France and Rhode Island, 1686–1800 9780231882552

Table of contents :
Preface
Contents
I. The Huguenot Refugees
II. Frenchmen in Rhode Island During the Intercolonial Wars
III. The French Fleet and Army in Rhode Island
IV. The Post-Revolutionary Period
V. French News in Rhode Island Newspapers
VI. References to French Writers in Rhode Island Newspapers
VII. French Culture in Rhode Island
VIII. French Opinions of Rhode Island
IX. Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

FRANCE ISLAND,

and

RHODE

1686-1800

FRANCE and RHODE ISLAND, 1686-1800 By MARY ELLEN LOUGHREY

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE 6 F DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

t

New

York • Morningside

Heights

KING'S C R O W N PRESS

1944

COPYRIGHT 1 9 4 4 BY

M A R Y ELLEN LOUGHREY Printed in the United States of America

King's Crown Press is a division of Columbia University Press organized for the purpose of making certain scholarly material available at minimum cost. Toward that end, the publishers have adopted every reasonable economy except such as would interfere with a legible format. The work is presented substantially as submitted by the author, without the usual editorial attention of Columbia University Press.

PREFACE IN his America and French Culture, 1750-1848, Howard Mumford Jones studies thoroughly the influence which the French exerted on America during the last half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth. After outlining the situation before 1750, he emphasizes the fact that American appreciation of things French grew rapidly after 1770, when reciprocal interests developed which led to the FrancoAmerican alliance of 1778 and to the maintenance of friendly relations for at least fifteen years thereafter. He considers the influence of French religious and political writings, with particular stress on the role played by religion in American social life, education, philosophy and politics. He shows that America was not cut off from European thought, but shared in the eighteenth-century movement that was characterized by the rise of deism, the growth of the spirit of tolerance and a belief in the contract system of government, a movement that owed much to the French "philosophes". Bernard Fay, in The Revolutionary Spirit in France and America, has traced along similar lines the relationships that existed between the two countries at approximately the same time. In broad outline, the conclusions which Jones and Fay draw for America as a whole during the eighteenth century can be applied to Rhode Island. Study of the French language, acquaintance with French thought, the changing attitude toward the French nation developed in this state in the same general way that they did in the other regions along the Atlantic seaboard. It is of interest to note that the birthplace of religious tolerance in America did not abandon its creed, and that the great French apostle of tolerance, Voltaire, was a preferred author in Rhode Island. In this study, I have outlined, as a historical background, the various sojourns of Frenchmen in Rhode Island during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and have then placed in this setting the evidences of interest in French culture which I have discovered to have existed. A

vi

PREFACE

chapter of comments on Rhode Island, selected from the journals, memoirs and diaries of French travellers and observers, seemed to be a fitting conclusion to this picture. The majority of the studies of the relations between France and Rhode Island in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have dealt with political and military history. The short-lived Frenchtown settlement in East Greenwich was the subject of a memoir by Elisha R. Potter, and the various visits of the French military and naval forces during the Revolutionary War have been carefully investigated by John Austin Stevens, Howard W. Preston and others. Edwin M. Stone's Our French Allies, in particular, furnishes a very comprehensive view of the situation. However, little attention has been paid hitherto to the Frenchmen who lived in Rhode Island during the intercolonial wars, or to those who sought an asylum in this state from the excesses of the San Domingan Revolution. Their petitions for aid and the accounts of amounts allowed by the General Assembly for their relief have not previously been published. Moreover, in the cultural field, no attempt has been made to discover and organize the material contained in newspapers, almanacs and catalogues, relative to the teaching of French and to the interest in French life, literature and thought which was manifested in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century. I have endeavored to isolate and render available all such material. I have also examined the writings of French travellers and observers, and have selected from them the portions which refer to Rhode Island. In short, it has been my intention to add to what has already been published sufficient data to form a fuller picture, by supplementing historical facts with information concerning the cultural influences exerted by the French, and the opinions which they in turn formed of Rhode Island during the visits of various groups during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The year 1800 did not, of course, mark the conclusion of French relations with this state. However, since the French population of Rhode Island was increased greatly during the nineteenth century by immigration from Canada which was related to the industrial expansion of New England, rather than to the historical and cultural developments of the two preceding centuries, I have considered it advisable not to include in the present volume a discussion of the situation after 1800. In this work I have been greatly aided by the encouragement and coun-

PREFACE

v't't

sel of Professor Norman L. Torrey, Dr. Otis E. Fellows, Dr. Simon J. Copans and other members of the French Department and Faculty of Philosophy of Columbia University. I am also indebted to Miss Mary T. Quinn, Rhode Island State Archivist, to Clarence S. Brigham, Director of the American Antiquarian Society, to Lawrence C. Wroth, Librarian of the John Carter Brown Library, and to William G. Roelker, Director of the Rhode Island Historical Society, who, with the members of their staffs, have shared with me the invaluable resources of their libraries. M A R Y E . LOUGHREY

May, 1944

CONTENTS PREFACE I. II.

v

The H U G U E N O T

REFUGEES

FRENCHMEN

RHODE

in

INTERCOLONIAL III.

The

FRENCH

1

ISLAND

during

the

WARS

FLEET

and

13 ARMY

in

RHODE

ISLAND IV. V.

18

The P O S T - R E V O L U T I O N A R Y

PERIOD

FRENCH

ISLAND

NEWS

in

RHODE

36 NEWS-

PAPERS VI.

43

R E F E R E N C E S to F R E N C H W R I T E R S in R H O D E ISLAND

NEWSPAPERS

68

VII.

F R E N C H C U L T U R E in R H O D E I S L A N D

92

VIII.

F R E N C H O P I N I O N S of R H O D E I S L A N D

119

CONCLUSION

138

NOTES

143

BIBLIOGRAPHY

161

INDEX

175

IX.

Chapter One The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

IN the words of le Père Charlevoix: Il passe pour constant dans notre Histoire, que nos Rois n'ont fait nulle attention à l'Amerique avant l'année 1 5 2 3 . Alors François I . . . donna ordre à Jean Verazani, qui étoit à son service, d'aller reconnoitre les nouvelles Terres, dont on commençoit à parler beaucoup en France. 1 The earliest discovery of America by the French is thus attributed to Giovanni da Verrazzano, a Florentine navigator who had attracted the attention of Francis I by his successful attacks on Spanish commerce. A s an officer in the service of the French king, he made several efforts to cross the Atlantic, in search of a sea-route to the East. Our knowledge of his voyage to America is derived from a letter written by him to Francis I, and dated at Dieppe, the eighth of July, 1 5 24. 2 According to this communication, Verrazzano left European waters on the seventeenth of January, 1 5 2 4 , and sailed to the westward, sighting, on the seventh of March, a stretch of land which was probably part of the Carolina coast. He turned northward and followed the shore as far as Maine or Nova Scotia. The first region recognizable from his description is the entrance to New York harbor. From this point, he sailed, always in sight of the coast, to a spot some eighty leagues to the east, the description of which seems to fit Narragansett Bay and the harbor of Newport. Verrazzano mentions the latitude of this region as being 4 1 0 40', a parallel which is within those that enclose Rhode Island, that is to say, between 4 1 0 1 8 ' and 42 0 3 1 ' north latitude. He remained in this region for fifteen days, exploring the shore and supplying his ship with necessities. He departed on the fifth of May, 1 5 2 4 . There is some doubt that Verrazzano actually made this voyage, for his letter is not supported by any documentary evidence. Moreover, the

2

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

narrative lacks the exactness one expects in the reports of bona fide explorers; in fact, the latitude mentioned above is the only information of that nature which he gives in the letter. Furthermore, the regions described by Verrazzano are "precisely those claimed in 1525 by Spain as the discovery of a Portuguese, Estevan Gomez." 3 Finally, the discovery was not followed up; France settled her colonial population much farther north and made no effort to locate them in the milder climate of New England. If we were to omit, then, this possible but not too well-authenticated attempt in the sixteenth century, we find no Frenchmen in Rhode Island until the second half of the seventeenth century, just fifty years after the founding of the colony. There is an isolated instance of a couple who resided in Newport around 1660, and who may have been French. The oldest tombstones in the general burial ground of this city were those of John Gardé and his wife, Harte. The inscriptions on these stones indicate that Gardé was a merchant who had died on August 7, 1665, and that his wife had died on September 16, 1660. Nothing else is known about them, but we may infer that they were of French origin, as the name was spelled Gardé on the tombstones, "the final e having the accent well defined."4 However, since we lack definite information concerning the nationality of this family, we are forced to agree with Governor Peleg Sanford, when, in his Answer to Inquiries of the Board of Trade, dated at "Newport on Road Island the eighth of May, 1680", he states: ". . . as with respect to other Nations, that the French being seated at Canada and up the Bay of Fundi . . . we have had few or none either of English, Scots, Irish or Forreighners."8 Indeed, this seems a logical conclusion, as, at that time, there was no reason for Frenchmen who came to America to locate in other than French territory. Canada and Maine presented ample opportunities to the enterprising and adventurous. It was not until the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, and the subsequent religious persecution, that a different class of Frenchmen found it expedient to make use of the resources which the British colonies in America could offer. The persecution of the Protestants following the repeal of this edict had caused great numbers of Frenchmen to flee from their native land and to seek temporary asylum in Holland, Switzerland and England. The majority of these refugees were men of substance, many of whom had previously maintained commercial relations with the West Indies, New Amsterdam and New England. It was therefore

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

3

quite natural for them to think of the New World when they needed a haven. A correspondence developed with the representatives of the governing classes in Boston,8 the result of which was that the French Protestants were given permission to settle in New England. Moreover, at this time, there were in London agents of the colonies authorized to sell land and eager to secure desirable settlers for America. Among these agents were representatives of the Atherton Company, with whom, in 1686, a group of Huguenots from Poitou made arrangements to purchase land in the Narragansett County. In the autumn of the same year, this group, consisting of some forty-five families, sailed from London for New England. At the head of the expedition was a nobleman, Pierre Berthon de Marigny. Other prominent members of the party were the minister, the Reverend Ezéchiel Carré, and the physician, Doctor Pierre Ayrault. On October 12, 1686, they made an agreement with the socalled Proprietors of Narragansett County for the settlement, in what is now Exeter, of a plantation to be named Newbury. The location, too far from the sea, proved unsatisfactory, and the French refused to accept it. By another agreement, signed November 4, 1686, they obtained a tract of land in the northern part of the township of Rochester, later known as Kingstown. It is impossible now to locate exactly the site of this settlement, but in the southeast corner of the township of East Greenwich, extending from Hunt's River and Davisville River westward, is a section that has always been called "Frenchtown", even though no definite trace of French occupation has survived. It is marked by a sign reading "Site of Huguenot Settlement" and located near the entrance to the farm of Winfield S. Sherman on the South County Trail. By the final agreement with the Atherton Company, each of the fortyfive families was to have one hundred acres of upland and a proportional share of meadowland, for which they were to pay twenty pounds per allotment if paid in cash, and twenty-five pounds if paid in three years' time. In the British State Papers Office, there is a manuscript showing the location of the plats granted to each family. 7 In all, they probably covered six or seven square miles. The soil was remarkably fertile, and the colonists began immediate cultivation; they planted vineyards, mulberry groves, and an apple orchard that was to be known for nearly two hundred years as the "French Orchard". In a short time twenty-five houses and a church had been erected. The records of this church have lately been discovered in the library of the Huguenot Society of America in New

4

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

York City. They include complete lists of the baptisms, marriages and burials that occurred between 1686 and 1 6 9 1 . They also contain such varied items as the appointments of elders and readers, the election of a schoolmaster (M. Sansson Gallays), the difficulties encountered by M. Carré in collecting his salary, several accounts of reprimands administered to the "widows Amaut and Perlier", the request of the French Church in Boston to share the services of M. Carré, his decision to accept a call to that church (where it is to be presumed he had less trouble collecting his salary), and his promise to return to Narragansett occasionally to conduct services for his former congregation. 8 The colony seemed well along on the road to prosperity and permanence. During the war between England and France, which had begun in 1689, the General Assembly passed a resolution on March 8, 1690, 9 granting freedom from molestation to the French settlers of East Greenwich, on condition that they take the oath of neutrality prescribed by the King's Proclamation of War. They asked nothing better than to be allowed to reside in peace in their new homes. However, although "no other band of French emigrants . . . left England better equipped and with fairer prospects, . . . no other was doomed to suffer greater hardships and experience more disappointment." 1 0 The summer of 1 6 9 1 saw the dissolution and abandonment of their little settlement. Very soon after their arrival, they became involved in a bitter dispute over the ownership of the lands on which they were living, a dispute whose origin went back more than twenty years. In June and July 1659, an association of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island men, known as the "Atherton Company" or "Bay Purchasers", had obtained from the Indians, mainly through fraud, possession of a tract of land extending from the west side of Narragansett Bay to the Pawcatuck River. Jurisdiction over this territory was claimed by both Connecticut and Rhode Island. In 1662 Connecticut received a royal charter extending her eastern limits to "the Narragansett River, commonly called Narragansett B a y " . 1 1 John Clarke, the agent of Rhode Island in England, realizing that this would practically obliterate his colony, insisted that the "Narragansett River" was the Pawcatuck. In 1 6 6 3 the Crown granted Rhode Island a new charter, which was agreed to by Governor Winthrop, Connecticut's representative in London. This charter confirmed Rhode Island's title to part of the land and allowed the Atherton Company to choose the colony to which it wished to belong.

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

5

The company selected Connecticut. Governor Winthrop's concession was later repudiated by the Connecticut legislature. In 1 6 6 5 a Royal Commission visited Rhode Island and, after investigation, decided that the disputed territory should belong to neither state, but to the Crown. Temporary jurisdiction over it, however, was given to Rhode Island. Connecticut insisted on her rights, and controversies continued until 1 7 0 3 , when a commission, meeting at Stonington, agreed on a boundary line; this was officially approved in 1 7 2 8 , and was substantially the same as that which exists to-day. Meanwhile the Atherton Company continued to offer land for sale, although the Rhode Island legislature, which had never recognized the company's right to the territory, denounced the sales as invalid. In fact, the legislature had, in October 1 6 7 7 , granted land in this disputed region to a group of English settlers for the establishment of the township of East Greenwich. 1 2 It was part of this township which the Atherton Company sold to the French refugees in 1686. Naturally, their right to the land was challenged, often with violence. Handicapped by their ignorance of the English language, they were unaware of the controversy over the territory; therefore, they could not understand the reason for the ill treatment that came close to actual persecution. Since the General Assembly had done nothing to remedy the situation, some of the more lawless men of East Greenwich had taken matters into their own hands. They broke into houses to search for arms, stole hay, destroyed crops, tore down fences, and in general subjected the French settlers to various indignities. 13 When the French finally realized that their title to the land was disputable, and that they would receive no protection from the government, they became discouraged and abandoned the settlement. A f t e r leaving Rhode Island, the group was widely scattered; some families went to Massachusetts, others to South Carolina, but the largest number went to N e w York. A few passed entirely out of sight. Only three from the original group remained in Rhode Island. Moise Le Moine 14 retained his farm, as did Doctor Ayrault, who was becoming a welcome visitor in English homes. Town records of East Greenwich show that Ayrault's will was probated there in 1 7 0 5 . His son, Daniel, then sold his father's property and moved to Newport, where he soon became an important figure in the commercial and religious life of the town. His name appears frequently in the early records of Trinity Church, which he served as

6

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

vestryman. Another settler of East Greenwich, Jean Julien, also moved to Newport. It is unfortunate that most of these colonists were lost to Rhode Island, for, had they remained, it is probable that they would have been joined by other Huguenot families. Frenchtown then might have become the center of a culture superior to that which existed in the English colony. In proportion to their number, they possessed a high degree of education and ability. They were honest, law-abiding people, most of them merchants, farmers or craftsmen; it is certain that their contribution to the economic and social development of Rhode Island would have been considerable, if they had been allowed to establish a strong and permanent settlement. As it was, those who did remain were assimilated into the English population and contributed little to the propagation of knowledge of France or of French culture. Toward the end of the seventeenth century and in the first years of the eighteenth, a number of other Huguenots came to Rhode Island, either singly or in small groups, and settled in various towns of the colony. Among the earliest arrivals were Pierre Tourgee and his brothers, who established themselves in North Kingstown, not far from the site of the short-lived Frenchtown settlement; their descendants remained in this region for several generations.16 Abraham Tourtelotte, another refugee, who came to Rhode Island from Bordeaux, married one of the daughters of Gabriel Bernon; from him several Rhode Island families are descended. Pierre Papillon moved to Bristol from Boston around 1 6 8 1 , but soon left, presumably to join the Huguenot colony at New Oxford, Massachusetts. Jacques Pineau and Jean Soulard also came to Bristol around 1700, but moved to Lebanon, Connecticut, twenty-five years later. A native of Saint Malo, Auguste Lucas, established his residence at Newport; in the Proceedings of the General Assembly, under the date of March 6, 1707, we find his name in the list of those admitted to the colony as freemen. 16 His name also appears among those of the pewholders of Trinity Church in 1 7 1 9 . 1 7 Lucas, who had brought the graft of a pear tree with him, hired the estate of Robert Gardner and began to cultivate the fruit; when Mr. Gardner later resumed possession of his estate, the tree had begun to bear, and the fruit was named the "Gardner Pear". 1 8 Early in the eighteenth century, Captain Huxford Marchant, one of three brothers from Bayonne, settled in Newport; his son, Henry, became a lawyer and was elected one of the Rhode Island delegates to

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

7

the first Continental Congress. In 1742, Dr. Dutee Jerauld moved from Medfield, Massachusetts, to East Greenwich; although Doctor Jerauld himself was born in America, his parents were Huguenot refugees who had fled from Languedoc in 1719. Another well-known descendant of refugees was the Reverend Stephen Gano; he came to Providence in 1792 and remained for thirty-six years as pastor of the First Baptist Church. His great-grandfather, François Gerneaux or Ganeaux, had come from Guernsey and had settled at New Rochelle. However, the most noted representative of the Huguenots in America was a man who arrived in Rhode Island five years after the breaking-up of the ill-fated experiment at Frenchtown. This was Gabriel Bernon born April 6, 1644, at La Rochelle. He was a member of an old and honorable family of that city and a man of considerable wealth and importance. As a merchant of La Rochelle, he had traded in fish and furs with Canada and was not unacquainted with the colonial markets of New England. On March 7, 1682, he had left France for Quebec, intending to start a Protestant Church in Canada. During the severe winters that followed, provisions became scarce, and in 1685, the government ordered all Huguenots to leave the country. Bernon was compelled to return to France. When he reached La Rochelle, he was taken from the ship and thrown into prison, where he languished for an indefinite period. At last his escape was arranged, and he was smuggled aboard a ship which carried him secretly to Amsterdam. From that city he made his way to London, where we find him on April 15, 1687. 19 His wife and children managed to join him there. Like many of their fellowcountrymen, their eyes and thoughts turned toward America, and in the spring of 1688, they sailed with a company of forty persons in the Dolphin under Captain John Foy. Bernon had paid for the passage of their forty companions and intended, with their help, to found a French settlement in the New World. After a voyage of ten weeks, they arrived at Boston on July 5, 1688. Bernon left his family under the care of Pastor Daillé of the French Reformed Church and went inland to establish the settlement at New Oxford, Massachusetts. He returned to Boston and soon became a prominent citizen of that town; however, he kept in touch with the group at New Oxford, and establishd there a "chamoiserie" which supplied pelts for hatters in Boston, Providence and Newport.20 Bernon seems to have been naturally qualified for leadership. In Boston, he entered into various enterprises, among them such diversified activi-

8

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

ties as the manufacture of salt, nails, rosin and other naval stores, shipbuilding, coastal trade, including that in furs with Nova Scotia, and a prosperous export trade with the West Indies. After residing for nine years in Boston, Gabriel Bernon moved to Newport, doubtless because he was attracted by the growing importance of the town. Here his career was substantially the same as it had been at Boston. He became a leader in many undertakings and entered into business operations with another Frenchman, Daniel Ayrault, the son of Dr. Pierre Ayrault of Frenchtown. Rhode Island was engaged in a brisk trade with the West Indies, and the partners dealt largely with these islands. Bernon's only son was lost during a storm at sea while sailing on one of his father's ships. Gabriel Bernon's activities, however, were not all commercial. The same fervor that had inspired him years earlier to try to found a Huguenot Church in Canada still burned within him. Upon his arrival at Newport, he was much impressed by the need for religious guidance, and almost immediately instituted a campaign to procure a clergyman from the Church of England for the community. He had been a member of the French Reformed Church in Boston, but in Rhode Island there were too few Frenchmen to support a church of that denomination. Therefore, he allied himself with the Anglican Church, which seemed the most compatible with his Huguenot beliefs. Having decided on this move, he became at once an active and zealous member of the Church of England in Rhode Island. He wrote to the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and New York, and commander in chief of the militia of Connecticut, Rhode Island and the Jerseys, to request help in securing a clergyman. In September 1699, Lord Bellomont went to Newport and received a petition, headed by the names of Gabriel Bernon and Daniel Ayrault, and signed by fourteen others, asking for assistance and encouragement in maintaining a minister. The petitioners promised to erect a church, but felt that they needed help for the support of a pastor. Lord Bellomont forwarded their petition to the Board of Trade in London, where it was acted upon favorably, and in 1 7 0 1 , largely through the efforts of Gabriel Bernon, Trinity Church, the first Episcopal church in Rhode Island, was founded. Bernon maintained his pew in this church even as late as 1 7 1 9 , long after he had ceased to reside in Newport. In 1706, Gabriel Bernon moved to Providence, where he remained

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

9

for six years. Between 1 7 1 2 and 1 7 1 8 , he lived in Kingstown and Wickford, paying occasional visits to Providence and New Oxford. In 1 7 1 8 , he returned to Providence and resided there until his death in 1 7 3 6 . Throughout these years, his activity in the interests of religion had kept pace with his commercial operations. It was, in great measure, his efforts that led to the establishment in 1 7 0 7 of St. Paul's Church in Kingstown, 2 1 and in 1 7 2 2 of St. John's Church in Providence, the second and third Episcopal churches respectively to be founded in Rhode Island. In 1 7 2 4 , at the age of eighty, he crossed the ocean to intercede with the Bishop of London for the needs of the Providence congregation and to seek a competent minister. That he took it upon himself to try to keep the pulpit filled and that he had very definite ideas about the type of minister to be procured, we can see from a letter which he wrote to the Reverend James Honyman. The latter had recommended an American theological student who had not yet been ordained, but Bernon refused to accept this candidate. He wrote: Sir, we can't well settle the Church of Old England in our town of Providence without one learned and consumed [sic] minister of good erudition: and we desire that he should be an Old England gentleman minister, with probity able to reconcile worthies, good neighbours, and fellow-citizens, in love and respect one for another. . . , 2 2 Tradition says that the Episcopal service was first read publicly in Providence in his house. 23 Bernon's first wife, Esther LeRoy, died at Newport, June 14, 1 7 1 0 , at the age of fifty-six, and was buried in the old part of the Newport cemetery. In 1 7 x 2 , he married Mary Harris of Providence. They lived in Wickford, and later in Providence on North Main Street, near Roger Williams' Spring and opposite St. John's Church. In spite of the great disparity in their ages, this marriage was blessed with much happiness and lasted until Bernon's death on February 1 , 1 7 3 6 . His tomb is located in the basement of St. John's Church, almost directly beneath the pew he used to occupy. A mural tablet to his memory was placed in the church and reads in part: Here he continued steadfast in promoting The Honour of the Church and the Glory of God. . . . To the persevering piety and untiring zeal of Gabriel Bernon, the first three Episcopal Churches in Rhode

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

Island owed their origin. . . . He died in the Faith once delivered to the Saints . . . and is buried beneath this Church.24 From the marriage of Gabriel Bernon and Esther LeRoy, four daughters survived: ( i ) Marie, who married Abraham Tourtelotte, and from whom the Tourtelottes and the Tourtellots are descended;26 (2) Esther, who married Adam Powel; their daughter Esther married James Helme and a daughter of this marriage became the wife of Captain Francis Carpenter; the Powell, Helme and Carpenter families are among their descendants; ( 3 ) Jeanne, who was the second wife of William Coddington; and (4) Sarah, who married Benjamin Whipple; their daughter Content married Esek Olney; and Mary Olney, a child of this union, married Alfred White; their descendants include the Whipples, Olneys and Whites. Bernon's second marriage, to Mary Harris, produced one son, who died young, and three daughters, of whom one, Eve, died unmarried. Of the two others, Marie married Gideon Crawford, and her daughter Mary became the first wife of Captain Zachariah Allen. The other daughter, Susanne, married Joseph Crawford, and their daughters, Candace and Ann, were the second and third wives respectively of Zachariah Allen. From these marriages are descended the Crawford and Allen families. Doubtless, it was a severe disappointment to Gabriel Bernon that his sons did not live to carry on his name, but his memory has not been allowed to die. His descendants are numerous and include some of the foremost families of Rhode Island, all of whom are devoted to their illustrious ancestor. Many of them cherish relics of Gabriel Bernon, although the majority of such articles have gradually found their way into the Museum of the Rhode Island Historical Society in Providence. This organization possesses valuable manuscripts, including the marriage contract of Esther LeRoy and Gabriel Bernon, the wills of Bernon and of his daughter Eve, the certificate of his citizenship, his Huguenot Bible, a psalter, and even a child's gold rattle that was his. The life of Gabriel Bernon was long, useful and colorful. He was perhaps the best representative in America of that diversity of industry we associate with the Huguenots. An item from Evans' American Bibliography illustrates this point very aptly. In the list of publishers and printers of the period, we find the name of Gabriel Bernon among those of the Providence booksellers of 1723. 2 6 Doubtless, this was but one of the many irons he had in the fire at the moment. Regarding his appearance

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

and personality, tradition represents Bernon as " a man of commanding presence, whose bearing always won the respect and consideration due to his character and ability. . . . Ordinarily, his manner was affable and kindly, but sometimes his hot temper led him to assume a tone of decided imperiousness." 27 This "decided imperiousness" seems to have led him into difficulty on at least one occasion. The records of the Proceedings of the General Assembly held at Providence, November 3, 1 7 1 6 , include this rather remarkable disclosure: Gabriel Bernon, having exhibited a petition before this Assembly, wherein divers foul charges against Capt. John Eldridge, an assistant of this colony; and the matter being duly debated, the said Capt. John Eldridge was deemed innocent of the slanders; and also, willing, upon the acknowledgment of the said Bernon, to require no other satisfaction: The Assembly do order the said Bernon to sign two acknowledgements; the one, for his causelessly charging Capt. Eldridge, and the other for contemptuously and disorderly behaving himself before the said Assembly; the which are as f o l l o w s : — I, Gabriel Bernon, do hereby acknowledge myself to have causelessly charged Capt. John Eldridge, a magistrate of this Colony, in my petition presented before this Assembly; and that I am heartily sorry for the same, and desire him to forgive me my fault in so doing; and I acknowledge it as a great favor, and do promise to remain mindful and thankful of his kindness therein. November 2nd, 1 7 1 6 Gabriel Bernon Whereas, I, Gabriel Bernon, did in a contemptuous and disorderly manner, before the Honorable Assembly sitting the 3rd of November, at Providence, misbehave myself, both by words and actions, I do beg Y o u r Honors' pardon for the same, and acknowledge Y o u r Honors' favor to me, in forgiving and in being so favorable to me, and I shall ever pray. Gabriel Bernon 28 One cannot help wondering just what were the "foul charges" which forced the Assembly to exact and receive an apology from this respected old man of seventy-two. The incident serves, however, to add a suspicion of human weakness to a character that might otherwise have seemed impossible in its perfection.

The HUGUENOT

REFUGEES

Like most of the Huguenot refugees, Bernon appears to have experienced little difficulty in renouncing his allegiance to France. He identified himself completely with the land of his adoption and devoted himself to its welfare with the same fervor that he manifested in all the fields of his endeavor. The role which he played in colonial history, and particularly in the religious history of Rhode Island, entitles him unquestionably to the first place among the Huguenots who found refuge here. In an obituary notice that appeared February 19, 1 7 3 6 , in a Boston newspaper, he is described as "a gentlemen by birth and estate . . . who left his native country for the cause of true religion. . . . He was courteous, honest and kind, and died in great faith and hope in his Redeemer, and assurance of Salvation; and has left a good name among his acquaintances. . . .' , 2 9 N o one could wish a finer tribute.

Chapter Two FRENCHMEN

in RHODE ISLAND

the INTERCOLONIAL

during

WARS

FOR nearly a century before the outbreak of the American Revolution, Frenchmen had been looked upon with disfavor and distrust in the British colonies, chiefly because of their part in the intercolonial wars. The period between 1 6 8 9 and 1 7 6 5 had been one of constantly renewed hostilities, of determined struggles to gain possession of North America. The first of the so-called French Wars, King William's, had begun in 1689 and was concluded in 1 6 9 7 by the Treaty of Ryswick. It was during this contest that Rhode Island had her first encounters with the French. On July 1 2 , 1690, seven privateers attacked Block Island. T w o days later several of them entered Newport harbor but were immediately driven off. Governor John Easton sent out an expedition under Captain Thomas Paine, which engaged the French on July 21 and forced them to withdraw. This was the first naval victory in Rhode Island history. Three subsequent attacks were made on Block Island, one in 1 6 9 1 and two in 1 6 9 3 , but all were unsuccessful. The second French War, Queen Anne's, lasted from 1 7 0 2 to 1 7 1 3 . During these years Rhode Island privateers flourished. Many Rhode Island men volunteered for military service, and, on May 3, 1 7 0 4 , the General Assembly levied a tax of seven hundred pounds to defray their expenses. 1 In the month of June 1706, a Rhode Island sloop was captured off Block Island by a French privateer, which was in turn taken by Captain John Wanton of Newport. The General Assembly, on July 3, 1706, voted to set aside the sum of two hundred pounds to cover the costs of this expedition and to pay for keeping the prisoners taken with the ship. 2 Another group of French privateers appeared off the coast on September 8, 1708, but were driven off by two sloops under Major William Wanton and Captain John Cranston. On August 1 4 , 1 7 1 0 , the Council of War called for men to join the expedition which the N e w

14

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England states were sending against Port Royal. This venture was successful, and the Rhode Island troops returned to the colony in triumph. The next intercolonial war began in 1739 as a commercial conflict with Spain, but merged with the third French War, King George's, from 1744 to 1748. The outstanding event was the sending of large forces from New England against Cape Breton. In this undertaking Rhode Island was represented by the sloop Tartar, commanded by Captain Daniel Fones. These forces conducted the successful siege of Louisburg from April 30 to June 17, 1745. During this war, Rhode Island privateers sent at least twenty prizes into Newport harbor. The fourth and last intercolonial war, generally known as the French and Indian War, or the "Old French War", occurred between 1754 and 1763. No battles were fought on Rhode Island soil or in Rhode Island waters, but men from the colony served in the army and the expenses of the conflict were heavy. Acts were passed by the General Assembly, prohibiting shipments of provisions to French ports, and magistrates were empowered to arrest French subjects within the colony.3 It is understandable that the attitude of the American colonists toward the French was far from amicable during these seventy-five years of dissension. One interesting incident, however, took place during a lull in the hostilities. On September 17, 1738, the sloop Dolphin ran aground on Block Island. Her captain, Adam Dechezeau, had been murdered. Three members of her crew were brought to Newport for trial before the Court of Admiralty. Pierre Legrand, Pierre Iesseau and François Baudoine were charged with piracy, robbery and felony, convicted and condemned to be hanged. They were executed on November 3, 1738, at Bull's Point in Newport.4 In view of the strained relations between England and France from 1690 to 1775, it is natural to suppose that French immigration to America would cease during this period. The records of Rhode Island indicate, however, that a considerable number of immigrants did make their way to the colony; doubtless they were what H. M. Jones calls "drifting Frenchmen of all sorts from Canada, Europe and the West Indies."5 In the Rhole Island State Archives are preserved petitions and acts of naturalization for many of them. The earliest recorded is dated July 29, 1723, and is entitled: "An Act for naturalizing Thomas Roger de Barolan, Joseph de Lannay, Alexander de Requet des Fourneaux and others . . . being all Persons born out of your Majestie's Allegiance."6 In it

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13

we find the name of Peter Bour de la Moriniere, a native of Poitou, who was undoubtedly an ancestor of the Peter Bours whose name appears frequently in colonial records of a generation later. Early entries in the Proceedings of the General Assembly note the admission to the colony as freemen of Samuel Deucesne on April 30, 1 7 2 8 , 7 and of William Dumoy on May 4, 1 7 3 6 . 8 Another informs us that, on June 1 9 , 1 7 4 4 , "sundry subjects of the K i n g of France confined in Newport were allowed to move to Providence and to subsist for themselves remaining in Providence until further orders." 9 On June 1 8 , 1 7 4 5 , the Assembly voted to reimburse the jail-keeper at Newport for caring for seven French prisoners of war, and appointed Peter Bours and Joseph Scott as commissioners to take charge of any prisoners to be brought into that town during the war. 1 0 Evidently these prisoners were becoming an increasing source of expense and concern to the colonists, if we are to judge by the number of measures enacted by the General Assembly during these years. On March 1 0 , 1 7 5 5 , an act was passed authorizing the Governor "to take up and secure . . . the subjects of the French K i n g that shall be found within this colony . . . " , u and on August i x of the same year, it was voted that every master of a vessel bound to sea be obliged to carry away the French prisoners in Newport. 1 2 On the same day permission was granted to "Jean Joyeux, Hubert Castendel, and John Gazar, subjects of the French K i n g " , who had come to Newport " f o r the sole purpose of trading in a friendly manner . . . " , 1 3 to settle their accounts within twenty days and then to depart. Other acts to allow French prisoners kept at the expense of the colony to leave for Europe or the West Indies were passed on June 1 3 and September 1 9 , I757-" During these years also, petitions for naturalization were filed by several Frenchmen claiming to be residents of Newport. Among them were those of Peter Simon, dated August 2 1 , 1 7 5 2 , 1 5 and of Stephen Decatur, dated February 27, 1 7 5 3 ; 1 6 the latter was the grandfather of the famous naval officer of the same name. Others included those of Peter Francis D'heurrin on June 1 4 , 1 7 5 3 , 1 7 of Peter Miraill on August 24, 1 7 5 3 , 1 8 of Ignatius Battar on May 7, 1 7 5 6 , 1 9 and of Guilleaume A l brespy on August 23, 1 7 5 6 . 2 0 A few years later were recorded the petitions of Pierre Le Roy, dated June 16, 1 7 6 3 , 2 1 of Peter Poree on August 3, 1 7 6 3 , " and of Pierre Victor Lafon on June 9, 1 7 6 7 . Lafon's oath was in French and read: " J e Pierre Victor la fon sinsairement

16

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promets et jure foy, fidelitté et homage a sa majesté Reigante, le Roy George, ainsi que dieu me soit en aide. . . ." 2 3 On October 25, 1773, Thomas Curtain of Newport, late of France, took his oath of naturalization.24 All these petitions appear to have been filed by mariners who were residing in Newport. For the most part they are the only records we have of the stay of these men in the colony. It is probable that the petitioners desired citizenship merely to continue their seafaring trade in safety, and that they had no intention of making Rhode Island their permanent home. At all events, we have no evidence to indicate that they remained in the colony for an appreciable length of time. No doubt they are the men of whom James Birket wrote in 1750: "Here [in Newport] is an abundance of Transient French Merch'8 which are concerned with the people in trade to Cape Briton, Cape François, &c." 25 A few Frenchmen, however, did come to Rhode Island at this time with the intention of establishing permanent homes. One of the best known was a physician, Dr. Norbert Felicien Wigneron, or Vigneron, who came to America in 1690. The exact date of his arrival at Newport is uncertain, but the records of Trinity Church list a Charles A. Wigneron among the pew-holders in 1753. 2 6 This was Charles Antoine, the son of Dr. Norbert Wigneron, who had continued his father's practice in Newport. Another son, Stephen, sailed as a ship's surgeon during the French wars, but nothing more is known of him. A second Stephen, the son of Charles, also practiced medicine in Newport, but left when the British occupied the town in 1776. He died aboard a hospital ship in New York harbor in 1 7 8 1 . While the majority of the French who came to Rhode Island settled in Newport, the largest town and chief seaport, a few families established homes in other parts of the colony. Pierre Le Vallé, believed to have been born in the Channel Islands, and to have landed at Marblehead, Massachusetts, around 1700, moved into Warwick in 1727. He had at least six children and was the ancestor of the Levalley families of Warwick and Coventry. Another Frenchman who came to Rhode Island by way of Massachusetts was Philip Gavet, who moved from Salem to Westerly in the early years of the eighteenth century. Reviewing the situation between 1700 and 1775, therefore, we may conclude that there was no important migration from France to Rhode Island during this period. Some Frenchmen did come to the colony, but,

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after short sojourns, the majority departed, voluntarily or otherwise. Rhode Island shared the attitude of distrust and dislike of the French that was prevalent in all the British colonies in America. However, the time was soon to come when this feeling would yield to one of trust and amity, for France was about to take an active and important part in the war for American independence.

Chapter Three The FRENCH

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and ARMY

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ISLAND

THE motives which induced France to aid the Americans in their war for independence were not unmixed. To some extent she was dominated by the spirit and ideals of her philosophers, but in greater measure her action was instigated by her hereditary animosity toward England and by her commercial interests, which led her to try to cut off British trade with the colonies. At first her aid was given secretly, but sympathy for America was rapidly becoming fashionable and very soon she frankly espoused the cause of the young republic. After the surrender of Bourgoyne in 1777, she was encouraged to consider an alliance with the United States, and to help them openly with men, ships and money. The Treaty of Alliance Offensive and Defensive was signed between the two governments on February 6, 1778. Meanwhile, in France the writings of the philosophers had prepared the public mind for new ventures in the social and political fields. Many an eager young nobleman saw in the American Revolution a lively and interesting experiment to observe and to share. Consequently, in July 1776, when Silas Deane arrived in Paris as the business agent of Congress, he was besieged by young men of good families anxious to fight for the American cause. They would not wait for the signing of treaties, but insisted on going to America to join the forces under General Washington. The most famous of these young aristocrats was Gilbert Mothier, Marquis de La Fayette, who was appointed a major general in the American army on July 1 6 , 1 7 7 7 . The first to arrive in Rhode Island was François Lellorquis, Marquis de Malmédy, who had been breveted major on September 19, 1776. On December 1 2 of the same year he reached Providence and presented his credentials to Governor Nicholas Cooke. A letter from the Governor to William Ellery, dated December 22, states that the General Assembly had

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appointed "Mons Malmedy, a French Gentleman strongly recommended by General Lee for his military Talents, principal Engineer and Overseer for the Works with the Rank of Brigadier General." 1 Malmédy remained in Rhode Island from December 1 7 7 6 until April 1777, and throughout that time he carried on a vigorous epistolary campaign, urging upon Governor Cooke the necessity of strengthening the defenses at Warren. A letter dated December 30, 2 and three dated December 3 1 , 1776, 3 are among those that stress this point. On January 28, 1777, he wrote to General Spencer emphasizing the need of compactness in bodies of troops; in this letter he also made some observations on the advisability of defending Providence, Newport and Greenwich.4 When General Charles Lee recommended Malmédy, he wrote in part: "You must excuse his heat of temper at times, as it is derived from a noble source of enthusiasm for your cause." 8 Apparently Malmédy was aware of this, for he himself wrote in an undated letter to Governor Cooke: " I discover too much Vivacity & Spirit in my Conduct. You may be assured, gentlemen, that this Vivacity is animated but from a Desire to be a means of Preserving a Country to which I am very much attach'd." 6 Other letters from Malmédy in the Rhode Island State Archives include a report of his having ordered the arrest of three workmen on January 4, 1777, 7 a recommendation that a keeper of tools be appointed to prevent breakage and loss,8 and a suggestion on January 7 to the effect that: " I should take kind you would make me payement." 9 On January 29, he wrote to introduce to the Governor an unnamed young Frenchman from Martinique, who "came to this Country, Sir, to offer his Services. Please grant him his will, & afford him your Kindness, as he is Calculated for something better than a Common Soldier." 10 Malmédy left Providence in the spring of 1777. Before his departure he wrote to the Governor and his Council. The letter, dated April 2, 1777, is in French and reads: Messieurs Recevez toutte ma reconoissance, des titres que vous m'accordez. En me remerciant de mes services, ils me seront un gage de satisfaction, puis que vous paroissez avoir agréer mes conduites. J'etois venu pour vous etre útil avec zele, et ma volonté n'est pas affoiblie. Je formeray toujours des veux pour le succés de toutes les provinces de l'Amerique. . . . u

20

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Malmédy carried with him when he left Rhode Island a letter from Governor Cooke to General Washington. Dated at Providence, April 5, 1 7 7 7 , it begins: Sir, M r Malmedy, a French Gentleman, who will wait upon you with this, came into this State with a Strong Recommendation from General Lee as an Officer. . . . During his Stay and Employment amongst us, he discovered himself to be a Gentleman, a Person of Great Industry and Activity, and One who gave indefatigable Attention to the Duties of his Station. The Merit of M r Malmedy in these Respects requires an Acknowledgment and we wish that the friendly Stranger may be regarded with a favorable Notice. 1 2 Perhaps the General Assembly felt that this encomium was sufficient recompense for the services of Malmédy. At any rate, because of the small number of troops raised in Rhode Island, or due to motives of economy, the legislature decided to dismiss its three brigadier generals. This dismissal weighed heavily on Malmédy's mind, and on May 1 9 , 1 7 7 7 , he wrote to Governor Cooke: . . . evil-minded people . . . have interpreted my Dismission in a manner highly injurious to my Reputation. . . . I came into America with the Consent of the French Generals, & upon Assurance that my services here would be agreeable to my Country, I am obliged to render them an Account of my Conduct in the Armys of the States. . . . If the Reputation of a French Officer . . . be absolutely established by his fulfilling his Duty . . . I beg you will consider how critical a Situation the base suspicion of the contrary must bring him into; my Dismission after five months promotion must necessarity leave some suspicion. . . . I entreat you will again honor me with the Rank of Bridg r General without any pay . . . this will be a rank merely honorary, which will confirm the Distinction you formerly confer'd on me without any Solicitation on my part. 13 The records do not reveal what reply, if any, the General Assembly made to this urgent appeal. Another young French nobleman who served in America prior to the treaties of 1 7 7 8 was François Louis Teisseidre de Fleury, who was ap-

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pointed engineer with the rank of colonel on May 1 2 , 1 7 7 7 . H e came to Rhode Island in the summer of 1 7 7 8 , when General Washington appointed him second in command of a corps of light infantry sent to join General John Sullivan's expedition against the British at Newport. His services were commended by Sullivan in a letter to Congress dated August 3 1 , 1 7 7 8 . 1 4 In 1780, when Rochambeau came to America, Fleury was transferred from the American army and placed under the orders of the French general. Soon after the signing of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States on February 6, 1 7 7 8 , arrangements were made to send a fleet to the aid of the colonists. Charles Henri Théodat D'Estaing du Saillans, better known as the Count d'Estaing, was appointed vice-admiral at the head of the expedition. He sailed from Toulon on April 1 3 , 1 7 7 8 , with twelve ships of the line and six frigates, carrying detachments from the regular French army of over 3500 men. He brought as a passenger Gérard de Rayneval with diplomatic powers to acknowledge the independence of the American colonies. After a slow and difficult crossing, the fleet arrived off the coast of Delaware in July, only to find that the British squadron had left on June 18. Rayneval landed and went on to Philadelphia. D'Estaing sailed toward N e w York and, on July 1 1 , dropped anchor off Sandy Hook. Washington suggested that he go to Rhode Island to cooperate with General Sullivan in his efforts to free Newport from a British army of 6000 men under General Pigot, which had been occupying the town since December 8, 1 7 7 6 . General John Sullivan, with 3500 Continental troops and 7000 militia, was quartered in Providence. Washington's plan called for concerted action by Sullivan's forces and the French fleet, such that the British would be hopelessly caught between the two, and their surrender become inevitable. On July 28, the French arrived off Newport and on the following day dropped anchor near Brenton's Reef. July 30 and 3 1 passed uneventfully, but on August x, D'Estaing disembarked his land forces on Conanicut Island, preparatory to organizing and drilling them for cooperation with the American troops. However, on August 9, Lord Howe's fleet was sighted and the French soldiers were re-embarked on the following day. The squadron then set out to meet Howe; but a violent storm arose on the n t h and continued until the 13th, dispersing both fleets and doing considerable damage to the ships. N o news of the French reached Newport until the 20th, when they returned to the harbor, badly battered by the

