。

There is a big bird from South China; It compares to the Phoenix, Essence of Fire. It dwells at Mansion Chun and holds its body high, And possesses the spirits of the sun mist.69

He starts by claiming that the peacock is from the south, then links it with all images associated with the south. First, it is associated with the Essence of Fire, huojing, represented by the phoenix,70 then produces Vermillion Bird, one of the Four Spirits, representing the South. This correspondence between the bird and the direction formed after the Former Han times.71 Second, it is associated with chun or chunhuo 鶉火, also called 67  Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 88.2918; Yu Taishan identifies Tiaozhi as the Seleucid Syrian Kingdom; see Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 6–19. 68  Jin gongqing zan 晉公卿讚, written by Fu Chang 傅暢 (d. 330), was lost; this para­graph was preserved in Ouyang, Yiwen leiju, 91.1574. 69  Yan Kejun, Quan Hou Han wen, 51.757.

70  Chunqiu kongyan tu 春秋孔演圖, one of the apocryphal texts appearing during the later years of the Western Han, says that “phoenix is huojing” 鳳爲火精, which is recorded in Shuofu; see Tao, Shuofu sanzhong, 5.235.

71  Sun and Kistemaker, The Chinese Sky during the Han, 120. Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) explained the relationship between the five stars and the Five-Element theory below:   Five stars are essentials of five elements: mujing is the Year Star (Jupiter); huojing is the Sparkling Deluder (Mars); tujing is the Quelling Star (Saturn); jinjing is the Grand White (Venus); shuijing is the Chrono­graphic Star (Mercury). 五星者五行之精：木精曰歲星，火精曰熒惑，土精曰 鎭星，金精曰太白，水精曰辰星, see Chunqiu zuozhuan zhengyi, annot. Kong Yingda, 38.650; Schafer, Pacing the Void, 212.



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liu 柳, the third mansion in the southern constellation.72 By connecting the peacock with the Essential Fire, Yang Xiu associates the peacock with the phoenix and Vermillion Bird, so that the peacock takes on an astro­logical significance as well. By our rhapsodists’ time, then, the correlative thinking represented by the Five-Elements Theory matured, providing our writers the needed concepts and practices to link the peacock to celestial phenomena.73 This association was inherited by Tang writers, as Schafer states that “peacock became for the Chinese the ‘bird of Viet,’ a standard symbol of the South.”74

Depreciation

The three pieces of rhapsodies also reveal a paradox. On one hand, the writers not only carried on the tradition of elevating and even deifying the peacock, as the companion of the sacred phoenix and the celestial figure of the Vermillion Bird. On the other hand, they associated the experienced reality of the bird with human struggles, which inevitably degraded the peacock’s status. These third-century rhapsodies on peacocks simultaneously embodied two different types of what Martine Siebert calls “text-animals.” In her study of pulu, Siebert distinguishes “between ‘remote’ animals, which were constructed from other texts and hearsay, and ‘close’ animals, where a more direct translation took place—from actual observations of animals into textual portrayals of them…Whereas the first was approached and represented mainly through narratives and from a safe, philo­logical distance, scholars established a personal approach to, and intimate engagement with, the latter.”75 If the Wei poets developed their great bird of the South in “remote” terms, what exactly did the “close” peacock consist of? Chinese elites, throughout history, valued the peacock mainly for its feathers, which could be used either as fans, canopies, or interior decoration. Qu Yuan juxtaposed “peacock canopy” 孔蓋 with kingfisher banner as his gear while journeying to heaven;76 Court Lady Zhao offered her older sister Empress Zhao Feiyan 趙飛燕 (ca. 31–1 bce) thirtyfive precious crafts, one of which was a peacock fan.77 Cao Pi also excitedly claimed that the canopies made from ten thousand peacock feathers offered by the Yutian State were very dazzling.78 72  “Liu is the Quail Fire” 柳, 鹑火也; see “Shitian” 释天 in Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 5.56a.

73  For further discussion on the development of correlative thinking, see Puett, To Become a God, 145–200. 74  Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 97.

75  Martina Siebert, “Animal as Text: Producing and Consuming,” in Sterckx, Siebert, and Schafer, eds., Animals through Chinese History, 159. 76  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, 41–42; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 112.

77  Ge Hong, Xijin zaji, 8. In 16 bce, Zhao Feiyan was designated as the empress of Emperor Cheng of Han 漢成帝 (r. 33–7 bce); see Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 10.319. 78  Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 924.4104.

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Even for these limited values, different voices were parallelled. In his Yantie lun 鹽 鐵論, Huan Kuan 桓寬 (fl. 50 bce) mentioned that peacocks were used to guard gates in Nanyue, were not presented to “benefit the central state and demonstrate rich virtues” 厚中國，明盛德也, and should not be cherished as auspicious symbols.79 His objection actually confirms that it was a common and popular practice to treat the peacock as an auspicious symbol. Fu Xun 傅巽 (fl. 220), once the Imperial Secretary 尚書,80 viewed the peacock’s feather differently: The giant fox invites calamity because of its red colour, kingfisher and peacock are likewise victims of their elaborate feather. 豐狐以赤色禍身，翡翠、孔雀，亦災斯文.81

To Fu Xun, the peacock became a mirror for the human world, teaching people the lessons that precious things can also be dangerous, physically and morally. Similarly, Cao Zhi and Zuo Fen both anthropomorphized the peacock, so it became the carrier of their feelings such as loneliness and pain at being ignored by others. The people from the south of modern China enjoyed peacock as a delicacy, as recorded in Linnan yiwuzhi 嶺南異物志 by Tang literatus Meng Guan孟琯 (fl. 810):82 People from the Jiaozhi commandery [modern Guangdong and Guangxi provinces] raise many peacocks, they either kill it to make dried meat, or raise its babies to attract wild ones. They would set up nets, wait for wild peacocks to fly down, and then cover them with net. They would pick up their golden emerald feathers to make fans, or cut their tails [feathers] as their local specialty. They cut the tail off, because in this way the colour never fades. 交址郡人多養孔雀，殺為脯臘，又養其雛，為媒傍，施網罟，伺其飛下，則牽網橫掩 之，採其金翠毛，裝為扇拂，或生截其尾，以為方物。云，生取則金翠之色不減。

The people from the south used young domestic peacocks to hunt wild ones for trading, and used domesticated ones for food. Regarding peacock as a delicacy is also true in south Asia and the Mediterranean basin. In ancient India, it was believed that one who ate a peacock’s head became a Rahaj, and one who ate its flesh became immortal.83 Hortensius (114–50 bce), Roman orator and politician, served peacock’s meat as a delicacy to a group of ancient intellectuals.84 Bassianus, Roman Emperor (r. 218–222), ate peacock’s brain and tongue.85 For 79  Huan Kuan, Yan tie lun, annot. Wang Liqi, 438.

80  See “He Kui zhuan” 何夔傳 in Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 12.381n1.

81  See his “Shejian lun” 奢俭论 preserved in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 924.4104.

82  This para­graph is preserved in Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 924.4104. Meng was a jinshi during the yuanhe reign (806–820); see Xu Song 徐松, Dengke jikao 登科記考, 18.3a, in Nanjing shuyuan congshu 南菁書院叢書. 83  Nair, “The Peacock Cult in Asia,” 111; Jackson, Peacock, 93.

84  Goldsmith, A History of the Earth and Animated Nature, 4:134. 85  Nair, “The Peacock Cult in Asia,” 111.



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Christians, the peacock symbolizes the doctrine of the indestructibility of the flesh, and this is also the reason that no saint holds a peacock as a symbol.86 In China, by contrast, our three writers from the third century and other earlier writers do not mention its flesh as a dish at all. The earliest comment on peacock’s meat comes from Yinshi xuzhi 飲食須知 by Yuan Jia Ming賈銘 (fl. thirteenth century): Peacock meat is slightly poisonous. Its tail is poisonous: if it touches someone’s eyes, it can cause that person blurred vision and clouding. 孔雀肉…微毒…尾有毒， 不可入目，令人昏翳。87

When giving comments on food and health, Jia Ming had already lived 105 years. Based on his life experience, peacock flesh was clearly negative. When writing notes on the peacock, Ming herbalist, physician, and scientist Li Shizhen 李時珍 (1518–1593) questioned the early claim that peacock was poisonous and concluded that it only became poisonous after it mated with a snake.88 These two records demonstrate that ancient Chinese, lacking scientific information, did not value the peacock as food. The peacock feather was also cherished for its medicinal values in other cultures. In India it has been widely used for snake-bites and fever, and its burnt ashes are used as a remedy for vomiting.89 Chinese people did not realize or cherish the medical values of peacock till much later, and still with little detailed knowledge. In Puji fang 普濟方, compiled by Zhu Su 朱 橚 (1361–1425), peacock’s blood was recorded as a recipe for detoxification by drinking directly.90 In his Bencao gangmu, Li Shizhen collected three recipes: one using peacock’s feces alone for malignant sores,91 with other animal parts for urine related issues,92 and using blood and dried peacock meat for detoxification.93 Some scholars claimed that one belief shared by both West and East is that the “male’s persistent calls were said to be a sure sign of wet weather.”94 Although there are obvious links between the peacock’s cry and rain in India,95 there is no record in Chinese mentioning this link. One thing shared by both East and West, however, is that the peacock carried conflicting images and associations. In the West, people associated its feathers with angel’s 86  Jackson, Peacock, 54–55.

87  See Jia Ming, Yinshi xuzhi, 66. For more information on Chinese names and explanations, see Huang Weijie, Tansuo zhongyi yanke, 111. 88  Li, Bencao gangmu, 49.2669.

89  Nair, “The Peacock Cult in Asia,” 109–10. 90  Zhu Su et al., Puji fang, 251.4152. 91  Li, Bencao gangmu, 49.2669.

92  Li, Bencao gangmu, 49.2669. 93  Li, Bencao gangmu, 49.2669. 94  Jackson, Peacock, 57.

95  Nair, “The Peacock Cult in Asia,” 151.

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wings, but linked its voice and walk with devils.96 Chinese cherished its decorative values,97 but never stopped criticizing it.98 They juxtaposed it by criticizing its poisonousness and abnormal sexual behaviours. Beyond praising its feathers, few people realized the peacock’s medicinal values. Chinese people’s direct experience of the living peacock in the third century may have ended up diminishing its popularity and divine aura in coming generations, but, at that time, it was still auspicious enough to be sacred. Around Yang Xiu’s time, for multiple reasons, the peacock started to be depreciated. In the earlier references, the peacock existed as a mythical image, like a phoenix. During the third century, to the Wei writers, who actually had access to the real bird, the peacock became a tangible object. Though they did not deprecate peacocks, their connecting the bird with a pessimistic reality of human hardships inevitably acknowledged the depreciated existence of peacocks. As a religious image, the peacock was august and auspicious, but increasing access to the actual bird made it ordinary and even contemptible. Lamenting its fate allowed our four third-century writers to connect their personal ambition or frustration with this physically exotic and traditionally auspicious bird. No existence is perfect enough to avoid criticism, and the peacock is not an exception. These four rhapsodies establish the arc of the peacock’s development as figure or trope in two ways: on one hand the Wei poets’ works contributed to or perhaps even initiated—– the transposition of the peacock’s figurative associations from the ancient figure of the auspicious phoenix to the celestial figure of Vermillion Bird, thus reinforcing the philosophical development of the Western Han and incorporating peacocks into a seamless sacred tradition. Yet these same poems figure another transposition, from a mythic bird akin to the supernatural and auspicious phoenix to an actual and physical bird, with spectacular plumage, a peculiar gait, a disturbingly plaintive voice, and a diminished reputation. Our rhapsodists’ readiness to anthropomorphize the subject of their rhapsodies made the peacock into a more problematic emblem of disappointing reality, specifically of degraded or neglected virtue, power, beauty, or dignity. Both transformations appear to be deliberate projects, documenting the collision of metaphysical ideas with traded commodities, and the ambivalence of reconciling the old and the new.

96  Jackson, Peacock, 43.

97  Take some arts as examples in Sung, “The Three Yin Masters of the Ming Court,” 108.

98  For the claim that its colourful heavy tail blinds it, see Sung, “The Three Yin Masters of the Ming Court,” 106.

Chapter Six

THE LOTUS: BECOMING A CHINESE ICON Lotus, or lian 蓮花 in Chinese, is much venerated in China, but by now few people understand the intricate origins of its name and the relationship between it and hehua 荷花. It seems the term lianhua did start to appear in Chinese non-Buddhist documents towards the end of the Eastern Han, about one hundred years after the religion officially entered China. The arrival of the Indian lotus, as well as Indian Buddhism, gave Chinese culture a new term for its own lotus; it also inspired Chinese writers led by Cao Pi to rejuvenate their own lotus with new meanings, namely nonattachment, sun-like radiance, and lotus-picking activities. Etymo­logy of Lianhua

The origin of the word lianhua 蓮華/花, also called hehua,1 a well-known term for lotus or lotus flower in modern Chinese, is a mystery. The lotus plant was called hehua 荷華 or he in Shi jing 詩經, 山有扶蘇， 隰有荷華。

彼澤之陂， 有蒲與荷。

On the mountain is the mulberry tree, In the marshes is the lotus.

“Shan you fusu” 山有扶蘇 in the Odes of Zheng 鄭風2

Where its shores the marsh surround Rushes and lotus plants abound.

“Zebei” 澤陂in the Odes of Chen 陳風3

Mao Heng 毛亨 (fl. second century bce) explained that “Hehua is fuqu, and its flower is called handan” 荷華芙蕖也，其華菡萏.4 He parallelled hehua and its flower, which means hua does not mean flower, but a compound word for the plant. This understanding echoes Erya, the earliest surviving Chinese dictionary, which explains that each part of this plant had its own name: 1  See Hanyu dacidian, 9.499. Some scholars argue that the flower from India is nymphaea tetragona or waterlily and called shuilian 睡蓮 in Chinese, while the native Chinese plant is n. nucifera or lotus and called hehua in Chinese. See Yu Xiangshun, Zhongguo hehua, 38–39. But Indian scholar Basu states that there are two types of flowers described in ancient Indian literature and arts: lotus and water lily. See Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 13–15. Since “lianhua” and “hehua” in literary writings and Chinese custom became identical and interchangeable, I will focus on the intellectual development of this term instead of the bio­logical traits of the two plants. 2  Shi sanjia yi ji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 354; The Book of Poetry, trans. Legge, 126. I changed James’s translation of “lotus flower” to “lotus.” 3  Shi sanjia yi ji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 479; The Book of Poetry, trans. Legge, 172.

