Flight in America: from the Wrights to the astronauts 9780801866852

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface to the Third Edition (page ix)
Abbreviations (page xi)
1. The Awkward Years: Early Flight to 1918 (page 3)
2. The Aviation Business, 1918-1930 (page 41)
3. Adventure, Airways, and Innovation, 1930-1940 (page 83)
4. Air Power at War, 1930-1945 (page 125)
5. Air-Age Realities, 1945-1955 (page 167)
6. Higher Horizons, 1955-1965 (page 205)
7. From the Earth to the Moon, 1965-1975 (page 247)
8. Aerospace Perspectives, 1975-1983 (page 285)
9. Turmoil and Transition, 1983-2000 (page 327)
Notes (page 371)
Index (page 395)

Citation preview

FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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Baltimore and London |

THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY PRESS

IN AMERICA From the Wrights to the Astronauts Third Edition

ROGER E. BILSTEIN

© 1984, 1994, 2001 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. First edition 1984 Revised edition 1994 Third edition 2001 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

98765432

The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Bilstein, Roger E. Flight in America : from the Wrights to the astronauts / Roger E. Bilstein — 3rd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8018-6685-5 (alk. paper)

1. Aeronautics—United States—History. 2. Astronautics—United States—History. I. Title.

629.1'0973—dc21 00-065494 TL521.B528 2001

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Parts of chapter 2, “The Aviation Business: 1918-1930,” also appear in Flight Patterns: Trends of Aeronautical Development in the United States, 1918—1929, by Roger E. Bilstein, © 1983 by the University of Georgia Press. Frontispiece: For credit, see illustration on page 118.

For Robert H. Bremner

Contents

Preface to the Third Edition ix

Abbreviations xi

1. The Awkward Years: Early Flight to 1918 3

2. The Aviation Business, 1918—1930 4] 3. Adventure, Airways, and Innovation, 1930—1940 83

4. Air Power at War, 1930—1945 125 5. Air-Age Realities, 1945—1955 167 6. Higher Horizons, 1955—1965 205 7. From the Earth to the Moon, 1965-1975 247

8. Aerospace Perspectives, 1975-1983 285 9. Turmoil and Transition, 1983—2000 327

Notes 371 Index 395

the Third Editi

]. a thoughtful study, A Social History of Engineering (1961), English social historian Walter H. G. Armytage observed that “it is not too much to say that aviation has had a more comprehensive and far-reaching effect on all fields of material endeavour embarked upon by humans than any other previous single development.” Emphasizing World War II and the postwar era, Armytage noted a broad range of influences, from high-precision machining, metallurgy, and high-test fuels to surveying. Even a cursory review of space flight would reveal a similar catalog of benefits of progressive sophistication. Considering the influence of wartime developments such as radar, jet propulsion, and rocketry, it is clear that postwar as well as prewar innovations from Europe were often significant legacies to American aerospace progress. This overseas influence represents a continuing thread within the pattern of American developments. By the 1980s and after, such international influences represented a substantial share of actual hardware marketed by the American aerospace industry and constituted an important element of investment involving airline operations by American companies. Over the decades following World War II, international tensions generated bythe cold war strongly influenced the direction of American aerospace research, development, and air power doctrine. The dramatic collapse of the Soviet Union and Communist bloc alliances across Europe promised fresh prospects for cooperation and at the same time created wrenching readjustments within the aerospace community as defense budgets plummeted and corporations scrambled to achieve stability in an unfamiliar economic environment. Likewise, airlines based in the United States struggled through an era of dramatic change brought about by deregulation and rough spots

in both domestic and global economies. | At the close of the twentieth century, it was clear that aviation and aerospace events represented significant milestones in human history. Some events, such as warfare, rep-

ix

resented a destructive capability of staggering proportions. On the other hand, flight facilitated rapid disaster relief efforts and presented opportunities for continental and intercontinental travel for unprecedented numbers of the world’s citizens. Flight, which had helped generate so much change in global history, continued to experience significant change itself. For their interest and assistance in the evolution of previous versions of this book, I acknowledge my colleagues at the National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution. From my tenure as Charles Lindbergh Professor of Aerospace History at the museum during 1992—93, I owe an ongoing debt to Tom Crouch and Dominick Pisano for their support and advice; to Peter Jakab, for his unflagging humor and encouragement; and to R. E. G. Davies, for his encyclopedic knowledge of airline history. At the Johns Hopkins University Press, I again thank Henry Y. K. Tom for his support and also thank Robert Brugger for his knowledgeable guidance and his editorial assistant Melody Herr. I also want to acknowledge Linda Forlifer, Senior Manuscript Editor, for her skill and patience in shepherding the third edition through the editorial process. Any remaining problems and inconsistencies are mine alone.

Dr. Robert Bremner, to whom this book is dedicated, is professor of history, emeritus, at the Ohio State University. As a graduate student in his lecture courses and seminars, I learned to consider a broad range of details from music, art, literature, and popular culture in the process of crafting a historical narrative. As the director of my doctoral dissertation in 1965, he demonstrated the gentle humor, insight, and wisdom of a quintessential mentor. His influence on my approach to teaching, research, and

writing has been fundamental. Once again, I] want to thank Linda, our family, and patient relatives for sharing my fascination with the world of flight.

x PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION

Abbreviati

AAF Army Air Force ABMA Army Ballistic Missile Agency ALPA Air Line Pilots Association

ATA Air Transport Association AWACS airborne warning and control system

CAB Civil Aeronautics Board CSM command and service module FAA Federal Aviation Agency GALCIT Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory of the California Institute of Technology

IATA International Air Transport Association ICAO International Civil Aviation Organization ICBM intercontinental ballistic missile

ILS instrument landing system IRBM intermediate-range ballistic missile

LM lunar module

MIRV multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle NACA National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

R&D research and development

RAF Royal Air Force SAC Strategic Air Command SAM surface-to-air missile

SST supersonic transport STOL short takeoff and landing USAF United States Air Force USAFE United States Air Force in Europe

VER Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt VOR very high frequency omnidirectional radio

xi

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The Awkward Y: C /WKWald YedfSs:

iD, ‘uring the month of September 1903, few people anywhere had reason to take particular interest in the appearance of the Wright brothers, Orville and Wilbur, at a fonely stretch of beach near Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. The new century had been eventful enough already: American newspapers had followed the Boer War in Africa and the Boxer Uprising in China. Queen Victoria had died and President McKinley had been assassinated. Sigmund Freud had published The Interpretation of Dreams and Beatrix Potter was publishing ‘‘Peter Rabbit’’ stories. During 1903 alone, fanatics murdered the king and queen of Serbia; suffragists were joining activist groups like k:mmeline Pankhurst’s National Women’s Social and Political Union in England; an automobile had accomplished the first coast-to-coast crossing of the United States in only 65 days. And the Wright brothers arrived at Kitty Hawk, where they intended to make the world’s first successful flight in a powered airplane. Local citizens knew the brothers from visits the Wrights had made each summer since 1900 in order to fly gliders in the steady currents along the Atlantic coast. During these summer sojourns, the Wrights coped with swarms of insects and blowing sand that continually drifted through the cracks in the crude, wooden shack the brothers used as both shelter and workshop. Winter visits solved the bug problem, but the wooden shack was hardly weatherproof. As Wilbur wrote home, ‘‘In addition to. . . 1, 2, 3, and 4 blanket nights, we now have 5 blanket nights and 5 blankets and 2 quilts.’ They occasionally slept fully clothed, wearing shoes, hats, and overcoats. Along with these discomforts, they struggled by day to assemble their flying machine and tune its engine. During the evenings, Orville wrote to his sister and studied German. Working carefully and methodically, the Wrights put everything in readiness by Monday, December 14, 1903. Who would be first? The brothers flipped a coin and Wilbur won the toss. He settled himself at the controls as the engine warmed up; gave the nod to start; took off, quickly stalled, and hit the ground, damaging the rudder. For three more days, the brothers made repairs, shivered at night, and studied more 3

German. But they were confident. As Wilbur wrote his family the same evening, ‘There is now no question of final success.’’ The Wrights were about to achieve a goal that had captivated dreamers and experimenters throughout recorded history.

AERONAUTS AND BALLOONS Virtually every epoch of human civilization includes references to flight. From the winged deities of ancient Egypt, to the Greek legend of Icarus, to Germanic Valkyries,

to a score of other myths, themes of flight occur again and again. There were undoubtedly sporadic attempts to achieve human flight, probably in imitation of birds. The first credible mention of such efforts appeared in Roger Bacon’s Secrets of Art and Nature, written by the English monk in 1250, in which he referred to an ornithopter contrived by an acquaintance. The first documented drawings of such experimental

flying machines surfaced in the notebooks of the remarkable Florentine genius, Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519). Based on the flapping motion of a bird’s wings, an ornithopter required a good deal of muscular energy from its human operator. As long as there was no other practical means of mechanical power available (such as steam or

gas engines), the ornithopter beguiled aspiring aeronauts for generations, with a notable lack of success. Practical heavier-than-air flight finally evolved from fixedwing aircraft in the form of gliders; with the addition of propellers and engines, airplanes at last became a reality. Gliding itself dated from about the year 1000, when a Benedictine monk, Eilmer of Malmesbury, reportedly launched himself from a tower of Malmesbury Abbey and traveled some 600 feet. A hard landing, so the story goes, broke both of Brother Eilmer’s legs and left him crippled. The abbey commemorated his feat in one of its stained-glass windows. Structural and stability problems seem to have frustrated novice gliding enthusiasts until the early ntiieteenth century. Curiously,

the legacy of propellers and power plants came frora a different source, because adventurous individuals found other means of exploring the realm of the skies. With the age-old problem of suitable power sources handicapping early experiments, 'the first

person to leave the surface of the earth did so in a balloon. The first balloons were buoyed into the air with air itself—hot air. The Montgolfier brothers of France had observed that warm air tends to rise, and reasoned that if they could capture it in some sort of lightweight bag, the bag would rise, along with anything attached to it. They experimented with several small linen bags, lined with paper to help retain the hot air, climaxed by a demonstration for Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette at Versailles in September 1783. This large balloon, equipped with a container to hold a blazing fire underneath it, carried a sheep, a rooster, and a duck, to see if air-breathing creatures could stay alive in the unknown atmosphere

above the earth. Since the barnyard specimens survived, a young physician named Pilatre de Rozier persuaded the Montgolfiers to let him try several tethered flights. Finally, on November 21, 1783, Pilatre de Rozier and a daring friend (a French infantry major) made the first free flight in a balloon, a 25-minute journey that carried them a

4 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

total of five miles. En route, the infantry major heroically wielded a wet sponge to douse burning holes in the balloon. Benjamin Franklin, in Paris to enlist continuing French support for the American Kevolution, joined the thousands of Parisians who watched the elegant balloon coast along above the city’s skyline. The balloon, colored a striking blue with elaborate gold designs and signs of the zodiac, carried its equally elegant passengers (and an open fire)

i a wicker basket hung with red bunting. It was a colorful, sensational event that prompted a wave of balloon mania, with the balloon motif adorning furniture, china, buttons, and snuffboxes. Hot-air balloons of the eighteenth century, however, had evident drawbacks due to the danger of flying sparks from burning straw, generally used as fuel because of its light weight. Gas-filled balloons held the promise of safer,

Sustained trips, free from the danger of fire, although hot-air balloons could be maneuvered up or down by varying the amount of fuel fed into the fire. Attempting to

cross the English Channel in 1785, Pilatre de Rozier tried a hybrid arrangement, combining a hot-air balloon (for altitude control) under a hydrogen-filled gasbag (for sustained flight). Predictably, errant sparks reached the upper balloon, and the contraption exploded, killing de Rozier and a companion. As long as it was treated respectfully, however, hydrogen successfully provided the lifting medium for most of the leading balloonists of the nineteenth century through the twentieth centuries. Only 10 days after Pilatre de Rozier’s first free flight, two more Frenchmen, Noél Robert and J.A.C. Charles, made the first voyage in a hydrogen balloon. A hydrogen balloon piloted by Jean-Pierre Blanchard and a refugee American named John Jeffries (who had supported George I during the American Revolution)

first crossed above the English Channel in 1785. Blanchard, minus Jeffries, later demonstrated his balloon in Philadelphia (1793) for a crowd that included John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, and the new president of the United States, George Washington. Public displays like these inspired awed enthusiasm for a growing coterie of select aerial adventurers, known appropriately as ‘‘aeronauts.’’ Intensive research in ballooning continued in Europe. Balloon flights became very

popular but remained at the mercy of the winds, a handicap that brought the old problem of propulsion back into focus. Henri Giffard, another Frenchman, made an important contribution in this respect when he equipped a cigar-shaped airship (a configuration that enhanced directional control) with a propeller and lightweight steam engine of about 3 HP. On September 24, 1852, this device successfully flew 17 miles, from the Paris Hippodrome to a field outside the city, at an average speed of about 5 MPH. A well-known engineer, Giffard reflected growing interest in the subject among other professionals and mechanically inclined experimenters. Symbolic of this important change in flying activities was the formation of professional groups like the Societé a’ Aviation in France in 1863 and the Aeronautical Society of Great Britain (later, the Royal Aeronautical Society) in 1866. But steam engines of that day proved to be too heavy for truly efficient application in powered balloons. By 1885, when the German engineer, Karl Benz, demonstrated the first practical automobile driven by a gasoline engine, the power plant problem came nearer to solution. Several aerial pioneers experimented with dirigibles and gasoline

THE AWKWARD YEARS: EARLY FLIGHT TO 1918 5

engines, but the essential catalyst appeared in the person of Alberto Santos-Dumont, a wealthy Brazilian living in Paris. In 1898, he took an engine from one of his small, sputtering motorcars, attached a propeller to the drive shaft, and slung the contraption (along with a seat for the operator) under an elongated gasbag. In spite of many early failures, the dogged Brazilian persisted, designing and flying a dozen different airships during the next five years. By mid-nineteenth century, aspiring aeronauts in the United States also had con-

ducted innumerable balloon flights, making ballooning a major spectator event. Essentially entertainers, American balloonists provided thrilling free-balloon ascents for enthralled crowds, generated reams of rococo copy for local newspapers, and lifted the country to a state of balloon mania on the eve of the Civil War. By 1859, perhaps 3,000 ascents had been made in the United States, and some 8,000 passengers, men and

women, had been airborne. Given the extent of ballooning activities, it was not surprising that someone in the flying fraternity hit upon the use of balloons in warfare. Europeans, in fact, had already done so; in 1849, the Austrians had set loose a number of unmanned hot-air balloons rigged with delayed-action bombs during an attack on Venice. The results were negligible, although portents for the future were ominous. At the outbreak of the Civil War, both Union and Confederate patriots volunteered

their services and made useful reconnaissance ascents in balloons, but the bestorganized effort was the Union contingent directed by Thaddeus S. C. Lowe, a well-known balloonist of the prewar era. During 1861, Lowe supervised construction

of seven balloons, along with a dozen mobile hydrogen generators. Using 1,600 pounds of acid and 3,300 pounds of iron filing, each hydrogen generator could fill a balloon in three hours; the balloon could remain inflated for about two weeks. Tethered to the ground (or sometimes to a boat), the balloons carried an observer in a wicker basket; the observer telegraphed or dropped messages to the ground. Field officers who relied on hills or the presence of trees to screen troop movements from observation by the enemy were forced to take into account the possibility of aerial reconnaissance. Troops and gun batteries spotted by enemy balloons might have to reposition; troop movements might have to be made at night, certainly an inconvenient and potentially

chaotic affair. But despite acknowledged success in directing artillery fire and reporting Confederate troop movements, the Union’s balloon service was short lived. Officers remained skeptical, and the balloon service’s volunteer civilian status meant that Lowe constantly clashed with the army over necessary horses, wagons, and additional troops needed to transport balloons and equipment in combat zones. Following the Civil War, free-flight ballooning enjoyed a renewed but brief popularity as the novelty began to wane. Several Americans experimented with navigable dirigibles—characterized by cylindrical gasbags and by pedals geared to a propeller. At the turn of the century, the powered balloon flights of Santos-Dumont spurred fascination with dirigibles, especially since prize money became a powerful incentive. Organizers of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, held in St. Louis in 1904,

announced $150,000 in awards for several categories of airship flights, including altitude, endurance, distance, and time trials over an L-shaped course of 15 miles. The

announcement drew 97 potential entrants and created intense interest in navigable

6 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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in an artist from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper made this on-the-spot sketch of a nton balloon conducting reconnaissance from a barge operating on the James River. Courtesy of U.S. Navy

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a * e . . . a bf , York City. Knabensh . «a ' ry 3a’ 331b,

airsnips trict rules caused numerous entrants to withdraw later, and a rash of failures 3

aborted several of the contests, including the time-course trials, but the publicit created a new wave oF Cagemess to conduct na igable flights ‘

t

Among the 1904 contestants was Roy Knabenshue. The following year, he created a sensation by iloting a 62-foot-long dirigible, propelled by a 10-HP engine, over New or ity. Knabenshue had to share headlines with a prowling number of professional

ts, includ Lincoln Beachey, who acronautS, inciuding Lincoin beacney, O took tOOKirships TWO in airs1906-7 ips in on an international junket ranging from Montreal, Canada, across the United States, and down to Mexico City. Knabenshue and Beachey, among others, competed for substantial prize money 1n a widely publicized alrsnip meet Organized a secon time t. ouls promoters 1n . During the next two years, in the aftermath of the second St.

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tantial pri yi idely publicized airsh1 ized d ti by S Loui in 1907. Dur: h Louis meetin additional aerial stal rts, like Charl H ilt i d airshi

g, aiwaris, tke armies rlamuton, acquired airsnips

d flitted th try, riding th tofav f ial d

an lited across the country, mlaing te crest OF a vogue for aeria emonstrations at coun airs Or any even at promised a paying crowd. Hamilton eventually made the irst Oriental aerial tour and steered his airship across the Bay of Osaka in Japan.

fal yi]event fityQ) ] Ldthat] ised q ' yls .Vay

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p ared in Skies around t € glove, numan fg tna ecome

a phenomenon of some years of practice, and many thought that dirigibles would prove the most practical means of air travel in the future. The dirigible era certainly THE AWKWARD YEARS: EARLY FLIGHT TO 1918 7 '

added much to flight experience in terms of power plants and navigation. The phenomenon of flight became well known to millions of people in the United States and

elsewhere in the world. But other aerial experimenters were ready to challenge the suzerainty of lighter-than-air vehicles, flying a strange new contraption with wings instead of a gasbag.

GLIDERS AND AIRPLANES In the development of their successful airplane, the Wrights had the advantage of over half a century of experimentation involving winged aircraft. Although no practical power plant was available for many years, thousands of short flights were made in gliders, beginning in the early nineteenth century. As a nine-year-old boy, George Cayley (1774-1857) had been one of hundreds of Englishmen thrilled by accounts of the Montgolfier balloon flights. As an adult, Sir George Cayley became one of Europe’s leading scientists and a commanding figure tn aeronautical research. He carefully studied the flight of birds and concluded that the ornithopter did not suggest a successful direction of endeavor. He advocated a design that would separate propulsion from the source of lift, which, in his judgment, ought to be fixed wings. By 1809-10, his ideas had crystallized into several model gliders with angled wings and tail assemblies, including vertical and horizontal stablizers. Before he died in 1857, Cayley had designed and flown numerous gliders as well as a full-size craft capable of carrying a person. During the middle- and late-nineteenth century, various experimenters constructed flying craft based on Cayley’s work and tried to find an efficient, ightweight source of

power. Like balloonists, these designers found that steam engines were much too cumbersome and heavy for flying craft. Besides, the science of aerodynamics, the art of flying, and control of winged craft in flight were still in infancy, although the work of Otto Lilienthal (1848—96) marked another milestone in the history of flight. In Germany, Lilienthal designed and built gliders with the care and expertise of the trained engineer that he was. During the 1890s, he made over 2,000 successful gliding flights, and pictures of his gliding feats appeared all over the world. His work inspired

unknown numbers of flight enthusiasts, and his basic contribution to the store of knowledge about materials, design, construction, and handling of gliders was of paramount importance. In 1896, Lilienthal died when one of his gliders stalled and crashed, a grim reminder that the conquest of the air held many dangers. It is significant that so much of the work in flight experiments was being done by professionals in engineering like Cayley and Lilienthal. This meant that their activities were reported and discussed at various scientific and professional meetings, so that researchers in the United States had a chance to keep up with progress overseas. From the time of the formation of the Societé d’ Aviation in 1863, heavier-than-air flight had been a prime consideration. At the first meeting of the Aeronautical Society of Great Britain, in 1866, the British researcher F. H. Wenham read a paper on high-aspect-ratio

wings, a topic of major significance for later researchers. Cayley and Lilienthal 8 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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As President Wilson and other dignitaries looked on, a Curtiss JN-4 inaugurated air mail service from the Polo Grounds, Washington, D.C., in May 1918. Bound for Philadelphia, the unfortunate pilot flew in the wrong direction before crashing. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

the harbors of San Francisco and Oakland. The operation that remains better known

involved the St. Petersburg-Tampa Airboat line in Florida. Notification of its inauguration appeared on the front page of the New York Times in 1914, which simply announced, “‘Three hydro-airplanes will be put in operation by a private corporation under the direction of Tony Jannus, the air man.’’ The actual organizer was P. E. Fansler, a speedboat enthusiast who was attracted by press notices concerning exhibition flights of a Benoist flying boat piloted by Tony Jannus. Fansler got in touch with the plane’s builder in St. Louis, Tom Benoist, and

their correspondence produced a plan to try a regular commercial line to prove or disprove the possibilities of commercial aviation. An enthusiastic Benoist agreed to furnish at least two planes, while Fansler selected the route and worked out the operating and financial details. Since this was to be a flying boat line, a location near a body of water was a prime requisite. After looking around, Fansler settled on St. Petersburg, Florida, which not only had water but was also a bustling vacation metropolis of 30,000. Fansler rounded up a group of financial backers, but his first problem was to convince them that such a contraption as a flying boat really existed. None of the potential investors had ever seen one. They finally accepted Fansler’s assurances and decided to gamble on the publicity it would draw for the Sunshine City. For the privilege of having a flying boat line serve their town, they promised the support of the board of trade, gave a $1,200 guarantee, and agreed to subsidize the line at $50 per day the first month of operation, and $25 per

THE AWKWARD YEARS: EARLY FLIGHT TO 1918 27

day thereafter for each day of four regularly scheduled flights. The only stipulation was

that there were to be no flights on Sundays. The likelihood of a brisk trade from carefree vacationers was obvious, but Fansler emphasized that the line’s primary goal was to provide efficient passenger transpor-

tation. After getting off the train, vacationers bound for Tampa had to make a three-hour trip across the bay by steamer or drive a 49-mile detour by land. The airplane planned to make the trip a direct 19-mile air route, taking only 30 minutes. The airline’s ‘‘fleet,’’ which consisted of one plane at first, listed two round trips daily, carrying a total of two passengers each way. According to the advertisement in the St. Petersburg paper, passengers were charged $10 for a round trip and allowed a gross weight of 200 pounds, including personal baggage. The newspaper also reported that the line would begin operation on January |, 1914. Besides the excitement generated, there was some

ridicule—many sloughed it off as a hoax. But the airline began flights as advertised, and never had a fatality as long as it operated, although there were one or two forced landings. The service became a good draw for the tourist trade,and the St. Petersburg papers made the most of it. Before long, the rival resort of Miami picked up an itinerant pilot and his plane, and a Miami paper headed the story with the boast, ‘“Miami Has an Airplane Too.’’ The editor of the

