Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese: Cults and Sacred Places 1803277718, 9781803277714

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents Page
Preface
Introduction
Notes
Part One
Chapter 1. Arcadia
Mythological – Historical background
Catalogue of Arcadia
i. Arcadian Sanctuaries that can be dated
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Lousoi
Kalavryta
Kyllene
Pheneos
Stymphalos
Kontovazaina
Thelpusa
Orchomenos
Mantineia
Tripichi
Tegea
Pallantion
Kaphyai
Glanitsa
Asea
Area north of Asea
Mount Mainalon
Arachamites
Methydrion
Kollines
Karyai
Lykosoura
Mount Lykaion
Phigaleia
Gortys
Theisoa
Alipheira
Heraia
Megalopolis
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Pheneos
Thelpusa
Orchomenos
Mantineia
Tegea
Asea
Perivolia
Ancient Trapezus
Phigaleia
Chrysovitsi
Area south of Megalopolis
c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources
Pheneos
Area north of Megalopolis
Megalopolis
ii. Arcadian sanctuaries of questionable dating
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Thelpusa
Lasta
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Pheneos
Kleitor
Stymphalia
Nestani
Tripoli
Tegea
Aspela
Mantineia
Kaphyai
Arvanitokerasia
Ancient Trapezus
c. Sacred places known only from written sources
Kleitor
Kynaitha
Pheneos
Psophis
Thelpusa
Alea
Dimitsana
Tegea
Mantineia
Kaphyai
Lykosoura
Phigaleia
Alipheira
Heraia
Megalopolis
Road from Megalopolis to Messene
iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era
Chapter 2. Elis
Mythological – Historical background
Catalogue of Elis
i. Elian sanctuaries that can be dated
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Olympia
Kombothekra
Hill of Prophet Elias
Makrysia
North bank of the Alpheios
Epitalion
Letrinoi
Aspra Litharia
Lepreon
Prasidaki
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Olympia
Skillountia
Makrysia
Elis
Platiana
c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources
Olympia
Phrixa
iii. Elian sanctuaries of questionable date
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Makrysia
b. Movable surface finds relating to sanctuaries
Elis
c. Sacred places known only from written sources
Olympia
Phrixa
Irakleia
Elis
Kyllene
Samiko
Lepreon
Makistos
Minthe
Boundaries of Arcadia-Elis
iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era
Chapter 3. Messenia
Mythological – Historical background
Catalogue of Messenia
i. Messenian sanctuaries that can be dated
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Mount Ithome
Ithome/Messene
Mila
Ano Melpeia
Aghios Floros
Thouria/Hellenika
Kalamata Area
Aghios Andreas
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Ithome/Messene
Andania
Kalamata Area
Dimiova
Pylos Area
ii. Messenian sanctuaries of questionable dating
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Koroni
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Koroni
Aulon
c. Sacred places known only from written sources
Gerenia
Kalamata area
Petalidi
Koroni
Methone
Pylos
Kyparissia
iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era
Chapter 4. Laconia
Mythological – Historical background
Catalogue of Laconia
i. Laconian Sanctuaries that can be dated
a. Sanctuaries found or excavated
Sparta
Amyklai
Therapne
Aphyssou
Mount Taygetos
Kastraki
Apidia
Kournou
Tainaron
Phoiniki
b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Sparta
Amyklai
Mount Taygetos
Kosmas
Gytheion Area
Asopos
Kotronas – Ancient Teuthrone
Dichova
Ano Poula
Thalamai
Kardamyle
c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources
Sparta
Asopos
Maleas
ii. Laconian sanctuaries of questionable dating
a. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries
Glyppia
Kyphanta
Epidaurus Limera
Gytheion Area
Asopos
Oitylon
b. Sacred places known only from written sources
Sparta
Pellana
Therapne
Mount Taygetos
Hermai
Brasiai
Geronthrai
Zarakas
Epidaurus Limera
Boiai
Itis
Gytheion
Asopos
Las
Mount Ilion
Knakadion
Hypsoi
River Skyras
Pyrrichos
Kainepolis
Leuktra
Kardamyle
Mount Kalathion
Alagonia
iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era
Part Two
Chapter 5. Special Characteristics
Special characteristics of cult buildings
i. Relation to nature
a. Sanctuaries in relation to water
b. Sacred groves and trees
ii. Functions of sanctuaries
a. Sanctuaries as asylum places
b. Healing places
c. Oracles
Rituals in cult places related to the chthonian cults, and Olympian cults with mixed characteristics
i. Festivals
ii. Special sacrifices
iii. Games
iv. Special features
a. Use of masks during the cult
b. Cult dances
Functions of chthonian nature in sanctuaries
i. Cenotaphs for mythical/heroic figures
ii. Sanctuaries above tombs
iii. Psychopompeia
iv. Eschara – Places of purification
v. Ash altars
vi. Stone benches
vii. Cults in caves and fissures
viii. Side doors in sanctuaries
ix. Abaton/adyton
x. Restrictions on entering the sanctuary
xi. Performance of mystical rituals – Mysteries
xii. Perpetual fire
xiii. Orgies
xiv. Divine commands and punishments for violations
xv. Human sacrifices
xvi. General observations
Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped
Catalogue of Deities
i. Chthonian deities
Despoina
Eurynome
Hades – Plouto – Zeus with chthonian attributes
ii. Secondary and local deities
Asclepius
Cronus
Demeter and Persephone/Kore (Great Goddesses)
Persephone/Kore
Mother of the Gods – Great Mother – Rhea
Eileithyia
Kouretes
Sosipolis
Diktynna
Eros – Anteros
Hyacinthus
Silenus
Leto
Thetis
Tyche – Moirai
Nymphs
Charites
Muses
Ino – Leukothea
Pan
Dryops
iii. Personifications of the elements of nature
Erymanthos
Helios
Pamisos
The Wind Boreas
iv. Heroic and mythological figures
Achilles
The Dioskouroi
Helen – Menelaus
Heracles
Cassandra/Alexandra – Agamemnon
Odysseus – Penelope
Orestes
Pelops – Hippodameia
Telephus
Arsinoe
Ilaeira and Phoebe
Messene
Anonymous Hero
Evandros
Hipposthenes
Lycourgos
Machaon
Maron and Alpheios
Myiagros/Myacoris
Nikomachos and Gorgasos
Pallas
v. Chthonian deities that evolved into Olympian Gods
Chthonian Aphrodite
Chthonian Athena
Chtonian Artemis – Potnia Theron
Chthonian Demeter
Chthonian Dionysus
Chthonian Hermes
Chthonian Poseidon
vi. Older deities assimilated into later Olympian Gods
Alea – Athena
Chamyne – Demeter
Kidaria – Demeter
Orthia – Artemis
Karneios – Apollo
Maleatas – Apollo
vi. Olympian deities
Zeus
Aphrodite
Apollo
Ares
Artemis
Athena
Dionysus
Hera
Hermes
Poseidon
Observations on the chthonian characteristics of chthonian or Olympian deities with mixed attributes
Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context
Religious remarks
i. Observations on the cult places
ii. Notes on the substance of the deities worshipped
a. Deities
b. Epithets
c. Preferred deities
d. Correlations of worshipped figures to other regions
Economic observations
i. Economic growth
ii. Inter-communication of cult places and external contacts
Arcadia
Elis
Messenia
Laconia
Summary
Social framework
i. Correlation of the religious, social, and political life of sanctuaries
a. Countryside sanctuaries
1. Suburban sanctuaries
2. Extraurban sanctuaries
3. Neutral border sanctuaries
Conclusions
b. City Sanctuaries
Conclusions
General observations
A comparative presentation of the main cult places of the Peloponnese
Epilogue
Tables
Maps
Bibliography

Citation preview

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese CULTS AND SACRED PLACES

Eleni Marantou

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Cults and sacred places Eleni Marantou

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com ISBN 978-1-80327-771-4 ISBN 978-1-80327-772-1 (e-Pdf) © Eleni Marantou and Archaeopress 2024 Cover: Sketch of a tree by Eleni Marantou, set within a photograph of a mountain view in the Peloponnese by thetimehiker (via Pixabay, CC0).

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

To my family My parents, Lilika and Stathis, and my little sister, Eleftheria.

Table of Contents Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Notes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii

PART ONE Chapter 1. Arcadia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Mythological – Historical background������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 Catalogue of Arcadia ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 i. Arcadian Sanctuaries that can be dated. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Lousoi, Kalavryta, Kyllene, Pheneos, Stymphalos, Kontovazaina, Thelpusa, Orchomenos, Mantineia, Tripichi, Tegea, Pallantion, Kaphyai, Glanitsa, Asea, Area north of Asea, Mount Mainalon, Arachamites, Methydrion, Kollines, Karyai, Lykosoura, Mount Lykaion, Phigaleia, Gortys, Theisoa, Alipheira, Heraia, Megalopolis b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Pheneos, Thelpusa, Orchomenos, Mantineia, Tegea, Asea, Perivolia, Ancient Trapezus, Phigaleia, Chrysovitsi, Area south of Megalopolis c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Pheneos, Area north of Megalopolis, Megalopolis ii. Arcadian sanctuaries of questionable dating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Thelpusa, Lasta b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Pheneos, Kleitor, Stymphalia, Nestani, Tripoli, Tegea, Aspela, Mantineia, Kaphyai, Arvanitokerasia, Ancient Trapezus c. Sacred places known only from written sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Kleitor, Kynaitha, Pheneos, Psophis, Thelpusa, Alea, Dimitsana, Tegea, Mantineia, Kaphyai, Lykosoura, Phigaleia, Alipheira, Heraia, Megalopolis, Road from Megalopolis to Messene iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Chapter 2. Elis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Mythological – Historical background����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Catalogue of Elis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 i. Elian sanctuaries that can be dated. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Olympia, Kombothekra, Hill of Prophet Elias, Makrysia, North bank of the Alpheios, Epitalion, Letrinoi, Aspra Litharia, Lepreon, Prasidaki b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Olympia, Skillountia, Makrysia, Elis, Platiana c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Olympia Phrixa i

ii. Elian sanctuaries of questionable date. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Makrysia b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Elis c. Sacred places known only from written sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Olympia, Phrixa, Irakleia, Elis, Kyllene, Samiko, Lepreon, Makistos, Minthe Boundaries of Arcadia-Elis iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Chapter 3. Messenia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Mythological – Historical background����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Catalogue of Messenia������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 72 i. Messenian sanctuaries that can be dated.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Mount Ithome, Ithome/Messene, Mila, Ano Melpeia, Aghios Floros, Thouria/ Hellenika, Kalamata Area, Aghios Andreas b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Ithome/Messene, Andania, Kalamata Area, Dimiova, Pylos Area ii. Messenian sanctuaries of questionable dating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Koroni b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 Koroni, Aulon c. Sacred places known only from written sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Gerenia, Kalamata area, Petalidi, Koroni, Methone, Pylos, Kyparissia iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Chapter 4. Laconia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Mythological – Historical background����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Catalogue of Laconia�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 i. Laconian Sanctuaries that can be dated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 a. Sanctuaries found or excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Sparta, Amyklai, Therapne, Aphyssou, Mount Taygetos, Kastraki, Apidia, Kournou, Tainaron, Phoiniki b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Sparta, Amyklai, Mount Taygetos, Kosmas, Gytheion Area, Asopos, Kotronas – Ancient Teuthrone, Dichova, Ano Poula, Thalamai, Kardamyle c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Sparta, Asopos, Maleas ii. Laconian sanctuaries of questionable dating. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 a. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Glyppia, Kyphanta, Epidaurus Limera, Gytheion Area, Asopos, Oitylon b. Sacred places known only from written sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Sparta, Pellana, Therapne, Mount Taygetos, Hermai, Brasiai, Geronthrai, Zarakas, Epidaurus Limera, Boiai, Itis, Gytheion, Asopos, Las, Mount Ilion , Knakadion, Hypsoi, River Skyras, Pyrrichos, Kainepolis, Leuktra, Kardamyle, Mount Kalathion, Alagonia iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 ii

PART TWO Chapter 5. Special Characteristics.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Special characteristics of cult buildings������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 115 i. Relation to nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 a. Sanctuaries in relation to water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 b. Sacred groves and trees. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 ii. Functions of sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 a. Sanctuaries as asylum places.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 b. Healing places. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 c. Oracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Rituals in cult places related to the chthonian cults, and Olympian cults with mixed characteristics���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 i. Festivals. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 ii. Special sacrifices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 iii. Games. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 iv. Special features .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 a. Use of masks during the cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 b. Cult dances.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 Functions of chthonian nature in sanctuaries��������������������������������������������������������������������� 124 i. Cenotaphs for mythical/heroic figures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 ii. Sanctuaries above tombs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 iii. Psychopompeia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 iv. Eschara – Places of purification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 v. Ash altars. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 vi. Stone benches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 vii. Cults in caves and fissures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 viii. Side doors in sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 ix. Abaton/adyton.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 x. Restrictions on entering the sanctuary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 xi. Performance of mystical rituals – Mysteries .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 xii. Perpetual fire. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 xiii. Orgies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 xiv. Divine commands and punishments for violations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 xv. Human sacrifices. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 xvi. General observations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Catalogue of Deities ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 i. Chthonian deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Despoina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Eurynome. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Hades – Plouto – Zeus with chthonian attributes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 ii. Secondary and local deities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Asclepius. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Cronus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 Demeter and Persephone/Kore (Great Goddesses). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 iii

Persephone/Kore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Mother of the Gods – Great Mother – Rhea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Eileithyia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 Kouretes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Sosipolis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Diktynna. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Eros – Anteros.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Hyacinthus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Silenus.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Leto. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Thetis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Tyche – Moirai. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Nymphs.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Charites.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Muses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Ino – Leukothea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Pan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Dryops. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 iii. Personifications of the elements of nature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Erymanthos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Helios. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Pamisos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 The Wind Boreas.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 iv. Heroic and mythological figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Achilles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 The Dioskouroi.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Helen – Menelaus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Heracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Cassandra/Alexandra – Agamemnon.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Odysseus – Penelope.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Orestes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Pelops – Hippodameia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Telephus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Arsinoe.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Ilaeira and Phoebe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Messene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Anonymous Hero. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Evandros. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Hipposthenes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Lycourgos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Machaon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Maron and Alpheios. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Myiagros/Myacoris. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Nikomachos and Gorgasos.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Pallas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156

iv

v. Chthonian deities that evolved into Olympian Gods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Chthonian Aphrodite.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Chthonian Athena. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Chtonian Artemis – Potnia Theron. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Chthonian Demeter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Chthonian Dionysus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Chthonian Hermes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Chthonian Poseidon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 vi. Older deities assimilated into later Olympian Gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Alea – Athena.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Chamyne – Demeter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Kidaria – Demeter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Orthia – Artemis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Karneios – Apollo.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Maleatas – Apollo. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 vii. Olympian deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Zeus.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Aphrodite.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Apollo.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 Ares. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Artemis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 Athena. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Dionysus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Hera. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Hermes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Poseidon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Observations on the chthonian characteristics of chthonian or Olympian deities with mixed attributes������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 182 Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Religious remarks����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 185 i. Observations on the cult places. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 ii. Notes on the substance of the deities worshipped. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 a. Deities.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 b. Epithets. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 c. Preferred deities .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 d. Correlations of worshipped figures to other regions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 Economic observations ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 193 i. Economic growth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 ii. Inter-communication of cult places and external contacts.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Arcadia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Elis.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Messenia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Laconia.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201

v

Social framework ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 202 i. Correlation of the religious, social, and political life of sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 a. Countryside sanctuaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 1. Suburban sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 2. Extraurban sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 3. Neutral border sanctuaries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 b. City sanctuaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 General observations.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 A comparative presentation of the main cult places of the Peloponnese�������������������������� 217 Epilogue�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 222 Tables. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Maps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250

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Preface This book stems from my doctoral thesis Deities, Worship, and Siting of Cult Places in Central and Southern Peloponnese: Geometric – Archaic – Classical Periods, which was accepted for the degree of PhD at the University of Corfu in 2013. The research concerns cults and sacred places in the Peloponnese, more specifically in the geographical regions of Arcadia, Elis, Messenia, and Laconia, from the Geometric to the Classical periods, with shorter references to Hellenistic and Roman sites. This present work is an enhanced version of my thesis in terms of structure and content. The first part is presented as a full list of the sacred places and the second focuses more effectively on religious characteristics, with a particular interest in the chthonian nature of the deities. Over the last decade, new research and results have appeared that had to be included to present a contemporary picture of religious landscapes in the Peloponnese. For this reason, descriptions have been enriched or adapted to the new research findings. An updated bibliography has also been added, making the book a reference point for future researchers. For the completion of my research I am particularly grateful to my supervisor, Professor Emerita Eugenia Vikela, for her guidance and her valuable help throughout the years of my research. Another precious advisor and friend has been Professor Emeritus Petros Themelis†, who generously shared his knowledge with me and provided bibliographical and other material about different cult places; our many conversations have helped me move my thoughts forward. Furthermore, I would like to express my sincere thanks to Pavlina Karanastasi, as it was our discussions that provided the starting point for a decision on the exact content of my thesis. Friends and colleagues have supported my work over the years with talks and helpful comments. I particularly want to thank Birgitta Eder, Aliki Moustaka, Xeni Arapojanni, Georgios Korres, Panos Valavanis, Nikos Zarifis, Antonio Corso, Gina Salapata, Georgia Kokkorou-Alevras, and P. Faklaris. Also, I owe a considerable debt of gratitude to Yannis Pikoulas and Argyris Petronotis who, very sadly, are no longer with us. My participation in the ‘Peloponneskurs’ of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens in 2014 has given to me the opportunity to revisit some of the sacred places that formed part of my research, as well as to discuss and exchange views and ideas with researchers from different faculties. For this I would like to express my gratitude to the German Archaeological Institute at Athens, more specifically to the director, Katja Sporn, and the scientific director, Reinhard Senff. Furthermore, I offer my deepest thanks to my close friend, Annarita Doronzio, whose supportive collaboration has been invaluable. The first steps of my bibliographic research were made in the Blegen Library of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, but the greatest part of my research over the last fifteen years was undertaken in the library of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens. There, I owe great thanks to Christina and Catharina, and I will never forget the precious help offered in everyday matters by Mirca, who is no longer among us. vii

This book would never have materialised without the full support and encouragement of my family – my parents, Stathis and Lilika, and my sister, Eleftheria – to whom I am so grateful for their understanding and support, in every way, over the years. I must also thank my friend Frank for his patience and all the time we spent together visiting ancient sacred places, participating in conferences, and, additionally, all our constructive discussions. My good friends Vanessa, Makis, and Panos must also be acknowledged for their wonderful support. This book is dedicated to my family, for giving me the principles and values to become the person I am, and the strength needed to overcome all the difficulties and challenges faced along the way to completing my goals.

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Introduction The primary idea for this research was to trace the origins of the religious system in the Peloponnese and identify the reasons why it evolved in a specific way. The Peloponnese is an independent geographical unity, but each of its regions holds different characteristics. This fact, in relation to the particularly large number of cult places known in the Peloponnese, led to the decision to limit the research to four of the geographical regions, detaching the north and north-eastern parts of the Peloponnese, as this would not directly affect the results of the research. Consequently, the study was limited to Arcadia, Elis, Messenia, and Laconia. The initial thought was to create a topographical ‘religious’ map, where all the cult places of the four regions would be presented. The primary question involved the reasons why some deities were preferred in specific regions and not others. A necessary first step was to compile a list of all the cult places. The identification of the reasons that led to the establishment of cult places, compared with information on the environment and special historical conditions of each region, enlightened aspects of the purpose of selecting specific deities, their epithets, and their precise nature in the cult, and made clear the correlations of the religion to the political and social physiognomy of the regions explored. The observation of the topographical spread of the sacred places became the tool for interpretations and conclusions. To assist the reader visualise the locations of sacred places, several maps are provided. The main map (Map 1) shows all the sacred places for which we know the exact location; four others (1A, 1B, 1C, 1D) complete the areas where sacred places are too many to display in the main map. The spread of sacred monuments during the first three chronological periods is shown on Maps 2, 3, and 4. Here are mentioned the names of the locations where new sacred places were established in each chronological period (Geometric, Archaic, and Classical respectively). The chronological period under study had its starting point at the beginning of the Historical period, where great changes took place in the Greek world, i.e. as the Prehistorical period was coming to an end and the beginning of a new era emerged. The Geometric period is considered as the beginning of the Historical period, however, if evidence of Mycenaean cults pre-exists it is mentioned, so that a link to the past can be shown and connections for a possible continuation of the cult provided. The chronological span of the research and analysis of cult places begins from the Geometric and continues until the Roman period, with the main interest directed to the first three phases. Additionally, ancient temples transformed into Christian churches are also assessed. This current work is divided into two parts. The first part provides in effect a database of all the cult places of the regions studied; its chapters present the cult places of each geographical region. Each chapter begins with a brief mythological and historical outline to provide the reader with a picture of social conditions and indicate the religious framework within the geographical region presented. The cult places are then listed, with basic information on their location, descriptions of the site and any structures, and the more significant findings. The cult places are divided into categories, i.e. according to whether evidence on them is available (foundations or walls of a temple/altar, movable finds) that might refer to a cult in ix

a sanctuary or sacred space, open-air or roofed, or attested exclusively by written sources (ancient or modern). All the sacred places are divided into those that can be dated according to their finds, or those for which the dating is insecure. For each of these categories the following three sub-divisions are made: a) sanctuaries found (regardless of whether they have been excavated or not) with or without temples; b) related movable surface finds; and c) sacred places only known from written sources. Ancient sources, especially the writings of Pausanias, have been considered as the main ‘guide’ covering sacred places through antiquity. Additionally for this present study, detailed bibliographical research was carried out to record any evidence in publications, from the end of the 18th century until the present, on finds coming to light from surface surveys and systematic excavations, as well as random findings. Information on each sacred place includes the related ancient sources, if available, bibliographical references about the excavation and related research, plus additional bibliography. The aim is to give an overview of the religious landscape with the main characteristics of each site, with an in-depth bibliography, and not to present them in detail. Only the important finds and site information that might help us ascertain religious conclusions are mentioned. Each cult place is presented as follows: • Temple/sanctuary [name and epithet of god/deities + period classification code, i.e. GEOMETRIC/ARCHAIC/CLASSICAL/HELLENISTIC/ROMAN (referring to the chronological period(s) in which the cult was active, whether or not there was a cult building or an open-space cult)] • Source (if applicable) • References (publication of excavation/survey, mention of modern research, further bibliography on the site, etc.) When more information on the exact siting of a cult place is given in the description it is underscored in the main text. The description includes main information about the cult place and the most important findings only; it is not intended as a complete description of the excavation or the finds. The descriptions function as a means of giving first impression of the site and major references for further reading; they also provide an overview, so that the site can be contextualised and help in terms of drawing conclusions about those cults functioning within the given timeframe. A different numbering system has been allocated for those cult places found or known from movable finds, and those sites mentioned only in the sources. The first category uses the first letter of the geographical region (i.e. Arcadia = A, Elis = E, Messenia = M, Laconia = L). The second category (cult places only known from sources) is indicated by the letter S after the letter of the geographical region, i.e. AS = Arcadia only known from sources (and thus ES for Elis, MS for Messenia, and LS for Laconia). The numbering follows the order of the research and is not intended as a geographical sequence. Different tables have been made for each geographical region to provide an x

overview of the sacred places. For each region there is a table giving sacred places found, or indicated by movable finds, and another listing sacred places known from the sources. All the tables have information on the deity worshipped (name/epithet where available), location, chronological periods when in use, and source citation (if applicable). The chronological time periods referred to in the title of each place are based on the following divisions: Geometric: 1000/900-700 BC; Archaic: 700-480 BC; Classical: 480-330 BC; Hellenistic: 330-146 BC; Roman: 146 BC-AD 31. The second part of this book includes the analysis of the data recorded. First the special characteristics of the cult places are presented, in terms of the cult buildings, rituals, and the special functions they had. The next chapter includes a catalogue of the deities worshipped in the examined regions. These deities are divided into chthonian, secondary and local, personifications of the elements of nature, heroic and mythological figures, chthonian deities that evolved into Olympian ones, older deities assimilated into the later Olympian pantheon, and the Olympian deities. All deities presented have been summarised with all their epithets and the characteristics of their cult within each region. Primarily, the main or most known deities and then the less known are presented in alphabetical order; epithets are also given within the description of a deity in alphabetical order. The main goal here is to provide a picture of: the cult practices dominant in the central, western, and southern Peloponnese; the main characteristics of the deities worshipped; and the ways cults might have combined early chthonian deities, that were never forgotten, and the Olympian gods, who were the leading figures in the religious system of the historical period. Finally, in the last chapter, a synthesis of the data is attempted to extract conclusions on religious, historical, and social levels. Religious remarks centre on facts extracted from the preferred deities and the forms of the cult. The economic findings derive from studies of the chronological and economic development of the cult places for each geographical area, and, additionally, there are general conclusions that define the development of cities and their communication to other regions. The social framework includes analysis of the differentiation of the sanctuaries found in the countryside and the city sanctuaries. Special mention is made of the link between the religious and political life of the cities, but also among the regions, on the basis of the use of the religious sites for political procedures. Finally, there is a presentation of the main cult places of the rest of the Peloponnese (north and north-east) so as to clarify whether there are similar characteristics, or whether each region chose a completely different route in the expression of its religious consciousness. During this journey into the past, interesting conclusions have been arrived at in terms of sacred sites, the deities who accompanied people in their everyday lives, and the political use of religious feeling for gaining power and recognition, as political balances were always fragile and the dangers were apparent throughout history. From the deep connection of man to nature, and the local correlations to the organised religious system of classical antiquity, a complex system has been shaped, one that affected specific means of religious expression over the centuries and which will be presented in the pages that follow.

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Notes For the dating of the sacred places in the tables are used the following acronyms: G = Geometric A = Archaic C = Classical H = Hellenistic R = Roman ? = Questionable dating

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Part One

1

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Chapter 1 Arcadia Mythological – Historical background Mythological background The Arcadians believed that they were indigenous in the area they were born. They associated their existence to the local mythology.1 This mythological past is fully described by Pausanias.2 According to his narration the first inhabitant and leader of Arcadia was Pelasgus and the country he settled was called Pelasgia. His son was Lykaon, he founded Lykosoura and established the first feast in honor of Zeus, the ‘Lykaia’. Subsequently, Pallas established Pallantion, Orestheus, Oresthasium, Phigalos, Phigaleia, and Trapezeus, Trapezus.3 These are the oldest cities of Arcadia. The other cities of Pelasgia in the next generations were founded in the same way. Chronologically, Pausanias places Lykaon at the same time as Cecrops in Athens. Lykaon’s son and Pelasgus’ grandson was Nyctimus, who took power next; after him reigned Arkas, the son of Kallisto, who was Lykaon’s daughter. At that time Pelasgia was renamed Arcadia, and Triptolemos taught Arkas the use of nuts and wheat.4 Northern Arcadia – namely Azania, Tegea and Kyllene – was given to the sons of Arkas, Azanas, Apheidantas, and Elatos. The succession and division of Arcadian lands continued in the same way. After Arkas, Elatos’ son, Aipytos, became king, and after him Aleus, son of Apheidantas. He called Tegea the capital of his kingdom and built the temple of Athena Alea and gave her name to the whole region. Aleus’ daughter was Auge, Telephus’ mother. Her fate was closely tied to the temple of Athena Alea. Members of the royal families of Arcadia were involved in well-known mythological episodes. Agaios took part in the Argonautic expedition and the hunting of the Kalydonian boar, while Agapenor took part in the Trojan War, with sixty ships, as the leader of the Arcadians.5 After the fall of Troy, Agapenor reached Cyprus, forced there by bad weather, and settled there as the founder of Paphos and the sanctuary of Aphrodite of Palaipaphos. In the next generation, Orestes, son of Agamemnon, went from Mycenae to Arcadia under pressure from the Dorians, and in the same period the capital of Arcadia was transferred from Tegea to Trapezus.6 The Dorians invaded the Peloponnese at the same time, coming from Rhion, the leader of the Arcadians being Kypselos. In a diplomatic move, he gave his daughter as wife to the Dorian Aristomachus, thus creating family ties and protecting his lands. From Nielsen 1999: 34-35. Pausanias, VIII, 1,4-5,13. For the mythology of Arcadia, see also Nielsen 1999: 32-36; Pretzler 1999: 91-95. 3 According to Pausanias (VIII,29,1) the Arcadians believed that in Trapezus the battle took place between the giants and gods, as is described in the mythology, and for this reason they sacrificed there to thunder and storms. The settlement of Oresthasium, or Oresteion, was on the borders between Arcadia and Laconia and was associated with the myth of Orestes, whose name was linked to the region of Arcadia. 4 This tradition connects Arcadia to Eleusis, Triptolemus, and the goddess Demeter, since she was the one who taught Triptolemus the cultivation of grain. 5 Homer, Iliad, II: 609-611. 6 It was said that Aipytos, son of Hippothous, designated Trapezus as the capital of Arcadia. 1 2

3

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese the next generation the mythological data is mixed with historical facts. Pausanias continues his narration with the Messenian wars. Historical background7 There is little information on the early history of Arcadia. It is almost sure that the first Arcadians arrived from the north and settled down in the central Peloponnese at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. They believed themselves as being indigenous, and had a tribal state with strong bonds among them.8 To the tribal groups comprising the Arcadians belonged the Azanes, the Parrhasians, the Kynourians, the Mainalians, the Eutresians, and the Aigytes. Each tribe lived in a different area, defined by natural boundaries according to the Arcadian landscape. The special geographical position and the geographical relief of Arcadia meant that the Arcadians were not immediately influenced by the changes that took place after 1100 BC in the Peloponnese, and they kept their bonds over the whole Geometric period.9 Cities were established as an evolution from the tribal state, first in the east part of Arcadia. The rise of Arcadia was extensive during the Archaic ages, as the significant finds across the whole region indicate. Among the first cities established were Tegea (where the first synoecism from nine komai took place in the 7th century) and Orchomenos. They were followed by Mantineia, Pheneos, Stymphalos, and later Thelpusa.10

Historical sources for Arcadia: Strabo 8: 8,1-8,5, Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2,1: 11181138 and Encyclopaedia Papyros-Larousse-Britannica, vol. 11: 87-90. Sources on ancient Arcadia: Nielsen 1999: 16-18. Also, Callmer 1943: 41-108; Shipley 2004a: 505-539, with newest literature. For Arcadia and the Arcadians: Nielsen 1999: 32-60; Wolff 2010: 14-78. 8 Herodotus, 8: 73. 9 During the 12th century BC, a series of events took place in the Peloponnese that brought major changes. There is noted the emergence of new tribes who came from the sea, and the devastation of the Mycenean centres. Hence, the destruction of the Mycenaean civilisation and the appearance of new tribes created conditions for the beginning of a new cultural period initially characterised by the use of iron. This new period marks the beginning of historical times and defines the edge of a new culture, called now Greek. This change (including the decline and the new rise) was attributed until a few years ago to the descent of the Dorians, since it was a commonly accepted belief that the Dorians were a foreign tribe who came to the Peloponnese from the north, bringing with them new customs, and who settled there, evicting the old inhabitants and creating a new culture – the Iron Age (See Pausanias VIII, 5,1 and 6). The newest research argues that things did not happen exactly like this. Already Herodotus (9: 26) wrote about the ‘Return of the Heracleidae’ in the Peloponnese after the death of Eurystheus. He considers that the tribes that came to the Peloponnese were not foreigners that came from another region, but former inhabitants of the area (the descendants of Heracles), who were exiled at his death and returned in the next generations to reclaim the domination that Heracles had had in the Peloponnese. Even Pausanias writes about the return of the Heracleidae (Pausanias II, 13,1 and 18,7 and VIII, 45,3). Homer says that the Dorians were Cretans and not foreigners (Odyssey XIX: 177). The modern stand of research is that the destruction of the Mycenean world came from the attacks of the people of the sea, in combination with natural disasters and changes in the overall economic situation of the eastern part of the Mediterranean. The presence of the Dorians at the same period in the Peloponnese, and the beginning of a new era, is a fact, but it does not constitute the destruction of the previous culture. For the ‘Return of the Heracleidae’, see Chadwick 1976: 103-117; Desborough 1972: 329-355; Dietrich 1975: 133-134; Doumas 1996-1997: 180-181; Hall 1997a: 4-16; 114-128; Kilian 1987-1988: 148-158; Pisimisis 2003: 135-156; Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 18-23; Syriopoulos 1984: 1068-1080. 10 Tegea was a Mycenaean site that took part in the Trojan War, not as a city but as different demoi under the same name. It acquired the form of a city after the first synoecism. Strabo 8: 3,2, Pausanias VIII, 45,1. See also Pretzler 1999: 103. 7

4

Chapter 1. Arcadia There is a close relation between the first cities of Arcadia and the Trojan War. Many cities are referred to in the Iliad’s ‘list of ships’, i.e. Orchomenos, which sent sixty ships to help Agamemnon, and Mantineia, mentioned by Homer as ΜΑΝΤΙΝΕΗΝ-ΕΡΑΤΕΙΝΗΝ.11 Some of the Homeric heroes, such as Odysseus, Penelope, and Aeneias, are associated with local myths and cult places of Arcadia. In the historical period the Arcadians played a significant role in the shaping of the status quo in the Peloponnese.12 During the Messenian Wars they took the side of the Messenians, and this caused an ongoing conflict with Sparta. The alliance of Tegea with Sparta before the 5th century was the reason for the creation of the Peloponnesian League.13 Later, the Arcadians took part, with the Spartans, in the battle of Plataea in 479 BC with 1500 hoplites, but after the Persian Wars the conflicts with Sparta began again.14 Of course, the Arcadians were not united against the enemies; each city operated independently. In 471 BC, in a battle near Tegea, the league of Tegea, Argos, and Arcadia were defeated by the Spartans. The same year took place the synoecism of Mantineia, where four or five komai came together.15 In 443 BC some Arcadians took part in the colonisation of Thouria with the Athenians. The Arcadians were the only ones who disagreed with the Peloponnesian War. After different alliances, a battle took place in Mantineia in 418 BC, involving the allies of Mantineia, Argos, Elis, and Athens on one side, and the Spartans, together with the Tegeans and the rest Arcadians, on the other.16 The Spartans won and after negotiations they agreed there should be peace among the cities of Arcadia, but with Sparta as the dominating power. Later, in 415 BC, the Arcadians took part in the Sicilian expedition, and as mercenaries in the celebrated ‘Kyrou Anabasis’. In 386/385 BC the king of Sparta managed the dioecism of Mantineia using trickery, and the habitants were scattered in their old villages. However, after some years, in 371/370 BC, a new synoecism took place. In the same period is dated the synoecism of Heraia from nine komai.17 The battle of Leuktra in 371 BC brought great changes to the whole region. Sparta was defeated by the league of the Arcadians and the Boioetians. After the battle of Leuktra, the Theban general Epameinondas made an attempt to establish a great city (Megale Pole) that would form a political counterweight to Sparta and protect Arcadia. Thus, Megalopolis was founded as the result of a synoecism of neighbouring cities.18 After many conflicts among the cities, a battle at Mantineia in 362 BC resulted in a new era for Arcadia, giving autonomy to many cities. Conflicts, of course, never stopped among the cities.

Iliad, II: 607. For the Arcadian history of the 5th-4th century BC, see Beck 1997: 67-82. 13 Wolff 2010: 21-22. 14 Herodotus 9,28. 15 Strabo 8: 3,2. For the history of Mantineia: Amit 1973: 121-182; Funke 2004: 427-435; Papachatzis 2004a: 197. 16 Thucydides LXI-LXXIV; Bengtson 1977: 210. 17 Xenophon, Hellenica, V, II,7, Freitag 2008: 13, fn. 59; Funke 2004: 429; Robinson 2011: 40-42; Roy 2000b: 309. 18 For the synoecism of Megalopolis: Pausanias VIII, 27,2-4; Roy 2005: 261-270. 11 12

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Catalogue of Arcadia (Tables 1, 2; Maps 1, 1A, 2, 3, 4) The geographical region of Arcadia, as outlined in antiquity, features many specificities, being located in the centre of the Peloponnese, mountainous, and with no contact to the sea at any point. After the Dark Ages began in Arcadia, as in the whole of the Peloponnese, the emergence of organised cult places began. On the ruins of the Mycenaean settlements and in new and developing locations, sacred spaces were founded that were dedicated, initially, to chthonic deities with roots in the prehistoric era. At this time, when the new religion took on its settled form, the older deities began gradually to be superseded by the Olympian gods. i. Arcadian Sanctuaries that can be dated a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Lousoi Sanctuary of Artemis Hemerasia (A6) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 18,7-8. References: Brulotte 2002: 179; Ladstätter 2001: 143-53; Mitsopoulos-Leon 1990: 32-36; 2001: 13142; Mitsopoulos-Leon and Glaser 1986-87: 21-34; Mitsopoulos-Leon and Ladstätter 1996: 40-46; Schauer 2001: 155-59; Solima 2011: 76-81; Voyatzis 1990: 35-37. The only Geometric cult place so far found in northern Arcadia is that of Artemis Hemerasia at Lousoi.19 In the Geometric period the cult was open-air since no temple traces have been found. The only finds are some 8th-century bronze offerings, most of them in a pit that indicates its use as a cult place. Similar offerings have been found at Olympia.20 The first temple was built during the Archaic period, but its plan is not complete, with only fragments of columns, half-columns, and acroteria having been found.21 The temple is dated to the end of the 7th century, and, according to the layout of the Hellenistic temple – the only one preserved until today – we may suppose that the Archaic temple had an adyton. As well as a main door, there was a side entrance, after the prodomos, that served the cult practices. Among the findings are fragments from the base of the 7th-century cult statue that was reused in the later temple as a sign of respect to the old cult.22 In terms of the rest of the finds, the first The temple of Artemis Hemerasia was discovered in 1897 by W. Dörpfeld and A. Wilhelm. The research is still ongoing under the direction of the Austrian Archaeological Institute. For the Geometric sanctuaries of Arcadia, see Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 326-327; Morgan 1997: 185-192; Voyatzis 1995: 271-283. 20 Reichel and Wilhelm 1901: 33. 21 Mitsopoulos-Leon and Glaser (1986-1987) are sceptical about the existence of an Archaic temple, since an open-air cult ‘Hirtenkultur’ is thought to require a temenos for the goddess. As an objection, one might consider the finding of an Archaic acroteria during the first excavation. It is not a rare phenomenon to have an open-air cult without a temple. In this case, the only way to identify a cult place are the votives dedicated to the deity. 22 Reichel and Wilhelm 1901: 32. 19

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Chapter 1. Arcadia excavators already observed that some of the bronze offerings are similar to those found at Olympia. In the Classical period, the temple was reconstructed with greater luxury and another reconstruction took place in Hellenistic times. The temple that remains today belongs to the 3rd century. Its layout does not resemble most temples, having some different elements that make it stand out.23 It was particularly large, with dimensions up to 42.35 m x 15.80 m, with a peristasis of 6 x 15 columns. It consisted of a pronaos, three-room cella with the pedestal of a statue, a square room further back, and an adyton at the rear. The expansion of the inner space reminds one of the temple of Apollo at Bassai (A1). The door at the side wall of the cella remained in use until the Hellenistic period.

Kalavryta Unidentified temple (A38) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Alexopoulou 2007: 516-18; 2008: 530-32; 2009: 454-55; 2010: 913-14; 2011: 421-22; Ladstätter 2008: 35-36; 2011: 89-90; https://chronique.efa.gr/?kroute=report&id=8393 (last viewed 01.02.2023), https://chronique.efa.gr/?kroute=report&id=898 (last viewed 01.02.2023). The cult of an unknown deity has been revealed in the area of Chelmos at Kalavryta, at the site of Gremoulias. The oldest finds are late Geometric, but the oldest temple excavated is late Archaic.24 It was located in the region of ancient Kynaitha, outside the ancient city and close to the road that led from Kynaitha to the coast of Achaia, defining the boundaries of Lousoi. From the 6th century has been preserved only architectural material made of limestone. Among the small finds are a bronze sheet with rosettes, similar to one from Lousoi, and an iron spear reminiscent of an example from the temple of Apollo Epikourios (A1). A new temple was constructed during the early 4th century. This was Doric in style, peripteral, and with a peristasis of 6 x 14 columns. Its orientation was E-W and its dimensions 34.75 m x 13.90 m. An opisthodomos has not been found. It was made of poros stone and had marble Corinthian tiles. Many of the architectural parts of the Archaic temple have been reused and therefore it has late-Archaic elements reminiscent of the temples of Athena Alea at Tegea (A5) and Athena in Makistos (E15). The research is ongoing and the conclusions are not final.

Kyllene Hermes’ cult in cave (A35) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 17,1. The pronaos and the opisthodomos each had four Doric columns among the long walls of the temple. The cella had five half-columns along each side. 24 Details from the recent excavation at the temple at Gremoulias were announced at the meeting ‘Neue Forschungen zur Architektur in Heiligtümern der Nordwest-Peloponnes. Festveranstaltung 100 Jahre Institutsgebäude des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes’ (4th March 2008) at the Austrian Archaeological Institute at Athens, by G. Alexopoulou and G. Ladstätter in a paper entitled ‘The temple at the site Gremoulia of Chelmos in Kalavryta. Facts from the excavation from 2005 to 2007’ (in press). 23

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese References: Baumer 2004: 33, 120-121 with bibliography; Tausend 1999: 242, 358. In a cave on northeast Mt Kyllene some votives were discovered that led to the conclusion that during the Archaic period a cult of Hermes was established here. Additionally, Pausanias mentions the existence of a sanctuary of Hermes on the summit of Kyllene. Fourteen fragments of clay figurines have been found, and parts of a bronze plaque. Moreover, among the finds are fine decorated sherds and Corinthian pottery dated from the Proto- to late Corinthian period. During the late Classical and Hellenistic eras the cult continued in the cave and some coins have been unearthed here that are dated 370-300 BC and depict Hermes and Arkas. An important find is a coin from Pheneos that depicts Demeter’s head and Hermes, holding in his hands the child Arkas, with the inscription ΑΡΚΑΣ.25

Pheneos Sanctuary of Asclepius (A33) HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Protonotariou-Deilaki 1961-1962: 57-61; Kissas 2011: 155-166; Kissas et al. 2017: 115131. Also, Melfi 2002: 235-243; Tausend 1999: 348. The sanctuary of Asclepius in the city of Pheneos is dated to the Hellenistic period. It consisted of two rooms, the south one with dimensions 10 m x 6.10 m, and the north 11.05 m x 6.35 m. Excavations here revealed, among other finds, sherds dated to the Mesohelladic and Mycenaean periods, indicating that the site was active from very early on, and there is a real possibility that this sanctuary was used in previous periods. Also found was a mosaic floor with an inscription revealing the deity worshipped, dating to the 2nd century. The inscription is: ΕΠΙ ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΣΚΛΑΠΙΟΥ ΘΗΡΙΛΑΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΗΡΩΙΔΑ ΚΑΤΕΣΚΕΥΩΘΗ ΤΑ ΑΓΑΛΜΑΤΑ ΑΤΤΑΛΟΣ ΛΑΧΑΡΟΥ ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ ΕΠΟΙΗΣΕΝ.26

Stymphalos Temple of Hera (A84) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 22,2. References: Orlandos 1924: 75. A Hellenistic temple was excavated at Stymphalos (Velatsouri) (A84). It is possible that it was one of the three temples of Hera that stood in the agora of the city, according to Pausanias. The cella revealed the foundation of the cult statue’s base. The temple had dimensions of 16.4 m x 7.4 m and was prostyle, tetrastyle with opisthodomos divided into two rooms.

25 26

Tausend 1999: 245, 42. The coin is described by Sear 1978, vol. 1: 254, no. 2728. For the inscription, see Vanderpool 1959: 280-281.

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Chapter 1. Arcadia Temple of Athena (A85) CLASSICAL References: Orlandos 1924: 75-77; 1926: 131-133; Schaus 2014 (new study of the sanctuary). On the acropolis of Stymphalos has been found a temple, which can be identified as the temple of Athena based on an inscription: ΠΟΛΙΑΔΟΣ.27 Its dimensions were 11.60 m x 6 m, orientation E-W. It had a pronaos and a cella and was made of limestone. In the front of the temple was the altar. It is dated in the 4th century, although the finding of parts from a marble statue of an Archaic kore indicates with a high degree possibility the existence of an earlier cult at the same place.28 Recent excavations have brought to light fragmentary small finds with dedicatory inscriptions, suggesting that Eileithyia, the goddess of childbirth, was worshipped in the same sanctuary.29

Kontovazaina Sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (A54) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 24,6. References: Kardara 1968: 12-14; 1969: 73-77; 1972: 119-126; 1988. Traces of a Geometric cult, perhaps even a Mycenaean one, were found within the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (A54) at Kontovazaina on the boundaries of Thelpusa and Psophis.30 The excavator, Chr. Kardara, mentions that, based on the finds, the cult at the site should be dated as early as 1000 BC. Among the finds is a bronze double-edged, forged axe (a type known from other sacred places in the Pindos area already in the 2nd millennium), a bronze violin-shaped fibula, and a figurine of a centaur dated to the late Geometric. According to the excavator, the centre of the cult was an underground construction, of which only the south part, raised slightly from the surface, has been preserved. Its dimensions were 1.27 m x 1.27 m, and 0.45 m in height; it had two carved internal sockets. The above-ground part, which was also square and had slightly smaller dimensions, 1.10 m x 1.10 m x 0.50 m, had its four sides converging to form a pyramidal omphalos on the top, of which only a part is preserved. The omphalos could have been constructed at the end of the 2nd millennium or during the Proto-geometric period.31 The sanctuary flourished in the Classical period and a significant number of finds belong to the early 5th century. Within the sanctuary are the remains of a square-shaped Telesterion SEG 11, 1950: 1111 (suppl. IGV2). Williams and Cronkite Price (1996: 75-98), mention 31 fragments of a marble Archaic kore were found in the interior of the temple. This could be a sign of an early cult at the site, whether in a building underneath the classical temple that has not been revealed, or at an open-air space. According to M. Sturgeon (2014: 36, 43), the statue had been transferred from another religious place nearby. 29 Schaus 2014a: 512, and fig. 2. 30 Although we accept here the excavator’s assumptions, some researchers disagree with the identification of the site as the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (see Petropoulos 1985: 63; Pikoulas 2000-2003: 333-344; Baumer 2004: 33-34; Petropoulos 2005: 363-376). 31 Kardara 1988: 118. 27 28

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese (10.85 m x 10.77 m), orientated E-W, an altar, a temenos with a temple inside, stadium, odeion, and an underground cave.32 Finds included a large poros stone, a tripod, a tall free stone pole, a divine oak and a sacred spring, all of which indicate the site’s role as an oracle. Extensive reparation work took place at the beginning of the 4th century, a sign of the uninterrupted use of the sanctuary in antiquity.

Thelpusa Sanctuary of Asclepius Kaousios (A32) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 25,2. References: Jost 1985: 65-66; Lemerle 1939: 301; Leonardos 1891a: 100; Papachatzis 2004a: 276, note 2. On the border of Psophis and Thelpusa, c. 40 stadia from Thelpusa, Pausanias describes the existence of the sanctuary of Asclepius Kaousios. In 1891, the discovery was made in the village of Voutsi of a small, one-room building (5.80 m x 8.40 m) that dates to the 4th century and can be identified with this sanctuary. The temple has the same dimensions as the one in Vachlia (A58) and is thought to be a sanctuary of Asclepius, although there are no finds that confirm this identification. Temple of Demeter Eleusinia (A57) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 25,2-3. References: Leonardos 1891a: 98-100; 1891b: 23-25. Also, Baumer 2004: 118, for bibliography; Jost 1986: 634. The temple of Demeter Eleusinia is dated to the Classical period. It was excavated at the end of the 18th century in the village of Divritsa and belonged to ancient Thelpusa. However, the cult was earlier, as indicated by finds of the head and torso of an Archaic figurine there. The Classical temple consisted of a pronaos and cella, made of local stone, with dimensions of 16.8 m x 5.8 m. The cella revealed a pedestal for the cult statue, and a crater, inscribed ΚΟΡΑΙ, helped with the identification of the temple.33

Orchomenos Sanctuary of Poseidon or Aphrodite34 (A18) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 13,2. References: Blum and Plassart 1914: 81-88. Also, Morgan 1999b: 392-393; Mylonopoulos 2003: 118-120; Voyatzis 1990. For a comparison to the Telesterion of Eleusis, see Gruben 2000: 243. Leonardos 1891a: 99; 1891b: 25. L. Baumer (2004: 34) disagrees with this identification. 34 Pausanias mentions the existence of sanctuaries for Poseidon and Aphrodite in the area of Orchomenos, and probably the two places found can be identified with these (A18, A86). It is not possible to say to which deity each is dedicated. The identification of one, of course, would lead automatically to the identification of the other. 32 33

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Chapter 1. Arcadia The first signs of cult here can be dated in the late 8th century, according to the small bronze offerings found around the site.35 Some of the bronze offerings are similar to finds from Lousoi.36 A new Archaic temple was constructed c. 530 BC, a hekatompedos building without opisthodomos, measuring 31.22 m x 13.33 m. An inscription with the characters ΤΡΑΤΟΥ (4th/3rd century) was been found during the excavation of the temple, confirming that it was still in use at this period. Sanctuary of Aphrodite or Poseidon (A86) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 13,2. References: Blum and Plassart 1914: 81-88. Also, Voyatzis 1990: 32-33. A second temple has been found at the lower city of Orchomenos. As in the previous case the remains of the building are dated in the 6th century, but Geometric votives were discovered in a pit east of the Archaic building. A new temple (38.50 m x 15.50 m) was constructed at the end of the 6th century. Sanctuary of Artemis Mesopolitis (A8) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Blum and Plassart 1914: 71-88. Also, Brulotte 1994: 81-85; 2002: 180; Østby 2005, 498499; Solima 2011: 98-99. The sanctuary of Artemis Mesopolitis was built c. 530 BC in Orchomenos. The sanctuary was located on a plateau to the south of the city’s agora. Among the findings from the cella was an Archaic female bronze figurine that formed the handle of a mirror, dating the cult to the Archaic period.37 During late Classical-Hellenistic times a temple for the goddess was constructed, orientated E-W, with dimensions of 19.80 m x 6.45 m and a peristasis of 6 x 13 columns; it had limestone foundations and mud-brick walls. The altar was close to the temple and confirmation of the deity worshipped was provided by a 4th-century inscription with the name of the goddess: ΑΡΤΕΜΙΤΟΣ ΤΑΣ.... The Hellenistic altar constructed in the 3rd century is preserved until today. It was placed in front of the temple, had dimensions of 17.30 m x 3.54 m, and features limestone foundations and marble orthostatai. Unidentified Sanctuary (A19) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC References: Spyropoulos 1982: 113-121. Also, Baumer 2004: 124.