4  Shi sanjia yi ji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 354.

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He, or fuqu, its stem is called jia, its leaf called xia, its root called mi, its flower called handan, its fruit called lian, its rhizome called ou, its seed called di, and the centre of the seed is called yi. 荷，芙蕖，其莖茄，其葉蕸，其本蔤，其華菡萏，其實蓮，其根藕，其中的，的中薏5

Based on this entry, which was compiled around the third century ce, this plant was known as he or fuqu; lian was used mainly for the fruit of the plant, or pod in particular; as Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324) noted “lian is also called fang (pod)” 蓮謂房也.6 The lotus plant was called he and furong 芙蓉 in Chuci 楚辭： 製芰荷以為衣兮， 集芙蓉以為裳。

芙蓉始發， 雜芰荷些。

援芙蕖兮為蓋

芙蓉蓋而蔆華車兮

I made a coat of lotus and water-chestnut leaves, And gathered lotus petals to make myself a skirt. “Lisao” 離騷 by Qu Yuan 屈原 (340–278 bce).7 Its lotuses have just opened; among them grow water-chestnuts. “Zhaohun” 招魂 by Qu Yuan.8

Hold lotus flowers to make an awning. “Zuijian” 尊嘉 of Jiuhuai 九懷 by Wang Bao 王褒 (fl. 61–58 bce).9

Lotus flowers were my awning, of water-caltrops my car.

“Fengfen” 逢紛 of Jiutan 九歎 by Liu Xiang 劉向 (77–6 bce).10

The tradition in the south or among the collections of Chuci is calling the flower of this plant furong, as Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 89–158) explains that furong is the same as the flowers of lian 芙蓉蓮華也.11 His comment was the first time lianhua appeared in a written record. His contemporary philo­logist Xu Shen 許慎 (d. 120) provided more explanation on furong: Handan is furong. Its bud is called handan; after opening, it is called furong

菡萏，芙蓉，華未發為菡萏，已發為芙蓉 Lian is the fruit of furong 蓮，芙蓉之實也 He is the leaf of furong 荷，芙蓉之葉也12

5  See “Shicao” 釋草 in Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 8.10b (138).

6  Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 78.

7  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 17; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 71.

8  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 206; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 227.

9  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 275; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 284. I revised the English translation to match the scholarly comments. Wang Yi thought lotus petals were used to cover the poet’s body. 10  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 284; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 274

11  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 17.

12  Xu Shen, Shuowen jiezi zhu, annot. Duan Yucai, 1b.24a.



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Furong referred to the flower of the lotus plant, therefore lianhua also referred to the flower of the lotus plant. Around the same time, when commenting on “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 by Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 bce). Ying Shao 應劭 (fl. 189–194) also said that furong was lianhua.13 The development of the terms for the plant were thus: the plant was first called he, hehua, and fuqu; its flower was called furong and its fruit or pod was called lian. Beginning around the second century, the plant was more referred to by its flower, furong or lianhua. Lian changed from signifying its fruit, to the flower, and then to the entire plant. If using one part of the plant to refer to the whole was a common practice, how can the replacement of old terms with this relatively new word lianhua be explained? When commenting on the entry in Erya, the Northern Song Xing Bing 邢昺 (931–1010) said: Handan is lianhua or flower of lian. Di is the fruit of lian…Now people from the regions east of the Long River refer to hehua as furong; the northerners talk both of its root ou and flower lian as he. These are all cases where names are used incorrectly, customs are shared mistakenly, therefore the terms lose their proper meanings.

菡萏，蓮華也。的，蓮實也…今江東人呼荷華為芙蓉，北方人便以藕為荷，亦以蓮為 荷。此皆名相錯，習俗傳誤，失其正體者14

Around Xing Bing’s time, lianhua still referred to the flower of the plant, but this was more a custom from the north; in the region east of the Long River, the flower was called furong. To Xing Bing, these practices were wrong and people were improperly using terms. But when both Wang Yi and Ying Shao used lianhua to explain furong, it means that lianhua was a more accepted or popular term for the flower or plant than furong. Then, under which circumstance did lianhua become the standard term for the whole plant? Based on the extant documents, we found only one usage of lianhua during the Eastern Han time: Dongguan hanji 東觀漢記, compiled by Liu Zhen 劉珍 (53 bce–18 ce) which uses lianhua once: “有九石特秀，色丹，遠望如蓮華” (there are nine unique stones, in red colour, like lotus looking from afar).15 During the following century, only three usages were found: in poetic writing, only Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) called it both lianhua and furong in his poem saying “渡江南，採蓮華，芙蓉增敷，曄若星羅” (Crossing the south of the Long River, / to pluck lotus flowers, the flowers are increasingly spreading).16 In rhapsodies on objects, Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293) and Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) titled their rhapsodies with lianhua. In contrast to these scattered uses, we found plenty of usages of lianhua in Buddhist sutras ranging from the Eastern Han to the Wei-Jin period. Buddhism started to enter China when Emperor Wu of Han 漢武帝 (r. 140–87 BCE) conquered the Western Regions. 13  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 1.351.

14  Erya zhushu, annot. Xing Bing, 2628.

15  See “Dili zhi” 地理志 in Ban Gu, Dongguan Hanji jiaozhu, annot. and comm. Wu Shuping, 178. 16  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 568.

Table 3: Distribution of lianhua, furong, fuqu, hehua Translators Anonymous 失譯 Anonymous 失譯 Anonymous 失譯

Zhilou Jiachen 支婁迦讖 (Lokakshema, b. 147) An Shigao 安世高 (fl. 148–180)

Zhu Dali 竺大力 (fl. 179)

Years of Translations Titles of Translations 拔陂菩薩經 大方便佛報恩經 25–220 分別功德論 佛國經 97–147? 佛說遺日摩尼寶經 129–179 佛說阿闍世王經 147–186 佛說無量清淨平等覺經 佛說伅真陀羅所問如來三昧經 168–172 長阿含十報法經 佛說佛印三昧經 148–170 佛說自誓三昧經

Kang Mengxiang 康孟詳 (fl. 194–210)

147–197

Zhi Qian 支謙 (fl. 220–252)

222–229

223–228 220–227 220–270 222–228

223–253

234–284

234–284 Zhu Fahu 竺法護 (Dharmaraksa, ca. 230–316)

235–285 237–287

239–289

240–290

241–291

242–292 247–297

Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518)

Huilin 慧琳(737–820)

253–303

502–518 502–557 788–810

修行本起經 佛說維摩詰經 佛說黑氏梵志經 佛說文殊師利現寶藏經 佛說華積陀羅尼神 佛說八吉祥神 佛說菩薩本業經 佛說孫多耶致經 佛開解梵志阿[颱–台+(犮–乂+又)]經 撰集百緣經 太子瑞應本起經 佛說慧印三昧經 佛說義足經 佛說阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓佛檀過度人道經 修行道地經 文殊支利普超三昧經 普曜經 佛昇忉利天為母說法經 佛說寶網經 大哀經 舍頭諫太子二十八宿經 佛說阿惟越致遮經 生經 佛說海龍王經 正法華經 持心梵天所問經 寶女所問經 佛說文殊師利淨律經 佛說離垢施女經 文殊師利佛土嚴淨經 賢劫經 度世品經 佛說如來興顯經 漸備一切智德經 佛五百弟子自說本起經 佛說胞胎經 弘明集 釋迦譜 一切經音義

No. of No. of lianhua furong 1 26 19 13 2 9 8 14 1 1 3 1

3 1 6 1 1 3 1 1 14 3 6 2 7 8 1

38 5 4 35 12 2 1 5 3 38 7 8 17 1 2 1 11

No. of fuqu

No. of hehua

1

2 2 5 1 1 1

2 11

1

9

1



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In 65 ce, Emperor Ming of Han 漢明帝 (r. 58–76) sent Cai Yin 蔡愔 to seek sutras in the Western Regions, and he returned two years later. Around the same time, the western Buddhists such as Moteng 摩騰 (Matanga) and Zhu Falan 竺法蘭 (Dharmaratna) carried sutras on white horses to the Central Regions. These activities marked the official beginning of Buddhism entering China.17 As one scholar put it: “By the end of the Eastern Han, Buddhism had begun to impact the Chinese symbolic repertoire.”18 The distribution of the usages of lianhua, hehua, furong, and fuqu in Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras,19 seen in Table 3 opposite, shows the following results: for lianhua there are 23,101 usages; for furong there are 996; for fuqu, 165; and for hehua, 556. Obviously, lianhua was the most favoured term. When focusing on the sutras from the second and third centuries, the results even more strikingly favour lianhua over other terms: fuqu and hehua are not used; furong did not appear until the mid-third century, the Three Kingdoms period: even then, there are only thirteen usages of it, which appeared simultaneously with lianhua five times. In contrast to those rare appearances, there are 333 usages of lianhua (Table 3). Chinese Buddhist sutras promoted and popularized the word lianhua. Considering the fact that there were accepted terms of the lotus in previous tradition, such as furong, fuqu and hehua, the early translators must have purposely and deliberately applied this old–new term to differentiate the Indian image from its Chinese counterpart. The linguistic background of the early Buddhist translators might explain why lianhua was chosen. Zhilou Jiachen 支婁迦讖 (Lokakshema, b. 147), a native of Dayuezhi 大 月氏 (Kushan);20 An Shigao 安世高 (fl. 148–180), a prince of Anxi (Perthia);21 Zhu Dali 竺 大力 (fl. 179), a native of the Western Regions;22 Kang Mengxiang 康孟詳 (fl. 194–210), a native of Kangju 康居 (Sogdiana);23 Zhu Fahu 竺法護 (Dharmaraksa, ca. 230–316), a native of Dayuezhi;24 Zhi Qian 支謙 (222–253), a native of Yuezhi;25 Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518), a native of Jianye 建業 (modern Nanjing);26 and Huilin 慧琳 (737–820), a 17  This account has been universally accepted, although no official records about Cai Yin, Zhu Falan, and Moteng exist. For the story, see Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 1. See further in Wang Li, Hanyu shigao, 519; Rui, Datang xiyuji, preface, 5. 18  Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture, 84.

19  The (Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association) CBETA Lexicon Tool has been used to survey the distribution of the usages of key terms for this plant: lianhua, furong, fuqu, and hehua. This database integrates five Buddhist digital projects: Digital Database of Buddhist Tripitaka Catalogs, Dharma Drum Buddhist College Authority Database, GIS based study of the Bio­graphy of Eminent Monks, Buddhist Lexico­graphical Resources, and Chinese and Cross-Lingual Term Extraction for Buddhist Digital Archives 20  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 10.

21  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 4.

22  “Kang Mengxiang,” in Buddhist Studies Person Authority Databases (Beta Version). 23  “Zhu Fahu,” in Buddhist Studies Person Authority Databases (Beta Version). 24  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 33.

25  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 15.

26  Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 440.

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native of Shule 疏勒 (Kashgar). They spoke varieties of ancient Persian or Iranian.27 Let us take An Shigao as an example, since he was one of the earliest translators. An Shigao was from Persia and in his native language the flower was written as “nilopal,” and pronounced as [nylw(k)pl].28 It would be convenient for translators to link this Persian term with lianhua or len–xwa based on their pronunciation,29 which means that in order to match the Persian sound, the sutra’s translator chose lian and added “hua” or “xwa” to make a new compound word and to refer to the plant. “Hua may be an example of the Sino-Tibetan *bar ~ *war variation,” suggested by Schessler, since “Tibeto-Burman languages often alternate initial labial stops *p, *b with *w, also in the root for ‘blossom, flower’ *bar (––> pa j’f§, (––> bim.).”30 The Persian term is in turn an Indian loan word. In Sanskrit, however, there are five terms for the lotus: Padma, translated as botoumo 波頭摩 or lianhua 蓮華, refers to pink lotus.

Utpala, translated as youboluo 優缽羅 or youbohua 優缽華, refers to blue lotus. Nīlotpala, translated as niluboluo 泥盧缽羅, refers to blue lotus.

Kumuda, translated as juwutou 拘勿頭, refers to yellow lotus or white water lily. Puṇḍarīka, translated as fentuoli 芬陀利, refer to white lotus.31

The most important and frequently used one is translated as lianhua. The preponderance of lianhua might be the result of the translator’s personal preference.32 Once these translators chose this term, lianhua started to become popular.

Changing Images of the Lotus

The original Chinese image of the lotus throughout Shijing, written between the eleventh and seventh centuries bce, refers to reproductive culture, similar to the original meaning of the lotus in Buddhism.33 Both poems “Shan you fusu” 山有扶蘇 and “Zebei” 27  Zan, Song gaoseng zhuan, 108.

28  MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 60. I had several personal communications with two linguists, Dr. David Branner and Dr. South Coblin, both of whom doubt that there is any link between the Persian and Chinese pronunciations. Another mystery is that five major words for lotus exist, yet the Persians chose only to use one. 29  Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 353 and 283.

30  Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 283.

31  Ding Fubao, Foxue dacidian, 2549. See more explanation of these names in Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 84, 90–94.

32  After a thorough survey of the distribution of personal pronouns through databases such as the CBETA Lexicon Tool, Mateja Petrovcic concluded that choosing a few pronouns from the great variety in Old Chinese suggests the influential role of the translator’s personal preferences; see Petrovcic, “Distribution of Personal Pronouns in Chinese Translations of Buddhist Scriptures.” 33  Originally, in India the lotus flower represented the vulva (yoni), while the lotus pod corresponded with the uterus. The six-syllabled mantra “oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ” literally means



The Lotus: Becoming A Chinese Icon

117

澤陂 in Shijing are related to the physical attraction between men and women.34 The first one is about two lovers teasing each other, and the second is about a girl missing her beloved man.35 Zheng Xuan commented on the two plants pu 蒲and he 荷 in the poem “Zebei”: “pu symbolizes the essential nature of men which pleases women, and he symbolizes the body of women which pleases men” 蒲以喻所說男之性, 荷以喻所說女 之容體也.36 Scholars often state that this poem is about physical attraction between men and women, but seldom explain the two terms, xing 性 and rongti 容體 used by Zheng Xuan, but we can get a more direct impression by looking at the pu and he illustrated in Maoshi pinwu tukao 毛詩品物圖考.37 As Wen Yiduo puts the claim directly: lianhua, the flower of the lotus, refers to female reproductive parts;38 pu, rushes or cattails, refers to male reproductive parts.39 In contrast to the physical link between the flower and women in Shijing, the image of the lotus in Chuci is used to symbolize the virtues of gentlemen. As Wang Yi comments on Lisao: Lisao follows Shi to use xing, analogy and allegory. Therefore, benevolent birds and fragrant flowers are used to represent loyalty and chastity; evil animals and foul-smelling things represent the slander and flattery. 離騷 之文， 依詩取興，引類譬喻。故善鳥香草以配忠貞，惡禽臭物以比讒佞40

Modern scholar Nie Shiqiao agrees that Lisao carried on the tradition from Shi and applied flowers and herbs to symbolize man’s loftiness and purity of virtue and intentions.41 Towards the end of the Eastern Han, when the term lianhua became popular in Buddhist sutras, perception of the lotus changed from the pre-Qin’s personal virtue “Jewel in lotus” 歸依蓮華上之摩尼珠. See Bajracharya, Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, 101. The actual meaning of this mantra is that padma, symbolizing the vulva, blossoms to attract the phallus (liṅga), which is the base of ancient Indian reproductive culture. See Zhao Guohua, Shengzhi chongbai wenhua lun, 155–56.