St. Petersburg Independent retaliated by reprinting the item with his own heading, which challenged: ‘‘Ours Flies; Does Yours?’’ The Benoist airplane actually did quite a bit of flying. During the previous summer, it had been used to give passenger-exhibition trips at Put-in-Bay, on Lake Erie, as well as flights at Grand Rapids, Michigan, and Keokuk, Iowa. Before it became an airliner, the same plane had also performed on the Mississippi, Illinois, and Ohio rivers. During the first month of operation at St. Petersburg in 1914, the plane made 97 trips across the bay, carried 184 passengers, and logged 2,234 miles of flying. All things considered, it was an enviable record. The flights had been intended to last only three months, during

the height of the tourist season, but things worked out so weil that operations were planned to extend throughout the year and two more planes were readied for service. Nevertheless, Fansler’s efforts were not enough to maintain a sizable air transport company, and with the coming of the war, the venture dissolved. As far as most American entrepreneurs were concerned, neither the means nor the demand to sustain a freight or passenger business existed before the war. The Wright and Curtiss companies were involved in litigation over patent rights concerning aileron control, and their dispute tended to retard aviation because of uncertainty over the outcome. There were no real advancements in construction or design. American engine progress lagged behind that of the Europeans, and aviation also felt the dampening effects of the recession in 1913. In spite of some setbacks, aviation began to move forward in a number of ways after 1914, although the Wrights and Curtiss did not end their aileron controversy until 1917, when litigation was discontinued by mutual consent in conjunction with a cross-licensing agreement arranged by the government. Despite these fits and starts, a market of sorts began to develop for aviation. The first

company formed for the avowed purpose of manufacturing airplanes was the Aerial Experiment Association, organized in 1907. Its founders included Curtiss, Alexander

28 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

Graham Bell, and Lt. Thomas Selfridge. In March of 1909, Curtiss and others capitalized at $360,000 to form the G. H. Curtiss Manufacturing Company, selling planes for $7,500. By June, they had engaged the firm of Wyckoff, Church, and Partridge, an auto sales company in New York City, to act as the sales outlet for Curtiss planes. From about 1907 on, dozens of airplane companies sprang up, and even aspirants like the Swivel Buggy and Wagon Company announced their entry into the new field. Other names appearing were the Morrison Automatic Flying Machine Company, the

National Aerial Navigation and Equipment Company, and the Ascension Manufacturing Company. In 1910, the Scientific Aeroplane and Airship Company notified the public that it was building planes and that one could be had for the price of $5,000. The company required a down payment of one-third (cash), asked three weeks for delivery, and guaranteed the plane to fly. Unfortunately, the big aviation boom failed to materialize, and by 1915, Scientific, Morrison, National, and Ascension had disappeared along with such hopeful entrants as the Blanchard Aerial Works of America, the

Aerial Yacht Company, the Edwards Common-Sense Aeroplane Company, and Scheusselburg’s Aeroplane Corporation. During the same period, however, American investors began to take an interest in airplane manufacturing. The organization of Wright interests in Britain, France, and Germany caught the eye of financiers like Cornelius Vanderbilt, Howard Gould, and August Belmont. With their backing, the Wright Company was incorporated with a capitalization of $1,000,000 on November 22, 1909. The Wrights received $100,000 outright, 40 percent of the stock, and a 10 percent royalty on every plane sold. The

Wright Company at Dayton developed large and extensive financial interests in aviation during these early years, and some aviation people muttered about the creation of an aeronautical monolith. Perhaps it is to the credit of the Wright brothers that they continued to resist the demands of New York bankers to create a tight monopoly, which

competitors feared eventually might rival the American Telephone and Telegraph Company. By 1911, there were about one dozen sound firms building planes and 50 engaged in producing aircraft parts and supplies according to Scientific American. Among the top builders were the Burgess Company, which had reportedly sold 30 planes; the Wrights

60 to 90; and Curtiss, ‘‘a considerable number.’’ Prices averaged $5,000 to $7,500. Scientific American concluded, ‘‘The business of aviation is thus growing apace, and the possibilities that are offered in the flying field for the development of industrial enterprises can probably be as little conceived of at present, as could the future of railroading one hundred years ago.’’ Even if the numbers were overly optimistic (which appears to have been the case), Scientific American was certainly correct in predicting as promising a future as that of the railroad. Even though aviation manufacturing did not become a monopolistic enterprise, corporate changes and mergers were inevitable. Saddened by the death of his brother in

1912, Orville Wright sold the Dayton factory and patents two years later. The purchasing syndicate included such men as Thomas Chadbourne and Harvey D. Gibson, of the Manufacturers Trust Company, and Albert H. Wiggin, of the Chase THE AWKWARD YEARS: EARLY FLIGHT TO 1918 29

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Thee Aviation AviationDUSINESS, Busi

{D).... the slashed budgets and bureaucratic crosscurrents of the postwar decade, military aviation managed to make significant advances. Both services accutnulated useful operational experience, refined their administrative structures, and learned more of the prospects and limitations of aircraft in warfare. And, in the case of the navy, the era marked the introduction and evolution of the aircraft carrier as a major Innovation in fleet operations. Beginning with the U.S. Air Mail Service, organized by the government in 1918, air coail became an important element of American business communications. When the government established contract mail routes with commercial carriers in 1925, the airline industry began to flourish, and eventually acquired large aircraft suitable for passenger transport. During the twenties, airplanes proved useful in dozens of ways:

erivate business and corporate flying, cotton dusting, seeding, photography, and others. There were many institutional changes, including the evolution of professional aeronautical degrees, as well as anew framework of governmental regulation. Aviation oecame ingrained in American culture, and generated a new dimension of international celations.

THE ARMY’S WINGS | In the immediate aftermath of the Great War, American aviation strategies attempted to plumb the lessons of the conflict and devise a realistic air doctrine for the

future. Although Gen. Billy Mitchell and a handful of others ardently advocated expansion of aviation’s role as an independent, offensive weapon, the novelty of the airplane made bending generations of military tradition to its new role a difficult task. An early misinterpretation occurred when the General Staff decided, on the basis of fighter, observation, and bomber aircraft on hand at the time of the armistice, to make 4]

plans on existing proportions. The General Staff thus erred in stressing aviation’s observation role in cooperation with the army, as opposed to a more independent role, when, in fact, England, Italy, and France had planned to increase their bomber strength by as much as 50 percent as a result of wartime experience. Bomber partisans had to

bide their time until the Army Air Corps belatedly gave due attention to bombing doctrine in the late 1930s. The Army Reorganization Act of 1920 fell far short of granting aviators the independence they wanted, leaving tactical squadrons under the control of ground commanders. The Air Service gained some momentum with the authorization for additional flight pay, along with control of its own training, procurement, research and development, and supply. Nevertheless, the Air Service entered the postwar decade poorly prepared. Within days of the armistice, the government had canceled orders for 13,000 aircraft and 20,000 engines; no funds were available for even a small number of new aircraft. By 1921, the Air Service numbered fewer than 3,000 aircraft, a poorly balanced force that included only a dozen twin-engine bombers, but some 1,500 JN-4 trainers. All of these planes, left over from wartime orders, became increasingly unsafe

to fly. During one 12-month period, 330 crashes left nearly 100 airmen dead or seriously injured. With only 900 pilots and observers on active duty, such an attrition rate of planes and pilots was clearly unacceptable. By 1924, the Air Service numbered only 754 commissioned aircraft. In the doldrums of the postwar era, the Air Service welcomed any diversion to put planes to some useful purpose and accumulate operational experience. The so-called Far West Flying Circus, commanded by Carl Spaatz, publicized postwar victory loan drives and later flew on forest fire patrol duties. Another group flew surveillance along the U.S.-Mexican border to spot illegal crossings and miscellaneous marauders. Such activities, while marginally useful, got little attention, although several long-distance junkets aroused considerable interest and prompted national headlines. Air Service planes and pilots made group flights in formation from coast to coast, navigated 9,000

miles around the rim of the continental United States, established new records for altitude (over 33,000 feet), and made endurance flights (over 37 hours) sustained by aerial refueling. In the spring of 1923, Lts. Oakley Kelly and John Macready completed the first nonstop, coast-to-coast jaunt, piloting a single-engine Fokker transport from New York to San Diego in slightly less than 27 hours. The following year, two single-engine Douglas planes hopscotched around the globe in 175 days. Accomplishments like these often required a mixture of heroics, inspired improvi-

sation, and a gritty determination to succeed. In the process of setting the record altitude flight of 33,000 feet in 1920, Capt. Rudolph (‘‘Shorty,’’ for his lanky, six-foot four-inch frame) Schroeder passed out due to oxygen starvation and carbon monoxide fumes in the open cockpit of his biplane. At about the same time, the intense cold froze

the moisture around his eyes. With Schroeder unconscious, the plane plummeted earthward in a six-mile dive; Schroeder recovered at an altitude of 2,000 feet and somehow managed to land despite blurred vision and bleeding from lacerations caused by tiny shards of ice in his eyes. On their nonstop transcontinental flight, Kelly and Macready kept the plane’s leaky radiator topped off with their own drinking water and

42 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

cold soup. The first two planes to circumnavigate the world started out as a quartet of aircraft, but one crashed into an Alaskan mountain and a second (though equipped with floats) sank off the Faeroe Islands in the Norwegian Sea. Crews of the remaining pair of planes soldiered on in their open-cockpit aircraft, contending with capricious weather, hordes of insects, mechanical failures, and phalanxes of bureaucrats and well-wishers who swarmed around their many stops. Taken collectively, these activities exposed a new postwar generation of Air Service personnel to the intricacies of grueling flight operations on a daily basis and sharpened skills in both long-distance navigation and logistics. In the meantime, the issues of independent air operations and bombing doctrine reached new levels of dissension. Conventional military thinking of the era placed sea power in the forefront of American national defense. The battleship still loomed as the principal element in naval warfare. But the promise of long-distance military flights led air power advocates like Billy Mitchell to the conclusion that air power had made battleships vulnerable. Undaunted by claims that modern battleships were invulnerable to air attack, the iconoclastic Mitchell finally won approval for a historic series of bombing trials, conducted off the Virginia Capes during the summer of 1921. Although

various smaller vessels succumbed to air attack, many prominent naval figures believed that Mitchell’s airplanes would never sink the formidable Ostfriesland, a captured German battleship. Even with no crew aboard to cope with fire and explosions, the vessel’s thick armor and numerous watertight compartments were designed to make it virtually impregnable. Incredulous naval officers, choked with emotion, watched as a flight of seven Martin MB-2 bombers, each with a specially designed one-ton bomb, sank the Ostfriesland in 22 minutes. Mitchell and his cohorts were elated, but the wrangling with higher authorities only intensified. Mitchell churned out a succession of speeches, articles, and books that elaborated his arguments for an expanded air arm with increased autonomy and reviled his critics in the army and navy. Following a series of bureaucratic skirmishes, the belligerent and flamboyant Mitchell was court-martialed for ‘“‘insubordination and conduct unbecoming to an officer’ in 1926. Mitchell resigned from the Air Service but continued to expound his views. For all the fireworks he touched off, Mitchell failed to win the independent air arm he wanted. That is not to say that others were unconcerned about the role of aviation in national security, or that policy efforts stagnated. From the

time of the armistice in 1918 through the mid-twenties, over a dozen investigative committees, commissions, panels, and boards examined the new phenomena of aviation and military flying. Two of the most important of these, the Lampert Committee (formed by the House of Representatives) and the Morrow Board (or the President’s Aircraft Board), happened to coincide with the Mitchell trial. Although neither group insisted on a separate, unified air arm, the net result won qualified gains for army aviation. In 1926, the Air Corps Act changed the name of the Air Service to

the Air Corps and upgraded it, with implications for a more autonomous role in offensive operations above and beyond reconnaissance and auxiliary duties. Moreover,

the War Department now included an assistant secretary of war for air, providing military aviation with welcome visibility and bureaucratic leverage. THE AVIATION BUSINESS, 1918-1930 43

=» ull ae le i, ON ee a

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Gen. William (Billy) Mitchell as he appeared during the 1921 bombing trials off the Virginia Capes. The plane is a DH-4B, flown as a bomber and reconnaissance plane during World War I.

Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

Although the Air Corps won authorization for a five-year expansion program, persistent budget cuts and the impact of the depression of 1929 meant continuing difficulties in acquiring modern equipment in adequate amounts. Dogged by parsimonious budgets and punctuated by contentiousness, military aviation nonetheless made halting progress. During the early twenties, the Air Service’s ‘‘Model Airways System’’ encompassed several Midwest air bases and provided invaluable seasoning for ground crews as well as pilots. Additional long-distance and endurance flights of the decade accumulated the navigational skills and practical experience for long-range

missions of the future. The Air Service also took important steps in organizing its research and training to reflect the growing sophistication of military aviation. At San Antonio, Texas, the School of Aviation Medicine found a permanent home, along with the Air Corps Training Center. Chanute Field in Illinois became the principal center for technical training, and McCook Field, near Dayton, Ohio, and Kelly Field in Texas

became centers of logistical operations, engineering, and flight research. Officers 44 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

explored new aerial doctrines at the Air Service Tactical School at Langley Field, Virginia. By the time newer equipment began to filter into squadrons in the late twenties, the Air Corps possessed the basic bureaucratic framework to cope with better aircraft and use them more effectively. The ranks of elderly DH-4 biplanes began to thin out toward the end of the decade

and were replaced by planes like the Curtiss P-6 Hawk pursuits and Keystone twin-engine bombers, which carried a five-member crew. All these planes still featured the biplane layout, although metal wing spars and fuselage formers began to replace wood, and streamlined engine cowlings made of metal became commonplace. Annual maneuvers now included dozens of aircraft instead of a token few. In terms of modern

warfare, the exercises provided a practical background in planning for sizable air operations in the fluid and chaotic region of combat zones. ‘“We grew up,’’ Hap Arnold said of such experiences. If Air Corps equipment still lagged behind the potential of air warfare, the twenties nonetheless became an era of gathering useful experience. Military aviation acquired more autonomy, more bureaucratic influence, and a viable organizational framework. When advanced metal monoplanes became available in the following decade, the army

air force was in a much more favorable position to take advantage of them.

AIR POWER AT SEA In many ways, much the same pattern characterized the experience of naval and Marine Corps aviation. By the end of World War I, naval and Marine Corps aviation had trained 4,000 pilots and 30,000 enlisted personnel. During the war, pilots flew from 20 patrol bases strung from England through the Continent and south to the Azores. Although some air-to-air combat missions were flown, the naval role was primarily a matter of patrol and reconnaissance. Since many naval aviators argued for independent offensive operations, as opposed to the dominant predilection for patrol work, naval aviation found itself beset by many of the same controversies as the army. Within the ranks of aerial patrol advocates, one faction stoutly supported dirigibles rather than conventional winged aircraft. But the mammoth dirigibles, despite the desirability of their long range, were too costly to build and operate, and they never proved very successful. In any case, naval flying boats quickly garnered some of the biggest headlines of the postwar era. In May 1919, three ungainly Curtiss flying boats, the NC-1, -3, and -4, attempted the first aerial crossing of the Atlantic. The NC-4 became the only one of the trio to succeed, between May 15 and May 31, hopscotching from Newfoundland to the Azores, to Portugal, and to England. The NC-4’s achievement resoundingly proved the flying boat’s potential, and the navy refined the flying boat concept into a series of successful designs that performed unglamorous but heroic service in World War II. Marine Corps aviation, saddled with castoff aircraft from active naval units, also

made its mark during the twenties in spite of the antiquated equipment. In the Caribbean region, uncertainty over the future of American investments, in addition to

THE AVIATION BUSINESS, 1918-1930 45

ek NI MOA AA The Curtiss Hawk fighter incorporated several newer features, including metal fuselage components and a streamlined, metal housing for the engine. The fuselage, wings, and tail surfaces continued to be covered with fabric. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

concerns about the security of the Panama Canal, frequently prompted U.S. military intervention, carried out by Marine Corps contingents as early as 1919, During action in Santo Domingo, Haiti, and Nicaragua, Marine Corps pilots delivered supplies to remote outposts and flew medical evacuation missions, reducing a tortuous three-day ordeal through tropical jungle to atwo-hour flight. They also flew strafing missions and dropped bombs in diving attacks. During World War I, Royal Air Force (RAP) pilots had made the first dive-bombing raids, but British development of the tactic faltered in the early postwar era. In remote Nicaraguan jungles, isolated troops frequently needed a rapid and decisive assist in fire power, leading to a revival of specialized bombing techniques. Marine Corps fliers in DH-4 aircraft conducted a spectacularly successful dive-bombing mission in 1927, forcing Nicaraguan rebels to withdraw from a besieged

garrison defended by U.S. Marines and Nicaraguan regulars. The dive-bombing technique perfected by naval and Marine Corps fliers during the ensuing years was to become a devastating tactic against Japanese forces and shipping in the Pacific during World War II.

Like army aviation, naval aeronautics benefited from bureaucratic evolution, especially after the organization of the Bureau of Aeronautics in 1921. The bureau’s

chief, Capt. William A. Moffett, a man of vision and energy, helped to lay the foundation for several significant developments. His tragic death, in the crash of the

dirigible Akron in 1933, robbed the navy—and the aviation community—of an articulate and effective spokesman. During Moffett’s administration, the navy began developing its bases at Pensacola, Florida, and at San Diego as major flight training centers. At Great Lakes, near Chicago, new recruits learned the fine points of overhaul]

46 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

and repair; Lakehurst, New Jersey, specialized in dirigible operations. With the bureau’s encouragement, considerable attention was given to the wider use of metal components in naval aircraft and to the requisite use of anticorrosive material. Most important of all, Moffett supported the development of the radial engine and the aircraft carrier. Even before the end of World War I, perceptive naval officers in America were watching British carrier trials with great interest. In the United States, a key event occurred in 1919, when an observer high in a plane coached main batteries of the battleship USS Texas to achieve startling accuracy during a firing exercise. Obviously, aerial spotters from an enemy fleet would have to be stopped; this would require agile fighters (not floatplanes) to operate from carrier decks. The dramatic bombing trials off the Virginia Capes in 1921 added weight to arguments that naval planes could also immobilize capital ships. Carrier-based aircraft would be required in both offensive and defensive roles. In the summer of 1919, Congress authorized conversion of the fleet collier Jupiter; after nearly three years of alteration, the vessel was newly commissioned as the aircraft carrier Langley. With a complement of 34 aircraft, the Langley became a test-bed to refine operational procedures for future carriers within the fleet, perfect flight deck activities and arresting gear, and evolve new specifications for carrier-based aircraft. With accumulated experience, the navy confidently proceeded to acquire two modern carriers, the Lexington and the Saratoga. Originally laid down as battle cruisers, they were converted to aircraft carriers under the guidelines of the Washington Disarmament Conference of 1921-22. Commissioned in 1927, the new carriers deployed between 70 and 80 aircraft and achieved speeds of over 33 knots—equal to the best cruisers of the fleet. Visionary naval officers who had long wanted high-speed carriers with an offensive capability now had them. The navy also provided its formidable new carriers with aircraft equipped with more powerful and reliable radial engines. Typical water-cooled engines like the venerable Liberty carried weight penalties in terms of coolant, pumps, and coolant lines. They also required additional maintenance and were more vulnerable to combat damage. Considering the stringent limitation on maintenance space and surplus parts aboard carriers, simpler power plants possessed obvious appeal for naval air operations. Interest in the development of radial engines had already surfaced in the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA). In 1920, NACA pointed out that radial, air-cooled engines promised less weight per horsepower and offered increased reliability. By 1922, new radial engines, developed with naval support, were running for 300 hours, compared to water-cooled engines with 50-hour endurance limits. The new radials gave shipboard fighters a performance equal to land-based planes, and, more important, their inherent reliability in extended over-water operations not only raised the confidence of naval pilots but also paved the way for planning military missions that earlier strategists would have shunned. The formidable potential of planes carried aboard fast carriers became evident during the fleet exercises of 1929, involving a simulated attack on the Panama Canal. The Saratoga was assigned to the attacking forces. Accepted doctrine at the time kept

THE AVIATION BUSINESS, 1918-1930 47

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A Boeing 40 skims the Rockies during a mail run. Even with open-cockpit biplanes like this,

aviation technology dramatically reordered time-distance relationships in the process of surmounting geographic barriers. Courtesy of The Boeing Company.

80 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

severe environment of polar regions, and, in particular, brought Arctic great circle routes of the future closer to realization. During the late twenties, it became necessary to consider the entire globe from the standpoint of air transportation. All inhabited parts of the earth were affected by the ‘‘shrinking world’’ brought about by faster ocean travel and the development of the railroad and the automobile—and accelerated by the airplane. The airplane especially altered the significance of old routes of communication and prompted the need to reconsider the relationship of continents in the new light of air-age geography. Harry F.

Guggenheim, who directed the Guggenheim Fund, wrote a book in 1930 titled, appropriately, The Seven Skies, an allusion to the universal *‘ocean’’ of the air. The

book summed up extraordinary aeronautical progress—a plateau of maturity— particularly within the post-World War I decade. Although others shared this view, including influential magazines like Aviation, Harry Guggenheim put it most succinctly in his book. Announcing the termination of the Guggenheim Fund, he declared, ‘‘The pioneering period has come to an end.”’

THE AVIATION BUSINESS, 1918-1930 8!

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Ad A\ venture, Airways, d|| and Innovation,

n the 1930s, the accretion of the technology from the previous decade began to produce handsome dividends. Following the 1929 crash, the country’s economy continued its downhill slide, but the curve of aviation progress ascended strongly. A series of innovations explored in the twenties reached a nexus of development in a new generation of modern airlines. These innovations included the concept of streamlining, variable-pitch propellers, wing flaps, engine cowlings, a miscellany of engine im-

provements, and other advances. Taken individually, such trends had not been particularly advantageous when adapted to the standard biplanes, trimotors, and conventional wood/fabric/wire construction of the twenties. In the thirties, advanced

designs that featured cantilevered wings, retractable gear, and stressed-skin construction made these prior developments highly attractive for the first time. The confluence of technological currents was best represented in the trend-setting Boeing 247 and the Douglas DC-3. The general aviation sector, severely buffeted by adverse economic currents, eventually stabilized and began to incorporate aeronautical refinements similar to those featured on the larger aircraft entering airline service. The decade also embodied new advances in flight simulators, vertical flight, and highaltitude research. Finally, during the thirties the evolution of rocketry approached the point of practical application as a group of dedicated researchers perfected propulsion machinery, guidance systems, and structures.