Voyatzis 1990, 252. For the offerings from Lousoi, see Reichel and Wilhelm 1901: 50ff. 37 Blum and Plassart 1914: 77, fig. 4. 35 36

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At Palaiopyrgos on Mt Mytikas, east of Orchomenos, an unidentified sanctuary with a long lifespan was unearthed. It was a rural sanctuary constructed above an abandoned Mycenaean settlement and is dated to the Archaic period. An earlier cult at the site is not known. It was a rectangular building with pronaos and cella, and orientated E-W. Among the finds that stand out are a clay animal figurine with rider from the late Daedalic period, some early Archaic male ithyphallic clay figurines, fragments of black- and redfigured vases, and Corinthian pottery of the 6th century. The sanctuary was still used until the Hellenistic period, as the pottery and coins found there reveal. The excavator, Th. Spyropoulos, suggests that the votives have signs of primitiveness, indicating an artistic conservatism and religious simplicity.

Mantineia Temple of Artemis (A17) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 12,5-7. References: Karagiorga 1963: 88-89; 1989: 115-153; 1992-1993: 97-115. Also, MazarakisAinian 1997: 167-169; Spyropoulos 1982: 119-120; Voyatzis 1990: 30-32. Pausanias mentions the existence of a temple of Artemis on the road from Mantineia to Orchomenos. On the hill of Gortsouli, where the Mycenaean ptolis of Mantineia was located, has been found an Archaic temple.38 The excavator, Th. Karageorga (1992-1993: 105), argues that at this site was an outdoor cult that could be dated at the end of the 8th/early 7th century. The cult was possibly dedicated to Artemis (A17), the goddess of wild nature and renewed life, as can be concluded by finds of bronze and iron offerings, as well as Geometric sherds.39 The Archaic building that has been found is a temple with pronaos and cella, but without opisthodomos. Its orientation was N-S and its dimensions 14.60 m x 4.65 m. It has a rectangular shape that points out the Archaic character of the building. The temple was built in the middle of the 7th century and was supported by wealthy landowners long before the establishment of the principal city. This temple collapsed from natural causes at the end of the Archaic period and a new temple was constructed at the same point in the third quarter of the 6th century. The newer temple had the same orientation, with dimensions of 14.25 m x 4.70 m, but was sited 0.70 m to the east in relation to the previous one. The finds included a great many sherds, as well as c. 200 terracotta fragments of female figurines, many bronze and iron pins, c. 100 bronze and some silver rings, bronze sheets, a bronze female figurine, mirrors, and earrings. Pausanias (VIII, 12,7) mentions that ‘Ptolis’ was called the ‘point’, where the remains of ancient Mantineia were. This was the city before the synoecism. The excavator, Th. Karagiorga (1992-1993: 99) believes that ptolis refers to the Mycenean acropolis of the city, a fact known by Pausanias. Homer used the word ‘Ptolis’ as the acropolis, the protected area, where the population gathers in times of danger. The Mycenean acropolis retained its role as the cult place of Mantineia during Historical times. 39 Karagiorga 1992-1993: 106. Not all the researchers agree with an Artemis cult in the temple. Voyatzis (1990: 32) suggests a cult of Demeter, as a goddess of the Potnia Theron type or a ‘fertility goddess’. M. Jost (1985: 137) also proposed an Artemis cult, and this is what we support here. For the finds, see Voyatzis 1990: 32; Karagiorga 1992-1993: 103. 38

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Chapter 1. Arcadia The construction of the second Archaic temple brought prosperity, which continued consistently until the middle of the 5th century. A second period of limited growth is known in the 4th/early 3rd century BC. The sanctuary’s life relied on whether the inhabitants lived ‘in komai’ or ‘in asty’.40 The area of the ptolis, i.e. the acropolis, was left outside the borders of the new, fortified city, and was not included in its official sanctuaries. It survived as a residue of its ‘in komai’ status and was revitalised after the dioecism of 385 BC. Among the finds is a unique group of terracotta korai, dated to the beginning of the second phase of the city’s life. In general, there is a sense of luxury to the finds, which are dated until the 5th century BC. During the Hellenistic period a new temple was built by the Antigonidai. The old temple was no longer used, and the Hellenistic temple was destroyed violently in 223 BC. Temple of Hera (A60) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 9,2-3. References: Fougères 1898: 187-193; Papachatzis 2004a: 200, fig. 156. In the agora of Mantineia, southeast of the theatre, a temple to Hera was identified; it was prostyle with pronaos and cella, and E-W orientation. Temple of Zeus Soter (A81) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 9,2-3. References: Fougères 1898: 187-193. South of the temple of Hera was one dedicated to Zeus Soter, consisting of pronaos and cella; its dimensions were 12.10 m x 6.75 m, orientated N-S.

Tripichi Sanctuary of Dionysus (A88) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 6,5. References : Baumer 2004 : 122-123; Fougères 1890: 77; 1898: 87-88; Papachatzis 2004b: 191, note 2; Spyropoulos 1982: 119.

Mantineia was a city with a long history, its first inhabitants arriving already by the Prehistoric period. According to the myth, the founder of the city was Mantineus, son of Lykaon. During the Mycenean period the city had the hill of Gortsouli as its centre. The centre was transferred during the Historic period and was reconstructed by Antinoe, Kepheus’ wife and Aleus’ daughter, in the lower city. In the early 5th century it became one of the two more significant cities of eastern Arcadia, along with Tegea, after the synoecism of five communities. It was destroyed in 385 BC by the Spartans and their king Agisipolis, as a result of their continuous conflict. The Mantineians then abandoned the city and re-established it in 370 BC with the help of Epameinondas. See Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 14,2: 1311-1329. 40

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese An Archaic wall found at Tripichi, in the Mantineia area, is considered as the perivolos of a sanctuary of Dionysus. The finding of a marble figurine depicting an ithyphallic Satyr helped with identification of the sanctuary.41 Sanctuary of Aphrodite Melainis (A87) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 6,5. References: Fougères 1898: 89, Papachatzis 2004b: 191, note 2. Another sanctuary was discovered near the sanctuary of Dionysus and identified as the sanctuary of Aphrodite Melainis, who was worshipped as a dark goddess of death. A perivolos similar to that seen at the sanctuary of Dionysus (A88) has been found here. Rural unidentified sanctuary (A69) ARCHAIC References: Spyropoulos 1982: 119. Nearby, another late Archaic rural sanctuary with temple(s) and altar has been excavated by Th. Spyropoulos. The complex features a temple consisting of a simple, double room. To the west of this was found an irregular altar. Another rectangular room was revealed at the northwest of the main temple. Archaic pottery and votive figurines were among the finds, but, unfortunately, they provide no evidence of the deity worshipped there.

Tegea Sanctuary of Athena Alea (A5) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias VIII, 45,4-7. References: Dugas 1921: 335-435; Nordquist 2002: 149-158; Norman 1984: 169-194; Østby 1984: 118-124; 1994: 39-63; 2006: 111-126; 2009: chapter 2; 2014a for more recent results of the research; 2014b: 11-56; Romaios 1909a: 303-316; Tarditi 2005: 197-208; Voyatzis 1990: 10-28, 62-83, 103-276; 2002: 159-169; 2004: 187-206. Also, Jost 1985; 368-370; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 80-82; Moraitis 1927; Morgan 1999b: 394-396; Voyatzis 1999: 131-132. In the sanctuary of Athena Alea is reflected one of the oldest cults in the Peloponnese, the cult of Alea, who later, during the Classical period, was assimilated into the goddess Athena.42 The finds from the temple, mostly figurines and Mycenaean/Protogeometric sherds, reveal that the cult had his roots in the Mycenean period. More specifically, the oldest finds (10th to early 8th century BC) come from a pit located where, later, in the 4th century BC, the pronaos of the temple was built. The significance of these early finds is that they indicate the continuity of religious practices on the site from the 10th century BC, at a time when the cult was outdoors. The excavations of 1991-1993 in the temple focused on the architectural phases before Classical times, and uncovered parts of two Geometric apsidal buildings, indicating there was 41 42

Fougères 1898: 72, fig. 8, 88. Jost 1985: 369; Voyatzis 1990: 269, 272.

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Chapter 1. Arcadia a roofed space here for worship already in the Geometric period. The research revealed traces of a third building, dated to the middle of the 8th century. Phase 720-700 BC Traces have been found of an apsidal building dated c. 720-700 BC. It was constructed using wattle and daub, but without a stone socle. Inside the building are holes from the posts that supported the walls. The dimensions of the building were c. 2 m x 5 m and it was orientated E-W. From inside the apsidal building come sherds dated to the middle and late Geometric period, but also jewellery, bronze votive sheets, a bone arrowhead, a special clay horse figurine, and a fragment from a ‘phi’-type Mycenaean figurine. This apsidal building had been destroyed in the last quarter of the 8th century BC. Phase 700-680 BC To c. 700-680 BC can be dated traces of clay walls and post-holes associated with a wooden roof for a building discovered in the same area. Although it is dated to the late Geometric period, sherds have been found in its interior of both the middle Geometric and early Archaic periods. The clay walls were covered, at least partly, by white lime stucco with traces of red colour. The direction of this apsidal building was also E-W and it had an apsis at the west side with dimensions c. 12 m x 3 m. The building was destroyed in the first decades of the 7th century BC. Small objects have been discovered in the building, i.e. jewellery, bronze sheets, and other bronze and bone objects. The rest of the finds are dated to the late Helladic, Protogeometric, and early Geometric periods, indicating the early activities in this place. Among the bronze dedications revealing the nature of the cult is a bronze figurine (12th century BC) of a naked woman, resting her hands on her breast, an incised bronze disc, on which is depicted a woman on a horse, a group with a figure between two animals, a figurine with a bear’s head, a series of unusual deer figurines, a turtle pendant, and others that depict pomegranates, and nude female figures carrying water.43 Of real significance is an Egyptian scarab, indicating contacts with the East.44 Furthermore, there have been finds of some bronze warrior figurines with helmets, ten bronze arrowheads, a bronze sword, and c. 15 figure-of-eight shields. Sacrifices and meals occurred within the sanctuary, as the burned bones and vases indicate. The offerings were associated with some kinds of gatherings at the site.45 For the bronze figurine of a naked woman: Voyatzis 1990: 269, ff., plates 54-65, with bibliography. Also, Dugas 1921: 357-358, fig. 18, n. 56. For the iconographical type, see Böhm 1990: 45-46; 53, tab. 17. According to Böhm, the presence of this figurine type, i.e. a woman with hands on breast, is not new and should not be considered as coming from the East. There are similar examples already known from Greece from the Minoan and Mycenean periods. This specific example from Tegea was found in a pit of the 8th century, at the NE corner of the peristasis of the temple. The figure is standing with slightly bent legs, the fingers of the hands can be distinguished; the pubis is incised. It is not only the oldest, but also a unique example of this type since the Geometric period. For the incised bronze disc: Dugas 1921: 384-385, fig. 45, n. 154. For the figurine of the woman on a horse: Voyatzis 1990: 269, fig. B1. 44 Dawkins 1929b: 384-385. 45 Morgan 1997: 187. 43

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Located in front of the temple entrance, at the place where normally an altar is located, was a metallurgical workshop, producing small votive objects of iron and bronze. The existence of a workshop for making offerings in the area around the temple was not unusual for Arcadian sites; however, at no other complex was it placed right in front of the entrance to the temple. The position of the workshop within the sacred area suggests that it was part of the cult procedure of the 8th century BC.46 The first monumental temple of Athena Alea is Archaic, dated c. 625-600 BC and ascribed to king Aleus. Only traces of the foundations that interrupted the classical pronaos and temple, and the marble blocks used as building material, have been found. From the finds, the excavators suppose that the temple was orientated E-W, had dimensions of 10.50 m x 38.30 m, and consisted of a pronaos, cella with distyle inner colonnade and a closed adyton at the west, as well as a peristasis of 6 x 18 columns. The temple had many similarities to those at Argos and Olympia, and, according to Ostby, it was indeed influenced by the Argive Heraion (c. 600 BC) and in turn influenced the one at Olympia (c. 600 BC), showing the contacts between the cities and the route along which the Doric order entered the Peloponnese.47 Among the finds from the Archaic temple are items of terracotta, bone, rarely ivory, small lead objects, as well as some gold items, e.g. an earring, and items of bronze jewellery (rings and fibulae). The lead objects included rings, miniature wreaths and figurines reminiscent of similar finds from the temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta.48 The building of the 7th century was in use until 394 BC, when it was destroyed by fire. A new temple was built (c. 370-340 BC) according to the layout of the Archaic temple and in remembrance of it.49 This was the work of Skopas from Paros, the well-known architect and sculptor responsible for designing and constructing Classical temples. He retained many Archaic elements, but added some radically new and innovative ones.50 The new Classical Doric temple was built entirely from Doliana marble and was clearly one of the most significant in Arcadia. It was peripteral hexastyle with 14 columns at its long sides (6 x 14 columns) and consisted of pronaos, cella, and opisthodomos. The cella interior boasted seven decorative half-columns on each long side, . Above these half columns, standing on sun-dried bricks decorated with leaves and a Lesbian cymatium, stood Corinthian capitals.51 Above was a second level, where the half-columns continued with Ionic elements. Thus, all three architectural orders were incorporated within the same structure, as with the temple of Apollo Epikourios. Nordquist 1997: 197-205; 2002: 155-158; Østby 1994: 60; Risberg 1997: 189-190; Voyatzis 2004: 191. Østby 1984: 119-120; 1992-1993: 69; 2005: 495. 48 For the finds, see: Østby 1994: 59; Voyatzis 1990: 247; Wace 1929: 249-284. 49 Schmitt 1992: 41. 50 Skopas gave a new shape to the temple and carved the metopes and the marble statues of Asclepius and Hygeia. Metopes were only placed on the short sides. The external decoration was inspired from Arcadian mythology. Their reliefs depict the battle of Perseus with Kepheus and his sons. The pediments, almost destroyed today, depicted the battle between Achilles and Telephus at the river Caicos of Mysia and the hunting of the Kalidonian boar, in which Atalante took part. For a description of the sculptures and the composition: Dugas et al. 1924: 7-104; 105-116, respectively. The temple copied a lot of elements from the temple of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai, e.g. the use of Corinthian capitals and the existence of a row of interior semi-columns. For the temple of Apollo Epikourios, see Bouras 1980, vol. 1: 260; Mastrapas 1994: 130. The Apollo temple is dated c. 420 BC and that of Athena Alea after 395 BC. 51 Bouras 1980: 260; Gruben 1961: 150-152; 2000: 143-147; Schmitt 1992: 41. 46 47

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Chapter 1. Arcadia In the middle of the north wall, between the 4th and 5th half-columns on the north side, and in the middle of the external colonnade of the cella, a door allowed access via a ramp, a feature possibly associated with cult practices. In this case it led to a sacred spring, where – according to Arcadian tradition – Heracles raped Auge. The ivory cult statue of Athena Alea by the Athenian sculptor Endoios for the late Archaic temple managed to survive the fire that destroyed the Archaic temple and was relocated to the Classical one. The temple was still in use in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. It seems that Tegea was an important city in the 2nd century AD. In 174 BC Antiochos ΙV paid for the reconstruction of the theatre; Hadrian was also a benefactor of the city.52 Temple of Artemis Knakeatis (A14) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 53,11. References: Romaios 1952: 1-31. Also, Baumer 2004: 123-124 with bibliography; Romaios 1957: 114ff; Schwander 1985: 108; Voyatzis 1990: 28-30. Near the modern village of Mavriki, at an altitude of 1000 m, and in an uninhabited place today, traces have been found that indicate a cult of the mountain deity Artemis Knakeatis. Like the previous examples, the temple was built c. 700 BC, although the finds indicate a previous Geometric cult. Among the finds are some late Geometric ΙΙ and Subgeometric sherds, and also a large number of bronze objects of the late Helladic and Subgeometric periods that are similar to the respective examples from the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea. The pottery is generally influenced by Laconian and Argive workshops, but local miniature vases have also been discovered.53 The first marble temple was erected, c. 700 BC, on a hill outside the settlement; it has Archaic associations, according to the excavator, K. Romaios. The capitals were different without the expected proportions; the columns had either 18 or 20 flutes.54 Another characteristic indicating Archaic links is the absence of gullae and regulae under the metopes. Among the Archaic findings is a bronze sheet, in the shape of a lyra, similar to one from the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (A5), a bronze figurine of a kouros, a terracotta figurine of a centaur, several Archaic korai, and a great many bronze arrows. Some Classical and early Hellenistic heads of korai have also been recovered. Temple of Demeter and Kore (A41) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 53,7. Rostovtzeff 1984: 238. Birley (2006: 60-62) mentions that when Hadrian came to Tegea in AD 125, on his way to Sparta, the inhabitants of the city changed their calendar so as to indicate the new era that began with his visit. 53 For the findings, see Dugas 1921: 335-435; Romaios 1952: 26-27; Voyatzis 1990: 29, 252-253. 54 According to the excavator (Romaios 1952: 9), similar examples are known from the Heraion of Olympia, Temple G at Selinous, and the temple of Artemis, Corfu. 52

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese References: Koupitoris et al. 1862: 241-244; Moraitis 1927: 67-68; Romaios 1909b: 316-318. Also, Karapanagiotou and Leventi 2018: 199-206. A temple for Demeter and Kore, as Karpophorai deities, was constructed at the end of the 6th century BC at Aghios Sostis, outside the Agora of the ancient city of Tegea. Ιn the sanctuary next to the ruins of the temple there is a natural fissure in the rock where votives were placed. The shape of the fissure is semi-circular and has a depth of 2 m. The Archaic finds included terracotta figurines, vases, lamps, and a bronze statuette of Demeter.55 The Classical artefacts were offerings and inscribed tiles dating from the 5th century BC to the Christian era, confirming the use of the site over the centuries.

Pallantion Temple A (A23) – Temple B (A24) – Temple C (A25) – Temple D (A26) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 44,5. References: Libertini 1939-1940: 225-230. Also: Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 169; Morgan 1999b: 397400; Østby 1991: 41-55; 1992-1993: 65-75. The site of Pallantion has four Archaic temples, of slightly different dating. Since the dedications are unknown, they have simply been labelled A-D. The oldest (Temple A - A23) is dated to the middle of the 7th century BC. The next (Temple B - A24) c. 600 BC, and the other two (Temple C - A25 and Temple D - A26) to the middle of the 6th century BC. Temples C and D were apparently being provided with external colonnades during the late Archaic period, but these were never completed. Temples A and B were constructed from low-value materials, rough stone and wood, but over time the worn areas were replaced with marble. According to Pausanias, Pallantion had a temple dedicated to Pallas and Evandros, and sanctuaries dedicated to the daughter of Demeter and the Theoi Katharoi.56 G. Mylonopoulos suggests that one of the temples of Pallantion was dedicated to Poseidon.57 These temples belong to the category of the Arcadian Archaic temples with local characteristics. Temples A and B feature traces of wooden columns that co-existed with the stone ones until the latter were gradually replaced by stone. Temples B and C had an adyton, and moreover in Temple B has been found an ash layer mixed with votives. Many similarities exist between the unfinished Temple D (A26) and the temple of Athena at Alipheira (A11), i.e. the particularly long shape with undivided interior. During the Classical period all the temples of Pallantion were in use.58 In Temple Α (A23), around the altar, there were female votive figurines and bronze objects of the 5th and 4th centuries BC, and Temple B (A24) revealed statuettes and a bronze vessel with an inscription. Temple C (A25) was repaired in the 5th century and an elevated floor added. Romaios 1909: 318 and tab. H’. The names of the gods were not mentioned by the inhabitants of Pallantion and therefore Pausanias does not give them. He supposes that the gods are named ‘Katharoi’ (pure) because Pallas sacrificed to them in a different way (bloodless), unlike his father, on Mt Lykaion. 57 Mylonopoulos 2003: 120. 58 Jost 1985: 198-199; Libertini, 1939-1940: 17-18: 225-227; Østby 1992-1993: 65-75; Walter 1942, col. 147. 55 56

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Kaphyai Sanctuary of Artemis Knakalesia (A22) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 23,3. References: Baumer 2004: 120; Solima 2011: 65-67; Spyropoulos 1982: 115-116. In the region of ancient Kaphyai, on a plain, east of the modern village of Chotousa, in the settlement surrounded by a late Classical/Hellenistic wall, a sanctuary was discovered, which, according to all the indications, is the sanctuary of Artemis Knakalesia mentioned by Pausanias. In honor of Artemis, mystical rituals took place here annually, indicating perhaps that the cult pre-dated the Classical era. The dimensions of the Doric temple were 5 m x 7 m and the orientation was E-W.

Glanitsa Sanctuary of Pan and Artemis (A44) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Metzger 1940-1941: 5-33. Also: Baumer 2004: 119 and note 1008; Felten 1987: 26-27; Lemerle 1938: 460; 63: 1939: 300-301. An open-air rural sanctuary has been found north of Glanitsa (Amygdalia). The votive objects revealed refer to a cult place of Pan and Artemis. A site attracting many believers during the Archaic period, it was constructed within a perivolos and had dimensions of c. 55 m x 17 m. The finds belong to a wide chronological spectrum. From a votive pit come small, 7th-century BC fibulae. 6th-century finds include sherds of Corinthian vases, clay figurines, arrow heads, miniature double-axes, pins, and fibulae. One of the most significant votives is a 6th-century BC lead sheet with a depiction of a rabbit hunter, indicating that the cult of Artemis and Pan in this sanctuary. The use of the sanctuary was interrupted in the 5th century BC, before being restored after the synoecism of Megalopolis in 370 BC. The site was expanded at this time and a new limestone altar built (7.06 m x 2.70).59 Among the finds are Attic black-figured pottery, a small bronze head of a man (5th century BC), and a small marble head of an athlete (4th century BC). Hellenistic finds, e.g. clay votive figurines, indicate that the cult continued into this period.

Asea Temple of a female deity (A15) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC References: Forsen 1999: 169-191; Holmberg 1941: 2-25; Jost 1985: 200-201; Pikoulas 1980: 59-61, no. 11; Romaios 1957: 116-117; Voyatzis 1990: 35. 59

Baumer 2004: 119, tab. 78; Metzger 1940-1941: 5-33.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At the modern village of Kantreva in Asea, on the hill of Aghios Elias and at an altitude of 1100 m, a site indicates the worship of a feminine deity. Before the temple was built, the cult practices took place on an ash altar, 10 m east of the later temple. The earliest findings are dated in the late Helladic III and Protogeometric periods (10th century), i.e. before the development of cities around the sanctuary. Great numbers (c. 5000) of bones of large sheep and goats were uncovered. 7th-century phase The first temple in Asea was built in the early Archaic period, c. 710-690 BC. The use of the Geometric ash altar continued after the construction of the temple. The importance of the temple is indicated by the large amounts of late Geometric and Archaic lead and iron offerings. Other finds included bronze, terracotta, bone, gold, and perhaps ivory offerings as well. Among the most significant discoveries were a bronze pendant in the form of a bull’s head, and a fragment of the sandalled foot of a life-size female marble statue. The marble fragment also depicts some traces of clothing, but, unfortunately, its condition is bad, and whether or not it might come from the cult statue of the deity itself remains unproven. Phase 500-490 BC In the 5th century a new temple was constructed. It was a Doric peripteral building, 15.23 m x 32.45 m in dimension and with 6 x 14 external columns on its peristasis. Its entablature and crepis were made of Doliana marble. This monumental temple, one of the largest in Arcadia, became, according to Romaios, the successor of the cult of the the temple of Vigla (A16, see below). Temple of Poseidon and Athena Soteira (A16) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Source: Pausanias, VIII, 44, 4. References: Mylonopoulos 2003: 98-102; Østby 2005: 499; Romaios 1957: 114-163; Voyatzis 1990: 33-35. At Vigla there was a temple dedicated to Poseidon and Athena Soteira, dated to the end of the 6th century BC. Pausanias mentions Odysseus as the founder, connecting him to the heroic/ mythological past. Two construction phases can be defined in the Archaic period. A’ phase: 630-620 BC In the first phase, c. 630-620 BC, a temple was constructed of wood and stone plinths. It was orientated N-S and had dimensions of 24.33 m x 11.55 m; the altar was located 4 m in front of the entrance. B’ phase: 570-540 BC The next phase, 570-540 BC, witnessed a monumental temple having the same orientation and featuring a stylobate and cella made of Doliana marble. The altar remained at the north. 20

Chapter 1. Arcadia Excavations revealed black layers of sacrifices and small animal bones. The votive finds included decorative strips, bronze jewellery, bronze sheets from a local workshop, figurines of animals, and tridents.60 The temple underwent some repairs at the end of the 5th century. Unidentified temple (A63) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 44,2. References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no.20. Another temple was found at Ai-Giannis, Marmaria, and it had marble walls. According to G. Pikoulas, it was the Aphrodision mentioned by Pausanias, on the road from Haimoniai to Asea. Unidentified temple (A61) ARCHAIC References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 16. Another of Asea’s sacred places, characterised as a suburban (periurban) sanctuary, is the unidentified temple to the east of Ai-Giannis at Manari, c. 7 km outside the city walls. It was constructed of local stone c. 600 BC. Unidentified temple (A62) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Pikoulas 1988a: 106-11, site no. 63. A temple was found at Ai-Giannis at Anemodouri. It has been destroyed in later years as a result of restorations to the small church of Ai-Giannis the Prodromos;61 some of its limestone slabs have been built into the walls of latter.62 The immediate vicinity has revealed blackfigured and unpainted sherds that lead to a dating of the temple in the middle/end of the 7th century BC. There are no clues as to the identity of the deity worshipped at the site. The ancient temple continued to be in use until 370 BC. Temple of Artemis Hiereia (A65) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias VIII, 44,2. References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 60; 102-103; 111; Solima 2011: 102. There was a further temple in the same area, Paliolakka at Anemodouri, dedicated to Artemis Hiereia. The material pointing to the existence of a temple at this site includes column drums without flutes, scattered pottery, a black-figured clay animal, and a limestone lekane, part of a perirhanterion, with a diameter of 0.70 m. Classical pottery predominates, but a few characteristic sherds of the 4th century BC and the Roman period have also turned up.

For the votives, see Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 2; Romaios 1910: 276; 1957: 154-159; Voyatzis 1990: 32. The researcher mentions that there is a big possibility that it was a roadside temple. 62 Pikoulas (1988a: 106) saw traces of joints and circular recesses with lead in a stone slab. 60 61

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Unidentified temple (A68) HELLENISTIC References: Holmberg 1944: 144-147. Also, Forsen et al. 2005: 313; Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 9. An unidentified temple has been found in Asea, at Palaiokastro, on the top of the ancient acropolis: the dimensions are 19.75 m x 12.70 m and its orientation E-W. The material used is stone for the foundations and mudbrick for the walls. There is insufficient evidence to identify the deity worshipped.

Area north of Asea Sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste and Pan (A64) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 35,8. References: Steinhauer 1973: 178-180; 1975: 77-79. Also, Baumer 2004: 39; Brulotte 2002: 180; Jost 1985: 191-192; Solima 2011: 81-82; 122, with bibliography. The sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste and Pan at Lykochia had characteristic elements of early Arcadian religious architecture, i.e. the temple was orientated N-S and its dimensions were 17.50 m x 5.50 m. The cult had a chthonian character, apparent from finds of the eschara for sacrifices in the sanctuary. The earliest artefacts were figurines of Korai with polos, and handmade figurines of a type known from the Argive Heraion; these belong to the end of the 6th/beginning of the 5th century BC. Some perirhanteria were also found in the utility room of the temple, one with the inscription ΑΡΤΕΜΙ and dated to the 5th century BC.63 Some new additions were made to the temple in the 4th century BC. Temple of Demeter or temple of Artemis (A29) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 35,7. References: Karagiorga 1961-1962: 88. Also, Baumer 2004: 118-119 with bibliography; Petronotis 1973: 154 (on the region). An Archaic temple, possibly dedicated to Demeter or Artemis, with only a few years of use during the transition from the 7th to 6th century BC, has been found close to the village of Vaggou, near Ekklisoula at Stavros. Excavations of 15 m of the side foundation have been carried out. Among the finds is a fragment of a circular clay acroterion of the Archaic Laconian type with painted tongue-shaped ornamentation. From a pit come iron spears, sauroters, double-edged axes, bronze miniature votive vessels, two pins, a terracotta aryballos from a Corinthian workshop, and local copies of Corinthian vases.

63

SEG 32: 1982: 405 (suppl. IG V2); Jost 1985: 191; Steinhauer 1975: 77.

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Mount Mainalon Temple of Athena (A70) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 36,8. References: Pikoulas 1999a: 97-132. At Zarakova on Mt Mainalon, more specifically at Patoulies, there are traces of a late Archaic temple of Athena.64 A two-stepped crepis of the Doric temple is partly preserved. The northern side had a length of 24.20 m and the orientation of the temple was E-W. There are finds from the Classical period, e.g. pottery and a life-size terracotta foot of a statue of the 5th century BC that once belonged to the temple’s acroterion or pediment composition.

Arachamites Sanctuary of Artemis Lykoatis (A71) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 36,7. References: Forsen 2013: 226-228; 2014: 725-727; 2015: 143-144; 2016: 40-62; 2017: 133-154; Howell 1970: 100, no. 50; Jost 1985: 201; Pikoulas 1999b: 97-312; Solima 2011: 81. Also, Papachatzis 2004b; 308, note 2. At Aghia Paraskevi in the village of Arachamites, south of Mt Mainalon and west of Asea, the sanctuary of Artemis Lykoatis has been excavated.65 The cult in the sanctuary began already in the 10th century BC, and the earliest finds belong to the Geometric period, or even earlier. Of significance is an 8th-century seated male figurine. The temple itself is dated from the middle of the 6th until the end of the first century BC. In its first phases it was a local sanctuary, from which rich finds have been recovered. Much pottery and many figurines dated to the 6th and 5th centuries were unearthed from a pit. In the Hellenistic period a new and monumental temple was built. The temple belonged to the settlement of ancient Lykoa or Lykaia, and nearby was Arkas’ grave, the eponymous hero and ancestor of all Arcadians.

Methydrion Temple of Poseidon Hippios (A21) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Gärtringen and Lattermann 1911: 24-25, 31-37. Also, Baumer 2004: 124-125; Mylonopoulos 2003: 115-118; Voyatzis 1990: 45-46. At Petrovouni, close to Methydrion, and at an altitude of 1000 m, there had been a site dedicated to the worship of Poseidon Hippios since the Archaic period.66 Excavations revealed Unpublished excavation by Th. Spyropoulos. The excavator considers that the temple is dedicated to Artemis Lykoatis. More recent excavations have unearthed the temple of Artemis in Arachamites (A71). 65 The research is ongoing and has not yet been published. 66 According to Pausanias (VIII, 36,1), this area was called Methydrion, being enclosed within two streams – Maloita and Mylaona. The settlement was established by Lykaon’s son, Orchomenos. 64

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese a bronze group of the late 8th century consisting of four male ithyphallic dancers with zoomorphic heads, likely equine.67 The find is indicative of the chthonian, horse-like cult of Poseidon, who was worshipped there even before a temple was constructed.68 A cult building for Poseidon was added in the 4th century BC. The dimensions of the temple were 8.20 m x 16.40 m; it was made of limestone and had E-W orientation. In the Hellenistic period a new temple was constructed, the remnants of which are preserved to the present day.

Kollines Unidentified sanctuary (A67) ARCHAIC References: Spyropoulos: 1982: 116. Further south, at Kollines, another Archaic roadside and rural sanctuary was found, although the deity worshipped there has not yet been identified. Of significance was the discovery of a Laconian terracotta plaque with a depiction of chthonian deities inside the sanctuary.69

Karyai Sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs (A52) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, III, 10,7. References: Romaios 1908: 383-402; 1958-1959: 376-395. Also, Baumer 2004: 38; Jost 1985: 162; Solima 2011: 171-72. Close to Karyai, at the southeast border of Arcadia and Laconia, is the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs, a small building, just 7 m x 5 m, and dating from the end of the 6th to the 4th century BC.70 It was originally made of wood and clay, with stone foundations and was roofed with sun-dried bricks. Pausanias makes no mention of a temple, only a sacred perivolos, an altar, and an open-air statue of the goddess. The finds include a dog’s head, fragments of female votive figurines with polos, black-figured sherds, vases, some Classical votive figurines, and a coin of the Imperial period. The dog’s head and the female figurines indicate, according to Romaios (1908: 386), a cult of Artemis.

For the finds, see Gärtringen and Lattermann 1911: 24, tab. 13,3; Schweitzer 1969: 165, fig. 193; Walcek Averett 2019: 165, fig. 10.1. 68 For Gärtringen and Lattermann 1911, the temple was dedicated to Hermes, the god of roads, as it lay where roads crossed for Olympia and Thelpusa. 69 Spyropoulos writes about a clay plaque with a depiction of some chthonian deities, or heroised dead, in the wellknown style of Archaic Laconian reliefs, but he does not provide illustrations. 70 The region belongs to the ancient synoecism of Karyai, and Artemis took her epithet from the place. According to Papachatzis (2004a: 330, note 2), the ancient city was closer to Tegea than Sparta, being an Arcadian city taken by the Spartans in the period of their expansionist wars. 67

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Chapter 1. Arcadia

Lykosoura Sanctuary of Despoina (A9) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias VIII, 37,1-12. References: Kourouniotis 1912: 142-161; Leonardos 1896: 93-126; Papachatzis 2004b: 333, note 326. Also, Palamidis 2018: 127-151; Rathmayer 2018: 153-174. Lykosoura was believed to be one of the oldest settlements in the Peloponnese. The cult of Despoina is also supposed to be as old, but the earliest material found dates to the early Historical period. Unfortunately, the continuous use of the sanctuary until Roman times has erased the previous –even Prehistoric – remains: the newer buildings replacing the older ones. Although the cult building, which has been found, belongs to the Hellenistic period, the finds made by Kourouniotis included some Archaic figurines that would confirm the use of the sanctuary in this period. The temple was erected in the 4th century; it was smaller compared to the Hellenistic building. The later one was built in the 2nd century BC, exactly above the early temple and no traces remain of the Classical temple or previous phases of the sanctuary. The new marble temple had dimensions of 21.35 m x 11.15 m, and was orientated S-N. The main entrance was at the east end. The prostyle pronaos had six Doric columns at its front. There existed a door on the south side of the cella that led worshipers via the steps to a theatrical space with ten rows of seats; believers would watch the mystical rituals from here.71 The temple featured a colossal group of figures (Demeter, Despoina, Artemis, Anytos) made by the well-known Messenian sculptor Damophon.72

Mount Lykaion Sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios (A55) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 38,6-7. References: Kourouniotis 1903a: 50; 1904a: 32-34; 1904b: 153-214; 1909: 185-200; Romano 2005: 381-396; 2001: 713-718; 2019a: 219-237, with newer bibliography; 2019b; Romano and Voyatzis 2010: 9-21; 2014: 569-652; 2015: 207-276; University of Pennsylvania 2008; 2009. Also, Kreutz 2007: 123-130; Zolotnikova 2013: 100-105. On the summit of Mt Lykaion, the sacred mountain of the Arcadians, there was the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios – a temenos with an ash altar and no build structure. The cult of Zeus had continued without interruption from at least Mycenaean times; it was one of the oldest and more significant cults in Arcadia (along with the cult of Despoina in neighbouring Lykosoura).

Tomlinson 1976: 120. Pausanias, VIII, 37,4. For the sculptures of Damophon at Lykosoura, see Kousser 2008: 42-43; Lévy 1967: 518-545; Lévy and Marcadé 1972: 967-1004; Pollitt 1994: 216-218; Themelis 1994a: 23-24 (with bibliography), 31-32; 1996a: 167169. 71 72

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Among the finds there Mycenaean vases, fragments of human and animal figurines, a miniature double-axe, a Minoan stamp depicting a bull, and burned animal bones. All these finds indicate that the cult had been followed here since the Mycenaean era, with associations to Minoan Crete as well. However, recent excavations by the University of Pennsylvania in the area of the altar of Zeus have produced some Neolithic finds, as well as Protogeometric and Geometric layers. The latter layer includes, besides sherds, an iron double-axe and miniature bronze tripodiskoi of the 8th century BC, which were clearly offerings to Zeus. Among the older findings are Archaic figurines of Zeus. A noteworthy figurine dated to the middle of the 6th century BC depicts the seated god holding a thunderbolt in his left hand and a scepter in his right. According to Kourouniotis it is the first such depiction of Zeus In the 5th century BC two column bases were erected east of the altar, on them stood two gold-plated eagles – votives to the god. Other important finds include two bronze statuettes of the same period. Sanctuary of Pan (A42) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 38,5. References: Kourouniotis 1909: 185-200. To the east of Zeus’ altar, on a lower level, was the stadium and hippodrome, where the Lykaia, games in honour of Zeus took place. In the Hippodrome Pausanias mentions the existence of a sanctuary of Pan. During the excavation of the hippodrome in 1909, Kourouniotis found some well-worked Doric capitals that possibly belonged to that sanctuary. Cult of Apollo Parrhasios (A20) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 38,8. References: Kourouniotis 1903a: 51-52; 1910a: 29-36. Also, Baumer 2004: 121-122, with bibliography; Voyatzis 1990: 43-44. Apollo Parrhasios was worshipped on Mt Lykaion. In the area of Kretea the ruins of an Archaic temple have been investigated which could belong to Apollo Parrhasios or Pythios.73 A fill contained 8th-century artefacts, including small sherds of Geometric vases, among them part of the mouth of an oinochoe decorated with black paint and curving lines, a common decorative element for Laconian Geometric vases.74 These finds indicate that the cult there was known already from the late Geometric period. The Archaic temple was an elongated construction orientated N-S. Among the finds from the temple fills were a small bronze omphalos phiale, iron objects (spears, arrows, scythe, small chariot wheels), as well as bronze sheets and rings. Sanctuary of Pan Nomios (A73) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 38,11. 73 74

M. Jost disagrees with this opinion (1985: 186). For similar Geometric Laconian pottery, see Droop 1907: 118-136; Wide 1900: 23-24.

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Chapter 1. Arcadia References: Baumer 2004: 117-118; Kourouniotis 1902a: 72-75; 1903b: 169. The sanctuary of Pan Nomios, close to Berekla, is of Archaic date. The preserved material includes small, rough stones, and modular marble Doric and Ionic columns and titanoliths, used to construct the cella, with no traces of joints. In front of the bench there were traces of fire, and in the burned earth 6th-century BC bronze statuettes. The name of the god worshipped was revealed when the inscription ΠΑΝΟΣ was found on a small, stone pedestal, as well as another inscribed dedication to ΠΑΟΝΙ.75 Other finds included many male and animal figurines and three bronze miniature mirrors. The bronze statuettes found in the fire are of interest: one depicts Apollo wearing a wreath and holding a rooster, and the other two depict villagers. The terracotta figurines depict a group of Seilinoi and gods or villagers. There are very few female figurines. All are dated in the 6th and 5th centuries BC.76 The sanctuary ceased functioning c. 400 BC, just before the synoecism.

Phigaleia Temple of Apollo Epikourios (A1) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias VIII, 41,8-9. References: Gialouris 1959: 155-159; 1973: 39-55; Kourouniotis 1910b: 271-332. Also, Cooper 1996, Ι, 81-97; Gruben 2000: 136-143; Kelly 1995: 227-277. For the classical temple see Baumer 2004: 116-117; Bouras 1980: 249; Cooper 1970: 96-165; 1978: 1-272; 1996, I, 131-368; Gialouris 1959: 155-159; 1973: 39-55; Kokkorou-Alevras 1991; Kourouniotis 1903a: 50-52; 1904a: 32-34; 1909: 185-200; 1910b: 271-331; Mallwitz 1975: 17-37; 183; Voyatzis 1990: 37-43. For newer bibliography see Baumer 2004: 35, note 280. The first temple of Apollo Epikourios was built in Phigaleia in 625 BC. Although it is the main and most significant sanctuary of the area it was located at the isolated point of Bassai at an altitude of 1130 m. This can be interpreted as a decision of the local hunters and shepherds active in that countryside to build a cult place close to nature, on which they depended.77 Furthermore, it can be said, that the sacredness of the site was such that the believers wanted to keep the cult in this location and not to transfer it somewhere else. From the Archaic temple many architectural parts have survived. The temple was expanded a few years later, c. 575 BC. Parts of the foundation, fragments of Laconian tiles, and acroteria have survived. The foundations of the building were set on a small platform on a rock with an altitude difference of 2.5 m from the Classical temple. The orientation of the temple was N-S and its dimensions 24 m x 7.5 m. A Corinthian column divided the cella in two parts: a rectangular space in front and a square adyton at the back. An extension of 2.5 m behind the vertical wall is a sign of the existence of an opisthodomos. It is IG, V,2: 556, 557. Kourouniotis 1902a: 74. Baumer 2004: 117; Hübinger 1992: 192-212; Kourouniotis 1902a: 73-74. 77 Mee and Spawforth 2001: 270. 75 76

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese not clear if the temple had a prodomos.78 At the lower levels of the site north and northwest of the classical temple important early votives in a burnt layer have been found. Among the offerings were an Archaic silver snake, a terracotta figurine of a kouros, a bronze late Geometric horse, a bronze pendulum, and many miniature weapons.79 Other finds included figurines in terracotta and iron, as well as Elian ceramics, and imitations of Corinthian and Laconian vessels.80 The last and most magnificent temple was built c. 420 BC by the architect Iktinos, known from his participation in the construction of the Parthenon. The later temple was made of local grey limestone and consisted of four parts: pronaos, cella, adyton, and opisthodomos. It followed the alignment of the previous one, with an orientation Ν-S. It kept some more Archaic elements, such as the number of its peristasis columns (6 x 15) and a door on the east side used as an entrance to the adyton.81 At the same time many innovations were applied to the monument. For the first time in the history of Greek architecture a free column was placed in front of the back wall, topped with a Corinthian capital.82 For the first time coexist in one temple all the three architectural orders.83 A large open space was formed in the cella. Examples of similar interiors include some earlier Athenian structures, i.e. the temple of Hephaistos and the Parthenon, which served as models.84 The Bassai temple became the pattern for later temples in the Peloponnese, i.e. at Nemea and Tegea, and also the temples of the Hellenistic period.85 The cella featured an internal colonnade of five Ionic half-columns on each, on which was an ionic entablature with a continuing frieze.86 This high component expanded the interior of the temple. Temple of Aphrodite (A3) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Brulotte 1994: 76-77; 2002: 180; Kourouniotis 1902b: 75-77; 1903b: 151-188; Sinn 2002: 193-199; Solima 2011: 72-73. The excavator (Gialouris 1973: 50) mentions that there are no traces of the pronaos, perhaps because its walls were replaced by the later temple based on it. 79 For the horse figurine, see Arapoyanni 2007a: 20, fig. 12. 80 Gialouris 1959: 157. For the 1910 excavation finds, see Kourouniotis 1910b: 286-332. 81 Schmitt 1992: 41. 82 Bouras 1980: 256; Cooper 1996: 294-296; Kourouniotis 1910a: 281; Mallwitz 1975: 24. It is the first Corinthian capital mentioned in the history of architecture. The use of Corinthian capitals began systematically during the 4th century BC. After the temple of Epikourios Apollo, it will be used again in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (394 BC), in the temple of Asclepius at Epidaurus (380 BC), in the Tholos of Epidaurus (360-320 BC), in the temple of Zeus at Nemea (340 BC), and in the Metroon of Olympia (320 BC). See Bouras 1980: 260-262. 83 The coexistence of the three architectural orders in the same building was a scheme followed later at the temple of Athena Alea, Tegea. The coexistence of Doric and Ionic elements in the same temple is known from the Athens Acropolis, i.e. the Propylaia and the temple of Athena Parthenos, both from the second half of the 5th century BC, earlier than the temple at Phigaleia. 84 The temple of Hephaistos, built in 449-444 BC, was Doric peripteral, hexastyle with 13 columns on its long sides. It was a distyle, double anta temple, with pronaos and opisthodomos and double row of columns within the cella that formed a ‘Π’. See Mastrapas 1994: 121. The Classical era Parthenon, the temple of Athena on the Athenian Acropolis was constructed in 447-438 BC. It was Doric peripteral octastyle with 17 columns on its long sides. It was amphiprostyle with six columns at the front and back and had a cella and an adyton; a double-row inner colonnade in the cella formed a ‘Π’. See Bouras 1980: 240; Mastrapas 1994: 55-58. 85 Schmitt 1992: 40-42. 86 Bouras 1980: 249. For the frieze, see Hofkes-Brukker 1975: 45-91. 78

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Chapter 1. Arcadia In the vicinity of Phigaleia, on Mt Kotylion, was the temple of Aphrodite; it is dated to the end of the 7th century BC and continued in use into the Classical period. The temple was simple, with only a pronaos and cella, as an opisthodomos was not required for its cult practices. Temple of Artemis (A2) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Brulotte 1994: 76-77; 2002: 180; Kourouniotis 1902b: 75-77; 1903b: 151-188; Sinn 2002: 193-199; Solima 2011: 72-73. The temple of Artemis Orthasia was constructed in the same area of Kotylion. Similar to the temple of Aphrodite (A3), it dates from the end of the 7th century BC and took the same simple form, as both were built by local villagers as cult places only, not as places of power demonstration for the city Its use continued into the Classical period. Temple of Athena and Zeus Soter (A13) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Arapoyanni 1996a: 129-137; 1996b: 41-47; 1997: 115-120; 1998: 127-128; 2001b: 299-305. The temple of Athena and Zeus Soter was built in Phigaleia at the same time. The temple we see today is dated to the Classical period, but pieces of the soft limestone that belonged to the Archaic structure there have been. At the southeastern edge of the temple was a natural gap used for the offerings of the believers and for the worship of Athena during the Archaic phase of the temple. An Archaic bronze sheet with an inscription to the goddess Athena, ‘ται Αθάναι’ has been found. It is particularly important, according to the excavator, since it confirms not only the name, but also the age of the cult, as it is dated to the end of the 6th century BC.87 A new temple was constructed in the 4th century BC. Its dimensions were 15.70 m x 7.67 m and its orientation E-W. It consisted of a pronaos and cella. The stone pedestal of the cult statue was discovered in the centre of the cella. Above the pedestal must have stood the mystical statues of Athena Soteira and Zeus. Among the finds from the cella are the bases of three statues, one in bronze. In front of the pedestal was an offering table with lion feet; it consisted of two vertical plaques. According to the excavator, the 4th-century BC temple of Phigaleia had many similarities to the temple of Asclepius at Alipheira (A10).88 Among the other finds supporting the dating of the temple are some coins dated from the middle of the 4th/beginning of the 3rd century BC. The numismatic and epigraphic evidence confirms the use of the temple in the Hellenistic period. Unidentified temple (A36) CLASSICAL References: Arapoyanni 2004: 41-51; Baumer 2004: 125; Cooper 1972: 363-367; Felten 1987: 60. The Doric temple at Perivolia in Phigaleia was constructed in the 4th century BC (orientated E-W, dimensions 10 m x 15 m); the north wall of the cella is preserved to a length of 7 m. The SEG 47, 1997: 440 (suppl. IG V2). Arapoyanni 1996b: 46; 1997: 118. Arapoyanni 1996a: 129, note 2, comparison to Orlandos 1967-1968: 171-182, fig.112. See also Alevridis and Melfi 2005: 275-276. 87 88

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese temple was distyle in antis and made of local limestone with a marble ceiling. According to the excavator, the ruins around the temple (stone blocks, parts of columns, fragments from the epistylion) indicate that the temple was part of a larger sanctuary.

Gortys Sanctuary of Asclepius and Hygeia (A7) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 28,1. References: Courbin 1952: 245-247; Metzger 1951: 130-134. Also, Jost 1985: 203ff., with bibliography in note 9; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 246; Melfi 2007: 216-225; Voyatzis 1990: 44-45. The sanctuary of Asclepius and Hygeia at Gortys was in use from the Geometric to the Hellenistic periods. The Geometric cult is indicated by a diagonal wall found below the Classical building that dates to the Geometric and Sub-geometric periods (8th century BC). Later, a large temple dedicated to Asclepius was built above this wall. The cult of Asclepius was so important that Skopas was invited to construct the building. It was a simple edifice of the same type as the temple of Asclepius at Epidaurus and the Metroon at Olympia, both of which are also dated to the 4th century BC.89 A bath complex and a stoa were also built, the ruined remains of which can still be seen.

Theisoa Temple of the Great God (A83) HELLENISTIC References: Oikonomos 1911: 243-44. Also, Jost 1985: 212. The sanctuary of the Great God, found in the region of Dimitsana, more specifically at Palaiokatina, where ancient Theisoa was located, is dated to the 2nd century BC.90 The name Great God refers probably to Zeus, according to the excavator. From the front of the temple comes the find of a bronze figurine of a naked, bearded man. with a helmet and most probably a bow at his left side.