22

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storm, but without having engaged the enemy in battle. On the 22nd, they departed for Boston for repairs and refitting.16 Their departure was the subject of bitter recrimination on the part of General Sullivan, who was forced to carry on the Battle of Rhode Island without the French auxiliaries. The plan had been for D'Estaing to close the entrance to the bay, and for Sullivan to attack by land as soon as this had been accomplished. Difficulties in organizing Sullivan's forces caused delay, and so, when the date of the battle was finally fixed for August 10, it was too late. Howe's fleet had appeared and the plan of operation was completely disarranged. Because of the condition of his vessels, D'Estaing left Rhode Island without giving any help to Sullivan; this was done on the unanimous advice of his captains. Sullivan sent an undiplomatic protest to the French on August 22, 1778, and the newly established Franco-American relations were greatly strained. Fortunately, D'Estaing received the outburst calmly and offered to lead soldiers overland from Boston to serve under General Sullivan. As he said in a letter to the Secretary of the Navy: " I desire that there shall not be a single man in America who does not love the French." 18 Sullivan consented to an apology, but, as he had already withdrawn his forces and the British garrison had been reinforced, it was too late for him to accept D'Estaing's offer. 17 Lafayette had been very active during this short visit of his countrymen to Rhode Island. General Washington had entrusted to him the reinforcements which were being sent to General Sullivan from the American camp at White Plains. Lafayette hoped that he might also be given command of some of the French soldiers when he reached Rhode Island. On August 4, after a rapid march of two hundred and forty miles, he arrived at Providence with his detachment of 2000 men. He left them there and hurried to Newport, where he was warmly received by D'Estaing aboard his flagship, the Languedoc. After a consultation, Lafayette returned to Providence and, on August 6, moved his troops to Tiverton to join General Sullivan. The latter placed the young Frenchman in command of the left wing of the American forces. At this time, Colonel Fleury was in charge of a light corps stationed on the West Road. After the departure of D'Estaing, Sullivan made another attempt to obtain his cooperation. On August 28, he sent Lafayette to Boston to try to induce the French commander to return to Rhode Island. Lafayette rode the seventy miles in seven hours. His mission was unsuccessful, and,

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on August 30, he made the return trip in six and one-half hours, only to find that the Battle of Rhode Island was over and the Americans were retreating. He was in time to take over the rear guard. According to Colonel Israel Angell's diary,18 Lafayette's detachment went by boat to Kickemuit Bridge and thence to Bristol, where they remained until September 18. On that date the brigade marched to Warren, where Lafayette remained until his departure for Boston a week later. Lafayette was extremely disappointed by the outcome of this battle, which had promised so well, and which he claimed was "the best fought action of the war." 1 9 During a visit to Rhode Island in 1824, he said to Zachariah Allen: I felt this to be the most bitter disappointment of all, for I believe that this capture would have produced the same decisive result of speedily terminating the American war, as was subsequently accomplished by the capture at Yorktown, by the successful cooperation of the French fleet.20 When Lafayette's party crossed the Rhode Island boundary on this occasion, he said to his companions: "In this state I have experienced more sudden and extreme alternations of hopes and disappointments than during all the vicissitudes of the American War." 2 1 Although this first visit of a French fleet to Rhode Island ended in failure, it had one advantage which must not be overlooked. The presence of the French caused the British uneasiness and uncertainty with regard to the next points of attack. It constituted a threat to New York City and led the English to concentrate their forces in that region. A corollary to this was the evacuation of Newport on October 25, 1779. This city then came into the possession of the Americans and was free to receive the French fleet and army when they arrived in 1780. After D'Estaing's departure, the discouragement of the Americans was extreme; the two years that followed were perhaps the most disheartening of the war. On October 21, 1778, Lafayette received from the Congress of the United States an indefinite leave of absence in order that he might return to France for a short visit. He left Boston on the Alliance on January n , 1779, and reached Brest on February 12. During his stay in France, he labored earnestly on behalf of the American cause, and the work he accomplished at Versailles was as valuable as any performed on the field of battle. His persistent and ardent efforts increased French

24

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enthusiasm for the American Revolution. In July 1779, he submitted carefully prepared plans of assistance, and in February 1780, the Court decided to send to the United States another expedition, to be commanded by Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Count de Rochambeau. Lafayette arranged the details, including a system of signals to guide the fleet on its arrival in America.22 Lafayette, carrying dispatches for Congress, returned to America on the Hermione, commanded by the Chevalier de la Touche. He sailed from La Rochelle on March 4, 1780, and arrived at Boston on April 28. After setting Lafayette ashore, the Hermione proceeded on her way and, on June 7, engaged a British frigate, the Iris, with some advantage. She then put into Newport, as M. de la Touche and two officers had been wounded. One, M. de Valernais, died on July 17; the records of Trinity Church for July 22, 1780, state that a "M. de Vilernaas was buried in the churchyard";23 but they do not indicate the exact spot, nor was it marked. Consequently, we are unable to-day to locate his grave. Lafayette brought to General Washington news of the definite intention of the French Court to send another expedition to cooperate with the Americans. When Washington learned that the fleet would first touch at Rhode Island, he sent Major General Heath to Providence to be ready to present himself to the French commanders as soon as they arrived. He also sent Dr. James Craik, or Craick, to arrange for buildings to be used as hospitals by the French. In response to a letter from General Washington, dated May 25, 1780, the General Assembly voted the sum of 10,000 pounds, and designated as a site for a hospital a farm in Bristol formerly owned by William Vassal, Esq. Dr. Jonathan Arnold and Dr. Isaac Senter were appointed to aid Dr. Craik.24 A month later an additional 10,000 pounds was voted for the repair of the ferries at Providence, Warren and Bristol.25 On June 5, Congress introduced to the Governor of Rhode Island, Monsieur Louis Ethis de Corny, who had come to America with Lafayette on the Hermione. He had been appointed Commissary General of the French forces and came to arrange for procuring necessary supplies. He gave hope that Newport would be the headquarters of the new contingent. In July, the General Assembly voted that M. de Corny be provided with a house, and specified one owned by Nathanael Greene, but occupied by the small family of Abimelech Riggs, which could be "easily accommodated in some other house."26 De Corny also requested a site

The FRENCH

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25

for a hospital in Providence and suggested the building occupied by Rhode Island College, now known as University Hall at Brown University. Dr. Craik approved of the site, but the townspeople and President Manning of the College demurred. The Council of War appropriated the building despite their protests.27 The French government had decided to send to America a corps of 12,000 men in two divisions. The first of these divisions, commanded by the Count de Rochambeau, sailed from Brest on May 2,1780, in a fleet of forty-four vessels under the Admiral de Ternay. Their instructions were to proceed to Newport. On July 1 1 , after a voyage of seventy days, they reached Rhode Island and saw the French flag flying on each shore of the bay. This was the signal Lafayette had arranged to indicate that Newport was still in American hands. One transport with 350 soldiers aboard became separated from the fleet but arrived safely at Boston. On their way to Newport, the men from this ship marched through Providence and were the first French troops to be seen in that city.28 On the 12th of July, Rochambeau and his staff landed at Newport in order to arrange the details of disembarking the army. At first the officers thought themselves coolly received, as no one from the American army was on hand to greet them, and the inhabitants of the city were remaining prudently indoors. In reality, the citizens were merely unprepared for their arrival. Within twenty-four hours, arrangements were made for a hearty welcome. Dr. Ezra Stiles29 mentions it in his diary: On the 1 ith July Inst arrived at Newport Rh. Isld. a Fleet from France of men o'War and Transports . . . having on board 6000 Troops. . . . In conseq. of wc the Town was beautifully illuminated on Wedny Eveng and thirteen Grand Rockets were fired in the Front of the State House.30 General Heath had been on the way to Newport, but the packet that was taking him from Providence was becalmed in the bay. He arrived on the morning of the 12th and waited upon Rochambeau immediately. Both then visited Admiral de Ternay aboard his flagship, the Due de Bourgogne. On the 13th, De Ternay and the officers of the fleet went ashore. The Town Council of Newport and the General Assembly of Rhode Island presented addresses of welcome to Rochambeau and De Ternay. The Assembly also appointed a committee to prepare a dinner and entertainment to be given on the 10th of August.31

26

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A s soon as the squadron was safely anchored, Rochambeau began to disembark his troops. They landed at a spot in what is now King's Park; the site is indicated by a monument erected in 1928. About 1 7 0 0 men, or more than one third of the entire force, were sick and had to be transferred at once to the hospitals already established at Bristol, Providence and Newport. The officers of the army and eleven from the fleet were quartered with private families in the town, but the question of finding barracks for the soldiers was more difficult. Wood was not available for constructing them since the British had stripped the island of trees during their three years' occupation. The approach of winter made it imperative that something more substantial than tents be provided for the men. Consequently, Rochambeau requested Monsieur de Tarle, his intendant, to write to Governor Greene and to suggest the use of empty houses in Newport, Bristol and Warren. These had been damaged during the British occupation, and Rochambeau proposed to repair them at French expense. The Council of War replied to Monsieur de Tarle on September 1 in these words: "The Council have been honored with your Favor of the 29th ulto and are fully satisfied with the Arrangements of his Excellency, the Count de Rochambeau, for barracking his Army." 3 2 T w o months and twenty thousand pounds were spent in repairing the houses, and the corps took possession of them in November. The forts defending the town of Newport were chiefly the abandoned works of the British; they were put into the hands of the French upon their arrival. The defenses were remodeled, guns were mounted, and in twelve days the port was in a state of reasonable security. On July 25, Lafayette arrived to convey to the French commanders the respects of General Washington and to hold a consultation with regard to early land and naval operations. " A s soon as the Marquis de La Fayette reached the headquarters of the Comte de Rochambeau, he was called upon by the French officers, on account of the knowledge he had acquired of Rhode Island during General Sullivan's operations, to aid them in their plans for defense." 3 3 Washington and Lafayette favored an early attack on N e w York, a movement which suggested itself naturally, but Rochambeau considered it best to wait until the arrival of the second division. He recognized the importance of the capture of N e w York, but was determined to remain on the defensive until his entire force had been assembled. His attitude is expressed in a letter he wrote to Lafayette on August 28, 1 7 8 0 :

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C'est toujours bien fait, mon cher Marquis, de croire les Français invincibles; mais je vais vous confier un grand secret, d'après une expérience de quarante ans: il n'y en a pas de plus aisés à battre quand ils ont perdu la confiance en leurs chefs, et ils la perdent tout de suite quand ils ont été compromis à la suite de l'ambition particulière et personnelle. 34 Rochambeau requested an interview with Washington, and a conference was arranged for September 20 at Hartford. Knox, Lafayette and M . de Gouvion, a Frenchman serving as Chief of Engineers in the American army, accompanied Washington to the meeting. The Admiral de Ternay and the Chevalier de Chastellux appeared with Rochambeau, who was also attended by his aides, the Counts de Fersen, de Damas and Dumas. A plan of operations was agreed upon. Washington acceded to Rochambeau's views; both leaders decided to spend the autumn and winter preparing for the spring campaign. The tedium of this period of comparative inactivity was occasionally relieved. From August 2 to September 2, a group of Iroquois warriors paid a visit to the French at Newport. This was arranged by General Schuyler in the hope of renewing friendly feelings between the Indians and their allies of the intercolonial wars, and of alienating them entirely from the British. Rochambeau received them with ceremony, held a review of the French army for their entertainment, and loaded them with presents when they departed. August 25, the birthday of Louis X V I , was celebrated with great pomp. From October 1 to 10, Monsieur de La Luzerne, the French Ambassador to the United States, visited the camp and was suitably entertained. Social affairs in private homes broke the monotony for the officers, as did balls given at Rochambeau's headquarters at the Vernon mansion. Some officers took trips on horseback over the island, or to Providence where they were cordially received by the townspeople. Some, including Chastellux, Custine, Deux-Ponts and Viomesnil, journeyed into the interior of the country and wrote interestingly of their travels in their journals. On August 26, Rochambeau paid his first visit to Providence. He maintained his permanent headquarters at Newport, but business called him frequently to Providence. There he was always the guest of

28

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Deputy Governor Jabez Bowen, and a strong friendship developed between him and the members of the Bowen family. At the Hartford Conference, it had been decided to dispatch a messenger to the French Court to hasten the sending to America of reinforcements and money. The General selected for this mission his son, the Vicomte de Rochambeau. He left Newport on October 28, 1780, aboard the frigate Amazone. This vessel was commanded by La Perouse, who later became famous for his voyages and discoveries. For the cold weather, Rochambeau had arranged to lodge the infantry in Newport and had planned to quarter the legion of cavalry under Lauzun in Providence. Finding that the price of forage there was exorbitant, he sent them on to Lebanon, Connecticut. On the way, they spent two days in Providence, where Lauzun gave a ball on November 10. In December, Rochambeau visited the legion in Lebanon and lodged at Providence on his return. When he went back to Newport, he found De Ternay sick, but his condition did not appear alarming. Rochambeau, therefore, went on to Boston. De Ternay had fallen ill in October following his return from the Hartford Conference, but at first his malady was not considered to be serious. In the cold and dreary month of December, however, his condition became critical, and on December 14, he was removed from his ship to his headquarters at the home of Colonel Joseph Wanton, where he died on the following day. Rochambeau was summoned from Boston by courier and returned at once. The Admiral was buried on December 16. The land forces were all under arms; sailors carried his coffin, and at the grave nine priests chanted the Roman Catholic burial service. He was buried near the northeast corner of Trinity churchyard. In 1785 a monument was erected to his memory by order of the King of France. The records of Trinity Church for December 8, 1785, include this entry: In July of this year, 1785, a marble monument was erected to the memory of Admiral de Ternay, who, while in command of the French fleet in these waters, had died here after a brief illness, December 15, 1780, and was buried in the Church-yard with great pomp and ceremony.85 The command of the fleet fell upon the Chevalier Destouches, the senior officer of the squadron. Activities to relieve the tedium of waiting continued throughout the

The FRENCH

FLEET

and ARMY

29

winter. On January 3, 1 7 8 1 , the officers of the Royal Deux-Ponts Regiment gave a ball to the ladies of Newport; the Baron and the Count de Viomesnil tendered them another on February 6, the third anniversary of the signing of the treaty of alliance. In February also, the weather became very cold, and the young officers found a great deal of enjoyment in sleighing. On February 12, the n t h according to the Old Style Calendar falling on a Sunday, the French camp celebrated Washington's birthday. The month of March was made memorable by a visit from General Washington, an event the importance of which it would be difficult to overestimate. The French troops had long been eager to see the American hero, and when he arrived in Newport on March 6, the eyes of all were fastened upon him. He was received by Rochambeau and the general officers of the army and fleet aboard the Due de Bourgogne. Later he was escorted to Rochambeau's headquarters on shore, along a route lined three deep with French soldiers. He witnessed a review of the troops, a great ball was given in his honor, and the fleet and town were decorated and illuminated. In the evenings, Washington and Rochambeau walked together through the streets. On March 13, the American general took his departure. Rochambeau escorted him for some distance, and several other French officers went as far as Providence. One of them, Count Dumas, describes the journey in his memoirs: . . . I received the welcome order to accompany him as far as Providence. We arrived there at night; the whole of the population had assembled from the suburbs; we were surrounded by a crowd of children carrying torches, reiterating the acclamation of the citizens; all were eager to approach the person of him whom they called their father, and pressed so closely around us that they hindered us from proceeding. General Washington was much affected, stopped a few moments, and pressing my hand said: "We may be beaten by the English; it is the chance of war; but behold an army which they can never conquer."36 The impression made by Washington upon the French seems to have been uniformly favorable. All were struck by his dignified manner and affable conversation. Dumas, Blanchard, the Prince de Broglie and the Marquis de Chastellux are among the number of officers who commented on him in letters and journals.37 The description which Axel de Ferseq

30

The

FRENCH

FLEET

and

ARMY

wrote to his father after the Hartford Conference is typical of the sentiments they all expressed. His letter, written at Newport on October 16, 1780, contains these sentences: Sa figure, belle et majestueuse, mais en même temps douce et honnête, répond parfaitement à ses qualités morales; il a l'air d'un héros; il est très froid, parle peu, mais poli et honnête. Il a un air de tristesse répandu sur sa physionomie qui ne lui messied pas, et le rend plus intéressant.38 The military object of Washington's visit was to confer with Destouches with regard to sending an expedition to Chesapeake Bay to cooperate with Lafayette against Arnold. On March 6, 1200 troops were embarked in eight vessels, which left Newport harbor on March 8. They met Arbuthnot's squadron off Chesapeake Bay on March 16, and a fierce battle ensued. Although the advantage was with the French, it was not a decisive victory, and the expedition was considered a failure. On March 26, the fleet returned to Newport badly in need of repairs. In this battle, seventy-two Frenchmen were killed and one hundred twelve were wounded.39 The month of April passed without incident. The French officers interested themselves in establishing a Masonic Lodge presided over by M. de Jansécourt, and in conducting several initiations. On May 8, the Concorde arrived at Boston, bringing the returning Vicomte de Rochambeau and the Count de Barras, who had been appointed successor to the Admiral de Ternay. Another passenger was the Baron Cromot Dubourg, who came to join the staff of Rochambeau. The Concorde also brought a subsidy of 6,000,000 francs and news of the imminent arrival of a powerful fleet under the Count de Grasse. This fleet had sailed from Brest on March 22, and was bound for the West Indies and Chesapeake Bay. On April 5, the Sagittaire separated from the squadron and steered for Boston, taking thirty ships as a convoy. These vessels, carrying 660 recruits for Rochambeau's army, reached Boston in June. The Abbé Robin came as chaplain with this group. The Sagittaire brought a letter to Rochambeau from De Grasse, proposing joint action.40 This made necessary a further conference of the commanders, and Rochambeau requested another interview with Washington. They met at Wethersfield, Connecticut, from May 21 to 23. Washington was accompanied by General Knox and Brigadier General Du

The FRENCH

FLEET

and ARMY

31

Portail, Rochambeau by the Chevalier de Chastellux. Plans for a summer campaign were drawn up, according to which the armies of Washington and Rochambeau were to join De Grasse at Chesapeake Bay as soon as they could make the journey. Rochambeau was back at Newport on May 26, and began immediately to make arrangements for moving his troops. A Council of War was held on June 6, at which it was agreed to leave the fleet at Newport under the command of the Admiral de Barras, but to march all the troops except a small guard which was left in the charge of Brigadier General Choisy. On June 7, Barras gave the officers a farewell dinner aboard his ship, the Due de Bourgogne. Marching orders were issued on the 9th, and on the 10th, the French camps that had been maintained for eleven months were broken, and the first division left Newport. They went by boat to Providence, where they arrived at nine P.M. on the 1 ith, too late to set up camp. They were lodged by the town authorities in several large empty houses. On the following day, they encamped near the "West Burial Ground" on the site that is now Hay ward Park. Rochambeau and his staff left Newport on the 13th and traveled by land to Providence, which town they reached on the same day. The officers were quartered with private families as they had been at Newport. After remaining a week in Providence in order to secure horses, oxen and wagons necessary for transporting the baggage of the army, the troops departed. The first regiment left on the 18th and the last on the 21 st. Their second camp was in Coventry in the fields opposite Waterman's Tavern, and their third day of marching found them in Connecticut. On August 25, the French fleet left Newport and on September 10 joined De Grasse's squadron at Chesapeake Bay. The campaign which ensued was successfully concluded by the defeat and capitulation of the British at Yorktown on October 19, 1 7 8 1 . The French army remained in camp near Williamsburg until the month of June, 1782. Then they began to move northward, as Rochambeau had decided to embark his troops from Boston. As they planned to pass through Rhode Island on their way, he applied to the Governor of the State for quarters in Providence for his officers. On October 27, the Assembly asked the Town Council to provide them and sent a committee to meet the French at Coventry.41 Rochambeau reached Providence on November 8, and the army arrived on the 10th. The officers were assigned to the same quarters they had occupied during the preceding year,

32

The FRENCH

FLEET

and

ARMY

and the soldiers encamped on the west side of town. It was decided to move the camp, and on November 12, the troops were transferred to the farm of Jeremiah Dexter, one mile north of Providence. The site of this camp is between the present-day North Main and Hope Streets and lies to the north of Rochambeau Avenue. Camp Street and Rochambeau Avenue were named in 1855 and 1893 respectively to perpetuate the memory of the French encampment. On November 25, the General Assembly ordered an address to be prepared for Rochambeau, to express their appreciation of his services. It read in part: "Nothing can equal our admiration at the manner in which you have participated with the Army of the United States in the fatigues, the toils and glory that have attended the Allied Arms, but the magnanimity of the Father of his People, and the Protector of the rights of Mankind. . . ." 42 This address was answered by Rochambeau, and both documents are preserved in the State Archives. Rochambeau's reply included these statements: "This State is the first we have been acquainted with. The friendly behavior of its inhabitants now, and at our arrival here, will give them always a right to our gratitude."43 During their stay in Providence, the same hospitality was extended and returned as had characterized their previous visit. Balls and dinners were given by Rochambeau and the townspeople. Several of the officers returned to Newport to renew acquaintanceships there. Some gave a ball of which a notice appeared in the Newport Mercury of November 16, 1782. The Prince de Broglie writes of it in his journal: All these young people appeared to regret very much the absence of our army. They declared that since the French had left, there had been no more amusements nor conversation parties. This little complaint decided Segur, de Vauban and myself, and some other young gentlemen of our army, to give a ball to these disconsolate fair ones. M. de Soteux took charge of the preparation.44 On November 30, Rochambeau turned over the command of the French army to the Baron de Viomesnil and set out for Philadelphia, whence he embarked for France on the Emeraude. When all was ready at Boston for their departure, the camp at Providence was broken, and, on December 1, 1782, the French resumed their march. They reached Boston on the 4th, and the squadron sailed on the 24th.

The FRENCH

FLEET

and ARMY

33

During the various visits and encampments of the French in Providence, a number of soldiers died of disease and were buried in the southwest corner of the North Burial Ground, then the only public cemetery in the town. A century later, through public subscription, a monument was erected over their graves and was dedicated with appropriate ceremonies on July 4, 1882. In Newport, the place of interment for French soldiers was in the common burial ground near the west fence. Since the ground had no stone memorials, it has doubtless been occupied since. The officers were buried in Trinity churchyard, but only the grave of the Admiral de Ternay is marked. A burial ground was also provided for the French in Bristol on the State's farm at Poppasquash Point, but of this we can find no trace to-day. Although the eleven-month sojourn of the French army and fleet in Rhode Island might seem to some degree a waste of time, it was not without important consequences. The officers and men of Rochambeau's command conducted themselves so well that former distrust was forgotten and the way prepared for effective and harmonious cooperation in the future. An army quartered in a city can become a most unwelcome guest, but the behavior of the French was so exemplary that there was universal regret when they left Newport in 1 7 8 1 . The credit for this is attributed to Rochambeau, whose selection to command the army was a most fortunate one. He was the best qualified of all the officers by character, ability, experience, tact and firmness. Axel de Fersen said: Everyone was contented to be commanded by Rochambeau. He was the only man who was capable of commanding us here in America, and of maintaining that perfect harmony which existed between two nations so different in manners and language. His wise, prudent and simple bearing did more to conciliate the Americans than four successful battles could have done.46 Not only the officers, but the French soldiers in America were personally popular. Dr. Ezra Stiles wrote in his diary on August 1 7 , 1780: The French Troops are a fine body of men, & appear to be well officered. Neither Officers nor Men are the effeminate Beings we were heretofore taught to believe them. They are as large & as likely men as can be produced by any Nation.—The Arrival of the Fleet & Army

34

The FRENCH

FLEET

and

ARMY

have given new Life to the Town. There is more Business transactg and money circulatg than formerly.46 The Providence Gazette also wrote very approvingly of the French shortly after their arrival: We have the Pleasure to inform the Public that the Fleet and Army are in high Health and Spirits, and ardently wish for an Opportunity to signalize themselves in the Common Cause. The Officers of every Rank have rendered themselves agreeable, by that Politeness which characterizes the French Nation.—The Officers and Soldiers wear Cockades of three Colours, emblematical of a triple Alliance between France, Spain and America.47 During the occupation of Newport by the British troops, the town had been ruined and the citizens humiliated. The French, on the contrary, respected property, were considerate of the inhabitants and paid scrupulously for everything they obtained. The Rhode Island Historical Society has in its possession some of the original notes for sums to be paid to Rhode Islanders who supplied the French army and fleet. The exact discipline enforced by Rochambeau and his officers soon dispelled whatever apprehensions the Americans may have felt at the news of the coming of a French army. As an illustration of the harmony existing between the French and American soldiers, we may quote from a letter written by Lafayette to General Washington and dated at Newport, July 3 1 , 1780: Vous vous seriez amusé l'autre jour en voyant 250 de nos recrues qui venaient à Conanicut sans provisions, sans tentes, et qui se mêlèrent si bien avec les troupes françaises que chaque Français officier ou soldat, prit un Américain avec lui et lui fit partager très amicalement son lit et son souper. . . . La discipline française est telle que les poulets et les cochons se promènent au milieu des tentes sans qu'on les dérange et qu'il y a dans le camp un champ de maïs dont on n'a pas touché une feuille.48 The records of the encampment and marches of the French army contain "no instance of encroachment on the rights or privileges of the citizens, while the deference from Rochambeau himself to the lowest in the command . . . gives evidence of the wisdom of the French government in their selection of the commander. . . ," 49

The FRENCH

FLEET

and ARMY

35

Perhaps the finest expression of the American appreciation of the character and qualities of the French officers and men is to be found in George Washington's address to the citizens of Newport on the occasion of his visit to that town in March, 1 7 8 1 . In his distinctive style, he said: The conduct of the French army and fleet, of which the inhabitants testify so grateful and affectionate a sense, at the same time that it evinces the wisdom of the commanders and the discipline of the troops, is a new proof of the magnanimity of the nation. It is a further demonstration of that general zeal and concern for the happiness of America which brought them to our assistance; a happy presage of future harmony . . . a pleasing evidence that an intercourse between the two nations will more and more cement the union by the solid and lasting ties of mutual affection. 60

Chapter Four The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

DURING the decade following the departure of the French fleet and army we find appearing in Rhode Island newspapers and records the names of numerous Frenchmen. It would not be unreasonable to suppose that some of these men, at least, had deserted from the French army. In fact, there is evidence to support the assumption. Segur wrote: "The prospect of happiness which liberty presented to the soldiers in this country, had created in many of them a desire for quitting their colors, and of remaining in America. In several corps, therefore, the desertion was considerable." 1 Moreover, the General Assembly felt it necessary, in June 1 7 8 0 , to pass "an Act to prevent Desertion from the French Fleet and A r m y " by setting "the same fines or penalties on any person aiding desertion or harboring deserters as were set December last for the United States A r m y . " 2 In February 1 7 8 1 , the Assembly appointed a committee to wait upon the Chevalier Du Bouchet, Deputy Adjutant General of the French Army, in order to discuss the question of deserters from the French forces who were enlisting in the American army. 3 In any event, more Frenchmen appear to have resided in Rhode Island immediately after the Revolution than can be accounted for if we refuse to accept the idea of desertion. In 1788, a John Laruguy filed a petition for naturalization, in which he stated that he was a native of Marseilles, who had lived in various parts of the United States during the preceding five years. His request was granted on April 4, 1788. 4 In Mineral Spring Cemetery in Pawtucket is the grave of Captain John George Curien, who died on August 1 6 , 1824. Born in France in 1 7 3 3 , he came to America with Rochambeau. When his comrades departed, he remained behind, married a young lady of Providence and settled in Pawtucket. 5 Another French officer who married and resided in Rhode Island was Pierre Douville. He was a native of Canada who had come to Providence as a merchant. During the W a r of Independence he served

The

POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

37

as a lieutenant in the American navy, but was recalled by the French King and given command of the Impétueux. In the Battle of Ouessant, he received eighteen wounds, from the effect of which he died in June 1794. He was first buried in the West Burial Ground in Providence, but was later re-interred in Swan Point Cemetery in the same city.9 That Newport also received her share of these post-Revolutionary Frenchmen, we learn from the records of St. John's Lodge of Freemasons in that city. In May and October 1790, nineteen officers who had served under Rochambeau were initiated into the organization. They were: Pierre Armand Aboyneaux, William Adancourt, Claude Barille, John Buitden, James Cullio, Allen Cavalier, Joseph Collones, Antoine de Chartres, John Louis de Sybille, Mons. de Moulin (Secretary to Rochambeau), Jean Baptiste Fiory, Mons. Jennecourt, Henry La Neal, John Lagoud, J. Montelier, Joseph Moneta, S. C. Demoulins Rochefort, Peter St. Phillips, and Benjamin Seelye.7 Except for their names, we know very little about these men. Pierre Aboyneaux married a Miss Malbone of Newport and took her to France to live. William Adancourt had been a commissary in Rochambeau's army. We do not know just when he came to Newport, nor how long he stayed, but, in 1790, he advertised the opening of a French school.8 Frequent advertisements of the same sort, and others offering for sale tickets to balls and entertainments testify to his efforts to earn a living in Newport.9 No doubt, it was the fact that former members of the army of her erstwhile ally were residing in Rhode Island that caused the Assembly to vote in 1783 to extend to Roman Catholic citizens "all the Rights and Privileges of the Protestant Citizens of this State, as declared in and by an Act made and passed the First Day of March, A. D. 1663." 1 0 On September 22, 1784, a French squadron of seven ships from the West Indies touched at Newport, where they were received very cordially. A ball was given for the officers on October 4, 1784. 1 1 In this same month of October 1784, Lafayette paid his third visit to Rhode Island, during the course of the tour he made of the United States after the Revolutionary War. He arrived in Providence on the 23rd, visited Newport on the 24th and returned to Providence the following day. On the 26th, an entertainment and dinner were given in his honor at Rice's Tavern. 12 The Assembly proffered an address, and salutes were fired in commemoration of the event. After the dinner Lafayette departed for Boston.13

38

The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

The last decade of the eighteenth century witnessed the emigration of a large number of Frenchmen who were forced to seek a refuge from the excesses of the French Revolution. Some of them had served in the war for American independence, and naturally turned to this country when they needed an asylum. The great center of this group of émigrés was Philadelphia, then the seat of government. Large numbers also went to other towns in Pennsylvania, N e w York, Maryland, South Carolina and Virginia, but only a few seem to have sought shelter in N e w England. One, however, may have come to Rhode Island. In the spring of 1794, a stranger landed at Newport from the New York packet. His figure was slight, and he was somewhat lame. Although a foreigner, he spoke excellent English. He stayed for several weeks without revealing his name, the object of his visit, nor whence he came. He sought no acquaintance, paid his bills promptly, and departed in midsummer. G . C. Mason says that this stranger was Talleyrand. 14 However, there were immigrants to Rhode Island during this period, although they did not come directly from France. They were French colonials from Santo Domingo, where reverberations of the uprisings in the mother country were making themselves felt. The population of this French island was composed of three groups : whites, mulattoes and negro slaves. Although the mulattoes were freemen, they were excluded from all political and social standing. The government was in the hands of a white Governor-General and his subordinates. From 1 7 8 9 to 1 7 9 5 , there were three revolutions on the island. The first was due to the desire, on the part of the white population, for colonial autonomy and was concerned with the question of representation in the National Assembly. The second, in 1790, was an effort on the part of the mulattoes to obtain the franchise. The third revolt broke out in 1 7 9 1 ; it was led by Jean François, a mulatto, and Boukmann, a slave. By March 1 7 9 2 , they were in possession of the island, and the rebellion was climaxed by a period of rioting and massacre. The whites who were able to escape, about 10,000 in number, fled to America. 18 From the nature of this revolution and the circumstances of the flight, we can understand how pitiful must have been the condition of the refugees. Most of them were aristocrats who had been wealthy; they were unused to labor and had learned no trade or profession to prepare them for earning a living. The few private charities of the day could not care for so many, and, consequently, public measures had to be organized for

The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

39

their relief. The legislatures of the various states subscribed funds, and in 1 7 9 4 , Congress appropriated $20,000 to help remedy the situation. 16 Many of the émigrés recognized the necessity of working and found positions as tutors in colleges and private schools. In this way, they aided in propagating in the United States a knowledge of the French language. Others became dancing or fencing masters. Not many of these exiles came to Rhode Island and the other New England States, but some did find a temporary haven in this region. When Congress appropriated the money for their relief in 1 7 9 4 , Rhode Island was granted $ 1 0 0 0 , or the amount allowed for two hundred refugees, since approximately five dollars was allotted for each. 17 This was to reimburse the state for expenditures already made on behalf of the French émigrés, in accordance with a resolution passed by the General Assembly on the last Monday of October 1 7 9 3 , which read: Whereas a number of unfortunate Exiles from Hispaniola and from the other Territories of the Republic of France, have arrived in this State, . . . Destitute of the Means of Subsistence, and may become chargeable to the Towns where they have arrived, or may arrive, Be it therefore Enacted . . . That such Exiles . . . shall not gain any Settlement merely by being landed in the Towns where they shall happen to arrive, or any other; but in case of being chargeable, the Expense thereof shall be defrayed by the State at large. . . . It is further Enacted . . . , That all Disbursements for the Relief of such Exiles, shall be made under the Direction of the TownCouncil of the Town or Towns wherein such distressed Exiles are . . . , and that the Town-Council . . . render a particular Account of all Expenditures . . . to this Assembly, at the next Session. 18 This measure was continued at the sessions of February, May and June, 1794. To reimburse the towns, therefore, grants were made at each meeting of the General Assembly upon presentation of petitions stating the amounts already spent for the French exiles. In February 1 7 9 4 , Newport received two hundred forty-five pounds, nine shillings, nine pence, and Providence was allowed one hundred seventy pounds, nineteen shillings and nine pence. 19 T w o petitions of the town of Bristol, totalling one hundred four pounds and two pence, were allowed on April 5, 1 7 9 4 . They covered supplies and board provided for the "distressed French people

40

The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

from Hispaniola" from October x, 1 7 9 3 , to February 25, 1794. 2 0 A similar petition from the town of Newport, for one hundred fifteen pounds, five shillings and eight pence, was allowed in June 1 7 9 4 . 2 1 A few petitions were presented by individuals. A typical example is one signed by a M . Marrot and dated Providence, June 1 1 , 1 7 9 4 : Citizen Representatives Driven from their own Country By the Calamities of W a r some of the Inhabitants of St. Domingo sought an Asylum in this State hardly were you made acquainted with our misfortunes when with a generous anxiety you hastened to relieve them, you granted the means of subsistence to each unfortunate sufferer and by that Encouragement enabled them to support their distress. . . . Citizen Marrot & his family until a more fortunate moment, . . . ask for your assistance, in helping them in their distress, and penetrated with sensibility, they will carry into the bosom of their Country the remembrance of your kindness. . . , 2 2 In October 1 7 9 4 , a petition was filed, signed by Mrs. Thomas for herself and two children, Mrs. Barat for herself and one child, and Mrs. Itey. In it they requested "continuance of the humane support" they were then receiving. 23 At the same session Marrot presented a second petition, declaring himself to be "still under the disagreeable necessity of asking for a Continuance of your Favours." 2 4 His final petition, dated January 26, 1 7 9 5 , asked for a further extension of his pension until the end of April. "It is then that I design to return either to the West Indies or to France." 26 Another petition presented in October 1 7 9 4 was from Citizen Etienne Pateu, late refugee from Santo Domingo, who had moved his family from Newport to Providence in the hope of obtaining employment. He was unable to find work in Rhode Island, but he received information from Charleston, South Carolina, which gave him reason "to flatter himself that he can find such employ in that place as will enable him to support himself and his family without dependence on charity." He, therefore, asked for means of transporting himself and his family to South Carolina. 26 The case of Monsieur Pateu was probably typical, for, while the earlier entries in the records of accounts allowed by the Rhode Island legislature are for supplies and board for the exiles, the later ones are for transporta-

The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

4l

tion expenses. A grant to Newport, dated November i , 1794, included the refund to the town of passage to Charleston for five exiles. 27 On January 24, 1795, the town of Bristol was reimbursed for cash advanced for the passage of Monsieur Laisard and his family to Pensecolia (sic), and to cash advanced to Monsieur Chiena to enable him to return to France.28 Other payments were made in settlement of bills rendered by ship captains of Providence who had transported French exiles from that city to New York. 29 In the Rhode Island State Archives are petitions written for these refugees by well-intentioned, but ill-informed scribes. The spelling of the French names varied with the penman. However, by checking the lists carefully, we may conclude that at least thirty families found asylum in Newport, twelve in Providence, and five or six in Bristol. The records of aid furnished to them ceases in 1795, as, by that time, the majority had departed for South Carolina, the West Indies or France. On March 18, 1794, the Newport Mercury had carried the following announcement: AVIS Le habitans infortuné de la Colonie Françoise de St. Domingue qui dans l'incendie du Cap sont venus chercher un asile dans les Etats-Unis, sont informé que la République leur accorde un passage pour France. Ils sont invités en conséquence a se présenter a cet effet d'ici a huit jours chez les Consuls & agens de la République dans les différents Ports des Etats-Unis. A Philadelphie, le 1 0 Ventos—l'an 2d de la République Françoise une & indivisible. (28 Février, 1794, vieux stile. ) 30 Presumably, the exiles availed themselves of this offer, as there is no further record of aid furnished them by the state of Rhode Island. Another group of French refugees who influenced Rhode Island to some extent was the Roman Catholic priests, of whom thousands had refused to take the Oath of the Clergy prescribed by the Revolutionary government in 1790, and had consequently been forced to flee. Many of them came to the United States, and, although none made his way directly to Rhode Island, the beginnings of the Roman Catholic Church in this state are associated with the French. Mass had been celebrated by the chaplains of the fleet in Newport in 1780 and 1 7 8 1 , 3 1 and there is also a

42

The POST-REVOLUTIONARY

PERIOD

record of a Mass which was said in Providence in 1789. The Newport Mercury of December 1 6 of that year, under the heading "Providence, December 1 2 " , states: Tuesday last, being the Festival of the immaculate Conception of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Rev. Abbe de la Poterie, French Roman Catholic Secular Priest and Doctor of Divinity, celebrated the holy Sacrifice of the Mass in this Town, at the Request of several Catholics of the Roman Communion; and addressed to the Almighty his humble Prayers for the constant and permanent Prosperity of the State of Rhode-Island.32 These instances, however, were exceptional. It was not until 1796 when two French priests, the Fathers Matignon and Cheverus, were located in Boston that Rhode Island received some sort of regular attention. All New England was included in the mission of Boston, and consequently it was impossible to attend all regions frequently; but Father Cheverus did make trips to Rhode Island to celebrate Mass and to perform marriages and administer baptism for the Catholics of Bristol, Newport and Providence.33 Father Cheverus, who later became the first Bishop of Boston, was a man of remarkable character and attainments, which won for him universal esteem and admiration. It is gratifying to feel that such a man was the unofficial representative of France in Rhode Island as the curtain fell on the eighteenth century—a century that had brought Frenchmen of all ranks and professions into this small state.

Chapter Five FRENCH

NEWS in RHODE ISLAND

NEWSPAPERS

NEWSPAPERS published in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century offer a wealth of material from which to follow the course of French history and of American reactions to its various phases. The changing attitude, as reflected in the newspapers, is an index to the degree of their participation and interest in events of the century. From a patriotic reproduction of British hostility, such as befitted loyal colonists, their sentiment progressed to a wholehearted enthusiasm for the French, an enthusiasm engendered by the alliances of the American Revolution and sustained throughout the first years of the French Revolution. Thereafter a note of disapproval became manifest, as the excesses of the Revolutionary Tribunal were reported. Finally came open criticism and animosity, when differences of opinion led to the suspension of commercial intercourse between France and the United States, and even brought the two nations to the brink of war. Throughout the century, Rhode Island newspapers published items of varying lengths on French news. Like the Newport Mercury, nearly all declared that they were supplied "with Freshest Advices Foreign and Domestic." 1 Because of the difficulty of obtaining competent translators, most of the foreign news reached America through British papers from which the local editors copied articles. Since from one to three months was required for crossing the Atlantic, the freshness of the advices is questionable, but the fact remains that the readers of Rhode Island papers were informed of happenings in European countries within a reasonable period of time. The earliest newspaper established in this state was the Rhode Island Gazette, a weekly, published at Newport by James Franklin. The first issue was dated September 27, 1 7 3 2 , and the last recorded was that of March 1 , 1 7 3 3 . 2 The second number of this paper contained the report of an engagement between the French and Spanish in the Bay of Oran on

44

FRENCH

NEWS

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July 4 , 1 7 3 2 , and an account of the presentation to the King by Maurepas of a wild man "from the Isles of Tilloy, who had learned the French tongue at Quebec." 3 In later numbers there were references to strained relations between the French King and his Parliament, and, in December, the information that six exiled members of Parliament had been allowed to return to their estates in or near Paris.4 The second Rhode Island newspaper was the Newport Mercury, established June 19, 1758, by James Franklin, 2nd. After his death in 1762, it was continued by his mother, Ann Franklin. With the issue of August 1 7 , 1762, Mrs. Franklin took her son-in-law, Samuel Hall, into partnership with her. She died in 1763, and Hall carried on the publication until his retirement in 1768. He was succeeded by Solomon Southwick from March 1768 until December 1776. At that date, the British were in possession of Newport, so Southwick, an ardent patriot, left Newport and the paper was suspended for three years. It was resumed with the issue of January 5 , 1 7 8 0 . From then until the end of the century, the publishers were: ( 1 ) Henry Barber, from 1780 to 1785; (2) Southwick and Barber, from 1785 to 1786; ( 3 ) Solomon Southwick in 1787; and (4) Henry Barber, from 1788 to i8oo. B Another Rhode Island paper came into existence a few years after the establishment of the Newport Mercury. This was the Providence Gazette, first published by William Goddard on October 20, 1762. It was suspended on May 1 1 , 1765, but was resumed on August 9, 1766, by Sarah Goddard, the mother of the former publisher. From 1767 to 1768 it was published by Mrs. Goddard and John Carter, from November 1768 to 1793 by John Carter, from November 1793 to 1799 by John Carter and William Wilkinson, and from May 1 1 , 1799, by John Carter.8 Both the Providence Gazette and the Newport Mercury printed many references to France and the French. The first issue of the Mercury appeared during the course of the "Old French War", and mentioned the bringing into Newport of a French brigantine as a prize of war. The arrivals of other prize ships were noted in the issues of December 5 , 1 7 5 8 , January 23 and November 20, 1759. As was fitting during the course of a war, the majority of items from 1758 to 1763 were of this nature. They included details of sea and land battles, lists of French prisoners taken by the British,7 news of the surrender of Quebec,8 the articles of capitulation of that city,9 and a report of the surrender of Montreal followed by this comment: " W e may now, therefore, in all human Probability, look

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upon this Reduction of Montreal, as a Conquest that will crown the Operations of His Majesty's Arms in North America. . . , " 1 0 On June 23, 1 7 6 1 , a suggestion for preliminaries of peace was quoted, and in the issue of March 16, 1762, appeared comments on a French memorial relative to peace, including the proposal to cede Canada to Great Britain. Apparently these suggestions came to naught, for in 1762 the Mercury printed Governor Samuel Ward's proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the war. 1 1 When the terms of peace were finally arranged, the Mercury reported the signing of the Preliminary Articles at Fontainebleau on November 3, 1 7 6 2 , 1 2 the cessation of hostilities,13 and published the King's proclamation to that effect, dated November 26, 1762, 1 4 as well as a copy of the Preliminary Articles of Peace.18 The issue of April 25, 1763, contained a list of "Interesting Events of the Year 1 7 6 2 " , which included several items relative to the war with France. For a decade following the end of this war, news from France was less common, and very different in character. The death of the Dauphin in 1766, 1 6 and two years later the serious illness and death of the Queen were reported. 17 As early as 1764, there was mention of money borrowed by the French Court, 18 and in 1767 references to the letting of contracts to the Fermiers Généraux appeared in both the Newport and Providence papers. 19 The precarious condition of French finances,20 and insurrections in the provinces, due to misery and starvation,21 were the chief items of news in 1 7 7 0 and 1 7 7 1 . In 1 7 7 4 came word of the death of Louis X V , 2 2 and a few months later appeared details of the coronation of Louis X V I . 2 3 Another article dealt with the abolition of the office of Fermiers Généraux on December 26, 1 7 7 5 ; this was reported by both papers.24 In the year 1776, references began to appear to a possible alliance between France and the newly established United States of America. The friendly attitude of the French was mentioned in the Newport Mercury of May 1 3 , 1776, in an article which included this statement: "The common toast among the French from the General down to the Merchant is the Independence of America." In June, the Mercury quoted from a London paper of March 7, 1 7 7 6 : "They say . . . Persons of distinction have waited on General Washington with an order for French Troops and Ships of War. . . . The French Gentlemen met with a noble reception. . . ," 2 5 The Providertce Gazette of August 10, 1776, published the translation of a letter written July 24 by a French officer in the service of the United States. In it he praised the country, the people and their

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determination to succeed. Unfortunately, the author's name is not mentioned. From January 1 7 7 7 to December 1779, the burden of reporting for Rhode Island was borne by the Providence Gazette, as the paper which had replaced the suspended Newport Mercury was definitely pro-British. This was the Newport Gazette, established by John Howe on January 16, 1777. The last known issue was that of October 6, 1779. 28 In this paper London was quoted as stating that Benjamin Franklin was looked down upon by the French Court, and that France wished to remain at peace with England. 27 On August 27, 1778, a week after D'Estaing had left Newport harbor, the Gazette printed an item from a London paper of June 23, admitting that a French fleet was bound for America. This issue also included a list of the ships in D'Estaing's squadron, and particulars of the encounter of the French and British fleets off Sandy Hook, taken from a New York paper of August 24. The only reference to the fact that the French had been at Newport appears two months later in this paragraph: "Two or three of the Anchors, which were left by Count D'Estaing's Fleet in this Harbour, have been weighed, and it is expected the Remainder will be got up in a few Days." 28 During these years, the tone of references to France in the Providence Gazette was entirely different. Quoting from a Boston dispatch of March 10, 1777, it published the following statement: "We have Authority to assure the Public, that by some late Arrivals from France, we have the strongest Assurances of being supplied with all sorts of warlike and other Stores, and that our Vessels shall be protected clear of their Ports." 29 In April and May of the same year, reports were printed of the arrival at American ports of French ships laden with arms, supplies and clothing for the United States.30 Other references to French aid to America appeared in several later issues. In June, a quotation, taken from a London paper of January 20, read: "The Assistance which the Americans are daily receiving from France, is to them of the most beneficial Kind. No less than fifteen Engineers, and two and twenty Officers, lately sailed from one Port in France for the Service of the American Colonies. . . . " 3 1 An extract from a letter written in Paris to a gentleman in Pennsylvania and dated April 10, 1777, includes this paragraph: This letter will be put into your hands by the Marquis De —, of a noble and ancient family in France, connected by birth and marriage

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with the first in the kingdom, and in possession of an estate of upwards of 14,000 1. sterling per annum, beloved and almost adored by his numerous acquaintances, but preferring glory to every enjoyment which these, in the arms of a young and beautiful wife and young family, could give him, he courts danger in defence of our cause, which is here universally celebrated as the cause of mankind.32 This young nobleman was the Marquis de Lafayette; references to him were not infrequent in the papers of the day. The Providence Gazette of January 3, 1778, contained a letter from General Greene, in which he said, "the Marquis is determined to be in the way of danger." Another issue quoted a letter from a Frenchman in America to his friends in France. In it he spoke of the spirit of the people, their need of supplies, the wonders that they were accomplishing with what they had, and the impossibility of Great Britain's ever conquering and ruling America.33 In the Gazette for April 25, 1778, was reported the signing of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States, by which "American Independence is secured and is also to be acknowledged by Spain." The issue of August 1 told of the departure from Toulon of the fleet commanded by the Count d'Estaing, and of its arrival at Newport. "Wednesday last [July 29], to the great Joy of every good Subject, the Fleet of his most Christian Majesty, . . . arrived off Point-Judith." The next issue contained a message from M. Gérard, the first ambassador from France to the United States, in which he stressed D'Estaing's anxiety to be of service to the American cause. This number also reported the arrival of Lafayette in Rhode Island. The appearance of Howe's fleet, the departure of the French squadron in pursuit, the great storm which hampered their operations, Sullivan's arrival at Rhode Island and Lafayette's appointment to command the left wing of the American army were all mentioned in the issue of August 15. In the next few weeks came the news of the return of D'Estaing's crippled fleet and their subsequent departure for Boston.34 The report of Sullivan's evacuation of Rhode Island was published in the Gazette of September 5, 1778. The issues of the year 1779 contain such miscellaneous items as references to the celebration of the anniversary of the alliance between France and the United States, toasts to the French in the festivities of American Independence Day, reports of the activities of D'Estaing's

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fleet in the West Indies, and a copy of the resolution of Congress permitting Lafayette to return to France.36 At about this time, another newspaper made its appearance in Providence. This was the American Journal, established as a weekly on March 18, 1779, by Solomon Southwick and Bennett Wheeler. After the British evacuated Newport, Southwick returned to that town, and Wheeler became the sole publisher from December 2, 1779, until August 29, 1 7 8 1 , on which date the paper was discontinued. During the last seven months of its existence, the Journal had been published as a semi-weekly.36 In the months of April and May, 1780, the Providence papers printed the news of the arrival at Boston of the Hermione; on this vessel came the Marquis de Lafayette returning from a visit to France.37 A month later the arrival of this ship at Newport after her engagement with the Iris was reported.38 In July appeared the notice of the death of M. de Valernais from wounds received in this engagement.39 However, the chief items of interest in the month of July were naturally those concerning the coming of De Ternay's fleet. In May, letters had been quoted which told of the fitting out of ships destined for America.40 Similar reports appeared in June and early July, 41 and then came news of their arrival, which was published in all the Rhode Island papers.42 The article in the Newport Mercury of July 1 5 was the most complete and the most interesting. It read: Last Tuesday arrived here from France, a Fleet of Men of War and Transports, consisting of 44 Sail, having on board 6000 very fine Troops; the Fleet is commanded by his Excellency Monsieur Le Chevalier de Ternay, and the Troops by his Excellency Monsieur le Comte de Rochambeau. . . . In Consequence of which this Town was beautifully illuminated on Wednesday Evening, and Thirteen Grand Rockets were fired in Front of the State House. The brilliant Appearance of the numerous Gentlemen Officers of the Fleet and Army of our illustrious Ally, who were on Shore, with that of the Ladies and Gentlemen of the Town, and the Joy which every Friend to Liberty expressed on the happy Occasion, afforded a most pleasing Prospect of the future Felicity and Grandeur of this Country, in Alliance with the most polite, powerful and generous Nation in the World. We have the Pleasure to inform the Public that both the Fleet and Army are extremely healthy.