THE ADVENTURERS A succession of broken records for speed and long distance symbolized milestones along the path of aeronautical progress in the 1930s. In the years before World War II, the sheer novelty of airplanes brought more attention to these events than in later years, especially during the postwar era, when high-speed fighters, long-range bombers, and 83

transoceanic transports became commonplace. During the thirties, record flights still attracted close attention, but the decade also marked the close of an epoch for dashing aeronautical exploits. The National Air Races, dating from the twenties, embellished by the Thompson Trophy for a closed-course circuit and the Bendix Trophy for a

transcontinental dash, emphasized speed. In 1929, a speed of 194 MPH took the Thompson Trophy; Roscoe Turner posted a 283 MPH mark to win in 1938. Turner, with his powder-blue flying togs and waxed mustache, reigned as one of the flashiest pilots of the era and became renowned for aerial jaunts around the country in the company of a pet lion, trademark of his sponsor, the Gilmore Oil Company. Jimmy Doolittle and Jacqueline Cochran, among others, awed the huge crowds that made the annual National Air Races a major media event. Thousands more followed the races in papers and national journals that also gave daily coverage during the progress of sundry long-distance flights. In 1931, Wiley Post piloted his Lockheed Vega, the Winnie Mae, around the world in less than nine days. Harold Gatty flew along as navigator for the flight, which began and ended in New York City. The episode dazzled public and press alike, and photos of Post, with his rakish eye patch, proliferated in tabloids across the country. Post topped his record feat in 1933, girdling the globe along a similar route in under eight days. Again in the Winnie Mae, its engine modified for high-altitude flight, Post completed a precedent-setting substratospheric research flight in 1935. Since the Winnie Mae could not be pressurized, Post solicited the aid of the B. F. Goodrich Company in developing a pressure suit. The flight demonstrated the feasibility of using the west-to-east Jet stream as an assist for high-speed cruising, and Post’s pressure suit set a precedent for suits used in research involving the X-15 research plane of the 1960s and for astronauts. When Post and the popular humorist Will Rogers died in a 1935 plane accident, the nation felt a profound sense of loss. A flurry of speed, distance, altitude, and publicity flights punctuated the decade. Although several American and European women garnered headlines, Amelia Earhart held center stage. Earhart completed the first solo crossing of the Atlantic by a woman in 1932, set other records, and became an international celebrity before she mysteriously disappeared over the Pacific during a world flight attempt in 1937. Wealthy, enigmatic Howard Hughes built a remarkable single-engine monoplane, the H-1, and used it between 1935 and 1937 to set anew world’s speed record of 352 MPH and anew transcontinental record of approximately seven and one-half hours. Among other things, the H-1, with aradial engine, proved that a carefully designed plane of this type, with a radial’s large frontal area, could match the speed of in-line engine designs having less drag. The H-1’s example carried over into many successful radial-engine aircraft

of World War II. In 1938, after three years of careful planning, Hughes and a four-member crew flew a twin-engine Lockheed 14 transport around the world in 3 days, 19 hours, and 17 minutes—cutting Wiley Post’s old record in half—and landed in New York before a clamorous throng of 25,000. The outbreak of European hostilities

in the next year, along with deteriorating peace in Asia, closed the opportunities for similar world flights. An era ended. Assessment of this period of record breaking poses problems. In headlines and

84 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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The event also marked the origins of the Ninety-Nines (so named for the number of charter members), an organization of women pilots that assisted many others in entering aviation careers by offering scholarships, encouragement, and successful role models. Courtesy of the Ninety-Nines, Inc.

crowds, the men and women who flew the planes received the sort of acclaim granted to astronauts a generation later. Among other things, the air races presumably contributed to improved fuels and better engines. But racing planes were highly specialized, with designs not always suitable for agile combat planes or reliable, economical airliners. They were also dangerous. All seven models of the successful but controversial Gee Bee racers of the early thirties crashed, killing five pilots. Some knowledgeable experts

looked askance at the continual tinkering with finely tuned engines that required carefully concocted formulas for fuel; skeptical engineers saw no fundamental contributions to flight technology. On the other hand, the air races brought attention to certain mechanical accessories, like retractable landing gear. The striking, long-range

efforts of the decade highlighted enhanced reliability in aeronautics and focused attention on time/distance factors for national and international geography alike. Nowhere were these factors more evident than in the airline industry.

European designers expended considerable time and money to develop aircraft to compete with the 247 and DC-3, which entered service in the 1930s. Ironically, many

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 85

of the innovations that made the American planes so successful had originated in Europe. America seems to have assumed leadership because a handful of imaginative designers and engineers plied their trade in an environment less influenced by conservative bureaucrats in a nationalized or government-influenced industry than was generally the case in Europe. Moreover, intensive airline competition in the United States was a key factor in American advance to the forefront. In their authoritative study, The Technical Development of Modern Aviation, Ronald Miller and David Sawers concluded, ‘‘The only basic difference between the American and European industries that provides any logical explanation for the former’s greater liveliness is the existence of a competitive market for airplanes among the airlines of the United States, larger than that for military aircraft.’’ The Boeing 247 and the DC-3 both owed their birthrights to this competitive environment as well as to elements of a technical legacy originating in Europe. Early in the twentieth century, F. W. Lanchester in England and Ludwig Prandtl in Germany published studies on the greater efficiency of truly streamlined aircraft by reducing skin friction resulting from airflow. Some designers remained skeptical about the advantages of streamlining, and others found it difficult, because of construction techniques characteristic at the time, to come up with streamlined shapes like internally braced, cantilevered wings. And so, wood and fabric biplanes, carrying heavy drag penalties from their numerous struts and wires, were still favored. Eventually, Hugo Junkers, professor of mechanics at Aachen Technische Hochschule in Germany, and Anthony Fokker, a Dutch designer, began using cantilevered wing structures covered with metal and wood. With cantilevered wings, Junkers all-metal planes and Fokker plywood-wing aircraft were used successfully by several airlines in the mid-twenties.

About the same period, Adolf Rohrbach designed several German planes using stressed-skin wings and fuselage, a technique he explained in a paper delivered in the United States during a meeting of the Society of Automotive Engineers in 1927. Thus, the stage was set for an important new period of development. Cantilevered wings permitted monoplane construction, a great advantage in streamlining and aerodynamic efficiency compared to biplanes, and stressed-skin construction opened the way to lighter, more efficient structures. In America, NACA reported these developments with great enthusiasm and began serious research on stressed-skin, all-metal wings, a move that influenced several new American designs of the 1930s. Other means of reducing drag concentrated on the blunt contours of the era’s radial engines. With its big, new wind tunnel, completed in 1928, NACA developed a fullengine cowling of greater efficiency that did not cause the engine to overheat. The virtues of these several developments were demonstrated by the Lockheed Vega, a design that became a household word in the wake of record flights by Earhart, Post, and others. The Vega was designed by John K. Northrop. The original model, introduced in 1927, lacked a cowling for its engine and included no streamlined wheel covers for its fixed gear, but it featured a nicely streamlined fuselage of molded plywood topped by a

cantilevered wing that incorporated Fokker’s technique of stressed-skin, plywood construction. After being fitted with a NACA cowling, the Vega’s cruising speed rose

from 135 MPH to 155 MPH, a convincing demonstration of what aerodynamic 86 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

we | CN ism ie he” Nag

eee! > a 4 | Dee at es Se a een ee ee eee ae 6 ee a Ruth Nichols in front of a Lockheed Vega. Record-breaking flights as well as promotional junkets became familiar media events of the depression era. Courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution.

research could do for aircraft. The Vega was followed by the Northrop Alpha, a low-wing, all-metal plane. The Alpha incorporated two more significant construction techniques. Using research from the Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory of the California Institute of Technology (GALCIT), Northrop fitted the Alpha with wing fillets, or fairings, where the wing joined the fuselage, which enhanced its aerodynamic efficiency. The second technique involved wing construction, described by Miller and Sawers: “Aluminum sheet was stamped into a channel section, and the channels were riveted together to make up the . . . wing. The horizontal members formed the skin and the vertical members the wing spars, while additional sheet members were riveted in to form ribs.’’ This significant Northrop innovation provided a rugged stressed-skin wing and a rugged aircraft. Alphas acquired by TWA did yeoman service as fast mail planes during the 1930s. Boeing's Monomail was similar to the Alpha in its general layout. Like the Alpha, the Monomail benefited from stressed-skin metal construction, wing fillets, and full

cowling. Moreover, the Boeing plane had retractable landing gear. Although the Monomail saw only limited service, its development influenced the Boeing B-9 bomber of 1931, which in turn influenced the design of the Boeing 247 airliner. Following refinement of engine cowlings, NACA investigated the optimum location of engines on the leading edge of the wing and learned to place the engine farther ahead of the leading edge in order to minimize aerodynamic interference between the propeller and the wing. The twin-engine Boeing B-9 and the Martin B-10 were designed to take

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 87

advantage of this research, a vast improvement over the uncowled, underslung mountings of trimotors like the Fords and Fokkers. When the faster Martin B-10 won the bomber competition, Boeing reorganized what it had learned from the B-9 and designed the 247 airliner. These basic advances in aircraft design were complemented by the maturation of several other key devices (including variable-pitch propellers and wing flaps) and the refinement of large aircraft engines. The idea of a variable-pitch propeller originated in Europe in the 1870s and was tried out on some airships prior to World War I. Although significant work was carried out in Britain and Canada in the twenties, it remained for F, W. Caldwell, an experienced American propeller designer, to conduct conclusive tests in 1930. Earlier mechanisms had been mechanically operated and seemed to work only in smaller engines because of the high stress placed on propellers by powerful motors. Because the newer, high-performance planes like the Monomail, Alpha, and

others were definitely penalized in performance by using fixed-pitch propellers, Caldwell set aside his more complicated automatic controls and devised a two-position control for takeoff and for cruising. This propeller, supplied by Hamilton-Standard, was ready in time to be ordered for new transports under development, and enhanced their performance from airfields situated in the Rocky Mountains. Other companies soon entered the field, replacing the early hydraulically controlled designs with

electrically operated, automatic controls. Several lines of research on multidimensional wing flaps had developed during World War I, particularly in England and Germany. In America, airplanes at the start of the 1930s used a simpler design called the split flap. The low drag of planes like the Alpha and others gave them a shallow

gliding angle for landing, required longer runways, and complicated landing approaches to airfields bordered by hills or other obstructions. Split flaps not only increased the drag and permitted a steeper descent, but also increased lift at lower speeds, enhancing control during the approach and landing as well as takeoff. Finally, there were the engines. Most of the engines available in the early twenties had evolved out of World War I combat experience. They were designed to give high power between frequent overhauls; neither combat planes not their engines were expected to have a long service life. These engines needed overhauls every 50 hours or so; of the total operating costs for an airplane, airlines had to allow about half for engine maintenance alone. By the late twenties, American engine manufacturers were receiv-

ing as much as half of their income from airline sales, and the airlines put more emphasis on durability and longer intervals between overhauls. Manufacturers responded to airline requirements. Early versions of the Pratt & Whitney Wasp needed overhaul every 150 hours; later models rose to 300-hour intervals in 1929 and reached 500 hours in 1936. By this date, maintenance costs had dropped 80 percent, and these savings represented perhaps the biggest contribution of engine manufacturers to airline development. Moreover, designers squeezed increased power from engines of basically the same size. One model of the Wright Cyclone put out 550 HP in 1930, yet was

producing 1,100 HP by 1939. The power-weight radio of power plants like these improved while the fuel consumption dropped. The remarkable progress in engine durability, horsepower, and efficiency was partly due to improved designs of the 8& FLIGHT IN AMERICA

cylinder heads and pistons. Equally significant were better quality fuels, identified by antiknock ratings and improved by antiknock additives. The advantages of reliability, increased horsepower, and fuel efficiency made it feasible to produce planes as big as the DC-3 in the more efficient twin-engine configuration. Not only did engine trends contribute to the phenomenal success of the DC-3, they also helped account for the successful development of later generations of four-engine transports and flying boats for transoceanic service. These collective developments set the stage for the evolution of the DC-3. The decision-making process that brought them together began on March 31, 1931, whena Fokker trimotor of Transcontinental and Western Air (later, Trans World Airlines, or TWA) lost a wing and crashed in a Kansas farm. All eight passengers and crew died, including the idolized football coach of the University of Notre Dame, Knute Rockne. Shocked and outraged, the American public demanded stern measures. Under authority delegated to the Aeronautics Branch of the Department of Commerce, the government grounded all Fokkers in service in the United States, and then restricted them to mail service only—no passengers. When TWA began scouting for a replacement, the most attractive candidate was the Boeing 247. But Boeing was part ofa large conglomerate, the

United Aircraft and Transport Corporation, which also included United Air Lines. Within this cozy corporate family, United held options on all 59 Boeing 247s under production, and Boeing would not supply any of them to TWA until all of United’s planes were delivered. Prodded by TWA’s vice-president in charge of operation, Jack Frye, the airline’s engineering staff quickly pulled together specifications for a new trimotor and

started shopping for a supplier. The only interested manufacturer was the Douglas Aircraft Company.

Matching the Boeing would take some doing. The 247 used just about every advanced construction concept available at the time: an all-metal, stressed-skin monoplane; a pair of cowled engines faired into a low-slung wing; retractable undercarriage;

sound-proofed fuselage; and performance to carry 10 passengers coast to coast in approximately 20 hours. ‘‘It was the challenge of the 247 that put us into the transport business,’’ Donald Douglas recalled. Within five days, Douglas had put together an initial proposal, with engineers ironing out the last fine points while en route to TWA’s

offices. Although TWA had originally asked for a trimotor, Douglas felt that the memory of the Rockne tragedy would discourage passengers from traveling in them. Douglas proposed a twin-engined model, the DC-1, that included all the benefits of the Boeing 247 plus other features to give TWA some crucial advantages over its chief rival, United.

For one thing, the DC-1 was bigger. With specifications for 12 passengers, the Douglas design promised more favorable seat-mile costs. Unlike the 247’s short-chord cowling, the DC-1 had the highly efficient NACA design, and its wing flap installation made it far more efficient to operate from a variety of airports. The DC-1 also had

variable-pitch propellers. As for passenger comfort, the 247’s wing spar ran right through the fuselage, forcing patrons to climb over it during every entry and exit. The Douglas fuselage rested atop the wing, with a much more efficient spar structure. This last detail had an interesting background, and also helped account for the later DC-3’s

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 89

phenomenal longevity. Douglas had acquired the Northrup Corporation in 1932. Northrup’s stressed-skin, multicellular wing construction, as used in the Alpha, was incorporated into the DC-1 wing design. Since TWA had used Alphas before and had been impressed with their ruggedness, TWA insisted that this technique be adapted to the DC-1. The Douglas transport also benefited from the Alpha’s low-mounted wing design, which permitted a roomy, uncluttered passenger cabin. Moreover, the evolution of the new Douglas transport decisively benefited from the new research facilities at GALCIT. Wind tunnel tests there resulted in the addition of special fairing around the wing root to end buffeting. Several different wing and flap arrangements had to be tested before a successful scheme was struck, and GALCIT research gave the wing its distinctive swept-back appearance to solve longitudinal stability problems. Finally,

GALCIT advice was instrumental in the decision to use NACA cowlings for the engines.

On July 1, 1933, eleven months after Jack Frye’s first step toward a Fokker replacement, the DC-1 prototype flew. Even though it met or surpassed specifications,

it never went into production. A more powerful Wright engine was available, so Douglas and TWA immediately agreed to produce the more powerful DC-2. The DC-2 went into service in 1934 on TWA’s Newark-Pittsburgh-Chicago run, completing the trip in 30 minutes less than United’s 247 flight over the same route. United attempted to upgrade its fleet with the 247-D, an improved model with more powerful engines and NACA cowls, controllable-pitch propellers, and other refinements. Seéking favorable publicity, Boeing decided to fly the 247-D in the MacRobertson Air Race from London to Melbourne in the autumn of 1934. Piloted by the flamboyant Roscoe Tumer, the Boeing still came in third. A specially designed de Havilland Comet racer took first; second was a standard DC-2 of Royal Dutch Airlines, which flew in with six passengers and 400 pounds of mail. Having seized an obvious advantage over rival Boeing in the production of commercial airliners, Douglas proceeded to consolidate its lead by producing the classic

DC-3. The initial step came from American Airlines, who had been using Curtiss Condor biplanes with sleeping berths on the New York—Chicago run and now wanted a larger plane for coast-to-coast sleeper service. The result was a new version of the DC-2 known as the Douglas Sleeper Transport, or DST, with accommodations for 14 berths. The day-plane version, with seven additional coach seats, became known as the DC-3. The plane’s 50 percent gain in payload accrued (like the DC-2) from bigger and better | ,000-HP engines, to be supplied by either Wright or by Pratt & Whitney. And once more, GALCIT’s wind tunnel resolved a potentially disastrous instability problem that had resulted from stretching and widening the DC-2’s fuselage and attaching larger wings.

In some ways, the DC-3 was an example of an ‘‘overdesigned’’ airplane. Aeronautical engineering was still emerging as a discipline, and Douglas used materials and

methods more suitable for larger and more advanced aircraft. But these design approaches help explain why the DC-3 seemed nearly indestructible. Other basic features were significant as well, such as the multicellular wing, already proven on TWA’s Alphas. Moreover, with its ‘‘day-coach’’ capacity for 21 passengers and overall aerodynamic efficiency, the DC-3 boasted seat-mile costs as much as one-third 909 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

to one-half lower than its contemporaries. In the spring of 1936, American Airlines put its DC-3s into regular service on the New York—Chicago run, inaugurating the first airline operations that made money just by hauling passengers, freeing companies from total dependence on government mail contracts for a profit. United, who had started it all with its 247 fleet, swallowed hard and began to replace its Boeing planes with DC-3s

later in the same year. Two years later, an estimated 80 percent of U.S. airline passengers were riding in DC-3s, and over two dozen foreign airlines were operating

the Douglas transport as well. |

The new airliners unquestionably set new standards of passenger comfort. In the trimotor era, the nose-mounted engine had transmitted a heavy dose of noise and vibration directly back to the passenger cabin, where the discomfort was amplified by the proximity of two additional underwing engines. For the DC-1, Douglas hired an acoustics expert, Dr. Stephen J. Zand, of the Sperry Rand Corporation, to create a cabin at least as quiet as a railroad Pullman coach. Using data from special acoustic instruments, Zand dictated a variety of changes. Soundproofing materials went into fuselage walls and into the bulkheads dividing the passenger cabin. Zand’s recommendations also extended to ventilation ducts, structural joints, engine mounts, and engine exhaust systems. Carefully upholstered passenger seats were installed on rubber mounts, and the arm rests were also padded to reduce both vibration and noise. Altogether, the soundproofing effort cut the decibel level by 25 percent. The DC-2 and DC-3, with their greater speed and higher ceilings, also permitted smoother flying for passengers. Nonetheless, pilots and passengers alike were still subjected to memorably turbulent flights. As a copilot with an early airline, E. K. Gann remembered one such run between Albany and Newark, an area notorious for its

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Polished to a mirrorlike finish, the first DC-3 to fly prepares to take off on December 17, 1935,

in Santa Monica, California. The original version, the DST (Douglas Sleeper Transport), shown here, was equipped with 14 berths. The airport, appropriately named Clover Field, was bordered by a golf course, seen in the background. Courtesy of McDonnell Douglas Corporation.

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 9/

thunderstorms. During the flight, the amazed Gann watched the altimeter unwind at [500 feet per minute when the plane hit a violent downdraft. With a sickening jolt, the DC-2 hit an updraft and surged upward again, even though the captain had the nose down and the landing gear extended. Passengers invariably suffered ill effects from such experiences. Gann vividly recalled the prevailing environment of many flights during the summers. ““The . . . air is annoyingly potted with a multitude of minor vertical disturbances which sicken the passengers and keep us captives of our seat belts. We sweat in the cockpit, though much of the time we fly with the side windows open.

The airplanes smell of hot oil and simmering aluminum, disinfectant, feces, leather, and puke . . . the stewardesses, short-tempered and reeking of vomit, come forward as often as they can for what is a breath of comparatively fresh air.’’ Such was the romance of air travel across the United States in the late 1930s. Although the DC-3s dominance in airline equipment was formidable, it was not total. Lockheed produced the Electra, a smaller, 10-passenger transport whose two Pratt & Whitney radials gave it a cruising speed of 203 MPH—faster than the DC-3. Variations of the Electra were successfully used on shorter routes in the United States and abroad during the late thirties, and later versions saw service as American and English medium bombers in World War II. With planes like the DC-3 and Electra raising domestic airline service to new standards of appeal and efficiency, additional international and intercontinental routes reached out from the United States. Using a family of Sikorsky flying boats, Pan Am served more and more cities throughout the Caribbean and Latin America. American political, commercial, and trading interests in the Pacific and Asia now led to consideration of new long-distance routes and the acquisition of equipment to cope with the inherent dangers of extended flights over the vast reaches of the Pacific. The first plane to enable such far-flung operations was the Martin M-130, the famous ‘*China Clipper,’’ a remarkable airplane for its day and age. An imposing, four-engine flying boat, the Martin Clipper carried 48 passengers and a crew of six for distances up to 3,200 miles. The new transoceanic operations of the Martin Clipper

required extensive route surveys and the creation of a web of support facilities throughout the Pacific area, Because the planes might have to make unscheduled stops where support facilities were not easily accessible, Pan Am flying crews were expected

to pass stiff exams in airframe and engine studies, navigation, and miscellaneous subjects, including history and culture of areas en route—and at least one foreign language. Capt. William M. Masland, who flew the first Clipper routes, recalled that such catholic training frequently came in handy: I have been at the local met [meteorology office] with my navigator making my own forecast and my own flight plan while the first officer was loading the ship, the engineers beating out some needed fittings at the local blacksmith shop and the two stewards baking their own bread in an oven they had constructed on the beach. Then we loaded fuel out of a surf boat, loaded it [into the plane] to our own specifications, and were off, often to a place none of us had ever seen before, sometimes to a place no one had ever flown before.

92 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

Beginning in 1935, the Martin Clipper delivered mail from San Francisco to Manila in the Philippines, flying via Hawaii-Midway-Wake-Guam, completing the run over six days while using 60 hours of actual flying time. Passenger service began in the autumn of 1936; the next year, Sikorsky S-42 flying boats extended the route from Manila to Hong Kong—an aerial link of 8,500 miles from America to the Asiatic mainland.

Martin Clippers in turn gave way to even larger Boeing Clippers with a range approaching 4,000 miles. Boeing delivered 9 of these mammoth planes to Pan Am, who used them on Pacific routes and began trans-Atlantic passenger flights with them in 1939. Pan Am’s Atlantic service, an impressive achievement over a region legendary for its formidable winds and storms, nevertheless trailed the first passenger air routes by three years. Trans-Atlantic passenger flying to North America began with the colossal German Zeppelin, the Hindenburg, which made 10 round trips (at a sedate 78 MPH) between Germany and the United States in 1936. Although the dirigibles suspended operations during the Atlantic’s intimidating winter weather, summer schedules remained popular. But the inaugural voyage of the 1937 season ended in catastrophic destruction at Lakehurst, New Jersey, as the hydrogen-filled airship went up in a burst of flames. Fascination with passenger-carrying dirigibles quickly waned, and airplanes like the Boeing Clipper soon dominated transoceanic routes. With an empty weight of 50,000 pounds, the Boeing Clippers mounted four 1,200-HP Wright ‘‘Double Cyclone’’ engines and cruised at 183 MPH. Unlike dirigibles, the big flying boats scheduled arrivals and departures throughout the calendar year. Biweekly flights to Southampton, England, (via Newfoundland) or to Marseilles, France, (via Lisbon, Portugal) took about one-and-a-half days. When World War II began in Europe, the Boeing Clippers (including three delivered to the British government) provided an invaluable communications and transportation link over hostile Atlantic waters. After America became involved in the conflict, the U.S. War Department operated the big Boeing flying boats to maintain vital wartime passenger traffic, using Pan Am crews to do the flying under contract. The era of the big flying boats represented an alluring interlude in airline travel. Competing directly with the steamship lines for a well-heeled clientele, they offered sophisticated service, vintage wines, and haute cuisine. The romantic adventurer Richard Halliburton had written of a Flying Carpet, and aircraft with the speed, range, and creature comforts of the Clippers made it a reality. Nor were the seasoned pilots who flew the intercontinental routes immune to this unique milieu and to the ease with which they now girdled the globe. ‘‘There were days or nights of great beauty,’’ Captain Masland wrote, *‘a quiet night at anchor in the remote port of Augra dos Reis (Anchorage of the Kings) on the Brasilian coast; an anchor watch on a cold clear night in the Persian Gulf with the stars hanging as low overhead as the lamps in a mosque.’ Summing it up from the perspective of 1964, he concluded pensively, ‘‘The pattern is gone, as well as the ships.’’ The end of the Clipper era came with the development of a new generation of long-range, pressurized, four-engine airliners. Their enhanced reliability negated the need for a seaworthy plane if it happened to be forced down, and the proliferation of air

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 93

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The Boeing B-314 Clipper epitomized the flying-boat era of the 1930s. With a range of approximately 4,000 miles, Pan Am operated Clippers on the prestigious Atlantic route in 1939,

offering passenger service from New York to Great Britain and France. Courtesy of Pan American World Airways.

travel around the world provided an adequate number of alternate airports within their range. The army had begun research on the design of pressurized cockpits in 1935, and carried out successful flight tests in 1937 with the XC-35, a completely pressurized version of Lockheed’s Mode! 12 airliner (similar to the Electra and the Lodestar). The trend in commercial airliners began with the pressurized Boeing 307, permitting it to overfly threatening weather and dangerous storms. The 307 entered service in 1940 and was followed by the unpressurized Douglas DC-4, which first flew in 1942, and the pressurized Lockheed Constellation in 1943. Pressed into military service, the new airliners did not make their full impact felt in civilian service until 1945. With more

powerful engines, higher speeds, longer range, and the ability to fly above bad weather, variations of these four-engine airlines made commercial transoceanic flying commonplace tn the postwar era. In his informed study on The Modern Airliner, Peter Brooks categorized such hallmarks as being representative of what he called ‘‘the DC-4 generation.’”’