Alipheira Sanctuary of Athena (A11) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 26,6-7. References: Orlandos 1967-1968: 43-168. Also, Voyatzis 1990: 37; 1995: 280. Athena was worshipped in Alipheira already in the 8th century BC, according to the bronze sheets and pins found in the later Archaic temple. According to the excavator, Chr. Orlandos, similar objects have been found at Olympia and Lousoi.91 Gruben 2000: 61, 150. Hansen 2004: 534. 91 General: Orlandos 1967-1968: 99-100; for Olympia: Furtwängler 1890: 47, pl. XVIII; for Lousoi: Reichel and Wilhelm 1901: 57, fig. 108. 89 90

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Chapter 1. Arcadia The first temple of Athena was constructed c. 550 BC. The temple was peripteral and orientated N-S. A new temple was built c. 500-490 BC on an artificial terrace, on the north side, below the eastern wall of the acropolis, located at the extension of the east wall of the northern temple. The temple was orientated N-S, indicating that it followed the plan of the previous temple. It was hekatompedon (29.58 m x 10.65 m), with a peristasis of 6 x 15 Doric columns, but without a pronaos or opisthodomos.92 At the entrance of the sanctuary was the rectangular altar that looked to the east.93 Among the finds were decorated bronze sheets, one depicting a griffin;94 a bronze handle decorated with an anthemion (second half of the 6th century BC) was probably made in a Laconian workshop; there were also pins, different bronze votives, iron and lead objects, terracottas, two heads of Archaic female figurines and an acroterion that depicts the head of Medusa and is reminiscent of the Gorgoneion of the temple of Artemis on Corfu. Inside the temple in the Classical period was placed a colossal bronze statue of Athena by Hypatodorus of Thebes. The statue was erected on a square base across the altar, at the northwest of the temple; sacrifices in honour of Myiagros were performed here. Important finds include a bronze sheet with the head of a Gorgoneion or Medusa.95 Sanctuary of Asclepius (A10) CLASSICAL/ HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 26,6. References: Orlandos 1967-1968: 169-202. Also, Alevridis and Melfi 2005: 273-284; Melfi 2002: 228-235. A sanctuary for Asclepius was built in the settlement of Alipheira in the second half of the 4th century BC. It was made not only for religious purposes, but also as a healing centre. Except for Pausanias’ description, and the evidence from the excavation, we have no other information on its past use. The temple had dimensions of 5.75 m x 9.30 m, with an orientation almost E-W, and consisted of a pronaos and cella. The main temple area revealed the pedestal of the cult statue, which, singularly, did not touch the back wall of the cella, but was almost 1 m away from it, so that the reverse of the statue was visible to the visitor. According to the excavator, A. Orlandos, this fact, along with some other technical details about the construction of the pedestal, might indicate that the cult statue was chryselephantine, a statue type used in that period in the Peloponnese.96

The length of the archaic temples, c. 30 m, and the elongated shape, where the length is twice or, in some instances, nearly three times the width, is a characteristic of early Archaic constructions. This oblong shape used for temples, the interiors of which were divided into several spaces and had columns on the facade, had its roots in the Mycenaean megara. See Bouras 1980: 115-116; 136; Kourou 1985: 63. Credit for the first hekatompedos temple is given to the Heraion of Samos, built in 800 BC. The name hekatompedos derives from its length of 100 feet (30 m). See Kourou 1985: 74. 93 Mee and Spawforth 2001: 279. 94 Orlandos 1967-1968: 102, fig. 68. 95 Orlandos 1967-1968: 101, fig. 69. 96 Orlandos 1967-1968: 177. For the statue, see also Orlandos 1967-1968: 178-179, and 179, n. 2. 92

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At a distance of 8.8 m east of the temple of Asclepius an altar was discovered, southeast of which was a square building of unknown purpose. The excavator supposes that it was the residence of the priests or an enkoimeterios stoa.97 Hellenistic coins have been found in the temple, confirming its use in that period.

Heraia Unidentified sanctuary (A74) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Philadelpheus 1931-1932: 57-70. Also, Meyer 1957: 20-21. A temple was found at Loutra Heraias, where the modern village of Aghios Ioannis is. There is only a little information on it. It is a Doric building made of shelly limestone, orientated E-W. It is dated in the 6th century BC according to a triglyph found there. The same site included a megaron, a house, and baths with a cistern, all possibly belonging to the same sanctuary. Among the finds was a Classical Doric capital, confirming the use of the temple in this period.

Megalopolis Sanctuary of Zeus Soter (A4) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 30,10. References: Gardner 1892: 52-59; Spyropoulos et al. 1995: 119-128 (mainly 121-122). Also, Gans and Kreilinger 2002: 187-191; Jost 1985: 225; Lauter 2005: 236-248, with bibliography; Papachatzis 2004b: 313, n. 6; Petronotis 1973: 233-234. Information and analysis of the sanctuary’s finds in Gans- Kreilinger 2002: 187-191. After the synoecism of 371 BC, many Arcadians transferred to the newly founded city Megalopolis. During the late Classical period, the sanctuary of Zeus Soter was built some years after the synoecism. Excavations began there in 1890. The temple was placed at the southeastern corner of the agora. It was made of limestone, had dimensions of 21.35 m x 11.60 m, and its orientation was E-W. It was surrounded by a perivolos with a colonnade. b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Pheneos Sanctuary of Artemis Pyronia (A27) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 15,9. References: Baumer 2004: 125; Erath 1999: 238-240, 355-357; Jost 1985: 33, 417; Solima 2011: 7375. According to recent research there might also be a refectory, as at other Asclepieia (Troizen, see Welter 1941: 31-33, Corinth, see Roebuck 1952: 51-57). 97

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Chapter 1. Arcadia At Pheneos, close to the road that leads to the top of the the hill, two fragments of terracotta figurines were found in 1995. One depicts the upper torso of a female figure and the other probably the side part of a torso. Some bronze female figurines have also been found in the same area. The location of the finds on the borders of Pheneos led to the conclusion that the sanctuary of Artemis Pyronia was in the vicinity, Artemis being the protectress of boundaries. According to Pausanias, the sanctuary of Artemis Pyronia was special among the sanctuaries in the countryside of Pheneos: it belonged to an earlier period and may be considered as interregional, because of the attendance of foreigners. The sanctuary was still in use in the Hellenistic period, as the pottery finds indicate. Sanctuary of Demeter Thesmia (A28) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 15,1-4. References: Erath 1999: 240-242; 352-355; Tausend 1997: 1-8. For previous identification theories, see Jost 1985: 32, 35. One more known cult in Pheneos was that of Demeter Thesmia. According to K. Tausend, the sanctuary of Demeter was possibly in the region of Vorros, based on some Classical finds. However, the sanctuary was in use at least since the Archaic period. The early dating is hinted at by Pausanias, who dates the roots of the sanctuary in mythical times, but we also have the existence of an inscribed bronze tablet, dated to 525 BC, that refers to the ‘law of Demeter Thesmophoros’. On it were described the dress codes and the penalties in the event of their breach.98 This inscription was found in Kalavryta, but is considered as belonging to the sanctuary of Demeter Thesmia, the epithets Thesmia-Thesmophoros being similar.99

Thelpusa Temple of Demeter Erinys (A75) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 25,4-7. References: Meyer 1939: 95-99; 1957: 13-14; Papachatzis 2004b: 278, note 1. Traces of an ancient settlement have been found in the area of Profitis Ilias at Thelpusa (west Arcadia). The finding of a decorated clay acroterion, probably of the 6th or early 5th century BC, indicates the existence of a temple at the site. It was perhaps the temple of Demeter Erinys, belonging to ancient Onkeion. Temple of Apollo Onkaiates (A31) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 25,11. References: Leake 1830: 103; Meyer 1939: 95-99; Papachatzis 2004b: 278, note 1. SEG 35: 1985: 369 (suppl. IG V2). Robinson 1943: 191-199. Robinson 1943: 191; Jeffery 1949: 30-31. The inscription was purchased by Robinson from an antiquities dealer in Kalavryta, but the exact findspot is unknown. For Demeter Thesmophoros, see also SEG 11, 1950: 1112 (suppl. IG V2). 98 99

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The temple of Apollo Onkaiates was also at Thelpusa. Pausanias describes its location south of Thelpusa, close to the river Ladon. Today it is accepted that lay between the village of Kalliani and the river, on its left bank. An Archaic acroterion of the 6th/early 5th century BC has been found there. N. Papachatzis mentions that the sanctuary is located 1 km south of Onkeion, at the point where the river Touthoa joins the Ladon.

Orchomenos Temple of Artemis Hymnia (A56) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 13,1. References: Morgan 1999a: 156, n. 24; Papachatzis 2004b: 115. On the road from Orchomenos to Levidi are the ruins of a Paleochristian triconch church. There are indications that below the church was the Archaic temple of Artemis Hymnia. Pausanias mentions that the temple was in common use for all Mantineians, who held an great annual festival in honour of the goddess.100

Mantineia Temple of Poseidon Hippios (A12) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 10,2-3. References: Fougères 1898: 105. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 107-111. According to Pausanias, the temple of Poseidon Hippios was a short distance from Mantineia. Finds have been made of a votive relief depicting a sitting Poseidon with trident and a Doric capital, confirming the cult of Poseidon Hippios in this area.

Tegea Temple of Demeter of the Korytheans (A37) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 54,5. References: Berard 1890: 382-384; Pritchett 1980, III, 81. Between the villages of Steno, Neochori, and Agiorgitika, 6 km northeast of Tegea on the way to Argos, was the settlement of the Korytheans, which still has the same name. Underneath the church of Aghia Triada are the foundations of a temple that was possibly dedicated to Demeter of the Korytheans. The identification is based on the discovery of an Archaic female statue (0.83 m high), which was probably the cult statue.101 Sanctuary of Dionysus Mystes (A46) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 54,6. 100 101

Jost 1985: 119; Solima 2011: 99-101. Berard 1890: tab. XI; Pritchett 1980: III, 81.

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Chapter 1. Arcadia References: Berard 1890: 382-384; Papachatzis 2004b: 410, note 2; Pritchett 1980, III, 81. East of the temple of Demeter are some Archaic traces of a second, smaller, cult building, considered as belonging to the sanctuary of Dionysus Mystes.

Asea Temple of the Mother of the Gods (A78) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 44,4. References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 10; Romaios 1957: 114-163. Close to the springs of Alpheios in Asea, Pausanias mentions the existence of a temple to the Mother of the Gods. This temple was probably in Doriza (Fragkovryso), where an inscribed statue and architectural blocks have been found that may belong to the temple. Pausanias writes about a temple with no roof in his time, but with two stone lions. Pikoulas links the temple to a statue of a sitting deity found in that area by K. Romaios. More specifically, Romaios mentions that a headless statue of a sitting goddess, dated c. 650 BC, was found at Fragkovryso. Below the statue was the inscription ΑΓΕΜΟ, a long-standing epithet of Artemis.102 This find is now in the National Archaeological Museum (Catalogue nο. 6). According to the excavator, the statue is an indication of the ‘old mother goddess’ and refers to Artemis and the Mother of the Gods, Rhea.103 The lions are associated with the goddess Cybele, who was later identified as Rhea.104

Perivolia Unidentified sanctuary (A66) ARCHAIC References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 44. Not far west of Asea, in the village of Perivolia, have been found traces of another Doric temple of an unknown deity. It is considered as a roadside sanctuary on the way from Megalopolis to Tegea.

Ancient Trapezus Sanctuary of the Great Goddesses (A82) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 29,1. References: Bather and Yorke 1892-1893: 227-231; Stephanos 1907: 123-124. Also, Baumer 2004: 39, 126; Stiglitz 1967: 54-55. For a picture of the statue: Geniere 1993: figs. 4-5. For the inscription: IG V2: 559; SEG 11, 1950: 1163; SEG 35, 1985: 1820; SEG 55, 2005: 531; Kaltsas 2001: 36 and fig. 8; Romaios 1957: 163. 103 Themelis 2007b: 514. G. Pikoulas justifies the existence of a temple of the Mother of the Gods in this area, where many springs are, as Rhea is related to the flowing waters Gaia provided her with to wash herself after giving birth to Zeus. 104 See Vikela 2001, especially p. 57. 102

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Ancient Trapezus was across from Karytaina, in the area of Paliochora, between the modern villages of Kyparissia and Mavria.105 In this region, was close to Mt Lykaion, was the sanctuary of the Great Goddesses. Pausanias informs us that the Great Goddesses worshipped here were Demeter and Kore, and he is supported by the finds, mainly votives, i.e. vases, parts of a large terracotta statue, small terracotta and bronze pigs, a bronze statuette of the Great Goddesses, but also many terracotta figurines, standing or sitting, with bird-like heads. Many are similar to the respective temple of Demeter and Kore, the Karpophorai (A41) in Tegea. A special find is a bronze figurine of a bull with the inscription ΙΕΡ.106 The sanctuary remained in use in the Classical period, as the relevant votive figurines indicate.

Phigaleia Demeter Melaina’s cave cult (A39) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 42,1-12. References: Papachatzis 2004b: 371, note 5. Near Phigaleia there was supposed to be a cave where Demeter Melaina was worshipped. According to N. Papachatzis, this cave is located close to the village of Stomio.

Chrysovitsi Sanctuary of Apollo (A59) CLASSICAL References: General Secretary of the Region of Peloponnese-Foundation ETBA, Cultural map of Arcadia, Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation. Another sanctuary, dated c. 400 BC, has been found at Chrysovitsi. Possibly the sanctuary of Apollo, our information on it is limited.

Area south of Megalopolis Temple of Apollo Kereatas (A80) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 34,6. References: Pikoulas 1988a: 193-194, site no. 109. South of Megalopolis, close to Tourkoleika, was the temple of Apollo Kereatas. Some Archaic finds (a votive vessel and part of an Archaic kouros) have been associated with it.107 The kouros (c. 540-530 BC), possibly depicting the god worshipped here, is from a Laconian workshop and made from local, second-rate marble.108 According to the mythology, the Titanomachy took place in ancient Trapezus. The newest surveys around Kyparissia have brought to light part of the ancient settlement. See Karapanagiotou 2010: 127-137. 106 Bather and Yorke 1892-1893: 228; IG, V, 2: 512. 107 Pikoulas 1988a: 157, and tab. 107, 108. 108 Kokkorou-Alevras 1993: 13-24. 105

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Chapter 1. Arcadia Unidentified temple (A79) ARCHAIC References: Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 101. There was also probably a temple at Kamara, at a high point on Taygetos; a bronze goat figurine, dated to the end of the 6th century BC, possibly indicates its existence.109 c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources

Pheneos Cult of Demeter Kidaria (AS79) GEOMETRIC Sources: Pausanias VIII, 15,1-3. The only known cults at Pheneos (the plain west of Stymphalia and east of Kleitor) were those of Demeter Kidaria and Eleusinia.110 The cults were as old as the cult of Artemis Hemerasia, although all our information comes from Pausanias and no evidence has yet come to light.111 Here, Kidaria was worshipped first, an old deity who was absorbed by Demeter and took her name as an epithet.112 For this reason it is believed that the cult goes back to the Geometric period.

Area north of Megalopolis Sanctuary of Artemis Skiatis (AS86) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VIII, 35,5. References: Karagiorga 1961-62: 86-88. Close to Nea Ekklisoula and the temple of Demeter or Artemis (A29), was the sanctuary of Artemis Skiatis, which was in use before the synoecism.113

Megalopolis CLASSICAL Since Megalopolis was founded after the synoecism of 370, all the monuments described by Pausanias can be securely dated after this date. According to him, the agora of Megalopolis accommodated the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios (AS26: Paus. VIII, 30,2), another ‘twin’ temple, the temple of the Mother of the Gods (AS27: Paus. VIII, 30,5), the temple of Hermes Akakesios Kourinou-Pikoula 1982-1983: tab. 35. Pheneos was, according to Pausanias, a female name. The location had been settled by a local named Pheneos. 111 Analysis of the cult of the deity from Stiglitz (1967: 134-43). 112 Papachatzis 2004b: 235, note 6. 113 Some traces have been discovered at Pigadia, on the left bank of the Ligataris, which could confirm the existence of a sanctuary according to Petronotis (1973: 152, ch. 519). There are objections concerning the identification of the findings. The excavations conducted by Karagiorga (1961-1962: 86) revealed only two Byzantine buildings. N. Papachatzis (2004b: 324, n. 1) mentions that the distance given by Pausanias does not match the distance to the site of Pigadia as Petronotis suggests; it only does so if it is counted from the city’s wall, which was not visible in Pausanias’ time. M. Jost (1985: 190), however, considers this identification feasible. 109 110

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese (AS28: Paus. VIII, 30,6), the temple of Tyche (AS29: Paus. VIII, 30,7) and the sanctuary of Kore (AS32: Paus. VIII, 31,8). In addition, there were the perivolos of the Great Goddesses, Demeter and Kore, where the temple of Zeus Philios was built (AS30: Paus. VIII, 31,4), and the sanctuary of Aphrodite Machanitis (AS31: Paus. VIII, 31,5). Polykleitos of Argos was commissioned to create the cult statue of Zeus Philios. The statue bore similarities to Dionysus, in buskins and holding a kantharos and thyrsus. Beyond the agora were two hills, where a sanctuary of Athena Polias (AS33: Paus. VIII, 31,9) and a temple of Hera Teleia (AS34: Paus. VIII, 31,9) were located. The city was divided in two parts by the River Elisson.114 On its left bank, close to the theatre of Megalopolis, was a sanctuary for the Muses, Apollo and Hermes (AS35: Paus. VIII, 31,5), a sanctuary of Aphrodite (AS36: Paus. VIII, 32,2) and an altar of Ares (AS37: Paus. VIII, 32,2). Nearby was the stadium, with a temple of Dionysus (AS38: Paus. VIII, 32,3), a common temple for Heracles and Hermes (AS39: Paus. VIII, 32,3), a temple of Artemis Agrotera (AS40: Paus. VIII, 32,4), a sanctuary of Asclepius and Hygeia (AS41: Paus. VIII, 32,4), and a sanctuary of Asclepius Pais (AS42: Paus. VIII, 32,5). ii. Arcadian sanctuaries of questionable dating a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Thelpusa Temple of Zeus (A58) References: Leonardos 1891a: 98-100; 1891b: 23-25; 1891c: 657. Also Baumer 2004: 125-126, with bibliography. In the region of Thelpusa, on the acropolis close to the village of Vachlia, a temple was excavated, which, according to the excavator, was dedicated to Zeus.115 Unfortunately, the work has not been published and therefore a dating is not possible. Its orientation was N-S and it consisted only of a pronaos and cella. The pedestal of the statue was not in the centre of the cella, but in front of the back wall, opposite the entrance, perhaps to get more light.116

Lasta Unidentified temple (A76) References: Howell 1970, 99-100; Pikoulas 1990-1991: 135-152 and tab. 30. Southwest of Mytikas (Palaiopyrgos), on the hill of Kolinos (Lasta), the ruins of one more unidentified temple (A76) have been found. The temple was on a prominent position,

Gans-Kreilinger 2002: 187-191. Pausanias, (VIII, 25,3) mentions the region of Thaliadai, which is identified with modern Vachlia, but he does not describe the monuments of the city. 116 The excavator compares the temple of Vachlia to the temples at Voutsi (A32) and Eleusinia (Demeter, A57). The three temples were in the same area and all used simple cornice tiles; there was no use of marble, and presumably employed wood and clay for some architectural parts. Furthermore, all the constructions had simple proportions. 114

115

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Chapter 1. Arcadia orientated Ν-S. It was an extra muros sanctuary belonging to the settlement of ancient Torthyneion.117 As well as large, unpainted sherds, a bronze votive discoid sheet was discovered.118 b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Pheneos Temple of Apollo Pythios (A34) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 15,5. References: Boblaye 1836: 154; Knauss 1990: 52; Papachatzis 2004b: 237, n. 3; Tausend 1999: 349352. In the region of Pheneos there was a temple dedicated to Apollo Pythios.119 Pausanias mentions that the temple was in ruins when he visited the site, but the altar continued to be used to honour Apollo and Artemis. According to Pausanias, Heracles constructed the temple during his expedition against the Eleians, and this indicates an early dating. Close to it were the tombs of the heroes associated with this expedition. Some traces of the temple were discovered in the 18th century, but nothing remains to be seen.

Kleitor Sanctuary of Dioskouroi (A47) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 21,4. References: Papandreou 1920: 111. Pausanias mentions in the region of Kleitor the existence of a sanctuary of the Dioskouroi, most probably four stadia southwest of the fortified city of Kleitor, at a place called Kolones. Close to a spring there are column drums that may belong to an associated temple of Dioskouroi, and the site corresponds to Pausanias’ account. Temple of Athena Koria (A53) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 21,4. References: Alexopoulou 2005: 290; Papachatzis 2004b: 257, n. 5; Papandreou 1920: 112; Pikoulas 1999a: 97-132; Solima 2011: 70-72. Torthyneion is an Arcadian region not mentioned in the sources; it appears only in inscriptions dated from the 5th - 2nd centuries BC, as G. Pikoulas (1990-1991: 136-137) mentions. According to the researcher, ancient Torthyneion belonged to the region of Kolinos in Lasta, and the land of Torthyneion expanded west of the River Mylaontas, into the whole valley of Kamenitsa-Ntara, and at least as far as the River Tragos (Pikoulas 1990-1991: 151). It had common boundaries with Orchomenos and Methydrion. See also Hansen 2004: 534. 118 Howell (1970: 99) mentions that he observed the existence of two Geometric sherds that could date the temple and the settlement even in the Geometric period. But the absence of any other related evidence does not allow us to make conclusions, and for this reason it is placed in our category of sacred places with questionable dating. 119 While there are no traces for the existence of the temple today, the clear descriptions of Pausanias, combined with the research done at the beginning of the 19th century by the French Expedition, place the temple ‘15 stadia’ northeast of the city, close to the River Olvios, opposite Goura, east of Stroggylovouni. 117

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese In the region of Kleitoria there was a temple of Athena Koria. According to Callimachus, Proitos constructed two temples to thank the gods for curing his mad daughters, i.e. the temples of Artemis Hemerasia and Athena Koria.120 The temple of Artemis Hemerasia is the excavated temple site at Lousoi (A6), and the temple of Athena Koria is on the top of a mountain ‘thirty stadia’ from the city of Kleitor. Scattered finds, such as figurines, votives, coins, and half of a destroyed Doric capital, refer to the existence of a sacred site and could be an indication that the temple was built on the hill of Aghios Athanasios, close to the village of Skotani, southwest of Kleitor.

Stymphalia Sanctuary of Artemis Stymphalia (A50) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 22: 7-9. References: Orlandos 1926: 134-139. The sanctuary of Artemis at Stymphalia is believed to be underneath the 13th-century Frankish monastery excavated in 1926. Among the finds were stone plinths, Doric column drums, parts of the crepis, and marble tiles. An inscribed stele with a decree was also found, stating that it was to be erected within the temple of Artemis. The finds suggest that the sanctuary of Artemis was here.121 A dating is not possible, but Pausanias did refer to it as an ‘ancient’ sanctuary.

Nestani Temple of Demeter (A30) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 8,1. References: Fougères 1898: 93; Papachatzis 2004b: 195, n. 5. According to Pausanias, a temple dedicated to Demeter was built at Nestani. Excavations undertaken by a French expedition in 1898 revealed the remains of what might have been this building underneath the monastery of Panaghia Gorgoepikoos, north of Nestani. This identification is not universally accepted by other researchers; no traces are visible today.

Tripoli Sanctuary of Zeus Charmon (A77) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 12,1. References: Fougères 1898: 113. During construction of the Tripoli-Kakouri motorway, several irregularly shaped pieces of ancient masonry were uncovered, possibly to be associated with the sanctuary of Zeus Charmon. Pausanias mentions that the sanctuary of Zeus Charmon was ‘one stadion’ from the tomb Epameinondas. The ancient masonry has since disappeared.

120 121

Callimachus’ Hymn to Artemis, 233-236. Martha 1883: 490, 493, and fig. 489.

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Tegea Temple of Ares Aphneios (A49) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 44,7-8. References: Pikoulas 1986-1986: 592. On mt Kresion, in the region of Tegea, there was a temple dedicated to Ares Aphneios. Pikoulas mentions remains of an ancient building (8 m x 4 m) made of from limestone plinths have been found in Aghios Athanasios and could be attributed to the temple of Ares. Temple of Apollo Pythios (A45) Source: Pausanias, VIII, 54,4-5. References: Kokini-Domazou 1973: 16; Romaios 1912a: 356-358. A temple of Apollo Pythios was constructed beyond the city of Tegea. East of the village of Lithovounia, towards Argos, a bronze circular base with an inscription ΠΟΛΕΑΣΕΠΟΙΕΣ and a phiale with the inscription ΘΙΕΡ.Ν. were found in 1908.122 The site was covered with sherds and finds of bronze, indications of the existence of a sanctuary.

Aspela Sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (A48) Sources: Pausanias VIII, 53,11. References: Romaios 1952: 1-2; Solima 2011: 116-117. At Aspela, close to the village of Piali, on the ancient road that led from Tegea to Laconia, Romaios found parts of marble figurines that were dedicated as votives in the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis. The same site also revealed a female marble head that probably depicts the goddess, and many sherds. The area (c. 1 ha), according to the excavator, is large enough to meet the requirements of a temple.123

Mantineia Sanctuary of Aphrodite Anchisia (A72) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 12,9. References: Fougères 1898: 119-20; Hodkinson and Hodkinson 1981: 250. On the borders of Mantineia and Orchomenos, around Mt Anchisiae, there was a sanctuary of Aphrodite Anchisia – probably on the plain of Milia at Khani Bilai. The building was made from ancient stones visible in the modern structure.

Kaphyai Temple of Poseidon (A43) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 23,4. 122 123

Romaios 1912a: 357, fig. 2. See also Papachatzis 2004b: 408, n. 2.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese References: Papandreou 1920: 116-117. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 103-104. At Kaphyai, southeast of Chotousa, in the region of Aghios Ioannis, it is assumed that there was a temple of Poseidon. Ruins have been found there, including masonry, tiles, sherds, coins, bronze votives, and column drums without flutes made of local gray limestone.

Arvanitokerasia Cult of Demeter (A51) References: Kokkini-Domazou 1973: 17; Romaios 1907: 121. In the area of Oiateai, in modern Arvanitokerasia, small finds pointing to a cult of Demeter were found.

Ancient Trapezus Sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia (A40) Sources: Pausanias, VIII, 29,5. References: Bather and Yorke 1892-1893: 227-231. The sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia was at ancient Trapezus, near Basileia, east of the village of Kyparissia. Statue pedestals found there could have belonged to it. c. Sacred places known only from written sources There are many sacred sites whose existence is known from the sources, mainly from Pausanias, but which are still to be located. The traveller gives in some cases enough information about the sites he visits and helps to create a clear picture of them, even for those sites that have not been preserved or have not yet been found. There are also times when refers to sites without describing them, or when he relays only what he has been told by others. The evidence we have for such places is very sketchy and only assumptions can be made for their accuracy. There are 79 cult places known only through such sources, scattered across the whole region of Arcadia.

Kleitor The city of Kleitor it seems had three sanctuaries – those of Demeter (AS9: Paus. VIII, 21,3), Asclepius (AS10: Paus.VIII, 21,3), and Eileithyia (AS11: Paus.VIII, 21,3).

Kynaitha In Kynaitha, Pausanias refers to a sanctuary of Dionysus (AS8: Paus.VIII, 19,2).

Pheneos On the acropolis of Pheneos was the temple of Athena Tritonia (AS80: Paus. VIII, 14,5). At the time Pausanias visited the area, there were only ruins visible. 42

Chapter 1. Arcadia In the same area was also the sanctuary of Artemis Eurippa (AS81: Paus. VIII, 14,5). Odysseus established it in gratitude for the finding of his horses.124 In the region of Pheneos there was also a temple of Hermes (AS84: Paus. VIII, 14,10), whom the Pheneates honoured especially.125

Psophis In the area of Psophis, on Mt Lampeia and close to the sources of the River Erymanthos, is mentioned the sanctuary of Pan (AS15: Paus. VIII, 24,4). Pausanias did not see this specific sanctuary himself, he just narrates what he heard about it. At Psophis there is mention of the temple of Erymanthos (AS76: Paus.VIII, 24,12), close to the eponymous river.126 Pausanias notes that the statues of the river gods were made of white marble. At the boundaries of Psophis and Thelpusa was the temple of Asclepius Pais (AS77: Paus. VIII, 25,11). Pausanias mentions it on the opposite bank of the River Ladon in relation to the temple of Apollo Onkaiates (A31). No firm evidence of its existence has yet been discovered.

Thelpusa Two more sacred places are mentioned in Thelpusa: the temple of Asclepius (AS 16: Paus. VIII, 25,3) and the sanctuary of the Twelve Gods (AS 17: Paus.VIII, 25,3).

Alea In western Arcadia, in Alea, there were three more cult places:127 the sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia (AS12: Paus.VIII, 23,1), the sanctuary of Athena Alea (AS13: Paus.VIII, 23,1), and the temple of Dionysus (AS14: Paus.VIII, 23,1).

Dimitsana In the area of modern Dimitsana, where ancient Teuthis is located, were sanctuaries of Aphrodite (AS23: Paus.VIII, 28,6) and Artemis (AS24: Paus.VIII, 28,6).

Tegea In the vicinity of Tegea, more specifically in the deme of Manthourea, Pausanias mentions the existence of the temple of Athena Hippia (AS83: Paus.VIII, 47,1). The cult statue of Athena

Solima 2011: 103-05. According to Papachatzis (2004b: 235, note 2) Hermes was depicted on coins of Pheneos in relation to his mother, Maia. 126 Papandreou (1920: 68) mentions that the temple is at the south of the theatre and southwest of the city wall. 127 About Alea see Hansen 2004: 508-09. Meyer (1939: 84) mentions in this area the traces of an ancient temple with dimensions 5.7 m x11 m and orientated E-W, where there have been found also Classical black-figured sherds. Presumably it is identified with the sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia (AS12) or Athena Alea (AS13). 124 125

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese was transferred to Tegea and worshipped in the temple of Athena Alea. The temple of Athena Hippia is not mentioned elsewhere. In the city of Tegea was the sanctuary of Artemis Hegemone (AS60: Paus.VIII, 47,6), the temple of Aphrodite ‘en Plinthio’ (AS61: Paus. VIII, 48,1), in the agora, the altar of Kore (AS62: Paus. VIII, 53,8), and the temple of Apollo (AS63: Paus. VIII, 53,8), with a gold-plated statue of the god. Also in Tegea was the temple of Athena Polias. (AS85: Paus. VIII, 47,5). Pausanias mentions that it was called Eryma. K. Romaios (1912b: 49-54) supposes that the temple was in the agora of the city, ‘three stadia’ from the temple of Alea. Pausanias also says that Tegea had several cult places that have not yet been identified: the sanctuary of Eileithyia (AS68: Paus.VIII, 48,7) in the agora, close to the altar of Gaia (AS70: Paus.VIII, 48,8); the altar of Zeus Teleios (AS69: Paus.VIII, 48,6); the temple of Hermes Aipytos (AS74: Paus.VIII, 47,4); the temple of Aphrodite Paphia (AS71: Paus.VIII, 53,7); the temple of Dionysus (AS72: Paus.VIII, 53,7); the temple of Asclepius (AS73: Paus.VIII, 54,5); and the sanctuary of Pan (AS75: Paus.VIII, 54,6). On the road from Tegea to Sparta, ‘two stadia’ from the city wall, was an altar of Pan (AS64: Paus.VIII, 53,11) and an altar of Zeus Lykaios (AS65: Paus.VIII, 53,11). On Mt Parthenion, on the way from Tegea to Argos, was a temenos of Telephus (AS66: Paus.VIII, 54,6).128

Mantineia In the area of Mantineia there was a double temple of Asclepius and of Leto and her children (AS1: Paus.VIII, 9,1), a sacred place divided in two parts, one dedicated to the cult of Asclepius and the other to the Apollonian Triad (Leto, Apollo, Artemis).129 The city also had a temple of Zeus Epidotos (AS2: Paus.VIII, 9,2), a sanctuary of the Dioskouroi (AS3: Paus.VIII, 9,2), and a sanctuary of Demeter and Kore (AS4: Paus.VIII, 9,2). Behind the theatre, the traveller saw ruins of the temple of Aphrodite Symmachia (AS5: Paus.VIII, 9,6) and the sanctuary of Athena Alea (AS6: Paus.VIII, 9,7). On the road from Mantineia to Tegea, on Mt Alesion, there was a grove of Demeter (AS7: Paus.VIII, 10,1). Thucydides makes reference to a cult of Heracles in the area of Mantineia (AS78: Thucydides V, 64,5).

Kaphyai Kaphyai had a sanctuary and grove of Artemis Kondyleatis (AS82: Paus. VIII, 23,6-7), c. ‘one stadion’ from the city.130 Researchers disagree as to the location.131

Lykosoura In the area of Lykosoura, close to the sanctuary of Despoina (A9), we are informed of the existence of a sanctuary of Pan (AS53: Paus.VIII, 37,11-12), an altar of Ares (AS54: Paus.VIII,

See also Pritchett 1980, III, 95. Solima 2011: 84-86. 130 Solima 2011: 67-69. 131 Jost 1985: 113. 128 129

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Chapter 1. Arcadia 37,12), and a sanctuary of Athena (AS55: Paus.VIII, 37,12). There is a further reference to a temple of Artemis Hegemone (AS67: Paus.VIII, 37,1).

Phigaleia Phigaleia had a sanctuary of Artemis Soteira (AS56: Paus.VIII, 39,6) and a temple of Dionysus Acratophorus (AS57: Paus.VIII, 39,6).132 At the point where the River Lymax falls into Neda, c. ‘twelve stadia’ from the city, there was a sanctuary of Eurynome (AS58: Paus.VIII, 41,5).

Alipheira The altar of Zeus Lecheates (AS22: Paus. VIII, 26,6) at Alipheira has not yet been discovered. Pausanias mentions that the altar was erected because the locals believed that Zeus gave birth to Athena there.133

Heraia In the city of Heraia there were also many temples that have not been identified so far, e.g. the temples of Dionysus Polites (AS18: Paus. VIII, 26,1) and Dionysus Auxites (AS19: Paus. VIII, 26,1), where, in an additional building, mystical rituals (orgies) were performed. Other sites included temples to Pan (AS20: Paus.VIII, 26,2) and Hera (AS21: Paus.VIII, 26,2).

Megalopolis The territory around Megalopolis is the most extensive in Arcadia, and therefore many cult places were sited here which, while their existence is known, have not yet been located. Very close to the city of Megalopolis was the temple of Poseidon Epoptes (AS25: Paus.VIII, 30,1). On the road from Megalopolis to Methydrion there is supposed to be a sanctuary of Poseidon (AS46: Paus. VIII, 35,6), in the area of ancient Trikolonoi. At Methydrion, Rhea was worshipped in a cave (AS47: Paus.VIII, 36,3) above Mt Thaumasion. On the road from Megalopolis to Mainalon, on the left bank of the River Elisson, there was a temple of Agathos Theos (AS48: Paus.VIII, 36,5). According to Pausanias, it was a cult of Zeus. In the same area he describes another sanctuary of Athena Machanitis (AS49: Paus. VIII, 36,5), and a temenos of the wind Boreas (AS50: Paus.VIII, 36,6). Further south were the temple and grove of Demeter in the Marsh (tou Elous) (AS51: Paus.VIII, 36,6), and a sanctuary of Pan (AS52: Paus.VIII, 36,7), at Paliskion, where modern Arachamites is today. Pausanias also saw a temple of Athena (AS59: Paus.VIII, 44,2) at Athenaio, on the road from Megalopolis to Asea.

Papachatzis (2004b: 355, n. 2) suggests that the name came from the vases used for wine during the feast of Dionysos, called acratophoroi. 133 According to the myth, Athena was daughter of Zeus and the Okeanis Metis, his first wife. Zeus was afraid that Metis’ child would be stronger than he was and therefore he swallowed the pregnant Okeanis, when she transformed herself into an insect. Athena was now in his head and causing him pain. Hephaestus helped him by splitting his head with an axe. Athena jumped out, fully armed. According to the Arcadians, Alipheira was built where this incident took place, with Zeus being worshipped as Lecheates. 132

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese

Road from Megalopolis to Messene On the road from Megalopolis to Messene was a sanctuary to the Maniae/Erinyes (AS43: Paus.VIII, 3,1); at Ace there was a sanctuary of Eumenides (AS44: Paus.VIII, 34,3), and one to Coureion (AS45: Paus. VIII, 34,3) in the same area. These three sites are associated with the myth of Orestes and his madness following the murder of his mother: he became insane, was healed, and cut his hair, respectively. iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era Many of the ancient cult places continued in use during Christian times, serving the new religion. This was a frequent occurrence, found in many places. In this way the transition from one religion to another was facilitated, older religious practices being replaced by newer ones. The same process would have happened during the transition from the Mycenaean period to the Dorians and the Olympian Gods.134 A cult continuation can often be traced at the same location, and the name of the previous deity was changed in an epithet for the new one, allowing the new gods to predominate without rejecting entirely the old deities. The coexistence of the old with the new name made the acceptance of a new cult easier, as the remembrance of the previous gods remained strong. At the same time, the correlation of the old to the new deities was made, based on relevant similarities in their attributes. Thus, if Alea was the deity who protected the city of Tegea, so was Athena Alea, who was worshipped in the same place. Athena Alea was also a goddess with a protective character and in many regions she was worshipped as Polias (protector of the city). A similar process occurred during the transition to the Christian era. What follows is a short list of ancient cult places where traces of Byzantine or later religious structures have been found above or close to ancient sacred sites: • Above the sanctuary of Artemis Hemerasia (A6) at Lousoi three small churches are dedicated to the Panaghia, who replaced Artemis. • Above the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (A5) was the Byzantine church of Aghios Nikolaos, built in the middle of the 6th century AD. • The temple of Artemis Hymnia (A56) at Orchomenos is probably below the ruins of a triconch Paleochristian church dedicated to the Panaghia. • At Glanitsa, the open-air sanctuary (A44) is underneath the church of Aghia Paraskevi. • A Christian church was built over the Doric temple of a female deity (A15) at Kantreva, Asea. • Above the sanctuary of Artemis (A64) at Lykochia is the church of Prophet Elias. • Above the unidentified Archaic temple (A66) at Perivolia is the church of Aghia Marina. • Above the temple of Athena (A11) at Alipheira is the church of Aghia Helene. • Above the unidentified ancient temple (A74) at Heraia was a church of the Panaghia. • Below the church of Aghioi Theodoroi at Kleitor is a temple of the Dioskouroi (A47).

According to Herrmann (1972: 27), for ancient Greeks the sacredness of a site was the reason for the creation of a cult place, and not the reverse. This was respected by the following generations, who kept the old sacred areas alive as cult places in later periods and religions. 134

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Chapter 2 Elis Mythological – Historical background Mythological background Pausanias (V,1,3-9) provides an analytical narration on the mythological past of Elis. The first king was Aethlius, son of Zeus and Protogeneia, Deucalion’s daughter. The son of Aethlius was Endymion, who had many children with Selene or Asterodia, including Paeon, Epeus, Aetolus, and Eurykyde. His successor was Epeus, the one who beat his brothers at the foot race organised by his father. He took as his wife Anaxiroe, daughter of Coronus, and had a daughter, Hyrmina. During the period of his reign at Elis, Oinomaos, son of Alxion or Ares reigned at Pisaia. At this time Pelops came from Lydia, and after defeating Oinomaos in some games he took control of the region.1 In addition he acquired sovereignty of Olympia from Elis. After Epeus, his brother, Aetolus, took power. When he accidentally killed Apis, from Arcadian Pallantion in a game, his sons exiled him from the Peloponnese, and he fled to Acheloos. He was succeeded by his nephew, Eleios, son of Eurykyde, who was believed to be Poseidon’s son. The inhabitants of the region were named after him, and they were named Eleians thereafter. The son of Eleios was Augeas, known for the task he set Heracles.2 Augeas refused to pay him for his work and banished him, together with Augeas’ older son, Phyleas, who took Heracles’ side. Heracles took revenge by marching some years later against Elis with allies from Argos, Thebes, and Arcadia; he defeated the Eleians, who had allied with the inhabitants of Pisa and Elian Pylos. Following a command from the Delphic oracle, Heracles gave Elis to Phyleas and let Augeas go. After Augeas’ death, his son Agasthenes became king, together with Amphimachos and Thalpios, children of the sons of Aktorione. The son of Amarynkeus was Diores. The inhabitants of Elis took part in the Trojan war, contributing forty ships. Half were under the command of Amphimachos and Thalpios, ten under Diores, and ten under Polyxenos, Agasthenes’ son. The inhabitants of Pisa played no part in the war. When the Dorians invaded the Peloponnese with their leader, Cresphontes, Oxylos took Elis, not by war, but after a duel fought by two warriors – the Eleian archer Degmenos, and the Aetolian slinger Pyraechmes.3 He let the old inhabitants free, but he also brought Aaetolians to live with them and he re-divided the region. He managed to unify the inhabitants of the surrounding settlements and completed the first synoecism of Elis. After Oxylos, his son Laias became king. Since Pausanias was unable to name the other ancient kings, he skips forward to Iphitos, who was contemporaneous with the Spartan Lycourgos and, following an oracle, it Pseudo-Apollodorus, Library, Epitome, II, 9. Pausanias mentions (V,1,3-9) that Augeas had many herds of goats and cattle. He never cleaned his stables and the land could no longer be cultivated because of all the dung and muck. Heracles undertook the task of cleaning all the stables by changing the course of the River Menios. 3 Oxylos was the son of the Aetolian, Aimonas, son of Thoantas, a fighter in the Trojan war. He belonged to the bloodline of Aetolos, exiled from Elis six generations before. He was closely related to Heracles (Pausanias V,3,6-7). 1 2

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese was he who renewed the Olympic games and the notion of a truce during them. At the same time, he introduced sacrifices to Heracles. Historical background4 The first signs of habitation in the region of Elis are dated to the Neolithic period. The first inhabitants belonged to the Pelasgian tribes of the Kaukones or Paroreatai.5 Elis was controlled c. 1500 BC by the Thessalian Neleides, who had Pylos as their centre. At that time the Thessalian Lapiths appeared, taking over the territory. Next they invaded Elis, in particular the region of Triphylia, Minyai, and established new cities (Makistos, Lepreon, Pyrgos, Epion, Phrixa, Noudion, Skillountas, Samiko, Krounoi).6 After the return of the Heracleidae in 1100 BC, Aetolian tribes came to Elis from the northwest, under Oxylos.7 The new inhabitants took Elis and settled together with the old inhabitants of the wider territory.8 Thus Elis became the dominant city, even in relation to Pisa and the whole area of ancient Olympia. The Pisates over time adopted the cult of Zeus as their dominant god and slowly Pisa became the great religious centre of the whole region. Longstanding frictions and conflicts never stopped between the Eleians and the Pisates for sovereignty over the sanctuary of Olympia. The sanctuary of Olympia began to gain its Panhellenic reputation in 776 BC, when, as previously mentioned, Iphitos renewed the Olympic games at the command of the Delphic oracle.9 Generally, the territory of Elis was divided into the four regions of Hollow Elis, Akroreia, Pisatis, and Triphylia. As might be expected, the persistent conflicts that arose between them were over regional sovereignty.10 By the early 7th century Elis had weakened, and, after various disputes with the Dymaians, it lost its sovereignty over Olympia’s sanctuary and the games. Thus, administration of the sanctuary was taken over by the Pisates before 676 BC, following campaigns in which they were supported by the Arcadians, the Messenians, and Argos’ king, Pheidon.11 The sovereignty of the sanctuary remained with the Pisates until the end of the 7th century BC, when the kings of Pisa were Pantaleon and Damophon.

Herodotus, 4: 148; 7,1,33-42; Apollodorus, III, 8,1; Strabo 8: 3,3-3,20. Details of Elis’ history come from: Arapoyanni 2001a: 17-27; 2009: 7-13; Gialouris 1972: 4-7; 2000: 100; Ramou 1982: 46-47. Also, Roy 2004: 489-504; Nielsen 2004: 540546, with bibliography. 5 Kaukon was Lykaon’s son and Pelasgus’s grandson. Apollodorus, III, 8,1; Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus, 38-39; Strabo 8: 3,1 and 3,3. 6 Herodotus, 4: 148. Also, Nakasis 2004: 34. The name Triphylia refers to the three tribes of the Minyans, Pylians, and Epeians, who lived in the region of Kaukones. 7 Pausanias V,3,6-7. Prinz 1979: 252-313. 8 The first synoecism in Elis took place after the return of the Dorians and the sovereignty of Oxylos over the area (Pausanias V,4,2). See also Strabo 8,3,2. 9 Pausanias V, 4,6. Lazaridis 1971: 477. 10 For Pisatis, see Roy 2002: 229-247. 11 Sakellariou 1971: 223. 4

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Chapter 2. Elis At the beginning of the 6th century BC the government of Elis changed from monarchy to a strict oligarchy; a general reorganisation of the state followed.12 In light of the new circumstances, but also with the help of Sparta, Elis defeated Pisa and finally took control of the sanctuary c. 570 BC. The Pisates made an attempt to take the sanctuary back in 464 BC, but without success. In 471 BC the second synoecism of the city of Elis occurred, bringing changes also to the sanctuary of Olympia.13 In 420 BC Elis was invaded the Spartans, who limited their territories. However, some years later, in 395 BC, the Eleians allied with the Spartans against the Corinthians. The Spartans were defeated after the battle of Leuktra in 373 BC and the Eleians took the opportunity to retake their lands, allying with the Arcadians, Boeotians, and Argives. A war between Elis and Arcadia followed, where the Arcadians managed to take the sanctuary from the Eleians and gave it to the Pisates. They organised the games of 364 BC, but they were unable to maintain control and the sovereignty of the sanctuary passed again to Elis, who retained it until the Roman period.14 Catalogue of Elis (Tables 3, 4; Maps 1, 1B, 2, 3, 4) The territory of Elis was in antiquity much smaller than today. To the north, the border of Elis and Achaia was marked by the River Larissos and the mountains of Santameriotika. To the east, the region of Elis reached Alipheira and Phigaleia, the border being the River Erymanthos; to the south, the border with Messenia was the River Neda.15 Unlike Arcadia, which had many cult places, excavations in Elis have brought to light only a small number of sanctuaries. The sacred places of Elis were concentrated in antiquity in two major centres – Olympia and Elis. The rest of the territory has revealed only sporadic sacred sites, covering all the periods. i. Elian sanctuaries that can be dated a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Olympia16 The oldest cults and sacred places in Elis, around Olympia, are known from the 11th century BC; they were mainly dedicated to female deities with a strong chthonian character.17

Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,2, col. 2390. For the synoecism: Strabo 8,3,2; Baitinger and Eder 2001: 189, and n. 111; Eder and Mitsopoulos-Leon 1999: 1-2; Roy 2009: 249-264. 14 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,2, col. 2397-2403. 15 Strabo 8,3,1. 16 The only altars of Olympia mentioned in this study are those that are dated in the first years of the sanctuary’s life. The later altars that were used for sacrifices before the games do not help in drawing conclusions about the beginnings of the cult in the area. 17 Eder 2001: 240; Rambach 2002: 192; Kyrieleis 2006: 35. 12

13

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese A principal feature of sacred Olympia is the black stratigraphic layer found over most of the archaeological site. The dating of this black layer ranges between the 11th and 7th centuries BC; it is the result of the Kladeos river flooding. Τhe river changed its flow over Olympia at least twice during antiquity, its waters leaving a deposition of a black alluvium layer. This layer, deposited on top of the local sands, consisted of dark earth and black ash, charcoal, and very small pieces of burned animal bones. It also contained the remains of a great quantity of Geometric terracotta, bronze figurines of people and animals, and other fragments of ceramic vessels. The finds date from the sub-Mycenaean to the early Archaic periods, more precisely from the late 11th to the late 7th century. Caution is needed with the finds and their dates as the objects could easily have been deposited here from other areas, washed in by the overflowing waters of the Kladeos.18 Sanctuary of Pelops (E6) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 13,1-2. References: Dörpfeld 1935; for the research at the tomb, see Rambach 2002: 180-181; for the newer excavations, see Kyrieleis 2006: 3-25; Vikatou 2012. The cult of the local hero Pelops has its roots in Mycenaean times.19 According to Pausanias, in the altis, to the right of the entrance to Zeus’ temple, there was a temenos where the Eleians honoured Pelops above all the other heroes. The entrance to the temenos was at the west, a fact that fits the chthonian character of the cult.20 The excavations brought to light a tomb surrounded by a stone perivolos, thus creating an artificial monument.21 The first findings from the site are dated to the early Helladic, c. 2500 BC.22 Later, c. 2200 BC, apsidal houses were built close to the Pelopion.23 The construction of the first Pelopion is dated between the Middle Helladic and the Protogeometric.24 As over most of Olympia, a black layer of earth deposited by the River Kladeos before the 7th century BC covers the site. This layer contains many Geometric votives. Even if the Pelopion was covered by the Kladeos, it is clear that its top was visible and remained in use, perhaps made more significant as a sacred site by these flooding events. When the river waters subsided, the cult continued at the same point, a fact that indicates the Dorian custom of worshipping their earliest heroes.25 It should be stressed that there is a chronological gap in the finds around the Pelopion between the end of the Mycenaean and the Protogeometric periods. One explanation Bourke 2018: 34; Kyrieleis 2002: 216-217; 2006: 42; Taita 2015: 129-130. It was believed that Pelops arrived in the area that now bears his name in Mycenaean times, as an invader from Asia Minor. Thucydides, I,9,2; Stubbings 1963, vol. II: 15. 20 Papachatzis (1994: 263, n. 7) notes that in every chthonian cult temenos ‘the entrance was at the west, while in the temples of the celestial gods at the east’. For the philosophical dimension of the separation E-W, see Lloyd 1933: 37-38. 21 Pindar writes about Pelops’ in Olympionikoi I, 150; X, 30. Kyrieleis (2002: 219-220) suggests that the cult there was not necessarily fixed on Pelops. Doubts about the nature of the cult during the early years have been expressed also by Sinn (2004: 68-71). He wonders if Pelops was worshipped alone or together with Zeus. 22 Fittschen 1996: 13; Kyrieleis 2002: 215. 23 These apsidal houses have been excavated below and around the Pelopion and are dated to Prehistoric times; they are the first buildings constructed in the area. Dörpfeld 1935: 16, fig. 3 Gialouris 1972: 8; Kyrieleis 2006: 27. Also, Kyrieleis 2002: 217-218. 24 Dörpfeld (1935: 36-37; 122-123) dates the Pelopion I to the 13th century BC. See also Herrmann 1962: 19. Mallwitz (1988: 79-109) does not agree with the existence of a Prehistoric phase for the Pelopion (I), believing that it might have been constructed after the disappearance of the black flood layer at Olympia. 25 See also Herrmann 1972: 55, n. 179. 18

19

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Chapter 2. Elis for this is the diversion of the Kladeos, which for some time crossed the sacred site of Olympia and buried or destroyed the previous finds. Alternatively, Herrmann (1987a: 152) believes that the absence of finds in a place does not mean its abandonment, but could signify that the ritual practices at this time were simplified and did not leave material remains.26 Further research should clarify this. The discovery of further Mycenaean and Protogeometric finds over recent years has reduced the chronological gap.27 The movable Geometric finds are scattered around the site. These are mainly fragments of votive figurines, in terracotta or bronze (e.g. a figurine of a bull, a fragment of a horse figurine, a figurine depicting Zeus, also bronze figurines of bulls and horses, indicating the cult of Pelops).28 A newer Archaic monument, Pelopion ΙΙ, was constructed to highlight the earlier cult site and its tradition.29 This consisted solely of an emphasised stone perivolos to make it stand out clearly as a temenos. In Classical times a further perivolos was added in the shape of an irregular pentagon, with its entrance in the southwest corner, around the earlier circular construction. A Doric stone propylon was constructed at the end of the 5th century BC.30 Cult of Hera (E1) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC/ ROMAN Sources: Pausanias V, 17,1. References: Curtius and Adler 1892; 1897; Herrmann 1962: 3-34; Mallwitz 1966: 310-376; 1972. Also, Gruben 2000: 62-67; Moustaka 2002a: 30-15; 2002b: 199-205. The cult of Hera was one of the early cults in Olympia and is dated to the 9th century BC. In this early period the rituals took place in the open.31 A black layer of earth with Geometric finds (terracotta and bronze votives) found underneath the Archaic temple justifies this dating.32 Some researchers believe that the numbers of votives depicting Hera are insufficient to prove the cult at such an early date.33 The first temple of Hera was constructed in the middle of the 7th century BC. This monument was hekatompedos, without a peristasis and opisthodomos, a shape that was maintained in the In contrast, Kyrieleis (2011: 22) suggests that there was a gap of about 1000 years in the area of the Pelopion, between the 19th and 11th centuries BC. The existence of the ruins was the reason for a new cult in the same place. 27 Herrmann 1987a: 159; 1987b: 436. 28 Heilmeyer 1972: 100, no. 51; 103, no. 81; 115, no. 197; 1979: 199, no. 4; 5; 7; 202, no. 42, 46, 51, 53; Kyrieleis 2006: 84-85. For more details on the clay and bronze finds, see the catalogues of finds in Heilmeyer 1972: 96-120; 1979: 199-272. 29 Antonaccio 1995: 170; Fittschen 1996: 13. 30 Dörpfeld 1935: 123; Mallwitz 1972: 97; 136, fig. 106; Vikatou 2012. 31 According to Gialouris (1972: 5), there is a possibility that the cult of Hera began under the influence of Argos, when, in 676 BC, the Pisates retook the sanctuary of Olympia with the help of Pheidon of Argos. 32 Heilmeyer 1972: 89; 1979: 19-24; Herrmann 1962: 14; Mallwitz 1972: 41; Mallwitz and Herrmann 1980: 30-50. 33 Moustaka 2002a: 302; Sinn 2004: 81. The female figurines found are naked, an iconographical type that does not belong to Hera, but more likely to fertility deities (e.g. Rhea, Gaia, Eileithyia), who were worshipped earlier in the same area. Fuchs (2006: 627), on the other hand, suggests that the cult of Hera at Olympia is very old, and that the Geometric bronze and clay horse figurines found there prove the existence of an early cult of Hera Hippia or Poseidon Hippios. 26

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese later building.34 The first building was made of sun-dried bricks, but we have no information about the construction method.35 The second temple was erected c. 600 BC, and in which Hera was worshipped jointly with Zeus.36 The temple was Doric peripteral, with a peristasis of 6 x 16 columns, and was orientated E-W. The dimensions were 50 m x 18.75 m. Still visible today are the lower parts of the walls, formed of shelly limestone; the higher parts, made of sun-dried bricks, are lost.37 The roof was made of Laconian terracotta tiles.38 Wood was the main material used for the interior, with stone replacing the wooden columns as they decayed. When Pausanias (V,16,1) visited, at least one wooden oak column remained. The Heraion represents clearly the evolution of the Doric capital, from the earlier to the newer type.39 The temple featured of cella, a long pronaos (4.85 m), and opisthodomos (5.52 m). No central colonnade existed, but two colonnades of eight columns that divided the cella into three aisles, to allow the cult statue to be freely visible. Behind every second column stood five pessoi, inner supports for the walls. It is believed that the temple’s overall appearance was not particularly impressive as the columns were not high and the temple as a whole, with its roof, looked like a massive block.40 Many Laconian clay tiles and round acroteria have survived, making the reconstruction relatively easy. The Palaistra revealed a limestone head of Hera that could have come from her cult statue, or from part of the architectural decoration of the temple.41 Some reparations occurred in the Classical period took place, involving the replacement of the wooden parts that had perished over time. After the construction of the temple of Zeus this temple was dedicated exclusively to Hera, continuing in use into the Hellenistic and Roman periods, until the 3rd century AD. Altar of Hera (E7) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias V, 14,8. References: Dörpfeld 1935: 186-187; Herrmann and Moustaka 2013: 100-128; Mallwitz 1966: 310376; 1972.