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This issue also contained regulations made by De Ternay with regard to small craft sailing in the neighborhood of the fleet. Several issues of the Mercury carried an advertisement signed by Major General Heath, requesting "the good People of this and the neighboring States . . . to bring to the Market of Newport, all Kinds of small Meats, Poultry, Milk, Vegetables, &c. for which they will receive a generous Price, serve their Friends, and benefit themselves." 43 On August 5, the Providence Gazette reported the arrival of Lafayette at Newport. A later issue during the same month contained copies of an address presented by the General Assembly of Rhode Island to Count Rochambeau and of the latter's response with its English translation. This reply foretold the magnificent discipline and cooperation that were characteristic of the French during their stay in the state. It read: Messieurs, Le Roi mon maître m'envoie au secours de ses bons & fidels alliés, les Etats-Unis de l'Amérique. Je n' amène pour le moment que l'AvantGarde d'une plus grande force qui y est destinée, & le Roi m'a chargé de leur dire qu'il veut les soutenir de toute sa puissance. Les Troupes Francoises vivront comme leurs frères & dans la meilleure discipline. Nous ferons tous aux ordres du Général Washington, & je serai enchanté de concourir à ses succès. Je suis très reconnoissant des marques d'amitié que Messieurs de l'Assemblée Générale me témoignent, & je les prie de compter tous sur moi, & sur le corps qui est à mes ordres, à la vie & à la mort, comme leurs frères & meilleurs amis.44 A similar address was presented to De Ternay, and this also was published, with the Admiral's reply, in the Newport and Providence papers.46 On September 2, the Mercury mentioned the visit of the Indian warriors to the French and added this comment: "There is no doubt but their Report will have a very good Effect upon the different Nations of Indians in their Quarter." The Providence Gazette of September 2 described the first visit of Rochambeau to that city. In October, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the French Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, passed through Providence on the way to Newport, and this fact was duly noted.48 The death of De Ternay in December was reported with appropriate comment.47 While French news published in Rhode Island during this period was mainly devoted to matters concerning the army and fleet at Newport, oc-

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casional items appeared relating to events in France. On January 24, 1 7 8 1 , the Providence Gazette stated that the King had requested a loan from the clergy, and shortly afterwards furnished the information that Louis X V I had abolished "La Question Préliminaire," i.e., the application of torture as the first step in a judicial examination.48 The Providence Gazette of March 10, 1 7 8 1 , mentioned the visit of General Washington to the French commanders at Newport, by whom he was received "with every mark of distinction". Further details were given in the next issue. The Newport Mercury reported on March 3, 1 7 8 1 , the departure of three French frigates for Chesapeake Bay. The principal news in the month of May was the arrival at Boston of a French ship, bringing as passengers the Vicomte de Rochambeau, the Count Cromot Dubourg, and M. Barras, the successor of Admiral de Ternay.49 When the French troops left Newport in June 1 7 8 1 , there were very few references to their departure, possibly because what everyone knew was not considered to be news. The Newport Mercury mentioned it in the issue of June 16, and the American Journal in that of June 20. The latter also carried an advertisement offering a reward of forty dollars for the apprehension of two men who had deserted from the Soissonnais Regiment while it was encamped at Providence. The advertisement was repeated in the issues of June 27 and 30. During the sojourn of the French fleet at Newport, there appeared a particularly interesting publication—the first French newspaper printed in the United States. When De Ternay's squadron anchored in Newport harbor, a sea-press, carried on board the Neptune, was taken ashore and set up at "641 rue de la Pointe". 50 On November 17, 1780, the first issue of the Gazette Françoise was published. Advertisements for the paper were printed in French and in English in December issues of the Providence papers; subscriptions were solicited at the rate of "Half a Dollar per Month". 61 It was a four-page weekly and supplied news items translated from contemporary American papers for the convenience of French officers who could not read English. Its aim and scope were explained in the first issue in an introductory message from the editor. He stated: "Je ne m'engagerai donc envers le Public qu'à répéter en François ce que les Américains auront dit dans leur langue." Although the editor did not give his name, we can draw some conclusions from three items which appeared in the Gazette. In the issue of December 30, 1780, he announced a change in the date of publication,

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and added that he could be reached at the home of Eléazar Trevett "dans la Grand 'rue". On January 2, 1 7 8 1 , a certain Jean Jastram, advertising for rags suitable for making paper, gave the same address. Moreover, in the issue of November 30, 1780, Jean Jastram offered to give English lessons to the French officers. From these facts, we may infer that M. Jastram, who had a knowledge of French and English, who desired rags for making paper, and who resided at the same house as did the editor of the Gazette, must of necessity have been that editor, and consequently the first man to publish a French newspaper in the United States.62 True to his promise, Jastram merely supplied his subscribers with a digest of news translated from American papers of the day. The Rhode Island newspapers which furnished the material were the American Journal and the Providence Gazette, but principally the Newport Mercury. A comparison of corresponding issues of the Mercury and the Gazette Françoise shows that nearly all the articles in the latter were taken directly from the former. When, on December 14, Henry Barber was forced by lack of paper to cut the Mercury to half a sheet, the Gazette had to borrow from articles in the Providence Gazette and American Journal.B3 The first few issues were devoted chiefly to a discussion of the treason of Benedict Arnold and to reports on the progress of the war. The December 1 5 number contained the notice of the death of De Ternay. On December 30, there was printed a description of General Washington, "extrait de la London Chronicle du 27 Juillet, 1780", according to the editor, but actually copied from an extract given in the Providence Gazette of December 27. M The advertisements which appeared during the short life of the Gazette Françoise are extremely interesting. In the second issue there was an " A v i s " of "le sieur de Bellevue", who may have given his name to Newport's famous avenue. He stated that he had "l'honneur de faire savoir au Public qu'il a seul le secret de faire une Eau pour noircir & glacer les gibernes, bottes & souliers, & conserver le cuir dans sa bonté." The issues of November 30 and December 8 contained the advertisement already mentioned, in which M. Jastram offered to teach English. On December 22, appeared the notice of a Masonic meeting to which French members of the Order were invited. The seventh number announced the coming publication of "Le Calendrier François ou Almanach Pour l'An de Grace, 1 7 8 1 " . 5 6 In the supplement to this number, published January 2, 1 7 8 1 , was printed a "Lost and Found" item: "Il a été trouvé un

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volume des 'Contes de la Fontaine', relié en maroquin & doré sur les tranches: celui à qui il appartient, pourra s'adresser à l'Imprimerie Françoise, rue de la Pointe, N ° 641, où on le lui remettra." This number also carried M. Jastram's plea for rags, and a notice stating that: " M M les Officiers & autres habitants qui desirent apprendre la Langue Anglaise, peuvent s'adreser au sieur Phinéas Salomon Lemonier." The file ends with this issue. The Gazette Françoise is an interesting publication, not only for its content, but also because it was the first "service newspaper" and the first French paper published in the United States.88 After the departure of the French forces from the state, the Rhode Island newspapers naturally found less to print concerning them. The American Journal was discontinued with the issue of August 29, 1 7 8 1 , and the Newport Mercury and the Providence Gazette carried on alone for several years. They followed the progress of the allied armies and the operations that culminated in the defeat of Cornwallis at Yorktown, but, comparatively speaking, there was little French news in the papers of 1 7 8 1 and 1782. The birth of the Dauphin was reported, as well as the subsequent official notification to the United States Congress, and ensuing celebrations in Boston, Portsmouth, and West Point.87 The issue of August 17 contained the address of the Rhode Island Legislature on the birth of the Dauphin and the reply of the Chevalier de la Luzerne. During the month of August 1782, notices appeared of the northward march of the French army, which had been encamped for nearly a year in Virginia, and finally of its arrival at Providence.58 On November 23, the Gazette mentioned a ball given by Rochambeau to the ladies and gentlemen of the town. On December 7, it referred to the departure of Rochambeau and his suite for Philadelphia, and that of the French army for Boston. The next issue contained copies of the address of appreciation which the General Assembly had presented to the French general and of the latter's reply. With this item ended the reporting of French news originating in Rhode Island. The Newport Mercury of January 1 1 , 1783, published details of a meeting held in Paris in September 1782 to discuss arrangements for a general peace, and on April 5, 1 7 8 3 , the Providence Gazette printed discussions of the Preliminary Articles of Peace which had been signed on January 20, 1783, by France and Great Britain, and by which the sover*

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eignty of the United States of America was acknowledged. The Articles of Peace were given in full in the issue of April 19. In 1787 another paper had appeared in Rhode Island, the Newport Herald. It was established March 1 , 1 7 8 7 , by Peter Edes, and the last known issue was that of September 1 7 , 1 7 9 1 . 3 9 Like the other papers, it contained foreign and domestic news; during the short span of its existence, its reporting was complete and exact, particularly with regard to the early years of the French Revolution. On January 1 , 1784, Bennett Wheeler of Providence began publication of a new weekly, the United States Chronicle, which he continued without interruption for twenty years. 60 As was the case of the other Rhode Island papers, the Chronicle was not oversupplied with French news during the first five years of its existence. All the papers reported the arrival of Lafayette on a visit to the United States in 1784, and gave details of his entertainment in Providence and Newport in the month of October; his return to France the following year was likewise noted. 81 In October also a French fleet from the West Indies came to Newport. A ball was given aboard one of the ships by the officers, and one was held for them by the townspeople. 82 The erection of the monument to De Ternay at Trinity Church in July 1 7 8 5 was reported in two of the Rhode Island papers. 63 Miscellaneous information concerning conditions in France appeared from time to time, as well as notifications of the births of a son and daughter to the Queen. 64 The death of the Duke of Orleans and that of the Dauphin in 1 7 8 6 were also cited. 65 Little of interest to Rhode Island seems to have occurred until 1789, but from then on there was no dearth of French news. Word of the meeting and dissolution of the Assembly of Notables and of the convoking of the Etats Généraux for April 1 7 8 9 was followed a few months later by descriptions of the tumultuous sittings of the latter body, and of the uprisings in Paris and the provinces. All the papers carried enthusiastic notices of the fall of the Bastille on July 14, 1789. 0 6 This incident gave rise to a number of anecdotes, poems and other articles on the celebrated fortress, particularly to various renditions of the story of the "Man in the Iron Mask". 6 7 A typical item is the following poem, which appeared in the Newport Mercury of October 7, 1 7 8 9 : W e have announced that the B A S T I L E [sic]—that engine of despotism and terrestrial hell,—is razed to the ground. While the sons of

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humanity and the friends of freedom rejoice at its present situation, they may be entertained at a description of what it was. The BASTILE Explore yon cavern, frowning on the sight, Where one faint lamp sends forth a sickly light; Through folds of darkness, where yon wicket glooms, Perfidious power has scoop'd the living tombs\ Along the filth that oozes from the walls, The slimy snail, with track abhorrent crawls, And oft, augmenting poisons from the top, With sullen sounds falls slow the with'ring drop. The pestilential toad that squats below, Gathers fresh venom as those poisons flow! Here many a fathom down, despotick rage, Hung human Victims in a dreadful cage— Here the poor Captive, torn from Child and Wife, From youth to age groan'd out detested life— Nor Nature's Sun, nor Art's supplying Blaze E're stole one beam of comfort on their days! Nor human form nor human hand was nigh, To soothe the grief that gather'd in his eye; Save one brief glance of man, as thro' the hole, His daily bread the silent gaoler stole, No human voice beguil'd the endless night, That cruel shut him from creation's light. To soothe a Mistress, wanton LOUIS gave To one who dar'd be just—this ling'ring grave! To one who dar'd a prostitute portray, And bring his honest satire into day. How sinks the heart, to pace this gloomy round, How pants the Muse to leave this TYRANT bound! The scene is chang'd—the infernal walls are raz'd, And let the People—and high Heaven be prais'd. The organization of the French National Assembly, the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the formation of the French Constitution, the suppression of monastic vows, the abolition of exclusive privileges and of

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titles of nobility, the state of French finances, and the demand of Santo Domingo for representation in the National Assembly are but a few of the matters faithfully reported in Rhode Island papers during these years. The flight of the Royal Family to Varennes on the night of June 2 1 - 2 2 , 1 7 9 1 , their capture, the subsequent trial and execution of the King in January 1 7 9 3 , and of the Queen in October 1 7 9 3 were also related in considerable detail. 88 Other articles told of the ratification of the French Constitution, the adoption of the Tricolor as the national flag, the replacement of the National Assembly by the National Convention, the official establishment of the French Republic in September 1 7 9 2 , the assassination of Marat, and the consequent trial and death of Charlotte Corday, the executions of the former Duke of Orleans, of Danton and of Robespierre. During the first years of the French Revolution, the tenor of the articles appearing in the newspapers of Rhode Island was favorable, as can be seen in this paragraph taken from the Newport Mercury of September 30, 1 7 8 9 : (Paris, August 3 ) The States-General are busily engaged in arranging a constitution—providing for the exigencies of the state—and establishing the credit of the nation.—Glorious tasks! Another approbatory passage was printed in the Mercury of April 1 0 , 1790. It read: Many wise and liberal articles are daily added to the Constitution.— The National Assembly are proceeding in the great business before them with unanimity and despatch.—As much peace and tranquillity prevail throughout that immense kingdom as could be expected in effecting so great and important a revolution in government. However, as the Revolution progressed to its more violent stage, the attitude of Rhode Island editors underwent a decided change. References to the alarming situation were frequent, and comments became definitely adverse. A n extract from a N e w York paper, published in the

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light that is distinguishable amidst this gloom of desolation, is a decree making provision for the institution of public schools. Throughout this period, were printed letters from Santo Domingo telling of uprisings in the islands and of the inhuman treatment of the white population by the blacks. News of the progress of the French armies in Europe was also regularly furnished. In April 1792, France had declared war on Austria; in June, Prussia entered the conflict, and in 1793, Great Britain, Holland and Spain were added to the list of opponents. Rhode Island still thought of France as a former ally and was interested in her success. The newspapers carried surprisingly complete accounts of the war. It was in this connection that the name of Napoleon Buonaparte first appeared in the Rhode Island press. In July and August 1796, reports were printed of French victories in Italy; they were signed by "Citizen Buonaparte, General-in-Chief of the Army in Italy". 69 These were but the first of many similar communications to be published in the next few years. Meanwhile several newspapers had been added to the group already in existence in Rhode Island. In January 1792, Nathaniel Phillips established in Warren the Herald of the United States.™ The year 1794 saw a short-lived enterprise in Newport, the Rhode-Island Museum, published by Henry C. Southwick from July 7 to December 29, 1794. 7 1 Another venture of short duration was the publication at Providence of the State Gazette. Its editor was Joseph Fry and its term of existence was from January 4 to July 2, 1796. 7 2 Two years later Havila and Oliver Farnsworth established at Newport a newspaper named the Companion and Commercial Centinel. The first issue appeared on May 2, 1798. On September 15 the name was changed to Weekly Companion and Commercial Centinel. From April 6, 1799, to the final issue on June 1 5 of the same year, Oliver Farnsworth was the sole publisher.73 The last newspaper to make its appearance in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was the Providence journal, published by John Carter, Jr., from January 2, 1799 to December 30, 1801. 7 4 In all these papers, the news was similar in tone and content to that of those already established. From 1798 on, Rhode Island readers could follow the steady rise of the star of Napoleon Buonaparte. His selection as General in Chief of the French Army, his successful campaigns, especially in Italy and in Egypt, his return to Paris in 1799 and his appointment to the post

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of Consul following the dissolution of the Executive Directory are all recorded faithfully. During the last years of the eighteenth century, the Rhode Island papers printed a great many letters and documents in their entirety. The earliest, which appeared in 1 7 9 3 and 1794, were those relating to the undiplomatic handling of the Little Sarah affair by the Citizen Genêt, the first ambassador sent by the Republic of France to the United States. The Little Sarah was an English ship which had been captured by French privateers and interned at Philadelphia. Genêt equipped the vessel and, in defiance of the protests of Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State, allowed it to depart under the name Little Democrat. This action imposed a strain on Franco-American relations, and the administration demanded Genêt s recall. On December 2 1 , 1793, the Providence Gazette printed articles in which Genêt was accused of having insulted the laws and government of the United States. The Newport Mercury published, on January 7, 1794, letters from Genêt to Jefferson in which the former objected to libellous remarks made by John Jay and Rufus King. The complete correspondence between Genêt and Jefferson appeared in the United States Chronicle in the issues of January 9, 1 6 and 23, 1794. A second series of documents, published in 1795 and 1796, dealt with the Randolph-Fauchet affair. For some time rumors had been current that a large sum of money had been paid by Fauchet, the French Minister, to Randolph, late American Secretary of State, in return for secret services. The reports were based chiefly on the fact that, on a vessel captured by the British, was found a statement of monies expended by M. Fauchet; one item was the large sum mentioned above. The British Minister sent this statement to the President of the United States. An investigation followed, and Randolph began a vigorous campaign to clear himself. 78 Copies of the documents in the case were printed in the Newport Mercury from January 5 to 19, 1796, and in the Herald of the United States for April 26, 1794, February 28, 1795, and January 9, 1796. At about the same time, another matter was receiving much attention in the newspapers of Rhode Island. This was the seizure of neutral American vessels by the French during the war with England. When France and the United States formed their alliance against Great Britain in 1778, a second treaty was signed between the two countries, known as

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the Treaty of Amity and Commerce. By Article 1 7 of this document, each country agreed to open its ports to ships of war and privateers of the other and to close them to the enemy. However, after the successful conclusion of the American Revolution, the opinion gradually developed in the United States that it would be inadvisable to become entangled in European affairs. The majority of our statesmen inclined toward the belief that our obligation to France had ended with the downfall of the monarchy. Consequently, a proclamation of neutrality was issued by Congress on April 22, 1 7 9 3 . The National Convention retaliated on May 9, 1 7 9 3 , by authorizing French ships of war and privateers to arrest all neutral vessels carrying articles destined for an enemy port. Many American ships were seized and much American property was destroyed as a result. Another unfortunate move was the signing on November 19, 1 7 9 4 , of Jay's Treaty. France felt that, by this agreement, the United States granted to England rights and privileges that had formerly been given to her. This aroused great indignation among the French, and the number of American vessels captured increased rapidly. The estrangement between the two countries had now assumed dangerous proportions, and war was imminent. In June 1 7 9 7 , in an effort to remedy the situation, President Adams appointed Messrs. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the Executive Directory, with the intention of settling all existing differences between the United States and France. The commission met with failure. The members were first asked indirectly to pay a large bribe to Talleyrand, then French Minister of Foreign Affairs. They refused and returned to the United States, where their report of the matter was made public. In this report, the letters X Y Z were substituted for the names of Talleyrand's agents, and the documents of the case became known as the " X Y Z Papers". W a r was expected at any moment. A n Act of Congress, dated May 28, 1 7 9 8 , authorized American vessels to seize French ships found near the coast of the United States. Another, that of June 1 3 , 1 7 9 8 , suspended commercial intercourse between the two countries. By the Act of July 7, 1 7 9 8 , all Franco-American treaties were declared annulled on the ground that France had violated them. In 1 7 9 9 , President Adams, still desirous of a peaceful settlement, sent over a second commission, composed of

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Messrs. Oliver Ellsworth, W . R. Davie and W . V . Murray. After a series of negotiations, propositions and counter-propositions, a provisional treaty was agreed upon. It was known as the "Convention of October 2, 1 8 0 0 " , and was signed at Morfontaine, the country seat of Joseph Buonaparte. 70 Throughout this affair the Rhode Island newspapers, especially those published in Providence, were vehement in denunciation of their former ally. In the issue of December 23, 1 7 9 7 , the Providence Gazette published an article on French spoliation of American commerce, and at frequent intervals printed copies of all the papers relating to the subject. The United States Chronicle was even more thorough in its reporting. On August 3, 1 7 9 7 , it declared a rupture to be imminent between France and America, and on January 4, 1798, announced that the envoys were planning to leave Paris. The issues that appeared between April 1 9 and July 26, 1798, carried complete transcripts of the " X Y Z Papers", the message which President Adams sent to Congress when he presented to that body the report of the American envoys, a letter from Talleyrand to the commission and their reply. The series of articles ended with this declaration: " W e have now concluded the Answer of the American Envoys to M . Talleyrand's Farrago of Lies and Nonsense; it is also a complete Refutation of all the Charges brought by the French Government, or its Agents, against the United States." 77 This is a far cry from the friendly sentiments toward the French which these newspapers had displayed a few years previous. The same documents were reproduced in the Herald of the United States78 and in part in the Weekly Companion.™ The former also published the Acts of Congress abrogating treaties and suspending commercial relations with France, 80 while the latter printed a measure which forbade the landing of French passengers in the United States and another which disqualified French consuls. 81 When the affair was finally settled by the Convention of October 2, 1800, the Rhode Island papers carried the news, and reported the banquet given by Joseph Buonaparte to the American envoys. 82 The final note of the relationships between France and Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was thus one of amity. While by far the greater number of French historical references naturally appeared in the newspapers of the period, a few, and they were of

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little significance, were published in the almanacs printed in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century. Leed's Almanack for the year 1 7 3 1 , under the heading "Chronology of Things Remarkable 1 7 3 1 " , listed the "Great Massacre of the Protestants in France, 159 years ago". Poor fob's Almanack for 1750 included in its calendar of memorable events several happenings of the intercolonial wars. In West's Almanack for 1763 appeared a table of the "Crowned Heads of Europe" with their capitals, which included "Lewis, the French King . . . PARIS". However, in the years immediately following the treaty of alliance, a greater number of references to France and the French were printed in Rhode Island almanacs. As in the newspapers, the tone had become much more friendly. "Lewis, the French King" was now "Louis XVI, whom God preserve".83 In 1780 Anderson's North American Calendar printed, beside the date February 6, "TREATIES OF ALLIANCE &c with France, 1777 [sic]", and beside August 23, "K. of France born, 1754". These and similar anniversaries were marked for several years. In the 1782 issue of West's North American Calendar the statement "Queen of F. bo. 1755", followed the date November 2, and in 1783 "Daup. of Fr. b. 1 7 8 1 " appeared after October 22. Entries of the same sort were printed in Isaac Bickerstaff's New England Almanack and Bennett Wheeler's North American Calendar. In 1794 Phillips' United States Diary, Thornton's Rhode Island Almanack, Bickerstaff's New England Almanack, and Wheeler's North American Calendar published as the memorable event for the date January 21, "King of Fr. beh. 1793" or "Louis X V I guillotined, 1793". In the winter of 1780, an interesting publication made its appearance at Newport. This was the Calendrier François, printed at the Imprimerie Royale de l'Escadre. It consisted of forty pages, of which the first twentysix formed the calendar proper. Page one was entitled "Articles Principaux du Calendrier Pour l'Année Commune 1 7 8 1 " , and contained chronological tables, an account of the eclipses of the year, and a list of "Festes Mobiles" and "Quatre-Temps" [Ember Days]. The calendar began on the second page, and two pages were devoted to each month. With each date was given the day of the week, the name of its saint, the hours of sunrise and sunset, etc. The second part of the Calendrier is of considerable historical value. From page 26 to 31 were listed the French vessels, the number of their cannon, and the officers who served aboard

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them. Pages 32 to 35 contained a roll of the officers in the land forces of Rochambeau. On page 36 was a brief description of Rhode Island and an enigma. Pages 37 to 39 were devoted to a chronology of events of the war. On page 40 was a list of post roads, entitled "Routes du Continent", the counterpart of a feature usual at the end of American almanacs of the period. The Calendrier François is a publication of historical importance because it was the first French almanac and the first Roman Catholic one to be printed in the United States of America.84 In addition to historical news, a number of miscellaneous articles relating to the French were published in the Rhode Island papers and almanacs of the eighteenth century. Some were items which were evidently used by the editor merely as fillers, but in many instances the subject matter was of scientific or intellectual interest. As was to be expected, there were the usual reports of disasters such as fires and floods, while the field of "yellow journalism" was not neglected; naïve descriptions were printed of odd creatures both human and animal supposed to have been found in France. Other articles concerned such daring young ladies as an adventuress who went to war disguised as a young man, and a bride who stole an innkeeper's silver in return for his hospitality.86 As early as June 26, 1759, the Newport Mercury published suggestions for "recovering Persons who are drowned", translated from a paper by a Dr. Du Moulin in the "Journal Historique sur les matieres du tems" for the month of December 1758. A few years later the Mercury informed its readers that "Mons. Reaumur has wrote a learned treatise on the method of hatching chickens in Egypt." 86 Another article that appeared in an early number of the Mercury was a long and comprehensive description of France. It contained information on her government, population, religion, revenues, educational system, climate, products, manufactures, etc. Included in the details proffered were the following: "The French are a gay, warlike and turbulent People, seldom dejected by Adversity, and intolerably insolent in Prosperity. . . . The French Language is a mixture of Latin and German, and is spoken in most Courts of Europe. . . . There are three States in France, namely, the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Citizens, but it is above a hundred Years since any Diet was held there."87 In 1765, the Mercury

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published a description of Paris taken from a letter written by an Englishman traveling in France. Among his observations were these: It [Paris] is very full of people; its streets are narrow, but extremely well paved and clean; but not having a way peculiar to foot passengers . . . makes it very disagreeable walking; their houses are five and six story high, and all built of free stone. . . . Their public walks are very pleasant, and they have some very fine churches, in which one sees a profusion of painting, statuary and monuments. . . . If you have a mind to see the gayest coaches in Europe, you must come hither, for such gilding, painting and varnish . . . you have never seen; and you would be equally surprised to behold the ladies within them, who are not less painted and varnished than their coaches. . . ,88 Another letter written by this gentlemen was published in the same issue of the Mercury. It described a trip through southern France, Burgundy and Normandy. Regarding the inhabitants of these regions, he wrote: " A s to the country people, as well as many in the towns, they are very poor; more than half of them go barefoot all their lives, the greatest part of the remainder with wooden shoes, and some very few with leather. . . . I assure you that I have not seen poorer people in any part of the world, nor any with more dejected countenances. . . ." These two letters might have furnished a perspicacious Rhode Island reader with a very dear picture of the combination of splendor and misery that was France in the eighteenth century. In the field of medicine, the question of inoculation apparently aroused much interest. The Mercury of August 29, 1763, printed the news that "the French King has issued an Edict, forbidding the Practice of Inoculation for the small-pox in any part of his Dominions." The issue of October 6, 1763, copied an article from a Paris newspaper enumerating the dangers resulting from careless methods of inoculation. A year later further information was added to the effect that "the Faculty of Paris have at last determined the great Question relating to Inoculation, by a Pleurality of 52 voices against 25, in favour of that Practice."89 About the same time an extract from a letter from France told of the discovery of a method for purifying water by the King's chemist, the "Sier L'Host". 90 Medicine from another point of view might be said to be represented in the attention given to the last illness and death of Madame de Pompa-

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dour. From October 24, 1 7 6 3 , to July 23, 1764, nearly every issue of the Mercury supplied bulletins of the progress of her sickness, of her death and burial, and of the disposal of her fortune. The final article included a bit of gossip: "They write from Paris that the King is not so inconsolable as was expected at the death of Madame de Pompadour, owing to, as it is thought, the charms he finds in Madame Murphy, an Irish lady of exquisite beauty." 91 A reference to the Calas and Sirven affairs in 1 7 6 7 testifies to the range of items which were printed. It was concluded with this statement: " T h e unparallelled calamities of those families have at length opened the eyes of the Ministers, and even attracted the attention of the Throne. It is publicly reported . . . that it has been resolved in the King's Council, to allow of a general toleration of religious matters throughout the kingdom." 9 2 Articles of a scientific nature were printed from time to time. They included reports of such matters as the discovery of a new comet by M . Messier of the Paris Observatory,93 or the invention by the Marquis de Montalembert of a method to convert "common chimneys into stoves, so as to heat eight rooms by the same fire, if necessary."94 The Providence Gazette of September 7, 1 7 8 2 , printed an extract from the Courier de 1'Europe describing some findings of M. Marat relative to electricity. In the years 1 7 8 3 and 1784, much space was devoted to the subject of balloon ascensions in France. On November 1 , 1 7 8 3 , the Mercury printed a description of the sending up of a balloon by M. de Montgolfier from the Champ de Mars in Paris, and an explanation of the theory on which the experiment was based. The following issue contained news of the descent of Montgolfier's balloon in a small town twelve miles from Paris and the resultant panic of the inhabitants. The United States Chronicle of March 25, 1784, published the report of a second experiment of M . de Montgolfier. A month later appeared an article translated from the Journal de Paris of December 1 3 and 14, 1783. It concerned a test of an "air balloon" made by Messieurs Charles and Robert, and included an abstract of a discourse delivered by M. Charles at the opening of a course of lectures on Natural Philosophy. 93 In the Mercury of May 8 appeared an account of an experiment by M. Blanchard with a balloon ascension, and the issue of September 4 published a description of his second trip in a "batteau volant". The Providence Gazette of November 27, 1784,

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printed a translation of M. Blanchard" s observations during his third "aerial voyage". An immediate result of the visit of the French fleet to Newport was the appearance in the newspapers of advertisements written in French. The Newport Mercury of November 23, 1780, contained two, one for "du bon Vin-rouge" for sale "au plus juste pris" by Messrs. Shaw and Handy, and the other announcing the loss of a pocketbook "le Jour de la petite guerre sur le bord de mer en avant du grand Camp". In January 1 7 8 1 , Phinéas Solomon Lemonnier advertised the opening of a French and English school and added a paragraph in French addressed to "les Messieurs de l'Armée Françoise et autres qui voudroient apprendre la Langue Angloise." 96 In the same issue was an advertisement in English for the firm of Mason and Malbone, but the last sentence contained a French pun which read: "Tout pour l'argent content [comptant]." The Mercury of May 5, 1 7 8 1 , stated that Messrs. Shaw and Handy had for sale "une quantité de beurre d'Irelande aussi bien que quelques barriques de porc & de farrine". In the issue of June 1 6 was published in French and in English a notice of a meeting of King David's Lodge of Masons, which French members were invited to attend. An echo of this visit of the French to Rhode Island appeared several years later in the Providence Gazette, in a request for information concerning a certain Monsieur de Vemont who had come to America with Rochambeau. His brother in France, having heard that he had married and settled in America, asked for news of or from the said M. de Vemont.97 The mutual interest of France and America during the Revolutionary War was evident in an article published in the Newport Mercury of April 2 1 , 1 7 8 1 , and translated from a French paper. It was entitled: "On the Alliance between France and America", and included remarks on the esteem in which Americans were held in Europe. Speaking of the language difficulties between the two nations, the author declared: "These difficulties diminish every day. There, perhaps, never was a language which has been studied in the same time, by so many persons, as the French language is in America, and it is certain that the language spoken by the Americans, has never been so much studied in France as since the present revolution." Other indications of mutual esteem were the attendance of the Consul General of France and the Count dal Vermé at

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the Commencement of Rhode Island College in 178 3, and the conferring of the honorary degree of Master of Arts on the Sieur Joseph de Letombe, Consul of France resident at Boston, at the Commencement Exercises of September, 1 7 9 1 . " An interesting advertisement appeared in the Providence Gazette on December 20, 1 7 8 3 . It was addressed to all Medical Societies and was signed by St. John de Crevecoeur, Consul of France at New York. He offered to these societies, free of charge, a monthly publication of the royal press at Paris entitled "Journal de Medecine, Chirurgie et Pharmacie Militaire". This was followed on July 1 , 1784, by a notice in the United States Chronicle to the effect that the demand far exceeded the supply, but that he had put the French originals into the hands of a Mr. Browne, a surgeon of New York, to be translated into English. Then came Browne's proposal to publish the Journal by subscription, and the editor's notice that he was empowered to accept subscriptions. The presence of the Santo Domingan exiles in Rhode Island led to the insertion of several advertisements in French. In 1794, notices appeared informing all French citizens of the establishment of a French register, and later calling upon the émigrés to arrange for their return passage to France. 100 On January 19, 1796, the Newport Mercury published a list of unclaimed letters held at the Post Office. The names of half a dozen Frenchmen were included. The fact that the letters were unclaimed may be taken as proof that the refugees had left Rhode Island before that date. Occasionally a worldly note crept into the Newport Mercury that might have been christened "What Milady is Wearing". The issue of June 22, 1782, recommended as fashionable dress for that year a morning robe such as was worn by the Queen at Versailles, and that of July 24, 1784, offered this important information: "Side curls have vanished, and as substitute, the locks are plaited and doubled up. This is called the Medusean system. . . . The zone is abolished, the Persian sash restored; . . . stays are exploded, and dimity boddices take their place, . . . the petticoat shortens daily . . . the hoop continues to jerk up and down continually and promises wonders. Honi soit qui mal y pense." On June 16, 1788, the " N e w Fashion at Paris" decreed "robes à l'Anglaise" and "bonnets à la Turque", and on February 27, 1789, the same authority recommended "le bonnet Turban", and a dress "à la pasanne

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[paysanne] de Cour." The last fashion note of the century was dated December 23, 1800, and advised a "chapeau capote en cresse blanc", and one "orne de velours". A unique instance of French influence was the case of a local bard who chose as his pseudonym the family name of Voltaire. Between December 19, 1785, and November 27, 1786, the name Arouet appeared very frequently in the columns of the Newport Mercury. Articles of local interest bearing his signature, poems chosen from his works, and advertisements for a collection of his poetry were published in great profusion. "Swaran and Cuchullin", his best work, was printed in full in the issue of June 26, 1786. In September, his arrival at Charleston, South Carolina, was announced. The last reference to Arouet was in the issue of November 27. It was the notice of the death, from wounds received in a duel, of Dr. Joseph Brown Ladd of Little Compton, Rhode Island, "the celebrated and highly esteemed author of those productions of Genius which lately appeared under the Signature of Arouet." Other indications of French influence in the Rhode Island press were the frequent use of French phrases, the printing of poems inspired by happenings in France and the publishing of a great number of anecdotes concerning such well-known characters as Henry IV, Richelieu, Louis X I I I and Louis X I V . The almanacs also contained a few anecdotes about the same persons, but, for the most part, there were very few miscellaneous articles dealing with France in these publications. The one item, particular to the almanacs, and rightly so, was the publication of the New French Republican Calendar which went into use on the 22nd of September, 1793. Nathaniel Phillips' United States Diary for 1795, and Bennett Wheeler's North American Calendar for 1797 contained a very complete explanation of the new style of reckoning dates in France. It included the names of the months given in French, with the translation into English, the term of each month, the new division of the month into three decades, and the names of the days derived from the Latin numerals. One of the last references to the French which appeared in the Rhode Island papers was published in the Providence Gazette of May 17, 1800. It was entitled "The Future French Nation—A Prognostic" and was a gloomy prophecy of eventual extinction due to depopulation caused by

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emigration, the guillotine, levies en masse and "impressements" [conscriptions]. 101 These are but some of the many miscellaneous articles relating to the French which were printed in the Rhode Island newspapers of the eighteenth century. While some were inexact and incomplete, they nevertheless indicated an interest in the French on the part of Rhode Island readers and an effort by the editors to satisfy their subscribers. The more naive articles appeared before the Revolution brought Frenchmen to Rhode Island and introduced them as intelligent individuals rather than objects of suspicion and hostility. With the greater understanding between the two nations came a more serious reporting of historical, scientific and intellectual matters. This was particularly evident after 1780, when the French had been transformed from unknown and dangerous quantities into esteemed allies of the people of Rhode Island. Although this understanding was jeopardized for a while, the note of friendship had returned in the final references of the century, after the Convention of October 2, 1800, had eased the tension that had been mounting for nearly a decade.