The original DC-4E, funded by five airlines, rolled out of the Douglas plant in 1938 and made demonstration flights over the United system in 1939, but never entered production. Rising costs and the chance to acquire Boeing 307 Stratoliners broke up the five-company consortium. In any case, Douglas had already begun work on a smaller, refined version in 1939 that subsumed the DC-4 designation and enjoyed the support of United and American. Although all of the production DC-4s went to the army on the

eve of World War II, development of the DC-4E and the DC-4 reflected significant trends in airliner development. The reworking of the DC-4, in particular, symbolized the way in which postwar projects stretched, improved, and modified a basic airframe into a series of new aircraft.

94 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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problems of space travel, and his writings encouraged many other enthusiasts and researchers. During the ensuing years, Oberth continued to teach while writing and lecturing on space flight, and served as president of the Society for Space Travel, or Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt (VfR), formed in 1927. In 1928, Oberth and others were consultants for a German film about space travel called The Girl in the Moon. The script

included the now-famous countdown before ignition and lift-off. As part of the publicity for the movie, Oberth and his staff planned to build a small rocket and launch it. Although the rocket was only static-fired and never launched, the experience was a

stimulating one for the work crew, which included an 18-year-old student named Wernher von Braun. The existence of organized groups like the V/R signaled the increasing fascination with modern rocketry in the 1930s, and there was frequent exchange of information among the VfR and other groups like the British Interplanetary Society and the American Interplanetary Society. Even Goddard occasionally had correspondence in ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 /2/

the American Interplanetary Society’s Bulletin, but he remained aloof from other American researchers, cautious about his results and concerned about patent infringements. Because of Goddard’s reticence, in contrast to the more visible personalities in the VfR, and because of the publicity given the German V-2 of the Second World War, the work of British, American, and other groups during the 1930s has been

overshadowed. Their work, if not as spectacular as the V-2 project, nevertheless contributed to the growth of rocket technology in the prewar era and to the successful use of a variety of Allied rocket weapons in the Second World War. Although groups like the American Interplanetary Society (which later became the American Rocket Society) succeeded in building and launching several small chemical rockets, much of their significance lay in their role as the source of a growing number of technical papers on rocket technologies. But rocket development was complex and expensive. The cost and the difficulties of

planning and organization meant that, sooner or later, the major work in rocket development would have to occur under the aegis of permanent government agencies and government-funded research bodies. In America, significant team research began in 1936 at GALCIT. In 1939, this group received the first federal funding for rocket research, achieving special success in rockets to assist aircraft takeoff. The project was known as JATO, for jet-assisted takeoff, since the word rocket still carried negative overtones in many bureaucratic circles. JATO research led to substantial progress in a variety of rocket techniques, including both liquid and solid propellants. Work in solid propellants proved especially fortuitous for the United States; during the Second World War, American armed forces made wide use of the bazooka (an antitank rocket) as well as barrage rockets (launched from ground batteries or from ships) and high velocity air-to-surface missiles. The most striking rocket advance, however, came from Germany. In the early

1930s, the V/R attracted the attention of the German army, since the Treaty of Versailles, which restricted some types of armaments, left the door open to rocket development. A military team began rocket research as a variation of long-range artillery. One of the chief assistants was a 22-year-old enthusiast from the V/R, Wernher von Braun, who joined the organization in October 1932. By December, the army rocket group had static-fired a liquid-propellant rocket engine at the army’s proving grounds near Kummersdorf, south of Berlin. During the next year, it became evident that the test and research facilities at Kummersdorf would not be adequate for the scale of the hardware under development. A new location, shared jointly by the German army and air force, was developed at Peenemuende, a coastal area on the Baltic Sea. Starting with 80 researchers in 1936, there were nearly 5,000 personnel at work by the time of the first launch of the awesome, long-range V-2 in 1942. Later in the war, with production in full swing, the work force swelled to about 18,000. Having completed his doctorate in 1934 (on rocket combustion), von Braun became the leader of a formidable research and development team in rocket technology at Peenemuende. Like so many of his cohorts in original V/R projects, von Braun still harbored an intense interest in rocket development for manned space travel. Early in the V-2 development agenda, he began looking at the rocket in terms of its promise for

22 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

space research as well as its military role, but found it prudent to adhere rigidly to the latter. Paradoxically, German success in the wartime V-2 program became a crucial legacy for postwar American space efforts.

ADVENTURE, AIRWAYS, AND INNOVATION, 1930-1940 123

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Air P tWa ar, If FOWeF [p)..... the lean years of the 1930s, the military air services began to acquire modern planes with aerodynamic construction, retractable gear, and other features that

characterized trend-setting transports like the DC-3. But the depression era meant closely trimmed budgets, and neither the army nor the navy acquired funds to purchase airplanes in the quantities they desired. Only the drift toward war in Europe led to large

procurement orders—from England and France, as well as the U.S.—beginning a hesitant build-up of production capacity that reached full stride after American entry into the conflict. Early combat sorties underscored the comparative inexperience of U.S. aircrews; aerial warfare on a global basis strained logistics operations to their limits. American military aviation, in terms of numbers, quality, and doctrine, resolutely overcame deficiencies and eventually met the enemy on even terms, finally emerging as the world’s leading air power.

MILITARY AVIATION BETWEEN THE WARS The role of NACA became singularly important for military aviation in these years.

In the early thirties, the establishment at Langley had been the world’s leading aeronautical laboratory, and NACA had developed a close beneficial relationship with commercial aviation. Some critics felt that NACA was too cozy with the big manufacturers and transport corporations and charged that its research only duplicated work performed by other agencies, like the Bureau of Standards. NACA employees successfully lobbied on their own behalf in Congress and began to stress aeronautical research for the armed services, tactics that enabled the agency to survive bureaucratic storms as the depression deepened. Still, NACA was forced to admit in 1937 that it was

no longer one of the leaders in research. This change occurred largely because of 125

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Courtesy of The Boeing Company. | advanced military research in Europe, where international tensions were already boiling over into active conflicts in Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and in Spain. Under Hitler, Germany’s drive for leadership in air power resulted in five new German aeronautical laboratories in the late thirties. Reflecting the tenor of the period, Gen. Oscar Westover was named in 1938 as chairman of the Special Committee on the Relation of the NACA to National Defense in Time of War, and other studies recommended anew NACA lab for California, where the principal airframe manufacturers were located. Not long after authorization of the new NACA facility at Moffett Field, a former naval air station, Hitler’s invasion of Poland in 1939 and a growing sense of an American deficiency in engines gave added impetus to the establishment of a third research lab, for power plants, located near Cleveland, Ohio. A rising sense of national emergency brought NACA increasingly under the direction of the armed services. The crisis atmosphere of aerial rearmament in the late thirties meant that NACA spent less time on basic research and more time on applied research and problem solving for military airplanes in service and entering production. The state of the American air arm on the eve of World War II required a lot of catching up. NACA work in areas such as low-drag wings, high-speed cowls, and tail-group arrangement paid early dividends for both army and navy aircraft.

Strategic bombardment, a dominant theme of Army Air Corps doctrine in the thirties, required the development of the long-range bomber, and the Martin B-10, which had entered service early in the 1930s, fit the bill. With twin engines and retractable gear, the all-metal B-10 had a ceiling of 28,000 feet and could fly over 200

126 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

MPH, a performance that surpassed many pursuit ships of the era. Arguing that fast, respectably armed, high-flying bombers could hold their own against opposing pursuit planes, many Air Corps leaders pressed for larger bombers with longer ranges. Early in the decade, army and navy agreements gave the army responsibility for land-based air defense of the American coastline and overseas possessions, including reconnaissance and operations up to the limit of the radius of action of Air Corps planes, like bombers. Following promising demonstration maneuvers on the West Coast in 1933, the Air Corps advocated formation of a general headquarters (GHQ) air force, a central striking unit of reconnaissance and bomber aircraft for defense against seaborne attack, which would act directly under the command of the army. Although not the ‘‘independent air

force’’ championed by Billy Mitchell and others, the GHQ air force idea gained impetus from this concept and from the mission of coastal defense. However, the growing momentum for such a plan hit a snag in 1934, when the Air Corps became ensnarled in an abortive attempt to carry the U.S. mail. Acting on information divulged by newsman Fulton Lewis, Jr., Sen. Hugo Black of Alabama launched an investigation of irregularities in air-mail contracts awarded during the

Hoover administration. At a time when Pres. Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s new administration had begun prying into other assorted corporate improprieties, Senator Black’s exposure of alleged favoritism in parceling out Post Office air-mail contract awards to big companies, at the expense of smaller operators, was a sure way to attract headlines and public attention. In the midst of all the publicity, FDR canceled existing contracts on February 9, 1934, and called on the Air Corps to fly the mail until new arrangements could be worked out. Gen. Benjamin D. Foulois, chief of the Army Air Corps, had only a few hours to digest the implications of the emergency but felt sure the Air Corps could follow through. His confidence was to be badly shaken.

The Air Corps hurriedly modified a motley collection of bombers and pursuit ships—mainly open-cockpit biplanes—by tearing out armament and extra seats and by converting bomb bays and rear cockpits into makeshift mail compartments. Most of the pilots were inexperienced in bad-weather and night flying, and many of the planes lacked landing lights, as well as illuminated cockpit instruments for nighttime navigation. In hasty training before formal operation began on February 19, three pilots were killed; during the week that actual flights began, vicious February storms swept across the country and added to the toll: two more fliers dead, six injured, and eight

planes destroyed. Eddie Rickenbacker, now a vice-president of Eastern Airlines, castigated the whole affair as ‘‘legalized murder.’’ Amid the rising outcry of an appalled public and consternation within the administration, the Air Corps desperately tried to regroup and salvage what it could on its commitment to keep the mail flying. The harsh weather of the first week had been unusual, but the criticism of glaring deficiencies in Air Corps operations and equipment that had been cruelly revealed was justified. And it did not help to know that an Eastern

Airlines DC-2 had taken off from Los Angeles on February 18, the day before the president’s cancellation order, and had made a record transcontinental run, climbing to 20,000 feet to outrace a storm in the Alleghenies, and descending at Newark in good visibility. After a week’s respite for more training, the Air Corps returned to the task

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 127

with better flying aids and better planes, like the B-10. But by the time operations ceased on June !, when the airlines took over again under new contracts, a grim total of 12 dead pilots and 66 crashes or forced landings had been recorded. Following the debacle of the mail flights, the Air Corps began to equip its planes with adequate night-flying aids and navigational equipment, and investigating boards

assessed new moves to revitalize American military aviation. The report of a War Department board, chaired by former Secretary of War Newton Baker, hedged on the issue of an independent air force but finally endorsed the GHQ air force (an opening wedge for independent air force adherents}, which was created in 1935. This event gave an impetus to the research and development of long-range strategic bombers like the B-17 and B-24 and, ultimately, the B-29. Prototypes of the B-17 were flying by the

summer of 1935. But the role of this new air weapon remained unclear. In a demonstration of the big bomber’s capacity for coastal defense in 1938, three B-17s successfully ‘‘intercepted’’ the Italian ocean liner Rex 725 miles out tn the Atlantic as the ship steamed toward New York. The navy, instead of being delighted, became alarmed that its traditional prerogatives were being threatened and engineered new guidelines limiting GHQ air force operations to 100 miles offshore. The practicality of using long-range bombers for 700-mile missions against lone ships in open seas during wartime was in itself open to question. In any case, the restrictions certainly compromised the vigor of the GHQ air force just as it was gathering momentum. Not until late 1938 and early 1939, after the Czechoslovakian crisis, did the Aur Corps begin to win the budgetary and bureaucratic support it needed. Concerned by the European situation, President Roosevelt made a firm commitment to the development of American air power. ‘‘Our existing [air] forces are so utterly inadequate that they must be immediately strengthened,’’ Roosevelt warned early in 1939, and the Congress responded with a $300 million Air Corps appropriation. A new procurement program called for 5,500 planes, with 3,251 to be delivered within the next two years. But the immediate problem involved catching up to other air forces, who were far ahead of the United States in trained personnel and first-line equipment. Gen. Frank M. Andrews caustically described army aviation as a ‘‘fifth-rate air force.’’ In 1939, the Air Corps numbered 26,000 personnel. The British Royal Air Force (RAF) numbered 100,000 and the German Luftwaffe totaled some 500,000. The Air Corps had approximately 800 modern aircraft, compared to the 1,900 of the RAF and the 4,100 of the Luftwaffe. The numerical inferiority of American planes was further aggravated by qualitative inferiority. The P-36, a standard first-line Air Corps fighter in 1939, was outclassed by British Hurricanes and Spitfires and the German Messerschmitt Bf-109; German attack bombers were far superior to contemporary American counterparts. The

one encouraging spot was in heavy bomber aircraft, where the B-17 surpassed comparable types. As 1939 drew to a close, the Air Corps mission was expanded to the

extent of defending the entire Western Hemisphere, providing an opportunity to implement long-range bombing concepts of big-bomber adherents. Beguiled by unwarranted confidence in long-range aerial bombardment, American pre-eminence in bomber design had been secured at the expense of fighter equipment. ‘“There can be no doubt that this attitude hindered the development of fighter planes,’’

128 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

stated one postwar air force historian. ‘‘This belief that big bombers could be made to go as fast as pursuits and could defend themselves against fighters contributed much to the failure to provide escort fighters for the heavy bombers in the early years of World War []—one of the biggest mistakes of the air war.’’ American fighters like the P-40 and P-38, designed in 1936-37, were still not available in quantity when the United States entered combat in World War II, and American equipment generally trailed that of the British and Germans until the availability of the P-47 and P-51 in 1943. For all its weaknesses in 1939, American air power proved to be an invaluable weapon in the Second World War, and the story of its evolution is indeed remarkable. Administrative improvements helped, particularly when they provided influence for individuals with

the right balance of experience, foresight, and resourcefulness. This fortunate circumstance occurred in June 1941, when the U.S. Army Air Force (AAF) became a reality, commanded by Maj. Gen. H. H. Arnold. The U.S. Navy had experienced its own share of troubles in the prewar era. Despite

the sobering loss of the dirigible Shenandoah in 1925, partisans of the mammoth airships in the navy wangled funds for two more of them at $6.5 million each. The USS Akron, half again the size of the Shenandoah, was commissioned in 1931. In order to reduce the airship’s vulnerability to air attack, the Akron carried five biplane fighters within its helium-filled hull. To launch and retrieve the planes, the Akron extended a rigid, trapezelike device to release the little fighters one at a time and to pull them back inside the hull at the end of their missions. Even with this fighter escort, the Akron frequently proved vulnerable during maneuvers. In any case, the airship’s weakness in heavy storm conditions was driven home again in the Akron’s tragic breakup off the Delaware coast in the spring of 1933. Only three crew members survived. Among the 55 men and 18 officers lost was Rear Adm. W. A. Moffett, chief of the navy’s Bureau

of Aeronautics. Commissioned not long after the Akron went down, the fighterequipped Macon was lost during maneuvers off the California coast two years later. Stubbornly, the navy then recommissioned the Los Angeles, a German-built airship acquired in 1924 as part of German reparations for World War I. Retired at Lakehurst in 1932, the refurbished Los Angeles made occasional forays from 1935 until 1940, when it was scrapped. For all the tribulations of the giant airships, the navy learned much about the operation of lighter-than-air vessels and began development of smaller, nonrigid types for their obvious advantages in sustained reconnaissance over expanses of ocean. A direct result was the K-class blimp, respectably successful in convoy escort and submarine patrol missions during World War II. In the meantime, the navy operated a series of flying boats and perfected their role as patrol bombers. The Consolidated P2Y, a twin-engine, modified biplane design, set the pattern for these long-range, seagoing aircraft before it was superseded in the mid-thirties by the Consolidated PBY Catalina. This flying boat’s remarkable versatility for flying cargo and for long-range patrol, rescue, mine-laying, or bombing made it an invaluable workhorse in naval missions throughout World War II. But the most

valuable naval contributions to military aviation in the thirties were the navy’s continued development of the aircraft carrier, a complement of carrier-based aircraft, and a coherent doctrine for carrier warfare. The actions of the Lexington and the AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 = 129

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Saratoga during the maneuvers of 1929 had begun the process of winning more converts to carrier operations within the navy. Even those who continued to regard the battleship as the principal actor in fleet operations began to recognize the significant offensive and defensive fire power of aircraft carriers. After the 1930 exercises, in which the Lexington’s planes “‘scored’’ heavily against defending battleships, the idea of a new tactical unit, the ‘‘carrier group,’’ consisting of a carrier, four cruisers, and

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two destroyer squadrons, gained currency. During war games in 1931, the effectiveness of dive bombers against surface ships and the success of air patrols against submarine attacks spurred further refinement of these airborne tactics and the acquisition of additional aircraft carriers. The problem for the navy’s Bureau of Aero-

.*41*4*5

nautics, like the Army Air Corps, hinged on the miserly appropriations available in the early thirties, not only for ships and planes but also for effective refinement of a host of ancillary equipment ranging from magnetos and spark plugs to gun sights, bomb racks, and arresting gear for carrier flight decks.

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From 1934 onward the navy profited from President Roosevelt’s support for allocations through the Public Works Administration (PWA). Funds from the PWA,

130 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

for example, provided the money to lay the keels of the carriers Yorktown and Enterprise in the spring and summer of 1934. Such financial bootstrapping evolved

from the president’s warm regard for Rear Adm. Ernest J. King, who began a three-year tour as chief of the Bureau of Aeronautics in 1933. This period also included development of several new types of naval aircraft that performed valiantly after 1941. The biplanes of an earlier era finally gave way to preliminary designs for the Douglas SBD Dauntless dive bomber (the scourge of so much Japanese shipping in World War II), the Grumman TBF Avenger torpedo bomber, and the Grumman F4F Wildcat fighter (originally designed as a biplane). These metal monoplanes, with retractable landing

gear and powerful radial engines, turned in stalwart performances in the opening phases of the Far East conflict and teamed with more advanced designs to win unquestionable control of the air in the later stages of the Pacific campaigns. Continuing trial operations yielded invaluable experiences for military operations in treacherous weather and troublesome climates. During the winter of 1931, the Langley conducted exercises off the New England coast to prove that naval aviation could carry on in frigid seas, a type of training that continued for the next three years in the Aleutians. Weather investigation flights near Shanghai and Guam probed the dangers of typhoons and added to the knowledge and flying procedures for tropical military missions. On a regular basis, massed flights of standard service aircraft to remote air stations (unlike the unique long-distance flights of special planes, as had been the practice in the twenties) demonstrated a potential mobility of air power that was not lost on war planners in the Navy Department. The war games of 1936 included exhaustive trials of aerial scouting for extended duration and led to the installation of the automatic pilot on all patrol planes, beginning with the PBY Catalina. Exercises in 1939 led to plans for small attack carriers with armored decks for fast sorties from the battle line. Thus, naval aviation began to accumulate the equipment and procedures for modern combat. Although the various chiefs of the Bureau of Aeronautics during the thirties had not

always begun their careers in naval aviation, they invariably seemed to sense the significance of naval air power and, as they moved on to different commands, leavened

other areas of the fleet with an appreciation of aviation in the navy. This was an advantage for Rear Adm. John Towers, who became chief in 1939 and who guided naval aviation through the crucial early years of World War I]. Moreover, Towers came to the bureau with considerable flying experience. At the time he took over direction of

naval aviation, Towers was the navy’s most experienced flier (the oldest living graduate from Glenn Curtiss’s 1911 flying school) and an officer who had lived through all the struggles and progress of fleet aviation. He was an eminently qualified leader for the crisis about to break. His principal problem, again similar to that of the Army Air Corps, was still that of inadequate quantity of personnel and equipment. By 1941, the navy had amassed only 5,260 aircraft of all types and only 6,750 pilots, including Coast Guard and Marine Corps fliers, along with 1,874 ground officers and a total of 21,678

enlisted men. Including the aging Saratoga and Lexington, the navy had only eight operational carriers—far too few for the worldwide commitments portended by the deteriorating international situation. ‘‘Actually,’’ naval historians Archibald Turnbull and Clifford Lord wrote later, ““what had been got together represented by comparison AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 7/3!