Pausanias (V,17,1) refers to the existence of cult statues of the two gods. Moustaka (2002a: 306-307) suggests that the cult of Hera was introduced to the temple later (in the middle of the 5th century BC), and initially the temple of Hera was dedicated to Zeus, and, later, when the new temple of Zeus was constructed, he was retained for the cult of Hera. Fuchs (2006: 627), however, holds that the large numbers of Geometric horse figurines found in the black deposition layer around the altar of Hera and the Pelopion cannot be anything other than votives to Hera Hippia or Poseidon Hippios. 35 Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 223. 36 Pausanias (V,16,1) mentions that the temple was constructed by the Skillountians from Triphylia, eight years after the beginning of the reign of Oxylos in Elis. For theories about the co-worshipping of the two gods, see Arafat 1995: 467. 37 Foteinos 1982: 37. 38 This, in relation to the existence of stone columns and a structure with sun-dried bricks on a stone base, indicates the beginnings of Doric architecture. 39 Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 224. 40 Tomlinson 1976: 58. 41 Mallwitz 1972: 143; 146; 147; fig. 117; Mallwitz and Herrmann 1980: 136-137, 145. 34

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Chapter 2. Elis The first altar of Hera was formed from the ashes of the animals that were sacrificed to the goddess (the altar of Zeus was created in the same way). Above it was built the Geometric altar, and later the Archaic version, which is the one we know today. This was built in the 6th century BC, in the same period as the Heraion. It was a small, rectangular construction, made from soft limestone (poros), with a length of 5.80 m and a width of 3.5 m. Sanctuary of Eileithyia and Sosipolis (E4) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VΙ, 20, 2-6. References: Curtius and Adler 1897: 75; Herrmann 1962: 6-8; Kyrieleis 2002: 213-220; Mallwitz 1972: 156-159. Also, Papachatzis 1994: 374, n. 1. The sanctuary of Eileithyia and Sosipolis, placed between the Cronion and the Treasury, was, according to Herrmann, one of the oldest cults in the whole region.42 Its first phase was Mycenaean, but new research has shown that between the Mycenaean and the Protogeometric periods, when the River Kladeos had changed its course and covered the whole area, there was a further habitation phase. This suggests there was no direct, sequential continuation of the cult. The Geometric temple was an almost square unit (2.74 m x 2.84 m) divided into two rooms, one for the worship of Eileithyia and the other for Sosipolis. It was still in use in the Archaic period. Sanctuary of Aphrodite Urania (E10) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 20,6. References: Herrmann 1972: 31. West of the sanctuary of Eileithyia (E4), Pausanias refers to the ruins of the sanctuary of Aphrodite Urania. The goddess’ origin was Prehellenic and the sanctuary was a very old cult. Some traces of Archaic walls have been found. Altar of Heracles Idaios (E11) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 14,7. References: Dörpfeld 1935: 111-116; Herrmann 1962: 8; Mallwitz 1972: 158. West of the Treasury of Sikyon, south of Eileithyia’s temple, there was an altar to Heracles Idaios. At the lowest level of the altar excavations a circular marlstone foundation was found that enclosed a cylindrical block. According to W. Dörpfeld, this altar should be dated to the 9th century BC, its use being related to the cult in the Ideon cave. In the 6th century BC the altar underwent some restorations. One reconstruction event took place in the Classical period and it was transformed from the circular shape of the previous phases into a square; a prothysis for the priests was added on the west side. 42

See also Robert 1893: 37-45.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Temple of Zeus (E2) CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias V, 10,1-12,7. References: Gialouris 1972; Herrmann 1972; Mallwitz 1972. Also, Barringer 2005: 211-241; Kyrieleis 2006; 2011; Patay-Horvath 2015; Pedley 2005: 122-130; 2015: 19-37, with bibliography. The cult of Zeus in Olympia is dated to the 10th century BC, but the first temple of Zeus was built in the Classical period. As mentioned above, it is believed that during the Archaic period Zeus was co-worshipped with Hera in her temple. His temple was constructed between c. 471-456 BC by the architect Libon, the Eleian. The bulk of its material came from the spoils remaining after the destruction wreaked by Pisa during its against the Eleians (472 BC).43 The temple was Doric peripteral, with a peristasis of 6 x 13 columns, dimensions 64.12 m x 27.68 m, and orientated E-W. The material was shelly limestone, covered by a fine lime mortar; the roof of Parian marble. It had a pronaos, opisthodomos, and cella, which was divided into three aisles by two rows of double-storeyed colonnades, each with seven columns. Libon identified a ‘rule’ for the temple showing that the proportions of the parts of the temple were in consistent ratios with each other.44 The temple was reconstructed using Pentelic marble after the earthquake of 373 BC.45 It had a ramp on the east side that served as an entrance point. At the period of its construction, it was thought to be the largest temple in the Greek world.46 Marble sculpture, inspired by the local myths (e.g. Pelops, the battle of the Lapiths and the Centaurs, the Labours of Heracles) decorated the pediments and the twelve metopes. Inside stood the chryselephantine cult statue of Zeus, wrought by Pheidias and his assistant, Kolotes of Elis, in 430 BC; it was hailed as one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world. It depicted Zeus sitting and holding a golden Nike in his right hand and a sceptre in his left, on which perched an eagle. He was crowned with an olive wreath. The base and the statue’s throne were decorated with gold, ivory, precious stones, and ebony. The figure of Zeus was seven times life size, and its dimensions were such that it was said that if the god were to stand up then he would lift the roof.47 Altar of Zeus (E8) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 13,8-11. References: Kourou 1985: 58; Mallwitz 1972: 42-43. Also, Adler et al. 1892: 210-214; Papachatzis 1994: 265-266, n. 2; Romano and Voyatzis 2021: 1-25.

Foteinos 1982: 42. For example, the length of the temple was 200 Doric ‘podes’, the height of the columns corresponded to two intercolumns, the width of the abacus was equal to half an intercolumn, and generally many of the dimensions were multiples of the Doric ‘pous’. See Cunningham and Reich 2006, vol. 1: 82; Dinsmoor 1928: 151-152; 222; Grupico 2008: 214-215; Mastrapas 1994: 96; Morris 1992: 343; Sparkes 1994: 3-4. 45 Foteinos 1982: 43; Tomlinson 1976: 62. 46 Tomlinson 1976: 61. 47 Strabo 8,3,30. For depictions of Pheidias’ statue on coins, see Lacroix 1949: 262, tab. 22: 7-9. 43 44

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Chapter 2. Elis The earliest finds from the altar of Zeus are dated c. 1000 BC. The altar was located in the triangle between the Heraion, Pelopion, and Metroon. It was an ash altar similar to Zeus’ on Mt Lykaion (A55). The location of the altar, north of the sacred Altis and close to the oldest cults, reveals that the cult of Zeus was also an old and prominent one. Even later, when the temple of Zeus itself was built further south, the altar remained in this place, relatively far from the new temple. Although this is somewhat unusual for ancient temples, it is another sign of its age and how much it was venerated. Among the votive finds were tripods, dating to the beginning of the 10th century BC, and male figurines.48 The temple complex was particularly prosperous in the Classical period. The main cult of Zeus took place here, with the temple in use only for displaying the great cult statue. Pausanias describes the altar as he found it in the 2nd century AD. According to this description, the altar stood c. 6.5 m high.49 The animals were sacrificed on the lower, stone level (‘prothysis’), and then the priest climbed to the upper level, which was made of ash, and burned the thighs of the sacrificed animals. The altar was high, enabling those assembled in the altis to watch the sacrifice. Women had access only to the lower stone part of the altar during those times when their entrance to Olympia was allowed; only men were allowed to step on the upper ash-made part. Sacrifices were not only performed on the altar during the games, but at any time and by whoever wanted to. To restore the altar a special ritual was performed. On the 19th day of the month of Elaphios (one of the last days of March), the priests mixed ash from the altar with water from the Alpheios, making a paste, and daubed the exterior of the altar with this to solidify it.50 Altar of Hestia (E5) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 14,4. References: Kontis 1958; Papachatzis 1994: 268, n. 3. During the Olympic games, the Eleians followed a ritual with sacrifices on several altars. The first altar was that of Hestia. Pausanias describes an altar of Hestia at Prytaneion, which should be dated to the 5th century BC. There is a possibility that an older altar of Hestia was in the southeast part of the sacred area.51 Sanctuary of Demeter Chamyne (E29) CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias VI, 21,1. References: Liagouras 2007: 429-431; 2007-2008: 61-73. According to Kourou (1985: 40), the main difference to the Mycenean period consists is that the figurines are no longer female, indicates changes in the cult practices, but they still have a traditional body posture, with the hands raised, as in the previous period. 49 When Pausanias visited the site, the altar would have been much higher than in the Classical period. 50 Pausanias (V, 13,11) stresses that it was not allowed to prepare this paste with water from anywhere else; the Alpheios was considered as river most dear to Zeus. According to Weniger (1906: 9), the reason water from the Alpheios was preferred for this daub was that in this period (early Spring) the snowmelt from the mountains around and the river included material that made the altar more stable. 51 This altar is also mentioned by Xenophon (Hellenica 7,4,31). 48

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese In the Hippodrome of Olympia, Pausanias writes of the existence of a sanctuary dedicated to Demeter Chamyne. Part of this sanctuary has been found recently in a rescue excavation by the local Antiquities Service, at the end of the north side of the hippodrome. It was a quadrilateral building, with dimensions of c. 5.85 m x 5.55 m and orientated E-W. The interior of the building contained Doric columns dated to the 5th century BC, and a drum without flutes, 0.49 m in diameter, which stood on a shelly limestone, that was probably an altar. Many fragmentary figurines, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic, have been recovered. Most of the anthropomorphic figurines are female; all are standing. Among the animal figurines are representations of oxen and pigs, which were traditionally used as votives at the sanctuaries of Demeter. There have also been finds of masks of Seilenoi, and theatrical masks that linked Dionysus to Demeter as fertility gods. Special finds include a double-headed Cerberus, and two daemonic creatures sitting on their forefeet.52 One had on its breast the inscription [ΔΑ] ΜΑΤΡΙ ΚΟΡ[Α] [ΒΑ]ΣΙΛΕΙ interpreted as ‘To Demeter, to Kore, to the King’ (i.e. with Poseidon or Hades as king).53 This confirms the chthonian cult of Demeter in the sanctuary. According to the finds, the temple was still in use in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Roman finds include tiles, indicating a reconstruction of the temple in this period, as well as cooking vessels and coins. Altar of Demeter Chamyne (E28) CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 20,9. References: Foteinos 1982: 35; Kunze 1961-1962: 107-124. Pausanias describes an altar of Demeter Chamyne in the stadium of Olympia. A Hellenistic altar was recovered, but the excavator believes that there was also an earlier altar to the goddess, slightly displaced in relation to the Hellenistic one. The altar was used by her priestess to watch the Olympic Games. She was the only woman with the right to be in the stadium and watch the games. The altar was at the north slope of the stadium, opposite the platform reserved for the officials, and west of the Stand of the Hellanodikai. It was elongated and constructed of light-coloured limestone. Sanctuary and Oracle of Gaia (E9) GEOMETRIC Sources: Pausanias V, 14,10. References: Dörpfeld 1935; Herrmann 1962: 10, 12, n. 40; 1972: 29. The sanctuary and oracle of Gaia, the so-called ‘Gaio’, refers to a very old cult centre that existed even before the cult of Zeus in the area.54 It was a fissure were two altars were placed– an ash altar dedicated to Gaia, and another for Themis. According to W. Dörpfeld, there was also a nearby spring, which was reconstructed at the time of Herodes Atticus. When Zeus

Liagouras 2007-2008: 68-69, fig. 17, 19-20. SEG 57: 405. 54 According to Hönle (1968: 16), the oracle of Gaia is dated to the 2nd millennium BC. Dörpfeld (1935: 64) believed that the oracle should be dated earlier than the middle of the 2nd millennium BC. 52 53

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Chapter 2. Elis became the main deity at the site he also took control of the oracle.55 As the years passed, Olympia lost its status as an influential oracle, the Games predominating. It is very likely that the oracle was located on the small hill north of the Heraion and southwest of the Cronion, where a stone ramp of two phases has been excavated; the second and more recent has been destroyed by a Roman supportive wall.

Kombothekra Temple of Artemis Limnatis (E14) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Brulotte 2002: 181; Gregarek 1998: 75-102; Müller 1908: 323-326; Sinn 1981: 25-71; Solima 2011: 123-125. At Kombothekra, a short distance from Olympia, 9th-century BC finds have been recovered from the site where the later temple of Artemis Limnatis was constructed. The cult of Artemis Limnatis here was as old as the cult of Hera at Olympia, as the large number of Geometric offerings found there indicates.56 Most finds come from an earth deposition outside the temple and they have strong similarities to figurines of the same age found at Olympia, a possible indication that adherents were provided with votives from the same workshops. During the Geometric period bulls and horses predominate. These types were manufactured in the early Geometric period, remaining in use until its end. They represented the wish of the dedicatee to place his property under the protection of the goddess. Anthropomorphic votives were used only in the late Geometric period, where, except for a horsewoman, no other female figurines were found. Another category of figurines depicts snakes, common votives at other sanctuaries of Artemis.57 The cult continued to a lesser extent in the Archaic period. Although it is clear that the goddess was already being worshipped here in the Geometric period, the temple that has been excavated is only of a 5th-century date. The hypothesis for the existence of a previous cult site is based on the proto-Archaic tiles and movable finds. Of interest is an Archaic bronze mirror, on whose handle was a dedicatory inscription to Artemis Limnatis.58 In this period, as distinct from the Geometric, the finds depict mainly female standing figures or portrait heads. It seems that in the Archaic period it was of great importance to represent the face of the dedicator or the goddess. Analysis shows that the methods of production changed: they were no longer handmade, the head requiring a mould. Although they were produced in local workshops, foreign influences are visible in way the votives were made.

Strabo 8: 353. For the oracle, see also Drees 1967: 25; Friese 2010: 147. The coexistence of the cult of Gaia and Zeus was not unknown in antiquity. According to Pausanias (III, 11,9) the agora at Sparta had a sanctuary of Gaia and Zeus Agoraios (see Wide 1893: 7). 56 20% of the finds from the temple of Artemis Limnatis date to the Geometric. 57 Gregarek 1998: 76, n. 2. 58 Müller 1908: 323-326; Sinn 1981: 29, fig. I. 55

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Late Archaic figurines have been found in the adyton, whereas the Geometric finds are from concentrations of earth outside the temple. According to the research, the production of clay votives was transferred in the next period to outside the temple, possibly because of their low material value, while the later votives, e.g. the bronzes, of higher material value, were stored in the adyton. The 5th-century temple of Artemis Limnatis was a Doric peripteral temple, orientated N-S, with pronaos, cella, and adyton.59 Its dimensions were 10.30 m x 16.80 m, similar in size to the Metroon of Olympia. The lower section was constructed of limestone and the upper parts of the walls sun-dried bricks. Among the finds inside the temple were two mirrors, bronze jewellery, miniature lead wreaths, small, female Archaic figurines, bronze animal figurines, snakes, a fragment of a lion associated with the ‘Persian Artemis’, and many vases, mainly Corinthian.60 The finds date from the Archaic to the Classical periods. There are also finds later than the 4th century BC. The cult of Artemis at Kombothekra continued until the Hellenistic period, as six fragments of relief cups from the 3rd/2nd century BC indicate.

Hill of Prophet Elias Sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia (E23) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias VI,5,6,6; Xenophon V,3, 4-13. References: Courbin 1954: 112-131; Solima 2011: 136-137. Exactly opposite Olympia, on the hill of Prophet Elias, perhaps ancient Skillountas, the French expedition has been discovered from the French expedition a temple that is believed to be the sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia. It was Doric with a length of 20,05m made of limestone. When Xenophon was exiled from Athens, the Lacedaemonians granted him the area of Skillountas to reside.61 He established there a sanctuary in honour of Artemis Ephesia, offering her part of the land granted to him.

Makrysia Temple of Zeus (E17) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Courbin 1954: 130; 1955: 202; Gialouris 1954: 290-298. Also, Moustaka 2002a: 304. The identification is based on an inscription on an Archaic mirror (ΗΙΑΡΟΝ ΑΡΤΑΜΙΤΟΣ ΛΙΜΝΑΤΙΟΣ), and a Classical omphalos phiale with the inscription ΑΡΤΕΜΙ ΠΟΛΕΜΑΡΧΙΣ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕ. SEG 31: 1981: 356 (a+b), (suppl. IG V2). The orientation N-S and the existence of an adyton make it similar to the temple of Apollo Epikourios (A1). See Sinn 178: 49. 60 Müller (1908: 325) suggests this form of Artemis is associated with depictions of the goddess on figurines followed by a lion, her sacred animal. Subsequent excavators searched for Müller’s 1908 finds but could not find it. 61 Xenophon was exiled by the Athenians c. 390 BC after his return from the expedition to Persia; he lived at Skillountas for 20 years. The area was granted to him by the Spartans, having themselves taken from the Eleians. In 370 BC there was another battle and the Spartans were defeated, following which Xenophon was expelled, spending his remaining years in Corinth. See Pausanias V, 6,5. 59

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Chapter 2. Elis At Babes (Makrysia) on the hill of Arnokataracho, 1.5 km from the modern village, an open-air cult of Zeus was established in the Archaic period. Finds have included early to late Archaic vases and an Archaic figurine of a female sitting figure. The first temple of Zeus was built at the beginning of the 5th century BC. It was Doric in form, 8.36 m x 4.55 m, and made of shelly limestone. A limestone inscription was found in the cella (ΤΟ ΔΙΟΣ), indicating the deity worshipped.62 The temple had a close relationship with a settlement uncovered on the northeast slope of the hill; this was inhabited from Geometric to Roman times, indicating that the temple was of local character, serving local needs.63 It seems that there were also some links with the neighbouring sanctuary of Olympia.

North bank of the Alpheios Unidentified temple (E24) CLASSICAL References: Dörpfeld 1913: 115; Sperling 1939: 77-89. On a hill above the north bank of the Alpheios, south of the village of Koukou, W. Dörpfeld found traces of a Prehistoric settlement, probably ancient Thryoessa, and the ruins of a Classical temple on the nearby mountain peak. These ruins are not visible today.

Epitalion Temple of Hera (E19) HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Themelis 1968a: 165-171. At ancient Epitalion there was an early Hellenistic temple dedicated to Hera (E19). This was a large, rectangular building (22 m x 13 m), orientated E-W. The finds included a 2nd-century AD pinakion with the inscription ΗΡΑ, indicating the dedication of the temple and confirming its date.64 In later periods, until the end of the 4th century AD, it was used as a storeroom for pithoi.

Letrinoi Temenos of Artemis Alpheiaia (E20) CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 22,8-11; Strabo 8, 3,12. References: Themelis 1967a: 210-212; 1968a: 165-171. The rectangular perivolos of a temenos of the 4th century BC was found on the hill of Aghios Georgios at Letrinoi; it is believed to be associated with Artemis Alpheiaia.65 SEG 52: 2002: 467; Gialouris 1954: 290; Moustaka 2002a: 307, 1. Gialouris 1956: 192; McDonald-Simpson 1969: 130; Moustaka 2002a: 304. 64 SEG 31: 1981: 355 (suppl. IG V2). 65 Pausanias mentions that he saw in the abandoned city of Letrinoi a temple with the statue of the goddess, while Strabo describes a grove dedicated to Artemis Alpheioussa at the mouth of the Alpheios. 62 63

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The temenos was still in use until the late Hellenistic period (2nd/1st century BC), when it was incorporated with buildings of this period.

Aspra Litharia Temple of Athena Meter (E21) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 3,2. References: Bon 1946: 21. An assemblage of blocks (8 m x 9.65 m) representing wall foundations was found at Aspra Litharia, near the village of Santameri. Following Pausanias, the excavator identified this feature with the temple of Athena Meter. The finds included Classical pottery, a column, a Corinthian capital, and a limestone Doric frieze with triglyphs and metopes.

Lepreon Temple of Demeter (E12) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias V, 5,6. References: Knell 1979: 53-59; 1983b: 113-143; Zachos 2011: 83-103. The first phase of the temple of Demeter at Lepreon is dated in the second half of the 7th century BC. The cella of the Classical building had remains of a limestone foundation probably belonging to the earlier Archaic temple. The Classical temple above the archaic cult building was erected in the second quarter of the 4th century BC. The temple was Doric peripteral, with a peristasis of 6 x11 columns. It was made from shelly limestone; its dimensions were 11.98 m x 21.69 m, and the orientation was E-W. It consisted of pronaos and cella, with no inner colonnade.66

Prasidaki Temple of Athena (E13) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Arapoyanni 1999a: 235-236; 2000: 274; Gialouris 1971: 245-251; 290-298. Also, Arapoyanni 2010a: 9-20, especially notes 1-3. A temple to Athena was constructed at Prasidaki, south of Olympia, north of ancient Lepreon, in the second half of the 7th century BC. The architectural fragments found indicate the existence of an important Archaic temple.

The layout of the temple without opisthodomos, as at Lepreon, was used in the same period for the temple of Dionysos at Eretria and the temple of Asclepius at Epidaurus, and in the late 4th century BC, for the temple of Zeus at Nemea, the temple of Apollo at Klaros, and the temple of Apollo Ptoios II in Boeotia. See Schmitt 1992: 79. 66

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Chapter 2. Elis Among the Archaic finds are many tiles and a fragmentary clay disc acroterion. The votives included a clay female figurine with a polos (7th century BC) and a bronze pin (6th century BC). The Classical temple was constructed in 480 BC. It was a Doric peripteral building (35.30 m x 15.85 m) with a peristasis of 6 x 13 columns and orientated N-S. It consisted of a prodomos, cella, and opisthodomos. The construction material was soft poros stone. Although not mentioned by the sources, based on the votive inscriptions its identification is almost certain. The finds included a bronze statuette of Athena (5th centuryBC), the rim of a bronze phiale with a votive inscription to Athena, and part of a rectangular limestone fragment from the pronaos inscribed ΑΘΑΝΑΙ, all confirming the deity worshipped.67 b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Olympia Metroon (E3) GEOMETRIC / CLASSICAL / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias V, 20,9 References: Dörpfeld 1935; Herrmann 1962: 15; Mallwitz 1972. Also, Furtwängler 1890: 4. A cult of Rhea, the Mother of the Gods, took place east of the temple of Hera, in front of the Treasury of the Sikionians, at the south pteron of the Cronion. Burning layers and sacrifices dated to the Geometric confirm the early cult. The many finds include zoomorphic and anthropomorphic clay figurines, many bronze animals, and some early bronze human figurines, many small tripods and parts of larger ones, pins, armbands, necklaces, wheels, small rings, arrow heads and spears.68 The first temple, the Metroon, was constructed in the first decade of the 4th century BC. It was a relatively small building (10.62 m x 20.67 m), in Doric order, with a prodomos, opisthodomos, and a peristasis with 6 x 11 Doric columns. The Metroon is the smallest peripteral temple at Olympia, and one of the smallest in general.69 According to W. Dörpfeld, the Metroon was built to represent the ‘cave of Ida’, reflecting a Prehistoric cult that went back to the Mycenaean period, the cave being where Rhea gave birth to Zeus. The Metroon continued in use until the Roman period, being then transformed into a temple for the cult of Augustus, featuring statues of the Roman emperors,70 including an enormous representation of Octavian Augustus in the cella.71

For the phiale, see SEG 49: 1999: 489. Arapoyanni 1997a: 235-236; 2010: 10. According to the excavator, c. 30 m northwest of the temple a find was made of part of a bronze vessel (M1687) with an inscribed text on the upper surface of the rim – ΑΘΑΝΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΙΟΙ ΑΡΙΟΥΝΤΙΑΣ ΑΝΕΘΕΚΕ. See also Arapoyanni 1999a: 167-172. For the limestone inscription, see SEG 46: 1996: 448; SEG 47: 1997: 441 (suppl. IG V2); Arapoyanni 2000: 274; 2010a: 16 and tab. 6: 3. 68 For catalogues of the finds, see Heilmeyer 1972: 96-120; 1979: 199-272. 69 Schmitt 1992: 92. 70 Mastrapas 1994: 131. 71 Hitzl 1991: 25-29. 67

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Skillountia72 Temple of Athena Makistos (E15) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Strabo, 8: 3,13. References: Gialouris 1960: 174-176; Nakasis 2004; Trianti 1978: 125-129; 1979: 132-137; 1980: 115-119; 1981: 190-193; 1983: 167-168; Walter 1940: 235-237. Traces of an Archaic altar indicating an open-air cult of Athena were found in the modern village of Skillountia (formerly Mazi). No traces of a temple have been found dating to this early period.73 An excavation uncovered the ruins of a Doric temple of Athena Makistos dated c. 500 BC.74 Its dimensions were 34.50 m x 15.79 m and it was orientated E-W. It was peripteral in antis, with 6 x 13 columns on its peristasis, and consisted of a prodomos, opisthodomos, and cella, alongside which was a double inner colonnade. The crepis and foundations were made of shelly limestone; the walls and entablature were similarly of the same material but covered with stucco. The marble pediments featured scenes from the Amazonomachy and the Gigantomachy. The identification of the temple came from a bronze inscription that contained a decree of the Triphylian Koinon and referring to the name of the goddess and the city. It was written during the period of independence of the Triphylian cities (400-367 BC) in the Elian dialect.75 Among finds were parts of the pedimental sculptures, iron spear points, bronze arrowheads, one folding mirror, a small bronze weight in the shape of a cone, a rosette sheet from the decoration of the inner side of a shield, a bronze handle, parts of clay figurines, parts of lamps, black-figured and unpainted vases, and sherds.

Makrysia Sanctuary of a female deity (E18) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Gialouris 1954: 290-298; Themelis 1968b: 284-292. A sanctuary of a female deity was located in Makrysia (Kambouli), 3 km southwest of Olympia, in the 6th century BC; an almost square pit was found there in an excavation of 1954. This pit contained a range of small vessels (krateriskoi, amphoriskoi, small lekythoi, hydriai), Attic black- and red-figured vases (mainly lekythoi), other types of Elian lekythoi and clay The area belongs to the modern town of Skillountia, which is not identified with ancient Skillountas, further west. See Nakasis 2004: 27, fig. 1; Trianti 1985: 17. 73 The only find that belongs to the second half of the 6th century BC is an Archaic bronze votive figurine of Artemis with the inscription ΧΙΜΑΡΙΔΑΣ ΤΑΙ ΔΑΙΔΑΛΕΙΑΙ. Based on this, Meyer (1957: 46) suggests that the temple was dedicated to Artemis Daidaleia. Today this figurine is in Boston. See Jeffery 1961: 191, tab. 39, no. 67; Trianti 1985: 25, and n. 60; SEG 16: 1959: 284 (suppl. IG VI). 74 For the identification of the temple, see Trianti 1985: 26. For the dating, Nakasis 2004: 270-271. It can be considered late Archaic/Classical. It is classified as a Classical temple for the greatest part of its active life, as most of the finds come from this period. 75 With its peculiarity of rhotacism. For the inscription, see SEG 35: 1985: 389. Nakasis 2004: 33. 72

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Chapter 2. Elis statuettes, heads of female figurines with polos and arms placed on the breast. The largest of these were local products, c. 0.20 m high, dating to the Archaic and Classical periods. Other finds included fragments of statues (smaller than life size), and bronze bracelets and snakelike earrings. There is a characteristic absence of male figurines. Going by the finds, the pit is linked to a sanctuary of a female deity, probably Artemis; this is unconfirmed, however, but the finds of miniature vases indicate the cult of a female deity at the site.76 All the finds date from the middle of the 6th to the 4th century BC, when the cult was abandoned. Among the later Classical finds stand out some small black- and red-figured vases, clay female statuettes, heads of female figures with polos, and bronze, snake-shaped earrings.

Elis Temple of Aphrodite Urania (E26) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 25,1. References: Papachatzis 1994: 404, n. 7; Tritsch 1932: 70, n. 8. Also, Pilz 2020a: 110-116. From Pausanias we know of the existence of a temple to Aphrodite Urania in Elis. The traveller informs us that Phidias wrought a chryselephantine cult statue for the goddess, depicted standing on a turtle.77 A part of the wall of the temple’s perivolos has been located above the Corcyraean Stoa. Its interior contained a bothros with various finds, mostly terracotta votives, an Archaic bronze inscription, and an exceptional assemblage of 40 clay heads, up to life size. These finds identify the cult as that of Aphrodite.78

Platiana Unidentified temple (E16) HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Arapoyanni 2007b: 18; Rohn and Heiden 2009: 351-352, and n. 16. An ancient city has been excavated on the acropolis of Platiana, on Mt Lapithas. Surrounded by a row of walls and earth embankments, its plan is trapezoidal. More specifically, the whole area was divided into eight terraces, each dedicated to certain city functions. One of these terraces has associated with a temple (E16) because of constructions of a sacred nature that have been found there. Unfortunately, the information we have for this area is very limited. It is possible that this was the ancient city Typaneai, which flourished from late Classical to Roman times.

Themelis (1968b: 284-292) suggests that the finds support the idea that the pit belonged to a sanctuary of Artemis. For the statue, see Froning 2005: 285-294. 78 Karo 1914: 137-140. According to the excavator, there are many indications that the temple was dedicated to Aphrodite, however some of the finds, e.g. a figurine of Artemis and figurines of pigs, speak against such an identification. 76 77

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources

Olympia Cult of Cronus (ES5) GEOMETRIC Source: Pausanias VI, 20,1. At Olympia, on the sacred Hill of Cronius, at a prominent point, the very old cult of Cronus was celebrated. This was even older than that of Zeus, and is considered as the oldest cult in general.79 According to Pausanias (VI, 20,1), here were performed sacrifices in honour of Cronus during the Spring Equinox. Unfortunately, no traces of this altar have come to light.80 Hippodameion (ES6) GEOMETRIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 20,7. The Hippodameion was a sanctuary dedicated to Hippodameia, Oinomaos’ daughter and Pelops’ wife; it was contemporaneous with the Pelopion. Although Pausanias mentions it as being west of Zeus’ temple, this has not been confirmed by any excavation. According to the traveller, women performed cult practices and sacrifices in her honour there once a year.

Phrixa Cult of Artemis Kordax (ES11) GEOMETRIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 22,1. The cult of Artemis Kordax at Phrixa seems to have been very ancient.81 Pausanias describes the existence of the sanctuary ‘one stadion’ from the tomb of the Suitors of Hippodameia.82 The sanctuary probably had a rural character. ii. Elian sanctuaries of questionable date a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Makrysia Temple of Zeus (E22) References: Papathanasopoulos 1970a: 191-196.

Herrmann 1987a: 157. Pausanias (V, 7,6) mentions Olympia had a temple for Cronus before Zeus’ birth, erected by the people of ‘the golden race’ who lived before humans were created. 80 This altar was probably for a common cult of Cronus and Rhea (Herrmann 1962: 3). 81 For Phrixa, see Hansen 2004: 545. 82 Pausanias describes the site (VI, 21: 9-11) where Oinomaos placed the dead suitors of his daughter, Hippodameia, and where Pelops founded a burial monument and performed yearly enagismoi. 79

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Chapter 2. Elis A wall made of rough stones (‘argos lithos’) came to light during trial excavations on the left bank of the Alpheios at Makrysia; it was orientated E-W and thought probably to belong to a temple of Zeus. Associated finds included votive objects (25 masks, vases), hydriai, craters, lekythoi, small bronze objects, and some coins depicting Zeus and Hera.83 The most important find was part of a soft (poros) fragment of limestone with the inscription ΔΙΟ[Σ], attesting to a Zeus cult at the site. b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Elis Sacred perivolos of Hades (E27) Sources: Pausanias VI, 25: 2-3. References: Papachatzis 1994: 396; Pilz 2020a: 122-126. Pausanias mentions in Elis a sacred perivolos and a temple of Hades, south of the stoa of Hellanodikai and southwest of the agora. Only traces of walls have been found at the site however.84 Temple of Dionysus (E25) Sources: Pausanias VI, 26: 1-2. References: Mitsopoulos-Leon 2009: 50; Pochmarski 1980: 59. Also, Pilz 2020a: 62-67. Pausanias describes a temple of Dionysus close to the theatre of Elis. During excavations in the area some walls were traced that were considered as possibly belonging to it. c. Sacred places known only from written sources

Olympia Among the other sacred sites of Olympia was an altar of Zeus Apomyios (ES3: Paus.V, 14,1).

Phrixa In the ruined city of Phrixa, Pausanias saw the temple of Athena Kydonia (ES4: Paus.VI, 21,6). He was told there that Klymenos had erected the temple for Athena after his arrival from the region of Kydonia and the River Iardanos in northwestern Crete.85

Irakleia At Irakleia, ‘fifty stadia’ from Olympia, and close to the River Kytheros, near Salmoni, there was a spring, above was the sanctuary of the Ionides/Ioniades Nymphs (ES12: Paus. VI, 22: 7; Strabo 8: 3,32).

Papathanasopoulos 1970a: 192 and tab. 168. Papachatzis 1994: 396, fig. 359. 85 Klymenos was a descendant of Heracles Idaios. 83 84

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Elis Pausanias saw altars and temples in the city of Elis saw. He mentions in the temple of Apollo Akesios (ES20: Paus.VI, 24,6), sanctuary of Charites (ES21: Paus.VI, 24,6), temple of Seilenos (ES22: Paus.VI, 24,8), and an unidentified temple86 (ES23: Paus.VI, 24,10) in the agora. In the open-air part of the agora there were altars to Zeus (ES19: Paus.VI, 24,3). The gymnasium had altars to Heracles Idaios (ES13: Paus.VI, 23,3), Eros (ES14: Paus.VI, 23,3), Anteros (ES15: Paus.VI, 23,3), Demeter and Kore (ES16: Paus.VI, 23,3), and Achilles (ES17: Paus. VI, 23,3). In another part of the city, on the road to the baths, was the sanctuary of Artemis Philomeirax (ES18: Paus.VI, 23,8). He also refers to the temenos of Aphrodite Pandemos (ES7: Paus.VI, 25,1), where the cult statue was made by Skopas, with Aphrodite sitting on a bronze goat, as well as sanctuaries of Sosipolis (ES27: Paus.VI, 25,4) and Tyche (ES24: Paus.VI, 25,4), which featured a huge acrolith statue.87 On the acropolis, the traveller saw the sanctuary of Athena (ES26: Paus. VI, 26,3), and on the road from Olympia to Elis the sanctuary of Athena Narkaia (ES25: Paus.V, 16,7).

Kyllene In the vicinity of Kyllene, Pausanias mentions the sanctuary of Asclepius (ES31: Pausanias VI, 26,5; Strabo 8: 3,4), where stood a xoanon made by Kolotes, and the sanctuary of Aphrodite (ES32: Paus.VI, 26,5). Unfortunately, there is no other information about the existence/use of these sanctuaries.

Samiko At Samiko there was a cave close to the river in which, according to Pausanias, the Anigrides’ Nymphs (ES2: Pausanias V, 5,11; Strabo 8,3,19) were worshipped. The cave had therapeutical powers. A sanctuary of Poseidon (ES28: Pausanias V, 6: 5-6; VI, 25,5-6; Strabo 8, 3,13; 16-17) was located at Samiko.88 Strabo (8, 3,13) describes how Poseidon Samios was honoured in a sacred grove of wild olives that was in the care of the Makistians. There is no mention of a temple, and it was believed that it was an open-air cult.89 Pausanias mentions that the cult statue which stood in the sanctuary of Hades in Elis was moved there from this sanctuary of Poseidon at Samiko. It seems that the Samiko sanctuary was dated early and had interregional significance, since it was the main sanctuary of the area south of the Alpheios, which was later called Triphylia.90

The traveller describes a temple that was already in ruins; its columns were made of oak. Pausanias describes it as a gold-plated xoanon, with limbs and face of white marble. 88 Dörpfeld (1908: 321-22; 1935: 62) mentions that the sanctuary of Poseidon at Samiko was probably among the ruins of Samiko and Arene, modern Kleidi. He also dated the finds from this area to the 2nd millennium BC. See also Mylonopoulos 2003: 140-44. In an excavation in 2022, the remains of a building that could possibly belong to the sanctuary of Poseidon were discovered. First announcements about the excavation at https://www.oeaw.ac.at/oeai/ forschung/historische-archaeologie/fruehes-griechenland/kleidi-samikon, and https://press.uni-mainz.de/mainzuniversity-contributes-to-recent-discovery-of-the-temple-of-poseidon-located-at-the-kleidi-site-near-samikon-ingreece/ (last viewed 9/9/2023.] 89 Realencyclopädie IA 1920: 2218-2220. 90 Nielsen and Roy 2009: 257. Also, Mylonopoulos 2006a: 137-140; Ruggeri 2004: 96-102. 86 87

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Chapter 2. Elis Close to the River Akidontas at Samiko/Lepreon, Strabo refers to the existence of a sanctuary of Heracles Makistios (ES29: Strabo 8,3,21).

Lepreon At Lepreon, mentions a temple of Zeus Leukaios (ES1: Paus.V, 5,5).

Makistos Strabo (8: 3,25) cites a sanctuary of Leto (ES34) at Ypsoenta of Makistos.

Minthe In the area of Minthe, Strabo mentions the existence of a Temenos for Hades (ES30: Strabo 8: 3,14), honoured by the Lepreatai and Makistioi.91 Although its exact whereabouts are unknown, it is important to mention that there was another sacred place dedicated to Hades, beyond Elis. The special relevance of this primary chthonian deity for the inhabitants of the whole area is obvious. In the same area, above the Pylian plain, between Samiko and the river Neda, was a grove of Demeter (ES33: Strabo 8,3,14).

Boundaries of Arcadia-Elis On the road close to the borders to Arcadia, and across the River Erymanthos, Pausanias saw the tomb of Saurus and a sanctuary of Heracles (ES8: Paus.VI, 21,3), which was already in ruins at this period. In the same area, ‘forty stadia’ from the previous sanctuary, there was a ruined sanctuary of Asclepius Demainetos (ES9: Paus. VI, 21,4). This site is believed to be east of modern Mouria, close to the village of Louvro in Olympia. In the same area, and close to the River Leukyanias, there was also the sanctuary of Dionysus Leukyanites (ES10: Paus.VI, 21,5). iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era Elis suffered several earthquakes during the 6th century AD, consequently there is no evidence for a continuation of religious activity in the region.