Chapter Six REFERENCES

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WHILE historical and other news items naturally outnumbered literary articles in Rhode Island papers of the eighteenth century, a number of references to French writers were published, especially in the columns of the Newport Mercury. They were usually extracts translated from the works of well-known authors, criticisms of their ideas, or anecdotes concerning them. The first French writer mentioned in a Rhode Island newspaper was Gabriel Bonnot de Mably. The Newport Mercury of December 20, 1762, printed a quotation in a letter copied from a London paper of October 1762. In it the question of peace between France and Great Britain was discussed, and the author, who distrusted the French, included in his letter these sentences ascribed to Mably: "On ne pourra monter la marine Francoise, qu'en demontant la marine Angloise. . . . A la paix, les puissances belligerantes reprennent haleine comme des athletes, pour se battre encore avec plus d'acharnement." More than twenty years later two other references to this declared enemy of despotism and advocate of popular sovereignty appeared in Rhode Island papers.1 On September 1 1 , 1784, the Providence Gazette published a translation of a letter written by a M. Target of Paris to a friend in New York. It contained this statement: "Of all our works, those of the Abbe de Mabli are best adapted to the situation of the English Colonies become independent States." A footnote added: "The Abbe de Mably is considered as the European who is best acquainted with the true spirit of the ancient government; he is a member of the Academy of Inscriptions".2 In October 1785, the Newport Mercury printed the following item: "Letters from Paris, dated July 10, mention that the celebrated l'Abbe Mably, who lately died in that city, aged near eighty,

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has left several curiosities to Dr. Franklin, and a large collection of valuable books to the College at Philadelphia." 3 Although the distinction of being the first French author mentioned in Rhode Island newspapers belongs to Malby, the honor of receiving the most attention goes to Voltaire; the number of references to his life and works were almost as great as the sum of the references to all other French writers combined. The first appeared in the Newport Mercury of January 24, 1763. It was an "Account of the Death of Mr. John Calas, Merchant at Thoulouse, who was executed there for the supposed Murder of his own Son, taken from the Original Pieces on that Subject by the celebrated Mr. de Voltaire". 4 The second reference was a paragraph telling of Voltaire's intention to visit London.5 Another item, published in 1764, referred to an Englishman who had taken a house in Berlin, where he planned to see "the King of Prussia, the greatest Monarch and Hero, and Voltaire, the greatest Poet". 6 An interesting American appreciation of one of Voltaire's tales was printed in the Mercury of November 19, 1764. It was included in a letter written "near Carrying-Place, Sandusky Lake, October 5, 1 7 6 4 " , and stated: " Y o u know the book we read called 'Candid',—his maxims are very good for a soldier." 7 A less favorable opinion was implied in an article taken from a London paper of September 1766, and entitled, "An authentic Account of the Crime, Behavior, and Execution of Mr. Le Febvre de la Marre [Barre], the young Gentleman who suffered lately at Abbeville." After describing the gross irreverence of the young man and several drunken companions, the author stated the penalty to which he was condemned, "to have his head cut off and his body thrown into a fire, with Voltaire's Dictionnaire Philosophique, which he confessed was a favourite book with him." 8 A definitely adverse judgment was presented in an article, dated London, January 1 2 , 1767, and published in the Mercury of April 6.® A typical example of the English attitude of the time, it was called Strictures on Voltaire, and was written in criticism of his Lettres sur les Anglais. It read: Voltaire is a wonderful compound of a man, half Infidel, half Papist; he seems to have no regard for Christianity, yet compliments Popery at the expense of his understanding; he writes the history of England with a partiality and a malevolence almost as great as Smollott's; and

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pretends to describe the British Constitution, though it is plain, from what he says, that he has not one true idea of the primary institution of it, but taking this nation to be just such another kingdom of slaves as his own country, rails at the revolution, and like all the rest of the Jacobite dunces, prates against the placing of the Prince of Orange on the Throne, and the establishment of the succession in the present Protestant heirs; though most certain it be, that these things were the natural fruit and effect of our incomparable constitution, and are de jure; in short, this zealous and plagiary, this carping superficial critic, (as a good Judge calls him), abuses the English nation in his letters, and denies Shakespeare almost any dramatic excellence, though in his Mahomet he pilfers from Macbeth almost every capital scene: Shakespeare, who furnishes out more elegant, pleasing, and interesting entertainment in his Plays than all the other dramatic Writers, ancient and modern, have been able to do; and, without observing any one unity but that of character, for ever diverts and instructs, by the variety of his incidents, the propriety of his sentiments, the luxuriancy of his fancy, and the purity and strength of his dialogue! The next reference to Voltaire appeared over two years later, in the form of a somewhat improbable anecdote. Voltaire had written a satire on the King of Prussia. An aide-de-camp called upon him while he was at Leipsic and questioned him about the authorship of the poem. When Voltaire admitted having written it, the officer beat him thoroughly and forced him to sign this receipt: Received of his P M , by the hand of the Count de , one hundred bastinadoes, very judiciously applied, for having wrote a satire upon his said Majesty, in full of all demands, witness my hand, VOLTAIRE. 1 0 The year 1770 saw two selections attributed to Voltaire published in Rhode Island newspapers. The first, which appeared in the Newport Mercury of August 20, was a letter to the King of Prussia, quoted from the Whitehall Evening Post of October 7, 1769, in which the writer deplored the break in their relationship and gradually arrived at a discussion of the value of religion. Among his remarks on the subject were these: "Were there no religion, each one would give a loose to his pas-

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sion. . . . Know your interests better. . . . Support, by your edicts, and your example, religion." The concluding paragraph read: You have nothing left to desire in this world, Sire, but the august title of Christian hero. My wishes for your Majesty have a more extensive object than transitory happiness: May you, Sire, give the world the magnanimous example of the sublime virtues of Christianity and publicly disavow, as I do at present, those erroneous principles, and impious opinions, which will otherwise be transmitted with your writings to posterity. These sentiments are not typical; in fact, Voltaire disclaimed authorship of them in a letter which he wrote to Frederick in November, 1769. He stated: "This letter is very silly; I did not, however, write it." 1 1 The second extract published in 1 7 7 0 was the first reference to Voltaire in the Providence Gazette. It was introduced by this sentence: " T o our correspondent who is desirous of knowing the occasion of the present war between the Prussians and the Turks, we must answer as the soldier did Babouc in Voltaire's World as it Goes."12 Then followed the wellknown tale of Babouc's efforts to discover the reason for a disastrous war between the Persians and the Indians. Each person whom he questioned sent him to one of higher rank, until he was finally informed of the insignificant event which was the original cause of the conflict. The article concluded: "Nothing can be a truer picture of the present war." 1 3 Three years later, a similar "conte philosophique", attributed to Voltaire, was printed in the Newport Mercury. It told of another futile and costly war which had developed from a minor disagreement. A gentleman suffering from jaundice had declared that a certain lady had yellow eyebrows, "which so enraged the lady, that she applied for satisfaction to her gallant, who had a sister who was in great favour with a nobleman's butler, which butler reported the affair to the nobleman, his master, who applied to the mistress of the prime minister, and this minister laid the matter before the premier, who explained the whole affair to the King"; a war resulted which lasted for fourteen years and laid waste two countries.14 In the Mercury of December 14, 1772, appeared an "Extract from Voltaire on Universal Tolerance", which began with this sentence: "It does not require any great art, or powers of argument to prove that Chris-

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tians ought to tolerate each other." It was a transcript of Chapter X X I I of the Traité sur la Tolérance,15 The second reference to Voltaire in the Providence Gazette was a typical anecdote of his wit, printed in the issue of November 21, 1778. After describing the eagerness of the Parisians to honor the ancient philosopher whenever he visited the capital, the article continued: Though he was very abstemious in regard to going much to public dinners, yet he entered into several converzations [sic], and here frequently shined away with all the vigour of fancy. . . . Being at one of these parties some time ago, the conversation turned upon the Chronology of the World, when one of the ladies present appealed to him for his opinion.—Why, Madam, (says Voltaire, with great readiness) I believe the world, in some respect, resembles an old coquet—she disguises her age. From 1782 to 1 7 9 1 Voltaire was mentioned more frequently than in any other decade of the century; in fact, his name appeared more often than those of his English contemporaries. On September 28, 1782, the Newport Mercury published a "Literary Article" quoted from a London paper of June 2. It read in part: A literary correspondent on the Continent writes us, that what chiefly engrosses at present the conversation of men of letter abroad . . . is a triplicate edition of the works of Voltaire, now under press at Fort Khel, near Strasburgh. . . . This extraordinary publication has been set on foot by friends of freedom in thinking, of liberality, and toleration in France. . . . This edition will contain all that Voltaire was the author of, and be free from all that spurious trash imposed on the public under his name. . . . West's North American Calendar for the year 1783 contained "An Anecdote of the Reign of Louis, X I V , King of France, Taken from M. de Voltaire's Universal History; which that sublime Author declared to be a Fact that may be relied on". Then followed the story of the Man in the Iron Mask. On August 23, 1783, an article was printed in both the Newport Mercury and the Providence Gazette. It was entitled, "On a very useful Custom established in Holland, from the French of Voltaire". After admiring the manner in which artisans of England immediately imitated

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discoveries made in France, he asked why states could not, in a similar way, adopt laws found useful in other countries. He then discussed the method in vogue in Holland for attempting to settle differences out of court through intermediaries known as "peace-makers", and recommended its adoption by all countries.16 The first mention of Voltaire in the United States Chronicle appeared in 1784. It was merely a passing reference included in an article on Catherine I of Russia, which began: "The mighty Empire of Russia, according to the accurate calculations of Mons. Voltaire, contains 3,303,485 square miles." 17 Another article printed in 1784 was the "Character and Anecdotes of Frederick the Second, the late King of Prussia, by Voltaire". It was very lengthy, beginning with a description of Frederick William, "the most intolerant of all Kings", and progressing to a commentary on Frederick the Second, as Voltaire knew him. The concluding sentence was: "He read Leibnitz, and even Wolf, whom he called a compiler of trash, and devoted himself to the whole circle of sciences at once." 18 The Newport Mercury of November 6, 1784, offered this adverse criticism: "It is said that Voltaire's Works have done more injury to the Christian Religion, than all the Books that have been published for two hundred years last past. The poison of his books is infinitely more dangerous as more exalted and refined." Another item in the Mercury, printed in the issue of August 6, 1785, described an exchange of wit between Voltaire and Maupertuis: Maupertuis (head of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin) having challenged Voltaire, the facetious wit wrote him as follows: Monsieur de Maupertuis Sir I had the honour of your challenge, which I would have gladly accepted, had ycu given me the choice of my own weapons; being ill a bed a syring would have been the most proper instrument; and that from your own humanity, I do expect to receive from your skilful hands. But I must also observe to you, that a pistol ball will kill me, but can have no effect upon you: lead will assimilate with your brain, and therefore we are not upon an equal footing. _ v n

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An account in the Providence Gazette of September 24, 1785, quoted an article from Paris dated June 17, which read: "By an arret of Council, dated the 30th of last Month, the first thirty volumes of Voltaire's works, printed by a foreign literary society, are suppressed, and a fine of one thousand livres ordered to be levied on whoever does not bring his copies and deposit them in the syndic chamber. The arret adds, that the works are suppressed because inimical to good morals, and the authority of the laws." This report was published also in the Newport Mercury of October 22, 1785. In the issue of November 1 7 , 1788, the Mercury printed an anonymous poem on "The Littleness of Human Wisdom", introduced by a quotation from Voltaire: "Know Man! that God has given thee understanding to guide thy behavior, and not to penetrate into the essence of things which he has created."20 The same poem appeared in the United States Chronicle of November 20, 1788, and the Mercury republished it many years later in the issue of March 19, 1799. The prophetic powers of Voltaire were brought to the attention of Rhode Island readers in an article in the Mercury of December 9, 1789; it contained these statements: The prediction of the present revolution in France was foretold by Voltaire and several other writers in the age of Louis X V . . . . Voltaire's letter to the Marquis de Chauvelin . . . is by far the most positive and clear of any writing on this subject. It is among his works, and dated the 2nd of April, 1764, in these words: "Everything I see tends to sow the seeds of a revolution, which will happen to a certainty, though I shall not have the pleasure to be witness of it.—Frenchmen are late to attain everything, but they will attain it at last. "The world becomes too enlightened for France to remain much longer in darkness; the light will break forth the first opportunity; there will be much commotion; our young men ought to be very happy, for they will see fine things come to pass." 21 In 1789 also, the Mercury presented two long extracts "from a Work intitled 'The Year Two Thousand Four Hundred and Forty' said to be written by M. Voltaire". The first was a description of the education of the future, and the second was a symbolic picture of the Nations of the

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world kneeling at the feet of Humanity and asking pardon for the wounds they had inflicted upon her during twenty centuries. France, England, Holland, and Poland were criticized severely, but the strictest censures were for Spain and Italy because of their religious intolerance.22 Although the author of this work was not Voltaire, but Louis Sébastien Merrier, the attributing of it to the former is significant evidence of the fact that his name was associated with all such "contes philosophiques" in the minds of Rhode Island readers. The United States Chronicle of January 7, 1790, published an article on the Philadelphians, translated from the "last publication of M. de Voltaire, entitled Questions sur l'Encyclopédie, printed in 1 7 7 2 " . About the same time, there appeared in the Newport Mercury a paragraph copied from a New York paper, discussing the influence of men of letters on public opinion, and including this statement: "Voltaire combatted fanaticism and superstition sixty years together; it was he that gave the mortal stroke to the monster which others before him had wounded." 23 A short but interesting reference to Candi de was printed in the Mercury of March 3 1 , 1 7 9 1 . It read: "The Count de Artois is going to pass the Carnival at Venice. Were Voltaire alive, he would certainly make him one of the Royal Supper, where six dethroned Monarchs happened to meet." 24 When Voltaire died in 1778, no formal notice of the fact was allowed in the French press, and there were no references to it in Rhode Island papers. However, in 1 7 9 1 , the philosopher's remains were brought to Paris in a triumphal procession and were interred in the Pantheon. On this occasion several articles appeared in the Providence and Newport papers. An "Epitaph for Voltaire" was printed in the Providence Gazette of April 30, 1 7 9 1 . It was copied from a London dispatch of March 3, and was described as "conveying the general sense that all good men entertain of that celebrated character, who was alike admirable for his talents, and detestable for his use of them." It read: Here lie deposited The ashes of V O L T A I R E . This man "In poetry was—much, In politics was—something, In religion was—nothing at all".

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He was chief of a herd of Free-thinkers, Who affected the belief and practice of a certain system of Morality; Which they had the hardihood to maintain as superior to revealed religion. But VOLTAIRE, to his own disgrace, And to the mortification of his followers, Did in his own person give the LIE To their visionary hypothesis, For, Under the influence of this new-fangled Creed, He, like many others of the Confraternity, Became notorious, For the want of HONOUR, The want of V E R A C I T Y , And the want of common H O N E S T Y . Reader, when thou reflectest That among the highest orders of mankind, The only restraint on POWERFUL T Y R A N N Y , W I L D DESIRE, M A D AMBITION, and OPPRESSIVE A V A R I C E , is RELIGION, And that among the subordinate ranks of thy fellowcreatures, The same PRINCIPLE Is their great support and consolation under every species of adversity, Thou wilt perceive, That the man who endeavours to invalidate its authority, And diminish its influence, Is an enemy to the WELL-BEING and H A R M O N Y OF SOCIETY. Several months later the Gazette published an account of the reception of Voltaire's remains at Paris on July 10. It included these lines read when the coffin was placed on the site of the Bastille: "Receive, Voltaire, the honours which thy country renders thee, in this place where despotism held thee in chains." 25 On the same date, the Newport Mercury published "The Creed of Voltaire, as printed and distributed at Paris,

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on the Ceremony of the late Translation of his Remains to the Church of St. Genevieve. This is his profession of Faith, on which he founded his hope in 1763, when he was building his Church at Fernay." Then followed the Creed, in which was expressed Voltaire's belief in a single God, the common Father of mankind, and his hatred of intolerance and persecution: I believe in only one God, whom I love—I believe that he enlightens every soul at its coming into the world, as is said by St. John. By this, I understand every soul that seeks him in sincerity. I believe in only one God, because there can be but one only soul of the Great whole. I believe in God, the Almighty Father, because he is the common Father of Nature, of all men, who are equally his Children. I believe that he has created all men equally, has given to them all the same principles of morality, and made no distinction among his children, but that of vice and virtue. I believe that a just and beneficent Chinese is more precious in his sight than a wrangling and arrogant Doctor of the Sorbonne. I believe that, God being our common Father, we are bound to look on all men as our brethren. I believe that the persecutor is abominable, and that he holds the next place to the poisoner and the parricide. I believe that disputes about religion are at once the most ridiculous farce, and the most dreadful scourge of the earth, next to war, pestilence, and famine. I believe that Ecclesiasticks ought to be paid, and well paid, as servants of the publick, preceptors of morals, and keepers of the registers of the living and the dead; but that neither the riches of Farmer's General, nor the rank of Princes, ought to be given them; because both the one and the other corrupt the soul, and because nothing is more revolting than to see men so rich, and so proud, causing humility and the love of poverty to be preached by persons who have only a hundred crowns a year. I believe that every Priest who does the duty of a Parish ought to be married, not only for the sake of having a decent woman to take charge of his domestic affairs, but of making him a better citizen, giving subjects to the State, and having a number of children well brought

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Only one reference was made to Voltaire in the Rhode Island State Gazette. This was on January 25, 1796, and was described as " A Dream, by Voltaire". It read in part: On February 18, 1763 . . . I was translated to Heaven. . . . I was a spectator at the general judgment. . . . I heard a dreadful voice, crying, What good have you done to Mankind? . . . At last I heard the awful sentence of the Supreme Judge of the universe pronounced: "Be it known to the inhabitants of the millions of worlds we have been pleased to create, that we shall never judge them by their opinions, but by their actions-, for such is our justice. . . ." 27 On February 23, 1796, the Newport Mercury published an article entitled: "Mahomet, Cromwell & Confucius, from Voltaire". It was a comparison of the abilities and accomplishments of the three great religious leaders, and concluded: "Wise men will always give Confucious the preference. He affected none of those high sounding titles, employing himself solely to teaching the purest morality. . . . The two former were warriors, making religion the pretext of their ambition."28 This was the final mention of Voltaire in Rhode Island newspapers during the eighteenth century. No other French writer approached him in the number of quotations or references. Of those who were mentioned with a moderate degree of frequency, Raynal, Rousseau, and Montesquieu were about equally well represented, although the allusions to Rousseau and Montesquieu were slightly outnumbered by those to Raynal, the noted historian, who criticized severely the policies of colonizing races. His name first appeared in the Newport Mercury of July 20, 1767. An article, nearly a column in length, was published in that issue under the heading "The Character of Oliver Cromwell, by Abbe Raynal". The second reference to this author was in the Providence Gazette of February 2, 1782. It was an extract from his Revolution of America and included these sentiments: Y e people of North America, let the example of all the nations who have gone before you, and above all that of your mother country, serve you for instruction. Fear the affluence of gold, which brings, with luxury the corruption of manners, the contempt of laws. Fear a too unequal distribution of riches. . . . Secure yourselves against the spirit of Conquest. The tranquillity of an empire diminishes in pro-

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portion to its extension. Have arms for your defence; have none for offence. . . . Above all, watch carefully over the education of your children. . . . Wherever the youth are seen depraved, the nation is on the decline. Let liberty have an immovable foundation in the wisdom of your laws. . . . Establish no legal preference among the different forms of worship, . . . and may your duration, if it be possible, equal the duration of the world! 29 Some months later, the Gazette published both a letter from a Quaker, explaining the origin and principles of his sect to the Abbé Raynal, and the latter's letter of acknowledgment. 30 In October 1784, it was reported that "the celebrated Abbé Raynal, whose writings have been censured by civil and ecclesiastical courts, has obtained leave to return to France." 3 1 A year later, the Newport Mercury furnished the following information: A letter has appeared, written by the Abbe Raynal, upon different branches of administration; it was printed at Avignon, but is so scarce that M. Neckar has only been able to obtain two copies, notwithstanding his great intimacy with the Abbe. 3 2 Only one reference to Raynal appeared in the Newport Herald, in the issue of January 8, 1789. It was a "Description of the Tea Shrub" taken from his Indies.33 An interesting article in the Providence Gazette of October 10, 1789, stated: " T o the Abbe De Raynal, the French owe much of their recovered liberties. The animated pen of this writer created exalted notions in the hearts of the people." The last report on this author was the notice of his death at Paris on the sixth of March, 1 7 9 6.3* Rousseau was first mentioned in the Newport Mercury of November 2 1 , 1 7 6 3 , in this short news item: " W e hear from Neufchardt, in France, that the celebrated Rousseau lies at the point of death." A second reference to him appeared five years later in the Newport Mercury and in the Providence Gazette. It read: They write from Paris, that the celebrated John James Rousseau is at present at the seat of a person of quality, in Auvergne, when he is composing with all his might, a piece upon the manners and genius of the English, and that, besides 1800 livres a year of his own, he has ac-

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tually a pension of 2000 livres per annum conferred on him by his Britannic Majesty.85 No mention was made of the Contrat Social, but an extract from Emile was printed in the Newport Mercury of May 2, 1768. It was entitled " A Speech addressed by a Father to his Daughter—From the French of Rousseau". It began: "You are now, Sophy, grown up to woman's estate and you are not to remain always single." Then followed advice on marriage and the choice of a husband, concluding "We seek not the approbation of the public, your happiness suffices to us." 36 West's North American Calendar for 1784 contained an anecdote of the wit of Marshal Turenne said to have been written by Rousseau, and Bennett Wheeler's North American Calendar for 1790 published "Thoughts on different Subjects by the late J. J. Rousseau". Selected from Book IV of Emile, they were in the form of maxims. There were five in all, of which the following was perhaps the most interesting: One would suppose, from the murmurs of impatient mortals, that God owes them rewards before they merit them; and that he is obliged to pay their virtue beforehand. Let us first be good and then we shall be happy. Do not let us ask the glory before the victory, nor the wages before the work. It is not in the lists, said Plutarch, that the victorious in our sacred games are crowned, but after the contest is over. The last reference to Rousseau in a Rhode Island paper of the eighteenth century was a description of the primeval state of man, "drawn by the pencil of the celebrated Philosopher, M. Rousseau, in his discourse 'sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes'." It began: Wandering about in the woods, naked, or cloathed with the skin of beasts; stupid, staring, without knowlege, or the least desire after it; without observation, without reflection, without language, without society, filling their bellies grossly when hungry, and then lying down to sleep, living on the spontaneous fruits of the earth, without exercising their fine genius in agricultural, or in any arts. . . .3T This was followed by the comment: "According to this celebrated Philosopher, this is the state which a wise and good Providence intended originally for man! . . . Every attempt to alter their condition was a

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manifest sign of depravity and departure from their happy original!" 88 In view of the engrossing interest which the subject of government held for American readers in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, it is rather astonishing to find no more than a half-dozen references to Montesquieu in the newspapers published in Rhode Island during that period. For the most part, they were selections from the Esprit des Lois, and representative of his ideas. The first appeared on February i , 1768, in the Newport Mercury. Described as a quotation from "a very learned author", its source was indicated in a footnote as "Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws, b. 13., chap. 8." The article discussed the necessary proportion to be maintained between the rate of taxation and the value of the commodity to be taxed. In a later issue of the Mercury the sentence, "Slavery is ever preceded by Sleep", was identified as from "Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws, b. 14, c. 1 3 . " 3 9 A third extract from the Spirit of Laws appeared in the Providence Gazette of January 25, 1783, as the concluding paragraph of an article on taxation. It read: There is no great share of probity necessary to support a monarchial or despotic government; the force of laws in one, and the prince's arm in the other, are sufficient to direct and maintain the whole—but in a popular State, one thing more is necessary, namely, VIRTUE. 4 0 Two anecdotes of Montesquieu were reported in Rhode Island papers. The first, published in the Newport Mercury of November 8, 1783, told of the writer's reply when he was asked whether a cruel Christian or a merciful Infidel had the greater right to salvation. He declared that the Turk who lived and died as a Christian ought to do was surer of salvation than a Christian who lived like the "vilest Turk". 4 1 The second anecdote related an instance of Montesquieu's charity. A boatman named Roberts rowed a gentleman who was visiting at Marseilles. Upon reaching his destination, the passenger, who had learned that Roberts was working to earn a sum sufficient to ransom his father held captive in Tetuan, left behind him his purse containing enough money for the ransom. Efforts to identify the benefactor were unavailing, but, after the death of Montesquieu, evidence was found among his papers which proved him to have been the charitable stranger. (He had been in the habit of visiting his sister, Madame D'Hericourt, at Marseilles.) 42 The last reference to this author appeared in the Newport Herald of December 25, 1788. It was an article entitled "On Liberty, translated

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from the French of Montesquieu", and began: "There is no word which admits of more various significations, and has made more different impressions on the human mind than that of Liberty." After a discussion of the various interpretations of the word, came this statement: "Political liberty is to be found only in moderate governments. . . . It is there only, when there is no abuse of power." 43 In addition to those already mentioned, there were occasional references to other well-known French writers. Between 1787 and 1789, the Newport Mercury published several articles relating to the works of Chastellux, the author of the Traité de la Félicité Publique, who had spent almost a year in Rhode Island with the army of Rochambeau. The first was an extract from his Travels in North America and told of a canny Scotchman: I cannot here avoid relating the manner in which one Bell, a shrewd Scotch book-seller and auctioneer of Philadelphia, paid his bills in travelling through the country. I had given him an Irish copy of Sheridan's "School for Scandal", with the Prologue and Epilogue taken from Dodsley's Annual Register, which he reprinted and sold for a dollar. In travelling through Virginia, I was surprised to see in many of the inns this celebrated comedy.44 The second selection was a portrait of George Washington also taken from the Travels. Like the other Frenchmen who met Washington, Chastellux was an enthusiastic admirer of the great American leader.45 His description included this paragraph: His stature is noble and lofty, he is well made, and exactly proportioned; his physiognomy mild and agreeable, but such as renders it impossible to speak particularly of any of his features, so that in quitting him, you have only the recollection of a fine face.40 The United States Chronicle of August 2, 1787, printed paragraphs from the same work on the characters of Governor Trumbull, General Heath, Samuel Adams and Anthony Benezet. The death of Chastellux was reported in the Mercury of February 27, 1789. The issues of the Mercury of July 9, 1787, and January 28, 1788, contained excerpts from Brissot de Warville's critical examination of Chastellux's Travels. They comprised a refutation of the latter's opinions of Quakers and Negroes. Selections from other works of Brissot appeared

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in the Providence Gazette of February 7, 1789, and in the Newport Herald of April 8, 1790. On February 1 1 , 1792, the Newport Mercury printed some interesting remarks on Rhode Island taken from his Mémoires. Discussing a visit to this region made in 1788, he said: "The prospect of that state is not so agreeable as could be wished. The baneful effects of paper money, and want of public faith, are here depicted in every countenance, and visible to the most superficial observer." On April 26, 1794, the Providence Gazette reported the death on the scaffold of "M. Brissot, well-known and respected in the United States", and quoted several passages from his last work, Reflections in Confinement.41 Only three references to Buffon appeared in Rhode Island papers. In the Newport Mercury of May 2 1 , 1764, the doctrine of the prenatal "marking" of a child was declared to be "exploded in France, since Buffon wrote against it". The United States Chronicle of January 2 1 , 1790, published a "Portrait of our first Progenitor, by the inimitable pen of Buffon". This passage, which describes the moment when man discovered his senses, is significant in that it shows the scientific spirit of the age as applied to psychology and "man in a state of nature". It read in part: Let us suppose . . . a man in the same situation with him who first received existence; a man whose organs were perfectly formed, but who was equally new to himself and to every object that surrounded him. Were he to give a history of his thoughts, and of the manner in which he received impressions, he might give some such information as this.—I remember the moment when my existence commenced. It was a moment replete with joy, with amazement and anxiety. I neither knew what I was, where I was, nor whence I came. I opened my eyes; but what an amazing increase of sensation! . . . I was then roused with a variety of sounds. . . . I made a step forwards; . . . I walked with my face turned towards the heavens, until I struck against a palm-tree, and felt some degree of pain.—Seized with terror, I ventured to lay my hand upon the object, and perceived it to be a being distinct from myself. . . . I resolved then to feel every object I saw, and had a strong desire to touch the sun; but stretching out my hands to embrace the heavens, they met without any intermediate objects. All objects appeared to me equally near, and it was not until after many trials that I learned to use my eye as a guide to my hand. 48

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On June 29, 1 7 9 7 , in an advertisement for an elephant which was to be exhibited in Rhode Island, the Chronicle stated: " T h e Elephant, according to the Account of the celebrated Bufion, is the most respectable Animal in the World." 4 9 While these articles were short, they indicated the unquestioned authority of Buffon in the field of Natural History and testified to the success of his efforts to encourage the study of that subject. In 1 7 8 5 and 1 7 8 6 two accounts were published of the imprisonment of Beaumarchais because of his undiplomatic reactions to criticisms of Le Manage de Figaro made by several members of the Clergy and the Court. 60 His release was reported in the Mercury of July 2, 1785. Six months later this notice appeared, also in the Mercury : On Wednesday, the 14th of September, the French comedians at Paris played the Follies of a Day (Mariage de Figaro) for the 24th time; the plaudits of the audience were loud beyond expression. . . . The mania for this excellent comedy is greater than ever; places are taken for the 95th representation. Beaumarchais has received his patent of nobility, and the title of King's pensioner. 61 Helvetius was mentioned three times in the Newport Herald. On August 9, 1 7 8 7 , a four-column article was published on "the moral education of man". It began: There are few good patriots; few citizens that are always just. Why? because men are not educated to be just; because the present morality, as I have just said, is nothing more than a jumble of gross errors and contradictions; because to be just, a man must have discernment, and they obscure in children the most obvious conception of the natural law. But are children capable of receiving adequate ideas of justice? this I know, that if by the aid of a religious catechism, we can engrave on the memory of a child articles that are frequently the most absurd, we might consequently, by the aid of a moral catechism, there engrave the precepts of an equity, which daily experience would prove to be at once useful and true. From the moment we can distinguish pleasure from pain; from the moment we have done and received an injury, we have acquired some notion of justice.

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This introduction was followed by a series of questions and answers suitable for a moral catechism, of which the following are typical examples: Quest. What is man? Ans. An animal, said to be rational, but certainly sensible, weak, and form'd to propagate his species. Q. What should man do as an animal of sensibility? A. Fly from pain, and pursue pleasure. It is to this constant flight and pursuit that is given the name of self-love. On June 25, 1789, another article treated "of the conditions, without which a religion is destructive to national felicity": An intolerant religion, and one whose worship requires a great expense, is undoubtedly a prejudicial religion. Its intolerance must in process of time depopulate the nation, and the sumptuous worship exhaust its wealth. . . . A religion thus expensive to a state cannot long be the religion of an enlightened and well governed nation. . . . A religion, to be good, therefore should be tolerant and little expensive. . . . What is the truly tolerant religion? That which like the pagan has no dogma, or which may be reduced, like some of the philosophers, to a sound and elevated morality; which will, doubtless, be one day the religion of the universe. It is requisite, moreover, that a religion be gentle and humane. . . . The religion that is joyful, supposes a noble confidence in the goodness of the Supreme Being. . . . It is the malignant who paint a malignant GOD. What is their devotion? A veil for their crimes. A religion departs from its political purpose when the man who is just, humane towards his brethren, and distinguished for his talents and his virtues, is not assured of the favour of heaven. . . . Let religion, far from opposing, increase in man an attachment to things terrestrial; let every citizen be employed in promoting the prosperity, the glory, and power of his country. . . . May the interest of the spiritual and temporal powers be for ever the same; . . . may the voice of heaven be henceforth that of the public good: And may the oracles of GOD, confirm every law that is advantageous to the people! The third quotation, printed in the issue of July 9, 1789, declared that

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the false religion which was least detrimental to the happiness of society was that of the pagans: I am willing to allow moreover that the Pagan religion was the most absurd. It is wrong for a religion to be absurd: . . . this fault however is not of the first magnitude, and if its principles be not entirely opposite to the public good, if its maxims may be made agreeable to the laws, and the general utility, it is even the least detrimental of all others. Such was the Pagan religion. It never opposed the projects of a patriotic legislature. It was without dogmas, and consequently humane and tolerant. . . . According to this religion, what must have been the most cogent interest of the Pagans? That of serving their country by their talents, their courage, their integrity, their generosity, by all their virtues. What advantages must not such a religion . . . procure to a nation! These selections were all taken from Helvetius' De I'Homme and are illustrative of his hedonistic philosophy as applied to education and religion.62 The Newport Mercury was the only paper to quote from Condorcet. The first reference appeared on July 30, 1793, in the form of an extract from his Voltaire: The more men are enlightened, the more they will be free, and the less difficult will be the attainment of freedom. But let us not teach oppressors to form a league against reason; let us conceal from them the necessary and firm union which exists between knowledge and liberty; and let us not too soon inform them that a nation without prejudice must instantly be free. . . . It is the immediate interest of all governments that the people should be humane and enlightened. Let us not teach them that their most distant interest is to leave men in a state of ignorance. . . . To induce them to love Reason, she must always appear in a gentle and peaceful form. . . . If we attack oppressors before we have taught the oppressed, we shall risk the loss of Liberty and the death of Reason. History affords proof of this truth. And what is the kind of liberty enjoyed by those Nations which have recovered it by force of arms, and not by the force of reason? It

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has been temporary freedom, and so disturbed by storms that it remains doubtful whether it were or were not an advantage. . . . Why not profit by this fatal experience, and divinely wait the progress of knowledge, in order to obtain freedom more effectual, more substantial and more peaceful? . . . In order to be more free and to be ever so, we should wait the time when Men, released from their prejudices and guided by Reason, will be worthy of freedom, because they will know what are its true claims.83 The Mercury of March 1 7 , 1795, reported the death in 1794 of "the celebrated Condorcet", and that of April 21 published details of his death during a period of imprisonment. The last sentence read: "During the time he was concealed at Paris, he wrote a history of the progress of the human mind, in two volumes." There were two short references to Freron, the younger, one an anecdote in the Newport Mercury of August 6, 1785. The writer had been summoned before a "Lieutenant de Police" to answer the charge of having insulted an actor. The friends of the player insisted on a formal apology to which Freron would not consent. "Then sir", gravely interrupted the magistrate, "you must deliver up to me your sword"— "With all my heart", returned Freron, coolly divesting himself of it,—"I am at all times more ready to part with my sword than my pen." The other reference to Freron, published in the Providence Gazette of November 29, 1794, was the report of a speech on the liberty of the press which he had delivered in the National Convention on August 26. It read: FRERON—I rise to present the plan of a decree, called for by discussions in the popular societies, and by the wish of all France. Such a decree is the most effectual, indeed the only means of securing the Republic against the oppression of liberty, and the National Representatives. When a great nation has passed through a violent crisis, we ought to retrace the events of which we have been the witnesses or the victims, enquire into, and mark the causes, that we may know how to regulate our future conduct. . . . In the vast chain of events men-

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tioned under the general name of the French revolution, we may reckon four distinct revolutions, of different causes, characters, and consequences, and all apparently necessary to complete the institution, or the experience and wisdom of a great Republic. After outlining the revolutions which successively annihilated the aristocracy, established the Republic, suppressed federalism, and destroyed Robespierre, he continued: But to run this new career with honour, we ought, before we enter upon it, to call to our aid all the knowledge of France. You will understand that I mean the liberty of the press. How unfortunate it is, that after five years of a revolution, begun by the light which the liberty of the press had flashed even in the eyes of despots; if, after having enjoyed for four years the most indefinite liberty of thinking, speaking, writing and printing; if, after having inscribed this liberty in the declaration of the rights of man as the most sacred of all rights, . . . we now find ourselves obliged to call for a decree on the liberty of the press! Then followed several eulogistic paragraphs on freedom of the press.54 The name of Volney appeared in the Newport Herald of December 9, 1790, where he was spoken of as a member of the National Assembly. The Newport Mercury of June 23, 1795, published a quotation from page 248 of his Revolutions of Empires. It was an excerpt from the chapter on the origin of religious ideas and discussed the development of the clergy as a privileged group exempt from common duties and obligations. Another item was rather unusual; it was a copy of a letter of introduction written by President Washington and read: The bearer, C. F. Volney, so well known and admired in the literary world, needs no introduction from Geo. Washington, President of the United States.55 A single mention was made of Bayle. This was in the Newport Mercury of October 5, 1772. Referring to the fact that the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes had obliged the author to spend the latter part of his life in exile in Holland, the statement followed that he was the man

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"most distinguished in his time for virtue, abilities and consummate learning". Two translations from the French were published in the Providence Gazette of May 22, 1779. The first was that of Barreaux's famous sonnet which began: "Grand Dieu! tes jugements sont remplis d'équité."86 The second was Régnier's epitaph for himself: Gayly I Iiv'd, as ease and nature taught, And spent my little life without a thought; And am amaz'd thro' what capricious whim Death thought of me, who never thought of him La Fontaine was represented by one fable, The Heron, in the Newport Mercury of November 19, 1792. In addition to the items already cited, there were several references to other French authors published in the Newport Herald during March and December, 1787. The issue of March 1 contained a short anecdote of Fontenelle, and on March 15 appeared the notice of Marmontel's appointment as Secretary to the French Academy. A poem, entitled the Parnassian Loom, was printed in the Herald of December 6, and was described as an "Epistle to the Marquis d'Argens, written by Frederick the Great. . . . Translated from the French". Occasional poems, maxims and phrases were also printed, which were said to have been "taken from the French", but which were not otherwise identified. Reviewing the references to French authors in the Rhode Island newspapers of the eighteenth century, we may draw several general conclusions. With the exception of the anecdotes illustrative of the wit of such men as Voltaire, the articles published were quotations relating to matters of interest to France and America, or sober judgments of the authors and their works. The most numerous concerned Voltaire, about one-third of them being comments or criticisms, and the rest extracts from his "contes", correspondence or miscellaneous works. Two selections, one dealing with the Calas affair and the other discussing universal tolerance, were taken from his Traité sur la Tolérance. There were no references to his poems or tragedies. Montesquieu was represented by four quotations from the Esprit des Lois and two anecdotes, a much smaller showing than might be expected for an author whose writings were so timely and so widely read in other parts of the country.58 In like

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manner, Rousseau's Contrat Social was overlooked. Only three quotations from his works were published, two from Emile and one from the Discours sur 1'Origine de l'Inégalité, and they were not the most representative passages of these texts. Better judgment guided the selection of extracts from Raynal's Revolution of America, Buffon's Histoire Naturelle, Helvétius' De I'Homme, and Volney's Revolutions of Empires. With regard to their subject matter, a review of these articles brings out the fact that Rhode Island readers were aware of the main trends in French thought, and very much interested in the rationalistic method of treating religious, social and political questions. Passages from Voltaire's works, stressing the need of tolerance, and selections from Helvétius' De l'Homme, in which he recommended a non-vindictive type of religion, show that Rhode Island had not abandoned her belief in individual liberty and freedom of worship. The publication of Fréron fils' plea for liberty of the press, of Buffon's article on man's discovery of his senses, and of Condorcet's paragraphs praising reason as the basis of a government for free men, can be considered as a further indication of the existence of a spirit of rationalism and scientific inquiry in Rhode Island. Throughout the entire course of Franco-American relations, political thought has played an important part. Selections from Montesquieu and Raynal represented this phase of French writing in Rhode Island newspapers of the eighteenth century. The article quoted from Raynal's Revolution of America, in which he offers advice to the new republic, is the epitome of the philosophy of the French writers cited. In it the author recommended education for government, justice in the treatment of economic problems, wisdom in the formulation of laws, and tolerance in religious matters. This is the gist of French political philosophy of the period, and its publication in a Rhode Island paper indicates a comprehension of that fact. With the exception of Diderot and D'Alembert, no important French writer of the eighteenth century was neglected, although there was no reference to authors of equal stature in the preceding centuries. This situation compares more than favorably with that of their English contemporaries, the majority of whom received scant attention in Rhode Island papers, particularly during the years when, for political reasons, relationships between England and America were interrupted. The manner of referring to the French authors as "celebrated" or "inimitable",

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with no elaborating or explanatory statements, would seem to indicate that the editors were convinced that nothing more was needed. In other words, Rhode Island readers of the period were acquainted with the principal French writers through translations, and possibly through ability to read the original texts.

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THE extent to which French works were read in the original in eighteenth-century Rhode Island cannot be determined exactly, but there are some facts recorded which give us a fairly accurate picture of the situation, and from which we can draw a few dependable conclusions. The advertisements of French teachers and of booksellers, with the catalogues of library societies and private collections, reveal the resources which were available to those who wished to become acquainted with the French language and literature, although there is no way of learning to what degree these facilities were utilized. It is safe to assume, however, that, early in the eighteenth century, children of well-to-do parents were given instruction in French, and also that, in this period of the educational life of Rhode Island, the teaching of foreign languages was confined to tutoring or classes in private schools. Since almost all that we know about the early teachers of French is what was contained in their advertisements, we can make no definite statements concerning their work in the years previous to the establishment of the Rhode Island newspapers, that is to say, before the middle of the century. Soon after the Newport Mercury was founded, a request was printed for "some Gentleman well acquainted with the French Tongue, to undertake to instruct young Gentlemen therein," 1 but the first advertisement inserted by a teacher of French did not appear until late in 1 7 7 1 . This also was published in the Mercury, and read: Lewis Delile from Hispaniola Informs the Public in General That he teaches the French & Latin Languages well. His method is so good that a Scholar can learn to speak very good French . . . in two months.2 Monsieur Delile's qualifications for the work were noted by Ezra Stiles in an entry in his diary dated November 13, 1 7 7 1 . He wrote: "This day I was visited by Mr. Lewis Delile, a french young gent. aet. 23 born at

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Hispaniola—educated eight years at the Univy in Bourdeaux Old France. . . . He is well acquainted with the belles Lettres.—He proposes teachg French and fencing." 3 We next hear of Monsieur Delile in 1773, through this announcement in the Boston Weekly News Letter of August 5 and 1 2 : Mr. Delile having been invited by several Gentlemen of Providence and Newport, to teach the French Language in those Places during the Months of August, September & October: Informs the Public that he intends going there directly, for that Purpose; as on Account of the present Vacation at Cambridge, and the Season of the Year, he can be absent without Injury to his Pupils. . . . A few days later appeared in the Mercury a report of the arrival at Newport of "Mr. Delile, Professor of the French Language in Boston & Cambridge". He advertised the opening of his school and hoped that he would "merit, by his behavior, an encouragement equal to that he had in Boston for 1 6 months past". This notice was repeated in several subsequent issues of the MercuryThrough the diary of Ezra Stiles we are informed of the identity of one of Monsieur Delile's pupils. In the entry of August 8, 1 7 7 3 , he wrote: "This day Ezra (Jr.) began to learn French with Mr. Delisle." 6 Apparently Monsieur Delile remained in Newport longer than the few months he had originally planned, for, in January 1774, the Mercury printed this lengthy account: A French School is now being opened in this town . . . by Mr. Delile . . . who has for these two years past been Professor of the French language in the province of the Massachusetts. Here the man of letters, the mariner, the merchant, the citizen, the student in law and in physic may learn that agreeable, noble language, in its different branches, relative to their respective business and characters, in its native purity and modern elegance, as Mr. Delile was not only born in France, and educated at a celebrated University, but has devoted himself entirely to the cultivation of arts and sciences, especially of the Belles Lettres. Mr. Delile . . . proposes to deliver, in the latter end of January, a French oration on languages in general . . . and a short time afterwards he will have public exercises in French to be performed by some

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of his pupils; a new thing in this country, useful and entertaining. Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci, that will be always the great object of his ambition. If Mr. Delile could get the complete number of twelve young misses, he would keep a particular school for them. . . . Said Delile composes and translates into French every kind of writing, either of taste or commerce.6 A more laconic offer of services was that of George Richards, which appeared three months later and informed "the Public that he has opened a School . . . where reading, writing, arithmetic, the Latin and French tongues are taught". 7 Another French teacher had begun to advertise in the Boston papers at this time. He was "Francis Vandale of Tours, in the Province of Tournay". 8 In March 1 7 7 4 , the Boston Weekly News Letter published this announcement: A s the French Language when taught agreeable to its native Purity & Elegance, is acquired with that becoming Ease and Gracefulness, as renders it truly Ornamental: Francis Vandale begs Leave to inform the Public, that he professes to be a Compleat Master of it in all its original Beauty and Propriety, entirely free from any false Mixture or bad Pronunciation. . . . Possibly Monsieur Vandale did not receive sufficient encouragement in Boston, for, seven months later, he began to advertise in the Mercury that he planned to teach the French and Italian languages in Newport, and had "no doubt that he shall give satisfaction". 9 On January 23, 1 7 7 5 , after thanking the public for their "handsome encouragement", he stated that he would continue to teach the French language "in the most perfect manner, and proposes to teach, in one month, the grammatical principles of the English language. . . . " 1 0 The first advertisement of a French teacher to appear in a Providence newspaper was published in the Gazette of June 10, 1 7 7 5 . In it an unnamed "young Gentleman from Boston" offered to instruct in "all branches of common education" and also to teach "the Latin and French Languages grammatically, if required." In the issue of October 7, 1 7 7 5 , David Hoell proposed to teach "the French, Latin &c Languages, for six months ensuing." This was undoubtedly David Howell, who had been

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the associate of President Manning at Rhode Island College since 1766. In 1769 he had been appointed Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy; in addition to these subjects, he is said to have taught French, German and Hebrew. 11 After the eleven-month visit of the French fleet and army in Rhode Island, there was a great increase in the number of advertisements of French teachers. In the Newport Mercury of January 15, 1 7 8 1 , appeared Lemonnier's announcement of the opening of a French and English school. The second paragraph, written in French, was addressed to the officers who wished to learn English. Another timely notice was that of George Richards who had already advertised in the Mercury in 1774. In the American Journal of March 3, 1 7 8 1 , after announcing the establishment of a French school in Providence, he stated his conviction "that the Friends of our most happy and glorious Alliance will be fond of an Opportunity to improve in the politest European Language." During the next few years, such advertisements were fairly frequent in the Providence Gazette. Occasionally they were inserted by schools at some distance from the city, but not inaccessible to Rhode Island pupils. On June 29, 1782, there was reported the addition to the school at Plainfield of a "French Instructor who has been well recommended." 12 Three months later, a French school was opened at East Greenwich "by the same Person who lately kept one in Plainfield." 18 Judging by one announcement, the opportunity to learn French was not rejected by the residents of Providence. On November 1 5 , 1783, Pierre Curie had advertised in the Gazette the establishment of a French school. In May of the following year, he informed the public that, "having more Scholars to instruct in the French Language than he could attend to, he has agreed with Mr. Cotton to assist him." 14 Monsieur Curie continued to advertise in 1784 and 1785, his final notices appearing in the fall of 1785. 1 5 In 1784, Monsieur Jastram, the former editor of the Gazette Françoise, announced the opening of a school in Providence, "wherein he teaches the French Language grammatically, after a judicious and easy Method." 16 An interesting article was published in the United States Chronicle of June 2, 1785. Although it was entitled: "De l'Avantage de l'Etude de la Langue Francois [sic]", the body of the article was written in English.