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six Japanese fleet carriers completely surprised Pearl Harbor. Out of a total strength of

432 planes, the Japanese launched 354 in two waves, lost only 29, and achieved staggering results. Only a handful of U.S. aircraft escaped destruction and challenged the attackers. The strike disabled all eight of the navy’s battleships at Pearl Harbor,

along with three cruisers and three destroyers. Over 2,000 personnel died. The functioning of the vital naval and military base remained chaotic for days. The Japanese made mistakes. First, the attack resolved an agonizing dilemma in the United States, splintering organized isolationist opposition to the idea of collective security and galvanizing overwhelming public opinion behind President Roosevelt’s call for a declaration of war against Japan. Second, the Japenese attack failed to destroy

key dockyard cranes and other machinery, permitting rapid restoration of maritime support services, including repair of many vessels severely damaged during the aerial assault. Many of the huge fuel storage tanks dotting land around the anchorage likewise survived. Finally, U.S. carriers based at Pearl Harbor happened to be at sea the day of the attack on sundry patrol and transport duties, including aircraft deliveries to other American bases in the Pacific. The carriers’ survival meant the navy retained a vital

weapon with the potential to disrupt the Japanese timetable and ultimately restore American momentum,

AIR WAR OVER EUROPE On December 11, 1941, Germany and Italy announced a state of war with the United

States; America declared against them the same day. Even though outraged public sentiment after Pearl Harbor supported major action against the Japanese at once, American strategists emphasized treating the European crisis first. Hitler dominated Western Europe. Although the RAF had fought the German air force to a stand-off during the Battle of Britain in the summer of 1940, Great Britain remained in peril. Without the United Kingdom, the Allies would have no European industrial base, staging area, or airfields from which to launch a conclusive offensive against Germany’s strong position on the European continent. The distant Pacific theater of operations, involving far-flung sea and air movements over thousands of miles of open ocean and scattered islands, would have to accept second priority for the time being. In fact, working associations with counterparts in the British armed services had already begun. Alarmed at Hitler’s conquest of Austria and Czechoslovakia by 1938, British and French purchasing missions arrived in the U.S. with orders for military equipment, including aircraft. In view of the European emergency, amendments to America’s Neutrality Laws permitted U.S. manufacturers to sign contracts, and a preliminary tooling up of the aircraft industry got underway. Expanding American military budgets in 1939, following Roosevelt’s rearmament program, cleared the way for aircraft production in volume. After the fall of France in 1940, the country’s orders were channeled into British and American services. The Lend-Lease Program, arranged in the spring of 1941 to skirt remaining Neutrality Law constraints and to build additional planes and other military hardware for ‘“‘loan’’ to Great Britain (and later to AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 = 133

Russia), accelerated production plans. Observers overseas and Allied personnel aided

U.S. designers and manufacturers in acquiring information to modify American equipment based on European combat experiences. These were important early steps—a prelude to the long strides needed in the years ahead. During 1942, American air forces struggled to get organized, hammer out channels of effective coordination with the RAF, and begin air strikes against German forces in Europe. None of these goals was easy to achieve. The RAF had been waging an active air war for more than two years and felt that its program of night bombing of enemy

targets was the surest way to minimize losses to its bomber forces and inflict the greatest damage on the enemy. American strategists argued for daylight bombing, which they claimed would provide greater accuracy and take the best advantage of the

Norden bombsight. The Norden equipment, American airmen argued, allowed a bombardier to put a bomb into a pickle barrel. For several months such arguments were

academic, since the air force first had to accumulate planes in England in numbers sufficient to justify the start of combat missions. By the winter of 1942/43, before bad flying weather set in, the air force had landed nearly 900 planes in the United Kingdom. Moreover, several sorties during the previous months had provided invaluable operational experience. In February 1942, Brig. Gen. Ira C. Eaker went to England to organize the American aerial effort, and Maj. Gen. Carl A. Spaatz followed in June in take command of the Eighth Air Force. Early American efforts were carried out in direct partnership with the RAF or put together almost as an afterthought. The first missions, using only a few aircraft, proved only marginally successful and gave little indication of the formidable war machine that

the ‘‘Mighty Eighth’’ became as it gathered strength. In July, six American crews in training with the RAF took off in a half-dozen British Bostons (the export version of the Douglas A-20) for an attack on German airfields in Holland. The loss of two bombers from intense flak that hindered accurate bombing did little to raise morale. Compared to the dozens of bombers deployed by both the RAF and Luftwaffe, it was obvious that American squadrons had much building to do, and even more to learn. The first American bomber raid from the United Kingdom (with RAF Spitfires flying fighter cover) was launched on August 17, 1942, when one dozen B-17 Flying Fortresses took off for a strike against enemy-held Rouen, France. The lead bomber, christened the Yankee Doodle, carried General Eaker himself, flying as

an observer. After a successful bomb run at 23,000 feet, all 12 Flying Fortresses returned to a jubilant welcome at their base near London. In the following weeks, more short-range missions were flown against targets in occupied France as American fliers and ground crews increased their operational experience, culminating in a raid of over 100 B-17s and B-24s on October 9, 1942, on steel mills and locomotive works at Lille. Fierce opposition by German fighters threw the attacking bombers into confusion. Nevertheless, the Lille operation was an important precursor to the kind of mass raids the Eighth planned to carry out. Further, these raids were flown in daylight, to justify

the American contention for continuing precision daylight raids. Up to this point, however, such missions had been comparatively short range and flown with fighter cover. Long-range attacks against industrial targets, beyond the range of accompany134 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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AR, 1930-1945 735

intense pressures on Russian armed forces along the 1,500-mile-long combat zone in the Soviet Union. For another thing, Gen. Erwin Rommel’s Afrika Korps was giving the British armies in Africa a bad time and threatening the ‘‘Suez Lifeline,’’ used for o1] shipments and for communications with the Far East. In order to win control of the skies and provide tactical air support for the North African campaign, the Eighth Air Force was shorn of a good deal of its air strength. ‘‘We were torn down and shipped away,’’ General Eaker grumbled. American air operations in North Africa had actually begun months earlier, in almost impromptu fashion. A detachment of B-24s en route to China had gotten as far as Khartoum, where the British persuasively argued to keep them to assist desperate British forces in the Mediterranean theater. On June 12, 1942, 13 Liberators took off on a 2,600-mile round-trip strike against oil fields around Ploesti, Romania. Only eight planes got back (one crash-landed and four were diverted to Turkey, where they were

interned), and damage to the oil fields was minimal. This was actually the first American air strike against a European target, a sobering experience in the exigencies

of long-range strategic bombing. During the summer of 1942, available air force elements in Africa joined with the RAF in harassing Rommel by attacking his supply ports around the Mediterranean coast and strong points inland. Following Rommel’s defeat at El] Alamein and his retreat into Tunisia, Operation Torch was designed to eliminate the German position in North Africa. Under the command of Maj. Gen. Lewis H. Brereton, the Ninth Air Force added more B-17s, light bombers, and fighters in a bitter contest for control of the air, which combined Allied forces won in the spring of 1943. In northwest Africa, the AAF began to learn how to use tactical air units, especially

the deployment of fighter-bombers. The task was enhanced by the creation of a combined Anglo-American air command, Northwestern African Air Forces (NAAF) under Gen. Carl Spaatz; the Ninth Air Force remained a separate entity. Two primary

groups operated under the NAAF umbrella: the Strategic Air Force, under Gen. Doolittle, and the Tactical Air Force, under Air Vice Marshal Sir Arthur Coningham.

Coningham, who had led RAF forces against the Germans during 1941, brought invaluable knowledge of the desert air war and of tactical operations. During the early

phases of Operation Torch, heavy rains had immobilized Allied fighters, although German fighters and dive bombers continued to fly from well-prepared fields with hard

surfaces. Allied ground troops, continually harassed by German air attacks, complained that the only planes they ever saw were the enemy’s. As the weather improved,

the British and Americans took to the air in greater numbers. The Americans also learned to cope with demanding maintenance requirements in the harsh desert environment; to perfect aerial reconnaissance photos; and to carry air attacks down to ground level against troops, trucks, and tanks. The Germans, in a desperate gamble at aerial resupply, dispatched several waves of obsolete JU-52 trimotor transports from Italy to Africa. The air force intercepted them over the Sicilian straits and shot more than 50 of the heavily laden planes out of the sky in a mission called the ‘‘Palm Sunday Massacre.’’ Within weeks, Rommel fled back to Germany, and 270,000 German and Italian troops, their backs to the Mediterranean, surrendered in September 1943.

136 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

The Sicilian and Italian invasions, conducted in the summer of 1943, received highly effective aerial support and neutralized serious German air force resistance in the autumn campaigns. First in Sicily, then in Italy, Allied airborne troops made their first large-scale parachute drops of the war. The biggest U.S. jump occurred in September, when 1,200 paratroopers of the 82d Airborne Division dropped from AAF transports onto the beachhead at Salerno. In the course of extensive air operations, the AAF also perfected fighter-bomber tactics. Carrying eight heavy machine guns and extensive capacity for bombs or rockets beneath its wings, the Republic P-47 Thunderbolt evolved into a versatile fighter-bomber type. Other planes also served effectively. Pilots struck at trains and truck convoys, disrupting schedules and jamming up traffic behind, then realized they had even more productive objectives to attack. The

elongated I[talian peninsula, with innumerable communication and transportation bottlenecks along its mountainous spine, offered unusually vulnerable highway and railroad bridges and tunnels as targets. Allied fighter-bombers first wrecked these

An armament of eight .50 caliber machine guns gave the Republic P-47 Thunderbolt extra-heavy fire power; bombs and rockets carried under the wings made it an outstanding fighter-bomber.

Later models had the bubble-type canopy. Courtesy of U.S. Air Force.

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 137

targets, halting freight trains and truck convoys en route to the front and creating massive backups in railroad marshaling yards, supply depots, and factories behind enemy lines. Then the medium and heavy bombers blasted the congested rail yards and storage areas as well as seaports, coastal vessels, and industrial targets. Consistently

short of supplies, the retreating German forces nonetheless gave ground only grudgingly.

In the course of these operations, organizational lessons learned earlier in the Mediterranean theater were more effectively practiced, particularly in the case of tactical operations. The headquarters of the U.S. Army was located close to the newly formed XII Air Support Command, so that air and ground officers remained aware of

each other’s problems. Liaison officers from the army went directly to airfields to explain their situation. Air liaison officers, nicknamed ‘‘Rovers,’’ traveled around forward areas in a Jeep. The Rovers, equipped with radios, discussed ground targets with air force planes flying directly overhead. The fighter-bombers and other planes committed to ground-support operations thus achieved far more satisfactory results. During the Italian campaign, black combat pilots began receiving overdue recognition. Trained in segregated flight schools in the United States, bunched in segregated flying units, and often equipped with battle-weary aircraft, the black fliers struggled to

overcome persistent bureaucratic obstacles. Col. Benjamin O. Davis, Jr. became commander of the 33d Fighter Group, whose aerial campaigns ranged over the Mediterranean theater, central Europe, France, and Germany, where action during one escort mission for a raid on Berlin merited a Distinguished Unit Citation. Allied air strategists in the meantime had planned a heavy blow at German petroleum production as an adjunct to the Italian invasion and to hamper the German offensives in Russia. Again, the target was Ploesti. Unlike the small, 13-plane raid the year before, a massive force of 177 B-24 Liberators of the Eighth and Ninth air forces roared away from airfields at Benghazi in Africa at dawn on August 1, 1943. But the Germans were well prepared, and the vital oil production facilities at Ploesti were protected by dozens of carefully sited antiaircraft batteries, hundreds of machine guns, and veteran fighter

pilots flying late-model Messerschmitt Bf-109s, making the target one of the best defended in Europe. As the Liberators droned across the Mediterranean, the two lead navigational planes were lost, and heavy clouds over the Balkans separated some elements of the attacking force so that many planes arrived over the target behind schedule. Through intercepted radio messages, the Germans at Ploesti had been put on full alert for the impending attack. ‘To compound the problems of the increasingly hapless mission, navigators mistakenly identified a checkpoint and sent dozens of planes wheeling off in the wrong

direction. When the Liberators finally arrived over the target, the raid became an uncoordinated melee of bombers making runs from the wrong vectors across the paths of other attacking aircraft. The belated arrival of lagging B-24s added to the muddle. The alerted German fighter pilots and ground defenses took a heavy toll of the flustered attackers, while flames, dust, and dark, oily masses of smoke obscured the target and caused even more confusion. Only the fact that the Americans benefited from the initial surprise of bomb runs at treetop level saved many planes. As it was, the raid cost 53

138 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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downed bombers and over 50 more badly damaged planes. More than 400 airmen were dead or missing, with 70 more interned after they made emergency landings in Turkey. The results of the Ploesti raid continue to be debated, since there were no follow-up

strikes, and the refining facilities at Ploesti were soon back in operation. Still, the Ploesti complex had been operating at 60 percent of its capacity before the air strike, and the damage inflicted continued to impede full production, depriving Germany of increased refined petroleum output at a critical time. For AAF planners, who pinned so much of their hope on the effectiveness of long-range strategic bombing in daylight, the bitter experience of Ploesti was a grim portent. Bomber groups all over England were poised for massive strikes into German heartland, but unless losses could be diminished, the cost of daylight bombing over Europe promised to be monumental—perhaps prohibitive. The American scheme for

successful daylight bombing without fighter escort against targets deep in Europe remained to be proven. At a high-level conference in Casablanca, Morocco, in January 1943, Winston Churchill had urged the Americans to give up on daylight bombing and join the RAF in nighttime missions. General Eaker, called in to argue the American case, pointed out that American bombers had been designed and their crews trained for

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 139

daylight operations. Modifications and retraining would eat up precious time and energy. Precision bombing by day, he maintained, could still be significant in taking out crucial sectors of German industrial capability. Further, splitting the RAF and AAF bomber offensives into day and night operations would cut down congestion at airfields and in the crowded air space above English bases. Clinching his arguments, Eaker reminded Churchill that bombing Germany around the clock—day and night—would

strain German air defenses to the utmost. With an ear for a well-turned phrase, Churchill seized on ‘‘bombing around the clock,’’ conceded the American argument, and pressed it himself in addresses to Parliament on his return to London. With the eighth Air Force bomber squadrons and equipment brought up to sufficient numerical strength by the summer of 1943, air force strategists devised a major aerial thrust into Germany. The air force planned to hit ball-bearing plants at Schweinfurt and the Messerschmitt factory at Regensburg within minutes of each other. On the morning of August 17, 1943, 376 Flying Fortresses lifted off from their English air bases. American fighters planned to escort the bombers as far as possible. After that, everyone hoped, the defensive fire power of the massed B-17 formations could see them through the German interceptors. The American strategy was to draw off the main German fighter defenses to Regensburg, giving the Schweinfurt bombers an excellent chance

for reduced opposition on their bombing runs. In the meantime, the Regensburg formations would confuse the enemy by proceeding south to airfields in North Africa,

rather than fly back over German fighter bases en route to England. The bombers attacking Regensburg indeed drew savage German fighter opposition: of 24 Flying Fortresses lost, most were shot down while flying to the objective. Fortunately, the escape route to North Africa took the Luftwaffe by surprise, and the Regensburg force

successfully withdrew after a remarkably accurate bomb run over the target. The Schweinfurt mission was not so lucky. Bad weather delayed takeoff; the bombers headed across the Channel some three and a half hours after the Regensburg strike, instead of making the 15-minute interval originally planned. The lapse gave German fighter squadrons enough time to land, rearm and refuel, and get airborne again. Enemy fighters subjected the Schweinfurt strike force to continuous attack all the way to the target and hounded them as far as the Channel on the way home. Thirty-six bombers out of 230 went down, and dozens more limped home badly damaged.

Despite the heavy losses, the eighth Air Force was encouraged by the general accuracy of their bombing. Nevertheless, Schweinfurt’s production of ball bearings persisted, requiring a second raid. Bad weather during most of September and early October caused mission planners to seek targets elsewhere, but heavy costs in bombers and crews continued. Still hoping for a knockout blow at the ball-bearing industry, the AAF launched its second Schweinfurt raid on October 14, 1943. Although 60 Liberators turned back after failing to make the proper rendezvous and 32 Flying Fortresses aborted the mission because of mechanical problems, 291 B-17s droned eastward toward Germany. The Germans put up virtually everything they had, including obsolete Stuka dive bombers. In a grueling aerial duel that continued for 3 hours to the target and back again, the German defenders shot down 60 bombers (5 more crashed in landing; 17 more had to be scrapped), a loss of about 35 German aircraft. Including the 140 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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World War Hf. Courtesy of U.S. Alr Force.

Schweinfurt raid, over 150 bombers had been lost in just seven days. At this rate of attrition, the Eighth Air Force would soon be decimated. The Luftwaffe remained in control of the skies over Europe, and the battered Eighth Air Force called a momentary halt to unescorted bombing missions to targets deep in Germany. It had been a tenet of faith that the defensive armament of American heavy bombers would see them through long-range attacks without the protection of friendly fighters. Mission planners hoped bombers could protect themselves by forming massive ‘‘combat boxes,’’ spaced so that the field of fire from machine guns in each\plane would overlap that of others, as would the combined fire power of adjacent formations. The German fighter pilots evaded this massed fire power in several ways. In one ploy, a lone fighter screened itself in a bomber’s contrails, waiting to get close enough for a telling burst of gunfire or lethal, air-to-air rockets. The majority of fighters attacked bomber formations head on, since many early models of the B-17 lacked effective nose armament. Tail gunners eventually learned to keep a sharp eye for fighters hidden in the contrails, and additional guns inside blisters and chin turrets augmented the forward

fire power of B-17 squadrons; the design of the B-24 facilitated the installation of a

power turret in the nose. Improved tactics and enhanced fire power helped on AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 /4!

subsequent combat missions but did not entirely solve the crisis for American bomber squadrons. The real answer to the frightful loss of bombers was the provision of fighter escorts.

The lessons of 1943 spurred the development of external fuel tanks that could be dropped when the escorting fighters engaged enemy aircraft. By the end of the summer,

such tanks had increased the P-47’s combat range from 230 miles up to 375 miles, which would reach into portions of northwestern Germany but fall short of Frankfurt and other industrial targets beyond. By December, similarly equipped P-38 Lightnings could range 520 miles from their bases into central Germany, still short of Berlin and remote objectives in the southern and eastern sections of the country. Moreover, despite the P-47’s rugged construction and fire power and the P-38’s speed, both planes experienced difficulty in handling the more agile Messerschmitt 109 and the powerful Focke-Wolf 190. The balance tipped more favorably for the AAF after February 1944,

when the P-51 Mustang became available in large numbers. With drop tanks, the Mustang had a range of 850 miles. The penetration of American fighters deep into German-occupied Europe directly contributed to accelerating losses among German fighter squadrons. Increasing numbers of bombers arrived on target, and the rise of Allied bomb tonnages dropped into the Third Reich increased the disruption of German

industrial capacity. Cumulative shortages of enemy war material contributed to the successful Allied invasion of Normandy and the eventual defeat of Germany. The P-51 developed a reputation as one of the best fighters of World War II. Ironically, its introduction into the air force occurred almost as an afterthought. The design had originated in the dark days of 1940, when the RAF placed an emergency order with North American Aviation in California. The company had already purchased data from Curtiss-Wright Corporation that related to an aerodynamically advanced design featuring a ventrally located radiator. Under the press of time, North American cut corners and utilized certain components from their own AT-6 North American trainer: wheels, brakes, hydraulics, and electrical systems. In a series of around-the-clock design conferences, North American’s engineers finalized a configuration and hand-built the first airplane in just 102 days. With careful attention to streamlining and use of a radical new NACA airfoil that reduced wing drag by half, the Mustang emerged from the drawing boards as a lean, lithe airplane. After flying an early export version powered by an Allison engine, a canny test pilot from Rolls Royce (Ronald W. Harker) realized that the more powerful Rolls Royce Merlin engine might give the Mustang a stunning increase in performance. He was right. With a top speed surpassing 440 MPH, the Mustang could outspeed and outmaneuver any comparable German fighter. Rolls Royce licensed the Merlin engine for manufacture in the United States, and the hybrid P-51B Mustang went into production for the AAF in 1943. By early 1944, American bomber losses had been made up through increased production, and long-range escort fighter tactics had been effectively orchestrated. Beginning February 10, 1944, combined RAF and AAF missions during a seven-day period severely jolted German military production and wrested control of the air over Germany from the Luftwaffe. During the ‘‘Big Week,’’ RAF bombers joined over | O00 AAF bombers (many from new bases in Italy) in devastating raids against enemy

142 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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fleet in the thirteenth century, the Kamikaze Corps recruited young pilots who earnestly sought immortality through deliberate sacrifice of their lives for their country and the emperor. In a variety of bomb-laden planes, the Kamikaze Corps made fanatic diving attacks directly into Allied ships, carriers being favored targets. During the Okinawa

landings in the spring of 1945, the Kamikaze Corps were primarily responsible for American losses of 36 ships sunk, 1,000 ships heavily damaged, and nearly 5,000 sailors dead. Such suicidal and destructive attacks were barely kept in check through longer-range radar detection, improved antiaircraft defenses (including proximity fuses), and vigilant aerial patrols. At the war’s end, air power originating from American carriers had shot down an estimated 6,484 Japanese planes and destroyed nearly 6,000 more on the ground at a cost of 451 U.S. Navy aircraft. Carrier aircraft sank over 700,000 tons of enemy combat vessels, destroying more military tonnage than any other naval surface or undersea weapon. Carrier planes also sank 1.3 million tons of Japanese merchant shipping, second only to the score accumulated by American submarines. Meanwhile, out of the shambles of Pearl Harbor, the AAF in the Pacific also struggled to reorganize and regroup into an effective fighting force. In the Philippines, the most advanced outpost of the AAF, the few dozen B-17 bombers, P-40 fighters, and P-35 fighters proved inadequate to stop the Japanese advance. Even though defending American aircraft frequently shot down more Japanese fighters than they themselves lost, their continually declining numbers inevitably gave the Japanese total control of the air. Leaving a handful of battered air force fighters to fly reconnaissance missions only, since there were too few for air combat, a handful of the remaining B-17 bombers flew south to Australia, to where Gen. Douglas MacArthur had withdrawn on March 17, 1942. In the Orient, the only American forces that seemed to be making headway

against the Japanese belonged to a colorful fighter unit in Burma known as the Flying Tigers. The Flying Tigers, or American Volunteer Group (AVG), were led by Claire L. Chennault, a retired Air Corps captain. Recruited to help Chinese forces protect the Burma Road, a major Chinese life line after Japanese occupation of China’s principal coastal seaports, the AVG was officially attached to the Chinese government, even though it flew Curtiss P-40 fighters and received clandestine American support. From December 20, 1941, until July 4, 1942, when the AVG merged into the AAF, the 70 or so pilots of the Flying Tigers shot down enemy planes at a ratio of nine to one. The AVG fared better than U.S. Navy fliers of the same period because the dreaded Zero served primarily as a carrier-based fighter, leaving the Flying Tigers opportunities to tangle with less advanced land-based planes. In their occasional encounters with Zeros, AVG pilots effectively followed tactics that worked against other Japanese planes: a hard-diving attack from above, arching back upward to try a second attack from high

altitude. Against Zeros in particular, prudent pilots made one diving attack, then scooted for home, since the Zero enjoyed the edge in high-altitude dogfights. The steady Japanese advance through Burma finally cut the Burma Road in June 1942, forcing the Allies to set up an aerial supply route between India and China over the towering Himalayas—a route that American pilots drily nicknamed the ‘‘Hump.”’

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 153

The aerial link to China was important, since it represented the basic means of keeping

China in the war against Japan. In this theater, air transport missions assumed a significance on a par with bombing missions, and the flying conditions were equally hazardous. The air routes into China lay across uncharted sections of the Himalayas, where twin-engine C-46 and C-47 transports threaded their way through 14,000-foot mountain passes and over 16,500-foot mountain peaks. Four-engined B-24 bombers,

converted to transports, joined the operation later. The monsoon season brought swirling storm clouds and 100-MPH gales. Pilots flew over a malign terrain, a contrast of foreboding ice fields and dense jungles inhabited by headhunters. Against these grim obstacles and persistent aircraft losses, Hump fliers increased monthly tonnages from 7,000 tons in October 1943 to 34,000 tons a year later. The rate reached 71,000 tons per month in 1945, twice as much as had been carried via the Burma Road. The tenacious AVG and the success of fliers over the Hump denoted bright spots in a China-Burma-India campaign hobbled by bureaucratic confusion and a low priority.

Late in the war, AAF units, in cooperation with the RAF, finally straightened out bureaucratic tangles and waged an outstanding air offensive against the Japanese, including remarkable airborne troop offensives far behind enemy lines. In March 1944, a glider force landed deep inside enemy-held Burma and cleared a rough airfield for dozens of C-47 sorties the next day. Overnight, 10,000 troops and thousands of pounds of supplies were flown in to create a stronghold in the midst of a tangled jungle, and the Allied forces proceeded to attack many vital Japanese supply routes.

While some air force units cooperated with naval and marine outfits during the protracted battle for Guadalcanal, the Fifth Air Force under George C. Kenney went to work in the skies over New Guinea. Complete air superiority was not achieved until

December 1942, when increasing numbers of Lockheed P-38 Lightnings reached Kenney’s fighter pilots. During the intervening months, B-17 heavy bombers and B-25 medium bombers made effective attacks on enemy airfields, and A-20 attack bombers perfected new tactics and weapons. In low-level strikes against parked enemy planes, the A-20s dropped fragmentation bombs attached to parachutes, slowing the descending bombs sufficiently to allow the attackers to scuttle safely away. Inventive ground crews also field-equipped the A-20 with up to eight machine guns in the nose, giving the plane a devastating concentration of fire on strafing runs. The same techniques and gun installations were utilized by the B-25s, some of which even mounted a 75-mm cannon in the nose, giving them enough punch to sink small cargo vessels. Kenney’s fliers also perfected night-bombing techniques to reduce some of the losses in daylight

raids and worked out procedures for skip bombing, one of the surest ways for conventional twin-engine bombers to attack enemy shipping. Rather than attempt a pinpoint bomb drop on an evasive target several thousand feet below, skip bombing took A-20s and B-25s down to a few feet above the water. They roared in toward a lightly defended Japanese cargo ship from the beam position, so that the vessel’s broadside silhouette presented the largest possible target area. With practice, bombardiers learned to release a bomb so it would literally skip across the waves and explode against the ship’s hull just above the water line. These tactics worked with devastating effect against an attempt by the Japanese to reinforce their position in New 134 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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The ubiquitous C-47 transport (military version of the DC-3) played a key role in medical evacuation service, saving thousands of lives and boosting the morale of combat troops. The portable steel matting shown in the photo permitted early air support for fighters as well as transports in forward combat zones. Courtesy of McDonnell Douglas Corporation.