Strabo (8,3,14) describes the mythological incident involving Minthe, the mistress of Hades, being usurped by Kore and subsequently transformed to spearmint, a sacred plant of the Underworld. See Papachatzis 1994: 224. 91

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Chapter 3 Messenia Mythological – Historical background Mythological background As in the other geographical regions of the Peloponnese, Pausanias (IV, 1-3) provides our most important source of information for the mythological and historical past of Messenia. He begins with the mythological founding of the first kingdom in Messenia and continues until the last mythical kings and the names of their successors. Next come the Messenian wars that belong to the historical period. The first kings of Messenia were Polykaon and Messene. Polykaon was the brother of the king of Sparta, Myles, but he had no authority in Sparta.1 When he married Messene, the daughter of Triops from Argos, she asked for sovereignty over a region. Messenia was at that time uninhabited and was a suitable place for the establishment of a new kingdom. The pair marched to that area with people from Laconia and Argos, and they built their palace at Andania and the first cities grew around there. At this time Kaukon initiated Messene into the Mysteries of Eleusis and introduced similar mysteries at Andania.2 Approximately five generations after the reign of Polykaon, power went to Perieres, Aiolos’ son, as there was no direct descendant to assume the throne. He was married to Gorgophone. He gave the region of Carnasion to Melaneus, a particularly renowned archer, who was considered to be Apollo’s son. At this time the area was named Oichalia. The next kings of Messenia were Perieres’ sons, Aphareus and Leukippus. These were followed by Tyndareus, the son of Gorgophone and Oibalos. When Neleas was expelled by his cousin Pelias from Thessaly, he came to Messenia and Aphareus granted him some coastal cities in which to settle down, among them Pylos. In the same period Lykos came to live in Arene; he had been expelled from Athens by his cousin, Aegeas. He revealed the Eleusinian Mysteries to Arene, as Kaukon did to Messene.3 Aphareus had two sons, Idas and Lynceus. There was conflict between them and their cousins, the sons of Tyndareus, Castor and Polydeuces, and ultimately Aphareus’s sons were killed. After that, the kingdom of Messenia passed to Neleas’ son, Nestor. After the return of the Heracleidae, Neleas’ descendants were driven out from Messenia and Cresphontes took it by a ruse. However, Cresphontes did not expel the old inhabitants from the area, but they lived all together peacefully. He took as his wife Merope, the daughter of Kypselos, king of the Arcadians. He divided Messenia into five parts and declared Stenyclarus as the seat of his kingdom. He governed democratically, a system unacceptable to the wealthy As Pausanias mentions, he was an idiotes, i.e. a plain citizen (Paus. IV, 1,1). Pausanias IV, 1,5. See also Themelis 2007b: 519. 3 Pausanias IV, 2,6. 1 2

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Chapter 3. Messenia inhabitants of the region, who rebelled and killed him and his family, except for his son, Aipytos. When Aipytos grew up, he took back his kingdom with the help of the other Dorian kings of the Peloponnese. He reigned in peace, and in his honour his descendants were called Aipytidae, instead of Heracleidae. The kingship remained in the same family for six generations. Historical background4 During the Mycenaean period, Messenia was perhaps the most densely populated region in Greece,5 as indicated by the large numbers of tholos tombs and the many settlements found.6 In the years after the middle of the 8th century BC, the basic characteristic of Messenia’s history is the long-lasting conflict with Laconia: the Laconians had ambitions over the fertile land of Messenia. Unfortunately, we lack historical sources covering these Messenian wars, only later mentions from writers. For this reason, there is no real accuracy in the information left to us.7 An important source, except for Pausanias, whose sources were not always trustworthy, was the Spartan poet, Tyrtaios. It seems the conflicts between the Messenians and the Spartans, caused by several factors, began in the time of Phintas, six generations after Cresphontes,. The first cause was an incident that took place in the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis, where common rites of both Messenians and Laconians were performed.8 The Laconians accused the Messenians of assaulting their young women who were taking part in the rituals and killed the Messenian king, Teleclus. The Messenians counter-claimed that the Laconian soldiers had dressed up as women to kill them, and this was why they had acted as they had. There seems to have been no further incidents after this, but mutual hatred grew. The next episode in the conflict between the two groups occurred c. 25 years later. An incident happened between the Messenian Polychares and the Spartan Euaiphnos. He not only cheated on Polychares, but to escape punishment he killed his son. Euaiphnos returned to Sparta and Polychares demanded justice. The Lacedaemonians meted out no punishment to him for his crimes and Polychares thus began indiscriminately to kill every Lacedaemonian he came across. The Lacedaemonians, accordingly, asked the Messenians to hand over Polychares for trial and execution. This they did not do and soon after the Spartans launched an expedition against the Messenians without notice. Alcamenes, son of Teleclus, was appointed commander of their army and the first expedition was led against Ampheia, an area close to the Laconia border, in a strategic position.9 There, the Lacedaemonians killed almost all the Messenians and occupied the land. After that, and for some years later, the Lacedaemonians raided in Thucydides, I 101-103, IV, 26: 7-13, Strabo, 8: 4,1-4,11. For the history, see Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 15: 1, col. 1231-42; Alcock et al. 2005: 147-210; Campe 1853: 3-28; Harrison and Spencer 2008: 147-166; Kiechle 1959: 15-31; 53-105; Luraghi 2006: 169-196; 2008: 107-248; Parker 2001: 25-47; Ramou 1982: 44-45; Syriopoulos 1987-1988: 225-245. Also, Shipley 2004b: 547-568, with bibliography. 5 Luraghi 2008: 108. 6 For the Prehistoric research, see Korres 1985, especially 149-150, 177-179, 201-202, 253-256, 266-274. Also, Korres 1993: 231-248. 7 Harisson and Spencer 2008: 152-153, 155. 8 Pausanias IV, 4,1-2; Luraghi 2006: 179. 9 The first expedition is chronologically defined by Pausanias (IV, 5,10) in the second year of the 9th Olympiad, i.e. 743 BC. See Papachatzis 1994: 52, note 1. 4

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese small groups against the Messenians, stealing their grain and livestock. The Messenians made reprisals, inflicting slight damages along the Laconian coastline. In 743/2 BC, four years after the invasion of Ampheia, the Messenian commander, Euphaes, opted to mount an expedition against the Lacedaemonians.10 The latter heard about the Messenian plan and prepared themselves for an attack. The two sides camped close to a canyon and the geography of the site meant that the Lacedaemonians could not attack and they retreated without a fight. The following year they returned to Messenia, under the generals Theopompus, son of Nicander, and Polydorous, son of Alcamenes, and engaged the enemy in battle. There was no clear winner, and the Messenians decided to fortify Mt Ithome to protect themselves. At the same time, they send a delegation to the Delphic oracle. The oracle replied that a virgin from the Aipytidai family should be sacrificed to ensure a Messenian victory. Accordingly, Aristodemus killed his daughter and thus fulfilled the oracle. After this the Lacedaemonians reduced their hostilities for a while. Six years later, the Lacedaemonians decided once more to campaign against the Messenians. In the battle that ensued, the Messenian king Euphaes received a mortal wound, and Aristodemus became ruler. The next battle is dated to the fifth year of Aristodemus’ reign. The Lacedaemonians had as allies only the Corinthians, while the Messenians had the Arcadians and some Argives and Sikyonians. Many Lacedaemonians perished in the battle and the remaining army retreated to their lands. However, the war was not over. Both sides sent delegations to the Delphic oracle hoping to ascertain which side would ultimately triumph. The oracle foretold, among other things, that Messenia would fall by deception, and that strange event would happen that would indicate the victor. After a series of mysterious coincidences and dreams, the Messenians received a message that it was they who would be defeated. Aristodemus killed himself over his daughter’s tomb, the innocent he had killed without reason, and the new Messenian general, Damis, along with Cleonnis and Phyleas, mounted the final action on behalf of their lands. After five months of siege, they retreated from Ithome and surrendered. Thus the first Messenian War ended after 20 years, in 724/3 BC.11 Because of the unbearable conditions imposed on the Messenians by the Lacedaemonians, the younger Messenians began to think about rebellion. Among the leaders of this movement was Aristomenes, son of Nicoteleia, she having conceived him, it was said, following intercourse with a god in the form of a snake, perhaps Zeus or Heracles.12 At last, 39 years after the fall of Ithome, in 685/4 BC, the Messenians revolted.13 The first actions were inconclusive. Allies were assembled on both sides. With the Messenians fought Eleians, Arcadians, Argives, and Sikyonians; Messenians who had left the country after the previous war also returned to take up arms. The Spartans were supported by the Corinthians and the Lepreatai, traditional enemies of the Eleians. The next battle took place Luraghi 2008: 96. Pausanias IV, 13,6. Luraghi 2008: 97. 12 A similar myth circulated about Alexander of Macedon, thought to be the son of Olympias and the god Ammon. See Pausanias IV, 14,7-8. 13 Pausanias IV, 15,1; Luraghi 2008: 98. According to Papachatzis (1994: 65, n. 1), the revolt must be dated much later, but certainly not after 600 BC. 10 11

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Chapter 3. Messenia at Kaprou Sema (i.e. Boar’s Grave),14 during which Aristomenes and his forces managed to repel the Lacedaemonians. Aristomenes subsequently continued a series of raids against the Lacedaemonians, which were mostly successful. The so-called ‘Battle of the Trench’ was fought in the third year of the war, the Messenians suffering a defeat. After the battle, the Messenians decided to abandon the plain of Messenia and fortify Mt Eira, where they were able to withstand a siege of 11 years. But it was a bizarre incident that brought about the fall of Messenia. The wife of a Messenian had been conducting a secret affair with a Spartan cow-heard. One night the acropolis of Eira was left unguarded due to heavy rainfall at the time; the cow-heard was there, presumably visiting his inamorata, and informed the Lacedaemonians that the guards were not at their posts. The foe attacked immediately, taking Eira at last and becoming lords of Messenia again in 668/7 BC.15 The Lacedaemonians made helots of the Messenians, but many of the latter fled to Arcadia. Many Pylians and Mothonaioi went to Kyllene, from there going on to found new colonies in Italy and Sicily. Anaxilas sought their assistance there in campaigns against Sicilian pirates, following which they settled together in the new land.16 Meanwhile, drawing lots, the Lacedaemonians divided the lands of the Messenia amongst themselves, all except for the regions of Asine, which belonged to the Asinaians, and Methone, which was given to the Nauplians, who had been driven out of their territory by the Argives. The Messenians who had remained later decided to once more revolt again their Lacedaemonian overlords in the 79th Olympiad, i.e. 464 BC.17 The earthquake that destroyed Sparta in 465/4 BC provided the opportunity for the Messenians to defend themselves within Ithome.18 Later, the Athenians offered them Naupaktos, and they relocated there. The conflict with the Lacedaemonians never in fact ended. Whenever the Messenians had the opportunity they would fight them, in alliance with other cities. The return of the Messenians to their fatherland happened the year after the great battle at Leuktra in 379 BC, where the Spartans were defeated by the Thebans. The Theban leader, Epameinondas, invited those Messenians living in various regions to return to Messenia and establish a new city, controlling the region and the Lacedaemonians. Following a divine sign, old Ithome was chosen,19 the city’s name changing to Messene. Thus the long period of suffering endured by the Messenians ended, returning to their lands 287 years after the fall of Eira.

Pausanias IV, 15,8; Kiechle 1959: 25. The area of Kaprou Sema is close to the Messenian Stenyclarus. Luraghi 2008: 98. 16 Pausanias (IV, 23,6) mentions that Anaxilas was tyrant in Rhegion (494-476 BC). His origin was from Messenia, from where his ancestor Alcamidas left after the death of Aristodemus and the first fall of Ithome. See also Papachatzis 1994: 78, n. 1. The region where they lived was called Zancle, being renamed Messene by Anaxilas (Thucydides VI,4). 17 See Papachatzis 1994: 79, n. 5. 18 This earthquake was taken to be Poseidon’s vengeance after the Spartans had killed those seeking asylum in his sanctuary at Tainarios. See Pausanias IV, 24,5 and Papachatzis 1994: 80, n. 1. 19 Before Ithome’s fall, Aristomenes hid a bronze sheet on the mountain, on which were written the ritual mysteries of Andania, those of the Great Gods (Pausanias IV, 20,4). A dream revealed the exact spot where this bronze sheet was hidden, and this was taken as a sign for the re-establishment of the city. 14 15

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Catalogue of Messenia (Tables 5, 6; Maps 1, 1C, 2, 3, 4) i. Messenian sanctuaries that can be dated a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Mount Ithome Sanctuary of Eileithyia and Kouretes (M5) GEOMETRIC Sources: Pausanias VI, 31,9. References: Themelis 1989: 107-110; 2002: 116-117; 2009: 85-90; 2010b: 272. The cult in the sanctuary of Eileithyia and the Kouretes, excavated on Mt Ithome, can be dated to the Geometric period.20 The one-room sanctuary was made of limestone blocks and consisted of a pronaos and cella (7.25 m x 5.15 m). A special feature was a stone bench, c. 20 cm wide, around the three inside walls of the cella, directly above the orthostates; it was used for receiving votive offerings. The excavations produced many finds that confirmed the cult there, including a bronze fibula, animal figurines (mainly horses), and many large, female figurines in clay, some clearly pregnant, others holding piglets in their arms. Temple of Artemis Limnatis or Laphria (M3) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,6. References: Kaltsas 1989; Les Bas 1888: 134-138; Themelis 2002: 115; 2004: 152-154. Outside the city of Messene, on the southwest slope of Mt Ithome, the temple of Artemis Limnatis, or Laphria, was discovered. The temple was Ionic in antis, with dimensions of 16.70 m x 10.60 m, and with a small cella; it is dated to the middle of the 3rd century BC. The altar was found to the south of the temple. The identification of the temple is based on an inscription that refers to the priests of the temple of Artemis Limnatis.21 Sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas (M4) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 33: 1-2. References: Themelis 2002: 117-119; 2004: 143-154; 2009: 90-91; 2010b: 274-278. One of the oldest cult places in Messenia was dedicated to Zeus Ithomatas, on the summit of Mt Ithome.22 The preserved foundations of the sanctuary can be seen to the east of the old According to the excavator P. Themelis, the cult of Eileithyia first brought to Messene the mythical king of Messene, Polykaon. 21 Kaltsas 1989: 17; Le Bas 1888: 134-138. For the inscription: IG, V, 1458. 22 According to Pausanias (IV, 3,9), Glaukos reintroduced the worship of Zeus Ithomatas, which was established by 20

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Chapter 3. Messenia monastery of Voulkanos. The earliest find is part of a votive bronze tripod that dates the cult to the Geometric period. The poet Eumelos (6th century BC) writes about the music games that took place in the sanctuary, thus confirming its use in the Archaic period.23

Ithome/Messene24 Sanctuary of Demeter and Dioskouroi (M10) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,9. References: Themelis 1996b: 28; 1998: 157-186; 2002: 88; 2013; 2014: 96-97. The first phase of the sanctuary of Demeter and Dioskouroi at Ithome goes back to the 7th century BC. This early dating indicates that it is one of the first sanctuaries of the area, and one that was to be incorporated within the later city of Messene. According to the excavator, the sanctuary was first dedicated to a cult of a female chthonian deity, or a divine couple and their male paredroi. Many votives were found, among them some terracotta figurines and relief plaques, the oldest of which date to the 7th century BC.25 Many votive plaques are dated to the Classical period (5th and 4th century BC), but the foundations of the cult building discovered are Hellenistic (4th–3rd century BC). According to a building inscription found in the Sebasteion, the sanctuary was restored during the period of Augustus Tiberius. Temple of Asclepius and Hygeia (M1) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,10. References: Kaltsas 1989: 30; Riethmüller 2005: 141-143; Themelis 2002: 82-84; 2010b: 200-204. The first phase of the temple of Asclepius and Hygeia at Messene dates to the 7th/6th century BC. Soft limestone sections of this temple were found underneath the later Hellenistic phase, on which the temple rose. The Archaic sanctuary included a simple shrine with a pronaos, cella, and an altar to the east. The finds included clay objects, miniature vases and figurines (6th-4th centuries BC), and some miniature body parts in bronze.26 During the 4th century BC the sanctuary was renovated and reconstructed, being integrated within the urban planning and assuming the shape of an organised temenos. In the 3rd BC Polykaon and Messene; this indicates a pre-Doric cult. See Themelis 2000: 5. 23 Eumelos, ‘Prosodion in Delos’. 24 Ithome was the name of the city, and the mountain opposite, which played a central role during the Messenian wars. It took the name Messene after the Spartans were defeated and Epameinondas had founded the new city. Many sanctuaries remained at the site before and after the new city was built, and therefore they can be presented together. 25 Sachs 2006: 183. 26 Mee and Spawforth 2001: 248; Riethmüller 2005: 143. In particular, Riethmüller suggests these body parts refer to the healing arts of Asclepius.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese century, only small reparations took place, and at the end of the century came the destruction. A new and magnificent building programme occurred in Messene c. 215 BC. This included the construction of a new Asclepieion and a large, Doric temple that consisted of a significant complex at the north of the stadium, with a sizeable courtyard surrounded by stoai. The new Doric temple was erected in the centre of this courtyard. The structure (12.69 m x 26.99 m) was orientated E-W, peripteral, and had a pronaos and opisthodomos. The krepis was made from local white marble and the walls from hard local stone. The altar has been found at some distance from the temple. It was a long feature, 12.62 m x 2.24 m, made of hard white limestone. Temple of Artemis Oupesia (M2) HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Kaltsas 1989; Solima 2011: 198-200, with bibliography; Themelis 1994: 122; 2002: 7487; 2010b: 190-194; 2011: 87-88. Also, Brulotte 2002: 181. One of the first temples of the Hellenistic period in ancient Messene was the temple of Artemis Oupesia (M2), to the north of the west stoa of the Asclepieion.27 The first temple was constructed in the 4th century BC, being abandoned 100 years later when transferring the cult of the goddess further south, to the Artemision (House K). This was a prostyle temple (8.42 m x 5.62) with a nearly square cella and a narrow pronaos, with four columns in front and a central ramp. The new Artemision was constructed at the end of the 3rd century BC, and reconstructed in the 2nd century AD. It remained in use until the 3rd century AD. The Ionic temple (10.30 m x 5.80 m) was orientated E-W, and divided into three aisles with an entrance on the long side; there were two double rows of two columns each. The altar was in front of the entrance.28 The excavations revealed many figurines representing Artemis as Kynigetis and Phosphoros. She wears a short chiton and nebris, long, leather slippers, and a polos on her head; in her left hand she holds a torch and a dog is following her. Temple of Messene (M8) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,11. References: Themelis 2005a: 49; 2005a: 48; 2008: 210-221; 2010a: 114-116; 2010b: 144-147; 2022: 51-62, with newer bibliography. Also, Luraghi 2006: 181-186. The temple of Messene, which stood at the southwest corner of the agora, is dated to end of the 4th century BC.29 It was dedicated to the mythical queen of the city, as identified by an inscription found on the site that deals with a legal debate between the Messenians and Megalopolitai about the region of Tsakona. Recent excavations revealed a Doric temple (28.10 m x 14.39 m) that featured 6 x 13 columns on its peristasis. The krepis was made from limestone and the walls from local sandstone. The cella contained the statue of the goddess, made of gold and Parian marble.

The temple of Artemis Oupesia is not mentioned by Pausanias. Bobou 2015: 59; Chlepa 2001: 64. 29 Until recently the temple was considered as being dedicated to Zeus Soter. Recent finds place this temple further east in the agora. 27 28

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Chapter 3. Messenia Temenos of Hermes and Heracles (M11) ROMAN References: Themelis 1995: 79-83; 2001: 84-87; 2002: 101; 2003: 8. The temenos of Hermes and Heracles (M11) was excavated in the area of the stadion, behind the west stoa of the gymnasion. With dimensions of 10 m x 5.50 m, it was constructed of limestone blocks and consisted of a pronaos and cella. Identification was made with the help of inscriptions, architectural parts, and the sculptures found. It is dated to the 1st century BC, but it is supposed that another cult place for Heracles was constructed later. Sanctuary of Isis and Sarapis (M30) HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 32,6. References: Themelis 2010b: 121-124; 2011: 95-107; 2015: 110-111; 2019: 54-55. A sanctuary dedicated to Isis was found west of the theatre, including a subterranean complex of late Roman rooms connected to each other and a water basin. These features probably related to initiation rites.

Mila Temple of Poseidon (M22) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Karagiorga 1972: 258-262. At Lakathela (Mila) has been excavated a settlement that flourished after the apogee of the Prehistoric Dorion (Malthi), from the 9th century BC and after.30 Trial excavations revealed parts of the walls that belonged to the temple of Poseidon and are dated in the late Geometric.31 This was a long building made of limestone. An earlier building on the site had Mycenaean foundations; it had a wooden ceiling and roof and was destroyed by fire. The earliest votives, some animal figurines and a double-axe, date to the 10th century BC.32 Among the 9th-century finds, a clay male figurine stands out. Some cut-out bronze sheets were unearthed.33 From the 8th century BC come some bronze and clay animal figurines.34 The finds are mixed with some Mycenaean sherds. The Archaic finds included votives (sherds, clay figurines) and Laconian tiles. The temple remained sin use in the Classical period, as the sherds of small black-figured vessels indicate.

Prehistoric Dorion (Malthi) is c. 3.5 km northwest of Lakathela and dates from the Protohelladic period, with some gaps in Latehelladic I and II, until the end of the Mycenaean period. 31 Luraghi 2008: 114; Papachatzis 1994: 50, n. 1. 32 The finds are exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. 33 The type is also known from Olympia (9th century BC). 34 Luraghi 2008: 114. 30

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Ano Melpeia Unidentified temple (M27) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Arapoyanni 2010b: 248-258; 2012a; 2012b. Also, Chatzi 1995: 186; Koursoumis 2012: 1-16; Sachs 2006: 68. An Archaic sanctuary dedicated to an unknown deity was traced at Ano Melpeia, on the hill of Petroula.35 Although most of the finds belong to the Classical period, there were Archaic sherds and some interesting miniature vases. The most important find is a bronze figurine of a naked warrior, dated to the end of the 6th/ beginning of the 5th century BC. After 369 BC a magnificent temple (20.65 m x 10.75 m) was constructed, orientated E-W, of which only fragments of the foundations are preserved. The research brought to light architectural details, but also iron swords and a large number of spear points. Some bronze objects stand out in particular, e.g. sheets, bracelets decorated with snake heads, an olive leaf, and a vessel with inscribed decoration.

Aghios Floros Sanctuary of Pamisos (M14) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC Source: Pausanias IV, 31,4. References: Valmin 1938: 419-465. Also, Zunino 1997: 231-235. The sanctuary of Pamisos (c. 500 BC) was erected in the modern village of Aghios Floros, where the springs of the River Pamisos flow.36 It consisted of a Doric temple (7.42 m x 8.75 m) with a pronaos, cella, and an altar (4.75/5.05 m x 2.12 m) in the east. It was made of limestone and other locally sourced stone (poros); it was orientated E/NE-W/SW. Among the Hellenistic finds are bronze and terracotta figurines, models of animals, metal objects, many vases, an inscribed base of a bronze statue, and an inscribed stele with a relief depiction of a bull, symbolising the Pamisos.

Thouria/Hellenika Temple of Athena (M18) ROMAN Reference: Bursian 1862: 168-169; Mitsopoulou 2012: 548-552; Papachatzis 1994: 104, n. 3. The foundations of two Doric temples were preserved at Hellinika, close to modern Thouria, until the 19th century. According to the descriptions, the remains included some foundations According to Koursoumis (2012: 10-13), this unidentified temple was dedicated to Artemis Dereatis-Eleia. Pausanias (IV, 3,10) mentions Pamisos as a Predoric deity – whose cult was reformed by the Dorian kings – but the finds from the site date the sanctuary to the Archaic period. 35 36

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Chapter 3. Messenia of a temple to Athena (M18), the main deity of the city. The temple was small and placed close to a cistern. Two unfinished Doric drums were noticed there by Bursian. Temple of the Syrian Goddess (M19) ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,2. References: Bursian 1862: 168-169; Frazer 1898: 424-425. Pausanias mentions the existence of a temple to the Syrian Goddess at Thouria. 19th-century travellers found the foundations of a temple that might have been associated with it. It was larger than the temple of Athena (M18), probably Doric peripteral, hexastyle, and was above a terrace to the north of the city. Temple of Asclepius and Hygeia (M29) HELLENISTIC References: Arapoyanni 2012c: 32-42; 2012d; 2015: 71-81; Arapoyanni and Makri 2015: 92-94. Also, Arapoyanni 2014: 185-196. Recent excavations in Thouria have brought to light the temple of Asclepius and Hygeia. As the city was built after 369 BC, the temple is Hellenistic. It was a Doric building (9.40 m x 6.10 m), south of which was the altar. The bases of two statues dedicated to Asclepius and Hygeia, and an inscribed sherd with the inscription ΑΣΚΛΑΠΙΩΙ ΚΑΙ ΥΓΙΕΙΑΙ, confirm to whom the temple was dedicated.

Kalamata Area Sanctuary of Poseidon (M13) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Themelis 1969: 352-367; 1970b: 303-311. More details and later bibliography: Kiderlen and Themelis 2010. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 245-247. A sanctuary of Poseidon has been found at Akovitika, near Kalamata. The first phase of its sacred use is Geometric, although the site was already in use from the late Bronze Age. In this period the cult was open-air, as finds of only small artefacts confirm. The cult of Poseidon is associated with the Protohelladic settlement excavated in the same area. The oldest find is a bronze horse statuette, votive in character, of the 9th century BC. Other finds included bronze votives, pottery, and at least two tripods, probably also votives from the temple. From its location, the sanctuary was extra-urban, with clear Laconian influences. The first building was constructed c. 650-580 BC, with an atrium surrounded by stoai. It was a rectangular building, with foundations 25.5 m in length, and at least 20 m wide. The walls were made of mud-bricks. Reconstructions took place in 530 BC. A significant find is a fragment with the inscription Π]ΟΣΟΙΔΑ[ΝΙ, dating to end of the 7th/ early 6th century BC.37 Other finds included Laconian tiles, and Archaic black-figured pottery 37

SEG 25: 1971: 431b (suppl. IG V1). Kinderlen-Themelis 2010: 137; Themelis 1970a: 109-125.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese (craters, kalathoi, skyphoi, cantharoi, amphoras) used at the site. The bronze items included votives from a local workshop and a hoplite shield dated to the 6th century BC. Some elements were added to the temple in the first and second quarters of the 4th century BC. The latest date for the ceramic finds is the middle of the 4th century BC, when probably the temple ceased to function.

Aghios Andreas Sanctuary of Apollo Korythos (M15) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 34,7. References: Malapani 2014: 742-743; Papachatzis 1994: 155, n. 105; Versakis 1916: 65-118. A further sacred place established in the Geometric period, and continuing in use into the early centuries AD, was the extensive sanctuary of Apollo Korythos at Aghios Andreas. Five buildings (A, B, C, D, E) have been traced, all used as cult places from Geometric to Roman times. Excavations date the sanctuary’s first phase to the 8th century BC. The great age of the cult is indicated by the fact that a xoanon was still standing there when Pausanias visited the site. The buildings are presented below in chronological order, starting with the earliest. Building B Building B, orientated NW-SE, is thought to be the earliest. The excavator considers it to have been a temple with three rooms, as the stone and clay foundations appeared of two separate and equally sized spaces (4.14 m wide), and a continuation of the external wall to the north, signifying the existence of a third room that might have been the temple’s adyton.38 The two first rooms are interpreted as the pronaos and cella of the temple, based on various finds. The interior of Building B revealed many small finds, as well as tiles that had their hollow surfaces painted in a dark colour.39 Part of a stone column was also found, as well as fragments of an Archaic clay sima with black paint and white decoration. From these finds, the excavator concludes that this temple was made of stone and clay, and had a wooden entablature with a clay covering. It should be dated at least in the 8th century BC. To the south of Building B are the preserved remains of the sanctuary’s perivolos, which had its entrance on the east side; it was demolished by the later buildings. Building Ε Building Ε belonged to the same period as Building B (8th century BC). It stood to the east of Building D and its foundations were made of rough stones (‘argos lithos’) and clay. Orientated NW-SE, it was a building with a complicated plan, associated with a curiously long type similar, e.g., to the Telesterion of Eleusis, the temple of Athena at Sounio, and the temple of The excavator has not given more details about the building’s layout; it is unclear whether there were openings for these rooms on the long axis or if the entrance was at the side. 39 Leonardos 1901: 238. 38

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Chapter 3. Messenia Apollo at Gortys, Crete.40 It consisted of three rooms and had a prostoon with columns at the entrance and two rooms, one of which should be the adyton. A unique feature of this building is that it may well have had side doors in the one room and doors at the ends of the walls that communicated internally with the adyton. It remained in use in later periods, contemporaneously with buildings C and D.41 According to Papachatzis (1994: 155, n. 105) it was a utility room related to the temples. Building D Building D was newer, dated end of the 8th century BC/beginning of the early Archaic period. Its foundations have been revealed beneath Building C, made of rough stones (‘argos lithos’) and clay. Destroyed by fire, it was a square building, crossed by an along wall in the middle. It was c. 5 m wide and almost double that in length.42 Its direction was E-W and in general it looked like the older temple of Prinia, Crete.43 The finds included an 8th-century BC bronze figurine of a naked male figure with a pendant,44 and bronze handles with rosette decorations, similar to those found at Olympia and the sanctuary of Pamisos (Aghios Floros).45 Building C A new temple (Building C) was erected in the sanctuary in the Archaic period. This was an elongated peripteral temple (15.73 m x 8.04 m) with pronaos, cella, adyton and opisthodomos, made of soft limestone (poros), rough stones (‘argos lithos’), and clay. Its orientation was E-W and it had a peristasis of 12 x 6 columns. Dated to the last quarter of the 6th century BC, or a little earlier,46 the construction was influenced by a Laconian workshop. A sign of this influence is the decorative style of one of the marble capitals found.47 An Egyptian kymation, with vertical elements or schematic leaves, decorates the upper part of the abax, a feature that also crowns the top the geison of Apollo’s throne at Amyklaio.48 Generally, there are mixed forms of Doric and Ionian elements, as at Amyklaio, indicating that the Archaic temple of Apollo Korythos was made by Laconian craftsmen. It seems that the temple suffered from a destruction during the Roman period, which was completed by the transformation of the temple into a Christian church. Versakis 1916: 84. Building C belongs to the last quarter of the 6th and Building D to the 8th centuries BC. It was used during the whole Archaic period. 42 Fr. Versakis (1916: 72, n. 1) describes an excavation he carried out at Lepreon (Elis) in 1916, when he discovered three very old temples next to each other. Two consisted of three rooms, two the same size and one double in size, as is also the case with Building B at Aghios Andreas. At the same time, the third, and larger, temple at Lepreon resembles Building D at Aghios Andreas. Unfortunately, Lepreon was never published and we only have a few details, therefore comparisons of the two temples cannot be made, nor conclusions drawn. 43 Versakis 1916: 82. See Beyer 1976: 21, and tab. 11,1; Pernier 1914: 78, fig. 43. 44 This figurine is exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. 45 Furtwängler 1890: 132-133; Valmin 1938: 448; Versakis 1916: 86. 46 According to the excavator (Versakis 1916: 81), the temple can be dated to the same period, or even earlier, as the pteron of the hekatompedos temple of Athena on the Athens Acropolis. 47 Versakis 1916, fig. 11. Marble capital of the pteron of the temple representing Building C. 48 Versakis 1912: 188, figs. 17-21. 40 41

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Among the finds are parts of the building’s walls, a marble Archaic-Doric capital, soft limestone drums, columns, and other fragmentary architectural material.49 Some bronze statuettes found in the sanctuary are Archaic. In the Classical period Building C was still in use, as indicated by the sherds and bronze statuettes (first half of the 5th century BC) found there.50 Building A Building Α was added in the Hellenistic period and it became the main temple. It was Ionic, in antis, with dimensions 11.32 m x 7.52 m, and orientated E-W. The building material was hard, yellowish limestone. In this period the other buildings were possibly used for religious banquets. The sanctuary had a perivolos that was demolished when the later buildings were erected. The entrance to the sanctuary was probably on the south side of Building B. A bothros was found close to it, filled with vase sherds of various periods. b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Ithome/Messene Cult of Dionysus (M12) HELLENISTIC References: Themelis 2005c: 41-48; 2005a: 40-49. The cult of Dionysus has been confirmed at the theatre of Messene, where two lion-footed stone thrones, intended for priests or agonothetes, were found. One of these has an inscription that mentions that it belonged to the priest of Dionysus. A pedestal with a votive inscription in honour of the agonothetes of the Dionysia has also been discovered. Although until now the existence of a temple for Dionysus at Messene was unknown, it was believed that games in his honour took place there. Discoveries of the inscription and other related finds, such as the statue of a satyr, now confirm that there was a temple of the god in the area of the theatre, as is seen at most ancient theaters. Temple of Poseidon (M7) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,6. References: Themelis 2002: 53-54; 2010a: 111; 2010b: 139. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 248-249. The temple of Poseidon (M7) in the agora of ancient Messene is of Hellenistic date, more specifically in the 3rd century BC. Some architectural parts made of Doric soft limestone have been recovered. A relief metope fragment shows Andromeda tied on a rock, the dragon guarding her. Other finds include a metope fragment depicting a sea-horse, ridden by a triton The Archaic capital was found in the Roman structure (Building Α) that was subsequently transformed into a Christian church; it was probably a decorative feature. See Versakis 1912: 70. 50 Versakis 1916: 110, 112. 49

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Chapter 3. Messenia or nereid, and a piece of a pilaster-shaped stele with the inscription: [ΠΟΣΕΙ]ΔΑΝΙ, proof of a Poseidon cult in this temple.51 Temple of Aphrodite (M6) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,6. References: Themelis 2010a: 105-125; 2010b: 140; 2019: 64-67. A temple of Aphrodite (M6) was also constructed in the agora of ancient Messene, confirmed by some movable finds there. These included some statue fragments, i.e. a marble head and the thigh of a seated woman (Doidalsas’ Aphrodite type), some terracotta tiles, and simai with relief decoration depicting two nike figures issuing from some acanthus. A stone with the inscription ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΟΥ probably represents part of the former boundary of the sanctuary.52 Temple of Mother of the Gods (M28) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,6. References: Themelis 1995: 83-84; 2010a: 114; 2010b: 140-141; 2019: 64-67. The temple of the Mother of the Gods (M28) was also constructed in the Hellenistic period. It was mentioned by Pausanias, along with Damophon’s statue of the goddess, and was identified north of the gymnasium. The temple’s existence has also been confirmed by an inscription ΜΕΓΑΛΑΙ ΜΑΤΡΙ found north of the theatre.53 Other finds linked to the temple include two votive fragments depicting Cybele, and some architectural material located northwest of the gymnasium. Temple of Zeus Soter (M9) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,6. References: Themelis 2005a: 52; 2010a: 111-112; 2010b: 141-143.54 The Messene agora also included a temple of Zeus Soter (M9). According to the excavator, this was located east of the temple of Messene and north of the Asclepieion. Finds of architectural remains (in local sandstone) and inscriptions have confirmed the temple’s location.

Andania Sanctuary of the Great Goddesses (M21) GEOMETRIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 33,4-5. References: Themelis 1967b: 207; 2007. Also, Gawlinski 2010: 91-109; 2011.

SEG 45: 1995: 305 (suppl. IG V1). Themelis 2002: 53-54; 2010: 111, and n. 28. For the statue, see Themelis 2002: 54-53, fig. 35; 2010: 113. For the inscription, see Themelis 1989: 112. 53 SEG 54: 2004: 458. Themelis 2010a: 114. 54 P. Themelis delivered a lecture on the site (‘Ancient Messene, newest researches’) at the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, on 27 April 2009. 51 52

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese According to Pausanias, the Mysteries of the Great Goddesses at Andania reach deep into the mythological past. Additionally, there is the specific testimony of Aristomenes, who, anticipating the return of Messenians to the city, hid in Ithome a bronze sheet on which were described the rituals associated with these mysteries.55 Since Aristomenes is placed in the first half of the 7th century BC, the first phase of the sanctuary’s use can be dated to the Archaic period, although according to the associated mythology, it could be even earlier. Apollo Karneios, Hermes, and the spring Agne, were also worshipped together with the Great Goddesses. The sanctuary was in the Carnasian Grove (ancient Oichalia), i.e. in the wider area between the modern villages of Callirhoe, Divari, and Konstantinoi. A feasible location is the small church of Aghios Athanasios (Callirhoe), built above an ancient building. The Mysteries are known to have been reformed during Roman times, following a Delphic oracle sought by Mnasistratos, Hierophant at Andania. A large inscription describing the rituals has been found, in two parts, built into the walls of the entrance of a church in the village of Konstantinoi.56 The inscription is dated to 91 BC, when the Mysteries were revived.57

Kalamata Area Sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (M20) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,3; Strabo 8,4,9. References: Luraghi 2008: 114; Papakonstantinou 1982: 136; Ross 1841: 6-7. Also, Koursoumis 2004-2009: 317-320; 2014: 191-222, with bibliography; Solima 2011: 206-207. The sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis is located in the area of Kalamai, at Limnai (modern Volymnos, close to modern Artemisia). This was an important sanctuary, where a common cult of both Messenians and Laconians was celebrated.58 The site witnessed the first episode in the First Messenian War. According to the traveller Ludwig Ross, the sanctuary is underneath the ruins of the church of Panaghia Volimiotissa (Kapsocherovoloussa).59 The walls of this church incorporate building material and an inscribed Roman stele from the ancient temple, supporting this identification.60 The movable finds confirm the existence of a sanctuary here as early as the 8th century BC. Among them are bronze votives, a fibula in the shape of a sirene, a lion-like handle of a lekanis, Pausanias IV, 26,7-8. The inscription (IG, V, 1390) is in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. See Georgountzos 1979: 3-43; Nilsson 1906: 337-342; Papachatzis 1994: 145-46, n. 1. 57 For a different dating of the reformation of the mysteries, see Themelis 2007b: 522. 58 Sinn 1996a: 71. 59 Volymiotissa or Volymniotissa. Ross (1841: 6-7) mentions that it was a poor sanctuary and compares it to that of Apollo on Sikinos. He suggests that the etymology of the name comes from vous (=ox) + limne (=lake) and indicates farming with oxen in the lake area (related also to the epithet Limnatis). 60 The material that Ross saw and described no longer remains; the rebuilding in 1910 of the small church of Panaghia coincided with their disappearance. For the inscribed stele, see IG, V, 1373-1378. ...ΟΙΟC Ω Τ... / ΑΓΩΝ] ΟΘΕΤΗC ΑΡΤΕ[ΜΙΔΟC/ΕΚΤΟΝΕΙΔΙΟ[Ν] 55 56

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Chapter 3. Messenia a horse statuette, a vessel handle in the form of snakes, a pin head, and a cymbal. These date from the 8th to the 6th centuries BC, but there is also pottery from the Protogeometric to the Hellenistic period.61 The most characteristic find is a bronze mirror with the inscription ΛΙΜΝΑΤΙΟ..ΑΝΕΘΕΚΕΝ, dated in the second quarter of the 5th century BC. A similar mirror was found in the temple of Artemis at Kombothekra.62 Inside the sanctuary a Roman bench with a semi-circular pedestal and washbasin (louter) has been found and cleaned. It indicates that naked competitions (gymnikos agon) were likely performed here after the revival of the Artemis cult. Grove and sanctuary of Apollo Karneios (M25) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias IV, 31,1. References: Themelis 1965: 207. The so-called Grove of Apollo Karneios was located at ancient Pharai (the modern village of Pera Kalamitsi).63 The earliest finds are Geometric (8th century BC), including a horse figurine (h: 0.10 m) from a burial pithos and four bronze pins.64 Some clay architectural parts are Archaic, e.g. remains of discoid eave tiles belonging to the sanctuary.

Dimiova Cult of Nymphs (M24) CLASSICAL References: Themelis 1965: 207; Sachs 2006: 120. There is a cave in the area of Dimiova from which Classical figurines (of the so-called ‘strict order’) and other objects have been retrieved. These finds are associated with a Nymph cult, or another unknown deity.

Pylos Area Sanctuary of an unknown deity (M26) GEOMETRIC References: Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 324; Papathanasopoulos 1970b: 181-182. A possible sanctuary of an unknown deity at Militsa is suggested by a Geometric bronze figurine of a naked man with raised hands found beneath the ruins of a Byzantine church.65 The votives mentioned have not yet been published; they are exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. Information taken from the museum’s description of the temple of Artemis Limnatis. 62 SEG 29: 1979: 395 (suppl. IG V1). Koursoumis 2004-2009: 317-320; Parlama 1973-1974: 315. This find is now in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia (cat. no. 872). 0.30 m long and 0.14 in diameter, it is dated to the second quarter of the 5th century BC. Müller 1908: 324. 63 Pharai is recognised within the modern region of Kalamata. There was also a place called Kalamai northwest of modern Kalamata. 64 The horse figurine is now in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. 65 The fact that it was found under the ruins of the Byzantine church is an extra indication for the existence of an 61

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese ii. Messenian sanctuaries of questionable dating a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Koroni Temple of Apollo Asinaios (M16) Sources: Pausanias IV, 34,11. References: Valmin 1930: 167. Modern Koroni in southern Messenia is recognised as ancient Asine.66 Below the church of Aghia Sophia within the castle area there are some preserved foundations of a building believed to be the temple of Apollo Asinaios.67 Messenian Asine was the home of Dryops from Parnassos, who came here after being expelled from his previous lands, i.e. Asine in Argolis. Apollo was his patron. A wall of the church of Aghia Sophia contains an inscription in which the word ΑΣΙΝΑΙΟΣ remains, seeming to confirm that Apollo Asinaios was once worshipped on the site. N. Valmin reminds us that the inscription does not prove the cult; it could well belong to a decree erected here by any city. b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Koroni Temple of unknown deity (M17) References: Bebonis 1926: 21-22; Valmin 1930: 168. South of modern Koroni, the settlement of Phaneromene has the preserved remains of a ruined Christian church dedicated to Panaghia Phaneromene.68 It has clearly been built of material from an ancient temple.69 Among the remains is a drum from a Doric capital that seems to have been used as the altar of the Christian church. The dimensions of the church visible today are c. 10 m x 3 m, and it is possible that it follows the shape of the ancient temple underneath.

ancient sanctuary below it. 66 According to other researchers, Asine was further south, i.e. the modern site of Phaneromene. See site M17 for more. 67 According to the preserved foundations, the dimensions of the ancient temple were much greater than those of the temple of Aghia Sophia. 68 It is the old church of Panaghia Phaneromene, before the cult was transferred to a new church at a higher altitude in the same area. 69 No excavation or official investigation has been carried out in the area. The only mention of the region is from Valmin (1930: 168) at the beginning of the 20th century, who located only Roman ruins in the wider area. Only Bebonis (1906: 21-22) suggests that the region of Phaneromene was ancient Asine, and not modern Koroni, as is widely believed today. All the data here is from the present author’s own researches in this area.

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Aulon The temple of Asclepius Aulonius (M23: Paus.IV, 36,7) was in the area of Aulon. It stood probably below the small church of Ai-Giannis, close to the train station of Aigiannakis, c. 1500 m north of the hill with the ancient ruins.70 c. Sacred places known only from written sources

Gerenia In Gerenia, on the borders of Messenia and Laconia was the sanctuary of Machaon (MS1: Pausanias IV, 3,2; IV, 36,7; III, 26,9; Strabo 8,4,4). Machaon was the son of Asclepius, and in Messenia he was worshipped as a healing deity; his tomb was also said to be in Gerenia.71 With his brother Podalirius, he took part in the Trojan War.

Kalamata area At Avia there was a sanctuary of Asclepius (MS2: Paus.IV, 30,1) and a sanctuary of Heracles (MS3: Paus.IV, 30,1).72 Akovitika had a temple of Athena (MS5: Strabo 8: 360). The proximity of the cult of Poseidon with that of Athena should be pointed out here, as also occurred at Asea in Arcadia (A16). In the area of Pharai was the temple of Tyche (MS4: Paus.IV, 30,3-4) and the sanctuary of Nikomachos and Gorgasos (MS6: Paus.IV, 30,3), who were sons of Machaon and local heroes. Pausanias notes in Kalamata the sanctuary of Athena Nedousaia (MS7: Strabo, 8,4, 4).

Petalidi Further south, in the region of ancient Korone, in modern Petalidi, was the sacred perivolos of Ino-Leukothea (MS8: Paus.IV, 34,4). No temple was erected here, only a sacred perivolos close to the sea, as it was here that Ino is said to have stepped from the waves.73 In the same area were the temples to Artemis Paidotrophos74 (MS9: Paus.IV, 34,5), Dionysus (MS10: Paus.IV, 34,5), and Asclepius (MS11: Paus.IV, 34,5).

Papachatzis 1994: 190, n. 2. To him is attributed a tholos tomb found in the area of Gerenia. Simpson 1957: 238-39; Tsountas 1891: 189-191; Wilson 2006: 403 (Marteen Grond, Kalamata). 72 The sanctuary of Heracles is supposed to be below the church of the Koimesis of the Panaghia in Paliochora. See Papachatzis 1994: 90, n. 3. 73 Pausanias saw the sanctuary of Ino-Leukothea at Petalidi; it is possible that it might lie under the remains of a Roman villa, 1.5 km north of Petalidi, at Loutro. See Themelis 2005b: 37. 74 Solima 2011: 197; Koursoumis 2014: 215-216. 70 71

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Koroni Further south, in ancient Asine (modern Koroni) was the sanctuary of Dryops (MS12: Paus. IV, 34,11). Dryops was revered as Apollo’s son and honoured as a hero. Rituals were performed to his memory every second year at Asine.

Methone Methone had a temple of Athena Anemotis (MS13: Paus.IV, 35,8) and a sanctuary of Artemis (MS14: Paus.IV, 35,8).

Pylos There was a temple of Athena Koryphasia (MS15: Paus.IV, 36,2) at Pylos. Its clear indication is a 1st-century BC decree in honour of Messenian Archidamus found during excavations at ancient Messene. This decree stipulates that it should be erected in the sanctuary of Athena Koryphasia at Pylos.75 Unfortunately, we have no further information about it.

Kyparissia There were three other sanctuaries at Kyparissia, i.e. that of Dionysus (with its spring) (MS16: Paus.IV, 36,7), below the city and close to the sea, Apollo (MS17: Paus.IV, 36,7), and Athena Kyparissia (MS18: Paus.IV, 36,7). iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era A characteristic example strongly suggesting the continuation of cults in the same place, or with a similar name, is the modern feast of the Transfiguration in many places in Messenia, where it is called the feast of Aghia Soteira.76 There is a strong possibility that the cult of Athena Soteira was transformed into the cult of Aghia Soteira, making it easier for the new religion to be accepted by believers in the Olympic Gods. There are other examples hinting at the transformation of ancient sacred places into Christian places of worship: • The monastery of Vourkanou (Voulkanou) was built on the site of the sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas (M4).77 Reminiscent of the ancient cult, where the priest took from his house the god’s statue once a year, even today the icon of the Mother of God is taken from the monastery in a procession to modern Messene every year, where it is worshipped for a week and then returned to the monastery after the celebrations.

See Themelis 2007c: 52. Note the use of a female epithet, not a male one as it should, referring here to Jesus. 77 There is an oral tradition that connects the contemporary monastery of Vourkanos (Voulkanos) with the cult of Zeus, the wielder of thunderbolts and controller of the weather. In autumn, when the first rains are expected, the locals would turn towards the monastery and say, ‘Bring it, Aghia Vourkana, bring it’. They would be referring, of course, to the rains, vital if their autumn crops are to flourish. This tradition connects weather-controlling Zeus to ‘Aghia Vourkana’ (=Saint Vourkana), the contemporary monastery’s patron saint (pers. com. Eustathios Marantos). 75 76

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Chapter 3. Messenia • The temple of Zeus Soter (M9) in ancient Messene was converted into a Christian basilica, according to its excavator. • The sanctuary of Athena Nedousaia (MS7) lies beneath the ruined church of Panaghia Kalomata in the castle of Pharai, in modern Kalamata. According to Themelis (1970a: 124-25), the identification of the cult of Athena at this site is based, despite Strabo’s directions in this case, on the fact that this cult was often sited on a city’s acropolis. Additionally, the epithet Kalomata given to the Panaghia is probably to be associated with Athena Glaukopis. • The sanctuary of Apollo Korythos (M15) was converted into a Paleochristian basilica, with a space added to the west and a niche to the east, using ancient material from the temple. It was transformed again later into the church of Aghios Andreas.78 This Christian basilica, which covered Building C, contained burials, each of which had a vase and a few Byzantine objects. • In Koroni, the foundations of the temple of Apollo Asinaios (M16) are preserved below the small church of Aghia Sophia. • In the area of Phaneromene, close to Koroni, the church of Panaghia Phaneromene was erected above the ancient temple (M17) of an unknown deity. • Another unidentified (Geometric) sanctuary (M26) probably lies beneath a Byzantine church near Militsa. • The temple of Asclepius Aulonius (M23) could possibly lie under the small church of Ai-Giannis near Aulon.79 • Underneath the church of Aghios Elias in Ano Melpeia have been found the foundations of an unidentified temple (M27).

78 79

Versakis 1916: 65; 75. Papachatzis 1994: 190, n. 2.

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Chapter 4 Laconia Mythological – Historical background Mythological background Pausanias (III, 1,1-1,9) begins his narration by saying that the Lacedaemonians considered as their first king Lelex, from whom they were named Leleges.1 Lelex’s sons were Myles and Polykaon. Myles took control of the territory and after him his son, Eurotas. The latter worked hard for the region, i.e. constructing a water channel to allow the waters collected in the plain of Sparta to flow into the sea. The river that was formed took his name, Eurotas. Eurotas had no sons, and control passed to his son-in-law, Lakedaimon, the child of Taygete and Zeus, who took as his wife Eurotas’ daughter, Sparta. He gave his name to Laconia and his wife’s name to the city. Their son was Amyklas, who founded the city of Amyklai. His son was Hyacinthus, who died young was buried in a city that bore his name. Argalos, the other son of Amyklas, reigned subsequently, and after him Kynortas. Next was Oebalus, who married Gorgophone, daughter of Perseus and Andromeda from Argos; they had two children, Tyndareus and Hippokoon. When Tyndareus came to power, his older brother, Hippokoon, formed an alliance with Ikarios, Penelope’s father, to contest the legitimacy of his kingship and Tyndareus was forced initially to seek refuge in Pellana. Following the Messenian tradition, Tyndareus went into exile to Messenia, with Aphareus, a brother on his mother’s side. He settled in Thalamai and only later did he venture into Laconia, wresting power back with the help of Heracles. Tyndareus’ children, famously, were Castor, Polydeuces, and Helen, and the two sons reigned together, with Helen’s husband, Menelaus, the latter being the son of Atreas, and brother of Agamemnon. The next generation saw Orestes king, taking Hermione, Menelaus’ daughter, as his wife; their son was Tisamenos, and it was in his reign that the Heracleidae returned. Among the Heracleidae are thought to be Temenos, who took Argos, Cresphontes, who took Messenia, and Aristodemus, who was killed during the expedition of the Heracleidae into the Peloponnese; it was the twin sons of Aristodemus, Procles and Eurysthenes, who became kings of Sparta. This joint arrangement, which was approved by the Delphic oracle, was the start of the ongoing custom for Sparta to have two kings. With them the period defined as the mythological past of Laconia ends, and historical fact seems to prove Pausanias’s narration. Historical background2 The populations of Laconia changed a great deal during the 11th century BC, when new occupants arrived into the Peloponnese. The new inhabitants took Laconia, mainly by force, and created a different social stratification, from which a new social hierarchy developed. For the mythological past of Laconia, see also Thommen 2006: 17-20. For historical facts concerning Laconia, see Herodotus: 6 and 7; Strabo 8: 5,1-5-8; Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft III, A2, col. 1265-1453; Encyklopaedia Papyros-Larousse-Britannica, ‘Laconia’, authors Pikoulas and Kardara, 1979: 9-50, Cartledge 1979: 75-304; Kagan 2006: 261-267; Pikoulas 2006: 24-28; Powel 1988: 96-135; Ramou 1982: 40-42; Thommen 2006: 20-22; 2019: 76-89. Also, Forrest 1968: 40-130; Shipley 2004c: 569-598, with bibliography. 1 2

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Chapter 4. Laconia Except for the free citizens of Sparta, who were Dorians, the rest of Laconia was settled by the perioikoi, the previous inhabitants, who accepted without resistance their new overlords, occupying themselves in agriculture, trade, and crafts.3 Other inhabitants in the territory were Helots, a subservient group with no rights, who worked and paid taxes to the Spartans. The history of Laconia and the Lacedaemonians is mainly linked to Sparta and her activities as a city-state. Sparta was the result of the synoecism of four komai in the Geometric period, i.e. Limnai, Pitane, Mesoa, and Kynosoura, with Amyklai being added later as a fifth member.4 The synoecism occurred in the 8th century BC, at the time of Lycourgos. The latter created a new legislative framework and established the rules of the state.5 Two royal families governed Sparta, descendants of the mythical Aristodemus, the Agiadai and the Eurypontidai. Their ancestors were Agis, son of Eurysthenes and grandson of Aristodemus, and Eurypon, grandson of Procles. The dual kingship of Sparta remained for many centuries. As well as local military operations to gain more adjacent land, the Spartans immediately sought to colonise more distant territories, e.g. Thera and Taras. The fertile and adjacent lands of Messenia were obvious targets for the Lacedaemonians; Laconia itself was mainly mountainous and infertile. Thus began the series of conflicts known as the Messenian Wars. The first was waged between 735-715 BC, with the second in the middle of the 7th century BC. In the 6th century BC, Sparta made advances into southern Arcadia, i.e. Leuktro, the modern village of Leontari in Megalopolis. After a battle in 547/546 BC they conquered Thyreatis, Kynouria, Maleas, and Kythera, which belonged to Argos. Sparta evolved a distinct image, based on its martial behaviour and lengthy conflicts, impacting directly on the lives of its the citizens. From the end of the 6th century BC, the individual was controlled from birth by the state.6 Education followed strict and specific rules, with austerity and discipline at its core, to create good citizens and brave warriors. Sparta’s distinct martial regime, along with its expansionary ambitions, inevitably led to friction with certain city-states, and military alliances with others. Notable alliances were forged with Kroisos of Lydia and Amasis of Egypt, as well as campaigns against Samos in 529 BC and Naxos in 517 BC.7 Simultaneously, Sparta maintained a protracted hatred and competitive stance towards Athens. The Lacedaemonians made their first intervention into the affairs of the Athenians in 510 BC, when Peisistratos was expelled from the city. The events that followed were to consolidate the Athenian and Spartan political systems as ‘democratic’ and ‘oligarchic’, respectively.8

For the perioikoi, see Shipley1997: 189-281. Cartledge 1979: 106; Ramou 1982: 40. 5 Hansen 1995: 54-55; Parker 2004: 38; Rhodes 1993: 163. 6 Kagan 2006: 261. 7 For the Spartan invasion of Samos in 529 BC, See Herodotus, 3, 47; Cartledge 2002: 120. In 517 BC Kleomenes liberated Naxos from the tyranny of Lygdamis. See Cartledge 2002: 125; Sekunda 1998: 7. 8 Kagan 2006: 262. 3 4

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The dominant personality in Laconia at the end of the 6th century BC (520-490 BC) was king Kleomenes A’.9 He reigned, together with Demaratos, and his name is linked to a series of expeditions, including against Athens in the hope of establishing an oligarchy there.10 In the 5th century BC, most of Sparta’s energies concentrated on the wars with Persia. Famously, its men, under Leonidas, took part in the engagement at Thermopylai, and at Plataiai, under Pausanias. The army was also present at the battle of Salamis, after which the Persians retreated from Greece.11 In 465/464 BC, a huge earthquake in Sparta gave the Helots an opportunity to a revolt, resulting in severe consequences for the state.12 Some years later, the First Peloponnesian War between Sparta and Athens began (459-445 BC), which eventually ended with a thirty-year peace. The Second Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) was effectively a disaster for both states, although the conflict ended in defeat for Athens. The Spartan Phoibidas captured Thebes in 382 BC, placing a Laconian garrison within the city. In 379 BC, Epameinondas, the Theban general, retook his citadel and eight years later soundly defeated the Lacedaemonians at Leuktra in Boeotia. After his great victory, Epameinondas marched on the Peloponnese itself and liberated several regions, e.g. south Arcadia and Messenia, from Spartan control. The victorious general established new cities, e.g. Megalopolis and Messene, to ensure the regions remained free and secure. Sparta was never able to recapture her former glory, and within a short while Macedonian forces had reduced her influence and territories even more.13 Catalogue of Laconia (Tables 7, 8; Maps 1, 1D, 2, 3, 4) Laconia stretches into the southern part of the Peloponnese, Messenia forming the southwestern area of the peninsular. All Laconia was greatly influenced by its Mycenaean past, playing a significant role in the future development of the land. Great changes occurred in the Peloponnese c. 1100-1000 BC, with the final destruction of the Mycenaean centres, the invasion of new tribes, and the beginning of a new historical period that issued in shifts in the distribution of the population and associated cult habits. It was this period, the 11th and 10th centuries BC, that saw the development of the conditions necessary to create a society such as appeared in the historical period in Laconia.