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It enumerated the benefits to be derived from a knowledge of French, the refining influence of the language, its practical value for travel and trade, and included this statement: It is true, indeed, that frequently we have nothing to do with the French language in our common conversation, or even the public discourses we have to make. But then the study of it, if well digested, gives a regular way of thinking, adds a solidity and exactness, with a grace also, which the learned easily perceive. The concluding lines were in French: Henri IV regardoit la bonne éducation de la jeunesse comme le bonheur des royaumes; et disoit souvent ce qui suit: Les hommes sont égaux, ce n'est point la naissance, Mais le seul savoir qui fait leur différence. 17 In October 1 7 8 5 , an advertisement for a French school was printed in the Newport Mercury, the first in four years. A gentleman offered to start a class as soon as he had obtained thirty subscribers. He described himself as "well known by character and acquainted with the French and English Languages." Possibly he had also some acquaintance with the difficulty of collecting fees, for his remarks on his intended class included this sentence: "Those who subscribe for their Children, must engage for three months; and agree that, if their Children should not continue their Quarter out, they will pay the same as if they did." 1 8 Another "Gentleman of the French Nation" proposed to open a school in Newport in 1 7 8 8 . 1 9 Similar advertisements appeared in the Newport Herald and the Newport Mercury in 1789. 2 0 A n unusual and very interesting notice was published in the Providence Gazette of March 28 and April 4, 1789. Addressed " T o the Public", it read: Mr. Croquevielle, a Gentleman of France, . . . who has taught the French Language in this Town for some Time past . . . has it now in Contemplation to remove for Want of Encouragement. Men of Business find the French Language of daily Use, and Men of Leisure find it of daily Amusement; but Ladies in particular find it a Fund of both Use and Amusement. . . . As the Language, then, is so valuable a Language, and as Mr. Croquevielle is so valuable a

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Teacher, it seems a Pity that the present Opportunity for what is so useful and so ornamental to the Youth of both Sexes should be lost. This is therefore to request all those who are desirous to encourage this Gentleman, and to acquire this Language, to signify it to one of the Subscribers within a Week or Ten Days, as afterwards it will be too late. James Manning, President Asher Robbins } Abel Flint > Jonathan Maxcy '

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Providence, March 27, 1789. As the name of Mr. Croquevielle did not appear in later issues of the Gazette, it is to be feared that this appeal was fruitless. The next Frenchman to advertise extensively in Rhode Island papers was William Adancourt, formerly a commissary in Rochambeau's army. His notices appeared with great regularity over a period of four years; the first was published in the Newport Herald of September 10, 1789, and the last in the Newport Mercury of October 29, 1793. After patronizing the Herald for a year,21 he appears to have transferred his advertisements to the MercuryP- During the months between October 1791 and March 1792, nearly every issue of the Mercury carried Monsieur Adancourt's offers to teach French."3 In July 1792, he reported the transfer of his school to "Mr. Roger's Academy"; in September, he added the "Rev. Mr. Smith's School" to the number of places where his classes met; and in December of the same year announced the opening of an evening school.24 His last advertisement appeared in the fall of 1793. 26 Meanwhile the inhabitants of Providence were offered another opportunity to study French. In November 1792, John Lawton gave notice of the opening of a school for French and English, and stated that he had associated with him "a French Gentleman, well qualified for teaching."26 This gentleman may have been Monsieur F. Maurice, who had advertised in all the issues of the United States Chronicle of the month of September 1792 that he intended to teach "Dancing, Music and the French Language" in Providence. The name of Monsieur Bonnemort appeared in several newspapers from 1793 to 1795. He first advertised a French school in the Provi-

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dence Gazette in September 1793, and a year later offered his services as interpreter of French and English. 28 His last announcement was published in the Newport Mercury of July 21 and 28, 1795. It read: As the Importance of the French Language is too evident to need any Comment, consequently but two Remarks are necessary upon the ultimate Advantages arising from the natural and close Connexion of the two Republics moving by the same Cause, and reciprocally enjoying the real advantages of each other. This leads the mind at once to the necessity of being acquainted with the French Language, not only for the Pleasure of Conversing, but also to prevent a Series of unhappy Consequences which obtrude upon the Merchant, who, for Want of the Language, is under the disagreeable Necessity of doing his Business by Proxy. In consequence of which. M. Bonnemot [sic], who has been a Teacher of the French Language Two Years and a Half in the Town and College of Providence, and lately in Boston, . . . offers himself to teach Six young Ladies or Gentlemen, that being the greatest Number he can with Justice attend to. In 1794, Monsieur Marrot, one of the exiles from Santo Domingo, offered to teach French in Providence.29 Advertisements of the same sort were published in 1796 by a Monsieur Sevene, and in 1797 by a Monsieur De la Roche.30 In 1796 an opportunity was presented by the "Master of the Newport Academy" to "a person duly qualified to instruct youth in the French Language," 31 and later in the same year a Mr. Nugent advertised in the Mercury the opening of a French school.32 Two names appeared rather frequently during the last five years of the century; they were those of Monsieur Arnaud and Monsieur Desforges. Arnaud first advertised, in the Herald of the United States of June 1 1 and 18, 1796, a school of French to be held in Warren. In the issue of June 25, he added a notice of classes to be held in Bristol also. The next mention of Monsieur Arnaud appeared in the Providence papers later in the same year.33 His announcements continued until the spring of 1797. 3 4 Monsieur Desforges was a refugee from the West Indies, who had first offered lessons in dancing during the years 1793 and 1794. However, in 1798, he began to advertise "lessons in the French Language"

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as well. On October 1 , 1799, the Newport Mercury printed an announcement to the effect that M. Desforges would teach French classes in Newport, but he must have continued to maintain his residence in Providence, for the papers of that city also published his advertisements in November and December of the same year. 36 The final reference to the teaching of French in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was a notice of the opening of an Academy for Young Ladies by a Mrs. Hurley of London. It listed the subjects offered, which included French, under the supervision of the Reverend Mr. Hurley. 37 From all these advertisements we may draw some conclusions relative to the teaching of French in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century. While its position as a polite and necessary language was already established before the Revolutionary War, its popularity increased rapidly during that period and for a decade following the end of the war, but declined to some extent during the last years of the century when relations between France and the United States had become less harmonious. A s to the schools, they were apparently of two types: those in which French alone was taught, and those in which instruction was offered in other subjects as well. Classes were conducted for adults and for children, and there was evidently no discrimination because of the sex of the pupils. In the realm of higher education, Rhode Island College was the sole representative in the state. The records of this institution list no professors or tutors in French during the eighteenth century; consequently conclusions as to the teaching of modern languages in the College must be based on circumstantial evidence only. While the Department of Modern Languages of Brown University was not established until 1843, there had been one attempt made to secure a Professor of French Language and History as early as 1784. In January of that year, President Manning, who realized the value of instruction in French, had drawn up a memorial to the King of France requesting his aid in procuring a Professor of French and a collection of French books for the College. The address included these paragraphs: Ignorant of the French language, and separated as we were by more than mere distance of countries, we too readily imbibed the prejudices of the English,—prejudices which we have renounced since

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we have had a nearer view of the brave army of France, who actually inhabited this College edifice, since which time our youth seek with avidity whatever can give them information respecting the character, genius, and influence of a people they have such reason to admire. To satisfy this laudable thirst of knowledge, nothing was wanting but to encourage and diffuse the French language, and that not merely as the principal means of rendering an intercourse with our brethren of France more easy and beneficial, but also for spreading far and wide the history of the so celebrated race of kings, statesmen, philosophers, poets, and benefactors of mankind which France has produced. . . . From the scarcity of French books, our youth can at present only draw their information from English writers, and not from the more pure source, the French themselves. Our wish has therefore been to procure a proper collection of the best French authors, and to establish a professorship of the French language and history in the College of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. . . . We presume to solicit your Majesty's assistance; firmly believing that whatever tends to make men wiser, better, and happier will meet with your royal assistance and encouragement.38 This address was forwarded to the Rhode Island delegates in Congress, who in turn sent it to Thomas Jefferson at Paris. In his opinion, it was inopportune and contrary to the policies of the French King; consequently he did not present the memorial to Louis XVI, and Rhode Island College established no professorship of French during the eighteenth century.39 However, although there was no regularly organized instruction in French in the College, we do know that opportunities for learning the language were not denied to the students. It is very probable that the same system prevailed here as in the other American colleges of the period. For example, on September i, 1733, Harvard College gave permission to Louis Langloiserie to teach "the French Tongue to such Undergraduates as are desirous to attend his Instructions outside of Ye College Studying Hours or Exercises."40 No doubt, David Howell, the associate of President Manning, whose advertisement for French lessons appeared in the Providence Gazette of October 7, 1775, had re-

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ceived similar permission, although no record was made of the fact. Moreover, since the President and Tutors of Rhode Island College were the subscribers to the appeal published in the Gazette of March 28, 1789, requesting "encouragement" for M. Croquevielle, it is logical to assume that that gentleman was connected with the College in some capacity. Finally, the advertisement of M. Bonnemort in the Newport Mercury of July 1795 states that he had taught "Two Years and a Half in the Town and College of Providence." This would seem to be indisputable evidence that tutoring of the students was carried on with the consent and encouragement of the President and his associates. More evidence is found in the records of the life of Theodore Foster, a graduate of the College in the class of 1770. From 1790 to 1803, he was a Senator from Rhode Island, and resided in Philadelphia as long as that city was the capital of the United States. During the year 1796, he lived with a French family, for the purpose, as he said, "of making a greater proficiency in the French language" which he had studied in college and by himself. Doubtless, it was his ability in this connection which led to his appointment in December 1800 to a committee "to prepare a translation of so much of the journal of the late envoys . . . of the United States to the French Republic, as is communicated in the French language." 41 Solomon Drowne, a member of the class of 1773, made several notations in his Day Book which indicate that he also studied French while in college. Entries during 1770 stated that he entered Rhode Island College on July 2, began Horace, Longinus and Lucian in October, and French in December. On January 2, 1 7 7 1 , he wrote: "This day after Vacancy persue our Studies in Horace, Lucian and Telemachus," and on March 1 1 , he added: " I am also at the 3d Chapter of the French Telemachus." In the early years of the nineteenth century, when Drowne was a member of the faculty of Brown University, he occasionally included in the notes for his classes references to French authors and quotations from French medical and scientific works. 42 The Drowne Collection, now in the John Hay Library of Brown University, contains his books, among which are eighteen works in French and six English translations of French authors. The former include such titles as Helvétius' De l'Esprit, Lesage's Gil Blas, Prévost's Manon Lescaut, and a copy of De la Félicité Publique which had this inscription in

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Drowne's handwriting on the flyleaf: "Paris, June 15th, 1785, Solomon Drown's, from the celebrated Author, Gen1 Chatellux." Among the translations are Beccaria On Crime with Voltaire's Commentary,43 Fénelon's Telemacbus, Rousseau's Emile and his Julia (La Nouvelle Héloise). Another indication that French lessons were available to students of Rhode Island College is the fact that several Commencement Orations were delivered in that language. In September 1788, the exercises included an "Oration in French on Letters in General" by George Jackson.44 Two years later, Benjamin Hunt Hall delivered a French oration entitled "In Praise of Eloquence",4® and in 1792 David Leonard gave one on "Air-Balloons" 46 Finally, the Laws of 1783 gave the course of study at Rhode Island College as follows: "The President and Tutors, according to their judgments, shall teach and instruct the several Classes in the learned Languages and in the liberal Arts and Sciences, together with the vernacular Tongue."47 It is probable that the learned languages were Greek and Latin and that the vernacular tongue was English, but it is interesting to note how much was left to the judgment of the President and Tutors. Some of the latter, particularly David Howell, may very well have included French among the subjects they offered. On the other hand, it is certain that no regular course in modern language teaching existed, and that whatever opportunities there were for learning French at Rhode Island College were irregular and impermanent. The second source of information regarding the extent to which French works were read in eighteenth-century Rhode Island is the advertisements of booksellers in the newspapers of the period. Although many of the texts they offered were translations, there were a surprising number of French versions. Such advertisements began to appear very soon after the establishment of the Newport Mercury. On August 14, 1759, the printer James Franklin offered for sale a copy of the Adventures of Gil Blass de Santillane. Five years later, Samuel Hall, the printer at that time, advertised the following works: the Adventures of Gil Bias, the Devil on Two Sticks, Telemacbus, the Life of Lewis XIVth, Voltaire's Works, the Works of "Mons. Scarron", and two titles in French, La Belle Assembly and L'Education des Enfans 48 In the following year, another

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Newport firm, Peckham and Gould, had for sale "the Bishop of Cambray on Pure Love."*9 In 1767 James Manning, then residing at Warren, included a copy of Boyer's French and English Dictionary in a list of books which he wished to sell.B0 In 1767 also, the first bookseller's advertisement was published in the Providence Gazette. On October 24 and 3 1 , the printer offered, "for cash only", a number of works among which were the Devil on Two Sticks, Charles the XHth, and Perault's [sic] Tales. Two new titles appeared in 1768. In the advertisement of William Mumford Jun'r and Company, Marmontel's Tales and the History of the Chevalier Grieux [Prévost], as well as La Belle Assemblee and Boyer's French Dictionary and Grammar, were listed.81 The first work of Montesquieu mentioned was the Spirit of Laws, which was advertised by Mary Cowley of Newport in I772. 6 2 The sojourn of Rochambeau's army and the French fleet in Rhode Island apparently caused an increase in the number of French works imported for sale. A long list appeared in the American Journal in the issues of May 2 and 5, 1 7 8 1 ; books advertised by Bennett Wheeler, the printer, included Rousseau's Emilies [sic] among the English works, and the following French titles: Le Nouveau Testament Nouveau Secretaire Office de Bouche Liste Generate des Postes de France Oeuvres Postumes de la Fontaine La Vie de Jésus Le Voyage de Bethel, &c., &c. An advertisement for books apparently intended to spread the knowledge of French in Rhode Island was that of John Carter, which was published several times during the winter of 1 7 8 3 and 1784. It contained the following works imported from London: A Collection of Familiar Letters French and English, French Grammars, Elements of French Conversation, An Account of French Poetry with Directions for reading French Verse, and the Confessions of J. J. Rosseau [sic], with the Reveries of the Solitary WalkerP Later in 1784, John Carter advertised another assortment of books, among which were:

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Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, revised and augmented, by the Abbé Raynal, 8 vols. Neckar [sic] on the Finances of France Boyer's French and English Dictionary Porny's Familiar Letters, French & English Gil Bias, in French Telemachus, in French Fontaine's Fables, in French Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws Drelincourt on Death64 On October 9 of the same year, Carter again offered for sale the above works with the addition of Voltaire on Toleration and four more French and English dictionaries. The United States Chronicle of May 6, 1784, announced the recent publication at Boston of a French and English Grammar by John Mary, French Instructor at Harvard College. This notice was repeated in 1 7 9 5 in nearly every issue of the Chronicle from September 29 until the end of December. A title that first appeared in the newspapers in 1 7 8 4 was the Advice from a Lady of Quality to her Children, "translated from the French in two small volumes". This was in all probability an English version of Les Derniers Adieux de la Maréchale de xxx à ses enfants, par l'auteur de la conversation avec soi-même [ L . A . de Caraccioli], It was one of the books most frequently advertised in the Providence papers for a period of ten years after it was first mentioned in the Gazette of August 7 and the Chronicle of October 27, 1784. A notice of interest to Rhode Island readers was printed in the Chronicle on June 2 1 , 1 7 8 7 . Subscribers were sought for a two-volume edition of Chastellux's Travels in North America in IJ8O, 1781 and 1782. After stating that the author was a member of the French Academy and had been a major general in the army of Rochambeau, the announcement continued: To the Public This work is too highly celebrated among the inquisitive and ingenious to render a lengthy Account of it necessary. . . . T o be informed of the Soil and Produce of this Country, of the Character, Employment,

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and Manners of its Inhabitants, as observed by a Foreigner of Distinction in a Tour through the United States, is an Object of Importance to every intelligent American. . . , M Another interesting notice was published in the Chronicle on October 1 1 and 18 of the same year. It was a request for the return of more than eight hundred books missing from the State House Library. The list included: La Hontan's Voyages, vol. I Ricaut's History of the Turks Rise and Fall of the Romans by Montesquieu Age of Lewis XIV Cambray on Education56 Cambray's Fables Cambray's Reflections on Learning Rollin's Antient [J/V] History, vol. 9th Rollin's Belles Lettres, vol. 1st Voltaire's Letters Telemachus La Belle Assemhlee, 4 vols.87 In 1788, Jacob Richardson of Newport advertised, among books to be sold at the Post Office, Chastellux's Travels, Fontaine's Fables, and Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws.c8 In November and December of 1788, the Providence Gazette published the proposals of Isaiah Thomas of Worcester to print the Elements of General History by the Abbé Millot.69 In the United States Chronicle of February 26, 1789, M. de Nancrède of Boston announced his intention of publishing a French newspaper to be known as the Courier de Boston. Two months later the Chronicle contained an advertisement of the Circulating Library of Foster, Drown & Co., which offered the following titles: Works of Voltaire Abbé Robin's Travels in America Abbé Raynal's History of the American Revolution Rollin's Ancient History Rollin's Belles Lettres Fontenelle's Plurality of Worlds Advice from a Lady of Quality to her Children

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Rousseau's Emillius and Sophia Gill Blass Voltaire's Man with Forty Crowns'50 Notices of two auctions of books were printed in the Chronicle. The first, on December 2, 1790, was for a sale by Hoppin and Snow and described a set of Voltaire's Works in fourteen volumes, "elegantly bound and gilt". The issue of May 2, 1 7 9 3 , contained a similar notice for a number of titles including Rollin's Ancient History in eight volumes. Proposals for publishing another French newspaper, Le Courier Politique de I'Univers, appeared in the Providence Gazette of December 1 and 8, 1 7 9 2 . The plan was to deliver the papers at Boston and then to send them by post to the rest of N e w England. The first advertisements for a text of Buffon were printed in the Providence Gazette on August 9 and 16, 1794, when Carter and Wilkinson offered for sale his Natural History, Raynal's History of the Indies, Drelincourt on Death, and three volumes of the Gazetteer of France. The announcement of a very interesting publication appeared in the Gazette of October 25, 1 7 9 4 : An excellent book for Children, This day published. . . . The Looking-Glass for the Mind; or Intellectual Mirror. Being an elegant Collection of the most delightful Stories and interesting moral Tales, chiefly translated from that much admir'd Work, L'Ami des Enfans, Printed at Providence, by Carter and Wilkinson. 81 Other advertisements for this book were printed in 1 7 9 5 in the Herald of the United States and in the Providence Gazette.*2 The notices in the Gazette also contained the title of Marmontel's Belisarius. In July 1796, Carter and Wilkinson had for sale the Friend of Youth, translated from the French of M . Berquin. 63 The Carter and Wilkinson edition of the Looking-Glass for the Mind is noteworthy, for it was the only translation of a French text published by a Rhode Island printer during the eighteenth century. There had been one French imprint made in Rhode Island in 1 7 8 1 , but it was not the work of a local printer. It was Chastellux's Voyage de Newport a Philadelphie, published on the sea-press of the French fleet during its visit to Newport. In 1796 and 1 7 9 7 two advertisements mentioned work by Bernardin

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de Saint Pierre. Carter and Wilkinson offered his Voyages of Amasis, in French and English, in October 1796, and his Studies of Nature in August 1797. 64 Another text advertised at this time was Rousseau on Politics (Le Contrat Social), offered for sale by J. Dennison in the Newport Mercury of August 15. A few new titles appeared in the United States Chronicle on November 27, 1798. A list of books to be auctioned by J. Whitman, Jun. and Co., included the Works of M. d'Fontinelle [sic], the Philosophical Dictionary, and Brissot on Commerce. In 1799 Joseph Todd of Providence advertised several French translations. His announcement in the Providence Journal of July 31 included the title Galatea, "a pastoral Romance imitated from the Spanish of Cervantes, by M. de Florian,—translated into English". In October, Todd offered Travels in Spain by Bourgoanne, the History of Paraguay by Charlevoix, and Essays Civil, Moral, Literary and Political by the Marquis d'Argenson.66 His last notice appeared in December and contained two more titles : the History of Jacobinism by the Abbe Barruel,66 and a Journal of the Occurrences in the Tower of the Temple during the Confinement of Louis XVI by M. Clery, the King's valet de chambre.67 A few bookseller's advertisements were published during 1800. In April Bennett Wheeler had for sale Bourgoanne's Travels in Syria and Egypt, the Abbé Millot's Ancient History, Warville's Travels, D'Argenson's Essays, the Looking-Glass, and the Devil on Sticks.68 On June 1 2 Henry Cushing advertised in the United States Chronicle a copy of Volney's Ruins. The last announcement of French texts for sale in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was published in September 1800. It was for the Adventures of Telemachus, the son of Ulysses in French and English, and a History of the Destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty by J. Mallet du Pan.69 Through these advertisements, we see that the French books purchasable in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century formed a representative collection of the writings of the most distinguished authors of the period. In the first years after the establishment of the newspapers, the texts offered for sale were chiefly tales and romances, including such titles as Lesage's Gil Bias and The Devil on Sticks, Perrault's Tales, Marmontel's Tales, and Prévost's History of the Chevalier des Grieux (Manon Lescaut). Fénelon's Telemachus was advertised frequently,

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from as early as 1764 in the Newport Mercury to as late as 1800 in the United States Chronicle. Among the other religious and pedagogical works of Fénelon which were available were his discourse on Pure Love, his Fables, and his Reflections on Learning. Voltaire was represented principally by his histories, although the Lettres Philosophiques and the Traité sur la Tolérance were also advertised. On three occasions his Works were mentioned, but, as the number of volumes was not usually stated, it is impossible to decide how complete the collection was. No dramatic works of any kind were offered, and no poetry, with the exception of La Fontaine's Fables. Scientific texts for sale included Fontenelle's Plurality of Worlds, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre's Studies of Nature, and Bufïon's Natural History. During the last two decades of the century the trend was toward the historical and the philosophical. This was the period when the rationalism of Voltaire, the political philosophies of Montesquieu and Rousseau, the naturalism of the latter, as well as the historical studies of other French writers, held a special interest for Rhode Island readers. Among the works available were Montesquieu's Rise and Fall of the Romans and his Spirit of Laws, Rousseau's Confessions, Emile, Reveries of a Solitary Walker and the Social Contract, Raynal's Indies and his Revolution of America, Millot's Elements of History, Volney's Ruins and Rollin's Ancient History. If we compare the texts advertised with the references and quotations printed in Rhode Island newspapers, we find that many of the same authors were represented, particularly Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Mably, Bufïon and Raynal. Works by Lesage, Prévost, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Rollin, Millot and Volney were also for sale. In addition to the eighteenth-century philosophers, some of their precursors were included in the advertisements who were not quoted in the columns of the papers, notably Fénelon, Bayle and Fontenelle. As a rule, the quality of the French books advertised in these papers was superior to that of the English texts offered for sale. The latter were usually moral essays, sermons, hymnals, or schoolbooks. During the last fifteen years of the century, however, a definite improvement was noticeable. On April 22, 1788, Jacob Richardson included in his advertisement in the Newport Mercury works by Bacon, Blackstone, Richardson, Sterne, and Shakespeare. In 1 7 9 1 he began to offer copies of Ed-

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mund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, and of the two volumes written in criticism of this work: Thomas Paine's Rights of Man and Joseph Priestley's Letters to Edmund Burke. Regarding the availability of French books in Rhode Island, therefore, we may state that there was no lack of opportunity to buy works of variety and merit, although we have no way of learning how extensively they were used. The frequency with which they were mentioned in advertisements might indicate difficulty in selling them rather than the popularity of the works themselves. On the other hand, it seems logical to assume that the demand created the supply, and that the French texts advertised were imported in response to a desire on the part of Rhode Island readers for such works. The third, and probably the most dependable, source of information concerning the extent to which French authors were read in Rhode Island, is the catalogues of libraries and private collections of the period. In the first part of the century, the colony had been in existence for nearly one hundred years, and the more strenuous work of settlement was over. Many of the inhabitants now had sufficient wealth and leisure to devote themselves to social and intellectual improvement. It was at this time that such organizations as the "Philosophical Club" of Newport were founded. About the middle of the century, a Public Library movement developed in the leading America cities, among them Newport and Providence. In 1 7 4 7 the "Philosophical Club" was incorporated as the Redwood Library Company, named in honor of Abraham Redwood, who had contributed the sum of five hundred pounds for the purchase of books. The first catalogue of this society, published in 1764, included the "Books bought in London by John Tomlinson, Esq. with the 500 pds. Sterling given by Abraham Redwood, Esq." The list contained a few French texts and a large number of translations. The selection was excellent. Among the more than fifty such titles were: Voltaire's Letters \_Lettres Philosophiques~\ History of Charles XII History of Lewis XIV Persian Letters and Continuation Reflections on the Grandeur &c of the Romans

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Bruyère's Works Voiture's Works Fontaine's Fables and Tales in French and English Fontenelle's Plurality of Worlds Dialogues of the Dead Telemachus in French and English Cambray's Fables and Dialogues Cambray's Existence of God Cambray on Eloquence Cambray's Characters and Criticisms Moral Essays by Mess. Port Royal [sic] Calmet's Dictionary of the Bible La Hontan's Voyage to North America Memoirs of Philip de Comines Descartes' OperaPhilosophica In addition to these books, the list included dictionaries and grammars and an assortment of miscellaneous translations, for the most part taken from the works of minor French writers. A Library Society was incorporated in Providence in 1753. The first catalogue of this organization is dated 1762; in it are listed such works as: Bayle's Dictionary Montaigne's Essays Voltaire's Letters Age of Lewis the XIVth History of Charles the XII Cambray's Dissertation on Pure Love Telemachus La Hontan's Voyages Spirit of Laws Life of Des Cartes La Belle Assemblèe Le Spectacle de la Nature [Pluche] A second catalogue of this library was published in 1768. In addition to the above titles, it contained: Rise and Fall of the Romans by Montesquieu Hennepin's Voyages

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St. Evremond, 2nd vol. only Cambray's Characters and Criticisms Cambray on Education Cambray on Self Examination Cambray's Reflections on Learning Cambray on the Love of God Cambray on the Existence of God The largest collection of French works in a Rhode Island library of the eighteenth century, however, belonged to the College. In 1768, three years after this institution had been chartered, a library was begun. In 1772 it contained two hundred and fifty titles, including Rollin's Belles Lettres\ this work was a gift from Joseph D. Russell of Newport, one of a number of books which he had contributed in 1 7 7 1 . In 1784, Dr. Caleb Evans, President of the Baptist Academy at Bristol, England, notified President Manning of a donation of one hundred forty-nine volumes which he was sending to the library. Among them were Bayle's Dictionary and Helvetius on Ye Animal Oeconomy. In 1783 the sum of seven hundred pounds had been raised, half through subscription by the Corporation of the College, and half by a gift of John Brown of Providence. With this money, fourteen hundred books were purchased in London in 1784. The list, which is now on file in the Archives of Brown University, includes these titles: Bougainville's Voyages Charlevoix's History of Parraguay [sic] Cambray's Tales and Fables Dialogues of the Dead Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion Les Entriens [J/V] de Feu Mons. De Balzac Observations de 1'Academic Francoise Lettres Chinoises [Marquis d'Argens] Montesquieu's Works Rousseau's Inequality of Mankind La Hontan's Voyages Raynal's History of the Indies Raynal's Revolution of America Maintenon's Letters

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Rollins Ancient History Rollins Arts and Sciences The Brown University Archives contain lists of other donations to the library, one of which indicates that Welcome Arnold contributed Bay le's Historical and Critical Dictionary. The first official catalogue of the Rhode Island College Library was published in 1793. At that time the collection contained, in addition to the works listed above, Descartes' Epistolae, Pascal's Thoughts on Religion and various other translations. There had been added also at least twenty-five works written in French. The most important was a set of the Oeuvres de Molière, but there were many more of interest, including: Boullier's Considerations (French) Courrier des Affaires Publique [sic] De la Legislation [Mably] Doutes de Société [Mably] Droit Publique [sic] [Mably] Entretiens de Phocion% [Mably] Etude de l'Histoire Histoire de la Greece [sic] [Mably] L'Art bien parler Françoise [sic] Les Charact eres Moeurs [sic] (2 sets) Les Illustres Francoises Histoires Les Provinciales Lettres Ecrites par L. de Mantalte70 Maniere de Croire L'Histoire Morale de Hammond Observations sur les Romains Observations sur L'Histoire de France [Mably] Ordonnance de la Marine Reflections Morales [Quesnel] Terence's comedies (in French) Another library was established in Rhode Island late in the eighteenth century. This was the Warren Library Society, incorporated in 1798. The catalogue of its collection, printed in 1799, includes the following titles: Bourgoanne's Travels Brissot's Travels Devil upon Two Sticks

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Helvetius on Man Millot's Elements of History Peter the Great Charles XII Rollin s Ancient History Rollins India Rollin s America Raynald's [sic] East and West Volney's Ruins Volney's Travels Volney's Law of Nature

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Besides the collections of these societies, there were some private libraries in Rhode Island, a few of which contained French titles. Around 1 7 6 3 , Dr. John Bass of Providence owned a copy of Pascal. The list of John Merritt's books, dated July 1 7 , 1 7 7 0 , has been preserved. His was the largest private library recorded at this time and included Bayle's Dictionary, Telemachus, and a Spanish and French Dictionary.71 In the library of the late Judge Elisha R. Potter were found several old French volumes. One was a copy of Les Adventures [sic} de Telemaque, which had been presented in 1 7 6 3 to Powell Helme by Dr. Thomas Moffett of Newport. Another was the New Memoirs of the Marquis d'Argens, once the possession of Lieutenant Governor William Robinson. 72 The catalogues of libraries are perhaps more valuable than the advertisements, since the latter do not indicate in any way the extent to which Rhode Islanders accepted their opportunities to study the French language or to purchase French works. In the case of the libraries, we know that French texts formed an important part of their collections, and since books were very costly, it is unlikely that they would have been purchased if the members did not intend to read them. The choice of authors and texts resembles closely that found in the booksellers' advertisements. Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Raynal, Bayle and Fontenelie were represented by approximately the same titles and in about the same proportion. There were two writers, however, whose books were listed in library catalogues to a greater degree than they were mentioned in the newspapers. These were Fenelon and Mably. Ten works by the former on educational or religious subjects, and six political and historical texts by the latter were included in the collections of the Newport and Provi-

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dence libraries and testified to the interest which writings of this nature held for Rhode Island readers. An interesting fact in this connection is that, although the quotations printed in eighteenth-century Rhode Island newspapers were taken chiefly from contemporary authors, the libraries owned books by writers of earlier centuries. The first in point of time was Commines, whose Memoirs were included in the list of books purchased for the Redwood Library in 1747. The sixteenth century was represented by Montaigne's Essays and Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion, and the seventeenth by the works of such men as Descartes, Pascal, Voiture, Molière, La Fontaine and La Bruyère. Corneille and Racine are conspicuously absent. Another aspect of French culture in Rhode Island was the presentation of English translations and adaptations of French plays. They were usually advertised under their English titles, however, and it is probable that, unless the source was indicated in the announcement, the audiences were unaware of their French origin. The development of the theatre was slow, and it was not until 1785 that a play of this type was performed in Rhode Island. This was Otway's Cheats of Scapin, taken from Les Fourberies de Scapin by Molière. It was given in April 1785 by nine undergraduates of Rhode Island College, as an afterpiece to a presentation of Young's Revenge. Among the books which had been ordered from London in 1784 was a 1757 edition, three-volume set of Otway's Works. It is still in the John Hay Library of Brown University and contains the evidence of the performance of April 1785, as well as that of a second presentation in 1792. On page 253 of Volume One, across the first page of the Cheats of Scapin, is written this statement: "Acted in the Hall in Providence by the Gentlemen preceding the Printed Characters, as a farce to the 'Revenge' April, 1785 With great Applause." Beside the cast of characters, listed on page 208, are the names of those who played the roles, all members of the classes of 1786, 1787 or 1788. Apparently this comedy was revived a few years later, for, in the text, opposite the first appearance of each character, is inserted the name of a student in the class of 1792, indicating that the performance must have occurred sometime before the Commencement in September of that year.73 The first American adaptation of a French play was David Hum-

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phreys' Widow of Malabar, taken from La Veuve du Malabar by Lemierre. It was presented for the first time in Philadelphia on May 7, 1790. 74 On July 5 of the same year, the Newport Mercury published the Prologue to this play, as spoken by Mr. Hallam, and stated that it was part of a "tragedy imitated from the French of M. Le Mierre". The following week, the Epilogue, as spoken by Mrs. Henry, was printed in the Mercury. In February 1792, the Placide troupe, a group of French actors, made their appearance in New York. They were in Boston during the summer months, and from that city moved to Providence, where they opened in December of the same year.75 No French plays or adaptations appeared on their program at this time, however. In the United States Chronicle of June 1 3 , 1793, Messieurs J. Harper and A. Placide announced the opening of a theatre in Newport on June 15. The troupe spent the summer in that city. They advertised in the Mercury of July 23 a performance of Barnaby Brittle, to be given on the following day. This was a farce adapted from Molière's George Dandin. On August 29, they presented Fielding's The Miser (Molière's L'Avare), and on September 5 Garrick's Miss in Her Teens, taken from Dancourt's La Parisienne. Their second Newport season was from May 1 to August 28, 1794. On May 7, they offered Murphy's The Citizen, adapted from Destouches' La Fausse Agnès, and on August 28, his All in the Wrong, taken from Le Cocu Imaginaire of Molière. They then moved to Providence, where they performed in the newly erected Providence Theatre. Their season in this city lasted from December 30, 1794, to April 1 3 , 1795. 7 8 During this sojourn the anonymous Barnaby Brittle was presented on January 19. 1795 " The next season was from September 2 to November 2, 1795, 7 8 during which time the company acted in both Providence and Newport. On August 27, an announcement was printed in the Providence Gazette and the United States Chronicle that a "New Theatre" would present on September 2 the "Child of Nature by Mrs. Inchbald, from the French of the Marchionness de Sillery". This was an adaptation of Zèli e by Madame de Genlis. On September 29, the Mercury advertised that a performance of Garrick's Miss in Her Teens was to be given on the following night.

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Lyons' The Village Lawyer, adapted from de Brueys' L'Avocat Patelin, was presented in Newport on July 22 and October 6. The October 31 issue of the Providence Gazette contained an interesting notice. A comedy and an afterpiece were to be performed on November 2, and both were French adaptations. The former was Fielding's The Miser, and the latter Mrs. Inchbald's The Midnight Hour, taken from Antoine Dumaniant's La Guerre Ouverte. Harper came again to Rhode Island in the summer of 1796. Among the plays given during this visit of his troupe were Lyons' The Village Lawyer and Mrs. Inchbald's The Midnight Hour.79 On August 16, 1797, Harper presented at Newport Mrs. Inchbald's The Married Man, an adaptation of Destouches' Le Philosophe Marié.60 The last advertisement of a theatrical performance appeared in the Newport Mercury of September 30, 1800. It announced a presentation of Fielding's The Mock Doctor, taken from Molière's Le Médecin Malgré Lui. During the last years of the eighteenth century various musical offerings were advertised by French artists. The first was that of M. Champion. In the Newport Mercury of August 1 3 , 1792, he stated that he had "lately imported from France an extraordinary Hand-Organ, to be heard at Mr. Adancourt's House." A "Grand Concert for the benefit of Mons. St. Armand" was advertised in the Mercury on July 30, 1793. The theatre's offering of August 1 3 included "a favourite French Opera called the Speaking Picture". A second benefit performance, announced in the Mercury of September 10, was to include a French song by Madame Douvillier, and the program of September 30 contained "a favourite French Duet by Mons. & Madame Douvillier". An advertisement for music lessons appeared in the United States Chronicle of September 6, 1792, when M. F. Maurice declared that he intended teaching dancing, music and the French language. Another was published in the Newport Mercury of May 6, 1794. Leaumont, leader of the band in the theatre, gave dancing and music lessons. Offers of Frenchmen to teach dancing appeared frequently in the papers, especially after the Santo Domingan Revolution of 1793. In August 1798 the Providence papers published notices of an exhibition and ball to be held at the Dancing Academy of M. Desforges. The special feature was to be "the Queen of the Rose, a pastoral diver-

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tissement presented annually at Salency, a small village in France."81 The propagation of other forms of French culture in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was not extensive. There was no definite trace of French influence in architecture until the early years of the nineteenth century, when American architects began to turn their attention toward diversifying the house plan.82 In the work of Rhode Island silversmiths, French rococo influence appeared around 1750 in the introduction of the scroll and the shell motif in decoration. In this, however, they were merely following the general trend in their trade and were not consciously imitating the French. The shell motif was used also on the furniture of the period. John Goddard of Newport, one of the two best American cabinetmakers of the time, originated the block-front desks, on which he used the shell for decoration, as well as on his secretaries, highboys and lowboys. French painting was represented in one Rhode Island collection, the "Vernon Pictures". William H. Vernon of Newport had resided in France during the years immediately before and after the French Revolution. When the galleries of the nobles were thrown on the market, he bought a great number of small paintings. They hung on the walls of the Vernon House in Newport until 1835, when they were sold at auction. An old manuscript catalogue gave the titles of the pictures; among those painted by French artists were: Lake of Trasimene by Vernet Flight into Egypt by Bourdon Repose in Egypt by Bourdon A Battle with a Castle on a Hill by Le Brun Diana and Her Maids in the Bath, attributed to Boullongne88 Lot and his Daughters by Boullongne Madonna and Child by Boullongne Two pictures by John Baptist Audry Leda and Jupiter by Mignard84 Judged by the references, quotations and advertisements in the newspapers, French culture in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century was predominantly literary. Some of the articles quoted were of a scientific nature, as were several of the books listed in library catalogues and

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booksellers' announcements, but, for the most part, it was the language and philosophical thought of France which played an important role in the intellectual life of the period. The few traces of French influence found in the lesser arts were doubtless absorbed unwittingly by the craftsmen as part of a general trend in that direction.

Chapter Eight FRENCH

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DURING the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries relationships between France and Rhode Island were rather one-sided, consisting mainly of the historical and cultural influences exerted by the French. This was due in part to the fact that many more travellers journeyed from France to America than in the reverse direction, and in part to the esteem in which the French language and literature were held throughout America toward the end of the eighteenth century. There was, however, one phase of the situation which showed that some influence was exerted by Rhode Island on the French. The impressions received by the visitors who had occasion to observe this state form an interesting and instructive chapter in the history of Franco-American relationships. The first Frenchmen who came to America were explorers and missionaries whose goal was "New France", or Canada. Many of these men wrote of their travels, but, as a rule, they dismissed New England with a page or a paragraph. To them this name usually meant all the British possessions in America between Spanish Florida and French Canada. Whenever they treated New England as a distinct part of these possessions, it was merely as an appendage to Virginia. Moreover, there was no mention of Rhode Island in their narratives. The first known reference to this colony appeared in some letters written by a French Protestant refugee in 1687. They contained answers to questions submitted by Huguenots in France who wished to settle in New England. In his first letter, dated November 25, 1687, the writer told of his intention to visit "Noraganzet" and added this information concerning the region: The Noraganzet Country is four miles from the Sea, and consequently it has more Commerce with the Sea Islands . . . and the Island of Rodislan, which is only ten miles away. This Island, they tell me, is

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well-settled, and with a great Trade, which I known of my own Knowledge. There are at Noraganzet about one hundred Persons (of the Faith) ; M. Carré is their Minister. . . . You must disabuse yourself of the Impression that Advantages are here offered to Refugees. . . . At Noraganzet it [land] must be bought at twenty to twenty-five Pounds Sterling the hundred Acres, so that whoever brings Nothing, finds Nothing. It is very true that Living is exceedingly cheap, and that with a little one can make a good settlement.1 Unfortunately, the second letter, in which the author had included details of a visit to Rhode Island, has been lost.2 Another reference to Rhode Island was discovered in a manuscript in the Paris Archives. It was the journal of a French traveller who visited America in 1765, and was written partly in French and partly in English; the author appeared to use both languages with equal facility. In the entry of July 9, 1765, he made this statement: "Rhode Island was first settled by people Banished from Boston, and was for some years the general asilum for such as sufered from the spirit of persecution that reigned then at Boston."3 There is no evidence, however, that the writer had ever been in Rhode Island. A visit to America in 1775 was described in the Mémoires of General Milfort. Although the greater part of the book treated of his life among the Creeks, he did mention Providence and Newport in this paragraph : Je fus débarquer à la Nouvelle Londres . . . au mois d'avril de la même année [ 1 7 7 5 ] . De cette ville . . . je me rendis à Norège [Norwich], ensuite à la Providence, Nieuport, et delà à Boston. Je n'ai trouvé de remarquable dans ce trajet, qui a une étendue d'environ soixante lieues, que l'antipathie qui règne entre les habitans du Nord et Ceux du Midi.4 Later he repeated this information and added his explanation of the cause of this antipathy: Il y a en effet, entre eux, une jalousie remarquable; et je pense qu'elle a pour principe la religion des Quakers, qui leur défend d'employer des nègres à la culture de leurs terres; ce qui diminue beaucoup l'avantage qu'ils pourroient en retirer. Comme ils sont très-avares, ils ressentent

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une grande jalousie contre ceux de leur nation qui augmentent leurs richesses par le travail des noirs." It is evident that, before the Revolution, mention of Rhode Island by French writers was infrequent and incidental. With the coming of D'Estaing's and De Ternay's fleets, however, the situation was greatly changed. Many of the officers kept diaries or journals in which references to this state were numerous. The first sojourn of a French squadron, in 1778, was so short that there was little time to devote to observation of the region or of its inhabitants. The journals of this period were, for the most part, records of events rather than of impressions. They contained details of the arrival of the French, plans for cooperation with General Sullivan, accounts of the approach of the British fleet and of the pursuit by D'Estaing, as well as descriptions of the storm and of the damage done to the ships. As a rule, they were severely critical of Sullivan's reaction to D'Estaing's departure, although the French admiral did not entirely escape censure. A typical paragraph is the following, taken from a letter written by Lafayette to D'Estaing on August 24, 1778: Je croyois que votre départ déplairoit, je comptais sur la mauvaise humeur, mais je ne m'attendois pas à tout l'effet qu'il a produit. . . . Croirés-vous qu'oubliant et les obligations générales dues à la France, et les services particuliers rendus par la flotte, la pluralité de ces gens-ci laissent revivre des préjugés mal éteints, parlent comme s'ils étaient abandonnés, presque trahis. . . . Les chefs des Américains ont été les premiers à s'élever contre un départ qui frustroit leurs espérances. 6

It was not until the eleven-month stay of Rochambeau's forces at Newport in 1780 and 1781 that a considerable number of Frenchmen had time to observe and comment on the various aspects of life in Rhode Island. Some of them, particularly Rochambeau, confined themselves to recording the facts of the campaign, but at least a dozen of the officers devoted some space to matters of a non-military nature. Their diaries have been preserved and constitute an interesting and valuable record of their impressions. One of the most comprehensive journals was that of Claude Blanchard, the commissary in chief of the French army. It covered practically

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every subject imaginable—food, money, climate, products of the soil— even a picnic at which a three-hundred pound turtle was the pièce de résistance. Blanchard was not favorably impressed by Rhode Island weather. Some of his comments on this subject were: On the 19th [August] . . . the wind blew from the north and we were cold. This sudden change from cold to warmth causes colics. On the 7th [October] . . . ice was seen for the first time. . . . On the 27th, in the morning, a thick fog, which dissipated at the moment of an eclipse of the sun. At 1 1 o'clock it was very visible, and between noon and one o'clock it was considerable enough to darken the air. . . . On the first [November], rain, wind and snow. . . . The 25th [December], Christmas-day. Fog in the morning, rain in the evening. . . . On the 27th, the sea began to freeze in the Channel from Providence to Newport. . . .T Blanchard's work as commissary took him frequently to Providence, which city he preferred to Newport, although he considered the latter "small, but handsome". Providence, however, seemed "more lively, more addicted to commerce, more supplies are to be found there." 8 With regard to the people, Blanchard declared: We lived on good terms with the inhabitants. . . . They are affable, well clad, very cleanly, and all tall. The women enjoy the same advantages, have fair skins, and are generally pretty. . . . Americans are slow and do not decide promptly in matters of business. . . . They love money and hard money. . . . The Americans are almost always at the table; and as they have little to occupy them, as they go out little in winter, and spend whole days along side of their fires and their wives, without reading and without doing anything, going so often to the table is a relief and a preventive of ennui. Yet they are not great eaters. They are very choice in cups and vases . . . in glasses, decanters and other matters of this kind. . . . They make use of wall-papers which serve for tapestry. . . . In many of the houses there are carpets also, even upon their stairs. In general, the houses are very pleasant,

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and kept with extreme neatness. . . . Their education is very nearly the same; so that a merchant is often called to their assemblies, where there is no distinction. . . ,9 The author of another very comprehensive journal was Louis JeanBaptiste Sylvestre de Robertnier, lieutenant in the Soissonnais Regiment of Rochambeau's army. His diary is of especial interest, "because of the wealth of material it contains. The original manuscript is now owned by the Rhode Island Historical Society at Providence.10 In addition to information concerning the activities of the French troops during their sojourn in Newport, the narrative includes comments on a variety of subjects. Of Rhode Island and Newport, Robertnier wrote: Lisle de Rhode island peu avoir quinze mille de long sur cinq a six de large; la nature du terrain est très bonne, les champs en culture parfaitement beau. . . . Il y avoit très peu de bois dans lisle, parceque les Anglois lorsquils l'évacuerent les avoit presque tous détruits; selon le raport de quelques habitans dignes de foi, cette isle etoit un séjour enchanté devant la guerre. . . . L'air y est on ne peu pas plus sain, elle etoit en ete un séjour delicieux. . . . La ville de Newport peut passer pour une grande ville, mais elle n'a rien par elle-même de joli; les maisons sont presque toutes bâties en bois . . . d'un architecture simple. . . . Le dedans est d'une propreté a ravir, le dehors est peint de différentes couleurs; tous cela donne une variété dont la vue profite avec plaisir; les meubles des Américains ne sont pas bien considerables, ils n'en ont guerre que pour des usages indispensables.11 According to Robertnier, the American mode of living was "une chose a citer". His remarks on this topic included: Leur boissons [sic] favorite paroit être le thé. C'est ordinairement a 4 ou 5 heurs du soir qu'on le prend; la maîtresse de la maison en fait les honneurs. . . . C'est même une malhonneté de refuser. . . . On prend aussi du caffé très clair. . . . Le matin ils dejeunent avec du caffé, du chocolat et des tranches de pain grillées sur lesquelles ils mettent du beurre; on sert des fromages, des confitures, des cornichons, et quelque fois de la viande frite; il en est a remarqué que les gens les moins aisés prennent toujours du caffé ou du thé le matin; ils ven-