Guinea in March 1943. In the Battle of the Bismarck Sea, land-based planes of Australian squadrons joined units of the Fifth Air Force in attacking the Japanese ships, leaving only four known surviving vessels out of a force estimated at 16 to 22 ships.

In an unusual action at about the same time, the air force plotted an aerial assassination of Admiral Yamamoto. Intercepted radio messages revealed details of Yamamoto’s inspection tour through the Solomon Islands. In April 1943, a group of P-38 Lightnings from Henderson Field made a long, risky flight, intercepted the admiral’s plane, and shot it down. Yamamoto’s death came as a considerable blow to Japanese morale at a time when the tide seemed to be turning inexorably against them. Allied troops slowly extended their control of New Guinea, frequently by-passing Japanese strong points and leaving them cut off from supplies. With wing tanks added,

speedy P-38 Lightnings escorted B-24, B-25, and A-20 bombers against major Japanese bases in raids that not only destroyed enemy supplies and equipment but chewed up the Japanese air force as well. When MacArthur’s forces invaded the western tip of New Guinea in July 1944, thousands of Japanese troops were left isolated

in positions to the rear on New Guinea and in the Solomons, effectively neutralized because Allied sea and air power forestalled all attempts to resupply them. During the campaigns for the Philippine and Ryukyu islands in late 1944 and early 1945, naval aviation supplied initial air cover until army and marine air bases could be established inland. The air force Lightnings were joined by swelling numbers of P-51

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 155

and P-47 fighters; some marine units flew B-25s in addition to their single-engine Corsairs. Air combat and ground attacks on Japanese airfields had a telling effect. Whereas stiff air fighting developed over Leyte, where the Fifth Air Force shot down 314 planes while losing only 16, almost no air opposition materialized during the assault on Luzon. Although aerial opposition began to fade, Japanese ground troops continued fierce resistance, and increasing numbers of American fighters went into action, characterized by the assaults on Okinawa and Iwo Jima. Since each of them was

only 400 miles or so from Japan, American possession enabled the establishment of advanced bomber bases and the opportunity to maximize the most formidable bomber of World War II: the Boeing B-29 Superfortress. Plans for a bomber like the B-29 had begun as early as 1939. Even before Pear! Harbor, American strategists had viewed the plane as a long-range bombardment aircraft against Japan in the event of a war in the Pacific. Four 2,200-HP engines gave the B-29 a cruising speed of 225 MPH, a range of 5,800 miles, and a bombload of 16,000 pounds. The plane was unusually advanced for its time. Pilots and crewmen amidships were provided with pressurized sections for maximum comfort during long missions at extreme altitudes. The gun turrets (one in the tail and two each in the dorsal

and ventral positions) were power-operated and remotely controlled by gunners amidships who used advanced electro-optical gun sights. The pressurized crew compartments and remotely controlled, powered gun turrets were the first such installations in a heavy bomber. The prototype made its first flight in the autumn of 1942, and production deliveries began in the summer of 1943. Although the Superfortress did not enter combat until the spring of 1944, its military career was one of the primary factors in the defeat of Japan. When the B-29 began to reach air force squadrons in 1943, the United States had no bases from which it could bomb Japan. Surmounting immense logistical problems, engineers established airfields for the Superfortress in India early in 1944. Next, air force officers made plans to stage B-29 bombing raids on Japanese steel plants from forward bases in China. In the process, the B-29s had to transport almost all of their own fuel and supplies to China, and pilots of the newly formed XX Bomber Command grumbled about flying more transport runs than bombing missions. Logistical prob-

lems and primitive support facilities at the advanced Chinese bases continually hindered active operations. Although some strikes against industrial targets in the home

islands were carried out, most of the operations remained directed against targets in occupied Burma and China. During the summer of 1944, the invasion of the Marianas offered promising new bomber bases on Guam, Saipan, and Tinian. After an accelerated program to build the necessary airfields, the XX Bomber Command began to receive its B-29s in October. Following a series of shakedown raids in the central Pacific, over 100 Superfortresses

took off to bomb Tokyo on November 24. This raid, like several other daylight precision missions after it, proved discouraging. The round-trip mission meant navigating over several thousand miles of open ocean. Too many planes aborted en route due to mechanical failures and other problems; the weather was bad; bombing accuracy was abominable; there were no escort fighters over the target; many planes had to be

156 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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Courtesy of Jay Miller.

ditched into the ocean on the way home. Seeking solutions to this discouraging situation, General Arnold ordered Gen. Curtis E. LeMay, an experienced B-29 officer with the XX Bomber Command, to take over the bombers based on Guam. Meanwhile,

American objectives in the Pacific gave high priority to the invasion of Iwo Jima, whose position so near to Japan would permit fighter escorts over the home islands and

provide an emergency landing spot for crippled bombers returning to bases in the Marianas. Ships and planes blasted Japanese defenses for 19 days before the first marines landed, but the capitulation of Iwo Jima came after a particularly brutal campaign that lasted four weeks instead of the expected three to four days. American troops suffered nearly 4,900 casualties in the battle, but before the end of the war, Superfortresses had made 2,400 emergency landings on the island, saving the lives of approximately 25,000 crewmen. Moreover, Iwo Jima became the home for P-51s that escorted the Superfortresses as well as the operational base for additional fighters and fighter-bombers making innumerable forays against enemy airfields, ships, trucks, trains, and other targets. To improve the destructive efficiency of the big Superfortresses, air force planners decided to try incendiary bomb attacks against Japanese cities. General LeMay not only accepted that premise but enlarged on it by ordering his planes to make incendiary

attacks at night and at low level. There were immediate military advantages to American operations in these decisions. The Japanese defenses against night raids were weak, promising reduced bomber losses. By flying at low level, thereby saving the

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 157

weight of additional fuel required for long climbs to high bombing altitudes the B-29s could also carry greater tonnages of incendiaries to the target. Although the accuracy of pinpoint bombing was compromised by night raids, the choice of incendiaries meant that industrial targets alone were being discarded in favor of indiscriminate fire bomb

attacks against private dwellings and the civilian population in general. For the Japanese, the results were frightful. On the night of March 9, 1945, over 300 Superfortresses fire bombed Tokyo, killing an estimated 80,000 people, burning out close to 16 square miles in the city’s center, and destroying 25 percent of the city’s buildings. The nighttime incendiary attacks were feebly contested by Japanese fighters, and B-29s ranged virtually unopposed over all the country’s major cities, even dropping leaflets ahead of an attack warning citizens to flee. By the summer of 1945, close to a thousand Superfortresses were based in the Marianas, and phalanxes of 600 planes on night raids were not unusual. Dozens of smaller cities in Japan were literally reduced to ashes and rubble, and more than 100 Square miles in the centers of Japan’s six major metropolitan areas were left in smoldering ruins. The air force began to run short of reasonable bombing targets, so the

B-29s turned to other missions, such as planting 12,000 mines in strategic sea approaches to major ports. Bombed, burnt out, and blockaded, many Japenese war industries had lost over 75 percent of their productive capacity by August 1945. While some realistic Japanese leaders advised surrender, influential reactionaries continued to argue in favor of military resistance. Controversy still persists whether continued blockade and bombardment alone might have brought Japan’s capitulation. For Japan, the issue came closer to resolution on August 6 and August 9, 1945, when B-29s dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, respectively. Russia also declared war on Japan on August 9, and the next day the Japanese government announced defeat. As Allied war planes droned overhead, the final surrender documents were signed on September 2, 1945, aboard the U.S. battleship Missouri, at anchor in Tokyo Bay. The effectiveness of strategic bombing in World War II continues to be debated, but

there can be little doubt that air superiority was immensely important in the Allied offensives. Air superiority helped to assure the capture of Pacific island strongholds as well as the successful Normandy invasion in 1944. The value of close tactical air support and the airborne deployment of soldiers and supplies, in addition to paratroops, was demonstrated many times in all theaters of the conflict. And air power delivered the most destructive weapon of the conflict, ushering in the reality of nuclear warfare

and attendant horrors of an unprecedented scale.

COMPONENTS FOR A JUGGERNAUT The ingredients of American air power success in World War II encompassed far more than fighters and bombers exchanging machine gun bursts with enemy aircraft over hostile territory. Waged on a global basis, the war effort required a vast array of miscellaneous supporting operations, equipment, organization, and personnel. Newspaper headlines of 1942-43 highlighted the bitter island campaign in the Pacific and

158 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

hard-fought air wars in Europe and Africa. The role of aviation in the desperate Battle of the Atlantic seemed less glamorous by comparison, but the struggle there played a key role in the mounting Allied assault on enemy-held Europe. In the early weeks of the war, German submarines nearly stymied the flow of war

materials across the Atlantic. During 1942, ship losses to German subs frequently approached 2 vessels per day and reached a peak in May when German subs sent 47 ships to the bottom of the ocean. Heavy losses in American coastal waters, frequently in sight of the mainland itself, were particularly galling. As quickly as possible, the

army and navy allocated whatever planes were available for coastal patrol and antisubmarine duty. The motley air units flew everything from single-engine light planes to B-17s. By August 1942, no merchant ships had sunk in the Eastern Sea Frontier (around U.S. coastal waters), and beginning in 1943 no merchant ships sank within 600 miles of U.S. coastal bases. But the German subs moved their operations to

the mid-Atlantic, the crowded sea approaches around Britain, and Gibraltar, at the entrance to the Mediterranean. In turn, American antisub units established new bases in Newfoundland, Iceland, England, and North Africa, buttressing operations of the RAF

Coastal Command. In long, arduous flights, PBY Catalinas, modified B-24s, and planes from carriers gave additional support. Aircrews often begrudged the monotonous missions over vast, empty stretches of open ocean, but these sorties helped to keep German subs submerged, reducing their effectiveness and keeping the feared U-boat “Wolf Packs’’ off balance. Evolution of effective antisub warfare techniques, along with improved radar, depth charges, and torpedos, continued to inflict prohibitive losses on German submarine operations. Armed with depth charges, naval blimps that

accompanied convoys across the Atlantic proved surprisingly effective. In fact, enthusiastic ‘““gasbag’’ crews claimed that convoys with blimp protection over the full

route never lost a ship to enemy subs. In many ways, Allied victory in World War II hinged on the prodigious American industrial contribution. The American effort also required sophisticated personnel planning and logistical organization. The production of aircraft achieved by American industry reached astonishing numbers. Beginning in the spring of 1942, factories ran 24 hours a day, six to seven days a week. Women joined the work force by the tens of thousands and helped to swell the aircraft industry labor force to a high of 2,100,000 workers by the end of 1943. Most of them were assigned to simplified tasks under the supervision of experienced cadres of employees. At first, turnover was high, but production efficiency improved as workers gained experience and manufacturing procedures were ironed out. The automobile industry was sure its mass-production techniques would work miracles but found that aircraft were far more complex to produce and required far more exacting tolerances than cars. After much trial and tribulation, the enormous Ford plant at Willow Run did reach remarkable levels of production, turning out 5,476 B-24 bombers in 1944-45. In 1944, Willow Run alone produced 92 million pounds of airframe weight—more than half of Germany’s annual production and nearly equal to Japan’s total for 12 months. The growing efficiency of American aircraft in production was reflected in the drop from 55,000 individual working hours required to turn out a B-17 in 1941 to 19,000 hours in 1944. All

AIR POWER AT WAR, 1930-1945 159

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igher Horizons

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.. 1955-65 era of flight was especially memorable for two major trends: the achievements in astronautics (including Earth satellites, space probes, and manned space missions), and the introduction of jet aircraft into the civil airline fleets. These tlevelopments had a pervasive influence on American life and world civilization, as well as on the nature of the aviation manufacturing—or, as it came to be known, the aerospace—industry. The airlines also faced challenges arising from sharply increased passenger demand and in establishing necessary levels of airline safety. The military services integrated a series of aerodynamically advanced fighters and bombers that featured new techniques of fabrication and production. The general aviation industry introduced its own versions of advanced designs, including pressurized aircraft and eye-catching jets.

MISSILES AND ROCKETS If the vanguard of the von Braun team found the circumstances of their entry into the United States somewhat confusing and disorganized after the war, they found American rocket development in much the same state of affairs. Despite the 1947 National security Act establishment of a unified military organization under the secretary of

Defense, with separate and equal departments for the navy, army, and air force, essential guidelines for responsibilities of R&D and deployment were decidedly fuzzy ua the nascent field of military rocketry. As a result, American missile development in the postwar era suffered from interservice rivalry and lack of strong overall coordi“ation, a situation that persisted into the mid-1950s. The air force, with its record of successful long-range bombardment operations during the war, made a strong case for

, 205

leadership in missile development. But the navy also laid its claim, by producing studies showing the capabilities of missile operations from ships and submarines. The

army, in turn, viewed missiles as logical adjuncts to heavy artillery. The air force, however, had initiated long-range missile development even before the end of the war, and this momentum gave them early pre-eminence in that field. Since American missile technology could not yet produce large rocket-propelled vehicles, the air force at first concentrated on rather large, winged missiles powered by air-breathing turbojet power plants. The air force stable of ground-launched cruise missiles possessed ranges from 600 to 7,000 miles and could carry the heavy, awkward nuclear warheads produced in the early postwar era. Eventually, the Atomic Energy

Commission made lighter and less unwieldly warheads available, but the air force pressed on with its cruise missile operations, at the expense of development programs

for rocket-powered intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) like the Atlas. The Navaho project represented the peak of the cruise missile fixation. Weighing in at 300,000 pounds and capable of Mach 3 flights (three times the speed of sound), the Navaho nonetheless never reached operational status. R&D costs came to $690 million before it was cancelled in 1957, when ICBM technology overtook it. The Navaho did make three successful flights, however, and certain aspects of Navaho R&D turned out to be very significant in other areas. The experience in high-speed aerodynamics was applied to other aeronautical research programs, and the missile’s inertial guidance system found application in other ICBMs and submarine navigational systems. While the propulsion units for the Navaho used a jet engine for sustained flight to the target, the heavy vehicle was boosted into the air by three liquid propellant rocket engines developing 135,000 pounds of thrust each. Developed by Rocketdyne (a division of North American, later Rockwell International), variants of these power plants were

tailored for air force Thor and Atlas missiles, and for army Redstone and Jupiter rockets. The rocket engines for the Jupiter played a highly significant role in the evolution of the Saturn vehicles. In the early postwar era, while the air force developed cruise missiles, the army acquired expertise in liquid-propulsion rocketry through special projects at the White Sands Proving Ground in New Mexico. At White Sands, von Braun and the rocketry experts from Peenemuende not only made lasting contributions to American ballistic missile capabilities, they also ventured into the arena of space exploration. Besides test-firing a series of captured V-2 rockets for the army’s operational experience, the German experts helped coordinate a series of upper-atmospheric research probes. One such project, known as the Bumper series, employed a V-2 as the first stage with a Wac Corporal upper stage, one of which reached an altitude of 244 miles. The last two Bumper launches took place in Florida during 1950 at the Long Range Proving Ground located at Cape Canaveral—a prelude to U.S. space launches of the future. Another major activity included the Hermes program, in which the General Electric Company worked with the von Braun team under Army Ordnance auspices. During Herrnes operations, the basic V-2 rocket underwent successive modifications, increasing its

performance envelope and payload capabilities and at the same time American contractors’ experience in rocket technology. In the course of the program, a number of more or less indigenous American vehicles were flown. Although none of them became operational, they provided a useful exposure to rocket development for government

206 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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The United 5 &§ a f= a _ _launch :veonhnsiea — Ee 4 ee ee es as Ree Fie PSS ee a a ee ee .led ie Et Tea eB, kad the 1964 Ong Fe iof|led +78 ek 5 es Co oe on| military missilesballistic to la mi -... £ 8 Fe ee ae Seana Ret iaemenocre beeing aces. Pek - oS eicemneonee peice - a ger ne ae tt

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ynamic shield housi using the satellite. C . The payload aerodbnamie . Courtesy of section NAShenes enewe’ elon

details concerning most of them remained sketchy. As an indication of the intensity of

launches with national security implications, the Department of Defense orbited 70 artificial satellites during 1965 alone, triple the number orbited by NASA in the same year. Although other nations inaugurated space programs and launched their own boosters and scientific payloads, most public attention fastened on the manned ‘‘space race’’

that developed between the USSR and the United States. Within the first week of NASA’s existence in October of 1958, Project Mercury was authorized to put an American astronaut into orbit, and the space agency began negotiations to obtain the necessary boosters and to select candidates for astronaut training. At that time, NASA did not have the resources to develop its own boosters for space exploration. Mission

planners reached into the inventory of American ballistic missiles and finalized agreements with the army and ABMA for use of the Redstone, as well as the Atlas ICBM, to be acquired from the air force. In order to check out requirements and systems for manned orbital operations, NASA planned to employ the Redstone for suborbital launches, whereas the more powerful Atlas would be used for the orbital missions. Selections of the first seven Mercury astronauts was announced in the spring of 1959, and work proceeded on the development and testing of the Mercury space capsule. During 1960, the von Braun team (now including dozens of key scientists and engineers and several thousand skilled personnel) transferred from ABMA to NASA, bringing acknowledged skills in the development of rockets. The design and development of launch vehicles became the focus of NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville. With additional major facilities like the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston, Texas (for astronaut training and manned spacecraft development), the Goddard Space Flight Center, near Beltsville, Maryland (for tracking and data acquisition and for unmanned spacecraft development), and the Kennedy Space Center at Cape Canaveral, Florida (for rocket vehicle preparation and launch), along with existing installations around the nation, NASA prepared to undertake a significant leadership in space exploration. * Aeronautical research, an important NACA legacy, continued as a significant aspect of NASA’s overall program. On the prosaic side, Langley Research Center helped to resolve the phenomenon of hydroplaning, a situation in which the wheels of aircraft landing on wet or slushy runways tended to float on the water’s surface, resulting in loss

of control. Narrow grooves in the runway to drain the water improved traction and proved successful for highways as well. On the exotic side, the Flight Research Center at Edwards Air Force Base continued an imaginative program of flight testing. Its most dramatic work involved the X-15 program. The rocket-powered X-15, built by North American, explored speeds and altitudes. far beyond the capability of any existing aircraft. Briefly explained, the goal was to fly six times the speed of sound in level *Following the death of President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1973, the Houston facility became Johnson Space Center. The vehicle launching complex at Cape Canaveral had several designations until 1963, when the name Kennedy Space Center was chosen to honor the assassinated president. The Cape itself was also designated Cape Kennedy, reverting to its original name in 1973. MSFC was named after the World War II leader and former secretary of state, George C. Marshall.

HIGHER HORIZONS, 1955-1965 21/5

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224 FLIGHT

turbulence and equipped with terrain-avoidance radar and specialized electronic countermeasure (ECM) equipment. The B-52’s capacious bomb bays were fitted with rotary launchers to carry a mix of short-range attack missiles (SRAMs) and subsoniccruise armed decoys (SCADs). The rocket-powered, supersonic SRAM scooted along at treetop level, whereas the winged SCAD was programmed to fly and appear just like a B-52 on the enemy’s radar sets.

To gather information about potential targets and to keep abreast of a potential ageressor’s intentions, the USAF depended on a new type of plane for aerial reconnaissance. A curious press quickly tagged the aircraft ““spy planes.’’ Details about the planes were scarce until one of them, the U-2, figured in two major diplomatic events, the first in 1960 and the second in 1962. The U-2 had first flown in 1955 but remained cloaked in secrecy until May 1, 1960, when it was shot down over the U.S.S.R. The single-jet U-2 was slow, but its unusually long, tapered wing enabled it to cruise for hundreds of miles in the thin atmosphere of 80,000 feet, a region thought to be safe from Soviet antiaircraft missiles. Cameras and a sophisticated array of electronic gear crammed the plane’s fuselage on its clandestine forays over Russia. The U-2’s loss Came as a rude surprise and was one of the factors that caused cancellation of a summit

meeting between Eisenhower and Krushchev. Although the furor surrounding the incident caused Eisenhower to forswear further aerial reconnaissance flights across the USSR, the United States felt compelled to attempt surveillance through satellites and airborne electronic eavesdropping around the periphery of the Soviet airspace. Although some U-2 aircraft made high-altitude scientific flights to explore cosmic radiation and clear-air turbulence, the plane’s principal role continued to be reconnaissance. Exact figures remain vague, but out of some 25 U-2 aircraft built by 1978, 9 planes had been lost, presumably to hostile action. The United States lost one U-2 during the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. That October, a U-2 flying a surveillance mission over Cuba had returned with photos showing alarming evidence of Soviet surface-to-surface missiles capable of reaching many Strategic and industrial targets in the United States. The missile emplacements radically unbalanced the prevailing “‘status quo,’’ represented a menacing escalation of offensive Soviet power in the Caribbean, and violated understandings that President Kennedy assumed the Russians had accepted. During subsequent flights over Cuba, a surface-to-air missile brought down a U-2, killing the pilot. The confrontation over the Cuban-based missiles brought America and the Soviet

Union to the brink of war. The United States put its military forces on alert, SAC bombers maintained a continuously airborne status, and USAF combat units around the world assumed a state of combat readiness. A naval blockade of Cuba stopped further missile deliveries, and Russia agreed to withdraw other missiles from the island. The crisis subsided, but the affair dramatized the continuing role of aerial surveillance (by both aircraft and satellites) and the fragility of global security in a world equipped for destruction of its population through intercontinental jet bombers carrying nuclear weapons, plus hundreds of missiles tipped with nuclear warheads. The development of military capabilities in the post-Korean era obviously depended much on advances in electronics and miniaturization of components, and this aspect represented a growing chunk of the costs of military aircraft. There were important

HIGHER HORIZONS, 1955-1965 225

incremental advances in fan-jet engines (borrowed from the civil sector) that equipped the B-52H. The B-52G and H models also incorporated the ‘‘wet wing,’’ resulting in considerable weight savings, increased fuel capacity, and longer range. Integral fuel tanks were not unknown in the 1950s, but the elephantine proportions of the B-52’s 185-foot wing spread presented an imposing number of engineering challenges. Excess material in the aluminum wing panels was sculpted away by numerically controlled milling machines, followed by chemical bath to etch metal surfaces to smooth, close tolerances. When the wing was fully assembled, the interior was covered with a special sealant that resisted leaks even when the wings were flexed through an arc of 30 feet in flight. In a constant battle to reduce weight while maintaining safe margins of structural

rigidity, aerospace engineers developed ‘‘sandwich panel’’ construction, in which sheets of thin metal skin were bonded to lightweight honeycomb cores. This required extensive R&D into materials suited to metal bonding and specialized techniques for ‘‘curing’’ the bonded skins to assure their structural integrity. These lighter fuselage and wing panels eliminated the extra weight and riveting associated with conventional skin-and-stringer construction. The Convair B-58 was one of the first high-performance service planes to make extensive use of bonded honeycomb panels, a technique that found increased application in both military and civil aircraft of the era. The long, grueling missions of military aircraft at extreme altitudes put stringent burdens on aircrew confined to cramped and spartan cockpits. A good deal of time and money was expended in ergonomics, or human-factors engineering. Crew selection included batteries of psychological tests to ensure mental and emotional stability of aircrew subjected to prolonged stress during simulated combat runs and actual alerts-— with thermonuclear warheads aboard. Additional research did as much as possible to design cockpit seats, controls, and instrumentation to provide a modicum of comfort

and keep the work load under control. Still, the confinement of the cockpits, the heightened tempo of decisions required in supersonic aircraft, the increasing incidence of cues and stimuli from instrumentation—all contributed to crew fatigue as a consistent problem in high-speed, jet-age operations. Improvements in pressurized cockpits, oxygen equipment, and G-suits necessarily followed the enhanced performance of faster, higher-flying aircraft. But the implicit dangers in bailing out of these high-performance planes loomed as an especially serious problem. A series of air force balloon flights in the mid-1950s (the ‘‘Man High’’ tests) took several volunteer officers up to 99,000-foot levels to test high-altitude oxygen apparatus and procedures, and a series of Excelsior experiments perfected parachutes

to stabilize free-fall descents from over 70,000 feet. In 1959, Capt. Joseph H. Kittinger, Jr., made the final test leap from an altitude of 102,800 feet, concluding a daring sequence of feats that won him a Harmon Trophy. Other dangers in bailing out also demanded attention in the mid-1950s. Distressed by deaths and injuries from aircraft crashes, and concerned about the effects of wind blast and wind-drag deceleration during high-speed bailout, Col. John B. Stapp planned and developed a rocket-powered sled, running on a track, to test ideas and equipment. Fatalities and crash-induced injuries were reduced by using a redesigned system of body harnesses and nylon webbing suggested after an exhaustive and dramatic series of experiments, in

226 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

which Stapp himself frequently insisted on riding the sled. Stapp also insisted that he make the even more dangerous wind blast and wind-drag deceleration experiments. Pilots used rocket-assisted ejection seats to escape crippled combat aircraft, but special protection was required at high speeds to avoid severe injury: torn eyelids, lungs and stomach overdistended by the rush of air into the mouth, fracture and dislocation of arms and legs, and possibly fatal G-loads to the body from wind-drag deceleration. Using the rocket sled again, the intrepid Stapp survived repeated, punishing tests and helped to design the special gear required to eject successfully from a supersonic plane. Like Kittinger, Stapp also received several awards for these courageous contributions to aerospace science.