Herodotus 5: 39-42. Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 11,1: 695-702; Cartledge 2001: 64-65. Pelekidis 1971: 265, 267, 289-90; Sakellariou 1971. 11 Herodotus 8: 42-43. 12 Pikoulas 2006: 24; Powell 2002: 53; Thommen 1996: 125-131. 13 Kardara 1979: 108-117. 9

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Chapter 4. Laconia i. Laconian Sanctuaries that can be dated a. Sanctuaries found or excavated

Sparta Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (L3) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 16,7-11. References: Bosanquet 1905-06: 303-317; Catling 1986; 187-204; Dawkins 1906-1907: 44-108; 1907-1908: 4-29; 1908-1909: 5-22; 1909-1910: 15-53; 1929a: 1-52; Kirsten 1958: 170-176; Rose 1929: 399-407. Also, Boardman 1963: 1-5; Dimitriadis 1992: 80-92; Falb 2009: 127-152; MazarakisAinian 1997: 166-167; Solima 2011: 183-189, with bibliography; Zavvou et al. 2006: 34. Artemis Orthia was worshipped in the city of Sparta from the early Geometric period. At first there was no cult building, and only traces of sacrifices at an open-air altar, dated c. 950-900 BC, have been found. The first cult building was constructed c. 700 BC, a long wooden temple, orientated E-W. Its dimensions were 12 m x 4.4 m, and parts of its southern foundation and west wall remain. The foundations were constructed from river pebbles and the wall was made of sun-dried bricks with woodwork. On the long axis there was a row of thin stone slabs that supported wooden brackets. This structure was one of the first belonging to the style of long, monumental temples with interior wooden colonnades. It is reminiscent of the two temples of the first half of the 7th century BC at Kalapodi (Phthiotis).14 The altar was built at its east side. The water level of the Eurotas rose dramatically c. 600 BC, covering the temple. To protect the site from future floods the surface of the temenos was covered with sand and a new temple constructed in the same place. This new temple, 17 m x 7.60 m, was distyle in antis, made of limestone and with mud-brick walls. It has not been preserved, but there are indications that the pediment was decorated with sculpted confronted lions. The excavations brought to light a significant number of votives, including pottery, terracotta masks, bronze statuettes and decorative objects, ivory plaques, and lead or bronze offerings, among which were models of double-axes.15 The large number of clay masks is remarkable. They date to the 7th and 6th centuries BC and depict various characters (warriors, youths, satyrs, women, old people, and schematic faces). Among the finds was a 7th- century plate with the inscription [ΑΝΕΘΕ]ΚΕ ΤΑΙ FOΡΘΑΣΙΑΙ.16 A new building was probably made above the foundations of the Archaic temple in Hellenistic times. This building stood until the next period, when reconstruction took place. The new Hellenistic building incorporated Archaic material, including the earlier Archaic capitals.

Felsch 1987: 15; Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 218; Niemeier 2010: 107, fig. 7 (Kalapodi). Marangou 1969: 9-182; Wace 1929: 270. 16 Dawkins 1929a: 16. For the inscriptions of the 7th century BC, see Catling 1986: 200. 14

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese A great transformation in the sanctuary took place in the Roman period, shortly after AD 225. At this time the site was enclosed within a circular theatre, material from the older phases being used in the foundations. Temple of Athena Chalkioikos or Polias (L5) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias III, 17,2. References: Catling 1986: 187-204; Dickins 1906-1907a: 137-154. Also, Zavvou et al. 2006: 18-19. In the acropolis of Sparta stood the temple of Athena Chalkioikos or Polias. Its roots are lost in the mythological past, with Pausanias noting that Tyndareus, Helen’s father, began the construction but it was never finished. It is dated back to the 9th century BC, according to the finds, which include fragments of Geometric pottery and various bronze objects. In the second half of the 6th century BC some restoration took place in the temple and the Spartan artist Gitiadas was asked to fashion a monumental statue of the goddess. Only the south part of the perivolos came to light during the excavation, to a length of 25.20 m. It was made of roughly worked polygonal stones and later acted as a supporting base for subsequent structures. The building is not preserved, but it is supposed that it had a cella, orientated E-W, for the protection of the goddess’ cult statue. A pit was discovered in the southern area containing small objects, e.g. clay figurines of all the periods, many bronze objects, and a proto-Corinthian vase. The temple was still in use in the Classical period. Restoration works took place at the end of the 5th century BC, and the temple was covered with bronze plaques or sheets. The significant Classical finds include a mirror with an inscribed dedication to the goddess, and more bronze votives. Although the temple was dedicated initially to Athena Polias, the epithet of the goddess changed to Chalkioikos, referring to the covering of bronze plaques. Unidentified sanctuary (L38) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Delivorias 1969: 134-139; Demakopoulou 1966: 154-157; 1967: 200-203. From the late Geometric dates the first phase of an unidentified sanctuary found in Sparta close to the River Eurotas. A pit was uncovered that contained Geometric finds and traces of a large 4th-century BC temple in antis. Regrettably the research was not completed, as the temple continues outside the confines of the Laskaris excavation plot and beneath the road. The temple was still in use in the Archaic period. Two pieces of Archaic, soft limestone Doric capitals have been found. Also among the finds was a fragment of a lekythos, dated to the end of the 6th century BC, with black- figured decoration of confronted horses. The revealed classical temple wall, on an E-W axis and with a length of 14.5 m, was built using an isodomus system of large blocks of soft limestone (poros) without connecting material. Among the movable finds from the excavation, the pottery is the most important, including 92

Chapter 4. Laconia Classical, black-figured sherds from skyphoi, kylikes, amphoras, craters, and oinochoai. The Classical material far exceeds the quantities of ceramics from other periods found at the site. The sanctuary was still in use in the Hellenistic era, according to the pottery found, and in Roman times, when a later perivolos was added, made of material taken from the damaged building. Sanctuary of female deity (L37) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Delivorias 1968a: 151-153; 1968b: 41-45; 1969: 134-139. At the entrance to the city of Sparta, in the Stavropoulou plot, a rural sanctuary was found that dates to the end of the 6th/beginning of the 5th century BC. A female deity was worshipped there, probably Artemis, but this remains unconfirmed. The sanctuary included a building with a marble crepis, with a length of at least 17.70 m and a width of 5.15 m. A pit was found northeast of the temple, in which there was a tomb made of terracotta tiles covered with plaques. Some clay figurines from the same mould stand out among the excavation finds, depicting a female figure of the Artemis type, with a short chiton, a quiver on her right shoulder, and a dog sitting by her right foot. Other finds include two clay comical masks and a late Archaic relief of the type of the sitting chthonian gods or heroised dead. The sanctuary continued to be in use in the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman periods. In the 1st century AD the pit was filled with domestic vases and a perivolos constructed above it. The excavator assumes that in the same period the building was renovated after being destroyed by floods. After that it was used as a residence. Sanctuary of Gaia (L33) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias III, 12,8. References: Christou 1964: 102-120. In the agora of ancient Sparta was revealed a chthonian open-air sanctuary that could possibly be the sanctuary of Gaia.17 Finds included very many pieces of the black-glazed tiles that were regularly used in Sparta in the 5th and 4th centuries BC. The most significant find was made in the southern part of the site, i.e. an eschara used in sacrifices and a pit (bothros) to drain away the blood of the sacrificed animal. Unidentified temple (L31) ARCHAIC References: Christou 1962: 115-116. The excavator (Christou 1964: 102-120) assumes that the sanctuary is either that of Gaia and Zeus Agoraios, or of Gaia, both mentioned by Pausanias (III, 11,9 and III, 12,8 respectively). We are taking it here as the Sanctuary of Gaia (the second candidate) as the excavator confirms only the chthonian cult. 17

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At Kalogonia, a suburb of southern Sparta, a temple to an unknown deity was discovered. According to the excavator, it was a small Laconian roadside sanctuary on the way from Sparta to Menelaion. A rectangular Archaic building (13 m x 8.5 m), it was built using large conglomerate stones at the corners and small stones and clay for the walls. Finds here included some black-figured sherds, an Archaic acroterion depicting a female face, and two miniature vases. Sanctuary of Achilles (L11) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 20,8. References: Dickins 1906-1907b: 169-173. For later details, see Stibbe 2002: 207-210. Just outside the city of Sparta was the sanctuary of Achilles. On the road to Megalopolis, 2 km from the city, finds were made of a wall, 18.50 m long and running southwest. A corner was formed at its north end, at which was found part of a Doric stone column that belonged to an altar, a small temple, or even a heroon. Although we have no written identification, the excavator considers that the cult place was dedicated to Achilles. The site dates from the middle of the 7th/middle of the 6th century BC.18 Discovered in the sanctuary was a sacrificial deposit containing a mixture of ash and animal bones, many vases, and lead figurines. The finds at the site were substantial, i.e. c. 4000 whole miniature vases, 8000 broken ones, eight clay figurines, 44 lead figurines, and various small objects made of iron, bone, and clay. Classical sherds of vases and several bronze mirrors of the 4th century BC indicate the use of the sanctuary in that era. It continued in use until the 3rd or 2nd century BC.

Amyklai Sanctuary of Apollo and Hyacinthus (L1) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 18,10-19,5. References: Buschor 1927: 1-23; Calligas 1992: 31-48; Christou 1956: 211-212; 1960a: 228-231; 1960b: 102-103; 1961: 177-178; Demakopoulou 1982: 79-96; Tsountas 1892: 1-26; Vlizos 2009: 11-23; 2011-2012: 91-103; 2017: 71-90. Also, Delivorrias 2009: 133-135; Demakopoulou 2009: 95104; Dietrich 1974: 222-223; Petropoulou 2011-2012: 153-131, with newer bibliography. The sanctuary of Apollo and Hyacinthus had its roots in the late Mycenaean period. It was established in Amyklai, just outside Sparta, an area with traces of habitation already in the early Bronze Age. The cult centre was the altar. Burned earth, animal bones and horns, as well as broken vases, bear witness to its existence. The first historical finds are dated to the Protogeometric (1000-900 BC), and contain doubleaxes, rings, weapons, primitive human figurines, animals made of bronze and clay, and pins. The finding of three Mycenaean sherds could point to a very early dating of the sanctuary; such a date, however, cannot be verified from this small sample. See Stibbe 2002: 210. 18

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Chapter 4. Laconia From the Geometric period come tripods, bronze votives, and different kinds of figurines and vases. In the Archaic period the sanctuary flourished even more – the temenos was expanded and a giant statue of Apollo erected. Bathykles from Magnisia (Asia Minor) was commissioned to make a construction that would surround the gigantic statue of the god that stood in an open space. This is known as the Throne of Bathykles.19 Among the Classical finds are vases, bronze objects, pins, rings, lead figurines, bronze sheets, the base of a mirror, and various ivory offerings. From Hellenistic times there are miniature vases dedicated to the sanctuary. Many Roman female clay figurines and terracotta statues (half life-size) have been found, probably representing mainly female deities jointly worshipped at Amyklaio. It is evident that the votives had a local character in this period.

Therapne Sanctuary of Helen and Menelaus (L8) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 19,9. References: Catling 1975: 258-269; 1976: 79-80; 1974-1977: 24-42; 1977: 408-416; 1982: 28-43; Catling and Cavanagh 1976: 145-157; 2009: 1-10; Zavvou 2012. Homer mentions at Therapne, on the east bank of the Eurotas in southeast Sparta, the existence of a cult of Helen. Excavations in the area revealed a settlement and a palace already flourishing in the Middle Helladic, indicating that the area was one of the more significant Laconian centres in the early Mycenaean times. The settlement was abandoned c. 1175 BC, but the new settlers choose the same location to establish, in the 8th century BC, an altar for the cult of Helen and Menelaus. Among the finds of this period are some decorated vases and a few bronze and lead objects. In the middle of the 6th century BC, the so-called ‘Old Menelaion’ was made using thin, soft limestone blocks. Although nothing has been preserved in situ, the excavator mentions a small building, monumental in character, made of stone (poros); it had a pediment, terracotta tiles, and disc acroteria, all reminiscent of features from the temple of Artemis Orthia. In the fill of the plateau made for the construction of the later temple, many Archaic votives have been found, as well as Laconian and imported Corinthian ceramics and fragments of Attic black-figured pottery of the 6th century BC, e.g. a Panathenaic amphora and bronze objects. A 6th-century pit contained several finds, including a bronze vase, a decorated bronze shield, some miniature bronze figurines with special characteristics (ox head, mouse, sitting lion), lead votives of the Laconian type, clay figurines, and Laconian pottery. Finds of extreme significance included an aryballos of the second quarter of the 7th century BC with the inscription: ΔΕΙΝΙΣ ΤΑΔ’ΑΝΕΘΕΚΕ ΧΑΡΙ FΕΛΕΝΑΙ ΜΕΛΑFΟ (=ΔΕΙΝΗΣ ΑΦΙΕΡΩΝΕΙ Pausanias III, 18,10-16 for the mention of the throne. For a reconstruction of the Throne of Apollo Amyklaios, see Kardara 1979: 272. See also, Delivorrias 2009: 133-135; Georgoulaki 1994: 95-118; Prückner 1992: 123-130; Vlizos 2009: 14, fig. 1. 19

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese ΑΥΤΟ [ΣΤΗ ΣΥΖΥΓΟ ΤΟΥ] ΜΕΝΕΛΑΟΥ),20 and a cult instrument called an arpax, dated 470 BC, with the inscription: ΤΑΙ FΕΛΕΝΑΙ.21 These inscriptions and other similar finds confirm that this site was dedicated to the cult of Helen and Menelaus. A new temple was built above the previous one in 500-470 BC. It was one of the largest Laconian buildings of the Classical period to have been preserved. It was made of poros stone, and finds have been made of marble and limestone remnants from the architectural decoration. It had a large perivolos for the placement of votives. This large, extra-urban sanctuary was built on a hill, affording a fine view. It was cared for by the city and was of significant importance for the region, keeping the connection to the Mycenaean tradition alive. The sanctuary was reshaped during the late 3rd or early 2nd century BC. Among the finds from this period are tiles, blocks, sherds, clay figurines, lead votives, and fragments of bronze objects. According to the finds, the sanctuary was not used after the end of the Hellenistic period. Sanctuary of Zeus Plousios (L32) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 19,7. References: Christou 1962: 116-121. On the road to Therapne, on the old bank of the Eurotas, southeast of Sparta, rescue excavations recovered the sanctuary of Zeus Plousios, a rectangular building, 17.60 m x 14.10 m. A rectangular platform or crepis had been created across the entrance, in the middle of which was a kind of socket. The layout of the building is peculiar, and it was possibly an altar. It has similar proportions to the Amyklaio complex, but also similarities to other large altars known from Asia Minor (e.g. the altar of the temple of Athena at Priene, and the altar of Artemis at Magnesia on the Maeander). An empty Roman tomb was found inside the building, possibly suggesting a heroon at the site.

Aphyssou Temple of Asclepius Kotyleus (L35) CLASSICAL / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 19,7. References: Christou 1963a: 130-136. The road from Sparta to Therapne went through Ktirakia, in the area of Aphyssou, where there was probably a temple to Asclepius Kotyleus. During excavations close to the river, an almost square Classical building, without a propylon, was uncovered. The excavator notes that this building seemed to specifically emphasise the heroic side of Asclepius, suggesting also that the monument served as a heroon; this might also justify its strange shape. SEG 26: 1976: 457 (suppl. IG V1). Catling and Cavanagh 1976: 149-153, fig. 1-2, tab. I. The arpax was probably a ceremonial instrument used for sacrifices. See Catling and Cavanagh 1976: 153-157, fig. 3, tab. II. SEG 26: 1976: 458 (suppl. IG V1). 20 21

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Chapter 4. Laconia The temple was transformed into a Roman family tomb. At that time, all the older marble parts of the temple were placed in a pit, both as a reminder of the past and as an act of respect for the sacredness of the site. Sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus (L34) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL/ HELLENISTIC/ ROMAN References: Catling 1989: 187-200; 1990a: 276-95; 1990b: 15-35; 2002: 67-107. Also, French 198990: 21-26; Cavangh et al. 2002: 220; Zolotnikova 2013: 107. At the highest point of Mt Tsakona, in the hilly region on the way from Sparta to Chrysapha, there was a sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. The area has preserved traces of habitation from the Meso-Helladic period. The first signs of use during historic times are a few late Geometric sherds. The oldest find is a bronze fibula of the late 8th/early 7th century BC. Additionally, fragments have turned up of Daedalic figurines of the 7th century BC. The first cult building dates from the Archaic period. Two buildings have been identified in the middle of the hill, one of which seems to have had a religious use. This was a rectangular stone building (22 m x 5 m), orientated NE-SW and with its entrance on the east side. The building material was schist and the roof had Laconian tiles. A fragment of a 6th-century BC Laconian cup has a partial inscription: ...]ΕΜΕΣΑΠΕΥ, considered to be a dedication to Messapeus Zeus, and which has helped with the identification of the sanctuary. A large assemblage of handmade figurines, made mainly from fine clay, was found; they are no more than 0.08 m high, in the main monochrome,22 and most depict male ithyphallic figures, with only a few female forms among them. Some of the heads do not look human; they are deformed or depict monkeys. Of note among the figurines are some rare types, e.g. a standing man placing his hands on a low table, and nude, female figurines of pregnant women in a birthing position. A late Archaic kouros head was also found at the site. The number of votives found in this sanctuary is less in comparison to other sanctuaries. The temple continued to be used in the Classical period and was damaged by the earthquake of 425 BC.23 It was rebuilt in the 1st century BC from the same material.24 During the Roman period there seems to have been an hiatus in its use of c. 300 years. The cult returned in the 3rd/4th century AD, as indicated by finds of lamps and glass objects.

Mount Taygetos Unidentified sanctuary (L30) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC References: Pikoulas 1992: 141-146.

Catling 2002: 107, fig. 8. The earthquake is mentioned by Thucydides III, 89. 24 Catling 1990b: 34. 22 23

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese On the east side of Mt Taygetos, at Sela, at an altitude of 1110 m, there are remains of an unidentified sanctuary in use from the Protogeometric period. Its presence was confirmed by movable finds, mainly ceramics. Characteristic finds include some Geometric sherds, i.e. an inscribed krateriskos with typical black-figured Protogeometric decoration. In the Archaic period this roadside sanctuary played a key role. Among the finds stands out a bronze equestrian figurine. From the Classical era come some votive vessels, as well as some unpainted, coarse sherds. The sanctuary continued to be used into the Hellenistic period.

Kastraki Sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods (L28) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 22,4. References: Geniere 2005: 13-82; Xagorari-Gleissner 2008: 116-117. The rural sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods at Kastraki, outside of the ancient city of Akriai, is late Geometric. The cult was open-air at this time, since no traces of architectural remains have been found, only Subgeometric sherds that indicate activity at the site. The first building dates to the end of the 7th century BC, but only a few architectural parts of the temple remained, e.g. fragments of clay acroteria and a decorated disc of the 6th century BC. Doric capitals and columns are dated to the middle of the 6th century BC, indicating an early reconstruction of the temple. At this time the wooden parts of the temple were replaced by stone work, and the temple gained its monumental form. Among the finds are mainly Corinthian aryballoi and lekythoi that refer to libations.25 Characteristic is the head of a female Daedalic figurine, confirming the cult of a female deity in the temple.26 After a gap in the Classical period, the temple became prominent again in the Hellenistic period, especially in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. There was a reconstruction and a rectangular building with columns was added to the SW of the complex. The votives were plentiful, coming from local workshops. Libations were still performed, as the vases with perforated base indicate. The figurines and the large numbers of utilitarian pottery found indicate that meals were prepared inside the temple. The temple was active until the 1st century BC, based on finds of early Roman terracotta lamps, but by the late Roman period it was abandoned

Apidia Unidentified roadside sanctuary (L36) CLASSICAL References: Christou 1960b: 103. 25 26

According to the excavator there are similar vases for libations in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia. Geniere 2005: 48 and for the picture Geniere 2005, tab. XXXV (151.Κ43).

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Chapter 4. Laconia A very small and unidentified roadside sanctuary of the 5th century BC was excavated in the village of Apidia; it had stone foundations and mud-brick walls, the tiles revealing dark paint. The sanctuary had a short lifespan, being destroyed at the beginning of the 4th century BC. Among the finds were some small, 5th-century vases.

Kournou Unidentified temple (L26) ROMAN References: Winter and Winter 1983: 1-10. In the area of Kournou, at a location called Kionia, there was an unidentified temple with a date of c. 100 BC. It was in antis, with dimensions of 3.17 m x 3m, built of local grey marble. The statue base is preserved, its shape indicating that a wooden statue stood in the temple. This implies a primitive cult. Temple of Demeter (L27) ROMAN References: Winter and Winter 1983: 1-10. Another temple was excavated in the Kournou area, one probably dedicated to Demeter. It is dated 75-50 BC,27 and was peripteral with an almost square cella, with a length of c. 15 m, without a pronaos or opisthodomos, made of local, grey marble. Although Doric, it included some Ionian parts.

Tainaron Sanctuary of Poseidon Tainarios (L22) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 25,5. References: Cummer 1978: 35-43; Mylonopoulos 2003: 229-240; 2006: 140-146. Poseidon Tainarios was worshipped at Tainaron since at least the Archaic period.28 His sanctuary and psychopompeion was situated at the entrance of a cave and was considered to be an entrance to Hades.29 At the entrance to the cave is a 5-m wide foundation in the rock that once formed part of a wall or door. Outside, east of the foundation, the natural rock has been shaped in such way as to create a level area above the sea. Inside the cave there was a wall, 2 m wide, made of square blocks placed at the edge of the natural rock. It seems that the cave was man-made.

Papachatzis 2004a: 436, note 6. The fact that Poseidon was worshipped in Tainaron as a chthonian deity raised the possibility that his cult was older than the Archaic period. An excavation inside the sanctuary might shed light on the earlier chronological layers and perhaps help with the dating of the cult. 29 Plutarch, Moralia, On the Delays of the Divine Vengeance, 560. Bursian 1862: 150; Friese 2010: 154-156; Mylonopoulos 2003: 231-233; 2006: 143. Gardner (2021: 339-358) is of different opinion. 27 28

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese In the 5th century BC, a limestone temple was constructed west of the cavernous space, having two apsidal rooms divided by a low door. The first room had dimensions of 3.70 m x 3.50 m, the second 2.20 m x 1.70 m.30 The finds included an inscription and some architectural parts that indicate a date of 450430 BC. Hellenistic capitals of grey-blue marble were found in the temple. Tainaron became a substantial base in Hellenistic and Roman times. Later, the sanctuary was used by the Lacedaemonian League (Koinon) until the 2nd century AD.31

Phoiniki Sanctuary of Apollo Hyperteleatas (L18) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 22,10. References: Delivorias 1969: 134-139; Kalligas 1980: 10-30. Also, Stibbe 2008: 17-45. At the village of Phoiniki, in the area of modern Molaoi, there are the remains of a sanctuary of Apollo Hyperteleatas.32 The excavations recovered a Doric capital, architectural parts, and also the foundations of a long building (27.90 m x 7.40 m). The foundations consisted of large blocks of conglomerate limestone. In front of this building was the foundation of a temporary construction that probably belonged to the square altar of the sanctuary. The sanctuary was above a cave. At some point the roof of the cave fell and a large pit was created. Most of the finds were at the bottom of this pit. Among these finds were many sherds of the 6th and 5th centuries BC, clay figurines, still with traces of colour, fragments of the building’s Laconian tiles, a 5th-century bronze lamp, many small bronze objects, and the head of a small late Archaic kouros, made of Parian marble. The sanctuary seems to have flourished anew in Hellenistic times, and by the Roman period it had become the centre of the League of the Free Laconians, with a final flurry of activity at the beginning of the 3rd century AD.33 b. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Sparta Temple of Eileithyia (L4) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias III, 17,1. References: Dawkins 1929a: 1-52; 1929b: 378-386.

For a plan, see Cummer 1978: 40, fig. 4. Mee and Spawforth 2001: 235; Mylonopoulos 2006a: 146. 32 Pausanias mentions in the area a sanctuary of Asclepius Hyperteleatas. He was probably wrong, as all the finds indicate that there was only a temple of Apollo there. Delivorias 1969: 134-39; Kalligas 1980: 10-30; Karapanos 1884: 197-214; Papachatzis 2004a: 419, n. 1. 33 Cartledge 1979: 99. The League of Free Laconians was created in 195 BC and remained in existence until AD 297. See Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,2, col. 2353. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 432; 2006: 146. 30 31

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Chapter 4. Laconia Pausanias mentions the temple of Eileithyia adjacent to the temple of Artemis Orthia (L3). This temple has so far not been uncovered, but finds from the excavations of the Orthia site confirm its existence at that location. Tiles have been recovered with inscriptions, such as ΕΛΕΥΘΙΑΣ, and also figurines related to motherhood.34 Among the latter is a figurine depicting two birth daemons supporting a mother and her newborn child, and another of a woman holding a baby in her arms. They are dated to the 7th, or even 8th century BC. Temple of Zeus Messapeus (L9) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias III, 20,3. References: Christou 1961-1962: 83-85; 1962: 113-121; Orlandos 1962: 133-144. Also, Taiphakos 1976-1977: 214-223; Zavvou 2006: 157-174. In the area of Xirokambi, 20 km south of Sparta, in the foothills of Mt Taygetos, there was a temple of Zeus Messapeus. The identification has been strengthened by the find of a tile inscribed ΔΙΟΣ [ΜΕΣΣΑ] ΠΕΟΣ.35 An unknown settlement was located here from the Bronze Age right through to Roman times. Other finds from here include Archaic sherds and small lead figurines, similar to those from the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia and other Laconian sanctuaries.

Amyklai Sanctuary of Alexandra and Agamemnon (L7) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 19,6. References: Christou 1956: 211-212; 1960a: 228-231; 1960b: 101-104; Salapata 1993: 189-190. In the area of Amyklai there was also a sanctuary of Alexandra and Agamemnon. A pit related to the complex has come to light, but not the sanctuary itself. The oldest finds in the pit are Geometric, but the sanctuary flourished in the Archaic period. Inscriptions on vases, e.g. part of a black-figured vase inscribed [ΑΛΕΞΑ]ΝΔΡΑ, confirm its identification.36 The finds were mainly votives, including reliefs depicting ritual meals, figurines, vases and sherds, inscribed rims of large vases, large numbers of kylix bases, and various metal objects, e.g. three small lead wreaths.37 Of note were the small clay relief plaques, depicting mainly a bearded figure holding a kantharos, accompanied by a female paredros.38 The same depiction is known from tomb reliefs and is associated with the dead. These finds lend a chthonian character to the sanctuary. Other themes depicted in relief were the snake, the pomegranate, and the kantharos. SEG 28: 1978: 409 (b), (suppl. IG V1). Dawkins 1929b: 370. SEG 26: 1976: 460 (suppl. IG V1). 36 Or [ΚΑΣΣΑ]ΝΔΡΑ. See Christou 1960a: 229. 37 Similar wreaths have been found in the temple of Artemis Orthia. See Christou 1960a: 229. 38 For the plaques depicting the seated bearded man and woman paredros, see Salapata 1993: 189-197; 2002: 131-133, 2009: 325, 337. 34

35

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The sanctuary was still in use during the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Classical finds have been unearthed, as well as an inscription on a marble throne of the 1st century BC with the name Alexandra.39

Mount Taygetos Sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia (L10) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias III, 20,5. References: Cook 1950: 261-298; Dawkins 1910: 12-14; Prott 1904: 8-9; Stibbe 1993: 71-105. South of Sparta, among the foothills of Mt Taygetos is the village of Kalyvia Sochas; there was a sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia here. Although there are no traces so far of a building of this period, finds have been made of pottery sherds dated at least to 700 BC, as well as Archaic terracotta figurines.40 There were also some fragments of bronze objects, i.e. a mirror in the form of a naked girl from the third quarter of the 6th century BC. In the Classical period the local cult of Demeter was merged with the Eleusinian cult of the goddess and the sanctuary renamed ‘Eleusinion’.41 Inscriptions have been found with the term ‘Thoinarmostriai’, associated with the women officiating in the sanctuary who were involved with the sacrifices and ritual meals.42 Thus we can be confident about the performance of mystical rituals and cult meals at the site. Finds of the 4th century BC from around the sanctuary include inscriptions linked to the cult; fragments of inscribed tiles, bearing the name Demeter, obviously formed the roof of the temple.43 There were also finds of lead wreaths, small vases, a small bronze bracelet ending in snake heads, a sherd of Laconian III or IV, and some lamps and figurines, roughly worked.

Kosmas Sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas (L6) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL References: Christou 1963b: 87-88. Also, Faklaris 1990. Near the village of Kosmas, on the peak of Prophetis Elias, there was a fortified settlement, mainly of the Classical period. Faklaris suggests that the plan and finds conclude that a temple dedicated to Apollo Maleatas stood here.

Christou 1956: 211; Salapata 1993: 189-190; 2009: 325. The throne was found built into the small church of Aghios Spyridon at Sklavochori, in the area of Amyklai. It bears the inscription: ΒΑΝΑΞΕΥΣ ΓΕΡΟΝΤΕΥΩΝ ΤΑΙ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΑΙ ΑΝΕΣΗΚΕ. See Papachatzis 2004a: 389, n. 2. 40 For the inscribed tiles, see Dawkins 1910: 13; Stibbe 1975: 74-88; Woodward 1909-1910: 58. 41 Papachatzis 2004a: 398, n. 2. 42 IG V, I, 229: 579: 581-584: 592: 604-608. See also Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft VIA, 305306. 43 SEG 43: 1993: 132 (suppl. IG V1). Cook 1950: 276-277; Dawkins 1910: 13-14; Prott 1904: 9. 39

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Chapter 4. Laconia The sanctuary flourished during the Archaic and Classical periods, but the date of its abandonment is unknown.44 The deity worshipped here has been identified thanks to the discovery of two bronze figurines. One depicts a hoplite and has the inscription: ΧΑΡΙΛ[Λ] ΟΣΑΝΕΘΕΚΕ ΤΟΙ ΜΑΛΕΑΤΑΙ.45 The other is a bronze figurine of a goat, today in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens (inv. no. 7666). It is supposed to have been found as the same site and has the inscription: ΜΑΛΕΑΤΑ.46 The site’s retaining wall that defines the top of the hill was constructed in the Classical period. The excavator, Chr. Christou, found a large number of iron spear points and arrowheads, of varying sizes, made of bronze or iron, small knifes, and other small, sharp objects, some in miniature, that had traces of ash and coals and an iron micrographic double axe that have been found close to the retaining wall.47

Gytheion Area Temple of Poseidon (L12) ARCHAIC Sources: Pausanias III, 21,5. References: Forster 1906-1907: 231. Also, Mylonopoulos 2003: 212-213. Southwest of Gytheion, close to modern Palaiochora, was ancient Aigiai. There, in the church of Aghios Nikolaos, finds were made of two thin Ionian columns and part of the epistylion, probably from a temple to Poseidon, which Pausanias records as being in this area. A deep bronze phiale of the second half of the 6th/beginning of the 5th century BC, with an inscription, and Archaic figurines were among the finds here.48

Asopos Sanctuary of Athena Kyparissia (L17) CLASSICAL Sources: Pausanias III, 22,10. References: Papachatzis 2004a: 418, n. 2; Wace and Hasluck 1907-1908: 164; Waterhouse 1961: 140. Pausanias mentions the sanctuary of Athena Kyparissia on the acropolis of Achaeoi Parakyparissioi. At Asopos, between Boza and Plytra, on an isolated hill, named Goulas, on the road to Xyli, some Classical ruins of a tower are thought to belong to this ancient settlement. According to Faklaris (1990: 183), the sanctuary’s life began in the 8th century BC, but there are no indicative finds to support this hypothesis and place securely this sanctuary within the category of Geometric sanctuaries. 45 IG, V, 927 and Romaios 1956: 8. It is in the National Archaeological Museum (inv. no. 7598). Faklaris 1990: 182, pl. 103 and tab. 93c-d. Jeffery (1961: 200, no. 37) dates it to c. 525 BC. Cartledge (1979: 193) considers it the highest-quality dedication to Apollo, followed by the bronze figurine from the temple of Apollo Korythos, Messenia. 46 IG, V, 929; Faklaris 1990: 182, pl. 104 and tab. 93a-b; Romaios 1956: 8. 47 Before the excavations by Christou in 1962, a local primary school teacher, Man. Drepanias, undertook some amateur researches here in 1934. Among the stones of the retaining wall he found bronze lances, a bronze doubleaxe, rings, iron heads, and vases. Unfortunately, all these things were lost when the school burned down in 1944. Local inhabitants also made finds in the area of small vessels, arrow heads, and figurines. 48 Papachatzis 2004a: 405, n. 1, respectively; Waterhouse 1961: 175. 44

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The existence of a sanctuary on the top of the hill is indicated by some smaller finds, especially the black-figured sherds. That this was the site of Athena Kyparissia is, therefore, credible.

Kotronas – Ancient Teuthrone Temple of Artemis Issoria (L21) HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 25,4. References: Solima 2011: 193-194; Woodward 1906-1907: 238-267. Also, Papachatzis 2004a: 439, n. 1; Peppa-Delmouzou 1973: 483-486. According to Pausanias, there was a temple to Artemis Issoria at ancient Teuthrone, the modern cape Skopa. Random finds in the area confirm its existence. Very characteristic is a small square stone altar, with a cutting socket above used for the ritual and a votive inscription on the side.49 The torches and animals in the relief depictions on the three sides of the socket support the opinion that it was dedicated to the sanctuary of Artemis. Woodward (1906-1907: 256) saw a relief (3rd/2nd century BC) depicting the standing goddess with a dog by her right foot, which strengthens the hypothesis.

Dichova Sanctuary of Aphrodite (L39) ARCHAIC References: Delivorias 1968a: 153. In the area of Dichova, between Ageranos and Skoutari, 200 m from the coast, finds have been made of some architectural parts of buildings and a late Archaic Doric marble capital which possibly belonged to a sanctuary of Aphrodite. These included a rectangular stone plaque within a cyma that bears an Archaic inscription: FΙΟΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΙ ΑΦΡΟΔΙΤΑΙ.50

Ano Poula Sanctuary of Athena Hippolaitis (L23) GEOMETRIC / ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 25,9. References: Woodward 1906-1907: 244; Tsouli 2018: 356-357, and n. 26. Ancient Hippola, in the modern village of Ano Poula, had a sanctuary of Athena Hippolaitis. Indicative finds of it have been made west of the village, mainly Geometric Laconian pottery. We may note that the modern name of the village retains an echo of its previous relationship with the goddess.

49 50

Papachatzis 2004a: 439, n. 1; Peppa-Delmouzou 1973: 483-486; Solima 2001: 192. SEG 32: 1982: 395 (suppl. IG V1).

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Chapter 4. Laconia Also found were fragments of Archaic and Classical ceramics; black-figured sherds reveal good-quality Hellenistic pottery. The sanctuary seems to have fallen out of use after the Hellenistic era.

Thalamai Sanctuary and dream-oracle of Ino-Pasiphae (L25) ARCHAIC / HELLENISTIC Sources: Pausanias III, 26,1. References: Arapoyanni 1990: 124-125; Dickins 1904-1905: 129-130. Thalamai had a sanctuary and dream-oracle associated with Ino-Pasiphae. Various movable finds seem to confirm the existence of a sanctuary in the area. According to Pausanias, the oracle was close to a sacred spring, possibly the one in the modern village of Koutiphari, close to the church of Aghios Taxiarchis. Finds have included Archaic Doric capitals and the head of a bearded figurine (7th century BC).51 A Hellenistic stele with a votive inscription (4th/3rd century BC) is believed to be associated with the sanctuary.52

Kardamyle Unidentified sanctuary (L2) ARCHAIC / CLASSICAL / HELLENISTIC / ROMAN References: Gialouris 1967: 207. Close to Kardamyle there have been sporadic movable finds that seem to confirm the existence of a sanctuary, although the site itself has not yet been traced. The finds are represented by three Archaic Doric capital of local ash-grey marble, and a votive figurine of a bull of the 7th century BC.53 Τhere are signs that the sanctuary was in use from the Archaic period until at least the 2nd/1st century BC, as suggested by votive finds of miniature vases. c. Sacred dateable places known only from written sources

Sparta Temple of Caesar (LS2) and Temple of Augustus (LS3) ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 11,4-5. Pausanias refers to two Roman temples, one to Caesar and another to Augustus.

The figurine is exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. BC IG V 1,1317. It is kept in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. 53 The finds are exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. 51 52

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Asopos Temple for the Roman Emperors (LS73) ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 22,10. Asopos is known to have had a temple for the Roman Emperors.

Maleas Sanctuary of Apollo Epidelius (LS79) ROMAN Sources: Pausanias III, 23, 3-4. A sanctuary of Apollo Epidelius is described as being close to Cape Maleas ii. Laconian sanctuaries of questionable dating a. Movable surface finds related to sanctuaries

Glyppia Unidentified sanctuary (L15) References: Papachatzis 2004a: 417, n. 2; Romaios 1955: 152. On the road from Aghios Vasileios to Platanaki, in northern Laconia, was a hill on which the acropolis of Glyppia stood. Today the area is known as Glympia or Lympia. On the hill today there is a church, underneath which an unidentified sanctuary was indicated the finds of some architectural remains and sherds.

Kyphanta Asclepius’ cave cult (L20) Sources: Pausanias III, 24,2. References: Papachatzis 2004a: 429, n. 1; Wace and Hasluck 1908-1908: 174. On the eastern Laconian coast, at ancient Kyphanta, a cave and spring provided the site for a cult of Asclepius. The preserved remains of a nearby cistern, some rock-carved sockets, and a semi-circular perivolos might be associated with this sanctuary.

Epidaurus Limera Sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (L19) Sources: Pausanias III, 23,10. References: Pikoulas 1988b: 281; Wace and Hasluck 1907-1908: 176.

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Chapter 4. Laconia At Epidaurus Limera there was a sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis. The sanctuary is believed to be close to the chapel of Aghia Thekla, where the name Limnai is still attested.54 The remains of tracks left by chariot wheels, on the way from Epidaurus Limera to Boiai, indicate that it was a roadside sanctuary.

Gytheion Area Temple of Athena (L13) Sources: Pausanias III, 21,9. References: Forster 1906-1907: 222. At Gytheion, west of Palaiopolis, there was a temple to Athens on a hill (50 m). The many ancient marble blocks on the site indicate the existence of a temple. Today there are ruins here of a small Christian chapel. Temple of Dionysus (L14) Sources: Pausanias III, 22,2. References: Papachatzis 2004a: 412, n. 3. Koumaro, on Mt Larysion, close to Gytheion, was sacred to Dionysus. There was a temple built for him here where mystical rituals were performed. The remains are probably below the later church of Aghioi Pantes. Sacred Stone of Zeus Kappotas (L29) Sources: Pausanias III, 22,1. References: Forster 1906-1907: 222; Skias 1892: 55-65. Close to Gytheion, Pausanias makes reference to the sacred stone of Zeus Kappotas, where Orestes was healed from his madness. Zeus was worshipped as healer here, and the exact place is identified as a sharp cut in the rock surface of Koumaro hill, at a height of c. 10 m, not far from the town’s modern gymnasium, by the side of the road to Sparta. The cult of Zeus here is confirmed by a rock inscription: ΜΟΙΡΑ ΔΙΟΣ ΤΕΡ(Α)ΣΤΙ[ΟΥ], 4 m further from the site, on a nearby roadside.

Asopos Sanctuary of Asclepius Philolaos (L16) Sources: Pausanias III, 22,9-10. References: Papachatzis 2004a: 418, n. 2; Wace and Hasluck 1907-1908: 164. Southeast of ancient Asopos, at modern Plytra, on a hill known as Katafygi, finds have been made of black-figured sherds and bronze objects. It is possible that this marks the location of the sanctuary of Asclepius Philolaos.

54

An inscription found in the area mentions the goddess’ epithet. See IG, V, 952.

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Oitylon Sanctuary of Sarapis (L24) Sources: Pausanias III, 25,10. References: Waterhouse 1961: 121. Also, Papachatzis 2004a: 450, n. 1. In the area of Oitylon, according to Pausanias, there was a sanctuary dedicated to Sarapis. Finds have been made of architectural remains, Ionic capitals and column drums, which are believed to have been associated with this temple. b. Sacred places known only from written sources

Sparta In the city of Sparta there are several sacred places referenced which have not yet been found. Pausanias describes the temple of Athena Ophthalmitis (LS107: Paus.III, 18,2), the temple of Athena Agoraia and Poseidon Asphaleios (LS4: Paus.III, 11,9), the sanctuary of Apollo and Hera (LS5: Paus.III, 11,9), the sanctuary of Moirai (LS6: Paus.III, 11,10), the sanctuary of Athena Keleutheia (LS7: Paus.III, 12,5), the temenos of Poseidon Tainarios (LS8: Paus. III, 12,5), the altar of Apollo Acritas (LS9: Paus.III, 12,8), the sanctuary of Gaia and Zeus Agoraios (LS10: Paus.III, 11,9), the sanctuary of Diktynna (LS11: Paus.III, 12,9), the sanctuary of Arsinoe (LS12: Paus.III, 12,9), the temple of Artemis (LS13: Paus.III, 12,9), the sanctuary of Maron and Alpheios (LS14: Paus.III, 12,9), the sanctuary of Zeus Tropaios (LS15: Paus. III, 12,9), the sanctuary of the Great Mother (LS16: Paus.III, 12,9), which was honoured more than others, the sanctuary of Castor (LS17: Paus.III, 13,1), the temple of Aphrodite Olympia (LS18: Paus.III, 13,3), the temple of Kore Soteira (LS19: Paus.III, 13,3), the altar of Zeus Amboulios, Athena and the Dioskouroi in the Agora55 (LS20: Paus.III, 13,6), the temenos of the unknown hero who led Dionysus to Sparta (LS21: Paus.III, 13,7), the sanctuary of Zeus Euanemos (LS22: Paus.III, 13,8), the temple of Hera Argeia (LS23: Paus.III, 13,8), the sanctuary of Hera Hypercheiria (LS24: Paus.III, 13,8), the sanctuary of Asclepius (LS25: Paus.III, 14,2), the sanctuary of Poseidon Hippocourios (LS26: Paus.III, 14,2), the sanctuary of Artemis Aiginaia (LS27: Paus.III, 14,2), the sanctuary of Artemis Issoria and Limnaia (LS28: Paus. III, 14,2), the sanctuary of Thetis (LS29: Paus.III, 14,5) with a hidden xoanon, the sanctuary of Sarapis (LS30: Paus.III, 14,5), the sanctuary of Zeus Olympios (LS31: Paus.III, 14,5), the sanctuary of the Dioskouroi (LS32: Paus.III, 14,7), the sanctuary of the Charites (LS33: Paus. III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Eileithyia (LS34: Paus.III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios (LS35: Paus.III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Artemis Hegemone (LS36: Paus.III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Asclepius Agnitas (LS37: Paus.III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Poseidon Domatites (LS38: Paus. III, 14,7), the sanctuary of Helen (LS39: Paus.III, 15,3), the sanctuary of Heracles (LS40: Paus. III, 15,3), the sanctuary of Athena Axiopoinos (LS41: Paus.III, 15,6), the sanctuary of Athena (LS42: Paus.III, 15,6), the temple of Hipposthenes (LS43: Paus.III, 15,7), the temple of Hera Aigophagos (LS44: Paus.III, 15,9), the sanctuary of Poseidon Genethlios (LS45: Paus.III, 15,9), the temple of Aphrodite Hoplismene (LS46: Paus.III, 15,10), the sanctuary of Ilaeira and Phoibe (LS47: Paus.III, 16,1), the sanctuary of Lycourgos (LS48: Paus.III, 16,6), the sanctuary of Athena Ergane (LS49: Paus.III, 17,4), the temple of Zeus Kosmetas (LS50: Paus.III, 17,4), the 55

Different from the central agora Pausanias describes earlier. See Papachatzis 2004a: 352, n.1.

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Chapter 4. Laconia sanctuary of the Muses (LS51: Paus.III, 17,5), the temple of Aphrodite Areia (LS52: Paus.III, 17,5), the temple of Ammon (LS53: Paus.III, 18,3), the temple of Artemis Knagia (LS54: Paus. III, 18,4),the temple of the Charites Phaenna and Clita (LS55: Paus.III, 18,6) and the temple of Dionysus Kolonatas (LS108: Pausanias III, 13,7; Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists 13: 574, (34); Strabo 8, 363), which was probably on a hill east of the acropolis, between the acropolis and the sanctuary of Orthia.56

Pellana At Pellana, close to the Pelanis spring, there was a sanctuary of Asclepius (LS63: Paus.III, 21,2); north of Sparta was the sanctuary of Artemis Mysia (LS64: Paus.III, 20,9).

Therapne In Therapne we know of the existence of the sanctuaries of Ares Theritas (LS56: Paus.III, 19,8) and Polydeuces (LS57: Paus.III, 20,1). Close to Therapne were the temple of the Dioskouroi (LS58: Paus.III, 20,2) and the sanctuary of Poseidon Gaiochos (LS59: Paus.III, 20,2).

Mount Taygetos Around Taygetos, says Pausanias, were the temple of Dionysus (LS60: Paus.III, 20,3), the sanctuary of Helios, on the top of the hill Taletos (LS61: Paus.III, 20,4), and the temenos of Kranios Stemmatias (LS62: Paus.III, 20,9).

Hermai At Hermai, northern Laconia, we know of a sanctuary to Zeus Skotitas (LS1: Paus.III, 10,6).

Brasiai At Brasiai there were two sanctuaries, one to Asclepius (LS85: Paus. III, 24,5) and one to Achilles (LS86: Paus.III, 24,5).

Geronthrai At Geronthrai, the existence was known of a temple and grove of Ares (LS69: Paus.III, 22,7), a temple of Apollo on the acropolis (LS70: Paus.III, 22,7), and in the same area a sanctuary and grove for all the Gods (Pantheon) (LS71: Paus.III, 22,8), and a sanctuary of Artemis, close to many springs (LS72: Paus.III, 22,8).

Zarakas At Zarakas there was a temple of Apollo (LS84: Paus.III, 24,2).

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Epidaurus Limera At Epidaurus Limera there several sacred sites: a sanctuary of Aphrodite (LS80: Paus.III, 23,10), a sanctuary of Asclepius (LS81: Paus.III, 23,10), a temple of Athena (LS82: Paus.III, 23,10) on the acropolis, and the temple of Zeus Soter (LS83: Paus.III, 23,10) at the port.

Boiai In the area of Boiai was a temple of Apollo (LS75: Paus.III, 22,13), a temple of Asclepius (LS76: Paus.III, 22,13), and a temple of Sarapis and Isis (LS77: Paus.III, 22,13).

Itis Itis had a temple of Asclepius and Hygeia (LS78: Paus.III, 22,13).

Gytheion In the area of Gytheion there is mention of the sanctuary of Ammon (LS65: Paus.III, 21,8), the temple of Asclepius (LS66: Paus.III, 21,9), the sanctuary of Demeter (LS67: Paus.III, 21,9), as well as a sanctuary of Aphrodite Migonitis on the island of Kranae (LS68: Paus.III, 22,1).

Asopos In the area of Asopos, more specifically at Onou Gnathos (Donkey’s Jawbone), there was a sanctuary of Athena (LS74: Paus.III, 22,11) which was already abandoned when Pausanias visited the site.

Las Las had a temple of Athena Asia (LS87: Paus.III, 24,7).

Mount Ilion On Mt Ilion there were a temple of Dionysus (LS88: Paus.III, 24,8) and a temple of Asclepius (LS89: Paus.III, 24,8).

Knakadion A temple of Apollo Karneios (LS90: Paus.III, 24,8) was to be found at Knakadion.

Hypsoi The area of Hypsoi was the location for a sanctuary of Asclepius and Artemis Dapnaia (LS91: Paus.III, 24,9) and the sanctuary of Artemis Diktynna (LS92: Paus.III, 24,9).