34  Chen Xingjin, “Shi jing shengzhi chongbai lun,” 118–19, 122; Yang Yi, “Shi jing zhong,” 5–6; Zheng Hong, “Shi jing zhiwu yinyu de wenhua tanyuan.” Yu Xiangshun, Zhongguo hehua. Wen Yiduo also studied the theme of love or lust in Shi jing; see Wen, “Shi jing de xingyu guan.” 35  Fu, Shi jing jiangyi gao, 65 and 69; Shijing yizhu, annot. Zhou Zhenfu, 121 and 199. 36  Shi sanjia yi ji shu, comm. Wang Xianqian, 479. 37  Genpo Oka, Maoshi pinwu tukao, 53 and 35.

38  Wen, “Shuo yu,” 235; Guo Rongmei, “Song qian shige zhong lianhua,” 4 and 7.

39  Pu is one of sixteen species in the genus of typha, eleven of which are found in China. Called cattails in America, they are found in a variety of wetland habitats. When they blossom between May and August, female flowers form a dense, sausage-shaped spike on the stem below the male spike; when ripe, the heads disintegrate into a cottony fluff. See Zhongguo zhiwu zhi, 8:1 (Flora Reipublicae Popularis Sinicae 8: Angiospermae. Monocotyledoneae. Typhaceae, Pandanaceae, Sparganiaceae, Aponogetanaceae, Potamogetonaceae, Najadaceae, Scheuchzeriaceae, Alismataceae, Butomaceae, Hydrocharitaceae, Triuridaceae). 40  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 2.

41  Chuci xinzhu, annot. Nie Shiqiao, preface 9–10.

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or female features to the Later Han’s religious symbol, which is evident in the newly emerged tomb themes: first, the eight petal lotus motif appeared on the ceiling of the tombs towards the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty;42 second, during the same time, the image of the lotus started to replace sun icono­graphy in the centre of tomb chambers.43 The images of the lotus here were analogous to the light of the sun and the moon.44 Scholars try to link these changes to China’s own tradition by citing works largely by the scholars or writers born during or after the Eastern Han: Wang Yanshou 王延壽 (ca. 118–ca. 138), Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139), He Yan 何晏 (195–249), Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), Gao You 高誘 (ca. 160–220), and the historical text, Jin shu 晉書 (completed in 648).45 All of these writers, however, were highly influenced by Buddhist sutras or concepts, especially Cao Zhi, as we will show below.

Remaking the Lotus in Rhapsodies

This changed image of the lotus is, in fact, neither internal nor accidental, but a result of Buddhist influences.46 Before the Eastern Han, there were a few appearances of this plant in literature, and their meanings were not linked with any ideo­logy. After the Han collapsed, this situation changed, heralded by seven writers of the third century, who collectively created a new image of the lotus. As we see below, in their writings, furong and lianhua are interchangeable, a mark of cultural fusion: Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) Min Hong 閔鴻 (fl. 240s–280s) Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291) Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293) Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 250–311) Su Yan 蘇彥 (fl. 373)

“Rhapsody on the Furong” 芙蓉賦 “Rhapsody on the Furong” with preface “Rhapsody on the Furong” “Rhapsody on the Lianhua” 蓮花賦 “Rhapsody on the Lianhua”; “Rhapsody on the Furong” “Rhapsody on the Furong” “Rhapsody on the Fuqu” 芙蕖賦

Cao Zhi’s “Rhapsody on Furong” has been a point of contention for scholars studying the lotus, so let us take a look at this fu: 覽百卉之英茂， 無斯華之獨靈。 結修根於重壤，

Viewing the luxuriant beauty of hundreds of plants, I found that no one is as unique and marvellous as this flower (leŋ).47 It carries roots in deep soil,

42  Suhadolnik, “A Reinterpretation of the Lotus,” 96.

43  Suhadolnik, “A Reinterpretation of the Lotus,” 91–92.

44  Suhadolnik, “A Reinterpretation of the Lotus,” 89; Hayashi, “Zhonguo gudian lianhua,” 84.

45  Suhadolnik, “A Reinterpretation of the Lotus,” 84, 89, 90, and 95. Her research is based on Hayashi, “Chūgoku kodai.” 46  Guo Rongmei, “Song qian shige zhong lianhua,” 14.

47  The reconstructed pronunciation of the rhyme-words in this poem is derived from Schuessler, ABC Etymo­logical Dictionary of Old Chinese, 361, 541, 498, 176, 393, 261, 627, 365 (Schuessler, Minimal, 159), 625, 636, 580, and 362.



The Lotus: Becoming A Chinese Icon 泛清流而擢莖。 退潤王宇， 進文帝庭。 竦芳柯以從風， 奮纖枝之璀璨。 其始榮也， 皦若夜光尋枎木； 其揚暉也， 晃若九日出暘谷。 芙蕖騫翔， 菡萏星屬。 絲條垂珠， 丹莖加綠。 焜焜燁燁， 爛若龍燭。 觀者終朝， 情猶未足。 于是狡童嬡女， 相與同游， 擢素手于羅袖， 接紅葩于中流。

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And floats in clear waves to hold stems (geŋ). Step back, it would water the kings’ territory, Step forward, it would decorate emperors’ courts (deŋ). It raises elegant stems to follow winds, And lifts delicate, gleaming shoots (tsʱan). When it begins to blossom, [Its buds] are as bright as moon light seeking Fumu (mok). When it displays its radiance, [Its flowers] are as dazzling as nine suns coming out of the Dawn Valley (kok).48 Lotus blossoms are flying high, And buds are connected like stars (tśok). Filaments hang like pearls, And red stems spew out green pods (liok).49 Glittering and shining, They are as dazzling as the Candescent Dragon (tśok). Admirers sit and watch them all day, But still do not satisfy their passion (tsok). At that moment, artful boys and pretty girls, Together come to stroll along (ju), They pull fair hands out of gauze sleeves, And pluck pink flowers in midstream (liu).50

This piece is in a typical rhapsody style: tripartite structure, one rhyme for each section, and mainly four to six syllables per line. The first six lines, rhyming with geng 耕 (–eŋ), form the first part, and provide background information about the plant. Lines 7 and 8 do not rhyme with other lines, and might be missing stanzas or have extra stanzas added by other poets.51 Lines 9 to 20, rhyming with wu 屋 (–ok), form the second part, and describe the beauty of the plant. The last four lines, rhyming with you 幽 (–u), form the third part, and bring in human interaction with the plant. Written in the mid-Jian’an reign 建安 (196–220), it evokes three distinctly Buddhist ideas connected to the lotus:52 its non-attachment; its sun-like radiance; and the lotuspicking. The first aspect, namely the purity of the lotus as it grows out of darkness and mud, can be seen in lines 3 and 4: “the lotus blooms pure and untainted,/ and raise themselves above the water.” This idea was unknown in China before the advent of Bud48  Fumu, also called fushang, is a mystical tree located above yanggu, Dawn Valley, an extreme end of the world and where the ten suns reside. According to the preserved accounts in Shanhai jing, nine suns remain on the lower branches when one sun rises to the top of the tree. See Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 437; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 106. 49  Zhao Youwen thinks it should be “丹榮吐綠” instead of “丹莖加綠”; see Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 181. 50  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 14.1129.

51  Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 180.

52  Cao Zhi, Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu, annot. Zhao Youwen, 181; Yu Xiangshun, Zhongguo hehua, 44.

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dhism.53 As early as the last phase of Vedic literature (ca. 800–200 bce) in India, however, the symbol of non-attachment appeared as “the water does not cling to the lotus leaf, so evil does not cling to one who knows it.”54 Later Buddhist texts such as the Sutta Nipāta, one of the earliest Pāli canon, from the end of the first century bce, popularized this idea, making non-attachment the most important value of the lotus in Buddhist literature and art.55 Buddha was compared with the lotus: As a water-drop on lotus plant, as water does not stain a lotus flower, even so the sage is never stained by seen, heard, or whatever’s cognized. “Ageing and Decay” in Sutta Nipata.56

Laurence Mills, who translated the poem, explained: “Lotus plants, both leaves and flowers, have a soapy covering so water does not lay upon them at all. This is the basis for many references in the Buddha’s teachings to lotuses and their purity. Hence, they are never stained, not by the mud in which they grow nor by any pollution in the rain or atmosphere. All that rolls off and does not adhere to the surface. Sages are like that.”57 The lotus was summarized by the Indian scholar Santona Basu as: Lotuses are born in the water, grow in the water and stand up rising out of the water, undefiled by water, which epitomizes the mental condition of the Lord on whom the sensual world had no influence.58

This feature is also explained by the scholar Ranjana Bajracharya:

Lotus grows up from the darkness of the mud to the surface of the water opening its blossom only after it has raised itself beyond the body and remaining unsullied from both earth and water which nourished it; in the same way the mind, born in the human body, unfolds its true qualities (petals).59

Let us take an example from the sutra The Long Agama Sutra: Dasuttara Sutra 長阿含十 報法經 translated into Chinese by An Shigao, one of the first known Buddhist missionaries in China:60 Moreover, some disciples’ bodies cannot be bound by joy and happiness, although every part is mutually connected and influenced, so their whole body cannot attain joy and

53  Liao, Wei Jin yongwu fu, 162.

54  Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 65.

55  See chapter 3, “Symbol of Non-Attachment,” in Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 65–75.

56  See the translation by Laurence Khantipalo Mills of the The Sutta Nipata, 4.6 (available at https://suttacentral.net/snp4.6/en/mills). The Sutta Nipata, meaning “collection of discourses,” is one of the earliest books of the Pali canon, and serves as an important source of information on early Buddhism and its cultural and religious milieu. 57  The Sutta Nipata, trans. Mills, 257. 58  Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 68.

59  Bajracharya, Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, 89.

60  Dr. Pu Hui 普慧 (or Zhang Hong), a known scholar of Buddhist literature, considered this sutra the first record of lianhua, email message to author, 27 March 2016.



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happiness. Just like the lotus, which is both born and grown in water, from its root to its stem to its leaves, every part suffused with water. Monks should be like it, so that once they were watered by the joy and happiness of nonexistence, they will be wholeheartedly suffused by the joy and happiness of nonexistence. 亦有道弟子，是身不著愛著樂，相連至到，相促相可，遍一切身到不喜樂。譬如蓮華 水中生、水中長，至根至莖至葉，一切從冷水遍澆漬遍行。道弟子身亦如是，從無有 愛樂澆漬，可一切身遍從無有愛樂61

This sutra guides its followers to observe the features of the lotus, particularly its relationship with water, and then train themselves to build a similar relationship with joy and happiness. Siddhartha Gautama, Meditating Buddha, and Bodhisattvas are all related to the lotus, which symbolize the act of spiritual enfolding, spreading of peace, liberating all sentient beings from pain and suffering, and providing blessing and happiness to all beings.62 As the “standard example to illustrate the mental condition of a spiritual person” by the time of Buddha,63 the lotus’s symbol of non-attachment certainly spread in China with the arrival of Buddhism. The second aspect, namely the lotus’s sun-like radiance in Cao Zhi’s piece, is seen in lines 9 to 12, which parallels the lotus with the brightest lights in nature: the sun and moon. This parallel demonstrates a deep religious meaning, which also did not exist in pre-Buddhist China, but again originated from pre-Buddhist religion in India. The Lotus’s symbolism in the cosmic evolution was the most important role of this plant or flower in Vedic literature, which spanned around five centuries from the sixth or fifth century bce.64 The following para­graph, one series of Upanishads written around 800–200 bce, describes how the knower of Vedas meditates: The lotus of the heart has eight petals and thirty-two filaments. The sun is in its midst: the moon is in the middle of the sun. Agni is in the middle of the moon: the prabha (spiritual light) is the middle of agni…He should mediate upon Maha-ViSnu as above or in the following manner. (That is) he should mediate with inspiration (of breath) upon MahaViSnu as resembling the atasi flower and as staying in the seat of the navel with four hands; then with restraint of breath, he should meditate in the heart upon Brahma, the Grandfather as being on the lotus with the gaura (pale-red) colour of gems and having four faces: then through expiration, he should meditate upon the three-eyed Siva between the two eyebrows shining like the pure crystal, being stainless, destroying all sins, being in that which is like the lotus facing down with its flower (or face) below and the stalk above or like the flower of a plantain tree, being of the form of all Vedas, containing one hundred petals and one hundred leaves and having the pericarp fully expanded. There he should meditate upon the Sun, the Moon, and the Agni (fire) one above another. Passing above through the lotus which has the brightness of Sun, Moon, and Agni, and taking its Hreem Bija (letter) one leads his Atma firmly.65

61  See T13.234.c07.

62  Bajracharya, Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, 90. 63  Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 65.

64  Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 79 and 11.

65  See “Dhyanabindu–Upanisad” in 112 Upaniṣads, ed. Joshi, 2:38.

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Here the lotus is not just mentioned several times in the meditation guidance, but also symbolizes celestial images, such as the sun, moon, and stars, and gods such as Agni, the second most important god of the Vedic pantheon, the god of the deified fire born on a lotus.66 The lotus is regarded as holy because its cavity (guhâ) is, “wherein he resides, the lord of the universe, the ruler of the universe, the chief of the universe.” “It is the cavity, so often referred to, in which Brahman lies concealed, and from which he issues in the meditation of yoga…” as we read above.67 These symbols of self-created entity and brightness of the lotus were new to China. Cao Zhi welcomed them, and not only used them, but applied them to China’s native plant, which can be seen from the red colour of the flower. Line 16 uses 丹榮 “red flower”; line 18 says its flower is “as gleaming as the Candescent Dragon” 爛若龍燭. The Candescent Dragon, zhulong or zhuyin, was a spirit with a human face and snake body dressed in red;68 clearly, the flower described here is red, a variety native to China. In nature, the lotus has three common colour petals: red, pink, and white,69 and Chinese native lotus was in the colour of red, while the one from India was in pink. Chen Zangqi 陳藏器 (681–757), a renowned Tang herbalist, pharmacist, and physician, stated, “the pink and white lotus were from western states, brought here by hu people” 紅蓮花白蓮 花, 生西國, 胡人將來也.70 Xiguo here refers to either India or shu 蜀, but Chen would not call people from Shu the hu people, therefore xiguo here refers to India.71 The third aspect is about picking or holding the lotus. At the end of Cao Zhi’s work, he mentions that young people pluck flowers from a boat. Scholars claim that this was a Chinese traditional activity by citing the following works: “Jiangnan” in Han yuefu 漢樂府江南, “Ge” 歌 by Fu Xuan (217–278) 傅玄, “Furong fu” 芙蓉賦 by Prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 of Liang (501–531), “Cailian fu” 採蓮賦 by Prince Xiao Gang蕭綱 of Liang 66  Basu, The Lotus Symbol, 18–19.

67  Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads, 287–88.

68  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 12:438; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 106.