THE AIRLINES As America moved ahead in the reach into space, a second revolution unfolded in commercial air transportation—the development of jet-powered airliners. In the early postwar years, the British had the lead in gas-turbine engine development, although American progress in aerodynamics and airframe design moved impressively ahead. In time, improved U.S. jet engines consolidated the American lead in jet aircraft design

and technology. Frank Whittle’s wartime work on jet engines gave the British a consistent one- to two-year lead over American companies for about a decade after 1945. On the other hand, American airplane manufacturers maintained a similar advantage in design over their British counterparts. This was especially evident in the development of advanced, sweptwing military planes like the F-86 fighter and the B-47 bomber, as well as the larger B-52, an intercontinental bomber that first flew in 1952 and began entering service three years later. The increasing experience with jet engines and large jet-propelled aircraft might have led to earlier introduction of jet airliners, except for lingering doubts about jets in commercial operations. American airline executives remained cautious about the economics of gas-turbine

propulsion systems. Jet engines were essentially simpler than piston types, but high running temperatures, requiring costly metal alloy components, raised questions about the jet’s reliability and longevity. Although military jets had been operating for years, they were not flown on the tight timetables and virtually continuous operation that characterized airline schedules. Fuel consumption for jet engines remained much greater than for piston engines, implying high operating expenses, and the initial low thrust at takeoff speeds required longer runways. True, the speed of jet aircraft was attractive, and technological advances in engine design would probably resolve many problems, but most U.S. airlines and the transport manufacturers preferred to watch and wait. In the meantime, there was an interesting alternative: the turboprop. As the name implies, the turboprop used a gas-turbine engine to turn a propeller through a gearbox linkage, using the turbine exhaust for additional thrust in the process. This arrangement was judged to have better propulsion efficiency than the turbojet, better fuel consumption, and less noise than a piston engine. Moreover, the turboprop seemed to be better suited to the speeds (up to 400-450 MPH) predicted for

HIGHER HORIZONS, 1955-1965 227

airliners of the postwar era. The British again led the way, developing an outstanding turboprop engine, the Rolls Royce Dart, first ground-tested in 1946 and then test-flown in the nose of a Lancaster bomber in 1947. The first Dart was rated at 900 shaft HP and uprated to 1,480 HP by 1953, with later versions developing over 2,000 HP. In the United States, airline officials and manufacturers agreed that turboprops were the next step and planned to reequip existing designs, like the DC-6 and the Constellation, with American-built engines. But American engine manufacturers failed to develop suitable turboprops soon enough, and the first such plane to enter service on a U.S. airline was the British-built Vickers Viscount, equipped with four Dart power plants, ordered by Capital Airlines in 1952. (When Capital went out of business later, its Viscount fleet was acquired by United Air Lines.) Lockheed’s turboprop Electra did not enter service until 1959. Meanwhile, the British once more paced airliner development, leading the way with the de Havilland Comet, the first jet airliner. Scheduled jet airline flights began when the Comet / inaugurated international service from England to Africa and the Far East in 1952. But after a series of tragic accidents over the next two years, all Comets were grounded. The problem was traced to metal fatigue, induced through microscopic cracks around rivet holes and aggravated by repeated pressurization cycles in flight. Despite this fault, which was eventually rectified, the Comet had been extremely popular with passengers and had proven to be profitable. These facts were not lost on American operators. Pan Am, by 1952, had already placed orders for a larger version of the airplane, the Comet HI, to have been available by 1956, but the investigation of the Comet crashes upset the timetable. By the time the Comets were ready for service again, U.S. airlines could buy American-made equipment that promised better performance and profitability. In 1952, the same year Pan Am placed an order for the Comet, U.S. manufacturers

decided the time had come to produce an American jet airliner. Several factors converged in the same year to convince American companies that jet liners were feasible. As axial-flow engines improved, their fuel consumption decreased to reasonable levels for airline operations. Industry leaders became especially interested in Pratt & Whitney’s J-57, which took to the air in 1952 with the Boeing B-52 bombers. Also,

engineers were coming to grips with problems associated with the design of large subsonic planes, including aspects of low-speed control on sweptwing designs. Boeing in particular had amassed considerable expertise during the B-47 and B-52 programs.

Military spending as a result of the Korean War yielded profits that Boeing could allocate to commercial jets. Besides, as the B-52 neared production, design tears became available for an airliner project. Boeing started by designing a jet that would serve as a fast tanker for air-to-air refueling of the B-47 and B-52, and planned to use the same jigs and tools to produce the contemplated 707 airliner. When Douglas presented its competitive design, the DC-8, with a larger cabin for more passenger comfort, Boeing had to rework the 707 to

a configuration larger than its tanker. This meant additional costs for new jigs but resulted in a more successful plane that eventually outsold the Douglas rival. Work on the 707 progressed rapidly. The prototype made its first flight in 1954; Pan Am placed

228 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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to the Moon, ih. so many eras of history, the years 1965 to 1975 seem full of paradoxes. It was a decade in which the conflict in Vietnam dominated headlines. As the war intensified during the late sixties and early seventies, American military aviation reached new levels of technical proficiency, teamwork, and hardware. Air power proved to be a potent weapon, but one that left a battered nation and a ravaged countryside in its wake. Bombing raids and other aerial attacks helped feed a growing

antiwar sentiment, not only in the United States but elsewhere in the world, even among traditional American allies. At the same time that the fighting in Southeast Asia was dividing national alliances, air transportation continued to shrink time/distance relationships around the world,

creating a more closely knit international environment. The advent of jumbo jets stimulated domestic as well as foreign travel, and air cargo operations also reached record levels. Regional and commuter operations proliferated. The general aviation sector introduced improved aircraft featuring turboprops and pressurization for added efficiency and convenience in business and corporate flying. In space exploration, the Apollo program achieved a stunning success with a manned lunar landing mission. It was a program conceived and carried out in the cold war ideology of besting the Soviet Union. At the same time, America and the USSR initiated talks that led to a unique mission in which spacecraft of the two nations made a rendezvous in space.

MILITARY AVIATION The position of the Strategic Air Command (SAC), with its panoply of missiles and bombers, represented only one aspect of flight as an element of foreign policy. During

the cold war era, with the United States as one of the principal ‘“superpower’’ 247

protagonists, air transports frequently had occasion to airlift troops and supplies to distant quadrants of the globe. Flare-ups dictating an American response generally occurred with little or no warning, and emergency supply requirements needed prompt attention. Since seaborne troops took too long to transport and deploy, the airlift capability of the Military Air Transport Service (MATS) and its successor, the Military Airlift Command (MAC), became an important element of American diplomacy. MATS originated in 1948, when the Department of Defense decided to consolidate air transport duties as a matter of economy and convenience. Long-range transports of the army and navy formed the basis of MATS squadrons, with the air force acting as the operating agency under Department of Defense jurisdiction. Although both the army and the navy eventually equipped themselves with short-range tactical transports, MATS/MAC aircraft remained the principal means of large-scale global airlift. The Berlin Airlift illustrated the expediency of MATS airlift capability but also underscored the need for specifically designed military transport aircraft. The C-47 and C-54 workhorses of the Berlin Airlift dated from civil airline designs of the prewar era, converted into military transports as a result of emergency wartime needs. Even enlarged cargo doors in the side of the fuselage failed to expedite freight operations and parachute drops of both soldiers and supplies. Medium-range, twin-engine transports like the Fairchild C-82 Flying Boxcar and its improved descendant, the C-119 Packet, were laid out in the early postwar era with military requirements uppermost in mind.

The tail booms extending back from the engine nacelles left the aft fuselage section unencumbered so that troops and bulky cargo could easily be loaded and unloaded. Either paratroops or military cargo could conveniently be air-dropped through the capacious rear cargo doors. Additional freight and troop transport designs entered military

service in succeeding decades. Moreover, the air force pushed development of larger

transport planes capable of intercontinental airlift missions in the cold war environment.

When the Douglas C-124 Globemaster entered MATS units in 1950, the plane’s name reflected its intended role. Oversized clamshell doors in the nose enabled rapid handling of artillery, vehicles, freight, and troops. The piston-engine Globemaster also represented the last of the conventionally powered large transports, since its successors followed the example of air force bombers by using gas-turbine power plants. The powerful Douglas C-133 Cargomaster, equipped with four turboprop engines, entered MATS squadrons in 1957. With a range of 4,400 miles carrying a full load, it added a new dimension to military reach. Although originally configured to haul IRBM and ICBM surface-to-surface weapons, the C-133 could carry an appreciable array of military equipment. Another four-engine turboprop, entering service just a few months earlier, proved even more serviceable. Lockheed designed the C-130 Hercules as a medium-range transport carrying up to 92 troops or myriad freight loads. The broad, deep fuselage and rear-loading integral cargo ramp gave the plane unusual cargo flexibility; its rugged construction and ability to fly from short, rough fields gave it unusual versatility. The plane’s reliability afforded usage in forward combat areas and made it highly regarded for flights to remote global trouble spots where only a few modern airfields were available. In short, it became the leading transport in ‘‘brush248 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

fire’’ conflicts around the world, prized by all branches of the U.S. military and by numerous foreign air forces. Since speed persisted as the limiting factor in turboprop transports, jet-propelled designs eventually appeared. Two Lockheed aircraft dominated the air force inventory: the C-141 Starlifter and the C-5 Galaxy. Entering service in 1963, the Starlifter carried 154 troops on flights of 6,000 miles. The Galaxy, billed as the world’s largest airplane, could carry 345 combat troops on two decks, or a pair of M-60 main battle tanks, or

125,000 pounds of miscellaneous cargo to destinations up to 8,000 miles away. Production deliveries of 81 Galaxy transports began in 1969. For all the controversy

resulting from severe cost overruns, and a spate of trouble involving structural shortcomings (especially the plane’s gigantic wings), the C-5 provided the American armed services with a truly remarkable logistical potential to any continent on earth. The broadening diplomatic significance and capability of this global outreach found new expression in a revised nomenclature for MATS in 1966 when it became the

Military Airlift Command. Many MAC aircraft played a role in the Vietnamese conflict. They complemented seaborne cargo during the early stages of the conflict, but

their capability for rapid aerial delivery of high-priority military cargo and troops constituted a major service throughout the duration of hostilities. The big transports also performed a singular role in medical evacuation, transporting wounded personnel to hospitals in the Pacific area as well as in the United States. In Vietnam, combat aircraft of the army, navy, and air force played a leading, if

controversial, function in a war that itself became highly controversial. The U.S. government claimed to be extending aid to South Vietnam, allegedly under attack from a Communist (North Vietnamese) power in the early 1960s. Many critics of American participation in the affair argued that the conflict sprang from internal problems—a civil war—in which case the use of air power would necessarily be limited, since the identity of friend or foe would always be difficult. In a guerilla-style conflict, fought in a dense jungle environment, easy identification and attacks on conventional ‘‘enemy”’

targets like bridges, roads, and villages presented dilemmas. Friend and foe alike suffered casualties and experienced severe economic disruption. These issues seemed especially perplexing in the early years of American air operation south of the demarcation line. As the American commitment escalated, the air force and navy attacked conventional industrial targets within North Vietnam. In the meantime, air power played a prominent role in the jungle war with heavy strikes against enemy troops wherever they were reported. Although fixed-wing aircraft continued to play a central role, helicopter operations evolved as a major feature of American air warfare, particularly in airborne troop transport of army ground forces, and the army increasingly used armed helicopter gunships in tactical assaults. The first American forces in Vietnam, serving in an ‘‘advisory’’ capacity, looked to air support from a rather motley collection of propeller-driven planes, including the venerable Douglas B-26 Invader of World War II vintage. The single-engine Skyraider of Korean War fame equipped naval and Marine Corps units as well as squadrons of the South Vietnamese air force. These planes, though slower than jet-powered counterparts, nevertheless seemed less vulnerable to ground fire than the jets that appeared in

FROM THE EARTH TO THE MOON, 1965-1975 249

A Republic F-1035 fires a devastating salvo of rockets. Armed with bombs as well as rockets, the

F-105 was heavily utilized for bombing and for low-level attack during the Vietnam conflict. Courtesy of Fairchild Republic.

later years and could do a better job of spotting and attacking targets on their own. But

their numbers were finite; more and more high-speed jets with equivalent bomb Capacity were pressed into service, especially after 1963, when the beleaguered South Vietnamese government tottered through the Diem assassination and the ineffectual regime that followed. President Lyndon Baines Johnson strongly reacted to increasing Viet Cong actions, especially after the famous (if disputed) attack on U.S. naval ships in the Tonkin Gulf in 1964. The Republic F-105 Thunderchief bore the brunt of ground

attack missions. One of the heaviest single-engine jets in the USAF inventory, the F-105 could carry nearly as much tonnage as a B-17 of World War II. Backed up by the F-100 SuperSabre and the F-4 Phantom, these fighter-bombers delivered a devastating

amount of fire power on enemy targets, using guns, rockets, bombs, and napalm. It is ironic that these finely honed supersonic fighters were so widely employed in the ground attack role, making attack runs at half of their supersonic speed capability. And even at half speed, they flew so fast that ground references often appeared as a blur, making it difficult for their pilots to pinpoint a target. The attacking jets might spot and hit a specific target area, but getting in low to the ground took the planes out of their

intended environment of high-speed, high-altitude combat. Over the Vietnamese jungles, a high-performance jet whose entire fuselage was crammed with miscellaneous operational gear became suprisingly vulnerable to small-arms fire. Random

250 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

rifle hits that brought multimillion dollar fighters to ruin made the war an expensive one for the United States. As in Korea, it became necessary to employ slower aerial spotters

to guide attacking aircraft. The job fell to the forward air controller (FAC), flying

planes like the Cessna 0-2, derived from the Cessna Skymaster. In a risky air environment, the FAC marked targets with smoke rockets and directed the jet fighterbombers to their target areas by radio. Air-to-air combat was the exception, not the rule, for American pilots in Vietnam. When these duels took place, they were generally brief, since aircraft on both sides usually relied on air-to-air rockets, which were rapidly expended. Unlike the Korean War, where jet dogfights had been largely determined by machine guns and gun sights, aerial duels in Southeast Asia pitted radar-directed fighters against each other, and the planes fired electronically guided rockets. The virtual absence of an enemy air force showed up in U.S. figures, which listed only 86 enemy aircraft shot down within a two-and-a-half-year span between 1965 and 1968. Most of these were MiG-17 and MiG-21 aircraft, bested by American F-105s and two-seat F-4s. Such statistics do not mean that the United States escaped with minimal losses. Through 1967, the United States lost some 3,000 fixed-wing types and helicopters. Although about half this loss was attributed to assorted operational factors, the remainder was the result of combat action, including ground fire and surface-to-air missiles (SAM). SAM defenses were formidable, although American pilots learned countertactics, like making final target runs at low altitudes beneath effective SAM trajectories and using sharp turns to throw off SAM tracking gear. As time went on, the USAF made increasing use of electronic countermeasure (ECM) equipment to throw off SAM guidance equipment. The most vulnerable aircraft in Vietnam were the helicopters operated by the army; 4,200 were lost by 1971. To be sure, this high attrition rate can be traced to the nature of the helicopter itself. The huge rotors produced a large amount of torque, placing great strain on the rotor housing and machinery that controlled the pitch of rotors in ascent

and descent, and under combat conditions, strict maintenance schedules were not always possible. But 45 percent of helicopter losses were the result of hostile fire, including antiaircraft rockets. Still, the choppers played a major role in a difficult war; in fact, part of the reason for such high losses stemmed from their high utilization rate: the army reported as many as 18,000 combat sorties for each helicopter that was lost. In addition to their obvious flexibility, the choppers also provided a strong element of surprise. Infantry, artillery, or both could be shifted in the midst of an engagement, startling the enemy by the sudden appearance of fresh troops or subjecting them to an artillery barrage from an unexpected quarter. In the dense jungles, helicopters constituted an instantaneous logistics capability and eliminated long, vulnerable supply routes to remote outposts. By the same token, rapid evacuation of wounded personnel kept down combat deaths and became a strong morale factor. Helicopters in Vietnam also evolved well beyond the role of aerial transport, becoming ‘“‘gunships’’ armed with a lethal variety of automatic weapons and rockets. The principal aircraft of this type was an armed version of the Bell UH-1 “‘Huey,’’ dubbed the ‘‘Huey-Cobra’’ in

the gunship version. Like conventional transport choppers, the gunships provided remarkable flexibility and surprise in combat as well as fire power that frequently added

FROM THE EARTH TO THE MOON, 1965-1975 25]

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: me SF eS elec Ames ial

Combat troops jump from a hovering Bell UH-I (nicknamed “‘Huey’’ ) during operations in the

Vietnam jungle. The U.S. Army increasingly relied on helicopters for both mobility and firepower. The legend on the nose reads ‘‘Headhunters.’’ Courtesy of Bell Helicopter Textron.

a decisive advantage in sharp encounters with the enemy in close jungle fighting where conventional artillery or other fire support was unsuitable. This sort of pinpoint concentration of fire more developed in the case of even larger gunships. The venerable C-47 (based on the DC-3 of World War IT), rechristened the AC-47, became an airborne concentration of automatic weapons. Aptly nicknamed ‘*Puff the Magic Dragon,’’ the AC-47 typically carried three rifle-caliber GE Miniguns, each firing up to 6,000 rounds per minute. With all three guns aligned through the port windows of the plane, the AC-47 could unleash a withering stream of fire while circling above the target. Troops discovered that the ‘‘dragon ships’’ were especially effective in breaking up enemy night attacks, and additional transport aircraft types, ranging all the way up through the AC-130H Hercules, were adapted for the gunship

role. With their capacious cargo holds, planes like the Hercules carried varying installations of high-intensity search lights, flares, infrared sensors, radar, and formidable fire power which could include four Miniguns in addition to four 20-mm Gatling rapid-firing cannon. The AC-130H had a 105-mm howitzer.

This kind of unparalleled fire power in the tactical arena had a counterpart in strategic bombing capability. Although F-105 and similar types of fighter-bombers 252. FLIGHT IN AMERICA

were employed, often accompanied by larger, specially equipped ‘‘pathfinder’’ RB-66 planes for rader bombing, America’s premier long-range strategic bomber, the B-52,

found extensive usage in a conflict that resembled a guerilla war more than a conventional engagement. By early 1969, over 100 B-52 aircraft had accounted for 1,800 sorties per month from neighboring Thailand, from Okinawa, and from Guam, some 2,000 miles from the battle zone. Designed to deliver nuclear weapons over high-priority strategic targets, the B-52 instead dropped huge clusters of 750-pound bombs in “‘spoiling attacks’’ over suspected enemy staging areas and supply routes. By and large, such raids represented an uneconomical use of the huge B-52 bombers. As

air-power historian Robin Higham remarked, it ‘‘amounted to air-freighting high explosives over great distances.”’ Although half the bomb tonnage dropped in Vietnam was carried by fighter-bombers

like the F-105, the sight of B-52s disgorging dozens of bombs highlighted the controversy over costs, efficacy, and morality. Since the bombers so frequently struck at will-of-the-wisp guerilla concentrations, it meant they unintentionally hit territory

that could be “‘friendly’’ as well. Thousands of high-explosive bombs left deep, uncounted craters, which eventually filled with water where malarial mosquitoes bred. Bomb splinters lodged in trees around the impact areas caused a recurrent problem for the timber industry, since many hours each day were lost while saws were resharpened at lumber mills. As Higham wryly observed, °*‘This was hardly the way to win over the populace.’’ An even greater controversy raged over the use of defoliants. The densely packed jungle trees created a leafy canopy that shielded enemy supply routes and made

it difficult to detect supply dumps, troop movements, and ambushes. The air force inaugurated an ambitious aerial herbicide program, lacing hundreds of square miles of countryside with defoliants. Denuding the jungle, it was argued, would deprive the

enemy of an effective cover. During subsequent spraying missions, the defoliants decimated the trees in rubber plantations generally imbalanced the ecology of vast areas

within the country, forcing a halt. This particular program remains one of the most controversial undertakings of the Vietnam conflict. Other means were eventually employed to detect enemy movements and supply routes, using increasingly sophisticated electronic devices instead. But the ecological damage still persists after many years.

Assessing the efficacy of air power in Vietnam is not an easy task because of the nature of the conflict, the political overtones, and the emotional crosscurrents it generated. Higham, writing before the end of the conflict, nevertheless highlighted a number of the major themes. In a combat environment more akin to guerilla war, jets were not as efficient as helicopters or other slow aircraft in attacking small, isolated, slow-moving targets. Moreover, the jets remained vulnerable to small-arms fire. Combat pilots and planners were irritated because’ many strategically crucial targets, such as those in the Hanoi area, were off limits until later phases of the war, and even then were frequently restricted so as to encourage ongoing peace negotiations. As in Korea, the most appealing targets remained off limits, inside the borders of Communist China. The extensive use of F-105 fighter-bombers and similar combat planes in long-range raids over North Vietnam was interesting since the aircraft required aerial refueling, an advantage made possible by virtually complete American control of the

FROM THE EARTH TO THE MOON, 1965-1975 253

skies. But U.S. air forces may not enjoy such a luxury in future engagements. The same can be said for the unusually wide use of slow-moving helicopters over Vietnam, since future encounters may involve an adversary whose own air arm could severely curtail

helicopter operations with concentrated ground fire and sophisticated ground-to-air rockets. While strikes launched from aircraft carriers were useful in the early stages of the conflict, their cost effectiveness and utility began to diminish as more airfields became available within Vietnam and neighboring Thailand. If anything, the navy realized its need for slower, though more long-ranged and heavily armed, attack planes, like the F-8 Crusader.