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River Skyras Close to the River Skyras Pausanias makes mention of a sanctuary of Zeus (LS93: Paus.III, 25,2).

Pyrrichos Pyrrichos had sanctuaries of Artemis Astrateia (LS94: Paus.III, 25,3) and Apollo Amazonios (LS95: Paus.III, 25,3).

Kainepolis Pausanias refers at Kainepolis to the megaron of Demeter (LS96: Paus. III, 25,9) and the temple of Aphrodite (LS97: Paus. III, 25,9).

Leuktra Leuktra had several sacred places: the sanctuary of Asclepius (LS98: Paus. III, 26,4), the temple of Kassandra (LS99: Paus. III, 26,5), the temple and the grove of Eros (LS101: Paus. III, 26,5), and the sanctuary of Athena on the acropolis (LS100: Paus. III, 26,5).

Kardamyle Kardamyle had its own sanctuary of Athena (LS102: Paus.III, 26,5) and the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios (LS103: Paus.III, 26,7).

Mount Kalathion On Mt Kalathion, close to Gerenia, mention is made of the sanctuary of Klaia (LS104: Paus. III, 26,11).

Alagonia At Alagonia were sanctuaries to Dionysus (LS105: Paus.III, 26,11) and Artemis (LS106: Paus. III, 26,11). iii. The survival of ancient sanctuaries – Christian Era • At Amyklai the sanctuary of Apollo and Hyacinthus (L1) was located underneath the temple of Aghia Kyriaki, and the sanctuary of Alexandra and Agamemnon (L7) possibly underneath the church of Aghia Paraskevi. • Above the sanctuary of Helen and Menelaus (L8) in Therapne was built the church of Prophet Elias. • The temple of Asclepius Kotyleus (L35) was transformed into a church during the first Christian period, when the building was expanded, and new walls were added on each side. • Below the ruined chapel of Aghia Sophia in Kalyvia Sochas was the sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia (L10). 111

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese • Underneath an abandoned monastery in Asopos there was probably a sanctuary of Asclepius Philolaos (L16). • Below the church of Aghia Thekla at Epidaurus Limera was the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (L19). • The temple of Athena (L13) at Gytheion is underneath the ruins of a small Christian church. • At Palaiochora, where ancient Aigiai were located, finds have been made of columns and part of an epistylion incorporated into the church of Aghios Nikolaos, which probably replaced of the temple of Poseidon (L12). • Above the temple of Poseidon Tainarios (L22) a Christian church was built using ancient material, in an attempt to propitiate the ancient sanctuary.57 It is worth mentioning that the Christian church was dedicated to Asomatos, i.e. the Archangel Michael, who, according to the tradition, was the guiding angel (psychopompos). The relation to the Hades’ gate of antiquity is obvious.58

Papachatzis 2004a: 440, n. 1. The cult places of the ancient religion were considered as unclean and had to be purified in order to accept the new cult. 58 Papachatzis 1976: 111. 57

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Part Two

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Chapter 5 Special Characteristics Special characteristics of cult buildings Apart from the standard features that were common in the cult buildings in antiquity some special characteristics appeared in the sacred places that have been discussed in this research. In the next pages will be presented all those special attributes that are not essential in a cult place but can give us further information about the character of the cult. i. Relation to nature a. Sanctuaries in relation to water The life-giving ability of water was made clear to prehistoric communities and therefore water was considered as a gift of the gods.1 The relation of a cult place to water in any form, like a spring, a river, or the sea was very important for the religious siting.2 Water had purifying and healing attributes and therefore it was from very earlies times related to religious rituals. The water god Poseidon, but also other water deities, had their own cult places.3 Sometimes the water element itself was personified and worshipped. b. Sacred groves and trees Another category of sacred places with close connection to nature related to sacred groves.4 These were a sign of the deity’s relation to the natural environment, as was known from the Minoan religion. The grove expressed on its own the sacredness of a space. There are noted sacred groves that were dedicated to a deity, and sanctuaries or temples which were surrounded by a grove that kept its sacred character.5 There were at least ten sacred groves in the areas we examine, a fact that indicates the importance of this type of cult place.6 In some instances, the cult was related to a specific tree, as a remembrance of an older tree-cult. Moreover, in some cases, a deity was worshipped with an epithet that referred to a tree, e.g. Artemis Karyatis or Daphnaia, Athena Kyparissia, etc. indicating again the close connection of the ancient Greek religion to nature.

Cole 1988: 161. E18, E22, E20, ES29, ES8, ES10, L3, L20, L21, L22, L32, L35, L38, L39, LS63, LS69, LS71, LS72, LS93, LS101. 3 Famous were the sanctuary of Poseidon Tainarios (L22), who was also a god of waters, and the oracle of Ino (L25) at Thalamai, who was a water deity, and her sanctuary was related to a spring. See also Breuilllot 1985: 804. 4 Alexiou 1976: 80-81. 5 Burkert 1993: 196. It formed the intermediate space between the divine and the human. See also, Conan 2007: 7; Horster 2004: 93-102, especially 95. 6 AS82, A54, AS7, AS51, ES28, E20, ES33, M25, LS69, LS71, LS101 1 2

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese ii. Functions of sanctuaries As well as the main role of the sanctuaries as places for sacrifices, contemplation of the cult statue and dedication of votives from the believers, they served as asylum places, as oracles and healing centres, giving a special importance to the correlation of the geomorphology of the site where they were established. a. Sanctuaries as asylum places Sanctuaries were considered as districts that belonged to the god. Those who were persecuted or threatened, for any reason, could take refuge in a sanctuary for protection.7 Some sanctuaries gained a greater reputation as asylum places and were used wider as such. A possible reason for the preference is their location and the existence of a wider sacred zone around the main sanctuary.8 We know of some examples of men who took refuge in a temple hoping to be saved, but not always with the desired result. In Laconia, the sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos (L5) in Sparta served as an asylum. It is known that Lycourgos took refuge there, to avoid being killed by those Spartans who did not agree with his reformation programme. Later, in 470 BC, Pausanias took refuge there, when the ephors tried to arrest him. As Thucydides (I, 134) describes, the Spartans closed the door of the temple and this way he could not leave and died in there. In the same sanctuary king Agis D’ sought refuge there in 241 BC, but he went out often and thus one day was caught and executed.9 A well-known asylum site was the sanctuary of Poseidon Tainarios at Tainaron (L22), as well as the one in Sparta (LS8). This was an asylum for every fugitive, even for the slaves and Helots. The strict character of the god and the fear he provoked was a guarantee for the safety of those seeking asylum.10 Argilios, the confidant of king Pausanias, took refuge there.11 b. Healing places In antiquity there were many famous cult centres that served also as healing places. As well as the Asclepieia, which were the most celebrated healing places, there were many other deities with therapeutic attributes, even before Asclepius. Usually, healing sanctuaries had in common their proximity to a natural feature, often a spring or another water source, water being considered as having therapeutic attributes. For example, we find the River Lousios close to the sanctuary of Asclepius (A7) at Gortys, which was associated with the healing process. Similarly, nymphs lived in forests and close to springs, and their cult places had therapeutic powers. In Elis, in the cave of the Anigrides Nymphs (ES2), those with skin diseases came in, prayed to the Nymphs, offered some sacrifices, cleansed his sores, and swam in the river. The ailment would be washed away and the believer came out healthy.12 In the nearby sanctuary Sinn 1993: 88-109. Marinatos 1993: 232. 9 Plutarch, Agis and Kleomenes, 16-19. See also Papachatzis 2004a: 377, n. 3. 10 Papachatzis 1976: 112. 11 Thucydides I, 133. See also Papachatzis 2004a: 443, n. 1. 12 Pausanias V, 5,11. Also, Papachatzis 1994: 213, n. 3. 7 8

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics of Ionides Nymphs (ES12), those who washed themselves in the spring were healed from any kind of disease. The River Pamisos was a healer of young children. In his sanctuary at Aghios Floros (M14), believers would gather from all the surrounding areas and the site lasted from the end of the Archaic to the Hellenistic period. Its therapeutic attributes were related to the warm and cold springs close to the sanctuary. They were similar to those of the healer deity Hippolytos at Troezen. In the case of Troezen, the local god merged gradually with the Panhellenic healer, Asclepius, after the new god arrived from Thessaly. Machaon (MS1), considered to be Asclepius’ son, also had healing powers. After his death, a sanctuary was made in his honor close to his tomb at Gerenia, and it served as a healing centre. Likewise, Machaon’s sons, Nikomachos and Gorgasos, also had such powers and were worshipped in Messenia (MS6). c. Oracles Some sanctuaries became oracles; the believers visited them not only to pray, but also to take the deity’s advice. The only oracle found in Arcadia was the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (A54) at Kontovazaina. Generally, this cult place and its finds are characterised as being extremely significant. The only other known oracle associated with Aphrodite was the one at Dodona, where she was worshipped as daughter of the divine couple Zeus and Dione. There was a connection between the two sanctuaries according to the prehistoric finds.13 Another oracle dedicated to Aphrodite was at Paphos on Cyprus.14 From Pausanias’ writings we know that in Arcadia there was a sanctuary of Pan at Lykosoura (AS53), which served as an oracle in its early years only.15 According to T. Curnow (2004: 77), there was another oracle of Pan on Mt Lykaion (A42), but there is not enough evidence to confirm this.16 The existence of an oracle indicates the enhanced sacredness of the area, as well as the clarity and immediacy between the deity and the believer; it also reveals faith to powers that relate mostly to nature, or Mother Gaia. At Olympia, the oracle of Gaia (E9) confirms this. It was a very old cult that connected the powers of the chthonian deity Gaia to the believers through a gap in the rock.17 Close to it was a spring. It is reminiscent of the oracle at Delphi, where a spring of running water flowed below the site of the ancient oracle of Gaia. More evidence for the relation to the oracle of Delphi is the parallel cult of Themis and the existence of a natural fissure.18 Later, when Zeus dominated Olympia, he took control over the oracle. When Olympia Breitenberg 2007: 17; Burkert 1993: 252. Dodona’s oracle was believed in antiquity to be one of the earliest oracles, see Herodotus, 2: 52. Also, Curnow 2004: 58-60. 14 Curnow 2004: 22. Aphrodite’s oracle at Paphos is dated to 1500 BC. The remains today belong to the first centuries AD. 15 Curnow 2004: 47; Friese 2010: 377. 16 Pan was linked to a dream-oracle at Troezen (Pausanias II, 32,5). It is also suggested that at Delphi, in the Korykeion cave, there was an oracle dedicated to Pan and the Nymphs (Curnow 2004: 58). Likewise, signs of divine purpose have been traced in a cave on Mt Hymettos that was dedicated to the Nymphs and had parallel cults of Pan, Hermes, and Apollo (Vikela 2001: 58-59). 17 Herrmann 1972: 30. 18 Herrmann 1962: 10; Papachatzis 1994: 269, n. 7; Siebler 2004: 148. Also, Curnow 2004: 55-58 for Delphi; 80-81 for 13

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese gained its Panhellenic reputation, this was on account more of the Games than for its oracle. The only ones to use the Olympian oracle were participants and visitors to the Games from Athens and central Greece, and the Spartans.19 There was a specific seer family that served this oracle. The priests at the oracle of Zeus were Iamos and his descendants, the family of Iamidai, and the family of the Klytiadai (descendants of Melampous).20 After the early Archaic period it was overshadowed by the oracle of Delphi. The sanctuary of Poseidon Tainarios (L22) at Tainaron served as a psychopompeion.21 Believers came here and called for souls to come up from the Underworld for certain reasons, i.e. to propitiate themselves or gain information.22 The sanctuary of Ino (L25), on the other hand, was a so-called ‘dream-oracle’. Those asking for advice slept in the sanctuary and received answers in their dreams.23 The divine purpose of this sanctuary was linked to a sacred spring, as at most oracle sites.24 Ino, of course, was a water goddess. It is possible that the sanctuary of Apollo Hyperteleatas (L18) also served as an oracle. This is based on the temple being constructed above a cavernous space that could well serve such a function.25 It can be observed that oracles were usually situated far from cities, close to natural features, and were related to deities with chthonian characteristics.26 Even Aphrodite and Poseidon, who were Olympian deities, in these specific instances were worshipped as chthonian, while Gaia and Pan had a close relationship to nature and Ino was a secondary sea-deity, whose cult was associated with Poseidon, and this might have provided her with seer attributes. Rituals in cult places related to the chthonian cults, and Olympian cults with mixed characteristics i. Festivals In the city of Karyai, at the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs (A52), a yearly festival took place in honour of Artemis, the Karyatia. Α peculiar ritual took place there. A ritual dance by maidens played a central role. Early on, only locals took part in the festival, but as it was considered honourable for a young woman to take part in this dance, over the years all the noble young women of Laconia came to participate.27 A yearly festival took place in honour of Apollo Parrhasios (A20), at which a wild boar was sacrificed to the god in the agora of the city. After the sacrifice, the boar was carried in procession to the sanctuary. Olympia. 19 Hönle 1968: 15-17, 19-24; Mallwitz 1972: 65. 20 Dillon 2017: 93; Gialouris 1972: 5; Hönle 1968: 17. 21 For Poseidon’s oracle, see also Friese 2010: 369. 22 Curnow 2004: 92-93. 23 Curnow 2004: 93; Friese 2010: 383. 24 Papachatzis 2004a: 452, n. 1. For those oracles close to a spring, see Friese 2010: 252-256, 277. 25 Kalligas 1980: 13. 26 Aune 1983: 27-28. 27 Papachatzis 2004a: 330, n. 2. The graceful forms of the dancing maidens were the inspiration for the Karyatidai, i.e. those sculptures used architecturally as columns. During the Persian wars, the city of Karyae took the side of the Persians against the Greeks. Vitruvius (De architectura 1,1,5) concluded that sculptors used the term Karyatidai for these figures in remembrance of the city’s medism and the city’s punishment. Huxley 1967: 29-30.

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics Pausanias describes a mystery cult at Lerna, i.e. the Lernaia. The sacred fire used in the ritual was taken by the Argives from the sanctuary of Artemis Pyronia (A27) at Pheneos.28 Initially, the mystic cult of Lerna involved Dionysos, but later, after the influence of the Eleusinian mysteries, Demeter became the main deity worshipped. The epithet Pyronia shows how closely associated she was with the sacred fire. A yearly festival during the summer solstice took place in the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (A54) at Kontovazaina.29 Generally, those festivals related to natural phenomena had close connections to the cycle of cultivation and harvest. The feast attracted great numbers, including from Psophis and Thelpusa.30 Pausanias describes a yearly festival at the temple of Artemis Hymnia (A56). The priest and priestess there had to live their whole live in religious purity, abstain from any contact with the opposite sex, refrain from washing, and not enter the houses of the local community. At the temple of Athena Koria (A53) at Kleitor there was a festival that inscriptions term Koriasia or Korasia.31 A festival for Athena was held at the temple of Alipheira (A11). Within the sanctuary of Dionysus (AS8) at Kynaitha there was a winter festival, during which the men covered their bodies with oil and singled out a bull they believed to have been chosen by the god for sacrifice. At ancient Bathos, Pausanias mentions mystical rituals that took place every three years for the Great Goddesses (A82), although he provides no details.32 The Skiereia was a festival for Dionysus (AS14) held at Alea. The name of the feast is most probably related to the epithet ‘skiero’ (=shady), suggesting a reference to the chthonian cult of Dionysos, as all rituals related to chthonian deities were considered as dark. Women participating in the festival would flog themselves. A special rite was enacted at the cenotaph of Achilles (ES17) at Elis. Once a year, at sunset on a specific day, the local women came to the sanctuary and mourned for Achilles. At this period he was worshipped as a deity of vegetation with chthonian characteristics. Another annual feast for Achilles was held at Brasiai (LS86). In the temple of Dionysus (E25) at Elis, close to the theatre, Pausanias (VI, 26,1-2) describes a festival (Thyia), during which the priests put three empty jars inside a building, and the following day these were miraculously filled with wine.33 Strabo (8,3,12) speaks of yearly festivals taking place in the grove of Artemis Alpheiaia (E20). Festivals were also held in the temple of Artemis Ephesia (E23), where inhabitants gathered from all over Skillountas. Jost 1985: 417. Kardara 1988: 33-34 30 Kardara 1988: 186. 31 Papachatzis 2004b: 257, n. 5. 32 Stephanos 1907: 123-124. 33 Mitsopoulos-Leon 1984: 276-278; Scullion 2001: 203-218. 28 29

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Pausanias (V, 16,2-8) describes rites for Hera in her temple at Olympia (E7). Sixteen women would participate in a race and then form two dancing groups. In the sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas (M4), there was a musical contest as well as yearly feasts that included a special rite where the god’s statue was transferred to the temple. The statue was kept in the house of a priest, who was chosen every year, and only during the yearly festival (Ithomaia) was it presented to believers. This statue was made in Naupaktos by Ageladas for the Messenians.34 When the latter returned to Messene in 369 BC they took this statue with them.35 At their yearly feasts, young adults placed votives in the sanctuary of Pamisos at Aghios Floros (M14). The inhabitants of Messenia and Laconia held important festivals, interregional in nature, and common celebrations in the temple of Artemis Limnatis (M20) at Volymnos. The Hyacinthia was celebrated at the sanctuary of Apollo Amyklaios and Hyacinthus (L1), a special festival dedicated to both deities.36 The name Hyacinthia indicates the oldest cult in the sanctuary, that of Hyacinthus. It was a very significant religious celebration for the Spartans and all social groups (men, women, young children, slaves) would participate. It lasted three days.37 The first day of the festival was dedicated to Hyacinthus. The ritual had the form of a general lament and mourning for the early loss of the young Hyacinthus, a feature reminiscent of the cult of those deities of vegetation who died and were resurrected every year. The rite was silent, without paeans or other songs. The believers gathered in the sanctuary and ate together, but would not eat bread. From the second half of the second day the celebration changed. The second part of the feast was dedicated to Apollo and included music, dances, and hymns for the god. Three stages of celebrations can be identified during the Hyacinthia: a) Predoric, i.e. for the deity of vegetation, Hyacinthus; b) Doric, i.e. Apollo Karneios was evidently a Doric god; and c) Olympian, i.e. Apollo had at last joined the Olympian pantheon. During the celebration of Hyacinthia, Spartan women would dedicate to Apollo a peplos woven by them during the year for the statue to be dressed in.38 Apollo Karneios was celebrated in Sparta during the Karneia.39 This was clearly a Doric feast, emphasising the military character of Sparta. The festival lasted for a period of nine days, during which military operations were not allowed. Athena Chalkioikos, or Polias (L5), was celebrated yearly at a feast (Athenaia) that featured a procession of young warriors marching towards the temple.40 Ageladas was a sculptor from Argos in the 6th century BC. See: Hasel 2000: 4. According to Pausanias (IV, 33,2; VII, 24,4), Ageladas made a statue for the cult of Zeus in Aigion; many of the characteristics of this cult are similar to that of Ithome. 36 For the Hyacinthia, see Nobili 2014: 135-148; Pettersson 1992: 9-41; Polignac 2007: 75-76; Richer 2004: 81-82; Vlachou 2017b: 11-42. 37 For the Hyacinthia, see Athenaio (4,139d). 38 Buschor 1927: 15; Dietrich 1975: 136. For the Hyacinthia in the Roman period, see Hupfloher 2000: 65-69. 39 For an analytical presentation of the Karneia, see Burkert 1993: 482-486; Richer 2009: 213-223; Selvaggi 2018: 103110. 40 Polybius (Histories, IV, 34-35) describes the games outside the temple of Athena Chalkioikos. After the sacrifices there was a procession of armed young men. 34 35

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics The Heleneia were celebrated in honour of Helen (L8). The festival included an official procession of maidens, beginning in Sparta and ending at Therapne, with wagons (kannathra) made of reeds or willow.41 A procession with the god’s statue took place in honour of Poseidon Tainarios (LS8) at Sparta, in the feast called Tainaria.42 A yearly spring feast with mystical rituals was held in the sanctuary of Dionysus (L14) on Mt Larysion.43 At the dream-oracle of Ino (L25) at Thalamai, oracles were performed during feasts for the goddess. In a small lake, close to the sanctuary, people would throw barley cakes; if the cakes sank this was taken as a good sign for the city, if not, it presaged misfortune.44 There were also yearly festivals at the sanctuary of Achilles (LS86) at Brasiai, at the temple of Artemis Diktynna (LS92) at Hypsoi, at the sanctuary of Ares (LS69) in Geronthrai, and at the sanctuary of Artemis Issoria (LS28), Sparta.45 Ritual meals were often provided after the sacrifices.46 The remains of utilitarian pottery found within the sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods (L28) at Kastraki clearly indicate this.47 Generally, however, although feasts were common, we lack sufficient evidence about them to explain how they were carried out in detail. In most instances, festivals occurred in cult places outside the cities, but this was not the rule. From the information we have to date, it seems that most feasts took place in the regions of Laconia and Arcadia. Many of the rituals during the feasts had associated chthonian sponsors (e.g. Aphrodite Erikyne, Dionysus, Achilles, Hyacinthus, Helen, Ares, Ino), and/or were associated with desires for bounty (Aphrodite Erikyne, Achilles, Hyacinthus, Dionysus, Great Goddesses). In other instances, the epiclesis of the deity was made in the hope of support for military actions (e.g. Athena Chalkioikos at Sparta, where a procession of warriors took place). In most cases the celebrations included activities such as games, dances (A52), processions (A20, M4, L5, L8, LS8), movement of cult statues (M4, LS8), and mystical rites (AS8, M21, L14). These feasts were occasions for gatherings from other regions around the city, and thus the festivals could take on an interregional flavour (e.g. Artemis Karyatis (A52), Aphrodite Erikyne (A54), Artemis Hymnia (A56), Artemis Pyronia (A27), and Artemis Limnatis (M20). ii. Special sacrifices A paradox appears in relation to the temple of Apollo Pythios (A34) at Pheneos, which, even though it fell into ruin, continued to host sacrifices in honour of Artemis. Theocritus, Epithalamium of Helen, 44-47; Papachatzis 2004a: 394, n. 2. Nilsson 1906: 67; Papachatzis 2004a: 344, n. 2. 43 Papachatzis 2004a: 412, n. 3. 44 Pausanias III, 23,8; Larson 1995: 124; Nilsson 1906: 431. 45 Papachatzis 2004a: 358, n. 2. 46 For the significance of ritual meals, see Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 284. Generally for ritual meals, see Goldstein 1978: 293-309. 47 Geniére 1993: 78. Ritual dinners it seems occurred at later times, i.e. Hellenistic and Roman. Unfortunately, the excavator does not provide more details about meals in the sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods. 41 42

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Significant sacrifices also took place for Cronos (ES5), staged on the Hill of Cronion, Olympia, each year on the spring equinox.48 The sacrifices were performed by priests, the so-called Basilai. These were hieratic servants, similar to the Archon-king in Athens, with a ceremonial role during the feasts and the sacrifices.49 Two Basilai were involved with the sacrifices for Cronos, one from Elis and one from Pisatis.50 A black ram was offered in the yearly sacrifices for Pelops (E6) at Olympia.51 In the rituals conducted at the temple of Eileithyia and Sosipolis (E4), a special feature was that wine libations were not allowed, but they burned incense. This is explained by L. Farnell (1909: 199), who says that Sosipolis was a child and therefore wine offerings would be inappropriate. J. Harrison, on the other hand, suggests that it was an old, pre-Olympian cult, referring to the deity of Gaia, and therefore the priests preferred to offer him honey. In the sanctuary of Helios on Taygetos (LS61), horse sacrifices were made, something known only from analogous traditions of the Persians. Sacrifices during the games were offered in the sanctuary of Achilles (L11), outside Sparta. Youths would offer sacrifices at Platanistas before competing.52 Sacrifices were offered to Enyalios, a martial god who would help adolescents win in the games at the temple of the Dioskouroi (LS58). iii. Games Games took place at Lousoi in honour of Artemis Hemerasia (A6) and were called Hemerasia. Athletes from different regions of the Peloponnese, and even from the East, came for the games.53 Pheneos, at the temple of Hermes (AS84), had games in his honour (Hermaia).54 The games at Pallantion were held for Poseidon Hippios (Hippocrateia).55 On Mt Lykaion, the games in honour of Zeus Lykaios (A55) (Lykaia) were conducted every four years at the hippodrome, built for this purpose on a lower, below the temenos of Zeus.56 The Panhellenic Olympic Games took place at Olympia every four years.57 At the same time other games were held in honour of Hera. Sixteen married women, who weaved a peplos for Hera, organised a special race, the Heraia.58 Girls took part in a series of races, divided into different age groups.59 The games took place in the Olympic stadium, although the stadium was shortened by one sixth. The winners received olive crowns and portion of the heifer sacrificed

Harrison 1927: 254. Weniger 1906: 22. 50 Herrmann 1962: 3. 51 Burkert 1983: 98. 52 Stibbe 2002: 207-219. 53 Mee and Spawforth 2001: 264. 54 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 19,2: 1938, col. 1973; Tausend 1999: 348. 55 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiqu. I33: 2. See also Nilsson 1906: 69. 56 Kourouniotis 1903a: 51; 1909: 185-200. 57 For the myths about the games, see Gialouris 1996: 70-73. For the history of the Olympic Games, see Günther 2004: 40; Siebler 2004: 129-141. For the performance and content of the games, see Leonardos 1901: 21-134; Sinn 2004: 101173. 58 For the Heraia, see Scanlon 2002: 98-120. On these 16 women and the Peplos of Hera, see Pilz 2020b: 106-110. Also, Langenfeld 2006: 153-185. 59 Dillon 2002: 137. 48 49

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics to Hera. They were also allowed to set their images within the temple of the goddess (E1). It was said that Hippodameia introduced the games to thank Hera for her marriage to Pelops.60 At Messene were games in honour of Dionysus in his sanctuary, close to the theatre. Games took place also in honour of Zeus Ithomatas (M4). Naked games were performed in the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (M20) at Volymnos in the Roman period, when the cult was revived.61 According to Pausanias (IV, 4,2), cult rites in this sanctuary were performed only by Dorians from Messenia and Laconia. In the temple of Dionysus Kolonatas (LS108) at Sparta, there was a race featuring eleven girls, the Dionysiadai, during the sacrifices for the god, according to an oracle of Delphi.62 In the Spartan Karneia, unmarried young men (Karneates) of the city took part.63 Some of the ritual was performed in the temenos of Karneios Stemmatias (LS 62). First, a young man addressed a prayer to the gods for the wealth of the city; then he started to run, wearing sacrificial ribbons. The other adolescents (Staphylodromoi) pursued him, if the was caught it was considered a good omen for the city.64 Also in Sparta, there were also the so-called Issoreia games, in honour of Artemis Issoria (LS28).65 iv. Special features a. Use of masks during the cult Often during the cult practice masks were worn by the priests to hide their faces. This happened during the rite of Demeter Kidaria (AS79), where the priest wore the mask of the goddess, in the form of the ancient deity, Kidaria.66 Similarly, in the temple of Sosipolis (E4) at Olympia the priestess entering the adyton to perform the rite for the god had to wear a white mask over her face and head. According to the myth of Artemis Alpheiaia (E20), when Alpheios tried to reach her, she covered her face with clay, so as not to be recognised. The nymphs who followed her did the same, and thus the god could not find her. This incident is quoted as a possible explanation for the use of the masks, and they continued to be used in her cult.67 Very many clay masks has been found in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (L3).68 They date to the 7th and 6th centuries BC and depicted different characters, (warriors, young people,

Pausanias V, 16,4. Scanlon 2002: 289. Papakonstantinou 1982: 136. 62 Brown 1848: 269; Ducat 2006: 231; Raftopoulou 2002: 98; Scanlon 2002: 289. 63 Nilsson 1906: 119-129; 1955: 533; Papachatzis 2004a: 351, n. 2; Pettersson 1992: 57-82; Themelis 2007b: 515. 64 Burkert 1993; Kõiv 2015: 34; Pettersson 1992: 57; Themelis 2007b: 515. 65 Nilsson 1906: 213-214; Papachatzis 2004a: 358, n. 2; Scanlon 2002: 289, and n. 68. 66 Burkert 1993: 391; Papachatzis 2004b: 235, n. 6. 67 Papachatzis 1994: 393, n. 1. 68 Schweitzer 1969: 65. 60 61

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese satyrs, women, old faces, as well as schematic ones).69 They were probably models for the masks used during the rituals in the sanctuary.70 There is no evidence for the use of masks in Messenia. b. Cult dances For some rituals a cult dance was essential, and it was most likely related to a form of ecstatic state that brought believers closer to the deities they worshipped. In Arcadia, part of the ritual in honour of Kidaria (AS79) was a cult dance; at the cult place of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs at Aghios Petros (A52), the dance was to do with the nature and fertility of the young women who participated in it.71 At Olympia (E1), the sixteen women who organised the Heraia, arranged two dancing groups, performing the so-called dances of Physkoa and Hippodameia.72 Among the cult practices in honour of Artemis Alpheiaia (E20) there was also an obscene ritual dance.73 Artemis, was a virgin, but she aroused erotic desire with her beauty and there are myths where she uses her magnetic power to attract men.74 The night dancing for Artemis Kordax (ES11) was performed at her sanctuary, which must have been close to the tomb of Hippodameia’s suitors. In fact the epithet Kordax relates to this dance.75 In Laconia, cult dances were performed in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (L3) at her yearly festival. According to Plutarch (Theseus 31,2), the first abduction of Helen by Theseus took place while she was dancing in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia.76 It is possible that the masks found in the sanctuary were used during ritual such dances.77 Functions of chthonian nature in sanctuaries78 i. Cenotaphs for mythical/heroic figures Cenotaphs may be classed as special sites where cults in honour of deified heroes took place, e.g. Olympia’s cult of Pelops (E6) was celebrated above his tomb. Although Pausanias describes the transfer of Pelops’ bones to Olympia, nothing has been found during excavations and therefore the supposition is that it was a cenotaph.79 Separately, the traveller mentions Falb 2009: 137-141; Zavvou 2006: 34. According to Zavvou (et al. 2006: 34), the masks found here have parallels to Eastern and Phoenician masks, possibly indicating the Eastern origin of the cult of Orthia in Sparta. 71 Solima 2011: 173. 72 Physkoa’s origin was from Koile Elis according to Pausanias (V, 16,8). After intercourse with Dionysos she gave birth to Narkaios. She and her son brought the cult of Dionysos here. 73 According to Schweitzer (1969: 65), these dances are depicted in the clay group of dancing figures found on site. Papachatzis (1994: 393, n. 1) suggests that Artemis Alpheiaia had an obscene cult. 74 Burkert 1993: 320. 75 Papachatzis 1994: 383, n. 3. 76 It should be noted, of course, that Helen belongs to the Trojan circle, while the first dated finds from the sanctuary of Artemis can be dated to the middle of the 10th century BC. 77 Dimitriadis 1992: 89; Falb 2009: 141; Zavvou 2006: 34. 78 Specifically we consider those elements that are common to the chthonian cults, but can also reveal at some of the Olympian deities due to the syncretism of the cults. See Ekroth 2002: 310-313. 79 According to Chatzi (2008: 37), the absence of burial indications at Pelopion proves that it was a sacred monument dedicated to an unknown fertility deity. 69 70

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics elsewhere in his text that Pelops’ bones were kept in a bronze box in a building close to the temple of Artemis Kordax (ES11). At Elis, the cult of Achilles (ES17) took place in a cenotaph. ii. Sanctuaries above tombs Another special characteristic we find in Laconia is the construction of sacred places above the (presumed) tomb of a mythical figure; in this way the cult was immediately associated with this individual. Such was the tomb of Menelaus and Helen at the sanctuary of Therapne (L8), the tomb of Agamemnon at the sanctuary of Agamemnon and Alexandra/Kassandra (L7), and the sanctuary of Castor in Sparta (LS17). Another specific example is the sanctuary of Hyacinthus and Apollo Amyklaios (L1), where the tomb of Hyacinthus was in the sanctuary of Apollo, and along with this mythical figure, who was earlier a chthonian vegetation deity, an Olympian god was also venerated. iii. Psychopompeia Mostly psychopompeia80 (direct inlets to the underworld) only functioned in rituals used during the first historical years and therefore little evidence exists about them.81 A characteristic example is that of Poseidon Tainarios (L22); there was a particular way it had to be designed and shaped in order to serve as one. Plutarch describes Kallondes who went to Tainaron to be purified after murdering Archilochos, calling out there for the soul of the dead man.82 Pausanias (III, 17,9) mentions the existence of another necromanteion in the area of Phigaleia. Unfortunately, there is no other reference for it, nor have any traces of it yet been found; it is supposed to be somewhere on the north bank of the Neda.83 iv. Eschara – Places of purification In the sanctuary of Artemis and Pan (A64) at Lykochia, particular spaces have come to light that indicate the cult’s chthonian character. More specifically, finds have been made of an eschara and a utility room with lekane, possibly indicating the performance of ritual purification.84 Similarly, in the sanctuary of Gaia (L33) at Sparta, an eschara with a bothros for the sacrifices has been found, which, according to the excavator, indicates the chthonian nature of the sanctuary.85 This is suggested by the fact that it was found lying low on the ground, in contrast to the higher-placed altar.86 v. Ash altars The only feature essential for worship and performing sacrifices to the gods was the altar. Temples were built to accommodate cult statues, but the main cult activity occurred on and Psychopompeia or necromanteia are known from several sites in Greece. The necromanteion of Acherontas at Ephyra, and the oracle of Trophonius at Livadia, were particularly celebrated. See Friese 2010: 369-370; 375-376. 81 Papachatzis 1976: 107, 110. 82 Plutarch, Moralia, On the Delays of the Divine Vengeance, 560 E. 83 See Friese 2010: 382. 84 Steinhauer 1973: 178-180; 1975: 77-79. 85 Christou 1964: 108. 86 See Harrison 1927: 375. 80

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese around the altar, which was usually close to the temple. At very many sanctuaries, the altar was built before the temple. In some cases, usually dated early, the remains of the sacrifices and the ashes were left in place, and over the years the altar increased in size considerably from the accumulation of this residue. Such altars are known in Arcadia at the temple of a female deity at Aghios Elias-Kantreva (A15) and the altar of Zeus (A55) on Mt Lykaion. In regard to the altar of Zeus Lykaios, Pausanias (VIII, 38,7) writes that it was built up over the years by means of the accumulated ashes of previous sacrifices, as no one would touch it.87 The cults at such sites are dated quite early, and it is thus possible that the ash altars were associated with pre-Doric cults with chthonian characteristics.88 The altar of Zeus (E8) at Olympia, also dated to the 10th century BC, is another example.89 The altar continued to be used until the time of Pausanias’ visit. There was also an ash-altar for Hera (E7), close to her temple, which was replaced in the 6th century BC by a rectangular construction. A similar early altar was dedicated to Gaia (E9). vi. Stone benches The stone bench found inside the earliest sacred places served as seating for the participants in the ceremonies, as well as platforms on which to stand xoana or offerings to the deities worshipped. Interpretations of the feature depend on the particular finds of the excavation; they usually relate to fertility and chthonian aspects.90 The stone bench discovered at the sanctuary of Eileithyia and the Kouretes (M5) at Ithome related to both.91 vii. Cults in caves and fissures Cave cults reveal a special character in terms of the deity worshipped, and emphasise a relationship to nature and chthonian aspects.92 In Arcadia, within the cave of Hermes (A35) at Kyllene, rituals were performed from the 6th to the 4th century BC. At Phigaleia, Demeter Melaina (A39) was worshipped in a cave and bloodless sacrifices made to her annually (bloodless because the initially dreadful chthonian goddess, Demeter Melaina, was transformed over the years into a simple protectress of the land’s fertility and bounty. Rhea (AS47) was worshipped in a cave at Methydrion, her cult performed only by women. Another particularity was the use of natural rock fissures, in or close to the cult place, for offering sacrifices or dedicating votives. These fissure can indicate Prehistoric chthonian cults – the connection to the bowels of the earth being clearly implied.93 South of the temple K. Kourouniotis (1904b: 156, 165) writes that the top of Mt Lykaion, on which Zeus’ altar is, seen from the plain of Megalopolis, or from any other remote point, resembles a huge tomb, with an upper diameter of 30 m, and more than 1.50 m high. 88 Gardiner 1925: 196-197. For the similarities between the ash-altars of Zeus at Olympia and Mt Lykaion, see Romano and Voyatzis 2021: 1-25, with newer bibliography. 89 Kyrieleis 2006: 35-47, especially 39. 90 Examples of such temples are found on Crete (Kommos) and in Attica (temple of Zeus Ombrios on Hymettos and a shrine of a chthonian cult at Anavyssos), but also in Archaic examples from the Cyclades. See Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 119, 145, 280-281; Themelis 1973-1974: 110. 91 Themelis 2002: 116-117. 92 Burnett 2007: 252-267. 93 The chthonian Zeus of Minoan Crete (the Minoan sanctuary on Mt Giouchtas) was worshipped in a fissure, as in other areas, e.g. the open-air sanctuary of Zeus Pagkrates on Ilissos, Ploutoneion at Eleusis, Trophonion at Livadia, Amphiareion at Oropos. See Vikela 2003: 209-210. 87

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics of Athena and Zeus Soter at Phigaleia (A13) there was a fissure containing a large number of clay female heads.94 These finds, according to the excavator, reveal some type of ritual honouring a female deity, probably Athena, who was worshipped in the temple.95 Similarly, at Tegea, in the temple of Demeter and Kore, the Karpophorai (A41), there is a fissure (2 m deep) that was filled with clay figurines, parts of statues, sherds, and lamps. Importantly, the older votives were placed higher, indicating that the objects had been moved and replaced, and that it was not merely a pit for the deposition of older votives. The cave at Samiko in Elis was used for the cult of the Anigrides Nymphs (ES2), and in Olympia a fissure is associated with the first phase of use of the sanctuary and oracle of Gaia (E9).96 Pausanias mentions that above the fissure was an altar for Themis. We thus have there the three elements: fissure, chthonian cult, and oracle.97 Inside the Dimiova cave (M24) in Messenia, mainly votive figurines have been found, which refer to a cult of the Nymphs. Unfortunately, the evidence is insufficient evidence to confirm the cult at this site. More exceptional was the case of the temple of Apollo Hyperteleatas (L18) in Laconia, which was constructed above a cave.98 Similarly, the temple of Poseidon Tainarios (L22), as already mentioned, was a small building with a cavernous opening at the back.99 A cave related to a spring at Kyphanta was dedicated to Asclepius (L20) and a stone statue of the god was set up there.100 This sanctuary is a representative example of the combing of the heroic nature of Asclepius and his later deification.101 viii. Side doors in sanctuaries The existence of a side door in many Arcadian temples is evidence of the early use of the site. A side door served the ritual needs of a sanctuary and connected the temple to a symbolic or sacred element of nature, e.g. a spring.102 As well as its practical, the side door could possibly also be associated with an older aspect of the cult. It is known that natural features are associated with certain attributes of chthonian cults, and were sometimes personified in chthonian deities. While the existence of a side door has been mainly related to the age and peculiarities of Archaic cult places within Arcadia, we may also logically see them as indicators of ritual cult sites associated with specific natural features (i.e. springs, etc.) that could be readily accessed via these doors. Side doors have been found at the temples of Athena Alea (A5), Artemis Hemerasia (A6), Despoina (A9), and Apollo Epikourios (A1). A possible side door was indicated at the sanctuary Arapoyanni 2001a: 303. Arapoyanni 1997: 118. 96 Dörpfeld 1935: 64-65. 97 This has many similarities to the first phase of the Delphic Oracle, before Apollo’s worship there, in the same way Zeus dominates, as a male deity, at Olympia. See Herrmann 1972: 30. 98 Delivorias 1969: 139. 99 Papachatzis 2004a: 440, n. 1. 100 Wace and Hasluck 1908-1909: 174. 101 Rayor 2004: 143. 102 Schmitt 1992: 103. 94 95

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese of Apollo Korythos (M15). In many instances the side door remained in use in the temples’ later phases.

Plan 1: Temple of Epikourios Apollo (A1)

Plan 2: Sanctuary of Athena Alea (A5)

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics

Plan 3: Sanctuary of Despoina (A9)

ix. Abaton/adyton A basic characteristic within the sanctuaries of the strict gods was the abaton/adyton, the area where entry was forbidden. The abaton defined a place reserved entirely for deities. These spaces could be a part of the temple or the whole temenos. Mortals were not allowed to get close to it.103 It is known that entrance to the temenos of Zeus on Mt Lykaion was banned.104 Prohibitions were in force at the temple of Poseidon Hippios at Mantineia (A12), where, again, no mortal could enter. x. Restrictions on entering the sanctuary In addition to the explicit ban on entering the adyta, in some cases entrance was restricted to specific individuals, or only on specific days to perform ceremonies. Such bans on entering demonstrate the strictness of the cult, and also the fears some specific deities evoked. Nevertheless, in spite of these restrictions, access to these areas was much more flexible than to the strictly controlled abaton, where, as mentioned previously, none were allowed to enter. In Arcadia, restrictions are mentioned in connection with the temple of Athena Polias at Tegea (AS85), where the priest entered only once a year. The restrictions related to the famous talisman of the city, the hair of Medusa, which was kept there. The sanctuary of Eurynome (AS58) was also only open once a year, Eurynome being a fierce goddess who evoked fear. For the same reason her statue was tied up with chains.105 At Megalopolis, entrance to the sanctuary of Kore (AS32) was allowed to women, but men could only attend once a year. The cave of Rhea at Methydrion (AS47) was only accessible to women dedicated to the goddess. Naerebut 2009: 191-195; 206-208. Hughes 1991: 140. 105 Papachatzis 2004b: 361, n. 4. 103 104

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At Elis, Pausanias (VI, 20,7) mentions that at the Hippodameion (ES6) local women were only allowed to enter once a year, to sacrifice and perform the appropriate rites. On Zeus’ altar (E8) at Olympia, women could only approach the stone steps, while men had free access up to the precinct of the ashes, shaped as a flat area from which they could watch the sacrifices.106 Also at Olympia, the temple of Eileithyia and Sosipolis (E4) as open to all as far as the room where Eileithyia was worshiped, however the rear adyton, dedicated to Sosipolis, could only be entered by the priestess, who had to wear a white mask before so doing. The other women stood behind, in the sanctuary of Eileithyia, singing hymns. It is mentioned that whoever ate from the ram sacrificed to Pelops was not allowed to enter the temple of Zeus (E2). According to H. Herrmann (1962: 21), this was not uncommon and we should not see in this signs of a dispute between Pelops and Zeus, who in time replaced his cult. It was considered that the flesh of an animal sacrificed to a chthonian deity (or a hero), was impure, and that after eating it the believer should be purified before participating in an Olympian cult, i.e. that of Zeus.107 Restrictions on entering the temple of Hades (E27) at Elis are known. There, entrance was only allowed to the priest, and then only once a year, during the feast in honour of the god. Pausanias writes that the temple was open once a year, as the Eleians believed that the catabasis to Hades only occurred once to mortals. Since it is known that only on specific days was entrance allowed to those sites where chthonian deities were worshipped, it is perfectly feasible to think that entrance to the sanctuary of Hades was also restricted, because of the fears generated by the chthonian character of the cult. In Laconia, the sanctuary of Achilles (L11) outside Sparta was not open to the public. Unfortunately, we have no information about the ritual within this sanctuary. This may have something to do with the chthonian nature of the cult, as we find also with other cult places associated with Achilles. On Taygetos, at the temple of Dionysus (LS60), only women were allowed to look at the statue of the god and to offer sacrifices.108 On the contrary, women were forbidden to enter the sacred grove of Ares (LS69) at Geronthrai during his yearly festival. xi. Performance of mystical rituals – Mysteries The performance of mystical rituals was relatively customary for chthonian cults. In most instances, it was prohibited to reveal what occurred during mystic rites. At the sanctuary of Artemis Knakalesia (A22), Pausanias mentions the performance of yearly mystical rituals, pointing to the great age of the cult. According to M. Nilsson (1931: 231), the mystical ritual indicates that she was a goddess of fertility, and she was worshipped as such within this sanctuary. Ιn the sanctuary of Dionysus (A88) at Tripichi (Mantineia), the Meliastai, a local Bacchic organisation, supervised the mystical rituals.109 Pausanias (VII, 6,4) describes the sanctuary as a ‘megaron’, refering to a cavernous space, where primarily chthonian rituals were held.110 According to M. Jost (1999: 215; 2003: 148), the megaron was an enclosed (by walls) space that ensured that secrecy of the ritual, protecting participants from the eyes of the uninitiated. Pausanias, V, 13,10. Herrmann 1962: 21. See also Scanlon 2002: 37. 108 Raftopoulou 2002: 108. 109 Jost 2003: 146, 149-150; Papachatzis 2004b: 191, n. 3. On the Meliastai, see Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 15,1, col. 507-509; Fougères 1898: 267. 110 Fougères 1898: 89; Jost 1985: 138; 1999: 215; Papachatzis 2004b: 191, n. 4. 106 107

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics Mystical rituals were linked to the sanctuary of Demeter Kidaria (AS79). There, the priest wore a mask and struck the underworld deities to release the productive powers of the land.111 Immediately next to the temple of Kidaria was Petroma, two big rocks, one above the other. Between the rocks the priests put the texts of the ritual. It was opened only once at the beginning of the ritual in order to remind the initiated about the procedure that should be followed with devotion for the success of the rite. In addition, Pausanias mentions secret sacrifices in the temenos of Zeus (A55) on Mt Lykaion, although he does not go into detail. Initiation ceremonies of a chthonian nature took place in the sanctuary of Demeter Erinys (A75) at Thelpusa. During the ceremony, participants were told the name of the daughter of Demeter and Poseidon Hippios.112 Significant mystic cults and rites took place in the sanctuary of Despoina (A9) at Lykosoura,113 and at the sanctuary of Dionysus Auxites (AS19), Heraia. At Elis there was a mystical cult in the sanctuary of Eileithyia and Sosipolis (E4). A priestess was chosen each year to serve the former. She would be a chaste old woman, and among her duties she was required to carry water to wash the statue of Sosipolis and offer him honeyed barley cakes. The most characteristic mystical rituals in Messenia were the Mysteries of the Great Goddesses (M21) that took place in Andania.114 The Messenians believed that the Mysteries were brought from Eleusis by Kaukon. The first ritual is traced back to mythical times and the first organised settlement of the region, and was of such importance that it was maintained until the Roman era. Although there is no information about the rites, we know that there was a revival of the mysteries in the Roman period. An inscription found embedded in the wall of a church in the village of Konstantinoi describes the ritual, although nothing of the content of the cult is referred to. Thus, the fundamentals of the Mysteries disappeared at the end of Antiquity, as did those of the Eleusinian cult. We may be certain that these particular cults and mysteries had their origins in festivities associated with the harvest.115 The Great Goddesses were Demeter and Kore, goddesses of earth, fertility, and the harvest. Pausanias (IV, 33,5) considers these mysteries as being the most revered after those associated with Eleusis. The other gods worshipped at the Mysteries of Andania were Hermes (as a god of fertility), Karneios Apollo (who was a Doric rural god), and Agne (a deity associated with springs).116 Rituals for the latter were celebrated on Mt Lykaion, to request rain.117 Mystical rituals were held also in the sanctuary of Artemis Oupesia (M2) at Ithome, where women who wanted to request a favour of the goddess came and the priestesses would perform rituals on their behalf.118 At the same sanctuary initiation rites would take place for Graf 2003: 245; Jost 2003: 156. Papachatzis 2004b: 280, n. 1. 113 Dillon 1997: 72; Jost 2003: 148-49: 161-64; Salavoura 2019: 538-39. 114 Gawlinski 2010: 91-109 with bibliography; 2011; Graf 2003: 242-45; Nielsen 2017: 28-46; Nilsson 1906: 337-42; Themelis 2007b. 115 For the Karneia in general see Nilsson 1906: 118-29. For the Mysteries of Andania in honour of Demeter see Graf 2004: 242-44; Nilsson 1906: 337-42; Themelis 2007b: 510-28. 116 See also Ogden 2004: 99-100. 117 For Hermes, see Nilsson 1906: 340; for Agne, see Papachatzis 1994: 146, n. 1. 118 Themelis 2002: 75. 111 112

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese girls entering puberty and womanhood, as happened at the temple of Artemis Brauronia in Attica.119 It was a characteristic of Artemis to help girls in their transition to motherhood, although she herself was considered a maiden goddess. After the rituals, the girls would set up in the temple sculpted images of their parents, or of the council of old men responsible for strict adherence of the rituals of the local cults, the so-called gerontes of Oupesia.120 Remains of these figurine of old men (gerontes) have been found inside the temple. Pausanias (IV, 34,11) mentions the performance at Asine of a mystical ritual every second year for Dryops (MS12). Rituals of a mystical character were performed within the sanctuary of Demeter Eleusinia (L10) at Kalyvia Sochas, on Taygetos.121 During the rites the xoanon of Kore was transferred to the sanctuary from Elos, a city close to the mouth of the Eurotas on the Laconian coast.122 R. Parker (1988: 103) suggests that the transfer of Kore’s xoanon symbolises her return from the Underworld, in this case from sea level to a higher location. Of similar nature was the character of the ceremonies that took place at the temple of Dionysus (LS60) on Taygetos, as well as at the same deity’s sanctuary on Mt Larysion (L14). At the latter, the rituals were held in spring and were related to the harvest. Pausanias describes that during the ritual a ripe bunch of grapes appeared mysteriously within the sanctuary, this being received as the god’s assurance of a bountiful harvest.123 xii. Perpetual fire Fire was of special importance in rituals, as it was, of course, in everyday life. The sanctuary of Pan at Lykosoura (AS53) had a perpetual flame. xiii. Orgies In the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne (A54) at Kontovazaina, the excavator found evidence for orgies performed there in honour of the divine couple Aphrodite and the Great Kouros (of Mycenaean origin), who was worshipped with her as Hephaestus-Zeus.124 Pausanias (VIII, 54,5) writes about orgies in honour of Dionysus Mystes when describing Mantineia and the Megaron of Dionysus (A88) at Tripichi. The rituals were celebrated there by the Meliastai.