69  Chen Shouliang, Zhongguo zhiwu zhi, 27.4.

70  See Li, Bencao gangmu, 1901. Edward Laufer also translates hong as pink. See Laufer, The Golden Peaches, 128. A further note on colour words in ancient China: hong 紅was defined as “the colour of a fabric between red and white 帛赤白色,” see Xu Shen, Shuowen jiezi zhu, annot. Duan Yucai, 13a.16a. Some scholars believe that hong began to refer to the red colour after the Tang Dynasty. See Wong, The Colours of China, 15. If we examine the examples provided by Hanyu dacidian, we also can get this impression. This dictionary lists four usages from pre-Tang times, Lunyu 論語, Chuci 楚 辭, Shiji 史記, and Fayan 法言. It explains that hong in the first two usages means pink, and in the latter two uses means red, but the last two examples are based on the commentary of Tang scholars:   “Misty red dazzles eyes” 紅杳渺以眩湣兮, in “Bio­graphy of Sima Xiangru” in Sima, Shi ji “Hong, is red” 紅赤色貌. Comment by Sima Zhen 司馬貞(679–732)“Someone asked about those who can reverse black and white and dazzle the eyes with unorthodox colours” 或問蒼蠅紅紫, in “My Master” 吾子 of Fayan 法言 by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 bce–18 ce) (see Bullock, Yang Xiong’s Fayan, 34.) “Similar to red but not red” 似朱而非朱也. Comment by Li Gui 李軌 (d. 619) (see these four examples in Hanyu dacidian, 9.702.) Both Sima Zhen (679–732) and Li Gui (d. 619) lived around or during the Tang Dynasty; therefore their annotations of the pre-Tang usages should not be fully credited. As such, in this book, I will treat hong as pink. 71  See xiguo in Hanyu dacidian, 8.788.



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(503–551).72 The prince, emperor, and Fu Xuan all lived after the second century when the Buddhist sutras spread widely in China, so it would be hard to argue that they were not influenced by Buddhism. The earliest one is “Jiangnan,” dated by most scholars as a Han dynasty work, but it cannot be dated to a more specific period such as the Former or Later Han, so it is difficult to determine that it was not influenced by Buddhism.73 Meanwhile, many Indian gods and deities appear with the lotus, which can clearly indicate that picking or holding a lotus was a common activity in ancient India.74 For example, around the second century bce (185–72 bce), there was a terracotta sculpture named “Goddess Lakshmi on Lotus” seated on a lotus; Lakshmi is the goddess of wealth, fortune, and prosperity, and the wife of God Vishnu, for which see Fig. 3. Around the first century bce (ca. 100–80 bce) there was a purple sandstone statue called “Vedika from stupa at Bharhut,” which depicts a female figure holding a lotus flower in her left hand (see Fig. 4); between the first and third century, there was a schist sculpture named “Seated Padmapani” with the left hand holding a lotus: Padmapani means “Holder of Lotus.” Padmapani would come to be called Figure 3: “Goddess Lakshmi on lotus,” Avalokitesvara, or Guanyin 觀音 in Chinese.75 About 185–72 bce, terracotta. Modern the second century (168–206), there was a gold Patna, Bihar, India. Image courtesy of Kanoria Collection, University of dinar: on one side stands a figure of Pharro, deity of Michigan, Department of Art History, glory and splendour, on a mat decorated with lotus Visual Resources Collections blossoms.76 According to Mahasudarsana Sutra, King Mahasudarsana planted lotuses so everyone in his kingdom could pick them for use as decoration.77 As the most beloved ornaments during the time of Buddha, lotus-picking was visible and common. 72  Yu Xiangshun, Zhongguo hehua, 89–90.

73  Yu Guanying, Yuefu shixuan, 7; Cao Daoheng, Yuefu shixuan, 24. For discussion on dating yuefu and other old songs, see Owen, The Making of Early Classical Chinese Poetry, 23–72.

74  Yu Xiangshun asserts that holding lotus is foreign; see Yu, Zhongguo lianhua shenmei wenhua yanjiu, 84.

75  “Seated Padmapani”: https://jstor.org/stable/community.14491289 where the full source details are provided. 76  Gold dinar, reverse: https://jstor.org/stable/community.14489794 where the full source details are provided.

77  [Digha Nikaya] / Dialogues of the Buddha, trans. Rhys Davids, sutta 17, chap. 1, para. 23 (2:211).

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Figure 4: “Vedika pillar and corner section with a female figure and lotus,” ca. 100–80 bce. Modern Bharhut, Madhya Pradesh, India. Photo by John C. Huntington, courtesy of the John C. and Susan L. Huntington Photo­graphic Archive of Buddhist and Asian Art.

Other Poets Cao Zhi was not the only writer to mention Buddhist ideas. Let us see other examples of the non-attachment or the contrast between mud’s darkness and the flower’s brightness among other writers. 結根係於重壤 森蔓延以騰邁

潛靈藕于玄泉 擢脩莖乎清波

It holds roots in rich soils And spreads luxuriantly to rise

Sun Chu, “Rhapsody on Lianhua.”78

They hide the marvellous roots in deep spring And hold long stems above crystalline waves Xiahou Zhan, “Rhapsody on Furong.”79

78  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 60.1801.

79  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1851.



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Here both Sun Chu and Xiahou Zhan notice the lotus can keep itself untainted by dark and deep soils. Four writers compared the lotus to the sun and moon in five pieces: 灼若夜光之在玄岫 赤若太陽之映朝雲

煥然蔭沼 灼爾星羅

爾乃紅花電發 暉光燁燁

其望之也 曄若皦日燭崑山 其即之也 晃若盈尺映藍田

窋吒星羅 光擬燭龍 色奪朝霞 丹煇拂紅 … 發清陽而增媚 潤白玉而加鮮











It is as bright as moonlight in dark caves, And as brilliant as the sun shining on dawn clouds. Min Hong, “Rhapsody on Furong.”80

They brightly cover the pond, And glitteringly arrange like stars.

Xiahou Zhan, “Rhapsody on Furong.”81

Therefore, its pink flowers emerge like lightning, As glistening as the sun shines. Sun Chu, “Rhapsody on Lianhua.”82

If one watches them from afar, It is as glorious as the bright sun shining on Mountain Kunlun. If one views them closely, It is as gleaming as a tiny place lightened by Lantian jade.83 Pan Yue, “Rhapsody on Lianhua.”84

The seeds are arranged like stars, As gleaming as the Torch Dragon. And brighter than morning dawn, Vermillion lustre touches the pink.

As shining as the sun, but more charming, As moist as white jade, but more refreshing. Pan Yue, “Rhapsody on Furong.”85

Besides the image of the sun, Min Hong, Xiahou Zhan, Sun Chu, and Pan Yue also compared the flower’s brilliance to other natural objects, such as the moon, stars, and jade.

80  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 74.1452.

81  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1851. 82  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 60.1801.

83  Yingchi: one chi (roughly 35.8 cm or 14.1 inches) refers to a small place. Lantian was known for producing find jades during the Han times, see Ban Gu, Han shu, 97b.3989. 84  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 90.1988–89.

85  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 90.1989.

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Lotus-picking was also mentioned by two other writers: 納嘉實兮傾筐 珥紅葩以為飾

爾乃 採湻葩 摘圓質

They collect fine fruits to fill baskets, And wear pink flowers as accessories.

Min Hong, “Rhapsody on Furong.”86



Xiahou Zhan, “Rhapsody on Furong.”87

At this moment, we pick up the pure flowers, Pluck the round pods.

Min Hong used the lotus-picking as a transition between the flower’s natural beauty and human society, as we will examine shortly. Xiahou Zhan used this activity as a liaison to link the flower’s physical attractions to its practical values as precious fruits for court.

Blending Buddhism and Chinese Tradition

This new image of the lotus is a fusion, as it was influenced by Buddhism,88 but also retained its Chinese traditional values, which can be seen by some seemingly confusing uses, such as the rhapsodies interchanging the flower’s colours between pink and red, and the flower’s names between lianhua and fuqu or furong. Cao Zhi describes the flowers with red and pink colours, seen on line 16 (danrong 丹榮, red flower) and the last line (hongpa 紅葩, pink flower). Min Hong describes it as bright as moon and sun, but then mentions the flower’s pink colour in the line: “wear pink flowers as accessories” 珥紅葩以為飾. Sun Chu named his work lianhua but says “its pink flowers emerge like lightning” 紅花電發. Pan Yue named his work lianhua, and compares the flower to sun and jade, but also called the plant fuqu: “No flower is more luxuriant than fuqu/lotus” 華 莫盛於芙蕖. He also describes it as pink: “display pink flowers” 列紅葩. In another rhapsody on the lotus, Pan Yue calls the flower furong, and compares it to the sun, describing it as a unique plant; Su Yan uses both red and pink for the plant in his work: “they boast dazzling red flowers” 耀煒燁之丹花 and “They spread their pink beauty in green ponds” 舒紅采于綠沼.89 These conflations exemplify how the Wei-Jin poets combined the cultures of India and China. Lianhua is a term closely associated with Buddhism and the Indian pink lotus, but these rhapsodists do not limit their writings to the flower’s original significance from India; instead, they apply or extend the new concept to China’s existing perception of the lotus and brought new life to it.

86  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 74.1452.

87  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 68.1851.

88  Wang and Guo, “Lian de fojiao yixiang chuanru ji bentuhuaQiqihar daxue xuebao,” 20; Guo Rongmei, “Shixi lianhua wenxue yixiang de qiyuan yu fasheng,” 31. 89  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 138.2255.



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In contrast to the sacred Indian flower, the image of the Chinese–Indian one carries practical and mundane values and uses; for example, as a decorative accessory and imperial food, as we see in the following lines: we “wear pink flowers as accessories,” described by Min Hong; and the lotus was “offered to emperors as food” (長充御乎口實) by Xiahou Zhan. The newly established hybrid image also carries traditional Chinese values through allegorical images and allusions, such as the mystic tree (fumu 扶木), the Dawn Valley (yanggu 暘穀), the Candescent Dragon (zhulong 龍燭), and the Deng Grove (denglin 鄧林): 其始榮也， 皦若夜光尋枎木； 其揚暉也， 晃若九日出暘谷。

When it begins to blossom, [Its buds] are as bright as moon light seeking the Mystic Tree. When it displays its radiance, [Its flowers] are as dazzling as nine suns coming out of the Dawn Valley.90

In this stanza, Cao Zhi applied two images, the Mystic Tree, also called fushang, located above the Dawn Valley, which is the extreme end of the world and where the ten suns reside. According to the preserved accounts in Shanhai jing, nine suns remain on the lower branches while one sun rises to the top of the tree.91 Cao Zhi used a mystical animal to describe the brightness of the flower. 焜焜燁燁， 爛若龍燭。

Glittering and shining They are as gleaming as the Candescent Dragon.92

When the Candescent Dragon closed his eyes, night arrived. When he opened his eyes, daytime began. It can also summon wind and rain.93 Pan Yue also applied this image, “As gleaming as the Candescent Dragon” 光擬燭龍. The Deng Grove is a mythical forest formed when Kuafu was too tired to continue chasing the sun and discarded his staff.94 This image is therefore related to the sun, although indirectly: 微若玄黎投幽夜 粲若鄧林飛鵷雛



They shimmer as Xuanli jades throwing into dark night,95 And dazzle as phoenixes flying in Deng Grove.96 Sun Chu, “Rhapsody on Lianhua.”97

90  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 14.1129.

91  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 437; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 106.

92  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 14.1129.

93  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 12:438; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 106. 94  Yuan Ke, Shanhai jing jiaozhu, 238; A Chinese Bestiary, ed. Strassberg, 174.

95  Xuanli was a famous jade from the State Liang, whose capital was located in modern Kaifeng 開 封, Henan province. See Liu Xiang, Zhangguo ce, 5.182; Liu Xiang, Chan-Kuo Ts’e, trans. Crump, 102. 96  Yuanchu was explained as a phoenix-like bird by Li Yi 李颐 (fl. third century); see “Qiushui” 秋水 in Zhouzi jijie, annot. Wang Xianqian, 148; Giles, Chuang Tzu, 218.

97  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 60.1801.

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Min Hong exquisitely applied allusions to his work; the last three stanzas read: 咸桃夭而歌詩,98 申關雎以自敕。 嗟留夷與蘭芷， 聽鶗鴂而不鳴。 嘉芙蓉之殊偉， 託皇居以發英。

Inspired by “Taoyao” they begin to sing, And recite “Guanju” to restrain themselves. Sigh over sweet lichens, thoroughwort, and angelica, When hearing shrikes sing they would not blossom. I praise the unique wonder of the lotus, For it relies on/entrusts imperial dwellings to blossom.99

The first two lines are from Shijing: “Taoyao” describes a bride going to her future home and “Guanju” describes a fine lady as a prince’s mate.100 The third and fourth lines are in reference to Lisao in Chuci: liuyi (sweet lichen) and lanzhi (thoroughwort and iris) are both fragrant herbs;101 line 4 is derived from “恐鵜鴃之先鳴兮，使夫百草為之不芳” (Beware lest the shrike sound his note before the equinox, causing all the flowers to lose their fine fragrance). Wang Yi commented that the bird sings on the Spring Equinox, by which time most flowers would have perished. Qu Yuan used this natural phenomenon to express his concern that slanderous words always arrive too early. This line can also be read as “聽鶗鴃而不芳” (When hearing shrikes sing they would not blossom).102 The last two lines express his admiration of the lotus that found itself a safe place. This rhapsody starts by describing the flower, then compares it with the flowers in the traditions of Shijing and Chuci, and finally concludes that the lotus is superior because of its imperial status, which can be seen as the writer’s personal opinion on the human condition: one’s life is determined by their rank. These writers of the third century rejuvenated and enhanced the lotus’s image in Chinese literature and culture. As stated above, before and throughout two Han dynasties, there were a few pieces mentioning the lotus, but towards the end of the Han and the beginning of the Wei State, there were many more.103 In addition to the nine pieces of rhapsodies in question, we find images of the lotus in shi poetry, but they are not focal points and lack detailed description. Take the following poems as examples: 渡江南, 採蓮華。 芙蓉增敷， 曄若星羅。 綠葉映長波， 迴風容與動纖柯。

Crossing the south of the Long River, To pluck lotus flowers. The flowers are increasingly spreading, As bright as serried stars. Green leaves are reflected in long waves, Eddying wind, leisurely and slowly, sway soft stems. Fu Xuan, “Poem” 歌.104

98  Xian is also written as 盛 in Yiwei leiju, 82; The Yi King, trans. Legge, 123. 99  Yan Kejun, Quan Sanguo wen, 74.1452.

100  See Shijing yizhu, annot. Zhou Zhenfu, 9–10, and 1–3; The She King, trans. Legge, 62–63 and 59–60.

101  See Hong, Chuci buzhu, 10 and 40; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 69.

102  Chuci buzhu, annot. Hong Xingzu, 39; The Songs of the South, ed. Hawkes, 76. 103  Yu Xiangshun, Zhongguo hehua, 137.

104  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 1.568.



The Lotus: Becoming A Chinese Icon 荷生綠泉中， 碧葉齊如规。 迴風蕩流霧， 珠水逐條垂。 照灼此金塘， 藻曜君玉池。 不愁世賞絕， 但畏盛明移。

綠房含青實， 金條悬白璆。 俯仰随風倾， 煒燁照清流。

涉江採芙蓉, 蘭澤多芳草。 採之欲遺誰, 所思在遠道。 還顧望舊鄉, 長路漫浩浩。 同心而離居, 憂傷以終老。

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The lotuses grow out of the green spring, The emerald leaves are evenly formed as protractors. As the eddying wind disperses the flowing mist, Their pearl-like dew chases the drooping twigs. They illuminate this golden pond, Just as their splendour brightens my lord’s jade pool. They have no worry that the world’s admiration for them might end, They only fear that your great brilliance might shift elsewhere.

Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), “Poem on Hehua” 荷詩.105



Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), “Fuqu” 芙蕖.106

Its green pod holds blue fruits, Its golden filaments hang anthers like white jade. Moving up or down with winds, It brightly reflects upon limpid flow.

I cross the river to pluck lotus flowers, In the orchid swamps grow many fragrant herbs. I gather them, but whom shall I send them to? The person in my thought lives far away. I turn and look toward my home village, The long road stretches off into the distance. We are of the same heart, but live separately, This sorrow will always be ours until the end of our days.

“Cross the River to Pluck Lotus Flower” 涉江采芙蓉, in Nineteen Old Poems 古時十九首.107

These four writers are contemporaries of our seven rhapsodists, but their poems on the lotus appear greatly different from their counterparts in a number of ways: first, Fu Xuan is the only writer who used the term lianhua; second, while Fu Xuan compares the flower to stars, a natural image for brightness, none of the other four compare it to the sun, or the moon; third, limited to the shi genre, they do not describe the flower as delicately as the rhapsodists; lastly, two poets associate the flower with human values, as Zhang Hua allegorizes it to gain favour from a ruler; the Old Poem links it to homesickness. The comparison between shi or lyric and fu or rhapsody reveals that our seven rhapsodists initiated a new image of the lotus by blending traditional and imported or foreign images: the lotus, a typical Chinese icon, carries traditional Chinese values 105  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 3.622; Goh, Sound and Sight, 50. 106  Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 6.718.

107  Xiao Tong, Wen xuan, annot. Li Shan, 29.1345; One Hundred and Seventy Chinese Poems, ed. Waley, 62. These poems were lyrics to the popular songs of the Eastern Han dynasty, formed between the reigns of Emperor Shun 漢順帝 (r. 126–144) and Emperor Xian 漢獻帝 (r. 189–220). See Ge Xiaoyin, Badai shishi, 21; Hsieh, “The Origin and Nature of the ‘Nineteen Old Poems’,” 2.

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such as physical attraction and practical features, but also possesses foreign attributes such as its non-attachment, sun-like radiance, and self-sufficiency. Rhapsody on objects, approved again, allows for creating and recreating images; rhapsodists and poets have different expectations for their work, one for symbolic description, and another for lyrical expression. Commenting on lotus culture in Tang, Edward Schafer once remarked: Despite the fact that “Indian” lotuses, both pink and white, had been known in China since long before Tang, they still remained an exotic flavour…It is not surprising that the poets of late Tang, who favored exotic and romantic themes, wrote many poems on the lotus…108

If Tang learneds were obsessed with this exotic plant from India, the Wei-Jin writers were even more so. Our seven writers began the process of transforming an Indian image to accommodate Chinese values, and inspired numerous later generations to continue blending Indian and Chinese traditions. Together they made such progress that modern scholars endlessly debate whether the images, values, and activities related to the lotus have foreign roots.

108  Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 128.

Conclusion

THE VALUE OF OTHERNESS IN LITERATURE 仰皇風而悅化 Admiring imperial custom and pleased to be transformed Yin Ju 殷巨 (fl. 270–285).109

The previous chapters involved cross-disciplinary method and cross-cultural investigation. The cross-disciplinary method employed philosophy, religion, linguistics, and anthropo­logy to advance an innovative history of Chinese literature. The cross-cultural investigation employed references to Greek, German, Persian, and Indian materials to examine Chinese historio­graphic and literary documents on exotica. Each of the examples studied in this book—rosemary, the agate bridle, the pomegranate, the monkey, the peacock, and the lotus—conveys a culturally diverse, yet politically Sino-centric China. During the third century, when China was experiencing political turmoil and cultural crisis, the timely arrivals of these exotica inspired Chinese elites to think of themselves differently, politically and culturally. The result of their thinking inspired by these cross-cultural encounters is profound, as demonstrated in their writing: some new images were created, old images were re-created, new ideas were adopted, and some old ideas were rejuvenated. The action and reaction of the thirdcentury Chinese elites towards foreign goods and ideas and towards their own culture and tradition have something to teach us. Choosing Beauty, Goodness, and Truth

Ancient Chinese elites welcomed foreign objects selectively and judiciously. Instead of accepting the objects and their “cultural baggage” in their entirety, they carefully selected meanings, associations, and applications for each object. One story recorded by Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), a poet, scholar, and official, in Bowu zhi 博物誌 might help us understand this selection procedure: During the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, there was one country located west of the Ruo River.110 It sent an envoy, crossing the Ruo River on a feathered boat, to offer the Han one kind of spice. The emperor regarded it as a normal one, not a rare one, so he did not treat the envoy politely. Afterwards the envoy lingered in China for a while. One day the emperor visited Shanglin Park, where the envoy requested to have an audience with the emperor and offered his spices. The emperor looked at them. They were as big as egg, in total three, each the size of a date. He was not pleased, and had them stored at the external granary.

109  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 81.1929.

110  The Ruo River, identified as the Ejin River, runs down from the Qilian Mountain, flows northeast, crosses space between the desert and the Gobi, and finally empties itself into Lake Sogo Nor and Lake Gaxun Nor. Lake Gaxun Nor is also known as Xihai 西海 during Wei-Jin times. For more discussion on the Ruo River, see Hou, Symposium on Chinese Historical Geo­graphy, 113.

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Later, an epidemic struck Chang’an and the residents and palace all got sick. The emperor stopped listening to music. At this moment, the envoy asked for an audience and requested to be allowed to burn one piece of what he offered to prevent the pandemic. The emperor had no other choice but to accept his suggestion. The residents of the Palace recovered within a day, and people living within a hundred li all smelled the aroma. The spice diffused for over ninety days. The emperor bestowed the envoy with lavish gifts and ordered a farewell party for him. 漢武帝時，弱水西國有人乘毛車以渡弱水來獻香者，帝謂是常香，非中國之所乏，不 禮其使。 留久之。帝幸上林苑，西使于乘與聞並奏其香，帝取之看大如燕卵， 三枚與 棗相似，帝不悅，以付外庫。後長安中大疫，官中皆疫病。帝不舉樂，西使乞見，請 燒所貢香一枚，以辟疫氣。帝不得已，聽之。宮中病者，登日並差，長安中百裏咸聞 香氣，芳積九月餘日，香猶不歇，帝乃厚禮發遣餞送.111

Based on this story, two elements seem to affect cultural diffusion: rarity, i.e., being beautiful, special, or unique; and utility, being practically useful or politically beneficial. This story strongly suggests that some exotic objects might have been neglected simply because they did not look exotic enough. For example, rosemary was first introduced as midie, close to Latin menta, meaning mint. Since China already had mint, called bakuo 茇葀, rosemary did not attract much attention. To later and even to modern Chinese people, rosemary is merely the name of an ancient product; Chinese who traded with Silk Road merchants did not recognize the herb’s unique qualities or utility, thereby limiting its diffusion within Chinese culture. Even if an object was unique, it still could take some time or might simply fail to persuade the Chinese of its value. Foreigners wanted to sell their goods in China, so they would explain or even exaggerate the features of their wares. Whether Chinese would accept the goods, or even recognize their supposed value, is another story. In the anecdote above, the foreigner tried several times to promote his commodity. Once he finally demonstrated the medicinal properties of the spice, he received generous rewards from the same emperor who previously rejected it. The necessary information was available, but it still took a while for Chinese to understand and accept this exotic spice. For example, it took centuries or even millennia before the unique qualities or utility of some objects, such as the pomegranate, were recognized. Even though the combination of rarity and utility could bring life to any exotic, beauty and goodness alone are insufficient to explain how an object was selected and culturally accepted. Truth also plays an important role in determining the fate of a foreign object. Ideas of truth, beauty, and goodness have deep roots in many cultures, each culture denoting something different by these and similar terms. In Western culture, for example, these concepts are traced back to Plato, Aristotle, Plotinus, Thomas Aquinas, and Kant.112 But this tradition has been recognized and applied as well to Chinese cul111  See chapter 3, “Yichan,” 異產 in Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi jiaozheng, annot. Fan Ning, 25. This is my own translation; readers can also consult the English translation: Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi, trans. Greatrex, 93–94.

112  For discussion on this subject, see Plato, Symposium, trans. Alexander Nehamas and Paul Woodruff (Indianapolis: Hackett 1989); Aristotle, The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised



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ture by modern Chinese philosophers such as Tang Yijie 湯一介 (1927–2014) and Mou Zongsen 牟宗三 (1909–1995). To Tang Yijie, although “the Good, the Beautiful, and the True was the special characteristic of Kant’s philosophy,”113 we must adopt a scientific attitude to study China’s own tradition,114 because traditional Chinese philosophy “does not emphasize issues of logic and the theory of knowledge, nor provide a well-conceived demonstration of the structure of its own theory…the pre-Qin Dynasty Confucians seldom touched upon problems of onto­logy.”115 Consequently, Tang applies Kant’s theory to reconsider and reconstruct Chinese traditional philosophy and draws this conclusion: “in terms of value regarding the question of the true, the good, and the beautiful, Confucius approximates Kant, Laozi Hegel, and Zhuangzi, in a limited way, approximates Schelling or Aristotle.”116 In understanding Chinese literature and culture, however, Mou Zongsan’s work is more useful to subsequent scholarship for two reasons. First, as a New Confucianism philosopher, Mou Zongsan provides us with hybrid thinking, emphasizing the reconciliation of Chinese tradition, represented by Buddhism and Confucianism, with Western philosophy. Accordingly, Mou Zongsan’s termino­logy and concepts reflect the impact of other cultures on Chinese thought, much the way classical poetry reflects the impact of foreign goods on Classical Chinese poetry. Second, Kant’s critical philosophy for Mou Zongsan is analogous to the exotica for our third-century writers. Inspired by exotic goods, our ancient writers enriched and recreated their traditional images. Inspired by the German philosopher, Mou revised and realized his own tradition’s essence.117 According to Mou, the Beauty of a thing, its aesthetic, comes from meditative perception (jingguan zhigan 靜觀直感). The Good is moral and/or practical or desirable and comes from pure will (chuncui yizhi 純粹意志). The Truth is cognitive and perceptual, and therefore comes from knowledge of representation (xiangxiangjie zhishi 現象界知識).118 To him, the perfect being or thing is the unity of the three properties— beauty, goodness, and truth—whether that be the emperor, any individual’s inner self, or a divine being. In our study of rhapsodies, we have seen these three properties correspond to three kinds of cultural function for exotica: as subjects of court eulogy, as objects of secular Oxford Translation, ed. Jonathan Barnes, vol. 2, Metaphysica (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); John Cooper, Pursuits of Wisdom: Six Ways of Life in Ancient Philosophy from Socrates to Plotinus (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012); Immanuel Kant, Critique of the Power of Judgment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Jan. A. Aertsen, Medi­eval Philosophy and the Transcendentals: The Case of Thomas Aquinas (Leiden: Brill, 1996); David Konstan, Beauty: The Fortunes of an Ancient Greek Idea (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014); and Drew Hyland, Plato and the Question of Beauty (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2008). 113  Tang, “Zailun zhen, shan, mei,” 30–31; Tang, Confucianism, 8–9. 114  Tang, “Lun zhen, shan, mei,” 82; Tang, Confucianism, 23. 115  Tang, “Lun zhen, shan, mei,” 82; Tang, Confucianism, 36.

116  See Tang, “Zailun zhen, shan, mei,” 28; Tang, Confucianism, 4.

117  Schmidt, “Mou Zongsan,” 277.

118  Mou, “Shangque,” 66, 68, and 75.

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delectation, and as cultural icon. If Mou Zhongsan’s categories are useful, then they may profitably be applied in this way, to understand rosemary and the agate as courtly examples of what is beautiful and (politically) useful, to understand the pomegranate and monkey as secular examples of what is beautiful and useful, and to understand the peacock and the lotus as sacred examples of what is beautiful and good and truthful. Rosemary and the agate bridle were welcomed and celebrated mainly due to political interest, and perhaps because of their political associations, they lasted for only a short period. They are both beautiful, but impractical and lacked profound cultural significance. These rare tributary articles from foreign countries, however, “had prestige value for the emperor,” as modern historian Yu Yingshi points out: “the extent to which the Chinese imperial rule was accepted by the barbarians was often judged by the variety of exotic curiosities in the emperor’s possession.”119 This political perspective can be applied to two other kinds of cultural assimilation as well. Ruan Ji, in his fu about the monkey, criticized people’s mistake in eulogizing a regime with foreign goods. Huan Kuan also criticized people who blindly glorified the peacock for political purposes. Their criticisms confirm that invoking exotica to support the central power was a widely accepted practice. The pomegranate and the monkey were embraced and celebrated mainly for giving pleasure. As with rosemary and the agate, the pomegranate and the monkey carried hardly any profound cultural meanings, and their religious and medical uses remained unknown or insignificant to Chinese. Chinese accepted the pomegranate, thanks in part to its extraordinary appearance and flavour. Remarkably, Chinese did not utilize the pomegranate’s medicinal properties until the sixteenth century. The macaque monkey carried several sacred significances as one of the Buddha’s former incarnations, and as the ancestor of the Qiang people; nonetheless, macaque was never considered holy in Chinese lands. Unlike rosemary and the agate, with their heavily encoded courtly associations, the pomegranate and the monkey were more generally desirable in themselves: one as a delicacy and the other as a form of entertainment. Therefore, their arrival and appearance inspired our writers to test their skills and imaginations to compete with their peers and entertain themselves and others. On a different scale, the peacock and the lotus possessed three crucial aspects of successful cultural acceptance: beauty, goodness, and truth. The peacock is visually appealing and its feathers are decorative. Linked with the phoenix, it became significant culturally. The Lotus is pretty to look at, its pod and leaves are edible, and flower-picking is a pleasant pastime. Once the Chinese flower-image was invested with the spiritually pervasive symbolic freight of Buddhism, it became embedded in Chinese culture. Thus, both the peacock and the lotus became cultural icons in China; the lotus became the sublime lianhua and the peacock became the earthly companion of the imaginary phoenix and the Vermillion Bird. All kinds of exotica, whether court, secular, or sacred images, were used by writers for the purpose of meditating on the consolidation of political, cultural, or spiritual 119  Yu Yingshi, Trade and Expansion in Han China, 194.



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power in their writing.120 Their appeal and value could be exploited to eulogize China’s central position in the world. This textual tradition is an essential part of Chinese literature. When commenting on Han literature, David Knechtges claims, “The existence of such a great number of praising pieces from the second half of the first century ad suggests that the poets of that period considered eulogy a major function of literature.”121 This tradition clearly continued during the third century.