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droient je crois leur derniere chemise s'ils en manqueraient pour pouvoir en acheter. . . . Leur diner consiste en viande bouillie ou rôtie avec les légumes cuites a l'eau. . . . 1 2 As to the inhabitants, Robertnier characterized them in these words: Les Américains sont grands et bien faits, mais la plus part ont l'âir d'avoir grandi ou sortie d'une maladie. Les femmes ont aussi très peu de couleur et paraissent être d'une très foible santé; ce sexe est très précoce: . . . une fille a 20 ans seroit jugée en avoir 30 en france; il faut convenir aussi que nul part je n'ai vu un sang aussi beau. . . . Rien n'est comparable a la finesse et a la blancheur de leur peau; leur taille est charmante et en general on peu dire quelles sont toutes belles. . . . C'est a la dance quil faut les voir; elles acquérent alors des couleurs quelles n'ont pas naturellement, . . . mais elles pèchent d'un coté bien sensible, c'est leur air glacial. . . . Elles montrent très peu de vivacité et d'enjouement lorsque vous estes en leur compagnie . . . et si vous vouler ne pas vous ennuyer, il faut faire les frais de la conversation, l'animer par votre gaité françoise, ou sans cela vous estes perdue. . . . Cependant quand ces belles ont ete assurées sur notre compte . . . l'amitié et l'honneté [sic] ont pris place . . . aux mauvaises impressions que nous avions pris des deux cotés. . . . Nous primes nos quartiers dans la ville au grand contentement des habitans qui nous logèrent très bien; ils se donnèrent la peine de nous instruire dans leur langue, désirant aussi d'apprendre le françois. . . . On peut cependant dire avec raison que le caractère de cette nation est très peu fait pour la société.13 This author was particularly impressed by the Quakers and devoted several paragraphs to an explanation of their doctrine and customs. He said in part: Ce sont des hommes extrêmement graves tant dans leurs habits que dans leur maintiens; ils sont très modérés, parlent peu, et meme très laconiquement, ils tutoient tout le monde, n'otent jamais leur grand . . . chapeau rabatu en entrant ou en sortant d'une chambre. La base de leur religion consiste dans la crainte de Dieu, et l'amour du prochain; il entre dans leur principes de ne prendre aucun intérêt a la guerre. . . . Ils ne veuillent souffrir aucun esclave dans leurs so-

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ciété. . . . Ils sont très charitables entre eux, ils ne veuillent jamais prêter le serment. . . . Le culte qu'ils rendent a l'être suprême paroit être quelque chose de bizarre. . . . Les hommes, femmes et filles ont droit de parler quand ils se sentent inspirés. . . , 14 The "Wicks and Torrys" (Whigs and Tories) interested Robertnier to some extent. He said of them; "Les premiers sont ceux qu'on appelle les bons Américains . . . les autres connus sous le nom de royallistes." 15 His opinion of either party was not high. Robertnier was among the number of Frenchmen who made the acquaintance of George Washington on the occasion of the American general's visit to Newport in March 1 7 8 1 . His comments included the following: Sa figure est belle et modeste, quoique froide elle porte l'impression de la douceur, et de l'affabilité. . . . Il répondit aux honnêtetés qu'on lui fit d'une maniéré a ne laisser rien a désirer; . . . il etoit honnoré et estimé même par ses ennemis, sa justice, sa bienveillance et son courage . . . le faisoit encore plus chérir et respecter par ses inférieurs. . . . Il a sacrifié toute sa fortune a soutenir la liberté Américaine. . . . Il a fait et fait encore l'admiration de toute l'Europe, par le desinteressement qu'il a mis a rendre son pays libre. 16 Robertnier's knowledge of Providence was apparently limited to what he could observe when he passed through the city with the French army in June 1781. His description was brief and not particularly enthusiastic. According to his journal: Providence est une assez jolie ville; les environs sont charmants par les différents coups d'oeil qu'on y découvre. . . . Il y a . . . très peu de commerce; toutes les maisons sont ainsi qu'a Newport bâties en bois; mais les rues n'y sont pas pavées. . . . On y voit rien d'interessant si ce n'est un magnifique hôpital situé très avantageusement.17 The John Hay Library at Brown University possesses the manuscript of another French journal of this period. It was written by Marie-François Joseph Maxime, Baron Cromot Dubourg, who came to America in 1 7 8 1 with the Vicomt de Rochambeau and Admiral de Barras on the Concorde.™ While he resided in Rhode Island, he was an aide on the staff of General Rochambeau. His narrative began with the account of

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his arrival at Boston in March 1 7 8 1 , and described the journey from that city to Newport. Once settled in Rhode Island, he proposed, as he said, "de voir le pays avec un peur plus de soin." 19 True to his word, he observed carefully and described fully the country in which he found himself. His remarks on Rhode Island included such varied details as the following: Ce devoit être un des Pays du Monde-le plus agreable avant la guerre, puisque malgré ses desastres, quelques maisons détruites, et tous ses bois abattus, cette Isle offre encore une habitation charmante. Le Pays est fort coupé c'est a dire tous les terreins des différents propriétaires sont enclos ou des murs de Pierres entassées les unes sur les autres ou de barrieres en bois. . . . On cultive ici une grande quantité de blés de Turquie autrement appellé mays. Il y a comme en Normandie des Vergers considérables et le Pays rapporte à peu près les mêmes fruits qu'en France. . . . Il y a peu de Gibier dans l'isle, quelques Perdrix plus grosses que les nôtres, quelques oiseaux de mer ou de passage, mais il n'y a ni lièvres ni lapins, ni bêtes fauves. Les oiseaux différent un peu des nôtres. Les merles ont une partie des ailes Rouges. Il y a des Especes de Geays qui sont nuancés de différents bleus. . . . Des Cardinaux de la même grosseur que les merles. . . . Les Corbeaux sont d'une Espece plus petite que les nôtres. Il y a des Vaches, des Cochons, des Moutons absolument comme en France. Il y a aussi beaucoup d'oies et de dindons. . . . Les Chevaux y sont généralement assez bons quoique sans avoir autant d'Especes que je l'aurai cru. . . . Ils y sont extrêmement chers. . . . Les Cotes de l'isle sont extrêmement poissonneuses. Il y a beaucoup de Morues, on y trouve quelque fois Esturgeons, une grande quantité de Maquereaux. . . . 20 Like Robertnier, Cromot Dubourg was much impressed by the Quakers at Newport. He described their habits and doctrines in practically the same words that his countryman had used, but added further details in the matter of their behavior at religious gatherings. He wrote: Ils s'assemblent dans une edifice qu'ils appellent leur Temple, et y passent assis deux heures de Suite dans le plus grand silence a moins qu'un d'eux ou plusieurs ne se croyent inspirés par le Saint Esprit. Sous

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lors celui pour qui la grace opère se lève . . . et se laisse aller a son inspiration. . . . Leurs sermons roulent assez ordinairement sur les vanités de ce monde et sur leurs principes de Religion. . . . Il y a quelquefois des assemblées sans sermon, mais d'autres fois aussi la grace opère plus efficacement et il se trouve quantité de prédicateurs. 21

An unusual text, from one point of view, is Chastellux's Voyage de Newport à Philadelphie, Albany &c. This was the only French work published in Rhode Island during the eighteenth century. Twenty-seven copies were printed on the sea-press of De Ternay's fleet while it was temporarily set up in the town of Newport during the winter of 1780 and 1 7 8 1 . The narrative included details of happenings previous to his journey as well as a description of the trip itself. When Chastellux left Newport on November 1 1 , 1780, "il faisoit alors une forte gelée; la neige couvroit la terre, & le vent du nord-ouest étoit très piquant." 22 He spent the first night at Warren and reached Providence on the twelfth. There he visited the hospital, dined with M. Blanchard, took tea at the home of Colonel Bowen, and lodged at Governor Bowen's. On the thirteenth, he lunched with Colonel and Mrs. Peck. He was charmed by their home, of which he wrote; "Ce petit établissement où régnent l'aisance et la simplicité, donnoit l'idée du bonheur doux & paisible, qui paroît s'être réfugié dans le nouveau monde." 23 During his visit to Providence, Chastellux made these observations: La ville de Providence est bâtie au bord d'une riviere. . . . Elle n'a qu'une rue; mais cette rue est très-longue. La fauxbourg qui est assez considérable, est de l'autre côté de la riviere. Cette ville est jolie. Les maisons sont peu spacieuses, mais bien bâties & bien accommodées en dedans. Elle est resserrée entre deux chaînes de montagnes . . . ce qui occasionne une chaleur insupportable pendant l'été; mais elle est exposée au vent de nord-ouest, qui . . . la rend très-froide en hiver. Elle peut contenir deux mille cinq cens habitans. Sa situation est très-avantageuse pour le commerce. . . . Les vaisseaux marchants peuvent charger & décharger leurs denrées dans la ville même, & les vaisseaux de guerre ne peuvent approcher du port. Ce commerce est le même que celui de Rhode-Island & de Boston. Il exporte des bois & des salaisons. Il rapporte du sel & beaucoup de melasses, de sucre &

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d'autres denrées des Indes Occidentales. On envoie aussi à la pêche de la morue & à celle de la baleine. . . . Les habitans de Providence comme ceux de Newport, font aussi le commerce de Guinée. Ils y achètent des esclaves & les portent aux Indes Occidentales, où ils prennent des lettres de change pour la vieille Angleterre, d'où ils tirent des étoffes & autres marchandises.24 These remarks constitute a very correct account of the triangular trade which made fortunes for many Rhode Islanders during the eighteenth century. The ladies of Rhode Island were greatly admired by many of the French officers, especially by the Duke de Lauzun, the Count de Ségur and the Prince de Broglie. The former, in speaking of his departure for Connecticut, stated: Je ne quittai pas Newport sans regrets: je m'y étais fait une société fort agréable. Madame Hunter, veuve de trente-six ans, avait deux filles charmantes, qu'elle avait parfaitement bien élevées; elles vivaient trèsretirées, et ne voyaient presque personne. Le hasard m'avait fait faire connaissance avec elle à mon arrivée à Rhode-Island. Elle m'avait pris en amitié: je fus bientôt regardé comme de la famille. J'y passais ma vie. . . . Je n'ai jamais été amoureux dés mesdemoiselles Hunter; mais si elles étaient mes soeurs, je ne pourrais les aimer mieux, surtout l'aînée, qui est une des plus aimables personnes que j'aie jamais rencontrées.25 In his Mémoires the Count de Ségur mentioned several "handsome women whose talents heightened their personal attractions", and paid a special tribute to one : Like the remainder of my companions, I rendered them the homage to which they were justly entitled; but my longest visits were paid to an old man, very silent, who very seldom bared his thoughts, and never bared his head. His gravity and monosyllabic conversation announced, at first sight, that he was a Quaker. It must be confessed that . . . our first interview would probably have been our last, had I not seen the door of the drawing-room suddenly opened, and a being, which resembled a nymph rather than a woman, enter the apartment. So much

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beauty, so much simplicity, so much elegance and so much modesty were perhaps never before combined in the same person. It was Polly Leiton [Lawton], the daughter of my grave Quaker. . . . Her eyes seemed to reflect as in a mirror, the meekness and purity of her mind, and the goodness of her heart; she received us with an open ingenuity which delighted me, and the use of the familiar word thou, which the rules of her sect prescribed, gave to our new acquaintance the appearance of an old friendship. . . . I was tempted to believe that she was a celestial being. Certain it is that, if I had not then been married and happy, I should, whilst coming to defend the liberty of the Americans, have lost my own at the feet of Polly Leiton.28 While the French army was encamped at Providence in 1782, the officers were lodged in private houses. This situation commended itself to Segur, for, as he stated: This permission afforded me the agreeable opportunity of observing, more in detail, the interior of an American family and their mode of living. I was delighted with the simplicity and frank cordiality of my hosts, and with the purity of their morals. Their politeness was the more pleasing, as it was entirely free from ceremoniousness; they were at the same time well informed, and devoid of all affectation. . . . Wit, with them, was good sense, and reason dictated their language and presided over their actions. In short, it really must be admitted, that truth and happiness, so far from being totally banished from the earth, as certain morose philosophers pretend, are every where to be met with in America.27 Another passage, complimentary to the Americans, followed Segur's account of the ball which Rochambeau tendered to the townspeople during this visit of the French forces. His comments on the general's guests included this paragraph: I do not recollect to have seen any where else an assemblage in which a greater degree of mirth prevailed without confusion, in which there was a greater number of pretty women and married people living happily together, a greater proportion of beauty free from coquetry, a more complete mixture of persons of all classes, whose conduct and manners presented an equal degree of decorum, which obliterated all appearance of unpleasant contrast or distinctions.28

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The third enthusiastic admirer of the ladies of Newport was Claude Victor Marie, Prince de Broglie. He came to the United States in 1782, and joined the French forces in time to pass through Rhode Island with them on the way to Boston. With several companions, he paid a visit to Newport, "that charming place, regretted by the whole army, for that is the way everybody speaks of it." There he made the acquaintance of several young ladies. His account read : That same evening M. Vauban introduced us at the house of Mr. Champlain, well enough known to us for his wealth, but much more known in the army for the lovely face of his daughter. . . . She had beautiful eyes and an agreeable mouth, a lovely face, a fine figure, a pretty foot, and the general effect altogether attractive. She added to all these advantages that of being dressed and coiffée with taste, that is to say in the French fashion, besides which she spoke and understood our language. . . . The Misses Hunter . . . were her rivals in beauty and in reputation. The elder, without being regularly handsome, had what one might call a noble appearance. . . . Her physiognomy was intellectual and refined. . . . Her toilette was quite as finished as that of Mademoiselle Champlain. . . . The younger sister, Nancy Hunter, is not quite so stylish looking, but she is a perfect rosebud. Her character is gay, a smile always upon her countenance, with lovely teeth, a thing seldom met with in America. . . . Vauban promised us something even better for the next day, and he kept his word. . . . He took us to a house where an old gentleman, very serious, very silent, received us. . . . Just then, the door opened, and in came the very goddess of grace and beauty. . . . She was the daughter of a Shaking Quaker. Her name was Polly Lawton. . . . She seemed to be in no respect conscious of her charms. . . . She enchanted all of us, which she discovered, and did not appear dissatisfied at pleasing those that she kindly called her friends. . . . Polly had a sister . . . of a very agreeable appearance, but one had not the time to look at her while her elder sister was present. Miss Brinley, Miss Sylvan and some other ladies to whom I was introduced . . . convinced me that Newport possessed more than one rosebud.29 The Souvenirs of the Chevalier de Villebresme gave the usual details of the campaign and included a description of the hardships which the

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French troops were forced to undergo in the poor quarters which served as their barracks. His journal also contained observations on Rhode Island and its two principal cities. His opinions of many persons and things were not flattering, but he had only unqualified approval for General Washington, of whom he said: J'eus la bonne fortune de voir cet homme célèbre, dont le port, la démarche et la figure étaient bien conformes à l'opinion que je m'étais faite de lui; si on lui avait supposé un physique répondant à ses hautes et grandes capacités, c'eût été celui que la nature lui avait accordé.30 The Abbé Claude C. Robin arrived at Rhode Island in June 1 7 8 1 , as chaplain to the soldiers sent over to reinforce Rochambeau's troops. His journal, consequently, was begun at the time when the French were about to leave the state. He devoted some space to a description of Providence with a few philosophical observations concerning its foundation as a place of refuge from religious persecution. The eating habits of the Americans held quite a little interest for him; he wrote of them: Pulse, Indian corn, and milk are their most common kinds of food; they also use much tea, and this sober infusion constitutes the chief pleasure of their lives. . . . Upon entering a house, the greatest mark of civility and welcome they can show you, is to invite you to drink it with them. . . . The loss of their teeth is also attributed to the too frequent use of tea; the women, who are commonly very handsome, are often, at eighteen or twenty years of age, entirely deprived of this most precious ornament; though, I am of the opinion, this premature decay may be rather the effect of warm bread.31 In 1930, a manuscript was discovered by Warrington Dawson, which proved to be the journal of the Baron Gaspard de Gallatin. It contained the usual account of the arrival, landing, and sojourn of the French troops, and descriptions of Newport and Providence similar to those quoted from other narratives of the period. The memoirs of Count Mathieu Dumas and those of Count William de Deux-Ponts are rich in historical information, but contain few observations on Rhode Island and its inhabitants. The opinions of America and Americans held by the majority of the French officers were favorable, but there was one notable exception. The letters of Count Axel de Fersen indicate that, to him, life at Newport

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was inactive, monotonous and expensive, the inhabitants were avaricious and parsimonious, and the society uninteresting. The only people he mentioned with favor were the members of the Hunter family. In direct contrast to the critical attitude of de Fersen was the enthusiasm of the Baron de Montesquieu, the grandson and the last direct descendant of the famous author. He admired the country, although he felt that the inhabitants were too indolent to cultivate it properly. The life at Newport met with his heartiest approval, and he frequently reiterated his delight at having decided to accompany Rochambeau to America. A typical passage from one of his letters is the following: Quand j'aurois choisi le genre de vie qui me convenoit le plus, je n'aurois pas mieux rencontré. Je monte à cheval une grande partie de la journée; je vois des troupes, des traveaux, en un mot des choses qui m'intéressent; j'apprends de l'anglois tout à mon aise. . . . Je vois des gens qui me plaisent et je ne me suis pas encore repenti un instant d'avoir saisi l'occasion de voir l'Amérique.32 Reviewing these journals and memoirs, we see that very little escaped the attention of these young French officers. For the most part their accounts were enthusiastic and accurate. Many were published after the return of their authors to their native land and did much to spread a knowledge of the United States in France. With the departure of the French fleet and army following their successful cooperation with the American forces, there was naturally a decrease in the amount of attention Rhode Island received in the works of French authors. However, Frenchmen were more aware of this country than they had been before the War of Independence, and a considerable number of travellers and observers visited the United States during the last fifteen years of the eighteenth century. Many of these men included Rhode Island in their itinerary. One of the first of the post-war commentators was M. G. Saint Jean de Crèvecoeur, whose Lettres d'un Cultivateur American were published in Paris in 1782. 33 In the second volume of his Lettres, under the heading "Isle de Rhodes", he discussed the founding of Rhode Island, the products of her soil, the occupations of her inhabitants, her government, etc. His observations included: C'est le pays le plus sain que je connoisse. . . . Les chaleurs de l'été

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y sont régulièrement temperées par les brises de mer & les rigueurs de l'hiver considérablement diminuées par le voisinage de l'Océan. La tête de cette Isle, du côté de la mer, offre un singulier mélange de rochers pittoresques & de petits champs fertiles, de stérilité & d'abondance, de sables & de riches sols. . . . On y peut, pour ainsi dire, cultiver la terre avec une main & pêcher avec l'autre. . . . L'Isle de Kananicut unit à l'excellence de son pâturage . . . la beauté de la situation, & la plus grande salubrité de l'air. Je désirerois pouvoir finir mes jours sur l'une ou l'autre de ces deux Isles. . . . Ici on voit le plus beau sang de l'Amérique; la beauté des filles, l'hospitalité des habitans, la douceur de leur société, la simplicité de leurs amusemens . . . m'y ont fait passer les momens les plus heureux.34 A very pessimistic view of the post-war situation in Rhode Island was held by J. P. Brissot de Warville, who toured America in 1788 in order to investigate the condition of the negroes. He arrived in this state at the most desperate moment of her political life, when the advocates of paper money were in power, and when her relations with Congress were in a critical state. In his New Travels in the United States Brissot described his impressions of the region. He wrote: The silence which reigns in other American towns on Sunday, reigns at Providence even on Monday. Every thing here announces the decline of business. Few vessels are to be seen in the port. They were building, however, two distilleries; as if the manufactories of this poison were not already sufficiently numerous in the United States. Whether it be from prejudice or reality, I seemed to perceive everywhere the silence of death, the effect of paper-money. . . . I seemed to see . . . in every countenance the effects of the contempt which the other States bear to this, and the consciousness of meriting that contempt. . . . I went from Providence to Newport in a packet-boat. . . . This distance is thirty miles. We never lost sight of land; but it offers nothing picturesque or curious. A few houses, some trees, and a sandy soil, are all that appears to the eye. The port of Newport is considered as one of the best in the United States. . . . This place was one of the principal scenes of the last war. . . . Since the peace, everything is changed. The reign of solitude is only

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interrupted by groups of idle men, standing with folded arms at the corners of the streets; houses falling to ruin; miserable shops . . . , grass growing in the public square . . . , rags stuffed in the windows or hung upon hideous women and lean unquiet children. Everything announces misery, the triumph of ill faith, and the influence of a bad government. . . . Read again, my friend, the charming description of this town and this State, by M. de Crèvecoeur. It is not exaggerated. Every American whom I have questioned on this subject, has described to me its ancient splendor, and its natural advantages. . . . The State of Rhode Island will never again see those happy days, till they take from circulation their paper-money, and reform their government. . . . If this reform is not speedily executed, I doubt not but the State will be unpeopled. . . . In the midst of these disorders, you hear nothing of robberies, of murders, or of mendicity; for the American poor does not degrade himself so far as to abjure all ideas of equity and all shame, . . . the Rhode-Islander does not beg, and he does not steal—the ancient American blood still runs in his veins.36 Another traveller of the same period seemed unaware of the drastic situation of the country. This was the Vicomte de Pagès, who mentioned both Newport and Providence in his Nouveau Voyage autour du Monde. Of the former he wrote: "Newport est la capitale de la province. . . . La bonté de son sol, la douceur de son climat l'ont fait appeler le paradis de la Nouvelle-Angleterre." 36 He described Providence as follows: Cette ville est considerable, assez peuplée, bâtie en bois, avec quelques belles maisons en brique; elle est sur l'embouchure de la rivière Patuxit, à la tête d'un golfe. . . . Cette situation la met en état de faire un commerce avantageux de froment, de maïs, de bois, de salaisons pour les îles; on y construit aussi beaucoup de navires. C'est la capitale d'une colonie du même nom dépendante de la province de Rhode-Island.37 The year 1795 found several French travellers in Rhode Island. One was an anonymous "Citoyen adoptif de la Pennsylvanie", who published a work entitled Response aux Principales Questions qui peuvent être faites sur les Etats-Unis de l'Amérique. After giving details of the geography and population, he added;

FRENCH

OPINIONS

of RHODE

ISLAND

135

Le climat de cette isle est serein et agréable. Les femmes y sont si belles, que les voyageurs s'accordent à l'appeler l'Eden de l'Amérique. Ce petit archipel procure à l'Etat l'avantage de six ports, qui sont: Newport, Providence, Wickford, Pataxet, Warren & Bristol. . . . Newport est renommé pour les bougies de Spermaceti. . . . Providence est encore une grand ville. . . . Elle contient environ quatre mille habitans; mais ce qui le distingue sur-tout, ce sont les manufactures de drap, dont elle a un prodigieux débit.88 In 1795 also, the Count de Volney declared: "Were I obliged to select the most favorable spot in America as the place of my abode, my choice would fall upon the southern point of Rhode Island, or the south-west chain in Virginia. . . ," 3 9 The third French visitor to Rhode Island in 1795 was the Duke de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, who toured nearly all parts of the United States, and whose Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amérique was for years the best French work on this country. His observations on Rhode Island included geographical data such as the location and size of the state, its climate, the character of the soil, products, etc. Like Brissot de Warville, he was impressed by the poverty he saw around him, and tried to find an explanation of the situation. Among the reasons he suggested were: Les enfans de treize ans y montrent un tel désir de quitter la maison paternelle, que s'ils y sont gardés malgré eux, ils ne travaillent pas aux terres. . . . Les habitans se livrent de préférence à la navigation. . . . Les productions de la terre n'ont pas dans l'île un débit certain. . . . Le défaut de bois sur pied laisse les terres à découvert aux vents. . . . Les élections pour toutes les places de gouvernement et de la législature se renouvellant tous les six mois, tiennent les habitans, de l'Etat dans des voyages continuels. . . . Enfin, le peuple de l'Etat de Rhode-Island est le plus ignorant de tous les peuples Américains. Cet Etat . . . n'a aucune de ces précieuses institutions d'écoles gratuites qui donnent tant d'avantages aux peuples chez qui elles sont établies. Aussi l'histoire . . . du petit Etat de Rhode-Island, présentet-elle plus de désordres que celui d'aucun autre Etat de l'Union; et ces désordres ayant pour cause première l'ignorance du peuple, sont, comme presque toutes les fautes des peuples, le tort réel des gouvernans.40

136

FRENCH

OPINIONS

of RHODE

ISLAND

La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt's comments on the two foremost cities of Rhode Island emphasize the change that had taken place in their relative importance after the Revolutionary War: Newport . . . est la plus ancienne ville, et celle dont les députés tiennent le premier rang dans l'assemblée, mais elle est de fait trèsinférieure en population et plus encore en commerce à Providence. Avant la guerre de la Revolution il y avait à Newport dix mille habitans, et Providence en comptait seulement mille. Aujourd'hui Newport est réduit à cinq mille, et Providence en a de six à sept mille. La cause de ce changement est la quantité de riches habitans que Newport a perdus par émigration. . . . Les maisons de Newport sont presque toutes petites, vilaines; elles sont de bois, et ne sont pas peintes; en tout cette ville a tous les traits de la décadence. . . . Les environs de Providence sont plus agréables que ceux de Newport, et donnent une plus grande idée de la ville. . . . La ville occupe les deux bords de la rivière. . . . Ses maisons vastes, bien bâties, bien peintes, sont très-multipliées; les rues sont pavées. Cette ville s'étend tous les jours. . . . 41 In addition to these two cities, La Rochefoucauld described briefly the towns of Bristol, Warren, and Barrington, which he said were all "beaucoup mieux bâtis que Newport". He also gave details concerning the region between Providence and Connecticut: Les terres deviennent moins bonnes encore et plus mal cultivées, les maisons plus pauvres et plus rares, à mesure que l'on s'éloigne de Providence. . . . Quelques creeks font tourner quelques moulins à scie, et mouvoir plusieurs forges; mais bois, prairies, maisons, usines, tout a l'air pauvre; cependant dans le cours de la route il y a quelques vues de vallons assez agréables.42 While these selections form only a part of what was written by French observers of Rhode Island, they are representative both of the spirit of their authors and of the general attitude of France toward this state during the eighteenth century. In the main, they contain sentiments that parallel the opinions of Rhode Islanders regarding the French, as reflected in the newspapers of the period: unenthusiastic and even unfriendly before the American Revolution, approbative and amicable dur-

FRENCH

OPINIONS

of RHODE

ISLAND

13 7

ing and immediately following the years of the alliance between France and the United States, but becoming more critical as the century drew to a close. The visit of Rochambeau's forces during the years 1780 and 1781 was an event of the greatest significance. The exemplary conduct of the French and the harmonious relations which developed between them and the inhabitants of Rhode Island led to a mutual comprehension that was never completely destroyed despite occasional moments of tension. At the dawn of the nineteenth century French relationships with Rhode Island were, on the whole, well established on a foundation of understanding and respect.

Chapter Nine CONCLUSION A s we review the years between 1 6 8 6 and 1800, we find that the historical and cultural relationships of France and Rhode Island formed the basis of a firm and lasting friendship. Some Frenchmen—from the Huguenots in 1686 to the San Domingan exiles in 1 7 9 3 — f o u n d a temporary haven in this state, while others, offering rather than seeking aid, made it their home for eleven months during the American Revolution. It was natural and inevitable that Rhode Island should be affected to some extent by the sojourns of these groups. The Huguenots who settled in East Greenwich were men of character and ability, who would undoubtedly have constituted a valuable addition to the colony. Unfortunately, they were the victims of unscrupulous land agents, and, after five unhappy years, they departed from a region where they had found religious freedom, but not personal security. They left behind them a few records, an orchard that has since disappeared, and a name which has persisted—Frenchtown. Of the individual Huguenot immigrants, the most outstanding was Gabriel Bernon, who resided in Rhode Island from 1 6 9 7 until his death in 1 7 3 6 . A man of unusual energy and ambition, Bernon conducted many successful business enterprises and was the prime mover in the establishment of the Episcopal Church in the state. T h e period from 1689 to 1 7 6 5 was marked by a series of four wars between the English and the French. Although the sentiments of Rhode Island were naturally pro-British, immigration of Frenchmen into the colony did not cease during these years. The State Archives contain the petitions of naturalization of Peter Bour, Samuel Deucesne, William Dumoy, Stephen Decatur, and others. While the majority of these naturalized Frenchmen did not remain in Rhode Island, their petitions are evidence that their visits were of some length. During the same period, other Frenchmen established permanent homes in the state; among

CONCLUSION

139

them were Dr. Norbert Wigneron of Newport and Pierre Le Vallé of Warwick. The most colorful groups of Frenchmen to visit Rhode Island were the enthusiastic supporters of the W a r of Independence. Young and charming, eager to please, well-behaved and well-disposed toward everything American, they contributed materially to the extension of international goodwill. From the arrival of the Marquis de Malmédy in December 1 7 7 6 until the final departure of Rochambeau's forces in 1 7 8 2 , there was a steady development of amity and understanding between Rhode Island and the French. The character of the leaders, the discipline of the men, and the charm and gaiety of the officers dealt a crushing blow to prejudices which had been fostered during the colonial period, and launched a friendship that has become traditional. Some of these Frenchmen remained in Rhode Island after the Revolutionary War, among them Pierre Douville, John George Curien, and William Adancourt. A decade later refuges from Santo Domingo found a haven in Newport, Bristol, or Providence. When conditions improved, the majority returned to their homes or moved to the milder climate of South Carolina, but the fact remains that they were able to rely upon Rhode Island when they needed a place of refuge. W e note, however, that there were no permanent French settlements in Rhode Island during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and transient groups exert little or no influence on the social and economic development of a state. On the other hand, there were some intangible results of the visits of the various groups of Frenchmen, such as an increase in mutual understanding and a lessening of suspicion and prejudice. Moreover, there were several individuals whose contributions were not negligible; Gabriel Bernon, in particular, was an important factor in the commercial and religious life of the early eighteenth century. Paralleling these historical relationships, there developed in Rhode Island an intelligent interest in matters relating to France. On this point, the newspapers are our best guides, as, through them, we are able to trace the progress of public opinion from the narrow-minded semi-hostility of the colonial period, through the enthusiasm that reigned during the years of the Franco-American alliance, to the sober interest manifested during the French Revolution and in the early days of the French Republic. Accounts of happenings abroad were frequent in the last quarter of the

140

CONCLUSION

century, as were also miscellaneous articles emanating from the French press. One aspect of the attention of the newspapers to the French was the publication of references to contemporary authors and excerpts from their books. The outstanding eighteenth-century writers were represented by quotations which frequently furnished a key to all their works. Voltaire's hatred of intolerance and his deism were apparent in the selections from his Traité sur la Tolérance and his Creed. References to his letters, histories, tales, and Dictionnaire Philosophique completed the picture of his universality. Other extracts, taken from Montesquieu's Esprit des Lois, from Rousseau's Emile and Discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité, and from Helvétius' De l'Homme, prove that Rhode Island editors were aware of the important philosophical trends in French literature and that they realized that their readers should be kept in touch with such matters. As to the dissemination of French culture, which was chiefly in the field of language and thought, the newspapers are again our most reliable sources of information. Through their advertisements, we learn what forces were at work, for they reveal the extent to which the French language was taught and the availability of French literary works in translation or in the original. The catalogues of libraries supply additional data. The majority of French authors listed in advertisements and catalogues represented the Age of Enlightenment; works on political, economic, and religious subjects predominated and indicated that a spirit of rationalistic inquiry existed in Rhode Island during the last twenty years of the eighteenth century. Articles dealing with religious tolerance, especially, show that such ideas found a fertile soil in the land which Roger Williams had founded as a haven from persecution. Since there was almost no migration from America to Europe during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, less influence was exerted by Rhode Island on the French than the reverse. Moreover, there was, at this time, no well-developed literary or artistic movement in America which might have affected European culture. Consequently, we find that Rhode Island's influence on the French was mainly a matter of personal reaction, of impressions received by travellers and observers, particularly by the young officers who visited the state during the Revolutionary War. In the main, their opinions were favorable and aided in fostering FrancoAmerican goodwill.

CONCLUSION

141

Reviewing the broad outlines of the situation, we may conclude that, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, historical and cultural relationships existed between France and Rhode Island, which, in some respects, were coincidental and mutually dependent, particularly during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The Huguenots who lived in Frenchtown from 1686 to 1691 found the religious tolerance they were seeking, but, unfortunately, were the victims of another type of injustice. The blame for their predicament, however, does not rest solely on Rhode Island. Moreover, other Huguenots, among them Gabriel Bernon, the Tourgees and the Tourtelottes, did find in this state the welcome and security they desired. Again, during the intercolonial wars, Frenchmen, although nominally in disfavor in British colonies, were admitted to citizenship upon renouncing their allegiance to France. These facts indicate an application of the principles of tolerance and equity upon which Roger Williams established the colony. Of the many Frenchmen who came to Rhode Island during the Revolutionary War, some were young aristocrats fired with enthusiasm for a struggling people in whom they saw the incarnation of the doctrines of the "philosophes", while others were motivated by hostility to England; still others were merely carrying out their duties as members of the French army or navy. Whatever the reasons which brought them, their visits encouraged a feeling of friendship which led to a growing interest in French culture on the part of the Rhode Islanders. A study of this development discloses the fact that, after the Franco-American alliance of 1778, there was a noticeable increase in the attention paid in Rhode Island to French political, economic and religious philosophy, and to the attempts to apply this philosophy in the institution of the new French Republic. Although disillusion and disappointment were prevalent during the Reign of Terror, interest in France and the French was maintained. The study of the French language and literature was not abandoned, and, when the nineteenth century opened, a tradition of French culture was well established in Rhode Island.

NOTES CHAPTER ONE 1. Le Père Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, 1744, I, 4. 2. A translation of this letter appears in G. P. Winship, Sailors' Narratives of Voyages along the New England Coast, 1524-1624, 1905, pp. 3-23. 3. Buckingham Smith, An Inquiry into the Authenticity of Documents concerning a Discovery in North America claimed to have been made by Verrazzano, 1864, p. 18. Another presentation of the argument against the authenticity of Verrazzano's claims is found in H. C. Murphy, The Voyage of Verrazzano (New York, 1875). In B. F. DeCosta, Verrazzano, the Explorer (New York, 1880), and in Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America (Boston, 1886), Vol. IV, Chap. I, however, the opinion is that Verrazzano did make this voyage. 4. J. D. Champlin, "Who was John Gardé?", Magazine of New England History, III ( 1 8 9 3 ) , 233. 5. S. G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, I860, I, 489-490. (From the original in British State Papers Office, New England Papers, B. T., Ill, 121.) 6. An unsigned letter from La Rochelle, dated October 1, 1684, and written to an unknown correspondent in Boston, contains these lines: "The country where you live is in great estime. I and a great many others, Protestants, intend to go there. Tell us, if you please, what advantage we can have there." (C. W. Baird, History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, 1885, I, 314.) 7. This manuscript is reproduced in E. R. Potter, Memoir concerning the French Settlements and French Settlers in the Colony of Rhode Island, 1879, facing p. 12. 8. L. E. DeForest, "Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 16861691", New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, L X X ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 236241, 359-365; L X X I (1940), 51-61. 9. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1636-1792, 1856-1865, III, 264. 10. C. W. Baird, op. cit., I, 171.

144

NOTES

11. J. Hammond Trumbull (ed.), The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, 1850, II, 10. 12. This settlement was incorporated as the town of East Greenwich in 1677, became Dedford in 1686, but resumed its original name in 1689. 13. Their grievances were picturesquely described in a letter to the inhabitants of East Greenwich from the "President and Councill for safety of the People and Conservation of the Peace". Dated at Boston, the third of May, 1689, it included these lines: Upon information . . . that the inhabitants of Greenwich do insult over and are intended to offer some violence to the people of the said French Plantaon in forcing their armes from them, laying open their inclosures and destroying their meadows, which appears to be a great extravagancy. The Councill here therefore do advise you to forbear all further proceedings of that nature. . . . (Rhode Island Historical Society Manuscripts, X , 87.) 14. This name was corrupted to Money, and later to Mawney. 15. Albion W . Tourgee, the nineteenth-century writer, was a descendant of this family. 16. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), op. cit., IV, 17. 17. G. C. Mason, Annals of Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, 16981821, 1890,1, 34. 18. H. F. Lee, Huguenots in France and America, 1852, II, 106. 19. The date of his certificate of naturalization, issued at London, is April 15, 1687. 20. Cf. C. W . Baird, op. cit., II, 318: In France, hat-making had been almost entirely in the hands of the Protestants. They alone possessed the secret of the liquid composition which served to prepare rabbit, hare and beaver skins. . . . After the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, they took the secret to England . . . it was lost to France for more than forty years . . . these arts were brought to America by the refugees. 21. This Church was moved in 1800 to Wickford, where it now stands in Church Lane. 22. W. Updike, History of the Narragansett Church, 1847, I, 54. 23. I. M. Barton, "Remarks on Huguenot Settlements in New England", Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 30, 1862, p. 19. 24. C. W . Baird, op. cit., II, 322-3 footnote. 25. The Tourtelotte descendants who lived around Gloucester changed the spelling of the name to Tourtellot about 1750. 26. C. Evans, American Bibliography, 1903, I, 445. (The name of one

NOTES

145

"Daniel Aurault" also appears in this list as a Newport bookseller between 1723 and 1729.) 27. L. J. Fosdick, The French Blood in America, 1906, p. 144. 28. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), op. cit., IV, 214. 29. C. W. Baird, op. cit., II, 326-7. CHAPTER TWO

1. S. G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1894, II, 15. 2. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1636-1792, 1856-1865, III, 565. 3. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules of Rhode Island, 1755, 89; 1757, 22. 4. Cf. "Court of Admiralty, 1738", Newport Historical Magazine, III (1882-1883), 160-169. 5. H. M. Jones, America and French Culture, 1927, p. 110. 6. Rhode Island State Archives, Public Notary Records, IV (1721-1741), 32-34. 7. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), op. cit., IV, 402. 8. Ibid., IV, 518. 9. Ibid., V, 92. 10. Ibid., V, 122, 124. 11. Ibid., V, 425. 12. Ibid., V, 446. 13. Ibid., V, 445. 14. Ibid., VI, 57, 93. 15. Rhode Island State Archives, Petitions, VIII (1751-1754), 23. 16. Ibid., VIII, 86. 17. Ibid., VIII, 112. 18. Ibid., VIII, 125. 19. Ibid., I X (1755-1757), 107. 20. Ibid., IX, 130. 21. Ibid., XI (1762-1765), 81. 22. Ibid., XI, 93. 23. Ibid., XII (1766-1768), 85. 24. Ibid., X V (1772-1775), 68. 25. J. Birket, Some Cursory Remarks made by James Birket in his Voyage to North America 1750-1751, 1916, entry of October 2, 1750. 26. G. C Mason, Annals of Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, 16981821, 1890, I, 108.

146

NOTES CHAPTER THREE

1. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-2), II (1768-1777), 82. 2. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-l), I X (1776-1777), 85. 3. Ibid., IX, 86-88. 4. Ibid., IX, 93. 5. Ibid., IX, 9. 6. Ibid., IX, 96. 7. Ibid., IX, 107. 8. Ibid., IX, 110. 9. Ibid., IX, 116. 10. Ibid., I X , 144. 11. Ibid., X ( 1 7 7 7 ) , 56. 12. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-2), II (1768-1777), 126. 13. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-l), X ( 1 7 7 7 ) , 94. 14. L. E. Kimball, Fleury in the American Revolution, 1935, p. 8. 15. A day by day record can be found in "Mrs. Mary Almy's account of the cannonading of the French fleet, Count D'Estaing, on Newport, R. I., while in possession of the British Army, July 29, 1778", Newport Historical Magazine, I (1880-1881), 17-36. 16. J. B. Perkins, France in the American Revolution. 1911, p. 271. 17. Cf. J. J. Meng, D'Estaing's American Expedition, 1778-1779, 1936, p. 6. 18. Quoted in H. W . Preston, "Lafayette's Visits to Rhode Island", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X I X ( 1 9 2 6 ) , 6. 19. S. G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1894, II, 428. 20. Z. Allen, Memorial of Lafayette, 1861, p. 8. 21. Ibid., p. 6. 22. Cf. A. Forbes and P. Cadman, France and New England, 1925, I, 15: . . . if the entrance to Rhode Island is clear and open, they will hoist upon Block Island and upon Points Judith and Sekonnet, the French flag, white above, and beneath, upon the same staff, the red flag; in case, however, the enemy should have retaken possession of the island, the American flag shall be hoisted, above and below, upon the same flag-staff, at the places aforementioned. . . . 23. G. C. Mason, Annals of Trinity Church, Newport,

Rhode Island,

1698-

1821, 1 8 9 0 , I, 1 6 2 .

24. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules p. 11.

of Rhode

Island, June 1780,

NOTES

147

25. Ibid., July 1780, p. 24. 26. Ibid., July 1780, p. 3. 27. H. W. Preston, Rochambeau and the French Troops in Providence in 1780-81-82, 1924, p. 4. 28. Providence Gazette, July 22, 1780. 29- Dr. Ezra Stiles had been the pastor of the Second Congregational Church in Newport. From 1777 to 1795 he was President of Yale College. He kept in touch with events in Rhode Island by letter. 30. F. B. Dexter (ed.), The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D., U.D., 1901, II, 453. 31. E. M. Stone, Our French Allies, 1884, pp. 205, 209. 32. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-2), IV, (1780-1800), 37. 33. C. Tower, Jr., The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, 1895, I, 132. 34. Thomaî Balch, Les Français en Amérique pendant la Guerre de l'Indépendance des Etats-Unis, 1777-1783, 1872, I, 100. 35. G. C. Mason, op. cit., I, 178. 36. Count M. Dumas, Memoirs of His Own Time, 1839, I, 33. 37. Cf. E. M. Stone, op. cit., p. 372. 38. A. de Fersen, Lettres d'Axel de Fersen à son Père, 1929, p. 30. 39. Vicomte de Noailles, Marins et Soldats Français en Amérique pendant la Guerre de l'Indépendance des Etats-Unis, 1778-1783, 1903, p. 209. 40. The Operations of the French Fleet under the Count de Grasse in 1781-2 as Described in Two Contemporaneous Journals, 1864, p. 34, n. 1. 41. J. R. Bartlett (ed.), Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1636-1792, 1856-1865, IX, 602. 42. Rhode Island State Archives, Letters (L-2), IV (1780-1800), 65. 43. Ibid., IV, 64. 44. E. M. Stone, op. cit., p. 527. 45. W. D. Guthrie, "General Count de Rochambeau", Franco-American Review, II (1938), 232. 46. A. Forbes and P. Cadman, op. cit., I, 106. 47. Providence Gazette, July 22, 1780. 48. Thomas Balch, op. cit., I, 100-101. 49. J. A. Stevens, "The French in Rhode Island", Magazine of American History, III (1879), 16. 50. J. Durand, New Material for the History of the American Revolution, 1889, p. 247.

148

NOTES CHAPTER FOUR

1. Quoted in A. Forbes and P. Cadman, France and New England, 1925, I, 174. 2. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules of Rhode Island, June 1780, p. 10. 3. Ibid., February 1781, p. 12. 4. Rhode Island State Archives, Petitions, X X I V , (1788-1789), 43. 5. Cf. E. M. Stone, Our French Allies, 1884, p. 231, n. 1. 6. Ibid., p. 235, n. 1. 7. J. E. M., "French Freemasons", Magazine of American History, III (1879), 448. 8. Newport Mercury, September 20, 1790. 9. Ibid., October 3, 1793. 10. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules of Rhode Island, February 1783, p. 79. 11. S. G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1894, II, 510. 12. Rice's Tavern was later known as the Golden Ball Inn, then the Globe, and finally the Mansion House. It stood until recently on Benefit Street, near Meeting Street. 13. Cf. H. W . Preston, "Lafayette's Visits to Rhode Island", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X I X (1926), 1-10. 14. G. C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, 1884, p. 281. 15. Cf. H. M. Jones, America and French Culture, 1750-1848, 1927, pp. 132-134. 16. M. L. Hansen, The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860, 1940, p. 59. 17. F. S. Childs, French Refugee Life in the United States, 1790-1800, 1940, p. 89. 18. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules of Rhode Island, October 1793, p. 15. 19. 20. 21. p. 20. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Ibid., February, 1794, pp. 7-8. Rhode Island State Archives, Petitions, XXVIII (1793-1794), 79. Rhode Island State Archives, Schedules of Rhode Island, June 12, 1794, Rhode Island State Archives, Petitions, XXVIII (1793-1794), 119. Ibid., XXVIII, 127. Ibid., XXVIII, 131. Ibid., X X I X (1795), 4. Ibid., XXVIII, 141.