For the most part, USAF and naval aircraft in Vietnam represented a prewar inventory. One exception was the A-7 Corsair II, outstanding tactical fighter delivered to USAF and naval combat squadrons during the late sixties. It featured a continuoussolution navigation and weapon delivery system, coupled with an all-weather radar bomb delivery capability. However, the basic configuration owed its ancestry to naval versions, like the F-8. As a truly innovational combat plane, the controversial F-111 stands out. The plane evolved in the early 1960s as a multirole aircraft ranging from

strategic bomber to tactical fighter—a tall order, and one that created a rash of development problems. The air force viewed the bomber version, FB-111A, asa Mach 2 replacement for the B-58 Hustler and early models of the B-52. The tactical version had to meet air force specifications for Mach 2+ at high altitudes, supersonic dash in low-level attacks, ability to operate out of primitive airstrips in forward combat zones, and outstanding flight characteristics through all the varied flight regimes. A variablesweep wing design seemed the most feasible route, and, even though experimental work in this regard dated back to the X-5 of the 1950s, a mass-produced combat plane with a swing-wing intended to fly as a strategic bomber or terrain-hugging tactical

fighter promised unique design and production challenges. Despite the tangle of compromises facing design engineers, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara pushed the F-111 program as a cost-effective solution to discouragingly high appropriations for separate aircraft in various combat duties.

General Dynamics Corporation became prime contractor for the F-111, and acrimonious debate swirled around the plane and its manufacturer from beginning to end. For the contractor, continuous R&D snarls led to successive cost overruns, driving cost estimates far above the initial figure. But the first deliveries of the operational F-111A began in October 1967, and the FB-111A entered service two years later. Equipped with different engines for longer range, the bomber’s extended wing span of 70 feet was

7 feet longer than the fighter’s, and the bomber’s gross weight of approximately 100,000 pounds exceeded the fighter version by about 9,000 pounds. Obviously, there

were many differences in electronic gear and weapon loads; nevertheless, the two versions were nearly identical in appearance and overall dimensions. In 1968, the air force dispatched a clutch of six F-111A planes to Vietnam to wring out the complex swing-wing craft in a combat environment. In little more than three wecks, half of the planes were lost, and an additional crash back in the United States prompted air force authorities to ground the aircraft. The Vietnam crashes were not

254 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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The General Dynamics F-16 was designed as a low-cost air superiority fighter. Its designers made considerable use of special composite materials and lightweight alloys. The plane shown here is finished in low-visibility paint and insignia. On order from some 16 foreign nations, the

4

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- exemplifies ine unportance of eXpor ts and arms Sales tn the U.S. aerospace sector. .

Courtesy of General Dynamics.

fi ial t hich the f E rt ducti ight

namic’s successful bid was due partly to the company’s complex manufacturing anid Inancial arrangements, which gave tne four CLuropean partners coprodauction rignis.

he Europeans not onl pro uced a Major proportion of their own planes but als

shared in the sales to the USAF as well as to other foreign customers. The European

fi ldined advant in th isiti f ad d ducti 983, the F-16 had b h ip the fi d f fi e

£ £ p ¥ 4o . e Ly a1 Ls ’a'5*. La eo

procedures. By l , tne a een chosen to equip the ighter squadrons of five

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additional countries. The air combat environment put a premium on specialized types, but escalating costs

and maintenance considerations le esigners to cep mu tirole aircrait in mind. thou esigned [or air superiority tasks, the F- an - incorporated features for

certain ground-support duties as well. Naval requirements placed even greater reliance on multirole aircraft because of limited Space aboard aircraft carriers. Faced with this *

constraint, the nav y bucked considerable opposition from Congress and ordered roduction of the Grumman F-147] omcat, which made its first flight in 1970. The F-14

adesi! ' «dlVsfigh l LJf fltadeff d. f.d k

Was Gesigne to serve as 1g ter escort, for fleet de ense, an Or groun attac ; requiring considerable versati ity In perrormance and armament and dictating a two-

*

man crew of pilot and weapons officer. Equipped with a pair of high-thrust turbofan engines, the F-14 featured a variable-sweep wing programmed to move automatically in response to performance requirements in its various combat roles. Although the Tomcat was capable of speeds in the Mach 2 range, its variable-sweep wing gave it a landing speed even lower than many of the planes it replaced. Pilots admired its high rate of climb and impressive maneuverability at all altitudes, although the complex airplane required particularly rigorous maintenance schedules in order to keep its combat status up to par. The navy, like the air force, also recognized the need for a simpler, less expensive lightweight fighter and supported development of the F-18, a joint design project involving Northrop and McDonnell Douglas. Navy and marine procurement officers attentively followed F-18 progress, which, unfortunately showed severe cost overruns. The plane was designed to perform as a fighter as well as a fighter-bomber, a dual capability desired for the limited number of planes that could be carried aboard aircraft carriers. Like many complex new aircraft, the F-18 experienced its share of teething troubles during two years of flight tests, 1978-80. Production commenced in 1980, and by 1983, difficulties were being resolved. Following competitive evaluations, adjitional orders came from Spain, Canada, and Australia, whose limited air forces also required a versatile fighter/attack aircraft. Versatility was also a strong virtue of the Harrier attack jet, a remarkable warplane capable of vertical takeoff and landing in front-line combat zones. Flown by the U.S. Marines, the Harrier was one of the few foreign postwar military aircraft to be manufactured under license in the United States, a task undertaken by McDonnell Douglas. The Harrier had originally been conceived and developed by the British firm of Hawker. An advanced version, the AV-8B, with improved performance and weapons systems, entered regular U.S. service during the early 1980s. Supporting all three services (army, navy, and air force) were helicopters, irainers, and transports of remarkable diversity.

The army continued to develop helicopters as a potent battlefield weapon. In forward combat zones, the army planned to use several types of choppers for carrying

cargo airlifting troops, and attacking enemy armor and strong points. Specialized attack helicopters, like the Hughes AH-64, typified the careful design and reliance on sophisticated electronic systems that characterized aerial weaponry of the 1980s. Carrying a two-man crew, the AH-64 fuselage was designed to withstand hits from most ground fire. The main rotor blades were constructed with stainless spars and made extensive use of glass fiber and other composite materials. The helicopter was powered

by a pair of gas-turbine engines; to confuse heat-seeking enemy missiles, engineers devised special engine exhaust outlets in which the hot exhaust gasses would be masked

by a secondary flow of cooler air. Complex electronic systems were developed by several other contractors and were tagged with inevitable military acronyms: PNVS (pilot’s night vision system) and TADS (target acquisition and designation sight), jointly developed by Martin-Marietta and Northrop; IHADSS (integrated helmet and display sight system) from Honeywell. Further, the weapons-sighting equipment in the nose of the awkward-looking helicopter incorporated infrared radar plus laser equipment to track and mark the target. AEROSPACE PERSPECTIVES, 1975-1983 305

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The lethal AH-64 packed a variety of weapons to make it a killer above the battlefield. These included a rapid-fire 30-mm gun, mounted on a turret under the fuselage; hardpoints of the stubby wings carried various combinations of rockets, ranging from 76 smaller rockets to 16 Hellfire guided missiles. It was necessary for pilots of predecessors to the new attack helicopters to point the aircraft toward the target before firing guided missiles. Now, in the AH-64, the pilot only had to turn his head. Looking through a device like a monocle, attached to his helmet, the pilot would see the target. As he turned his head to keep the target in sight, sensors in the aircraft would monitor the helmet’s movement and automatically lock on the target. On the command of the pilot, a laser-guided missile would be launched. Kill rates by such weaponry are expected to be very high. However, since ground troops of modern armies will have similar antiaircraft weapons, the losses for aircraft in future combat are also expected to be high.

FOLKLORE, FANTASY, AND ARTIFACTS By the 1980s, the phenomenon of aviation and space flight had become ingrained within the sociocultural framework of American life. The perception of aerospace patterns shifted during various decades, but the concept of flight had unquestionably become a permanent fixture within the life styles and consciousness of the American public. Literature, cartoons, motion pictures, fine art, and music incorporated various aspects of flight. Because many older examples of flight themes in books, comic strips,

films, and so on have not only survived but are also experienced by contemporary audiences, they serve as cultural evidence of the present as well as the past. Older works have thus become a source of current folklore and fantasy and represent identifiable artifacts that illuminate the evolution of flight. Among many older Americans, one example is the humorous doggerel concerning the hapless ‘‘Darius Green and His Flying Machine,’’ a popular story poem of the late-nineteenth century. The hero of J. T. Trowbridge’s poem failed in the attempt to build a successful flying machine ‘‘with thimble and thread and wax and hammer and buckles and screws, and all such things as geniuses use.’’ Even after the successful flight by the Wrights, generations of grammar-school students chuckled at Darius’s ill-advised flying experiments. Once the public accepted the Wright brothers’ feat,

airplane stories became a common literary device. Much of the fictional literature involving airplanes seems to have appeared in juvenile titles, and the authors have been

long forgotten. One exception is Sinclair Lewis, who in three weeks dashed off an adventure story called Hike and the Aeroplane, published in 1912 under the pseudonym of ‘‘Tom Graham.’’ An adult novel, The Trail of the Hawk, appeared three years later, under Lewis’s own name. The protagonist, Carl Ericson, found excitement, fame, and

fortune as a flier and emerged as a hero of the machine age. The book won modest critical approval, but never sold well. Nevertheless, it represented one of the earliest efforts by a serious novelist to treat aviation as a contemporary phenomenon and to view it in the context of rapid technological change. AEROSPACE PERSPECTIVES, 1975-1983 307

A comprehensive analysis of the kind of aeronautical literature that sold well, serving as a sort of barometer of public interest, is a formidable task. Most of the titles that follow achieved the status of bestsellers, in part because they were chosen by the Book-of-the-Month Club (BOMC). Selection by the club not only conferred a degree of prestige but also denoted books that its editorial board considered newsworthy. Thus, the aviation and space titles offered by the club say something about the tenor of the times over several decades. Up to World War II, successful aviation books were most likely to be nonfictional. In the 1920s, Charles Lindbergh’s chronicle of his trans-Atlantic flight, We, became a bestseller, although the first to win critical acclaim was the French author Antoine de Saint-Exupéry. His mystical, romantic memoirs of the pioneering French air-mail lines appeared as Night Flight (1932), followed by Wind, Sand, and Stars (1939), both chosen as main selections by the BOMC. The latter book marked a change in mood, since it included Saint-Exupéry’s first-hand experiences of air warfare during the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39. During the opening phases of World War II, the savage bombing of European cities, coupled with the long-range capability of large bombers, generated a wave of concern in the United States, and three other BOMC selections reflected wartime themes. Alexander P. de Seversky, founder of Republic Aviation

Corporation, a major firm of the era, wrote Victory through Air Power (1942), a detailed critique of the air war (prior to American entry) and advice on programs needed

to prepare the United States for modern aerial conflict. Maps and text dramatized America’s proximity to overseas combat zones in the air-age world. Ted W. Lawson’s book, Thirty Seconds over Tokyo, recapitulated the Doolittle raid, which had boosted American morale during the dark days of retreat in the Pacific. The choice of the latter two books by the BOMC can be interpreted as a mark of recognition for the growing significance of aviation, not only in the war but as a major force in global politics. The stark realities of air power’s nuclear component were acknowledged in the selection of John Hersey’s Hiroshima, distributed by the BOMC as a’’pro bono publico’’ in 1946. During the postwar era, the club offered selections on both aviation and space. In aviation, Lindbergh’s Spirit of St. Louis (1953) and Guy Murchie’s Song of the Sky (1954) represented, respectively, something of a nostalgic view of the aeronautical past

and a romantic view of modern long-distance flying. In The High and the Mighty (1953), Ernest K. Gann recounted a tense episode as a crippled airliner struggled to remain airborne. The story line displayed a somewhat standardized formula, as various passengers reacted in essentially stereotypical fashion to their predicament, but the rising number of airline passengers undoubtedly made the book’s aviation setting both believable and timely. The airliner, in this instance, landed safely. In 1961, Gann’s own memoir, Fate Is the Hunter, elucidated many of the themes found in his novels. Readers were often startled to realize that so many of Gann’s fictional episodes were so closely related to personal experiences. In Gann’s occupation as a pilot, fate was never to be taken lightly; it had hunted in the wake of his flying career at every takeoff. The transition to the arcane world of astronautics found expression in Arthur C. Clarke’s

book The Exploration of Space (1952), a primer for the layperson as well as an informed analysis of current and projected programs. The murky world of military 308 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

scenarios and aerospace weaponry formed the core of a cautionary novel by Eugene Burdick and Harvey Wheeler, Fail-Safe (1962). Written by two political scientists who were familiar with Pentagon politics, the plot chillingly detailed a routine response to a presumed Soviet violation of North American airspace. Unfortunately, an electronic malfunction did not recall a group of SAC bombers at the ‘‘fail-safe’’ point. When Moscow was obliterated by SAC’s nuclear weapons, the U.S. president ordered an American bomber crew to destroy New York as a sacrifice in order to avert war. There were, of course, dozens of other examples of the literary treatment of aviation and space, including fiction, nonfiction, and poetry. In the latter category, long poetical works celebrated heroes of flight and significant stages of aeronautical progress: With Wings as Eagles (1940) by William Rose Benet, and The Airmen (1941) by Selden Rodman. At one time or another, poets whose efforts gained currency include Hart Crane, ‘"Space Conquerors’’; Randall Jarrell, ‘‘The Death of the Ball Turret Gunner’’; Stephen Spender, ‘‘The Landscape near an Aerodrome’’; and William Butler Yeats, ‘‘An Irish Airman Forsees His Death.’’ Similarly, novels, short stories, and essays with an aeronautical motif have been written by John Dos Passos, William Faulkner, and James Thurber. These and others have been anthologized in works specifically devoted to aeronautics.

The literature of space exploration likewise continued to multiply. For years, science fiction addicts had devoured the works of early writers like Jules Verne and H.

G. Wells; later practitioners of space-age science fiction included Ray Bradbury, Robert Heinlein, Arthur C. Clarke, and many more. But nonfiction works also caught the attention of critics and made a mark on the bestseller lists. Norman Mailer, Of a Fire on the Moon (1970) contained the writer’s pungent impressions of the American space program and the flight of Apollo 11. In The Right Stuff (1979), Tom Wolfe dissected the

astronauts’ psyches and careers in a racy and fascinating bestseller that was also a BOMC selection. The outpouring of poems, short stories, and books dealing with aviation was paralleled in music. Aeronautical themes in music date to the era of eighteenth-century ballooning and to the “‘birdman’’ era just before World War I, when the romance of early flight inspired many aerial tunes. One of the earliest pieces by a serious composer came from the mercurial George Antheil, who delighted in his reputation as the ‘bad boy of music’’ during the 1920s and 1930s. Ballet Mécanique, which had its American premier in 1927, had notations in the score for airplane motors and propellers; Antheil revised it in the 1950s to include jet engines. World War II spawned a new wave of popular military tunes, and serious composers also made efforts to capture the spirit of flight. ‘‘The Airman’s Hymn,’’ by Ralph Vaughn Williams, appeared in 1942, but the most ambitious work was The Airborne, a symphony composed by Marc Blitzstein during 1943-44. Commissioned by the Eighth Air Force, The Airborne refers not to

parachute troops but to the human epic of flight from mythology to air warfare. Blitzstein did not finish the symphony’s orchestration until after the war, and the work

was finally premiered in 1946 in New York City. The performance attracted considerable attention as a major musical event: Leonard Bernstein conducted the New York City Symphony; Robert Shaw directed the male chorale; Orson Welles intoned AEROSPACE PERSPECTIVES, 1975-1983 309

spoken parts. Reviews from critics like Irving Kolodin, Olin Downes, and Virgil Thomson were favorable, and the audience responded enthusiastically. Although The Airborne was eventually recorded, neither it nor Antheil’s pieces, which included two versions of The ‘‘Airplane Sonata’’ (1925 and 1931), were frequently performed works. They merit notice, however, as evidence of intellectual interest in flight as a facet of modern life. In visual terms, comic strips presented another kind of evidence in the study of popular American culture. The 1930s spawned a series of aeronautical comic strips, partly due to the depression era’s penchant for escapism and partly due to the rapid aeronautical advances of the period. A motley crew of aerial heroes came and went in the 1930s, including space-flight pioneers like Buck Rogers and Flash Gordon. One cartoon story featured an aerial heroine, Flying Jenny, who winged through the comic strips of the late thirties and early forties. Although some of the cartoons survived several decades of rapid social and technological change, the advent of television

seems to have precipitated the end of popular action and adventure strips. In the meantime, aviation cartoons fed the curiosity of a generation of aeronautical enthusiasts.

Zack Mosley, creator of Smilin’ Jack, filled the strip’s panels with a variety of aircraft as well as a cast of characters whose names became familiar to a host of readers: Smilin’ Jack himself, a mustachioed epitome of the dashing male aviator; a paunchy

comic-relief character named Fat Stuff; and an enigmatic buddy, Downwind, who attracted multitudes of adoring females and whose full face remained tantalizingly obscured for the life of the strip. Mosley perfected the standard formula of the hero besting sky pirates, vicious storms, crippled aircraft, and scheming villains. At the same time, he passed along considerable aeronautical lore and subtle commentary on the practicality of aviation, primarily in the civil sector. Military aviation had its own set of heroes. Three cartoon series stand out: ‘‘Terry and the Pirates,’’ ‘“Steve Canyon,’’ and ‘‘Buzz Sawyer.’’ Terry Lee, created by Milton

Caniff, was something of a desultory adventurer in China until he received flight training early in the war and joined the famous Flying Tigers. Terry’s adventures thus paralleled the wartime headlines, creating an immediacy and graphic appeal that was hard to beat. Terry eventually gravitated into the regular U.S. Army Air Force; the U.S. Navy found a counterpoint cartoon hero in Roy Crane’s Buzz Sawyer. The wartime strips, drawn with great accuracy, mixed adventure with patriotism and attained an admirable depth of personality in their presentation. In 1946, Caniff turned over ‘Terry and the Pirates’’ to a new illustrator, George Wunder, and began a new story, ‘‘Steve Canyon.’’ During the postwar era of cold war confrontations, Steve Canyon and Terry Lee took on the duties of propagandists for the

U.S. Air Force, while Buzz Sawyer did the same for the U.S. Navy. Caniff, in particular, maintained close ties with the air force’s public information officers in the

Pentagon. One of them, Maj. William J. Lookadoo, appeared in Caniff’s strip as another air force major, ‘‘Luke Adew,’’ both majors being slightly stocky types with an Arkansas drawl. During congressional sessions, when committees were reducing air force budgets, Caniff and Wunder regularly produced episodes in which their heroes

not so subtly argued for restored funding and more air power. 310 FLIGHT IN AMERICA

el Sree i a a, A eo MB Bee eee eee ee ‘Sky King’’ began as a radio show in 1947. In the 1950s it became a television series, carrying on a tradition of air adventure drama dating from the radio broadcasts of the 1930s. Sky King, Kirby Grant, and his niece, Penny, Gloria Winters, pose here beside their Cessna 310, Songbird III. Courtesy of Cessna Aircraft Company.

Pentagon officials overtly supported these messages and assiduously courted the cartoonists whose strips were read by millions every day. ‘‘Steve Canyon,’’ for example, ran in newspapers published in over 600 American cities, plus 17 countries overseas. When Buzz Sawyer’s creator, Roy Crane, decided he was running short on story ideas, and considered taking his character out of the U.S. Navy, the naval brass regarded it as a genuine crisis. The admiral in charge of the navy’s office of information put out a global request for story ideas, and Crane also got a lengthy VIP tour of the Pacific fleet. Crane was inundated with letters, arguing that the strip gave the service prestige and sustained public appreciation of the navy’s role. For reasons like these, the postwar comic strips should be remembered, since they continued into the 1970s and

made an impact in terms of propaganda as well as entertainment. Although such military aviation strips have disappeared as regular fare in major newspapers, a vestige of the genre lingers on. In Charles Schulz’s Peanuts, the canine insouciance of Snoopy as an intrepid World War I pilot dueling the Red Baron captures a lasting example of nostalgia. The visual impact of comic strips was magnified by the dimensions of the motion

picture screen. During the 1920s, film makers learned the unique choreography required of aerial sequences, as demonstrated in several classic films like Wings (1927), Hell’s Angels (1930), and Dawn Patrol (1930). These productions also fostered the clichés of numerous aviation films that followed—the devil-may-care AEROSPACE PERSPECTIVES, 1975-1983 3/1

aviator and inveterate womanizer who becomes the cool and incredibly skilled hero

once he is in the air. Fortunately, a few films in the 1930s attempted to portray something about significant contributions of technology to aviation progress and to suggest the impact of aviation on travel and international relations. Box-office stars in these films also drew sizable audiences who could not help picking up useful insights about aviation from these technological subplots: Night Flight (1933) starred Clark Gable and analyzed navigational techniques; Ceiling Zero (1935) had James Cagney perfecting deicing equipment; Test Pilot (1938) pitted Gable and Spencer Tracy against the hazards of stratospheric flying; China Clipper (1938) featured Humphrey Bogart

and Pat O’Brien in the aerial conquest of the Pacific Ocean. The Second World War inaugurated films that were packed with patriotism and heroic sacrifice. Film critic Judith Crist called them ‘“‘propaganda melodramas, leaving us with the conviction that every bomber crew was required to include a hero, a

heavy, and a comedian from Brooklyn,’’ For the most part, the titles are selfexplanatory: Aerial Gunner; Bombardier; Dive Bomber; Eagle Squadron; A Guy Named Joe; and so on—mostly grade ‘‘B’’ films, and mostly forgettable. Some of the wartime documentaries were exceptions. Film clips of actual combat gave them a gritty

reality; talented directing and skilled editing made them memorable. The talent associated with the series called Why We Fight explains the impact as well as the importance of other outstanding wartime documentaries. Direction for Why We Fight was by Frank Capra and Anatole Litvak; writing and research staffers included Litvak and William Shirer; musical scores came from Dmitri Tiomkin and Alfred Newman. Released between 1942 and 1945, the series emphasized major theaters of the war, like Western Europe, the Soviet Union, and China, although one film, The Battle of Britain (1943), spotlighted air power in the war. Two other films that deserve mention were directed by William Wyler. The Memphis Belle recorded the final mission of a B-17 and its crew over Germany. One of the cameramen was killed while filming the flight, bringing home the risks of documentary projects. A second film, Thunderbolt (1945), portrayed the effectiveness of P-47 fighter-bombers during Allied offensives in Italy. One statement in the film, ““The airman never sees the face of the people, but only the

face of the country,’’ exemplified the impersonal nature of combat dominated by machines. Some of the best World War II motion pictures, probing psychological pressures and the burdens of crisis, appeared in the postwar era. Command Decision (1948) starred Clark Gable, Van Johnson, Walter Pidgeon, and John Hodiak. Based on a book by Biernie Lay, the dialogue avoided the clichés of most Hollywood aerial epics. Twelve O’clock High (1959), also scripted by Lay, had a talented cast led by Gregory Peck and Dean Jagger. Peck played a commander posted to a demoralized B-17 bomber group in England; in the course of instilling a new spirit and repeatedly ordering crews through the deadly barriers of Germany’s aerial defenses, Peck himself suffers a physical and mental collapse. The film became one of the best Hollywood productions that treated the strain and terrors of relentless combat missions. Other postwar productions, built around contemporaneous themes, included Big Lift (1950), about the Berlin Airlift; Strategic Air Command (1955), on the global reach of USAF'’s intercontinental bombers; The Bridges at Toko-Ri (1954), on the Korean War.

312. FLIGHT IN AMERICA

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