Diversity vs Sino-Centricity

Borrowing exotica to support centralized political and cultural power reveals an intriguing paradox: the diversity brought in by exotica was needed to highlight and flatter the Sino-centric world order, but that need had to be implicitly expressed. Although diversity is a well-known modern term, societies always have been diverse, simply because it is hardly possible to survive with just one’s own property produced on one’s own land. As Mahatma Gandhi claimed, “No culture can live, if it attempts to be exclusive.”122 The rhapsodies we examine above prove that ancient China is no exception. As we have seen, third-century China was linguistically diverse. Midie for rosemary is a foreign word, and most likely came from a Mediterranean substrate of Ancient Greek. Manao for agate is a foreign word and most likely came from India through central Asia. Mihou for macaque was influenced by an Indo-Tibetan language, as mi was a loan word for big or female. Anshiliu for pomegranate combines two sounds in ancient Persian, but one of them is lost in its native language. Kongque for peacock can be linked to the Tibeto-Burman language since kong was used for the peacock, their native bird. Lianhua for the lotus replaced old terms due to the spread of Buddhist sutras, and hua most likely came from the Tibetan language. “It is undeniable that dialect diversity,” claims Derk Bodde, “was one of the driving forces leading to the development of historical phono­ logy as a science in China.” Dialect here includes “expressions from foreign states.”123 Culturally, China in the third century was diverse as well. In the works we examined, there existed multiple foreign activities, such as picking lotus, burning incense, performing foreign dances, watching monkey shows and magical performances, and decorating horses. Elites consumed foreign jewels, foreign fruits, and foreign decorations. Foreign cultural ideas and traditions were introduced when “Sogdian and Indo-Scythian merchants started venturing into the urban centers and port cities of China,” Tansen Sen and Victor Mair have observed, with “the expansion of the Han dynasty into Central Asia, and the growth of trade along the overland and maritime routes.”124 Although Chinese embraced those exotica, adopted some foreign names and some special activities, they deliberately downplayed their foreign origins. Rather, they con-

120  I have rephrased the comments by Greenblatt on Shakespeare’s plays; see Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations, 40. 121  Knechtges, “To Praise the Han,” 138–39.

122  Gandhi, The Mind of Mahatma Gandhi, comp. Prabhu and Rao, 534.

123  Bodde, Chinese Thought, Society, and Science, 25 and 23 respectively. 124  Sen and Mair, Traditional China, 38.

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centrated on fitting them into the existing culture. Out of thirty-five pieces of rhapsodies on objects analyzed in this book, only ten mention the exact provenance of the objects they describe. Even so, their places of origin are often suggested in ways that are vague or ambiguous: clearly distant locations, but not from any recognizable foreign land or culture. For example, Chen Lin connects the agate with the Western Regions by claiming it came from the legendary Red River, north of the Kunlun Mountain: “Facing the vermillion waves of Red River” 臨赤水之朱波. Wang Chen calls the agate “a marvellous treasure from remote regions” 有殊域之妙寶兮. Yang Xiu claims the peacock was “a big bird from South China” 有南夏之孔雀. Zhang Xie admits that the pomegranate was from a foreign country when he found it outstanding among all tributary goods: “Surveying land products offered as tributes, Sigh! How superior and marvellous pomegranate is” 窮陸産于包貢，嗟英奇于若榴. Zhang Zai introduces the pomegranate with the Mediterranean Sea: “It starts to put down roots in the western sea” 肇結根于西海. Xiahou Zhan claims that the pomegranate came from a foreign land: “It puts deep roots in foreign places” 滋玄根于夷壌兮. Wang Can links rosemary with the Western Regions, “There is a precious herb coming from afar, It originated from the darkest part of the Kunlun Mountains” 惟遐方之珍草兮, 産崑崙之極幽. Cao Zhi suggests the lotus was from the Western Regions: “Left the territory of King Run, it came to the court of Emperor Wen” 退潤王宇, 進文帝庭.125 Even when credited with exotic origins, these imports are generally depicted as though pursuing their true destinies in China, even sometimes as voluntary migrants. Thus Cao Pi depicts the importation of a Mediterranean herb as a pilgrimage: “Despising the unclean customs of the western regions, the rosemary journeyed ten thousand li to join us” 薄西夷之穢俗兮, 越萬里而來征. Similarly, Zhong Hui attributes the peacock’s arrival to the court’s virtue as, “There is a great bird from the south, which when arrived, responded to our harmonious society” 有炎方之偉鳥, 感靈和而來儀. In other cases, the object was enlisted in an existing project of cultural elaboration and development, as with Indian agate, to which Cao Pi applied the emerging Five Elements Theory. In this rhapsody on a unique textile from Daqin or Rome, Yin Ju 殷巨 (fl. 270–285) articulates perfectly the Chinese dual attitude toward exotica: “Admiring imperial custom and pleased to be transformed” 仰皇風而悅化.126 Most of the rhapsodies covered in this study do not mention the origins of these six foreign objects at all. The authors seem to care little about where the objects came from, focusing instead on their rarity. To them, rarity has less to do with foreign or remote origins and more to do with their perspective of their own land and culture. The arrival of these exotica sent a message about the magnificence of China, reinforcing its centrality and enriching its culture. At the same time, the availability or scarcity of the exotica pro125  Runwang or guangrun wang 廣潤王 (the Dragon King of Guangrui) is the god of the Western Sea, which is modern Kokonuur or Qinghai: “although never under ‘Chinese’ jurisdiction until the eighth century, had nonetheless long constituted an important part of the Chinese imaginary geo­ graphical cosmo­logy…in the Tang dynasty the Kokonuur later was granted the title Guangrun wang (Moisture-spreading King) in 751.” See Bulag, The Mongols at China’s Edge, 31; Du, Tongdian, 1283. 126  Yan Kejun, Quan Jin wen, 81.1929.



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vided writers the opportunity to reflect on political struggles, cultural development, and their own status. As the prominent sino­logist Hans Frankel states, “contact with an alien culture is a powerful literary theme.”127 Rather than conveying value or meaning from their birthplace or native culture, exotic goods function as a muse for more in-depth discussions about China itself. Holding or having held high positions in government, these writers’ reactions to exotica echoed contemporary political practice. Cao Cao, the most powerful political leader of the third century, once warned his subjects to be cautious in dealing with nonChinese: [In 214 ce] Guanqiu Xing is going to take the position of the Administer of Anding [modern Pingliang 平涼, Gansu]. Duke Cao warns him saying, “If Qiang and Hu want to communicate with China, they would send envoys to us. Don’t send anyone to them. It is hard to find a good envoy. The bad one will teach Qiang and Hu to inquire more and benefit only himself. If you do not accept their inquiry, you disrespect their local customs; if you accept their inquiry, it won’t do any good to our state.” 安定太守毌丘興將之官，公戒之曰: “羌、胡欲與中國通，自當遣人來，慎勿遣人徃。善 人難得，必將教羌、胡妄有所請求，因欲以自利；不從便為失異俗意，從之則無益事”128

This conversation is full of bias against the non-Chinese. First of all, for Cao Cao, it is hard to find someone trustworthy as an envoy to be dispatched. Considering that most likely the potential envoys were minorities themselves who had learned Chinese, what Cao distrusted was others, non-Chinese, whose “untrustworthiness and betrayal were the default stereotype in discourse on ethnic difference.”129 But he accepted non-Chinese envoys to China, which means they must initiate contact and physically present themselves in Chinese territory. This is not just a trust issue, but more a political principle. It is indeed part of tributary thinking expressed in the phrase “tribute symbolizes submission.”130 China, the centre of the world, can only wait for others to come and express their respect, not the other way around. This Sino-centric attitude or practice can be traced back to “Yugong” 禹貢 in Shang shu 尚書: Five hundred li formed the Domain of the Sovereign. From the first hundred they brought as revenue the whole plant of the grain; from the second, the ears, with a portion of the stalk; from the third, the straw, but the people had to perform various services; from the fourth, the grain in the husk; and from the fifth, the grain cleaned. Five hundred li [beyond] constituted the Domain of the Nobles. The first hundred li were occupied by the cities and lands of the [sovereign’s] high ministers and great officers; the second, by the principalities of the barons; and the [other] three hundred, by the various other princes. Five hundred li [still beyond] formed the Peace-securing Domain. In the first three hundred, they cultivated the lessons of learning and moral duties; in the other two, they showed the energies of war and defense. Five hundred li [remoter still] formed the Domain of Restraint. The [first] three hundred were occupied by the tribes of the Yi; the

127  Frankel, “Cai Yan,” 154.

128  Chen Shou, Sanguo zhi, 1:43–44. 129  Abramson, Ethnic Identity, 24.

130  Yu Yingshi, Trade and Expansion in Han China, 194.

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[other] two hundred, by criminals undergoing the lesser banishment. Five hundred li [the most remote] constituted the Wild Domain. The [first] three hundred were occupied by the tribes of the Man; the [other] two hundred, by criminals undergoing the greater banishment. 五百里甸服：百里賦納總，二百里納銍，三百里納秸服，四百里粟，五百里米。五百 里侯服：百里采，二百里男邦，三百里諸侯。五百里綏服：三百里揆文教，二百里奮 武衛。五百里要服：三百里夷，二百里蔡。五百里荒服：三百里蠻，二百里流.131

This tributary system stabilized the political and diplomatic relationship between the dominant and secondary states, facilitated the flow of information about important events and news, formalized rules for trade, and allowed intellectual and cultural exchanges among scholars.132 According to the Sino-centric interpretation of the tributary system, China is at the top of the hierarchy, superior to others in terms of political, economic, and military power.133 Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881–1936), the leading figure of modern Chinese literature, once mocked this Han-centric attitude: Anyone who has read some ancient books would have this old trick: any newly emerged thought must be heresy and must be annihilated. After it had struggled and established itself, people might find out that it was actually “homo­logous with the sacred doctrines.” Everything from abroad must be an attempt “to use barbarian ways to change our land,” so it must be ruled out. Once barbarians stayed in our land, however, some people examined and claimed that even the “barbarian” belonged to the Yellow Emperor’s descendants. Isn’t this unexpected? No matter what, our “ancient” actually is all-inclusive.

凡有讀過一點古書的人都有這一種老手段：新起的思想，就是”異端”, 必須殲滅的，待 到它奮鬥之後，自己站住了，這才尋出它原來與”聖教同源”；外來的事物，都要”用夷 變夏”，必須排除的，但待到這”夷”入主中夏，卻考訂出來了，原來連這”夷”也還是黃 帝的子孫。這豈非出人意料之外的事呢？無論什麼，在我們的”古”里竟無不包函了134

Lu Xun was talking about foreign thoughts or ideas, which in a way are different from foreign goods. The diffusion of goods is not usually an immediate threat to one’s own culture, especially if one does not seek the profound cultural meanings behind the goods, but an idea may conflict with one’s own traditions. Lu Xun’s “homo­logous” theory, however, is applicable to the attitude of third-century China’s elites towards new goods. They linked the new to the old, by treating the new as branches of, and as having roots in, the old. This helps to explain why some exotic goods so easily became part of Chinese culture, while others were ultimately unable to find their place within China’s rich cultural heritage. For instance, Chinese writers fell in love with the Indian lotus and lotus-related activities, since China had its own lotus; writers were able to weave 131  Shangshu jingu wen zhushu, annot. Sun Xingyan, 202–7; The Shu King, trans. Legge, 75–76.

132  Kang, East Asia before the West, 59.

133  Dikötter writes, “Barbarians living beyond the realm of Chinese civilization were de­ humanized…Cultural intolerance towards the outside in China was associated with a feeling of physical discontinuity…Only the Chinese were described as ren, ‘man,’ or ‘human being,’ thus implicitly degrading alien groups to bestiality.” See Dikötter, The Discourse of Race in Modern China, 6. 134  Lu Xuan, Huagai ji, Huagai ji xubian, Eryi ji, 227.



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together traditional images of the lotus with their interpretations of the new lotus. In this way, the new was not completely new, but it was indeed different and inspiring. Lu Xun applied the allusion “Using our doctrines to change barbarians” (用夏變夷) from “Tengwen gong shang” 滕文公上 in Mengzi 孟子: I have heard of men using the doctrines of our great land to change barbarians, but I have never yet heard of any being changed by barbarians…I have heard of birds leaving dark valleys to move to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their descending from lofty trees to enter dark valleys. In the Praise-songs of Lu it is said, “He smote the barbarians of the west and the north, He punished Jing and Shu.” Thus Zhou Gong would be sure to smite them… 吾聞用夏變夷者，未聞變於夷者也 …吾聞出於幽谷遷于喬木者，末聞下喬木而入於幽 谷者。《魯頌》曰: “戎狄是膺，荊舒是懲。” 周公方且膺之…135

Within the context of the cultural diffusion of foreign goods into third-century China, this passage should be seen not so much as refusing to accept exotic goods, but as encouraging their conversion into Chinese culture as a way to maintain superiority. Literature played a key role in bringing in that necessary diversity which could highlight the Chinacentric world order, politically, culturally, and even spiritually.

Self-Realization

This wilful ignorance of other cultures applied even to close neighbours. When southern China, including major parts of modern Vietnam, was a province of the Han or Western Jin, the northern elites’ knowledge of or interest in the peacock was still limited to its feathers. Victor Mair notes that the Han dynasty added the insect radical 虫 for man 蠻, referring to many southern people and invented the myth of canine ancestry for other neighbouring peoples.136 Knowledge of Indian culture was also limited. Chinese thought that the agate was called horse brain in India, although the nickname was in fact a Chinese invention. Indian activities related to the lotus became so well-blended into Chinese culture that few Chinese people knew of its Indian origin. The monkey was holy in India, but was seen as a source of entertainment in China. This incomplete process of cultural diffusion did not help later generations of Chinese understand India or its culture.137 Although many imported goods from India inspired Chinese creativity and various cultural off135  Mengzi zhengyi, annot. Jiao Xun, 393–97; The Works of Mencius, transl. Legge, Chinese Classics 2:253 and 255. 136  Mair, “Canine Conundrums,” 8–14. For further discussion on foreign names using Chinese radicals for various animals, see Sen and Mair, Traditional China, 5; the article, Yang Lien-Sheng, “Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order,” in Fairbank, Chinese World Order, 20–33; WaleyCohen, The Sextants of Beijing; and Abramson, Ethnic Identity.