NOTES

149

27. Rhode Island State Archives, Accounts Allowed for the Support of French Exiles, 1793-1795, MS No. 45. 28. Ibid., No. 23. 29. Ibid., No. 6. 30. Newport Mercury, March 18, 1794. 31. J. H. Greene, Jr., "A Brief History of the Catholic Church in Newport", Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society, January 1940, 20. 32. Newport Mercury, December 16, 1789. 33. J. H. Greene, Jr., loc. cit., 21. CHAPTER FIVE

1. Newport Mercury, June 19, 1758, and succeeding issues. 2. C. S. Brigham, "Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690-1820", Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, X X X I V (1924), 95. 3. Rhode Island Gazette, October 4, 1732. 4. Ibid., November 8, 16, 23, December 21, 1732. 5. C. S. Brigham, loc. cit., 85. 6. Ibid., 102. 7. Newport Mercury, August 14, 1759. 8. Ibid., October 23, 17599. Ibid., November 20, 1759. 10. Ibid., September 23,1760. 11. Ibid., August 31, September 14, November 2, 1762. 12. Ibid., January 17, 1763. 13. Ibid., January 24,1763. 14. Ibid., February 7, 1763. 15. Ibid., February 14, 1763. 16. Ibid., March 3, 1766. 17. Ibid., March 21, November 7, 1768. 18. Ibid., July 23, 1764. 19. Ibid., August 31, 1767; Providence Gazette, October 3, 1767. 20. Providence Gazette, January 13, 1770. 21. Ibid., August 25, 1770, January 26, 1771. 22. Newport Mercury, July 18, 1774. 23. Ibid., October 2, 1775; Providence Gazette, September 9, 1775. 24. Newport Mercury, April 1, 1776; Providence Gazette, May 30, 1776. 25. Newport Mercury, June 24, 1776. 26. C. S. Brigham, loc. cit., 82. 27. Newport Gazette, May 1, October 23, 1777. 28. Ibid., October 29, 1778.

150

NOTES

29. Providence Gazette, March 15, 1777. 30. Ibid., April 26, May 3, 1777. 31. Ibid., June 14, 1777. 32. Ibid., September 20, 1777. 33. Ibid., February 14, 1778. 34. Ibid., August 22, 29, 1778. 35. Ibid., January 30, February 13, March 6, July 10, August 28, October 16, 177936. C. S. Brigham, loc. cit., 100. 37. Providence Gazette, April 29, May 6, 13, 1780. 38. Ibid., June 24, 1780; American Journal, June 14, 1780. 39. Newport Mercury, July 22, 1780; Providence Gazette, July 29, 1780. 40. Providence Gazette, May 27, 1780. 41. American Journal, June 28, 1780; Providence Gazette, July 1, 8, 1780. 42. American Journal, July 12, 1780; Newport Mercury, July 15, 1780; Providence Gazette, July 15, 1780. 43. Newport Mercury, July 15, 22, August 12, 1780. 44. Ibid., August 12, 1780; American Journal, August 16, 1780; Providence Gazette, August 19, 1780. 45. Newport Mercury, August 19, 1780; Providence Gazette, August 26, 1780. 46. Providence Gazette, October 4, 1780; American Journal, October 5, 1780. 47. American Journal, December 30, 1780. 48. Newport Mercury, January 27, 1781 ; Providence Gazette, February 3, 1781. 49. Newport Mercury, May 12, 1781 ; American Journal, May 12, 16, 1781. 50. Cf. Colophon of Gazette Françoise: "A NEWPORT, De l'Imprimerie Royale de l'Escadre, rue de la pointe, N ° 641." 51. American Journal, December 23, 1780; Providence Gazette, December 27, 1780. 52. Cf. A. J. Barthold, "Gazette Françoise", The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, X X V I I I ( 1 9 3 4 ) , 68-71. 53. Ibid., 74-77. 54. Ibid., 78. 55. Gazette Françoise, N ° 7, 30 décembre, 1780. 56. A. J. Barthold, "French Journalists in the United States, 1780-1800", Franco-American Review, II ( 1 9 3 7 ) , 216. 57. Newport Mercury, February 2, 9, June 1, 22, 1782 ; Providence January 26, March 9, June 1 , 1 5 , 22, July 20, 1782.

Gazette,

NOTES

151

58. Newport Mercury, August 3, 24, September 28, November 2, 1782; Providence Gazette, August 10, November 16, 1782. 59- C. S. Brigham, loc. cit., 84. 60. Ibid., 119. 61. Newport Mercury, August 14, October 30, 1784; May 9, 1785; Providence Gazette, August 28, October 16, 23, 30, 1784; May 14, 1785; United States Chronicle, October 27, 1784. 62. Newport Mercury, October 2, 9, 1784; Providence Gazette, October 9, 1784. 63. Newport Mercury, July 9, 1785; United States Chronicle, August 4, 1785. 64. Newport Mercury, May 21, 1785; September 25, 1786. 65. Ibid., February 13, October 16, 1786; Providence Gazette, February 18, 1786. 66. Newport Mercury, September 23, 1789; United States Chronicle, September 24, 1789; Providence Gazette, September 26, 1789; Newport Herald, October 8, 1789. 67. Providence Gazette, October 3, 17, 24, 31, 1789; September 4, 1790; Newport Mercury, October 7, November 18, 1789; Newport Herald, October 8, 22, 1789; June 10, 1790; United States Chronicle, October 29, 1789; April 29, 1790. 68. Newport Herald, August 27, 1791; Newport Mercury, August 27, September 3, 10, 1791; October 1, 1792; February 18, March 4, 25, April 1, 1793; February 11, 1784; United States Chronicle, September 1, 1791; October 4, 1792 ; February 28, March 7, 21, 28, April 4, 18, 1793; Providence Gazette, September 3, 17, 1791; January 26, March 2, 9, 30, April 6, 27, May 11, 1793; January 13, 18, February 8, 1794; Herald of the United States, April 6, 27, 1793. 69. United States Chronicle, July 7, 1796; Newport Mercury, August 9, 1796; Providence Gazette, August 13, 1796. 70. C. S. Brigham, loc. cit., 123. 71. Ibid., 95. 72. Ibid., 118. 73. Ibid., 82. 74. Ibid., 111. 75. Cf. United States Chronicle, October 15, 1795. 76. Cf. A. M. Eaton, "French Spoliation Claims", Narragansett Historical Register, IV ( 1 8 8 6 ) , 202-234. 77. United States Chronicle, July 26, 1798.

132

NOTES

78. Herald of the United States, February 4 to March 18, 1797; April 28, June 29 to July 20, October 5, 12, 1798. 79. Weekly Companion, June 30, September 1, 1798. 80. Herald of the United States, July 27, November 17, 1798. 81. Weekly Companion, July 7, 21, 1798. 82. Providence Journal, November 12, December 10, 24, 1800; United States Chronicle, November 13, December 11, 1800; Providence Gazette, November 15, December 13, 27, 1800; Newport Mercury, December 16, 24, 1800. 83. West's New England Almanack, 1780. 84. Cf. H. M. Chapin, The Printing Press of the French Fleet, 1914, pp. 1-5; Early Sea-Presses, 1925, pp. 1-18. 85. Newport Mercury, April 4, May 9, 1763. 86. Ibid., January 3, 1763. 87. Ibid., July 3, 1759. 88. Ibid., January 28, 1765. 89. Ibid., November 26, 1764. 90. Ibid., January 30, 1764. 91. Ibid., July 23, 1764. 92. Ibid., April 13, 1767. 93. Ibid., December 19, 1763. 94. Ibid., May 28, 1764. 95. United States Chronicle, April 15, 1784; Newport Mercury, May 8, 1784. 96. Newport Mercury, January 15, 1781. 97. Providence Gazette, April 1, 1786. 98. Ibid., September 6, 1783; Newport Mercury, September 20, 1783. 99. Providence Gazette, September 10, 1791 ; Newport Mercury, September 10, 1791. 100. United States Chronicle, February 27, August 21, 1794. 101. This article was also published in the Providence Journal of May 21, 1800. CHAPTER SIX

1. Cf. Kingsley Martin, French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 1929, pp. 152, 242-243. 2. Among the works of Mably which justify these comments are: Le Droit Public de l'Europe Observations sur l'histoire de la Grèce Entretiens de Phocion sur le rapport de la morale avec la politique

NOTES Observations sur l'histoire de France Du Gouvernement de la Pologne Observations sur le gouvernement et les lois aux Etats-Unis 3. Newport Mercury, October 8, 1785. These legacies have not been identified. 4. Cf. Voltaire, Oeuvres Complètes, edited by Louis Moland, 1877-1885, X X V , 18-26. This account comprises Chapter I of the Traité sur la Tolérance. 5. Newport Mercury, November 21, 1763. This unfounded rumor evidently originated in England, as there is no mention of a visit by Voltaire to London in 1763 to be found in any of his biographies. 6. Ibid., April 2, 1764. Voltaire was not in Berlin in 1764. He did not return to that city after his departure in 1753. 7. The author of this Candid is not named in the item; however, some of Voltaire's comments on war in Candide might be considered as maxims for a soldier, and justify attributing the criticism to his "conte philosophique." 8. Newport Mercury, December 1, 1766. 9. Cf. M-M. H. Barr, Voltaire in America, 1744-1800, 1941, p. 48. 10. Newport Mercury, September 4, 1769. There is no verification of this anecdote. It is one of many such tales, hostile to Voltaire, which were published in English journals during the second half of the eighteenth century. (Cf. R. W . Babcock, "English Reaction against Voltaire's Criticism of Shakespeare," Studies in Philology, X X V I I (1930), 609-625.) 11. Cf. Letters of Voltaire and Frederick the Great, translated by Richard Aldington. 1927, pp. 296-297. 12. Cf. Voltaire, op. cit., X X I , 2. 13. Providence Gazette, December 1, 1770. 14. Newport Mercury, December 6, 1773. This story is not included among Voltaire's "contes," and is doubtless the work of an imitator; it resembles in style and content several of his philosophical tales. Cf. "Les Yeux Bleus", Chapter X V of Zadig. (Voltaire, op. cit., X X I , 69-71.) 15. Voltaire, op. cit., X X V , 104-107. 16. Ibid., XXIII, 127-128. 17. United States Chronicle, January 8, 1784. 18. Providence Gazette, December 18, 1784. Voltaire expressed sentiments of a like nature in his Mémoires pour servir à la Vie de Ai de Voltaire. (Voltaire, op. cit., I, 9ff.) 19- The gist of this incident is incorporated in the Histoire du Docteur Akakia. (Voltaire, op. cit., XXIII, 581-584.) 20. Cf. M-M. H. Barr, op. cit., p. 44. 21. Cf. Voltaire, op. cit., XLIII, 174-175.

NOTES

154

22. Newport Mercury, August 26, December 23, 1789. The passages quoted were "Le Collège des Quatre Nations" (Chapter X I I ) and "Un Singulier Monument" (Chapter X X I I ) . Cf. L. S. Mercier, L'an 2440, 1772, I, 58-68, 143-148. 23. Newport Mercury. June 14, 1790. 24. Cf. Voltaire, op. cit., X X I , 205-208. 25. Providence Gazette, October 1, 1791- For the quotation, see Voltaire, op. cit., I, 485. 26. Newport Mercury, October 1, 1791. Cf. Profession de Foi des Théistes. (Voltaire, op. cit., X X V I I , 55-74.) 27. Similar ideas are to be found in the article Religion of the Dictionnaire Philosophique (Voltaire, op. cit., X X , 3 4 0 - 3 5 7 ) , and in the last two lines of Le Pour et le Contre, also known as the Epître à Uranie {¡bid., I X , 3 6 2 ) : Il nous juge sur nos vertus, Et non pas sur nos sacrifices. 28. Voltaire, op. cit., X X I V , 558. 29. This is the concluding paragraph of the Revolution 180-181). 30. Providence Gazette, July 20, 1782. 31. Ibid., October 30, 1784. 32. Newport Mercury, November 5, 1785.

of America

33. Raynal, History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans East and West Indies, 1783, II, 166-167. 34. Rhode Island State Gazette, May 25, 1796. 35. Newport ber 14, 1767.

Mercury,

November 2, 1767; Providence

Gazette,

(pp.

in the

Novem-

36. Cf. Rousseau, Emile, Book V. 37. Cf. Rousseau, Oeuvres Complètes, 38. Newport

(Paris), 1793, I, 108.

Mercury, April 28, 1795.

39- Ibid., March 14, 1768. 40. Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws, Book III, chap. iii. 41. Cf. P. M. Spurlin, Montesquieu in America, 1940, footnote p. 77: "Montesquieu's first work, written at the age of twenty, in letter form and unpublished, treated sympathetically the question as to the everlasting damnation of pagans. Cf. Oeuvres Complètes (Laboulaye edition, Paris, 1 8 7 5 - 1 8 7 9 ) , I, p. 3. See also Persian Letter X X V . " 42. United States Chronicle,

January 20, 1785.

43. Montesquieu, op. cit., Book X I , chap. ii-v. 44. Newport Mercury, February 26, 1787. 45. An excellent collection of portraits of Washington was published in

NOTES

135

1940 by Gilbert Chinard under the title, George Washington as the French Knew Him. This paragraph by Chastellux can be found on pages 56-57. 46. Newport Mercury, April 9, 1787. 47. This article was also published in the Newport Mercury of April 29, 1794. 48. Cf. Buffon, Oeuvres Complètes, (Paris), 1827, X I I , 178-186. 49. Ibid., X V I , 330. This is the opening sentence of Buffon's description of the Elephant. 50. Providence Gazette, May 28, 1 7 8 5 ; Newport Mercury, June 4, 1785. 51. Newport Mercury, January 2, 1786. 52. Cf. Helvétius, Oeuvres Complètes, (Paris), 1795, X I I , 100-120; V I I , 9 9 - 1 0 6 ; 106-118. 53. Cf. Voltaire, op. cit., I, 288-289. 54. For a full treatment of the career of this author, cf. Raoul Arnaud, Le Fils de Fréron, 190955. Herald of the United States, August 13, 1796. 56. Jacques Vallée, sieur Des Barreaux ( 1 6 0 2 - 1 6 7 3 ) . Famous for his incredulity when in good health, he became very devout whenever he suffered from even a slight indisposition. It was during such a period that he composed this well-known sonnet. 57. Mathurin Régnier ( 1 5 7 3 - 1 6 1 3 ) . The original of this epitaph reads: J'ay vescu sans nul pensement, Me laissant aller doucement A la bonne Ioy naturelle, Et si m'estonne fort pourquoy La mort daigna songer à moy, Qui n'ay daigne penser en elle. (Cf. Régnier, Oeuvres Complètes, edited by Jean Plattard, 1930, p. 193 ) 58. Cf. P. M. Spurlin, op. cit., Chap. I & II. CHAPTER SEVEN 1. Newport Mercury, August 14, September 4, 1759. 2. Ibid., November 18, December 2, 1771. 3. F. B. Dexter (ed.), The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D., Ll.D... 1901, I, 184. 4. Newport Mercury, August 16, 23, 30, September 6, 13, 27, 1773. 5. F. B. Dexter (éd.), op. cit., I, 409. 6. Newport Mercury, January 3, 10, 17, 1774. 7. Ibid., April 25, May 2, 9 (Supplement), 1774. 8. Boston Records, X X I I I ( 1 7 7 4 ) , 213- (Quoted in R. F. Seybolt, "School-

156

NOTES

masters of Colonial Boston", Colonial Society of Massachusetts Transactions, X X V I I (1932), 155.) 9. Newport Mercury, October 3, 10, 17, 1774. 10. Ibid., January 23, 30, February 6, 1775. 11. R. I. Guild, Early History of Brown University, 1897, p. 67. 12. Providence Gazette, June 29, July 6, 13, 1782. 13. Ibid., September 28, 1782. 14. Ibid., May 1, 8, 15, 1784. 15. Ibid., November 27, December 4, 11, 1784; March 26, April 2, 9, 16, 23, September 17, 24, October 1, 1785; United States Chronicle, November 24, December 1, 8, 1784; March 24, 31, April 7, September 8, 15, 22, 29, 1785. 16. Providence Gazette, May 8, 15, 22, 1784. 17. Cf. Voltaire, Mahomet, Act I, Sc. iv: Les mortels sont égaux; ce n'est pas la naissance, C'est la seule vertu qui fait la différence. 18. Newport Mercury, October 22, 29, November 5, 1785. 19. Newport Herald, January 10, 17, 24, 31, 1788. 20. Ibid., January 1, 8, 15, 22, 1789; Newport Mercury, February 9, 16, 27, March 9, 178921. Newport Herald, September 10, 24, October 1, 8, November 19, 26, December 3, 1789; January 7, 14, 21, 28, March 4, 11, 18, 25, April 1, September 23, October 7, 14, 21, 28, 1790. 22. Newport Mercury, September 20, October 11, 18, 25, November 15, December 13, 1790. 23. Ibid., October 8, 15, 22, 29, November 5, 12, 19, December 3, 17, 31, 1791; January 4, 21, 28, February 4, 11, 18, 25, March 3, 10, 19, 1792. 24. Ibid., July 30, August 6, 13, 20, 27, September 24, October 1, 8, December 10, 17, 1792. 25. Ibid., September 17, 24, October 1, 8, 15, 22, 29, 1793. 26. United States Chronicle, November 1, 8, 15, 1792; Providence November 10, 17, 24, 1792. 27. Providence Gazette, September 21, 28, October 5, 1793. 28. Ibid., March 29, April 5, 19, 1794.

Gazette,

29. Ibid., July 12, 19, 26, 1794. 30. Ibid., June 18, 25, July 23, August 6, 1796; July 22, 29, August 5, 1797. 31. Newport Mercury, February 2, 16, 23, 1796. 32. Ibid., October 18, 1796. 33. Providence Gazette, September 10, 17, 24, 1796; United States Chronicle, November 24, December 1, 8, 1796.

NOTES

137

34. Providence Gazette, January 14, 21, 28, February 11, 18, 25, April 1, 1797; United States Chronicle, February 16, 23, March 30, April 6, 1797. 35. United States Chronicle, October 18, 25, November 1, 1798; Providence Gazette, October 27, November 3, 10, 1798. 36. Providence Gazette, November 30, December 7, 14, 21, 1799; Providence Journal, December 4, 11, 18, 1799. 37. Providence Journal, December 3, 10,17, 31, 1800 ; United States Chronicle, December 18, 1800. 38. Rhode Island College, Miscellaneous Papers, II (1783-1804), 17. 39. Cf. R. I. Guild, Early History of Brown University, 1897, pp. 348352. 40. R. F. Seybolt, "Schoolmasters of Colonial Boston", Colonial Society of Massachusetts Transactions, XXVII (1932), 143. 41. W . E. Foster (ed.), "Early Attempts at Rhode Island History: Life and Services of Theodore Foster," Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, VII (1885), 113-127. 42. The John Hay Library in Brown University has in its possession Drowne's subscription lists of classes, notes, diaries, etc., and the books which composed his library. 43- For the importance of this work in America, cf. M. T. Maestro, Voltaire and Beccaria as Reformers of Criminal Law, 1942, p. 142, and M-M. H. Barr, Voltaire in America, 1744-1800, 1941, p. 119. 44. United States Chronicle, September 4, 1788 ; Providence Gazette, September 6, 1788. 45. United States Chronicle, September 2, 1790; Providence Gazette, September 4, 1790. 46. United States Chronicle, September 6, 1792; Providence Gazette, September 8, 1792. 47. W . C. Brownson, History of Brown University, 1764-1914, 1914, p. 103. 48. Newport Mercury, June 11, August 6, 1764. 49. Ibid., May 13, 20, 27, June 3, 10, 17, 1765. 50. Ibid., July 20, 27, August 3, 10, 17, 1767. 51. Ibid., November 21, 28, December 5, 12, 1768. 52. Ibid., April 20, May 25, June 22, 29, July 6, 1772. 53. Providence Gazette, November 8, 15, 29, December 13, 20, 1783; January 31, February 7, 14, 21, 28, 1784. 54. Ibid., July 24, 31, August 7, 28, 1784. 55. This advertisement was repeated in the United States Chronicle of June 28, July 5, 12, 19, 26, August 2, 9, 1787.

138

NOTES

56. Fénelon, Archbishop of Cambrai. 57. This notice was also printed in the Providence Gazette of November 17, 24, December 1, 1787. 58. Newport Mercury, April 28, 1788; Newport Herald, May 8, 15, 1788. 59. Providence Gazette, November 29, December 6, 13, 20, 27, 1788. 60. United States Chronicle, May 21, 28, June 11, 1789. 61. Providence Gazette, October 25, November 1, 8, 22, December 6, 13, 20, 27, 1794. 62. Herald of the United States, April 11, 25, May 16, 1795; Providence Gazette, July 25, August 1, 8, 29, September 5, October 3, 17, 31, November 7, 1795. 63. Providence Gazette, July 16, 23, 30, August 6, 13, 20, 27, 1796. 64. Ibid., July 16, 23, 30, August 6, 13, 20, 27, 1796; August 12, 19, 26, September 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, October 7, 1797. 65. Providence Journal, October 9, 16, 23, 1799; United States Chronicle, October 10, 17, 24, 31, 1799. 66. For the importance of this work, cf. B. N. Schilling, "The English Oise against Voltaire: 1789-1800", Journal of the History of Ideas, IV (April 1943), 193-216. 67. Providence Gazette, December 14, 21, 28, 1799; United States Chronicle, December 19, 1799; January 2, 9, 1800. 68. United States Chronicle, April 24, May 1, 8, 1800. 69. Ibid., September 4, 11, 18, 25, 1800. 70. Pascal's Lettres Provinciales had two editions in 1657 under the title: Les Provinciales, ou Lettres écrites par Louis de Montalte a un provincial de ses amis et aux RR. PP. Jésuites sur le sujet de la morale et de la politique de ces Pères. (Cf. Larousse, La Grande Encyclopédie, XXVI, 25.) 71. W. B. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, 1910, pp. 326-327. 72. W. D. Miller, "Volumes from Book Shelves in Old South County", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X X X I (1938), pp. 15-16. 73. Cf. H. K. Halpert, "Early College Performances of Otway in Providence", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X X I I I (1930), 33-41. 74. L. P. Waldo, The French Drama in America in the Eighteenth Century, 1942, p. 68. 75. Ibid., p. 184. 76. Cf. G. O. Seilhamer, History of the American Stage, 1888-1891, III, 261. 77. Providence Gazette, January 17, 1795. 78. L. P. Waldo, op. cit., footnote p. 184. 79. Providence Gazette, June 11, September 10, 1796.

NOTES

139

80. Newport Mercury, August 15, 1797. 81. Providence Gazette, August 11, 18, 25, 1798; United States Chronicle, August 30, September 6, 1798. 82. Cf. A. F. Downing, Early Homes of Rhode Island, 1937, p. 312. 83. Louis Boulogne or Boullongne, 1609-1674. 84. Cf. G. C. Mason, Reminiscenses of Newport, 1884, pp. 165-173. CHAPTER EIGHT

1. Cf. Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston in 1687, translated by E. T. Fisher, 1868, pp. 19, 25. 2. Ibid., pp. iii-iv, 29. 3. "Journal of a French Traveller in the Colonies, 1765", American Historical Review, X X V I I (October 1921), 75. 4. Milfort, Mémoire ou Coup-d'Oeil rapide sur mes différens voyages et mon séjour dans la nation Crëck, 1802, p. 7. 5. Ibid., p. 177. 6. Lafayette, Correspondance Inédite, 1892, p. 29. 7. C. Blanchard, Journal of Claude Blanchard, 1780-1783, 1876, pp. 57, 70, 73, 74, 83, 84. 8. Ibid., p. 55. 9. Ibid., pp. 44, 71, 78-79. 10. Cf. Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, XVI (1923), 65-78, for a translation of passages relating to Rhode Island. 11. L. J. B. S. de Robertnier, Journal des Guerres faites en Amérique pendans les années 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, MS. pp. 12-16. 12. Ibid., pp. 16-17. 13. Ibid., pp. 18-21. 14. Ibid., pp. 21-23. 15. Ibid., p. 26. 16. Ibid., pp. 35-36. 17. Ibid., pp. 37-38. 18. A translation of this journal can be found in Magazine of American History, IV (1878-1882), 205-214, 293-308, 376-385, 441-449. 19. Cromot Dubourg, Journal depuis mon départ de France, MS, p. 11. 20. Ibid., pp. 12-13. 21. Ibid., p. 16. 22. Chastellux, Voyage de Newport à Philadelphie, Albany &c., 1781, p. 2. 23. Ibid., p. 3. 24. Ibid., pp. 3-4.

NOTES 25. F. Barrière (ed.), Mémoires du Duc de Lauzun et du Comte de Tilly, 1882, p. 190. 26. L. P. Ségur, Memoirs and Recollections of Count Ségur, 1825, pp. 290291. 27. Ibid., p. 294. 28. Ibid., p. 295. 29. Quoted in G. S. Kimball, Pictures of Rhode Island in the Past, 16421833, 1900, pp. 100-104. 30. Villebresme, Souvenirs du Chevalier de Villebresme, 1897, p. 78. 31. Abbé Claude C. Robin, New Travels in North America, 1783, pp. 24-25. 32. E. de L. Mirepoix, "Quelques Lettres du Baron de Montesquieu sur la Guerre de l'Indépendance Américaine", Franco-American Review, II (1938), 196.

33. For details of the life and writings of Crèvecoeur, cf. J. P. Mitchell, St. Jean de Crèvecoeur, 1916, and H. L. Bourdin, R. H. Gabriel, S. T. Williams (editors), Sketches of Eighteenth Century America, 1925. 34. M. G. St. Jean de Crèvecoeur, Lettres d'un Cultivateur Américain, 1784, II, 52-53. 35. Brissot de Warville, New Travels in the United States of America, Performed in 1788, 1792, pp. 143-149. 36. P. M. F. Pagès, Nouveau Voyage autour du Monde, en Asie, en Amérique et en Afrique en 1788, 1789 et 1790, 1797, II, 289, footnote. 37. Ibid., 289. 38. Cf. G. S. Kimball, op. cit., pp. 124-125. 39. C. F. de Volney, A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States of America, 1804, p. 264. 40. La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, 1799, HI, 168-171. 41. Ibid., 171-173, 183-184. 42. Ibid., 192.

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Crèvecoeur, Michel Guillaume St. Jean de. Lettres d'un Cultivateur Américain. 2 vols. Paris, 1784. Cromot Dubourg, Baron. Journal depuis mon départ de France 26 Mars 1781, jusqu'au 18 Novembre de la même Année que l'Armée aux ordres de Ai. Le Cte de Rochambeau est entrée dans ses Quartiers d'hiver. MS in John Hay Library, Brown University. Pp. 119. (Cromot du Bourg). "Diary of a French Officer, 1781. Presumed to be that of Baron Cromot du Bourg, Aid to Rochambeau", Magazine of American History, IV (1879-1882), 205-214, 293-308, 376-385, 441-449. Dassié, le sieur Piètre. Description générale des costes de l'Amérique. Rouen : Bonaventure le Brun, 1677. Pp. 421. d'Avity, Pierre. Description générale de l'Amérique. Paris : Laurent Cottereau, 1643. Pp. 189. Dawson, Warrington. "With Rochambeau at Newport: The Narrative of the Baron Gaspard de Gallatin", Franco-American Review, I (1937), 330-340. Démeunier. Essai sur les Etats-Unis. Paris: Laporte, 1786. Pp. 89Deux-Ponts, Count William de. My Campaigns in America, A Journal, 178081. Translated by Samuel Abbott Green. Boston: J. K. Wiggin and W. P. Lunt, 1868. Pp. 176. Du Buisson, Paul Ulrich. Abrégé de la Révolution de l'Amérique Anglaise. Paris: Cellot et Jombert, 1778. Pp. 455. Du Buysson, Chevalier de. Memoir by one of the French Officers who accompanied the Marquis de Lafayette to America, in B. F. Stevens' Facsimiles, VIII, 754. Dumas, Lieutenant General Count Mathieu. Memoirs of His Own Time. Vol. I. London: Richard Bentley, 1839. Pp. 494. Durousseau de Fayolle, Pierre. "Journal d'une Campagne en Amérique", Bulletin et Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de l'Ouest, XXV, 2™ série. Poitiers, 1902. Pp. 1-48. Extrait du Journal d'un Officier de la Marine de l'Escadre de M. le Comte D'Estaing. Paris, 1782. Pp. 158. Another Edition: Amsterdam, 1782. Pp. 126. Fersen, le Comte Jean Axel de. La Guerre d'Amérique (1780-1783). Edited by Henri Gautier. No. 20 in series: Bibliothèque de souvenirs et récits militaires, directeur P. Gaulot. Paris: Henri Gautier, 1896. Pp. 32. Lettres d'Axel de Fersen à son Père. Paris: Firmin-Didot et Cie, 1929. Pp. 200. "Letters of de Fersen, Aid-de-Camp to Rochambeau, written to his Father in Sweden, 1780 to 1782", Magazine of American History, III (1879), 300-309, 369-376, 437-448.

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Gabriel, Charles Nicholas (l'Abbé). Le Maréchal de Camp Desandrouins (1729-1792). Verdun: Imprimerie Renvé-Lallement, 1887. Pp. 419Journal d'un Officier de l'Armée Navale en Amérique en 1781 & 1782. Amsterdam, 1783. Pp. 72. "Journal of a French Traveller in the Colonies, 1765", American Historical Review, X X V I (July 1921), 726-747; X X V I I (October 1921), 70-90. Kimball, Gertrude Selwyn (ed.). Pictures of Rhode Island in the Past, 16421833, by Travellers and Observers. Providence: Preston and Rounds Co., 1900. Pp. 175. La Fayette, Gilbert Mothier Marquis de. Correspondance Inédite. Extrait de la Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1892. Pp. 57. Lafayette in the American Revolution. Old South Leaflet, no. 97. Boston, 1898. Pp. 24. La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, François Alexandre Frédéric, Duc de. Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. 5 vols. Paris, 1799. Lauzun, Duc de. Mémoires du Duc de Lauzun et du Comte de Tilly. Edited by F. Barrière. Paris: 1882. Pp. 437. Milfort, le Général. Mémoire ou Coup-d'oeil rapide sur mes différens voyages et mon séjour dans la nation Crëck. Paris: Imprimerie de Giguet et Michaud, 1802. Pp. 331. Mirepoix, Emmanuel de Levis. "Quelques Lettres du Baron de Montesquieu sur la Guerre de l'Indépendance Américaine", Franco-American Review, II (1938), 192-204. Moré, Charles Albert, Comte de, Chevalier de Pontgibaud. A French Volunteer in the War of Independence. Translated and edited by Robert B. Douglas. New York: J. W. Bouton, 1897. Pp. 209The Operation of the French Fleet under the Count de Grasse in 1781-2 (is described in two contemporaneous journals. Bradford Club series, No. 3. New York, 1864. Pp. 216. Pagès, Pierre Marie François, Vicomte de. Nouveau Voyage autour du Monde, en Asie, en Amérique et en Afrique, en 1788, 1789 et 1790. 3 vols. Paris, 1797. Pitou, Louis Ange. Voyage à Cayenne, Dans les Deux Amériques, et chez les Anthropophages. 2 vols. Paris: Chez l'Auteur, 1805. Relation de la sortie de l'Escadre Française, aux ordres du CheT Lestouches. & de l'affaire qui a eu lieu le 16 Mars 1781, entre cette Escadre & celle des Anglais, commandée par l'Amiral Arbuthnot. MS in possession of American Antiquarian Society. Newport, 1781. Pp. 4.

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Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston, 1687. Translated from the French by E. T. Fisher. Brooklyn, 1868. Pp. 42. Robertnier, Louis Jean Baptiste Sylvestre de. Journal des guerres faites en Amérique pendant les années, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783 avec quelques dissertations sur les moeurs & coutumes des Américains. MS in possession of Rhode Island Historical Society. Pp. 323. Robertnier, Lieut. L. J. B. S. "Rhode Island in 1780", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, XVI (1923), 65-78. Robin, Abbé Claude C. New Travels through North America. Philadelphia: Robert Bell, 1783. Pp. 112. Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de. An Account of the Operations of the French Army during the American Revolution. Translated from the French of the Memoirs of Marshal Count de Rochambeau. An extract from the American Register with a specially printed title page. Philadelphia, 1817. Pp. 156-182. Memoirs of the Marshal Count de Rochambeau. Extracted and translated from the French by M. W. E. Wright, Esq. Paris: French, English and American Library, 1838. Pp. 113. Relation ou Journal des Opérations du Corps Français sous le commandement du Comte de Rochambeau. (Paris), 1781. Pp. 15. Ségur, Louis Philippe, Comte de. "Extraits des Lettres écrites d'Amérique par le Comte de Ségur à la Comtesse de Ségur, 1782-1783", MélangesSociété des Bibliophiles français, 1903, partie 2, pièce no. 6, 149-250. Memoirs and Recollections of Count Ségur. Boston and New York. Wells and Lilly, 1825. Pp. 359. Mémoires, ou Souvenirs et Anecdotes. 2 vols. Paris: Librairie de Firmin Didot, Frères, Fils et Cie, 1859. Van Vorst, Bessie. "L'Amérique au Dix-huitième Siècle—D'après un voyageur français", Revue des Deux Mondes, 5 m6 période, tome LX (1910), 191-217. Villebresme, Thomas Jacques de Goisland, Chevalier de. Souvenirs du Chevalier de Villebresme. Paris: Berger, Levrault et Cie, 1897. Pp. 200. Volney, Constantin François Chasseboeuf, Comte de. A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States of America. Translated from the French by Charles Brockden Brown. Philadelphia: J. Conrad & Co., 1804. Pp. 446. Winship, George Parker. Sailors' Narratives of Voyages along the New England Coast, 1524-1624. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1905. Pp. 292.

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Bernon Papers. MSS in Rhode Island Historical Society. Dedication of the French Monument by the City of Providence, Rhode Island. City Document No. 22. Providence: Providence Press Co., 1882. Pp. 43. De Forest, L. Effingham (ed.). "Records of the French Church at Narragansett", New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, LXX (1939), 236-240, 359-365; LXXI (1940), 51-61. Denison, Rev. Frederic. Papers Relating to the French Memorial in the North Burial Ground, 1881-1882. MSS in Rhode Island Historical Society. Drowne, Solomon. His Day Book, 1765, 1768. MS in John Hay Library of Brown University. Journal. 4 vols. 1771-1774. MS in John Hay Library. Subscription Lists, Papers etc. relating to his Lectures at Brown University. MSS in John Hay Library. Otway, Thomas. The Works of Mr. Thomas Otway. 3 vols. London, 1757. Preston, Howard W . Autograph Letters and Documents of George Washington now in Rhode Island Collections. Providence: State Bureau of Information, 1932. Pp. 171. Documents Illustrative of American History, 1606-1863- New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1886. Pp. 320. Providence Library. Catalogue of Books for the Providence Library. MS (1762). Pp. 10. Catalogue of all the Books belonging to the Providence Library. Providence: Waterman & Russell, 1768. Pp. 24. Redwood Library and Athanaeum, Newport, Rhode Island. Catalogue of Books bought in London by John Thomlinson, Esq. Newport, 1764. Pp. 28. Rhode Island College. Catalogue of the Books belonging to the Library of Rhode Island College. Providence: John Carter, 1793. Pp. 38. The Laws of Rhode Island College enacted by the Fellows and Trustees. Providence: John Carter, 1793. Pp. 35. Miscellaneous Papers. Vol. II (1783-1804). MSS in John Hay Library of Brown University. Rhode Island Historical Society Manuscripts. Vols. X, XIII-XV. Rhode Island Historical Society Scrapbooks. Vols. I, V-VII, XII, XIV, XXX. Rhode Island Manuscripts. Vol. X. MSS in Rhode Island Historical Society. Rice, Howard C. "French Consular Agents in the United States, 1778-1791", Franco-American Review, I (1937), 368-370. Warren Library Society. The Charter and By-Laws for the Regulation of the Warren Library Society. Warren (R. I.) : Nathaniel Phillips, 1799. Pp. 31.

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Ames, Nathaniel. An Astronomical Diary. Newport: Samuel Hall, 1764, 1766, 1768, 1771. Anderson, John. The Rhode-Island Almanack, Newport: Solomon Southwick, 1772-1775. The North-American Calendar. Providence: Bennett Wheeler, 1780. Newport: Henry C. Southwick & Co., 1795. Bickerstaff, Isaac (pseud.). New-England Almanack. Providence: John Carter, 1781-1796, 1798-1800. Farnsworth, Oliver. The Newport Almanac. Newport: Oliver Farnsworth, 1800. Freebetter, Daniel (pseud.). An Astronomical Diary or Almanack. Newport: Peter Edes, 1788. Leeds, Titan (pseud.). The American Almanack. Newport: Daniel Ayrault & Edward Nearegreas, 1731. Partridge, Copernicus (pseud.). The North-American Calendar. Providence: Bennett Wheeler, 1786. Phillips, Nathaniel. Phillips' United States Diary. Warren: Nathaniel Phillips, 1793-1798. Poor Job (pseud.) An Almanack by Job Shepherd. Newport: James Franklin, 1750-1755, 1758. Poor Richard (pseud.). Rhode-Island Almanack. Newport: Peter Edes, 1789. Poor Robin (pseud.). Poor Robin's Almanack. Newport: James Franklin, 1728-1730, 1732-1735, 1739-1741. Thornton, Elisha. An Almanack, Newport: Peter Edes, 1788-1790; The Rhode-Island Almanack, Newport: Peter Edes, 1791-1792; Warren: Nathaniel Phillips, 1793-1794; The New-England Almanack, Providence: Carter & Wilkinson, 1795-1797. West, Benjamin. An Almanack, Providence: William Goddard, 1763; The New-England Almanack, Providence: William Goddard, 1765-1781; The North-American Calendar, Providence: Bennett Wheeler, 1781-1787. Wheeler, Bennett. Wheeler's North-American Calendar. Providence: Bennett Wheeler, 1788-1798. Whitefield, Nathaniel. White field's Almanack. Newport: James Franklin, 1760. Rhode Island

Newspapers

The American Journal and General Advertiser. Providence: Southwick & Wheeler, March 18, 1779-August 29, 1781. The Companion and Commercial Centinel. Newport: Havila & Oliver Farns-

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worth, May 2, 1798-April 13, 1799. (Name changed to Weekly Companion and Commercial Centinel, September 15, 1798.) Gazette Françoise. Newport: Imprimerie Royale de l'Escadre, November 17, 1780-January 2, 1781. Herald of the United States. Warren: Nathaniel Phillips, January 14, 1792April 12, 1800. Newport Gazette. Newport: John Howe, January 16, 1777-October 6, 1779Newport Herald. Newport: Peter Edes, March 1, 1787-September 17, 1791. Newport Mercury. Newport: James Franklin, June 19, 1758-April 21, 1762; Ann Franklin, April 28, 1762-August 10, 1762; Franklin & Hall, August 17, 1762-April 19, 1763; Samuel Hall, April 25, 1763-March 28, 1768; Solomon Southwick, April 4, 1768-December 2, 1776; Henry Barber, January 5, 1780-April 30, 1785 ; Southwick & Barber, May 7, 1785-January I, 1787; Solomon Southwick, January 8-November 1, 1787 ; December 22, 1787-January 21, 1788; Henry Barber, January 28, 1788-September 11, 1800; Ann Barber, September 17-December 23, 1800. Providence Gazette. Providence: William Goddard, October 20, 1762-May I I , 1765 ; S. Goddard & Co., August 9, 1766-September 12, 1767; S. Goddard & J. Carter, September 19, 1767-November 5, 1768; John Carter, November 12, 1768-November 2, 1793; Carter & Wilkinson, November 9, 1793-May 4, 1799; John Carter, May 11, 1799-December 27, 1800. Providence Journal. Providence: John Carter^ Jun., January 2, 1799-December 30, 1801. Rhode Island Gazette. Newport: James Franklin, September 27, 1732-March 1, 1733. Rhode Island Museum. Newport: Henry Southwick & Co., July 7-December 29, 1794. The State Gazette. Providence: Joseph Fry, January 4-July 2, 1796. United States Chronicle. Providence: Bennett Wheeler, January 1, 1784-December 18, 1800. Rhode Island

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Arnold, James N. Vital Records of Rhode Island, 1636-1800. 6 vols. Providence: Narragansett Historical Publishing Co., 1891. Bartlett, John R. (ed.). Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 1636-1792. 10 vols. Providence: A. C. Greene & Brothers, 1856-1865. Rhode Island State Archives : 1. Accounts Allowed for the Support of French Exiles, 2. Letters, L-l. Vols. I - X X I (1731-1800).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 3. Letters, L-2. Vols. H V (1731-1800). 4. Petitions to the Rhode Island General Assembly. Vols. VIII-XV (17511775) ; Vol. X X I V (1788-1789). 5. Proceedings of the Rhode Island General Assembly. Vols. I-V (16491700). 6. Public Notary Records. Vol. IV (1721-1741). 7. Schedules of Rhode Island, 1780-1796. SECONDARY SOURCES

Bibliographies Bartlett, John R. Bibliography of Rhode Island. Providence: A. Anthony, 1864. Pp. 287. Bowe, Forrest B. Translations from the French published in America before 1821. New York, 1937. Pp. 29. Brigham, Clarence S. "Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690-1820", Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, X X X I V (1924), 79-127. Chapin, Howard M. "Check List of Rhode Island Almanacs: 1643-1850", Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, X X V (1915), 19-54. Evans, Charles. American Bibliography, 1639-1820. 13 vols. Chicago: Blakely Press, 1903-1934. Forbes, Harriette M. New England Diaries, 1602-1800. Topsfield, Massachusetts: Perkins Press, 1923. Pp. 439Hammett, Charles E. Jr. Bibliography of Newport, Rhode Island. Providence: S. S. Rider, 1887. Pp. 185. Monaghan, Frank. French Travellers in the United States, 1765-1932. New York Public Library, 1933. Pp. 114. Winship, George P. "Newport Newspapers in the Eighteenth Century", Bulletin of Newport Historical Society, X X X I (1914). Pp. 19. Rhode Island Imprints, 1727-1800. Providence: Preston & Rounds Co., 1914. Pp. 88. Cultural

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Adams, James T. Provincial Society, 1690-1763. New York: Macmillan Co., 1927. Pp. 374. Arnaud, Raoul. Le Fils de Freron. Paris: Perrin & Cie., 1909. Pp. 368. Babcock, R. W. "English Reaction against Voltaire's Criticism of Shakespeare", Studies in Philology, X X V I I (1930), 609-625. Barr, Mary-Margaret H. Voltaire in America, 1744-1800. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1941. Pp. 150.

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Barthold, Allen J. "French Journalists in the United States, 1780-1800", Franco-American Review, I (1937), 215-230. "Gazette Françoise", The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, X X V I I I (1934), 64-79. Blake, Charles. An Historical Account of the Providence Stage. Providence: George H. Whitney, 1868. Pp. 297. Bourdin, Henri L., Gabriel, Ralph H., Williams, Stanley T. (editors). Sketches of Eighteenth Century America. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1925. Pp. 342. Brownson, Walter C. History of Brown University, 1764-1914. Providence: Printed by the University, 1914. Pp. 548. Chapin, Howard M. Early Sea-Presses. New York : Press of Ars Typographica, 1925. Pp. 18. Calendrier Français pour l'Année 1781 and the Printing Press of the> French Fleet in American Waters during the Revolutionary War. Contributions to Rhode Island Bibliography No. 5. Providence: Preston & Rounds Co., 1914. Pp. 5. Chinard, Gilbert, Early Intellectual Intercourse between France and America. Reprinted from the University of California Chronicle, XVII. Pp. 13. Gullen, Thomas F. The Catholic Church in Rhode Island. North Providence: The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, 1936. Pp. 482. Downing, Antoinette F. Early Homes of Rhode Island. Richmond, Virginia : Garret & Massie, 1937. Pp. 480. Dunlap, William. A History of the American Theatre. New York: J. & J. Harper, 1832. Pp. 420. Fay, Bernard. Notes on the American Press at the End of the Eighteenth Century. New York: Grolier Club, 1927. Pp. 29. Greene, John H. Jr. "A Brief History of the Catholic Church in Newport", Newport Historical Society Bulletin, No. 101 (January 1940), 19-25. Guild, Reuben A. Early History of Brown University, 1756-1791- Providence: Snow & Farnham, 1897. Pp. 631. History of Brown University with Illustrative Documents. Providence, 1867. Pp. 443. Halpert, Harold K. "Early College Performances of Otway in Providence", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X X I I I (1930), 33-41. Hitchcock, Henry Russell, Jr. Rhode Island Architecture. Providence: Rhode Island Museum Press, 1939. Pp. 69 & 81 plates. Jones, Howard Mumford. America and French Culture, 1750-1848. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1927. Pp. 615.