137  This process of Sinification started in early medi­eval China. For a discussion of how, for example, the slow shift from the rectangular inner garments of medi­eval India to the sleeved robes of modern Chinese monks began in medi­eval times, see Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture, 94. “In order to take away man’s clothes and dress him up again you must demolish and remodel him,” said the French critic and historian Hippolyte Taine (1828–1893); see

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shoots, their native cultural baggage was left behind, thus creating a disconnect between the object and its cultural significance outside of China. As for the West, third-century Chinese referred to a place called Daqin, but modern scholars hardly agree as to what and where Daqin was, as it could be the Roman Empire, or Macedonia, Egypt, Syria, or Arabia.138 Rosemary, from Rome, was recognized as a medicinal herb and represented beauty in its native land. But to Cao Pi and his circle, it was just an omen of his coming reign. To Shakespeare, rosemary held memories; but to Chinese, it was nothing but a name in ancient books. The knowledge of Persia is much the same. The pomegranate originated in Persia, but only three of our nine rhapsodists provide a vague suggestion of its origin. It is safe to assume that the medicinal and cultural qualities of the pomegranate mentioned in both Persian and Roman texts were unknown to third-century Chinese writers. But if Sino-centric attitudes prevented Chinese from learning more about other cultures, similar ethnocentric worldviews can be said to have had similar effects on other cultures’ abilities to learn about China. Learning everywhere was limited to certain privileged groups and scarce written records, which stymied the spread of written knowledge by merchants or envoys.139 Based on our stories, some knowledge did diffuse, but only marginally or to a minimal extent due to egocentric views or distorted understandings or cultural bias and habit. Modern historian Marc Abramson states that “the greater the distance of the place described, the more the recorder was forced to rely on hearsay rather than personal experience or reliable witnesses. It also betrays a worldview that correlates distance with the exotic and bizarre.”140 One’s understanding or description of others is more or less a mirror of one’s own society, which limits one in fully knowing others. That said, limited knowledge of others—and even resistance to it—does not mean that one’s contacts with others are non-influential or insignificant: quite the contrary. The British philosopher Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) once optimistically announced that “contacts between different civilizations have often in the past proved to be landmarks of human progress.”141 In terms of Chinese culture, Tansen Sen and Victor Mair state that “although the court scribes emphasized the superiority of Chinese emperor vis-à-vis the foreigners, both militarily and culturally, it is evident that the relationship between the Chinese court and the foreign kingdoms was multifaceted.”142 This statement is applicable to how the rhapsodies on objects reveal the multifaceted cultural exchanges via describing exotica. Clerget, “The Economic and Social Role of Fashion,” 763. It is safe to say the shift from medi­eval Indian Buddhism to modern Chinese Buddhism also started in medi­eval times. 138  The various locations of Daqin were summarized in Yu Taishan, “China and the Ancient Mediterranean World,” 1 and 30–41.

139  Greenblatt, Swerve, 5. The entire volume deals with the history of the book, including how ancient texts were recorded, preserved, handled, and spread. 140  Abramson, Ethnic Identity, 113; refers to Helms, Ulysses’ Sail, 211–60.

141  See “Chinese and Western Civilization Contrasted” in Russell, The Problem of China, 160. 142  Sen and Mair, Traditional China, 11.



The Value of Otherness in Literature

141

Third-century China was undoubtedly richer for the influence of its contact with other cultures. Yet this enrichment did not bring either peace or unity to China. For nearly four hundred years, China was disunified. The great Han fell when Cao Cao took power in 196; Cao Pi’s Wei state lasted less than four decades and did not unify China; the Western Jin unified China but only for a half-century. Until the early sixth century, the northern part of China was separated from the southern part, and both suffered much political turmoil and changing governments, mainly under the hands of non-Chinese, who possessed and/or introduced the exotica. Four hundred years of disunification might explain the decline of rhapsodies on objects after the Western Jin, since there was no existence of a central power to mobilize talents for composition of a considerable number of eulogies. Other formats for cultural transformation may have been slowed down as well. This assumption can be confirmed by the fact that once China was reunified under the Tang, the golden age of China, writing on exotica again flourished. The shared codes of Chinese medi­eval times powerfully demonstrate that diversities can be associated with political disunification and cultural prosperity; or they can also be associated with unification, politically and culturally. In the end, diversity is not the cause of political troubles, but instead became a favoured tool of political Sino-centricity. Disunification also seems to have reinforced the dual attitude our writers held towards exotica and others. Fear among Chinese toward foreigners, due to their barbarian customs and their greed, put a distance between Chinese writings and their knowledge of others. We saw that Cao Cao banned herbs, and Ruan Ji criticized how others eulogized exotica, “in the name of preserving class distinctions and preventing socially and economically debilitating displays of extravagance.”143 But this same group were genuinely excited by the products of other cultures, their uniqueness and exclusiveness, not necessarily for discovering the new, but more for renewing the old. Centuries later, when encountering Chinese poems, which both included exotica and were themselves exotic to him, Ezra Pound, a major figure in the early modernist poetry movement, reacted in the same way. In his translations, Pound rewrote classical Chinese poems by way of promoting an agenda of renewal and revision in his own literary tradition. T. S. Eliot summarized Pound’s writings and Pound’s reaction to Eastern poetry in this way: Translation is valuable by a double power of fertilizing a literature: by importing new elements which may be assimilated, and by restoring the essentials which have been forgotten in traditional literary method. There occurs, in the process, a happy fusion between the spirit of the original and the mind of the translator; the result is not exoticism but rejuvenation.144

After a century-long negotiation with exotica, the third-century rhapsodies on exotica were expected to introduce the new into China and rejuvenate the old in China. And the mission was complete. The central kingdom might still have been Sino-centric, politi143  Abramson, Ethnic Identity, 22.

144  Eliot, “The Noh and the Image,” 102.

142

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cally and culturally, but it was diverse as well. It might be disunited, sometimes; but it was indeed enriched. Rhapsodies on objects encapsulated cultural enrichment, and it is time now for us to further unpack this rich cross-cultural capsule.

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Zheng Zuoxin 鄭作新 et al., eds. Niaogang 鳥綱. Vol. 4, Jixing mu 雞形目. Zhongguo dongwu zhi 中國動物志. Beijing: Beijing kexue, 1978. Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (467?–519; alt. 468–518). Shipin. Commentary by Cao Xu 曹旭. Shanghai: Shanghai shiji chuban jituan, 2009. —— . Shi pin zhu 詩品注. Commentary by Wang Zhong 汪中 Taipei: Zhongzheng shuju, 1969. Zhongguo gudai jianbo zixing cili shujuku 中國古典簡帛字形辭例數據庫. http://www.bsm. org.cn/zxcl/. Accessed March 24, 2022 Zhongguo kexueyuan wenxue yanjiusuo 中國科學院文學所, ed. Zhongguo wenxue shi 中國文 學史. Beijing: Renmin wenxue, 1963. Zhongguo wudao zhi Guangdong juan 中國舞蹈志廣東卷. Shanghai: Xuelin, 2014. Zhongguo wudao zhi Shannxi juan 中國舞蹈志陝西卷. Shanghai: Xuelin, 2014. Zhongguo zhiwu zhi 中國植物志. Edited by Zhongguo kexueyuan zhongguo zhiwu zhi bianji wei­yuanhui 中國科學院中國植物誌編輯委員會. Multiple volumes. Beijing: Kexue, 1959–2004. Zhou Mi 周密(1232–1308). Zhou Mi’s Record of Clouds and Mist Passing Before One’s Eyes: An Annotated Translation. Translated by Ankeney Weitz. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Zhouyi jijie zuanshu 周易集解纂疏. annot. Li Daoping 李道平 (fl. 1842). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994. Zhu Kezhen 竺可楨. “Zhongguo jin wuqian nian lai qihou bianqian de chubu yanjiu” 中國近五 千年來氣候變遷的初步研究. Kaogu xuebao 1 (1972): 15–39. Zhu Su 朱橚 (1361–1425) et al., eds. Puji fang 普濟方. Vol. 6, Zhuji 诸疾. Beijing: Renmin weisheng, 1960. Zhu Yao 祝堯. Gufu bianti 古賦辨體. Edited in the Siku Quanshu encyclopedia. Zhuangzi jijie 莊子集解. Compiled by Wang Xianqian. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961. Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋. Commentary by Guo Qingfan 郭慶藩 (1844–1896). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985.

Background Works and Further Reading

The Astronomical Chapters of the Chin Shu. Translated by Ho Peng Yoke. Paris: Mouton, 1966. Csikszentmihalyi, Mark. “Fangshi 方士 ‘Masters of Methods’.” In The Encyclopedia of Taoism. Edited by Fabrizio Pregadio, 406–409. Abingdon: Routledge, 2008. Declercq, Dominik. Writing against the State: Political Rhetorics in Third and Fourth Century China. Leiden: Brill, 1988. DeWoskin, Kenneth. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. Hansen, Valerie. The Silk Road: A New History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Li Gao 李高. “Ruan Ji ‘Mihou fu’ xinlun” 阮籍獼猴賦新論. Bulletin of Chinese Language Teaching 946, no. 6 (June 2017): 69–70. Yang Shaoyun. The Way of the Barbarians: Redrawing Ethnic Boundaries in Tang and Song China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2019.

INDEX Page numbers in italics refer to figures

Abramson, Marc, 140 Academy, Imperial (Taixue 太學), 9, 10, 12 agate (manao 瑪瑙 or 馬瑙) etymology, 37–39, 139 group composition , 14, 15, 16, 64 in India and Buddhism, 38, 38n16, 39, 40, 41n31 in Five Elements, 42n37, 43, 44, 45 in shi or poetry, influence of Wei-Jin writers, 51–52 values, 52, 89, 131, 134, 135 see also “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” Amdo 安多, 90; see also Tibetan anshi 安石, 55–57; see also pomegranate anshiliu, 55, 57, 70, 135; see also pomegranate “Anshiliu fu” 安石榴赋, see “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate” Anxi 安息 (Parthian Empire), 56, 83, 115 Aretaeus of Cappadocia, 22 Aśmagarbha 阿濕摩揭婆, 38 bakuo 茇葀 (mint), 21–22, 132 Bassianus, Roman Emperor, 108 Bencao gangmu 本草綱目, 22n11, 34n81, 73, 73n103, 80n50, 109, 122n70 Bodde, Derk, 96, 135 Bosi, see Persian Empire Bowu zhi 博物誌 (Zhang Hua), 8, 55, 79, 131 Boxian 毫縣, 11 Buddhism arrival in China, 90, 113, 115, 121 early Buddhism, 120n56 influence, 37, 39, 111, 123, 126, 133, 134, 139n137 trade, 38, 39 Burma, see Proto-Burmese

Cai Yong 蔡邕, 9–12, 56 Candescent Dragon see zhulong Cao Cao 曹操 (Emperor Wu of Wei 魏武帝) and wine, 11, 11n54

ban on fragrance, 29, 32, 34, 141 foreign relations, 137 influence, 2, 52n88 writing circle, 12–15, 24 Cao Pi 曹丕 (Emperor Wen of Wei 魏文帝) decree on foreign trade, 33, 34, 35 Five Elements, 43–44, 136 group composition, 15, 16, 21n1, 24, 89, 140 influence, 48, 51, 52, 67, 69, 111, 141 influence of Han, 41 praise for, 30, 31, 45, 48, 103 positions, 24, 45, 45n53, 48n69, 51, 52, 100 see also “Rhapsody on Rosemary”; “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle”; writing circle; laiyi; succession Cao Zhi 曹植 (Prince of Dong’e) image of lotus, 122, 126–27 influence, 51, 62, 99 self-expression, 27–28, 108 writing for, 48, 101 see also “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate”, “Rhapsody on the Furong”; “Rhapsody on Rosemary”; writing circles; succession centrality, 18, 136 Cha-Nom, 95 Chen Lin 陳琳, 21, 24, 26, 29, 32, 39, 136 see also writing circles; laiyi; “Rhapsody on Rosemary”; “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” Chen Zangqi 陳藏器, 34, 122 Christians and Christianity, 56, 109 Chuci楚辭 (Songs of the South), 61, 77, 97, 98, 103, 112, 117, 128 Classic of Poetry, see Shijing codes, shared, 40, 51 Compendium of Material Medica, see Bencao gangmu composition, group, 29n62, 52, 57–64 cosmic images, 60, 121 Cyrus, King, 72

162

Index

dances, monkey, 8, 82–84, 87n100, 90–91, 135 danruo 丹若, see pomegranate Daqin 大秦 , see Rome Dawn Valley, see Yanggu De materia medica, 21n4, 22n15, 73, 73n100 Deng Grove (Denglin 鄧林), 88, 88n103, 127 Di 氐, 33–34, 68 Dioscorides, Pedanius, 21, 22, 73 diversity, 135–39 Dong Jin, see Eastern Jin Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒, 96, 96n14 Eastern Han, 6, 111, 113, 115, 117, 118 Eastern Jin (Dong Jin東晉), 2, 6n26 Egypt (Lixuan 黎軒), 22, 72, 73, 83, 140 exchanges cultural, 6, 7, 39, 91, 138, 140 Silk Road, 1, 7 trade, 16, 17, 23n23, 95

Fan Ye 范曄, 35, 95n5 fertility, 72–73 Five Elements (wuxing五行), 16, 41–44, 96, 106, 107, 136 Fu Hao 婦好, 96, 96n10 “Furong fu” 芙蓉賦, see “Rhapsody on the Furong” Fu Xuan 傅玄 biography, 14–15, 58, 59 compared with Ruan Ji, 88, 89 writing styles, 61, 62, 63, 64 in shi or poem on lotus, 113, 122, 123, 128, 129 see also “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques” Fu Xun 傅巽, 108 fusang 扶桑( fumu, mystic tree), 61, 63, 64, 68 fumu 扶木(fusang, mystic tree), 119n48, 127 Galen of Pergamum, 73 Gandhara (Qiantu guo 千塗國), 41, 75, 105 Gao Lian 高濂, 32 Gao Yang 高洋, 72 Gao You 高誘, 46n60, 86n97, 118

Ge Kuanrao 盖寛饒, 91 gibbons, 75, 75n7, 76n20 see also “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques” Gong Kechang 龔克昌, 5, 48 Greek language and people, 16, 21–23, 55, 71–73, 131, 135 Greenblatt, Stephen, 35, 40, 64, 135n120, 140n139 Guangya 廣雅 (Zhang Ji), 56, 76 Guangzhi 廣志 (Guo Yigong), 23 Gufu bianti 古賦辨體 (Zhu Yao), 5 Guo Pu 郭璞, 5, 40n27, 76n19, 112 “Guoran fu” 果然賦, see “Rhapsody on the Leaf Monkey” Guo Yigong 郭義恭, see Guangzhi

hehua, 111, 113, 114, 115, 129 see also lotus Hippocrates, 73 Hongdu Gate Academy 鴻都門學, 9–12 Hortensius, 108 hu胡 (barbarian or foreign), 22, 66n67, 82, 84, 122 Huan Kuan 桓寬, 108, 134 Huangchu 黃初 (Yellow Beginning), 33, 44 Hui Lin 慧琳, 38 Huijiao 慧晈, 91, 115

India (Shendu 身毒) Buddhism, 38, 40, 139n137 concept of non-attachment, 120–21 mythology, 90, 108–09 trade, 2, 16, 39, 52, 91, 96, 105, 130, 135 tradition, 116n33, 123, 123, 124, 139 Indo-Aryans, 90, 91 Japan (Woguo倭國), 75 Ji Han 嵇含, 80, 81 Ji Kang 嵇康, 80 Jia Ming賈銘, see Yinshi xuzhi Jia Sixie 賈思勰, 57 see also Qimin yaoshu Jian’an 建安, 12n62, 13, 14, 29, 119 Jiankang建康, 2 Jibin 罽賓(Kophen, or Kabul), 75, 105, 105n66 jin金 (gold), 40 Jingzhou 荊州, 8