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Keller, William F. "The French Craze of '93 and the American Press," Americana, X X X V (1941), 473-496. Maestro, Marcello T. Voltaire and Beccaria as Reformers of Criminal Law. New York: Columbia University Press, 1942. Pp. 177. Martin, Kingsley. French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century. London: Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1929. Pp. 313. Mason, George C. Annals of Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode Island, 17961821. 2 vols. Newport: George C. Mason, 1890. Reminiscences of Newport. Newport: Charles S. Hammett, Jr., 1884. Pp. 407. Matthews, Albert. "Teaching of French at Harvard College before 1750", Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, XVII (1912), 216232. Miller, William D. "Volumes from Book Shelves in Old South County", Rhode Island Historical Society Collections, X X X I (1938), 8-17. Mitchell, Julia Post. St. Jean de Crèvecoeur. New York: Columbia University Press, 1916. Pp. 362. Riley, Arthur J. Catholicism in New England to 1788. Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1936. Pp. 479. Rodrigue, Elizabeth M. "French Educators in the Northern States during the Eighteenth Century", French Review, X I V (1940), 95-108. Rogers, Horatio. Private Libraries of Providence. Providence: S. S. Rider, 1878. Pp. 255. Rosenthal, Lewis. America and France. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1882. Pp. 302. Ruskowski, Leo F. French Emigré Priests in the United States, 1791-1815. Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1940. Pp. 151 Schilling, Bernard N. "The English Case against Voltaire: 1789-1800", Journal of the History of Ideas, IV (April 1943), 193-216. Schoenberger, Harold W. American Adaptations of French Plays on the New York and Philadelphia Stages from 1790 to 1833. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1924. Pp. 99. Seilhamer, George O. History of the American Theatre. 3 vols. Philadelphia: Globe Printing House, 1888-1891. Seybolt, Robert F. The Private Schools of Colonial Boston. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935. Pp. 106. "Schoolmasters of Colonial Boston", Colonial Society of Massachusetts Transactions, X X V I I (1932), 130-156. Sherrill, Charles H. French Memoirs of Eighteenth Century America. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1915. Pp. 335.

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Shores, Louis. Origins of the American College Library. New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 1935. Pp. 290. Snow, Louis F. The College Curriculum in the United States. New York: Printed for the author, 1907. Pp. 186. Spurlin, Paul M. Montesquieu in America. Romance Language Series No. 4. Louisiana State University Press, 1940. Pp. 302. Tolman, William H. History of Higher Education in Rhode Island. Contributions to American Educational History No. 18. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894. Pp. 210. Waldo, Lewis P. The French Drama in America in the Eighteenth Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1942. Pp. 269. Wright, Thomas Goddard. Literary Culture in Early New England, 16201730. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920. Pp. 322. Historical

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Allen, Zachariah. Memorial of Lafayette. Paper read before the Rhode Island Historical Society, February 20, 1861. Providence, 1861. Pp. 19. Arnold, Samuel G. History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 2 vols. Providence: Preston & Rounds Co., I860. Baird, Charles W. History of the Huguenot Emigration to America. 2 vols. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1885. Balch, Thomas. Les Français en Amérique pendant la Guerre de l'Indépendance des Etats-Unis, 1777-1783. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie D. Jouaust, 1872. Barton, Ira M. "Remarks on Huguenot Settlements in New England", Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 30, 1862, pp. 9-20. The Book of Rhode Island. Distributed by Rhode Island State Bureau of Information. Providence: Remington Press, 1930. Pp. 299. Brebner, John Bartlet. New England's Outpost. New York: Columbia University Press, 1927. Pp. 291. Carpenter, Esther Bernon. The Huguenot Influence in Rhode Island. Providence: Kellogg Printing Co., 1885. Pp. 33. Champlin, John D. "Who was John Gardé?", Magazine of New England History, III (1893), 232-236. Childs, Frances S. French Refugee Life in the United States, 1790-1800. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1940. Pp. 229. Chinard, Gilbert. George Washington as the French Knew Him. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940. Pp. 161. Les Réfugiés Huguenots en Amérique. Paris, 1925. Pp. 245. Les Combattants Français de la Guerre Américaine, 1778-1783. Edited by Henri Mérou. Paris, 1903- Pp. 327.

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Segretain, M. le Général. "Un Compagnon de La Fayette, Pierre du Rousseau de Fayolle, 1746-1780", Bulletin et Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de l'Ouest, Tome X X V , 2 me série, 19-39Stevens, John Austin. The French in Rhode Island. Newport: Franklin Printing House, Inc., 1928. Pp. 40. "The French in Rhode Island", Magazine of American History, III (1879), 385-436. Stone, Edwin M. Our French Allies. Providence: Providence Press Co., 1884. Pp. 632. Tilley, Edith M. Historic Spots in Newport. Newport: Mercury Publishing Co., 1914. Pp. 16. Tower, Charlemagne, Jr. The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution. 2 vols. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1895. Weeden, William B. Early Rhode Island. New York: Grafton Press, 1910. Pp. 381. "Ideal Newport in the Eighteenth Century", Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, XVIII (1906-1907), 106-117. White, Elizabeth Nicholson. The Star of La Rochelle. Providence: E. A. Johnson Co., 1930. Pp. 130.

INDEX Abbeville, 69 Aboyneaux, Pierre Armand, 37 Account of French Poetry with Directions for reading Trench Verse, An, 103 Adams, John, 58, 59 Adams, Samuel, 82 Adancourt, William, 37, 97, 116, 139 Adaptations of French plays, 114-116 Adventures of Gil Blas de Santillane, see Gil Bias Adventures of Telemachus, the son of Ulysses, 107 ; see also Telemachus Advertisements in French, 64, 65 Advice from a Lady of Quality to her Children, 104, 105 Age of Enlightenment, 140 Age of Lewis XIV, 105, 110; see also History of Lewis XIV, Life of Lewis XIV Albrespy, Guilleaume, 15 Alembert, d', 90 All in the Wrong, 115 Allen, Captain Zachariah, 10 Allen, Zachariah, 23 Alliance, the, 23 Amazone, the, 28 America (Rollin), 113 American Bibliography, 10 American Journal, 48, 50, 51, 52, 95, 103 Ami des Enfans, L', 106 Amsterdam, 7 Ancient History ( M i l l o t ) , 107 Ancient History (Rollin), 105, 106, 108, 112, 113 Anderson's North American Calendar, 60 Angell, Israel, 23 Animal Oeconomy, Ye, 111 Answer to Inquiries of the Board of Trade, 2 Arbuthnot, 30 Architecture, French influence on, 117 Archives of Brown University, 111, 112 Archives, Paris, 120 Archives, Rhode Island State, see Rhode Island State Archives

Argens, Marquis d', 89, 111, 113 Argenson, Marquis d', 107 Arnaud, Monsieur, 98 Arnaut, Widow, 4 Arnold, Benedict, 51 Arnold, Jonathan, 24 Arnold, Welcome, 112 Arouet, see Ladd, Joseph Brown Art bien parler Françoise, L' ( s i c ) , 112 Arts and Sciences, 112 Assembly of Notables, 53 Atherton Company, the, 3, 4, 5 Audry, John Baptist, 117 Austria, 56 Avare, L', 115 Avocat Patelin, L', 116 Ayrault, Daniel, 5, 8 Ayrault, Pierre, 3, 5, 8 Babouc (character), 71 Bacon, 108 Balzac, 111 Baptist Academy of Bristol, England, 111 Barat, Mrs., 40 Barber, Henry, 44, 51 Barille, Claude, 37 Barnaby Brittle, 115 Barolan, Thomas Roger de, 14 Barras, Admiral Count de, 30, 31, 50, 125 Barreaux, 89 Barrington, 136 Barruel, Abbé, 107 Bass, John, 113 Bastille, the, 53, 54 Battar, Ignatius, 15 Battle of Rhode Island, the, 22, 23 Battle with a Castle on a Hill, A, \n Baudoine, François, 14 Bay of Fundy, 2 Bay Purchasers, see Atherton Company Bayle, 88, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113 Bayonne, 6 Beaumarchais, 84 Beccaria, 102

INDEX Beli sari us, 106 Belle Assembly (Assemblée), La, 102, 103, 105, 110 Belles Lettres, 105, 111 Bellomont, Earl of, 8 Benezet, Anthony, 82 Berlin, 69 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, 107, 108 Bernon, Esther, 10 Bernon, Eve, 10 Bernon, Gabriel, 6, 7-12, 138, 139, 141 Bernon, Jeanne, 10 Bernon, Marie, 10 Bernon, Sarah, 10 Bernon, Susanne, 10 Berquin, A., 106 Bicierslaff's New England Alm.wici, 60 Birket, James, 16 Blackstone, 108 Blanchard, 63, 64 Blanchard, Claude, 29, 121, 127; cxccrpts from his diary, 122 123 Block Island, 13, 14 Board of Trade, London, 8 Bonnemort, Monsieur, 97, 98, 101 Booksellers' advertisements, French books listed in, 92, 102-108 Bordeaux, 6 Boston, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 22, 23, 25, 28, 30, 31, 32, 37, 42, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 93, 94, 98, 105, 115, 120, 126, 127, 130 Boston Weekly News Letter, 93, 94 Bougainville, 111 Boukmann, 38 Boullier, 112 Boulogne (Boullongne), 117 Bour de la Mariniere, Peter, 15, 138 Bourdon, 117 Bourgoanne, 107, 112 Bourgoyne, 18 Bours, Peter, 15 Bowen, Colonel, 127 Bov/en, Deputy Governor Jabez, 28, 127 Boyer's French and English Dictionary, 103, 104 Brenton's Reef, 21 Brest, 23, 25, 30 Brinley, Miss, 130 Brissot de Warville, 82, 83, 107, 112, 133, 135; quotations from his New Travels in the United States, 133-134 Bristol, 6, 23, 24, 26, 33, 39, 41, 42, 98, 135, 136, 139 Bristol, England, 111

British occupation of Newport, 21-23, 26, 34, 44 British State Papers Office, 3 Broglie, Prince de, 29, 32, 128, 130; excerpts from his journal, 130 Brown, John, 111 Brown University, 25, 99, 101, 114, 125 Browne, Mr., 65 Brueys, de, 116 Bruyère, 110 Buffon, 83 84, 90, 106, 108 Buitden, John, 37 Bull's Point, 14 Buonaparte, Joseph, 59 Buonaparte, Napoleon, 56 Burgundy, 62 Burke, Edmund, 109 Calas affair, 63, 69, 89 Calendar, French Republican, see French Republican Calendar Calendrier Francois, 51, 60-61 Calmet, 110 Calvin, 111, 114 Cambray, Bishop of, 103, 105, 110, 111; see also Fénelon Cambridge, 93 Camp Street, 32 Canada, 2, 7, 8, 14, 36, 45, 119 Candide, 69, 75 Cape Breton, 14, 16 (Cape Briton) Cape François, 16 Caraccioli, L. A. de, 104 Carolina, 1 Carpenter, Captain Francis, 10 Carré, Reverend Ezéchiel, 3, 4, 120 Carter, John, 44, 103, 104 Carter, John Jr., 56 Carter and Wilkinson, 106, 107 Castendel, Hubert, 15 Catalogue of the Providence Library Society, 110, 111 Catalogue of the Redwood Library, 109110 Catalogue of the Rhode Island College Library, 111, 112 Catalogue of the Vernon Pictures, 117 Catalogue of the Warren Library Society, 112 Catherine I, 73 Cavalier, Allen, 37 Cervantes, 107 Champ de Mars, 63 Champion, Monsieur, 116

INDEX Champlain family, 130 Channel Islands, 16 Character of Oliver Cromwell, 78 Character es Moeurs, Les (sic), 112 Characters and Criticisms, 110, 111 Charles and Robert, Messieurs, 63 Charles the Xllth, 103, 113 Charleston, South Carolina, 40, 41, 66 Charlevoix, le Père, 1, 107, 111 Chartres, Antoine de, 37 Chastellux, Chevalier de, 27, 29, 31, 82, 102, 104, 105, 106, 127; excerpts from his Voyage de Newport à Philadelphie, Albany &c, 127-128 Cheats of Scapin, The, 114 Chesapeake Bay, 30, 31, 50 Cheverus, Bishop, 42 Chiena, Monsieur, 41 Child of Nature, The, 115 Choisy, Brigadier General, 31 Citizen, The, 115 "Citoyen adoptif de la Pennsylvanie," 134 Clarke, John, 4 Clery, Monsieur, 107 Co eu Imaginaire, Le, 115 Coddington, William, 10 Collection of Familiar Letters French and English, A, 103, 104 Collones, Joseph, 37 Comedies of Terence, 112 Commentary on Beccaria, Voltaire's, 102 Commerce, Brissot on, 107 Commines (Comines), 110, 114 Companion and Commercial Centine!, see Weekly Companion and Commercial Centinel Conanicut Island, 21, 133 (Kananicut) Concorde, the, 30, 125 Condorcet, 86-87, 90 Confessions of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 103, 108 Connecticut, 4, 5, 8, 31, 128, 136 Considerations, 112 Contes de la Fontaine, 52 Continental Congress, 7 Contrat Social, Le, 80, 90, 107 Convention of October 2, 1800, 59, 67 Cooke, Nicholas, 18, 19, 20 Corday, Charlotte, 55 Corneille, 114 Cornwallis, 52 Corny, Louis Ethis de, 24 Cotton, Mr., 95 Courier de Boston, 105

177

Courier de l'Europe, 63 Courier Politique de l'Univers, 106 Courrier des Affaires Publique (sic), 112 Court of Admiralty, 14 Coventry, 16, 31 Cowley, Mary, 103 Craik (Craick), Major James, 24, 25 Cranston, Captain John, 13 Crawford, Ann, 10 Crawford, Candace, 10 Crawford, Gideon, 10 Crawford, Joseph, 10 Crawford, Mary, 10 Creed of Voltaire, The, 16-11, 140 Creeks, 120 Crèvecoeur, M. G. Saint Jean de, 132, 134; excerpts from his Letters, 132-133; see also Crevecoeur, St. John de Crevecoeur, St. John de, 65 Cromol Dubourg, Baron, 30, 50, 125, 126; quotations from his journal, 126-127 Cromwell, Character of Oliver, 78 Croquevielle, 96, 97, 101 Cullio, James, 37 Curien, John George, 36, 139 Curie, Pierre, 95 Curtain, Thomas, 16 Cushing, Henry, 107 Custine, 27 Daillé, Pastor (Pierre), 7 dal Vermé, Count, 64 Damas, Count de, 27 Dancourt, 115 Danton, 55 Dauphin, death of, 45 Davie, W . R., 59 Davisville River, 3 Dawson, Warrington, 131 Day Book, Solomon Drowne's, 101 Deane, Silas, 18 Death, Drelincourt on, 104, 106 Decatur, Stephen, 15, 138 Dechezeau, Adam, 14 Declaration of the Rights of Man, 54 De Grasse, Comte, 30, 31 De la Félicité Publique, 101 De la Legislation, 112 De l'Esprit, 101 De l'Homme, 86, 90, 140 Delaware, 21 Delile, Lewis, 92-94 Demoulins Rochefort, S. C , 37 Dennison, J., 107

1 78

INDEX

Derniers Adieux de la Maréchale de xxx à ses enfants, 104 Descartes, 110, 112, 114 Desertion from the French fleet and army, 36 Desforges, Monsieur, 98-99, 116 D'Estaing, Admiral, 21, 22, 23, 46, 47, 121 Destouches, Chevalier, 28, 30 Destouches, (Néricault), 115, 116 D e Ternay, Admiral, 25, 27, 28, 30, 33, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 121, 127 Deucesne, Samuel, 15, 138 Deux-Ponts, Count William de, 27, 131 Deux-Ponts Regiment, Royal, 29 Devil on (Two) Sticks, The, 102, 103, 107, 112 Dexter, Jeremiah, 32 D'heurrin, Peter Francis, 15 Dialogues of the Dead, 110, 111 Diana and her Maids in the Bath, 117 Dictionary, (Bayle), 110, 111, 113 Dictionary of the Bible, 110 Dictionnaire Philosophique, 69, 107, 140; see also Philosophical Dictionary Diderot, 90 Dieppe, 1 Discours sur l'Origine de l'Inégalité, 80, 90, 140 ; see also Inequality of Mankind Dissertation on Pure Love, 110; see also Pure Love Dolphin, the, 7, 14 Doutes de Société, 112 Douville, Pierre, 36, 139 Douvillier, Monsieur and Madame, 116 Dream, A, by Voltaire, 78 Drelincourt, 104, 106 Droit Publique (sic), 112 Drowne, Solomon, 101, 102 Drowne Collection, the, 101 D u Bouchet, Chevalier de, 36 D u Moulin, Dr., 61 Duc de Bourgogne, the, 25, 29, 31 Dumaniant, Antoine, 116 Dumas, Count Mathieu, 27, 29, 131 Dumoy, William, 15, 138 D u Portail, Brigadier General, 31

East and West Indies, 113 East Greenwich, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 95, 138 Easton, John, 13 Edes, Peter, 53 Education, Cambray on, 105, 111 ; see also L'Education des Enfans

Education des Enfans, L', 102 Egypt, 56 Eldridge, John, 11 Elements of French Conversation, 103 Elements of (General) History, 105, 108, 113 Ellery, William, 18 Ellsworth, Oliver, 59 Eloquence, Cambray on, 110 Emeraude, the, 32 Emile, 80, 90, 102, 103, 108, 140 Emilies, 103 ; see Emile Emillius and Sophia, 106; see also Emile England, 2, 4, 14, 18, 46, 57, 58, 72, 75, 90, 141 ; see also Great Britain Entretiens de Phocion, 112 Entriens de Feu Möns. De Balzac, Les (sic), 111 Epistolae, (Descartes), 112 Epitaph for Voltaire, An, 75-76 Esprit des Lois, V, 81, 89, 103, 140 Essays, (Montaigne), 110, 114 Essays Civil, Moral, Literary and Political, 107 Etats Généraux, 53 Etude de ¡'Histoire, 112 Evacuation of Rhode Island, 47 Evans, Dr. Caleb, 111 Evans' American Bibliography, 10 Exeter, 3 Existence of God, 110, 111 Fables, (Cambray), 105, 108 Fables, (La Fontaine), 104, 105, 108; see also Fables and Tales Fables and Dialogues, (Cambray), 110 Fables and Tales, (La Fontaine), 110 Farnsworth, Havila and Oliver, 56 Fauchet, see Randolph-Fauchet affair Fausse Agnès, La, 115 Fénelon, 102, 107, 108, 113; see also Cambray Fermiers Généraux, 45 Fernay, 77 Fersen, Count Axel de, 27, 29, 33, 131, 132 Fielding, ( H e n r y ) , 115, 116 Finances of France, 104 Fiory, Jean Baptiste, 37 Fleury, François Louis Tesseidre de, 20, 21, 22

Flight into Egypt, 117 Flint, Abel, 97 Florian, 107 Florida, 119

INDEX Fones, Captain Daniel, 14 Fontaine, 104, 105, 110; see also La Fontaine Fontainebleau, 45 Fontenelle, 89, 105, 107, 108, 110, 113 Foster, Theodore, 101 Foster, D r o w n & Co., 105 Fourberies de Scapin, Les, 114 Foy, Captain John, 7 France, 4, 6, 7, 12, 14, 16, 18, 23, 36, 37, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 72, 74, 75, 87, 88, 89, 93, 99, 100, 117, 118, 119, 121, 126, 132, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141 Francis I, 1 Franco-American alliance, 47, 139, 141 Francois, Jean, 38 Franklin, Ann, 44 Franklin, Benjamin, 46, 69 Franklin, James, 43, 44, 102 Franklin, James 2nd, 44 Frederick the Great, 70, 71, 73, 89 Freemasons, King David's Lodge, 64 Freemasons, St. John's Lodge, 30, 37, 51 French Academy, 104 French actors, 115 French and English Dictionary, 103, 104 French and English Grammar, 104 French and Indian War, 14 French books in advertisements, 102-108 French books in catalogues of libraries, 109-114 French Church of Boston, 4, 7, 8 French Constitution, 54, 55 French encampment, 32, 33, 129 French fleet, 21, 23, 46, 48, 50, 64, 95, 103, 121, 132 French Grammar, 103 French hospitals, 24, 26 French National Assembly, 54, 55 "French Orchard," 3 French painting, 117 French plays, translations and adaptations of, 114-116 French prisoners of war, 15 French Protestant refugee, 119 French Republic, 55, 79, 139, 141 French Republican Calendar, 66 French Revolution, 38, 43, 53-55, 117, 139 French sea-press, 50, 106, 127 French spoliation claims, see X Y Z affair French W a r s , 13-14, 16 Frenchtown, 3, 6, 7, 138, 141

Fréron fils, 87-88, 90 Friend of Youth, 106 Fry, Joseph, 56 Galatea, 107 Gallatin, Baron Gaspard de, 131 Gallays, Sansson, 4 Ganeaux, François, 7 Gano, Reverend Stephen, 7 Gardé, Harte, 2 Gardé, John, 2 Gardner, Robert, 6 Garrick, ( D a v i d ) , 115 Gavet, Philip, 16 Gazar, John, 15 Gazette Fran(oise, 50, 51, 52, 95 Gazetteer of France, 106 General Assembly of Rhode Island, 2 0 ; addresses of, 25, 32, 49, 52; Proceedings of, 6, 11, 15 ; resolutions passed by, 4, 13, 14, 18, 24, 31, 36, 37, 39 Genêt, Citizen, 57 Genlis, Madame de, 115 George Dandin, 115 Gérard de Rayneval, 21, 47 Gerneaux, see Ganeaux Gerry, Elbridge, 58 Gil Bias, 101, 102, 104, 106 (Gill Blass), 107 Goddard, John, 117 Goddard, Sarah, 44 Goddard, William, 44 Gomez, Estevan, 2 Gouvion, Monsieur de, 27 Great Britain, 44, 47, 52, 56, 57, 6 8 ; see also England Greene, General, 47 Greene, Governor, 26 Greene, Nathanael, 24 Greenwich, 19 Guernsey, 7 Guerre Ouverte, La, 116 Hall, Benjamin Hunt, 102 Hall, Samuel, 44, 102 Hallam, (Lewis), 115 Hammond, 112 Harper, J., 115, 116 Harris, Mary, 9, 10 Hartford Conference, 27, 28, 30 Harvard College, 100, 104 Hayward Park, 31 Heath, Major General, 24, 25, 49, 82 Helme, James, 10

180

INDEX

Helme, Powell, 113 Helvetius, 84-86, 90, 101, 111, 113, 140 Hennepin, 110 Henry, Mrs., 115 Henry IV, 66, 96 Herald of the United States, 56, 57, 59, 98, 106 Hericourt, Madame d', 81 Hermione, the, 24, 48 Hispaniola, 39, 40, 92, 93 Hiitoire de la Greece (sic), 112 Histoire Naturelle, 90 Historical and Critical Dictionary, 112; see also Dictionary (Bayle) History of Charles Xll, 109, 110 ; see also Charles Xll History of Jacobinism, 107 History of Lewis XIV, 109; see also Age of Lewis XIV History of Paraguay, 107, 111 History of the American Revolution, see Revolution of America History of the Chevalier des Grieux, 103, 107 ; see also Manon Lescaut History of the Destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty, 107 History of the Indies, 79, 104, 106, 108, 111; see also East and West Indies, Indies History of the Turks, 105 Hoell, David, see Howell, David Holland, 2, 56, 72, 73, 75, 88 Honyman, Reverend James, 9 Hoppin and Snow, 106 Howe, John, 46 Howell, David, 94, 100, 102 Howe's fleet, 21, 22, 47 Huguenot Society of America, 3 Humphreys, David, 114 Hunter, 128, 130, 132 Hunt's River, 3 Hurley, Mr. and Mrs., 99

Iesseau, Pierre, 14 Illustres Francoises Histoires, Les, 112 Impétueux, the, 37 Imprimerie Royale de l'Escadre, 60 Inchbald, Mrs. (Elizabeth S.), 115, 116 India, 113 Indies, The, see History of the Indies Inequality of Mankind, 111 Institutes of the Christian Religion, 111, 114

Intellectual Mirror, The, see Looiing-Glass for the Mind Iris, the, 24, 48 Iroquois warriors, 27, 49 Isaac Bickerstaft's New England Almanack, see Bickerstaff's New England Almanack Italy, 57 Itey, Mrs., 40 Jackson, George, 102 Jansécourt, Monsieur de, 30 Jastram, Jean, 51, 52, 95 Jay, John, 57 ; Jay's Treaty, 58 Jefferson, Thomas, 57, 100 Jennecourt, Monsieur, 37 Jerauld, Dutee, 7 John Hay Library, 101, 114, 125 Jones, H. M., 14 Journal de Medecine, Chirurgie et Pharmacie Militaire, 65 Journal de Paris, 63 Journal of the Occurrences in the Tower of the Temple during the Confinement of Louis XVI, 107 Joyeux, Jean, 15 Julia, see La Nouvelle Héloise Julien, Jean, 6 Kickemuit Bridge, 23 King, Rufus, 57 King George's War, 14 King William's War, 13 King's Park, 26 Kingstown, 3, 9 Knox, General, 30 La Barre, Chevalier de, see La Marre, M. Lefebvre de La Bruyère, 110, 114; see also Bruyère Ladd, Dr. Joseph Brown, 66 La Fayette (Lafayette), Marquis de, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 34, 37, 47, 48, 49, 53, 121 Lafon, Pierre Victor, 15 La Fontaine, 52, 89, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 114; see also Fontaine Lagoud, John, 37 La Hontan, 105, 110, 111 Laisard, Monsieur, 41 Lake of Trasimène, 117 La Luzerne, Chevalier de, 27, 49, 52 La Marre, M. Le Febvre de, 69 La Neal, Henry, 37

INDEX Langloiserie, Louis, 100 Languedoc, 7 Languedoc, the, 22 Lannay, Joseph de, 14 La Pérouse, 28 La Roche, Monsieur de, 98 La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, 135, 136 La Rochelle, 7, 24 Laruguy, John, 36 La Touche, Chevalier de, 24 Lauzun, Duc de, 28, 128 Law of Nature, 113 Lawton, John, 97 Lawton, Polly, 129, 130 Leaumont, 116 Lebanon, Connecticut, 6, 28 Le Brun, 117 Leda and Jupiter, 117 Lee, General Charles, 19 Leed's Almanack, 60 Legrand, Pierre, 14 Leipsic, 70 Lemierre, (Antoine), 115 Le Moine, Moïse, 5 Lemonnier, Phinéas Salomon, 52, 95 Leonard, David, 102 Le Roy, Esther, 9, 10 Le Roy, Pierre, 15 Lesage, 101, 107, 108 Letombe, Sieur Joseph de, 65 Letters, (Maintenon), 111 Letters, (Voltaire), 105, 109, 110 \ see also Lettres Philosophiques Letters to Edmund Burke, 109 Lettres Chinoises, 111 Lettres d'un Cultivateur Américain, 132 Lettres Philosophiques, 108, 109 Lettres sur les Anglais, 69 ; see also Lettres philosophiques Le Vallé, Pierre, 16, 139 Libraries, private, 92, 113 Library catalogues, French books in, 92, 109-114 Library of Rhode Island College, 111 Life of Descartes, 110 Life of Lewis XIV th, 102 ; see also Age of Lewis XIV Liste Generale des Postes de France, 103 Little Compton, 66 Little Democrat, see Little Sarah affair Little Sarah affair, 57 Littleness of Human Wisdom, The, 74 London, 3, 7, 46, 68, 69, 75, 103, 109, 111, 114

181

Looting-glass for the Mind, 106, 107 Lot and his Daughters, 117 Louis XIII, 66 Louis X I V , 66, 72 Louis X V , 45, 74 Louis XVI, 27, 45, 50, 60, 100 Louisburg, 14 Love of God, 111 Lucas, Auguste, 6 Lyons, (Charles), 116 Mably, Gabriel Bonnot de, 68, 69, 108, 112, 113 Madonna and Child, 117 Mahomet, Cromwell and Confucius, 78 Maine, 1, 2 Maintenon, 111 Malbone, Miss, 37 Mallet du Pan, J., 107 Malmédy, Marquis de, 18-20, 139 Man, Helvétius on, 113 "Man in the Iron Mask, The," 53, 72 Man with Forty Crowns, The, 106 Manière de Croire L'Histoire, 112 Manning, James, 25, 95, 97, 99-100, 103, 111

Manon Lescaut, 101, 107 Mantalte, L. de, 112 Marat, 55, 63 Marblehead, Massachusetts, 16 Marchant, Henry, 6 Marchant, Huxford, 6 Mariage de Figaro, Le, 84 Marigny, Pierre Berthon de, 3 Marmontel, 89, 103, 106, 107 Married Man, The, 116 Marrot, Citizen, 40, 98 Marseilles, 36, 81 Marshall, John, 58 Martinique, 19 Mary, John, 104 Maryland, 38 Mason, G. C., 38 Mass celebrated in Rhode Island, 41, 42 Massachusetts, 4, 5, 8, 16, 93 Matignon, Father, 42 Maupertuis, 73 Maurepas, 44 Maurice, F., 97, 116 Maxcy, Jonathan, 97 Médecin Malgré Lui, Le, 116 Medfield, Massachusetts, 7 Mémoires, (Brissot de Warville), 83 Mémoires, ( M i l f o r t ) , 120

1 82

INDEX

Mémoires, (Count de Ségur), 128 Memoirs, (Commines), 110, 114 Mercier, Louis Sébastien, 75 Merritt, John, 113 Messier, Monsieur, 63 Midnight Hour, The, 116 Mignard, 117 Milfort, General, 120-121 Millot, Abbé, 105, 107, 108, 113 Mineral Spring Cemetery, 36 Miraill, Peter, 15 Miser, The, 115, 116 Miss in Her Teens, 115 Mock Doctor, The, 116 Moffett, Dr. Thomas, 113 Molière, 112, 114, 115, 116 Moneta, Joseph, 37 Montaigne, 110, 114 Montalembert, Marquis de, 63 Montelier, J., 37 Montesquieu, 78, 81-82, 89, 90, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 111, 113, 140 Montesquieu, Baron de, 132 Montgolfier, 63 Montreal, 44, 45 Moral Essays, 110 Morale, 112 Morfontaine, 59 Moulin, Monsieur de, 37 Mumford, William Jr., 103 Murphy, Madame, 63 Murphy, (Arthur), 115 Murray, W . V., 59 Nancrède, Monsieur de, 105 Narragansett, 3, 119, 120 Narragansett Bay, 1, 4 "Narragansett River," 4 National Convention, 55, 58 Natural History, 106, 108 Neckar, see Necker Necker, 104 Neptune, the, 50 New Amsterdam, 2 New England, 1, 2, 3, 7, 13, 14, 38, 42, 119 New France, 119 New Hampshire, 8 New Memoirs, 113 New Oxford, Massachusetts, 6, 7, 9 New Rochelle, 7 "New Theatre," 115 New Travels in the United States, 133 New York, 1, 3, 5, 8, 16, 21, 23, 26, 38, 46, 65, 75, 115

Newbury, 3 Newport, 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 56, 60, 75, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 103, 105, 106, 109, 111, 113, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139 Newport Gazette, 46 Newport Herald, 53, 79, 81, 83, 84, 88, 89, 96, 97 Newport Mercury, 32, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 107, 108, 115, 116 Normandy, 62, 126 North American Calendar, (Anderson's), 60 North American Calendar, (West's), 60, 72, 80 North American Calendar, (Wheeler's), 60, 66 North Burial Ground, 33 North Kingstown, 6 Norwich, 120 Nouveau Secretaire, 103 Nouveau Testament, he, 103 Nouveau Voyage autour du Monde, 134 Nouvelle Héloi'se, La, 102 Nouvelle Londres (New London), 120 Nova Scotia, 1, 8 Nugent, Mr., 98 Oath of the Clergy, 41 Observations de l'Academie Françoise, 111 Observations sur les Romains, 112 Observations sur L'Histoire de France, 112 Oeuvres de Molière, 112 Oeuvres Postumes de la Fontaine, 103 Office de Bouche, 103 "Old French War," 14, 44; see French and Indian Wars Olney, Esek, 10 OIney, Mary, 10 On Crime, (Beccaria), 102 Opera Philosophica, 110 Oran, Bay of, 43 Ordonnance de la Marine, 112 Orleans, Duke of, 55 Otway, 114 Ouessant, Battle of, 37

INDEX Pagès, Vicomte de, 134 Paine, Captain Thomas, 13 Paine, Thomas, 109 Pantheon, 75 Papillon, Pierre, 6 Paris, 18, 44, 46, 52, 53, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 68, 74, 75, 76, 79, 84, 100, 102 Paris Archives, 120 Parisienne, La, 115 Parnassian Loom, The, 89 Pascal, 112, 113, 114; see also Montalte Pataxet (Pawtuxet), 135 Pateu, Etienne, 40 Pawcatuck River, 4 Pawtucket, 36 Peck, Colonel, 127 Peckham and Gould, 103 Pennsylvania, 38, 46, 134 Perlier, Widow, 4 Perrault, 103, 107 Persian Letters (and Continuation), 109 Peter the Great, 113 Philadelphia, 21, 32, 38, 52, 57, 82, 101, 115 Phillips, Nathaniel, 56, 66 Philosophe Marié, Le, 116 Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, 104; sec also History of the Indies Philosophical Club of Newport, 109 Philosophical Dictionary, 107; see also Dictionnaire Philosophique Pigot, General, 21 Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, 58 Pineau, Jacques, 6 Placide, A., 115 Placide troupe, 115 Plainfield, 95 Pluche, 110 Plurality of Worlds, 105, 108, 110 Point Judith, 47 Poitou, 3, 14 Poland, 75 Politics, Rousseau on, 107 Pompadour, Madame de, 62, 63 Poor Job's Almanack, 60 Poppasquash Point, 33 Porée, Peter, 15 Porny's Familiar Letters, French and English, 104 Port Royal, 14 ; Messrs. de, 110 Portsmouth, 52 Poterie, Abbé de la, 42

183

Potter, Elisha R., 113 Powel, Adam, 10 Prévost, Abbé, 101, 103, 107, 108 Priestley, Joseph, 109 Providence, 7, 8, 9, 15, 18, 19, 21 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 48, 50, 52, 53, 56, 75, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, 104, 107, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 120, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139 Providence Gazette, 34, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 59, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 87, 89, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 115, 116 Providence Journal, 56, 107 Providence Library Society, 110; catalogues of, 110, 111 Providence Theatre, 115 Provinciales Lettres, Les, 112 Prussia, 56 Public library movement, 109 Pure Love, 103, 108; see also Dissertation on Pure Love Quakers, 82, 120, 124, 126, 128, 129, 130 Quebec, 7, 43, 44 Queen Anne's War, 13 Quesnel, 112 Question Préliminaire, La, 50 Questions sur l'Encyclopédie, 75 Racine, 114 Randolph-Fauchet affair, 57 Raynal, 78-79, 90, 104, 105, 106, 108, 111, 113 Reaumur, 61 Redwood, Abraham, 109 Redwood Library Company, 109, 1 1 4 ; catalogues of, 109 Reflections in Confinement, 83 Reflections Morales, 112 Reflections on Learning, 105, 108, 111 Reflections on the Grandeur ôc of the Romans, 109; see also Rise and Fall of the Romans Reflections on the Revolution in France, 109 Régnier, 89 Reign of Terror, 141 Repose in Egypt, 117 Requet des Fourneaux, Alexander de, 14

INDEX Responses aux Principales Questions qui peuvent être faites sur les Etats-Unis de l'Amérique, 134 Revenge, the, 114 Reveries of the Solitary Walker, 103, 108 Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 2, 88 Revolution of America, 78, 90, 105, 108, 111

Revolutionary Tribunal, 43 Revolutions of Empires, 88, 90 Rhode Island, Battle of, 22 Rhode Island College, 25, 65, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 114 Rhode Island College Library, 111, 112; catalogues of, 111, 112 Rhode Island Gazette, 43, 78 Rhode Island Historical Society, 10, 34, 123 Rhode-Island Museum, 56 Rhode Island State Archives, 14, 19, 32, 41, 138 Rhode Island State Gazette, 78 Ricaut, 105 Rice's Tavern, 37 Richards, George, 94, 95 Richardson, Jacob, 105, 108 Richardson, (Samuel), 108 Richelieu, 66 Riggs, Abimalech, 24 Rights of Man, 109 Rise and Fall of the Romans, 105, 108, 110; see also Reflections on the Grandeur &c of the Romans Robbins, Asher, 97 Robertnier, L. J . B. Sylvestre de, 123, 126; excerpts from his journal, 123-125 Robespierre, 55, 88 Robin, Abbé Claude C., 30, 105, 131 Robinson, William, 113 Rochambeau, Comte de, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 48, 49, 52, 61, 64, 82, 97, 103, 104, 121, 123, 125, 129, 131, 132, 137, 139 Rochambeau, Vicomte de, 28, 30, 50, 125 Rochambeau Avenue, 32 Rochester, 3 Rollin, 105, 106, 108, 111, 112, 113 Roman Catholic, almanac, 61 ; priests, 41, 42 ; rights extended to Catholic citizens of Rhode Island, 37 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 78, 79 80, 90, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108, 111, 113, 140 Ruins, 107, 108, 113 Russell, Joseph D., I l l

Russia, 73 Ryswick, Treaty of, 13 Sagittaire, the, 30 St. Armand, Monsieur, 116 St. Evremond, 111 St. John's Church, 9 Saint Malo, 6 St. Paul's Church, 9 St. Phillips, Peter, 37 Salem, Massachusetts, 16 Salency, 116 Sandusky Lake, 69 Sandy Hook, 21, 46 Sanford, Governor Peleg, 2 Santo Domingo, exiles from, 38-41, 65, 98, 116, 138, 139; revolutionary activities in, 38, 55, 56 Scarron, 102 Schuyler, General, 27 Scott, Joseph, 15 Sea-press of French fleet, see French seapress Seelye, Benjamin, 37 Segur, Count de, 32, 36, 128-129 Self Examination, 111 Senter, Dr. Isaac, 24 Sevene, Monsieur, 98 Shakespeare, 70, 108 Shaw and Handy, 64 Sherman, Winfield S., 3 Sillery, Marchioness de, 115 Silversmiths, French influence on, 117 Simon, Peter, 15 Sirven affair, 63 Social Contract, 108; see also Contrat Social Soissonnais Regiment, 50, 123 Soteux, 32 Soulard, Jean, 6 South Carolina, 5, 38, 40, 41, 139 Southwick, Henry C., 56 Southwick, Solomon, 44, 48 Souvenirs, 130 Spain, 14, 47, 56 Spanish and French Dictionary, 113 Speaking Picture, The, 116 Spectacle de la Nature, Le, 110 Spencer, General, 19 Spirit of Laws, 81, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110; see also Esprit des Lois State Gazette, 56 State House Library, 105 Sterne, (Laurence), 108

INDEX Stiles, D r . Ezra, 25, 33, 92, 93 Stonington, 5 Strictures on Voltaire, 69 Studies of Nature, 107, 108 Sullivan, General John, 21, 22, 23, 26, 47, 121

Sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inégalité parmi ¡es hommes, see Discours sur l'Origine de ¡'Inégalité Swan Point Cemetery, 37 Swaran and Cuchullin, 66 Switzerland, 2 Sybille, John Louis de, 37 Sylvan, Miss, 130 Tales, ( M a r m o n t e l ) , 103, 107 Tales, (Perrault), 103, 107 Tales and Fables, (Cambray), 111 Talleyrand, 38, 58, 59 Target, Monsieur, 68 Tarlé, Monsieur de, 26 Tartar, the, 14 Teaching of French, 92-102 Telemachus, 101, 102, 104, 105, 107, 110, 113 Terence, 112 Thomas, Isaiah, 105 Thomas, Mrs., 40 Thornton's Rhode Island Almanack, 60 Thoughts on Religion, 112 Tilloy, Isles of, 44 Tiverton, 22 Todd, Joseph, 107 Toleration, Voltaire on, 104 Tomlinson, John, 109 Tories, 125 Toulon, 21, 47 Tourgée, Pierre, 6, 141 Tours, 94 Tourtelotte, Abraham, 6, 10, 141 Traité de la Félicité Publique, 82 Traité sur la Tolérance, 71, 72, 89, 108, 140; see also Toleration Translations and adaptations of French plays, 114-116 Travels, (Bourgoanne), 112 Travels, (Brissot de W a r v i l l e ) , 107, 112 Travels, (Volney), 113 Travels in America, 105 Travels in North America in 1780, 1781 and 1782, 82, 104, 105 Travels in Spain, 107 Travels in Syria and Egypt, 107 Treaty of Alliance and Commerce, 58

Treaty of Alliance Offensive and Defensive, 18, 21, 45, 47, 6 0 ; see also FrancoAmerican alliance Trevett, Eleazar, 51 Triangular trade, 128 Trinity Church, 5, 6, 8, 16, 24, 28, 33, 53 Trumbull, Governor, 82

United States Chronicle, 53, 57, 59, 63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 82, 83, 84, 95, 97, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 115, 116 United States Diary, 60, 66 Universal History, 72 Universal Tolerance, see Traité sur la Tolérance

Valernais, Monsieur de, 24, 48 Vandale, Francis, 94 Varennes, 55 Vassal, William, 24 Vauban, 32, 130 Vemont, Monsieur de, 64 Vernet, 117 Vernon, William H., 117 Vernon House, 27, 117 Vernon pictures, 117 Verrazzano, 1, 2 Versailles, 23, 65 Veuve de Malabar, La, Hi Vie de Jésus, La, 103 Vigneron, see Wigneron Village Lawyer, The, 116 Villebresme, Chevalier de, 130-131 Viomesnil, 27, 29, 32 Virginia, 38, 52, 82, 119, 135 Voiture, 110, 114 Volney, Constantin F., 88, 90, 107, 108, 113, 135 Voltaire, 66, 69-78, 89, 90, 102, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 113, 140 Voltaire, (Condorcet), 86 Voyage dans les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, 135 Voyage de Bethel, Le, 103 Voyage de Newport à Philadelphie (Albany &c), 106, 127 Voyage to North America, 110 Voyages, (Bougainville), 111 Voyages, ( H e n n e p i n ) , 110 Voyages, (La H o n t a n ) , 105, 110, 111; see also Voyage to North America Voyages of Amas is, 107

1 86

INDEX

Wanton, Colonel Joseph, 28 Wanton, Major William, 13 Ward, Governor Samuel, 45 Warren, 19, 23, 24, 26, 56, 98, 103, 127, 135, 136 Warren Library Society, 112, 113; catalogue of, 112 Warville, 107; see also Brissot de Warville Warwick, 16, 139 Washington, George, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 45, 49, 50, 51, 82, 88, 125, 131 Waterman's Tavern, 31 Weekly Companion and Commercial Centinel, 56, 59 West Burial Ground, 31, 37 West Indies, 2, 8, 14, 15, 30, 37, 40, 41, 48, 53, 98 West Point, 52 Westerly, 16 Wests Almanack, 60 Wethersfield Conference, 30 Wheeler, Bennett, 48, 53, 103, 107 Whigs, 125 Whipple, Benjamin, 10 Whipple, Content, 10 White, Alfred, 10 Whitehall Evening Post, 70 Whitman, J. Jun. and Co., 107

Wickford, 9, 135 Widow of Malabar, The, 115 Wigneron, Charles Antoine, 16 Wigneron, Norbert Felicien, 16, 139 Wigneron, Stephen, 16 Wilkinson, William, 44 Williams, Roger, 9, 140, 141 Williamsburg, 31 Winthrop, Governor, 4, 5 Worcester, 105 Works, (Fontenelle), 107 Works, (La Bruyère), 110 Works, (Montesquieu), 111 Works, (Scarron), 102 Works, (Voiture), 110 Works, (Voltaire), 102, 105, 106, 108, 110 World as it Goes, The, 71 X Y Z affair, 57-59 X Y Z Papers, seeX

Y Z affair

Year Two Thousand Four Hundred Forty, The, 14 Yorktown, 23, 31, 52 Young, 114 Zélie,

115

and

VITA MARY ELLEN LOUGHREY was born January 10, 1902, at Stamford, Connecti-

cut, and attended parochial and public schools in that city and in Worcester, Massachusetts, graduating from the Worcester Classical High School in 1919She continued her studies at Middlebury College, from which she received in 1923 the A.B. degree with Valedictory Honors and High Honors in French, and in 1929 the degree of M.A. She has also studied at the Sorbonne, Brown University, Clark University, and Rhode Island College of Education. She is a member of Phi Beta Kappa. Since 1923, Miss Loughrey has been engaged in teaching French; she has taught in the high schools of Laconia, New Hampshire (1923-1926) and Massena, New York (1926-1928), and since 1928 has been a member of the faculty of Rhode Island College of Education.