Kang Senghui 康僧會, 91 Kashgar (Shule 疏勒), 116 Knechtges, David, 11, 18n86, 66n68, 135 kongque, 95n5, 135 see also peacock “Kongque fu” 孔雀賦, see “Rhapsody on the Peacock” Kophen, or Kabul (Jibin 罽賓), 75, 105, 105n66 Ku, Emperor 帝喾 (Gaoxin高辛), 41n33 Kui 夔, 31, 85, 85N92, 102 Kuiji 窺基, 38

laiyi 來儀, 31, 102–3 Later Han (Dong Han東漢), 6, 13, 21, 37, 50, 56, 62, 118, 123 see also the Eastern Han Laufer, Berthold, 17, 22, 55–56, 122 Lawng, 78 Li Deyu 李徳裕, 84 Li Shizhen 李時珍, 22n11, 23–24, 34, 56–57, 73, 109 Li Xun 李珣, 34 lianhua 蓮花, 17, 111–16, 134, 135 see also lotus Liao Kuo-tong 廖國棟, 6 libraries, 58–59, 64 Linear B., 16, 21 Ling of Han, Emperor, 8, 12 Linnan yiwuzhi 嶺南異物志 (Meng Guan), 108 literary circles 7, 13–14, 29, 52 Liu Kun 刘琨, 13n66 Liu Xiang 劉向, 79, 112 Liu Xie 劉 勰, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 14, 61 Liu Zhen 劉楨, 13, 29, 44n49 Liu Zhen 劉珍, 113 Lixuan 黎軒, see Egypt lotus (lianhua or lian 蓮花, or hehua 荷華) and fertility, 116–17, 116n33 blending image, 126–30, 134 etymology, 111n1, 112–13 in literature, 111, 112, 128–29, 124–25 in Buddhism, 115–16, 118, 119–22, 135 sacred, 16–17, 134 tradition, 123, 123, 124, 124, 130, 138–39 see also lianhua; hehua Lotus-picking, 17, 111, 123, 126

Index

Lu Ji 陸機, 3, 8n38, 14, 55, 76 Lu Shiyong 陸時雍, 61 Lu Xun 魯迅, 138–39 Lu Yun 陸云, 14, 55, 129 Lü Zuan 吕纂 (the Emperor Ling of Later Liang), 41n32 luxury, 16, 40, 51–52

163

macaques (hou猴, jü 狙, mihou 獼猴, muhou 木侯, 沐猴, 母猴) activities, 91, 92, 92n128 and Chu people, 87n100 and Wusun, 89–90, 90n113 in literature, 78–79 origin, 75–76, 80 see also “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques”; “Rhapsody on the Leafy Monkey”; “Rhapsody on the Macaque”; dances Macedonia–Tyre (Mengqi doule 蒙奇兜勒), 21, 22 Maes Titanus, 21, 22 magi (mudu慕闍, priest), 83, 83n75, 135 magic, 83, 83n75, 135 Mair, Victor, 135, 139, 140 manao, see also agate as horse brain, 39 etymology, 37, 37n2, 52 in Buddhism, 38 trade, 39–40, 135 “Manao fu” 瑪瑙勒賦, see “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” Mawangdui 馬王堆, 78, 89, 91 medicine knowledge, 34, 132 uses, 22, 71, 73, 74, 134 values, 17, 109, 110, 140 Mediterranean Sea, 1, 23, 74, 136 in tradition, 27, 108 trade, 16, 21, 135–36 see also Xihai Meng Guan孟琯, see Linnan yiwuzhi Mengqi doule 蒙奇兜勒 (MacedonianTyre), 21, 22 “Mengsi chi fu”濛汜池賦, see “Rhapsody on the Mengsi Pond” metaphysical learning (xuanxue 玄學), 89, 101

164

Index

midie history, 23, 24 Latin, 16, 132, 135 names, 21n1, 22, 35, 52 see also rosemary “Midiexiang fu” 迷迭香賦, see “Rhapsody on Rosemary” mihou 獼猴, 78, 79, 135; see also macaque Min Hong 閔鴻, 118, 125, 126, 128 see also “Rhapsody on the Furong” mint (bakuo 茇葀), 21–22, 132 monkeys, see macaques Mou Zongsen 牟宗三, 133 muhou, see macaques Nanfang caomu Zhuang 南方草木狀 (Ji Han), 80 Nanyue 南越, Kingdom, 75, 75n6, 92, 105, 108 see also Vietnam negotiations, cultural, 2, 17, 135, 141 Niyang 泥陽, 14 non-attachment concept, 111, 119–20, 124, 130 Owen, Stephen, 8n38, 88

Pan Ni 潘尼 literary circle, 14, 15 preface, 70 relationship with others, 58 rhapsodies of, 71–72 writing styles, 60, 61, 63, 65 see also “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate” Pan Yue 潘岳 literary circle, 14, 15 relationship with others, 58, 59 rhapsodies of, 71–72, 125 writing styles, 60, 61, 63, 65 Parthian Empire (Anxi 安息), 56, 83, 115 peacock (kongque 孔雀), 95, 97, 98, 104–7, 107–10 see also “Rhapsody on the Peacock” performance, 84, 88, 89, 135 Persephone, 71 Persia and magic, 83 empire (Bosi guo波斯國), 41, 72 in hu, 82n62

language, 56, 56n7, 116, 135 tales, 72 trade, 16, 41, 55, 57, 140 see also simurghs phoenixes, 13, 95–98, 100–4, 106–7, 110, 134 see also laiyi Pliny the Elder, 22 pomegranates (anshiliu 安石榴) and beauty and goodness, 131, 132, 134 and diversity, 135 etymology, 55–57 group composition, 15–16, 57–63 Sino-centricity 136, 140 values 71–74, 89 see also anshiliu and anshi Pound, Ezra, 141 prosodic patterns, 60, 64, 69 Proto-Burmese, 78 Ptolemy, Claudius, 21 Puji fang 普濟方 (Zhu Su), 109 Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書, 8n38 Qiang 羌, 33–34, 90, 90n113, 91, 134, 137 Qiantu guo 千塗國(Gandhara), 41, 75, 105 Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術 (Jia Sixie), 56, 58 Qu Duizhi 瞿兌之, 6

Rau people (liaoren 獠人), 80, 80n51 Ren Bantang 任半塘, see Tang xi nong “Rhapsody on Rosemary” (Cao Pi), 24–26 “Rhapsody on Rosemary” (Cao Zhi), 26–30 “Rhapsody on Rosemary” (Chen Lin), 30–31 “Rhapsody on Rosemary” (Wang Can), 30 “Rhapsody on Rosemary” (Ying Yang), 31 “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” (Cao Pi), 39–44 “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” (Chen Lin), 45–48 “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” (Wang Can), 44–45 “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” (Wang Chen), 48–51 “Rhapsody on the Furong” (Cao Zhi), 118–24 “Rhapsody on the Furong” (Min Hong), 125, 126, 128 “Rhapsody on the Furong” (Pan Yue), 125, 128



“Rhapsody on the Furong” (Sun Chu), 124, 125, 127 “Rhapsody on the Furong” (Xiahou Zhan), 124, 125, 126 “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques” (Fu Xuan), 81–84 “Rhapsody on the Leaf Monkey” (Zhong Yu), 80–81 “Rhapsody on the Macaque” (Ruan Ji), 84–89 “Rhapsody on the Mengsi Pond” (Zhang Zai), 15, 59 “Rhapsody on the Peacock” (Yang Xiu), 99–101 “Rhapsody on the Peacock” (Zhong Hui), 102–3 “Rhapsody on the Peacock” (Zuo Fen), 103 “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate” (Pan Ni), 65–67 “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate” (Zhang Xie), 67–69 “Rhapsody on Three Capitals” (Zuo Si), 7, 8, 15 Richthofen, Baron Ferdinand von, 1n1, 7 Rome (Daqin guo大秦國), 22, 23, 26n38, 49n73, 136, 140 rosemary (midie 迷迭); see also midie; “Rhapsody on Rosemary” and physiology, 27 as metaphor, 16 group composition, 14–15, 89 in Western cultures, 22–23, 140 names, 21, 21n1, 22, 52 trade, 33, 132, 135, 136 Ruan Ji 阮籍, 79, 85n84, 85n86, 89, 134, , 141; see also “Rhapsody on the Macaque” Ruan Yu 阮瑀, 13, 29 ruoliu 若榴, see pomegranates Ruo, river 弱水, 131 Russell, Bertrand, 140

Samandal, 96 sapta-ratna, see Seven treasures Schafer, Edward, 6, 41n31, 49n73, 107, 130 Seven treasures (qibao七寶, or sapta-ratna), 38–40 Shanhai jing 山海經, 76, 80, 101, 102, 127

Index

165

Shendu 身毒, see India Shijing zong lun 詩鏡總論 (Lu Shiyong), 61n39, 61n43 Shijing 詩經 (Classic of Poetry), 116–17, 128, 33, 61 Shipin 詩品, 3, 12 shows, monkey, 82, 84, 135 Shule 疏勒 (Kashgar), 116 Siebert, Martine, 107 Silk Roads, 1n1, 7, 26, 33 Sima Yan 司馬炎, 14, 104 see also Emperor Wu of Jin simurghs, 49n73, 72, 97, 98, 100, 101 Sinification, 2, 139n29 Sino-Tibetan, 116 Songs of the South (Chuci楚辭), see Chuci Soranius, 73 Stein, Rolf-Alfred, 90 Stone Tower in Kushan, 22n9; see also Tashkurgan succession, 25–26, 99–100, 100n34 Sun Chu 孫楚, 113, 118, 124, 125, 126, 127 sun-like radiance, 17, 111, 119, 121, 130 Taixue 太學 (Imperial Academy), 9, 10, 12, 12n62 Tan Changqing 檀長卿, 87, 91 Tang xi nong 唐戲弄 (Ren Bantang), 84 Tang Yijie 湯一介, 133 Tansen Sen, 135, 140 Tao Hongjing 陶弘景, 73 Tashkurgan, 22 Tibet, 78, 105n65, 116, 135 tigers (hu 虎), 41n36, 44, 85n86, 98 tributaries, 39, 54, 89, 134, 136–38 tripartite structures (sanzhun 三準), 8n38, 25, 27, 84 truth, 13, 131–34 tulin 涂林, see pomegranates Upanishads, 121 utility, 16, 132 Vedic literature and religion, 120–22 Vermillion Bird, see zhuque Vietnam and Vietnamese, 95, 95n3 see also Nanyue Virgil, 22, 23

166

Index

Wan Guangzhi 萬光治, 5 Wang Can group composition, 24, 39 relationships, 26, 32, 44, 44n49, 45 writing circle, 13–14, 29 see also “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle”; “Rhapsody on Rosemary” Wang Chen 王沈, 48–50, 136 see also “Rhapsody on the Agate Bridle” Wang Fu王符, 9 Wei Quan 衛權, 8 Wei-Jin writers, 12, 130 Weilüe魏略 (Yu Huan), 7, 23, 41n28 Wen xuan 文選, 3, 4, 13, 13n64, 13n65, 14, 22 Wen 溫, 14 Wenxin diaolong, 12, 13n64 Western Jin (Xi Jin 西晉) fu, 6, 6n26 history, 2n3, 141 literary circles, 14, 14n69, 15, 15n83, 16 writers, 13–14, 13n66 Western Regions (Xiyu 西域) activities, 82 definition, 82n62 history, 2, 7, 55, 113, 115 people, 90 trade, 6, 33, 39, 105, 105n65, 106, 136 Western Sea, 23, 74, 136, 136n125; see also Xihai Woguo 倭國, see Japan writing circles, 12–15, 24 see also literary circles Wu of Han, Emperor, 漢武帝, 28, 40, 52, 58, 113, 131 Wu of Jin, Emperor, 晉武帝, 70, 106 see also Sima Yan Wusun 烏孫, 89–90, 90n114 wuxing五行, see Five Elements wu物, scope, 2 Xerxes, 72 Xi Jin, see Western Jin Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 group composition, 15 relationships, 58 rhapsodies of, 124, 125, 126, 127 writing styles, 60, 71, 74 Xian of Han, Emperor, 漢獻帝, 2, 11, 11n54

Xiao Gang 蕭綱, 12, 12n58, 12n63, 122 Xiao Tong 蕭統, 3–5, 13, 122 Xihai 西海 (Mediterranean Sea), 23n26, 74, 131n110, 136; see also Western Sea Xinhui 新會, 75 Xinru Liu, 39 Xiyu, see Western Regions Xu Gan 徐幹, 13, 79 Xu Shen 許慎, 3, 49n73, 112, 122n70 Xuan of Han, Emperor, 漢宣帝, 9 xuanxue 玄學 (metaphysical learning), 89, 101

Yang Fu 楊孚, 76 Yang Licheng楊利成, 4 Yang Xiu 楊修, 99, 101, 104, 106, 110, 136; see also “Rhapsody on the Peacock” Yanggu 暘穀 (Dawn Valley), 119, 127 Yantie lun 鹽鐵論 (Huan Kuan), 108 see also Huan Kuan Ye 鄴, 25–27, 33 yi 夷 (foreign), 33, 74, 136, 138–39 Yin Ju 殷巨, 131, 136 Ying Yang 應瑒, 13, 14, 24, 29, 32, 34, 44 Ying Zhen 應貞, 15, 57, 58, 70 Yinshi xuzhi 飲食須知 (Jia Ming), 109 Yu Huan 魚豢, see Weilüe yuan 猿, see gibbon “Yuanhou fu” 猨猴賦, see “Rhapsody on the Gibbon and Macaques” Yuezhi月氏, 40, 115 Zhang Heng 張衡, 56, 118 Zhang Hongzhao 章鴻釗, 37 Zhang Hua 張華, 5, 8, 55, 79, 129, 131 Zhang Ji張揖, see Guangya Zhang Kang 張亢, 14 Zhang Qian 張騫, 2, 7, 56 Zhang Xie 張協, 14, 15, 57–65, 70–72, 74, 136 see also “Rhapsody on the Pomegranate” Zhang Yan 張晏, 79, 79n43 Zhang Zai張載, 14, 15, 58–65, 67n71, 71–72, 74, 136 see also “Rhapsody on the Mengsi Pond” Zhao Feiyan 趙飛燕, 107, 107n77 Zhao Mo 趙眛, 75n6, 92 Zhong Hui 鍾會, 80, 99, 101–3, 104, 136 see also “Rhapsody on the Peacock”



Zhong Rong 鍾嶸, 3, 13n63, 13–14 Zhong Yu 鍾毓, 79–81 see also “Rhapsody on the Leaf Monkey” Zhu Su 朱橚, see Puji fang Zhu Yao 祝 堯, see Gufu bianti zhulong龍燭 (Candescent Dragon), 61, 63–64, 68, 119, 122, 127 zhuque 朱雀 (Vermillion Bird), 96, 100, 104n58, 106–7, 110, 134 Zou Yan 鄒衍, 41n35, 43n45 zouyu 騶虞 (a righteous beast), 44, 85, 85n86 Zuo Fen 左芬, 14, 15, 99, 103–4, 104n57, 106, 108 see also “Rhapsody on the Peacock” Zuo Si 左思, 7n32, 8, 14, 98, 104 see also “Rhapsody on Three Capitals”

Index

167