Themelis 1994: 116; 2002: 75; 2010a: 190. Themelis 2002: 75. She was known also in Thouria as Oupesia. See Papachatzis 1994: 125, n. 3. 121 Petridou 2015: 57-58. 122 Elos was close to the mouth of the Eurotas in the Laconian gulf. It was a coastal city mentioned by Homer (Iliad, B582-585) in the ‘catalogue of Ships’, but it was abandoned by the time Pausanias visited it. Papachatzis 2004a: 398, n. 2; 400, n. 1. 123 Pausanias III, 22,2. Also, Brown 1848: 269; Papachatzis 2004a: 412, n. 3; Raftopoulou 2002: 110; Sourvinou-Inwood 2003: 35. 124 Sakellarakis (1987: 247) mentions that the cult of Zeus Kretagenes, the god who dies and is reborn every year, should be dated after 1400 BC, when the Mycenaeans arrived on Crete. Their god replaced the Minoan god of vegetation, who was worshipped in the Idaion Andron. For Zeus Kretagenes, see also Kardara 1969: 77; Vikela 2003: 201-202. 119 120

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics xiv. Divine commands and punishments for violations In many instances the gods would intervene in human lives, meting out punishments when their divine commands were not followed. Thus would the chthonian deities express their strict demands for human obedience. At the temple of Poseidon Hippios at Mantineia (A12) a cord was strung across the entrance by the temple’s founders, Trophonios and Agamedes, to prohibit entrance. Aipytos disobeyed the command, cutting the cord and entering the temple. Poseidon reacted by raising strong waves that blinded the offender, and shortly after he fell dead.125 What seems strange, of course, is that Mantineia is a long way from the coast, but Poseidon’s power, as ruler of the seas, was such that no violator could escape his wrath. A similar regulation appears in the temenos of Zeus Lykaios (A55). Entrance was forbidden, and the punishment for violation of this was death within the same year. At Aigiai in Laconia, Pausanias (III, 20,5) describes a relevant ban and threat of punishment in the temple of Poseidon (L12). Fishing in the god’s sacred lake, which was close to the temple, was forbidden. It was believed that whoever fished in the lake would be punished and transformed into a fish called alieas. xv. Human sacrifices The phenomenon of human sacrifices was not unknown in ancient Greece. The finds in the temple of Archanes on Minoan Crete are interpreted as links with the demand for human blood.126 Likewise, at Thessalian Alos, in the temple of Laphystios there, a relentless chthonian deity inspired fear and demanded special sacrifices to be propitiated.127 From Pausanias, we have for the Peloponnese a hint of human sacrifices occurring on Mt Lykaion, when he talks of the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios (A55) and the secret sacrifices there, which were unpleasant to describe.128 It is mooted that these might well refer to human sacrifices.129 Clearly, such mystical rites would have had their origins in Prehistoric times, to which the beginning of the cult on the summit of Mt Lykaion is dated (A55). Related to the god’s demands for blood is a myth associated with the sanctuary of Artemis Stymphalia (A50) involving the demand for a human sacrifice to propitiate the goddess. Artemis became angry when the people stopped performing her feasts properly and closed the fissure from which the river water flowed and transforming the plain of Stymphalia into a lake.130 Only when a hunter, chasing a deer, fell into the fissure (and thus providing the goddess Pausanias, VIII, 10: 2-4. According to the myth, Aipytos was the twelfth king of ancient Arcadia. He was son and successor of Ippothous, and father of Kypselos, who succeeded him. 126 Sakellarakis 1994: 25-26. 127 Marantou 2009a: 64. 128 The same record is found in Theophrastus’s Porphyrius, On abstinence (2,27). 129 Kourouniotis 1904b: 153. It is generally accepted that human sacrifices were performed at the altar of Zeus Lykaios. But, as Kourouniotis noted as long ago as 1904 (1904b: 169), and recent research by the Universities of Pennsylvania and Arizona confirm, no evidence exists suggesting this. See Romano and Voyatzis 2014: 536, n. 36. 130 Pausanias, VIII, 22,7. 125

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese with a human offering) was the flow of water restored and the lake turn into a plain again. No ritual seems to have remained as a remembrance of this particular incident however. Punishment and self-flagellation by women was part of the festival ritual for Dionysus, the Skiereia, which was celebrated at Alea every second year, after an oracle from Delphi.131 For the region of Elis, we have to date no evidence of human sacrifice. As possible vestige of the very old custom of human sacrifice required to propitiate the strict chthonian strict, is an interpretation of the later evidence of sacrificing prisoners to Zeus Ithomatas (M4) in Messenia.132 According to Pausanias, the Messenian general Aristomenes sacrificed to the god 300 Lacedaemonian prisoners, among them king Theopompos. If we give this any credence, it could point to a connection with Zeus Lykaios.133 In Sparta, early human sacrifices are echoed in the game of Karteria, performed in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (L3).134 According to the myth, Orestes brought the xoanon of Artemis to Sparta from the land of Taurike, where he went to find Iphigeneia. This xoanon was thirsty for blood and brought several disasters on the locals. During the first cult practices in front of the xoanon, the inhabitants of the four komai of Sparta crushed into each other, causing fatalities. Later an epidemic hit the city. In an attempt to find out why these misfortunes had occurred, an oracle was consulted. The reply came that the goddess, because of her barbaric origin, was seeking human blood. Thus, to propitiate her, the inhabitants of Sparta drew lots to see which man would be sacrificed. This continued until the time of Lycourgos,135 when this blood tax was transformed, following a consultation with the Delphic oracle, into a game in the sanctuary for adolescents. According to the description of the game, the young men who took part had to steal the cheese from the goddess’ altar and then cross the sanctuary through a crowd of men, who would flog them. The winner was hailed as the ‘Vomonikis’. The priestess would observe the event, holding the goddess’ xoanon, and if the young men were not whipped strongly enough then the xoanon became heavy and she would scream out.136 The altar was covered with blood and in this way the goddess’ thirst was satisfied. Over time, the real significance of the game was obscured. In Roman times the game was revived as a flagellation ritual (diamastigosis) and became an attraction for visitors from different regions.137 xvi. General observations From all these special characteristics, we can observe several features that stress the chthonian nature of a sacred place. The most common of these is the performing of mysteries related Pausanias, VIII, 23,1. See also, Charalampopoulou-Damianou 1979: 80; Gundersen 2005: 70. Clemens, Protrepticus 36P, in O. Stählin, Clemens Alexandrinus, Protrepticus und Paedagogus, 1905, vol. 1: 31 (III,42,1-2). 133 Pausanias, VIII, 38,7. 134 Pausanias, III, 16, 7-9; 11. Kõiv 2015: 44. 135 Dimitriadis 1992: 83; Falb 2009: 142; Polignac 2007: 100. 136 Des Bouvrie 2009: 164; Rose 1929: 404. 137 Lucian, Anacharsis, 38. Cartledge 1979: 308; Newby 2005: 158. Even though the first myth referencing the goddess’ demand for blood is traced back to mythical times, the ritual of diamastigosis is only mentioned in the sources in later years. 131

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Chapter 5. Special Characteristics to the chthonian nature of the deities. Mystical rites were practised in all the geographical areas examined, but mainly in Arcadia. The deities to which mysteries are dedicated most are Demeter and Dionysus. In a similar way, a chthonian trait is indicated by the inclusion of orgies, as we see associated with the cults of Dionysus and Aphrodite in Arcadia. Another characteristic underlining the chthonian character of a cult was a restriction or ban on entering a sacred place. The only region without such restrictions was Messenia, while all the other areas had them. However, it seems that no deity entirely bans visits to a sacred place. Rituals that took place in caves or fissures in the ground close to the sanctuaries indicate a chthonian origin of the deity worshipped, and stress the deity’s relationship with the natural world. Most of the examples are Arcadian. As well as those deities who might be expected to be worshipped close to nature, or in caves, nymphs for example, there are instances of fissures associated with deities that belong to the Olympian Pantheon, e.g. Zeus and Athena. There are many references to the myth of human sacrifices. The gods that received these were Zeus, Artemis, and Dionysus, and such instances are known in all the areas examined, except Elis. The ash altar is an additional sign of a chthonian cult. There are examples from Arcadia and Elis. The most significant and well-known ash altars were built for Zeus. Chthonian characteristics are attested also in sanctuaries related to tombs or cenotaphs, in those with a side door, or a perpetual fire, and those that used eschara, or had a stone bench. In addition, the use of a sacred place as a psychopompeion testifies to the chthonian nature of the deity, as well as the fear for a relentless punishment by the god because of the violation of this order, as happened in Arcadia and Laconia.

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Chapter 6 Deities Worshipped Catalogue of Deities (Tables 1-8) This chapter catalogues those deities worshipped in the Peloponnese, divided into two groups: chthonian and Olympian. Listed as chthonian deities are also secondary and local ones, personifications of natural elements, heroic and mythological figures, chthonian deities that became Olympians, and ancient deities been assimilated with the later Olympians. A deity is defined as Olympian or chthonian according to the main characteristics of the cult, as known from myths, the sources that described cult practices, and archaeological surveys. In fact, many Olympian deities retained their chthonian characteristics, as is obvious either from the cult rituals or the epithet and aspects they have. The demarcation is rather based on common characteristics, as the character of many Olympian deities differs from place to place, and certainly earlier chthonian evidence was incorporated many times in the later aspects of the Olympian gods. i. Chthonian deities Despoina One of the oldest cults was that of Despoina at Lykosoura (A9). She was a particularly mystical and fearful deity and is described as a daughter of Demeter and Poseidon Hippios.1 She was a significant, but also frightening deity of Arcadia. Pausanias mentions that her name was known only to initiates, and he is afraid to reveal it. Very important also were the mystic rituals in the sanctuary of Despoina. In fact, there were inscriptions that defined the rules for everything so that all would be performed as the goddess desired. The significance of the cult of Despoina was great for the Arcadians and this is obvious from the fact that her cult continued until the Hellenistic period in a later reconstructed temple (A9). Eurynome An older deity, possibly associated at some point with Artemis, was Eurynome, who was worshipped at Phigaleia (AS58). As Pausanias mentions, the Phigaleians believed that the name Eurynome was an epithet of Artemis. It is possible that Eurynome was an older, independent, deity later associated with Artemis, as often happened with early deities. Pausanias (VIII, 41,5) mentions that Eurynome was Ocean’s daughter. She was a chthonian deity and a demonic presence within the Underworld. According to Pausanias, her image showed her upper body as a woman and her lower body as a fish, appropriate for Ocean’s daughter, living in the sea.

Pausanias VIII, 37: 9. Also, Jost 2007: 267-268. For Despoina, see also Palamidis 2018: 127-152; Rathmayr 2018: 153174. 1

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Hades – Plouto – Zeus with chthonian attributes A rare and archetypal chthonian cult was that of Hades.2 Cult places for Hades appear wherever the Pylians settled, i.e. Dodona and Thesprotia, where they established the Nekyomanteion. Hades – Plouton was also worshipped at Eleusis after the migration of the Pylian descendants of the Neleidai to Attica.3 Furthermore, his cult was known in both Elian and Triphylian Pylos (E27, ES30).4 Hades was often identified as Zeus. In several regions Zeus was worshipped with chthonian characteristics, as a strict god, even from Prehistoric times, and long before the establishment of the Olympian religious system. In this form he was worshipped in Mycenaean and Minoan cult circles with various characteristics, e.g. as Zeus Kretagenes.5 The Underworld god, Plouto, was called also Plousios (=rich).6 Sometimes Plouto is identified with Zeus Plousios (L32). This epithet indicates a good and gift-giving god, who provides wealth, an attribute that follows Hades, who was worshipped not only as a god of the Underworld, but also as a god of fertility.7 Pausanias mentions a temple of Agathos (AS48) outside of Megalopolis. It is probable that Zeus was worshipped there in his gentle, chthonian form. The chthonian deities were known sometimes for their strict and at other times gentler attributes. With their strict characteristics they caused fear, punished people, and asked for sacrifices. In their gentler form they were more indulgent, easier to approach, and with no tendency to seek revenge. Over time, even the exclusively strict chthonian gods became more approachable in people’s minds. The epithet ‘Agathos’ refers to a chthonian Zeus who is no longer strict. The most significant cult of Zeus in Messenia was that of Zeus Ithomatas (M4) on Mt Ithome.8 It was a significant cult for the inhabitants of the wider area and at the yearly feasts in his honour a special ritual was followed. The cult statue most probably depicted Zeus in his childhood.9 According to P. Themelis, the cult of Zeus Ithomatas as a child (Kouros/Pais), who was born and died every year, indicates that it was the Minoan figure of Zeus Kretagenes, the

For the cult of Hades and his link to chthonian Zeus, see also Farnell 1907b: 280-288. Gialouris 1996: 73-75. A descendant of the Neleidai was also the tyrant Peisistratos, who restored the cult of HadesPlouton at Eleusis. For the Ploutonion of Eleusis, see Mylonas 1961: 144-149. 4 The cult of Hades is mentioned at Koroneia (Boeotia), where he was worshipped with Athena (Strabo 9: 411), and in Hermione, where a sacred fissure in the sanctuary led Heracles to the Underworld to bring Cerberus to Eurysthenes (Pausanias II,35,9); thus, in this sanctuary Hades was worshipped too. See Papachatzis 1994: 406, n. 1. 5 For the god and his special characteristics and cult, see Vikela 2003: 199-216, Generally for Zeus Kretagenes, see Laager 1957: 156-194; especially 157-159; Nilsson 1927: 533-535; 542-543; Otto 2000: 135-137; Postlethwaite 1999: 85-98. For Zeus-Hades, see Rohde 1925: 159. 6 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 21,1: 992; 1001-1002. Plouto appears in the iconography with the ‘Horn of abundance’, and it became his symbol. See Schauenburg 1953: 47-48. 7 Rohde 1925: 160. 8 For Ithomatas, see also Zolotnikova 2013: 105-107. 9 Papachatzis 1994: 133, n. 2. 2 3

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese chthonian figure and not the Olympian God.10 This aspect of Zeus’s cult was present not only at Ithome, but also at Aigion and Palaikastro on Crete.11 The cult of Zeus Ithomatas had similarities to Zeus Lykaios on neighbouring Mt Lykaion. Both aspects of the god were worshipped on the mountain top, from where they controlled the weather. Additionally, in both places there is a direct or indirect reference to human sacrifices to propitiate the god. The temenos of Zeus Lykaios (A55) on Mt Lykaion is the most ancient sacred place for Zeus we know of, primarily dated to the Prehistoric period. According to the myth, the founder of Arcadia, Lykaon, established the cult of Zeus and games in his honour.12 He sacrificed a human infant to Zeus, but this made the god furious and he transformed him into a wolf.13 Thereafter, each time someone sacrificed at the temenos someone else was transformed into a wolf, and if the individual refrained from eating human flesh for nine years he became human again, otherwise he remained a wolf forever.14 It is clear that Zeus Lykaios was related to mystic cults. Furthermore, Pausanias (VIII, 36,8) mentions that the animals and people who entered the sanctuary had no shadow. Similar chthonian characteristics to Zeus Lykaios can be found in Zeus Ithomatas, who is associated to the Kouretes and Minoan Crete.15 According to the excavator of Mt Lykaion, D. Romano, Zeus came to replace an older weather deity.16 In any case, Zeus was the dominant force within the natural phenomena, and moreover the thunder god, and thus a cult on a mountain top was appropriate for him. He was later worshipped at Megalopolis (AS26) and Tegea (AS65) as Lykaios. At Lepreon, Zeus was worshipped as Leukaios (ES1). This name could be interpreted as a misspelling of Lykaios, and, if so, this indicates a relationship with the cult of Zeus on Mt Lykaion.17 If, on the other hand, the name Leukaios is not a misspelling, then it reminds one of a ritual on the altar of Zeus at Olympia, where only elm wood (leuka) was burned.18 The elm and the cypress were considered as the most important trees in the Underworld, thus making Zeus in Lepreon chthonian, a fact that supported by the area’s inhabitation by Minyans.19 According to Zolotnikova, the epithet Leukaios has an Indo-European root and means ‘shining white’.20 Zeus was worshipped as Pais in both cases (Velchanos on Crete, Ithomatas at Ithome). According to P. Themelis (2004: 145), it is possible that the contemporary name of the monastery of Voulkanou, which was established above the sanctuary of Zeus as Ithomatas, is related to the name Velchanos, the Minoan Zeus. Both deities were close to the cult of Eileithyia and therefore they are related to each other (Zeus Ithomatas and Minoan Zeus Velchanos). Velchanos was a young, beardless god and was considered as one of a divine couple with the Minoan Mother-Goddess. Some researchers relate him to Zeus Kretagenes. See Dietrich 1974: 15, 239; Nilsson 1927: 551; Themelis 2004: 143-154; Willetts 1962: 250-251. 11 For Aigion, see Pausanias VII, 23,9; 24,4. Papachatzis 2004b: 144, n. 3. For Palaikastro: Vikela 2003: 201. 12 Pausanias VIII, 2,1. 13 Piccaluga 1968: 53-56. More myths to do with Zeus’ temenos are presented by Zolotnikova 2005: 105-119; 2013: 100105. 14 Hard 2004: 540; Veenstra 1939: 140. 15 They were related to Crete also because of the conception of the yearly death and rebirth of Zeus. Postlethwaite 1999: 88; Vikela 2003: 200-201. 16 Romano and Voyatzis 2010: 11. Also, Romano 2019a: 219-237. 17 Papachatzis 1994: 209, n. 1. 18 Pausanias VI,14: 2. Only elm wood was used for sacrifices in honour of Pelops at Pelopeion, see Pausanias, V,13: 3. 19 Papachatzis 1994: 209, n. 1; 267, n. 5. 20 Zolotnikova 2013: 90-91. She compares the epithet and attributes of these forms of Zeus with the Latin Jupiter Lucetius. 10

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped At Megalopolis, at the perivolos of the Great Gods, Zeus was worshipped as Philios (AS30), a mild chthonian type that expressed an aspect friendly to mortals. This contrasted to the usual strict, chthonian form the god had as Lykaios.21 A chthonian form of Zeus can be recognised at Hermai (LS1), where he was worshipped with the epithet Skotitas as a deity of the Underworld. Zeus and Aphrodite: A special cult existed at Kontovazaina (ancient Psophis) from Geometric times. Zeus was co-worshipped with Aphrodite Erikyne (A54). According to the excavator of the sanctuary, it was a cult of the Archaic Great Kouros, a type of pre-Hellenic god of thunder and rain, who survived as Zeus or Hephaestus.22 ii. Secondary and local deities Asclepius Asclepius was worshipped at 30 cult sites we know of within the geographical areas explored. Especially in Messenia, it was believed that the cult of Asclepius came from Thessaly. As Homer describes (Iliad IX, 291-5), Agamemnon gave to Achilles seven Messenian cities. It is possible that the Thessalian Neleidai went to east Messenia, and inhabitants of Trikke probably went to west Messenia, bringing the cult of Asclepius with them.23 Indicative of the relationship between Messenia and Thessalia is the fact that there are at least three common city names: Trikke, Ithome, Oichalia. Another version of the Messenian myth describes Asclepius as the son of Apollo and the Messenian Arsinoe, and with this form he was worshipped in Messene.24 This suggestion is based on a lack of indications (inscriptions, votives, architectural structures) that might signify a healing centre there. In any event, Asclepius, through his father, Apollo, was a god of healing. Upon the establishment of Asclepius as the main healing deity, Apollo, lost his former healing attributes. The therapeutic character of the god was the reason that most of his cult places were at the same time healing centres. Thus, as well as a temple, there were also installations for visitors to stay, healing rooms, and baths for the patients. The presence of an oracle close to his healing site is not uncommon. The oldest cult place associated with an early healing deity who was later replaced by Asclepius was at Gortys, dating to the Geometric period (A7): the name of the this early deity, however, cannot be confirmed. The name of Asclepius is not mentioned in this early period. Chronologically, the next known temple of Asclepius in Arcadia was at Alipheira (A10), dated in the middle of the 4th century BC. Another known site is the Hellenistic sanctuary of Asclepius at Pheneos (A33), also constructed above a previous building that cannot be dated exactly. Asclepius was worshipped as Kaousios (A326) and Pais (AS77) at Thelpusa, and 21 22 23 24

For Zeus Philios, see Vikela 1997: 175, 236-237, n. 294; 2003: 211. Kardara 1968: 12-14. For the ‘Greatest Kouros’, see also Nilsson 1927: 548. Papachatzis 1994: 44, n. 4. Graf 2009: 94-96; Riethmüller 2005: 39.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese without an epithet at Tegea (AS73). According to M. Jost (1985: 494), the cult of Asclepius came to the Peloponnese in the 5th century BC, when the Homeric hero from Trikke became a Panhellenic deity. Alternatively, Riethmüller (2005: 199) suggests that the cult of Asclepius at Gortys should be accepted from as early as the 8th century BC, going by its date. According to Alevridis and Melfi (2005: 279), Arcadia in particular had a network of cult places for Asclepius, all associated with the Alpheios and its tributaries. Thus there was a link with the cult of the god at Epidaurus, where the role of water in the therapeutic process was also emphasised. In Sparta he was worshipped as Agnitas (LS37), his xoanon being made of agno wood, a kind of willow.25 The epithet Demainetos (ES9) derives, according to Pausanias, from the founder of the temple. From the placename Kaous derives Asclepius Kaousios (A32).26 Similarly, in Messenia Asclepius was called Aulonius in the region of Aulon (M23). As Kotyleus (L35) he was worshipped at Therapne, in a temple founded by Heracles, as the hero had a hip wound (acetabulum) healed by the god there. This injury was sustained in the first battle against Hippokoon’s sons.27 Asclepius was worshipped as Pais (AS77) (i.e. a young man) at Thelpusa. Asclepius’ appearance as both an adult and a child, allows the distinction between the two forms – younger and older – and at a cult level, it should be investigated. At Asopos he had the epithet Philolaos (L16), denoting his popularity. Asclepius and Artemis: At Hypsoi (LS91) he was worshipped with Artemis Daphnaia. Asclepius and the Apollonian Triad: Asclepius was co-worshipped with the Apollonian Triad at Mantineia (AS1). The coexistence of the two gods in the same temple can be explained, i.e. Apollo being Asclepius’ father.28 Asclepius and Hygeia: In some instances, Asclepius was co-worshipped with Hygeia, another healing deity.29 Cronus The only cult of Cronus known was at Olympia (ES5). He was worshipped there since Prehistoric times and the first inhabitation of the area, long before the arrival of the Olympian gods. His

Frazer 1898, vol.1: 155. Hansen 2004: 507. 27 Papachatzis (2004a: 391, n. 1) supposes that this epithet is due to a kotyle (vase), which the god may be holding. 28 Jost 1985: 492-493. 29 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 9,1: 94-96. For the cult of Hygeia, see Leventi 2003: 111119, and especially 111-114 for the cult in the Peloponnese. 25

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped initial substance was that of a deity of vegetation and weather.30 Performing his cult was a privilege of the ruling class.31 Demeter and Persephone/Kore (Great Goddesses) Usually, Demeter and her daughter, Persephone, were worshipped together, both being directly related to nature and the yearly cycle of vegetation and harvest. They were known as the Great Goddesses, and as such they were worshipped at Andania in Messenia (M21), in a cult that can be traced back to the mythical period, when queen Messene brought it there. The mystical rites there were associated with the fertility of the land.32 It should be noted that, apart from Pausanias’s account, we have no evidence of the early life of the cult place. As Karpophorai, the goddesses were patronesses of the Earth and agricultural production. They were worshipped in these aspects at Tegea (A41). Persephone/Kore There are only a few instances where Persephone was worshipped on her own. Often her name was not mentioned in her cult places, she was known simple as Kore (e.g. A24). In a temple exclusively for her in Laconia she was worshipped as Kore Soteira (LS19). This temple was established either by Orpheas or the legendary priest of Apollo, Abaris, who came from Hyperborea.33 Mother of the Gods – Great Mother – Rhea The cult of the Mother Goddess can be traced back to the Neolithic period, and cult places are known at least from Mycenaean times.34 In the Historic period, deities with similar attributes closely connected to Earth were Gaia, Rhea, Meter, Great Mother, Cybele, Mother of the Gods (Meter Theon), and even Demeter.35

Herrmann 1974: 157. Curtius and Adler 1897: 27-28. 32 According to Burkert (1993: 568), the Great Gods of Andania were not female, but male deities, who correspond to the Dioskouroi. This might be the case during the revival of the Mysteries in the Roman period. In the first phase the indications show a correlation to fertility gods. Furthermore, the proximity to Arcadia leads to the conclusion that initially the Mysteries were held for Demeter and Persephone. See Nilsson 1906: 340. Moreover, Gawlinski (2010: 9495) argues that the Mysteries involved male gods. 33 Herodotus, 4,36. Papachatzis 2004a: 350, n. 1. 34 The cult of the Great Mother is indicated probably by the neolithic steatopygic figurines found in several places in Greece. See Marantou 2001: 69-71; 2007: 366-367. According to Burkert (1997: 166-167) the cult of the Phrygian Goddess could have been assimilated into the cult of the Mother of the Gods, since also in the East, ‘Mother’ was a deity worshipped from very early times and corresponds to the Greek ‘Meter Cybele’. For the beginning of the cult of the Mother Goddess, see Farnell 1907b: 289-305; Geniére 1985: 693-718; Gleissner 2008: 17; Naumann 1983: 1739; Roller 1999: 27-62; Vikela 2001: 41-47; 2011: 136-137; Xagorari-Gleissner 2008: 17. For the Mycenaean period, see Burkert 1997: 167, and n. 14. 35 Vikela 2001: 43-44. 30 31

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese In the temple dedicated to the Mother of the Gods (A78) at Asea, her cult was replaced by Cybele.36 This would explain the two stone lions Pausanias saw in the temple. In Messenia, the only temple for the Mother of the Gods/Cybele was erected in ancient Messene after the re-establishment of the city in the Hellenistic period. In Laconia, a late Geometric temple dedicated to the Mother of the Gods has been found at Akriai (L28).37 According to Pausanias, the inhabitants believed that, of all the sanctuaries dedicated to the Mother of the Gods in the Peloponnese, this temple at Akriai was the oldest. Gaia was a female deity worshipped since the earliest times at Olympia, in different guises. Initially, there was an oracle of a female deity close to the Cronion Hill (E9). It was one of the first and main cult places of Olympia.38 To Gaia was dedicated an altar at Tegea (AS70) and a Classical temple at Sparta (L33). Close to the sanctuary of Gaia in Olympia, was the cult of Rhea, mother of Zeus (E3).39 A cave dedicated to Rhea was to be found at Methydrion (AS47). In this cave it was believed that Rhea misled Cronus, giving him a stone to swallow instead of the infant Zeus, whom she took to Kretea to hide. Gaia and Zeus: According to Pausanias, Gaia and Zeus Agoraios (LS10) were worshipped together in Sparta. Eileithyia Eileithyia was a goddess who protected pregnant women and childbirth. She was a deity who existed before the Olympian gods, and her cult places continued to be in use throughout antiquity. Already in Minoan times Eileithyia was worshipped on Crete.40 Her cult took place mainly in caves, symbolising the womb. The locations of her cult places clearly indicate the age of her cult and its intense symbolism.41 She was worshipped at Kleitor (AS11) in Arcadia, and at Sparta (L4, LS34). One of her sanctuaries (L4) was close to that of Artemis Orthia, the link being that Artemis was also associated with the raising of children within that city. Eileithyia and Sosipolis: Eileithyia, as a birth goddess, was worshipped with Sosipolis at Elis. The figure of Eileithyia was associated with a divine baby she helped at birth, as a protectress of the newborn. The correlation is reminiscent of the respective deity worshipped on Minoan Crete, the divine infant being identified with Zeus.42 Pikoulas 1988a: site no. 10. Roller 1999: 133-134; Geniére 2005: 9-12. 38 Herrmann 1972: 30. Gaia’s oracle was later dedicated to Zeus and was in use even at the time of Pindar (Olympionikoi, VI,5). 39 Dörpfeld 1935: 38. 40 Homer (Odyssey XIX, 188) mentions the cult of Eileithyia in the cave at Amnissos, Crete, and perhaps the best known of such sites. The cult in this cave seems to date as early as the 3rd millennium BC, and was in use perhaps as late as the 5th/6th century AD. The cave was excavated in 1929-1930 by Sp. Marinatos (1929: 95-104; 1930: 91-99). Cult caves for Eileithyia are also found in other areas on Crete, e.g. Patsos, Krateros, and Inatos-Tsoutouros. See Hadzistelliou Price 1978: 81. 41 The caves were used mainly as centres of popular religion, Marinatos 1973a: 24. 42 Herrmann 1962: 6; 1972: 31; Papachatzis 1994: 372, n. 1. While there is an opinion that this is linked to the Minoan cult, Pausanias refers to it as a local cult of Sosipolis, and in this case it has no associations with Crete (Herrmann 1962: 36 37

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped The image of the female figure holding an infant, e.g. the kourotrophos goddess, was an iconic one, known from earliest times, both Neolithic and Mycenaean.43 Generally, the cult of Eileithyia had chthonian characteristics and belonged to the pre-Doric era. Eileithyia and the Kouretes: Eileithyia’s early chthonian cult, together with the Kouretes on Mt Ithome, was performed where the chthonian Zeus Ithomatas was also worshipped. The coexistence of her cult with the Kouretes indicates a close connection to Zeus; she is considered as his nurse. Kouretes The Kouretes were worshipped (M5) as beιngn daemons of birth who protected young children.44 They were associated to the Minoan tradition, but also to the myth of Zeus’ birth and upbringing. According to a local myth, they came from Crete, obscuring the cries of the baby Zeus as they danced, helping Rhea as she tried to hide him from Cronus.45 They brought the baby to Ithome, where the Nymphs Ithome and Neda cared for him, washing him in the waters of the Klepsydra.46 Sosipolis Sosipolis was worshipped at Olympia with Eileithyia (E4). Pausanias describes the local myth of Sosipolis, who saved their city. The story goes that during a war with the Arcadians, a woman appeared with a child in her arms. She told the soldiers that, following a dream, the child would help them in the battle to come.47 Placing it in front of the foe, the child was changed into a snake, predominantly a chthonian symbol, and the fear this generated caused them to flee. Where the snake went to ground a temple (E4) to Sosipolis and Eileithyia was erected. Sosipolis, therefore, in the form of a snake, was worshipped as the protector of the city. He retained his intense chthonian nature and was correlated to Minoan Zeus via the iconographic styling of Eileithyia as the kourotrophos goddess, who held him in her arms.48 In other words, he can be considered as evolving from the Prehistoric Zeus, and not as a local hero.49 H. Herrmann disagrees, holding that Sosipolis is not related to the Zeus child, based on Pausanias’ reference to a ‘local daemon’.50 Sosipolis was also associated with Chthonian Zeus as a deity of vegetation, while, according to J. Harrison (1997: 39) he was a form of Zeus Soter and therefore the ‘Agathos daemon’ of his city.51 Together with Eileithyia, they were worshipped as Agathos Daimon and Agathe Tyche.

6; Drees 1968: 14). See also Vikela 2003: 200-201, 213. 43 For the Mycenaean figurines, see Herrmann 1962: 6, n. 15, for bibliography; Mylonas 1957: 79, tab. 27d. For the Neolithic figurines, see Herrmann 1962: 6; Tsountas 1908: 290, tab. 31: 2, 2a. 44 Nilsson 1927: 543-546; Themelis 2002: 116. 45 Burkert 1993: 275-276; Harrison 1927: 13-14; Vikela 2003: 201. 46 Pausanias IV, 33,1. 47 Battle of the Eleians and Arcadians in 361 BC (Dörpfeld 1935: 263). Apparently, there was an older cult here related to this victory, resulting in the construction of a larger temple. 48 Hadzisteliou-Pride 1978: 17-58. 49 Papachatzis 1994: 374, n. 1. 50 Herrmann 1962: 6. 51 Scullion 2005: 26.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese It is worth mentioning that significant oaths were made in the name of Sosipolis. His cult was transferred to Elis (ES27) when its inhabitants gained sovereignty over Olympia.52 Diktynna Diktynna was a Minoan deity who came to mainland Greece through Delos.53 Together with Britomartis, the pair were associated with the Minoan religion. In Greece they appeared as nymphs and helpers of Artemis, but they kept their independent character within the cult.54 Within Laconia, Diktynna was only worshipped in Sparta (LS11) as a separate deity; at Hypsoi she was venerated as Artemis Diktynna (LS92). Eros – Anteros The deification and cult of Eros was common in antiquity. In most instances he was associated with the cult of Aphrodite. At Elis, Pausanias saw altars exclusively dedicated to Eros (ES14) and Anteros (ES15).55 A temple with a grove for Eros was close to a river at Leuktra (LS101). Hyacinthus The only known cult place dedicated to Hyacinthus was at Amyklaio (L1). The first signs of cult activity in the sanctuary were ancient, since the name is Prehellenic.56 Initially, the sanctuary was dedicated only to him, but later, Apollo became the main god. According to the myth, Hyacinthus was a mortal, amorously linked to Apollo. The god killed him by mistake, hitting with a discus; he subsequently initiated sacrifices in his lover’s honour.57 It was believed that the tomb of Hyacinthus was below Apollo’s statue. Hyacinthus was a pre-Doric chthonian vegetation deity who remained alive in the memory of later generations.58 His cult was limited, but never fading out completely, and the rituals that took place in his honour before the feast for Apollo indicate his chthonic nature, being related to the yearly celebration of the death and return of the god. While, according to the finds, there was a gap in the habitation of the area, worship continued without interruption at this site.59 It seems that when the cult was re-established during the Protogeometric period, memory of the older cult was still alive, and Apollo replaced Hyacinthus without transforming the initial character of the cult.60

Papachatzis 1994: 372, n. 1. Nilsson 1955: 311-312. 54 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,1: 585. 55 Similar altars were known in Athens, at the entrance of the Academia and within the city. Pausanias (I, 30,1) mentions there that Anteros was a revenge daemon. 56 Richer 2004: 78. 57 Apollodorus Α, 3; C, 10,3; Euripides, Helen 1465-1475. Burkert 1993: 237; Pettersson 1992: 30. 58 Burkert 1993: 60. 59 Morgan 1996: 49. 60 Demakopoulou 1982: 92; Pakkanen 2000-2001: 86. For more on the transfer of the cult from Prehistoric to Historic times, and from Yakinthos to Apollo, see Coldstream 1977: 331; Morgan 1996: 41-43, 49. For cult details, see Chapter 5 ‘Rituals in Cult Places’. 52 53

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Silenus Silenus was a mortal and follower of Dionysus who had been deified. Pausanias saw tombs of Silenus at Elis, as well as at Pergamos and in the lands of the Hebrews. Leto Leto was the mother of Apollo and Artemis. She was usually worshipped with her children (AS1, ES34). Thetis The sanctuary of Thetis (LS29) in Laconia was established by Leandris, wife of Anaxandros, and Kleo, a Messenian priestess of Thetis. Anaxandros took Kleoas as slave after an attack against the Messenians. She brought with her a xoanon of the goddess. Leandris found Kleo after a dream, and they established together the sanctuary. According to tradition, believers were not allowed to look at the xoanon and therefore it was not on public view.61 The fact that the xoanon was hidden away indicates that the cult had chthonian characteristics. Thetis was honoured as a deity of the Underworld, and it was even believed that her cult was introduced by Orpheus himself, along with the cult of chthonian Demeter.62 Tyche – Moirai The deification and cult of Tyche (AS29, ES24, MS4) and the Moirai (LS6) was a phenomenon of the Hellenistic period.63 Tyche was the personification of unexpected good fortune, and was worshipped also with the epithet Agathe (E4). Nymphs The Nymphs (Kalliphaeia, Synallasis, Pegaia, Iasis) were deities closely associated to nature, and their cult, therefore, took place mainly in caves or close to springs. In the region of Dimiova there is a cave (M24) with a cult possibly related to the Nymphs. A sanctuary for the nymph Klaia (LS104) is known on Mt Kalathion at Gerenia. A cave with therapeutic attributes near Anigros was dedicated to the Nymphs Anigrides (ES2). In a healing sanctuary at Irakleia (ES12), close to the River Kytheros, the Nymphs Ionides were worshipped. The epithet Ionides came to the nymphs from Ionas, Gargittos’ son, who settled down in this area from Athens. Charites There was a sanctuary for the Charites (ES21) at Elis, where gilded wooden statues stood, their hands and feet made of white marble - like the statue of Tyche also at Elis. They were Pausanias III, 14,5. Papachatzis 2004a: 359, n. 4. 63 Jost 1985: 529. 61 62

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese depicted holding, respectively, a rose, a knucklebone (astragalos), and a myrtle branch.64 The knucklebone was associated to a children’s game, and the plants to Aphrodite, as the Charites were her beloved followers. Two sanctuaries for the Charites are known in Sparta (LS33, LS55). Muses Only one sanctuary of the Muses (LS51) is mentioned, in the city of Sparta. Ino – Leukothea Ino was a deity of waters, springs, and the sea, and is thus often found worshipped close to water features of various kinds.65 She was mainly venerated in Boeotia, Isthmos, and Laconia.66 According to her myth, she jumped into the sea, together with her son Melikertes, but the sea deities transformed her into a nymph and her son Melikertes into a water god, 67 getting afterwards their new names – Leukothea and Palaimon.68 Leukothea means light-skinned (=leuke) goddess, and she was already called as such by Homer.69 The inhabitants of Petalidi (ancient Korone) believed that the goddess stepped out of the sea onto their shores and built a sacred perivolos or temenos, close to the sea dedicated to InoLeukothea (MS8).70 Her sanctuary at Thalamai (L25) served as a significant dream-oracle.71 Plutarch references it as a sanctuary and oracle dedicated to Pasiphae, suggesting a strong connection of the area to Minoan Crete.72 Pausanias (III, 26,1) mentions that Pasiphae was an epithet of Selene and not a local deity. In Laconia, at Epidaurus Limera, there was a site known as the ‘Water of Ino’, where oracles were given during her feast.73 Pan Pan was a Panhellenic deity who was considered to be an ‘autochthonus’ god of Arcadia, and therefore most of his cult places are found here.74 He had a chthonian nature and his cult was associated with nature. Pan was considered to be the offspring of the nymph Dryope and

Fischer 2010: 81. For the cult of Ino generally, see Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 12: 2305; Nilsson 1906: 430-433; Vikela 1994: 82-83; 100-102. 66 The myth mentions Boeotia as daughter of the king of Theba, Kadmos, wife of Athamantas and sister of Semele. Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 12,2: 297. For Laconia, see Nilsson 1906: 430. 67 For Melikertes, see Pausanias I, 44,7. 68 Vikela 1994: 83. 69 Homer, Odyssey (V, 333-334); Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 12,2: 2293-2306. 70 Zunino 1997: 227-228. 71 Papachatzis 2004a: 451, n. 1. 72 Plutarch, Agis and Kleomenes, 9: 1-2. Hope-Simpson (1957: 232) mentions the existence of a clay figurine that is probably ‘Cretan’. 73 Pausanias III, 23,8. 74 Cardete Del Olmo 2018: 197-212; Jost 1985: 460; Karagiorga 2011: 108-113; Nielsen 1999: 39-40. According to Nielsen, the Arcadians wanted to worship Pan so as to emphasise their difference from other groups. 64 65

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Hermes, and therefore his cult was related to him.75 In some instances he was worshipped in caves. His sanctuary at Lykosoura (AS53) was used in the early years as an oracle. There he was an immensely powerful god who granted the wishes of his believers and punished miscreants. Mainalo (AS52) was considered to be Pan’s own mountain, but he was worshipped mainly on Mt Lykaion (A73, A42). Other sites where he had sanctuaries were at Psophis (AS15), Tegea (AS64, SA75), and Heraia (AS20). An epithet used in his cult is Nomios. Pan and Artemis: From their joint association with nature and landscape, Pan was worshipped in temples shared with Artemis, e.g. Glanitsa (A44) and Lykochia (A64). Dryops Dryops was considered as Apollo’s son and was the founder of the Dryopes.76 After being driven away from Parnassos, having allied themselves with the Lacedaemonians, they moved to Argolis. Later they were expelled from there, too, by the Argives, and the Lacedaemonians granted them an area around modern Koroni (ancient Asine) in which to settle. There, they founded a sanctuary for Dryops (MS12). iii. Personifications of the elements of nature The personification of natural elements was a common phenomenon in the ancient world, and the idea that rivers and springs, etc., were deities was deeply embedded within ancient Greek religion.77 River and spring deities were worshipped in many places, according to the ancient belief that every element of nature is ‘alive’ in some way, i.e. flowing water was a symbol of continuous energy. The personification of natural features automatically grants the appropriate level of respect to a location, as the deity is protecting it. Erymanthos The river god Erymanthos was worshipped in his temple (AS76) at Psophis, where an eponymous river flowed. Helios On Mt Taygetos (LS61) there was a sanctuary to Helios on its sacred summit, called Taletos.78 There could be a link between the cult of Helios here and that of Zeus Tallaios on Crete, a form of Zeus related to Helios.79 Pamisos Aghios Floros had a sanctuary of Pamisos (M14), where were the springs of the river of the same name. Pausanias mentions that Pamisos was a pre-Doric deity, worshipped since the era Homeric Hymn, To Pan, 1, 35. Asine had a temple to Apollo Asinaios. 77 Burkert 1993: 370. 78 Prott 1904: 10. Also, Wide 1893: 18, 216. 79 Farnell 1896: 44. Hesychius, Glossary, T, refers to Helios as ‘talos’ and at the same time calls ‘Tallaio’ the Cretan Zeus · Zeus in Crete. 75 76

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese of the myths. According to the traveller, king Sybotes established a yearly sacrifice to the river Pamisos.80 He was considered as a protective and healing deity, where sick children could be cured. He had the attributes of a kourotrophos deity, as did all river gods.81 The Wind Boreas Outside Megalopolis there was a temenos dedicated to the wind Boreas (AS50). This cult originated from the help Boreas offered the city when under attack by Agis and his Spartans; the hugely powerful wind destroyed their siege engine.82 iv. Heroic and mythological figures Apart from the cult places of the gods, those locations that provided the settings for the actions of famous mythical figures and heroes, local or Panhellenic, were considered equally as sacred. Heroes was honoured for their great deeds in a particular place, or when memories of the past were maintained to highlight the historical continuation of occupation in an area. The antiquity and continuity of the hero cult was emphasised as a source of civic pride. We know that connections of mythical ancestor-founders to the origins of the inhabitants of the region legitimised their occupation there, and this process of legitimisation was pursued in every way. Achilles Achilles was worshipped more as a vegetation deity with chthonian characteristics than as the famous Trojan hero. At the temenos at Elis (ES17), a cenotaph made at the command of an oracle, there was a ceremony that indicates a chthonian cult in honour of a deity of vegetation who dies and is reborn. The ceremony included laments at sunset. His sanctuary (L11) in Sparta did not open regularly, allowing us to conclude that it was a sanctuary with chthonian characteristics,83 as seems to have been the cults at Elis (ES17) and Brasiai (LS86). The Dioskouroi The Dioskouroi, the twin brothers of Helen, also inhabit the mythic realm. They were related to the Trojan cycle, but also to other episodes in Greek mythology. One of the brothers, Pausanias IV, 3: 9-10. See also Papachatzis 1994: 47, n. 5. According to Papachatzis (1994: 110) the name of Pamisos is considered as pre-Hellenic and perhaps the cult at this place was also. 81 Papachatzis 1994: 112, n. 2. In Sparta, the kourotrophoi deities Eileithyia and Orthia also had their sanctuaries on the banks of the Eurotas. For the kourotrophoi river gods, see Weiss 1984: 45, 114, 134-135. According to Weiss (1984: 99), the river gods were depicted in the form of a bull. The sanctuary of Pamisos revealed a stele fragment depicting a bull, which might indicate the deity worshipped in the sanctuary. The stele is in the Archaeological Museum of Messenia. In the Iliad (XXIII,140-143), Homer describes Achilles as dedicating his hair to the kourotrophos river god, Spercheios. 82 Pausanias VIII, 27,14. 83 Pausanias III, 20,9. 80

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Polydeuces, was considered to be Zeus’ son and the other, Castor, was mortal.84 According to the myth, they were cousins to the sons of Aphareus, Idas and Lynkeas, who later slew them in battle.85 They were worshipped across the Peloponnese. Close to the city of Pharai in Achaia there was a grove dedicated to the Dioskouroi, with an altar for their cult. Notable sanctuaries and temples for them are known at Sikyon, Argos, and on the road from Argos to Lerna.86 At Kleitor their sanctuary (A47) was located outside the city, and they were worshipped as Great Gods. Although no sanctuary has yet been found in Mantineia (AS3), there is numismatic evidence for their cult that dates from the 6th to the 2nd centuries BC.87 At Ithome they were worshipped together with Demeter (M10). Their cult was chthonian, as indicated by the votive plaques found there.88 Laconia was the place of their origin, and they were worshipped in Sparta in a sanctuary (LS32), and with an altar (LS20), as Amboulioi, with Zeus Amboulios and Athena Amboulia. The ‘amboulios’, counsellor, is the one you turn to for sound advice.89 The main cult place of the Dioskouroi was close to Therapne, in the so-called Phoibaion (LS58).90 In this temple, adolescents sacrificed to Enyalios, an ancient war god who merged with Ares. Their cult was related firmly to the martial nature of the education Spartan youths received.91 G. Steinhauer (1993: 227) relates the cult of the Dioskouroi to Sparta, in terms of the parallel between the twins and the double kingship of Sparta. The locations of their cult correspond to the two original settlements of Sparta, and the cult can be traced back to the first establishment of the Heracleidae in the area.92 These locations were also related to the tombs of the families of Agiadai and Eurypontidai.93 At other cult places, the twin brothers were worshipped separately. Castor (LS17) had his own sanctuary in Sparta, held as being above his tomb; Polydeuces (LS57) had a sanctuary at Therapne, close to a spring (Polydeukeia). The Dioskouroi were especially revered by the Spartans; they were the deities who protected their city and its inhabitants – on land and sea.94 Among their characteristics were the attributes of sea gods, which were called upon in moments of danger.95 Rathmayr 2000: 6. Pausanias IV, 3,1 ; 31,9. 86 Pausanias II, 7,5; 22,5; 36,6. 87 Jost 1985: 519. 88 Themelis 2002: 88. 89 Papachatzis 2004a: 352, n. 2. 90 Herodotus 6,61; Pausanias III, 20,2. 91 Burkert (1993: 443) suggests that the ‘electrical discharges’ seen on mast-tops during thunderstorms, were taken as divine revelations. 92 According to Fine (1983: 144), the two kings and their royal houses were associated with the two tribes that ruled Sparta: the family of Agiadai, who were Achaeans and continued the Mycenaean clan, with their seat at Amyklai, where there is known to be a Mycenaean palace; and the family of the Eurypontidai, representing the Doric tribe who had their seat in Sparta. Even Herodotus (5,72) mentions the Mycenaean origins of Kleomenes. 93 Steinhauer 1993: 233. 94 Generally, they were considered as protectors of those who were in peril on the sea. See Lorenz 1992: 115. 95 Burkert 1993: 444. 84 85

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese All in all, they were worshipped particularly as chthonian deities, clearly evident from the symbols used on their votives, e.g. lidded amphorae used as ash urns, snakes, and dokana (two parallel wooden poles connected with a crosspiece, forming a ‘Π’).96 M. Nilsson (1955: 409) suggests that the two deities, in the guise of snakes represented a house cult, and he finds parallels of this cult in a stele of Zeus Ktesios in the museum at Thebes depicting a snake.97 According to J.E. Harrison (1997: 65, 67) the Dioskouroi were daemonic, considering as she does that the snakes were daemons associated with fertility, and this trait is applied to the Dioskouroi. Helen – Menelaus Helen was worshipped as an ancient deity of vegetation and human happiness, who bestowed beauty. She is mentioned with the epithet Dendritis, linking her closely with trees.98 With magic powers and knowledge of therapeutical herbs,99 Helen was also protectress of young children. Such attributes resemble those of Orthia, who was initially worshipped in Sparta.100 At her main cult place, Therapne (L8), she was worshipped with Menelaus as a divine couple. It was believed that both were buried in the sanctuary. Sacrifices were made to them, i.e. enagismoi were not performed, as was the custom for heroes. Helen was Zeus’ daughter after all.101 Platanistas (LS39) in Sparta was another of her cult places.102 Menelaus provided a link to Laconia’s mythical past, and the Lacedaemonians, therefore, paid special attention to his cult. As mentioned previously, he was worshipped as a god with Helen at Therapne (L8), as a divine couple. Therapne was an important Mycenaean centre and it was thus critical that it should remain sacred over the generations, emphasising the relationship to the past.103 Heracles Heracles was another Panhellenic hero, and we see him worshipped of course in many places over the Peloponnese. His cult had athletic, military, and/or therapeutic characteristics.104 Many of his famous Labours were undertaken in Arcadia, as well as many other episodes in his eventful life, e.g. the killing of the Stymphalian birds, the hunting of the Erymanthian boar, the rape of Auge, etc., took place in mountainous Arcadia. The plethora of his cult locations in this region, therefore, is not unexpected. In addition, Megalopolis sought to emphasise its role Burkert 1993: 443. Nilsson 1908: 282. Zeus Ktesios was a domestic deity and his name is carved on this stele; it is clear, therefore, that the snake depicted is the god mentioned in the inscription. The responsibility of the snake god is in any case to guard and protect the house in which it lives. For the cult and attributes of Zeus Ktesios, see also Vikela 2011: 181-182. 98 Nilsson 1927: 531. 99 We already have Homer’s (Iliad, IV, 219-223) mention of an incident where Helen drops herbs into the wine of Telemachos. 100 Nilsson 1927: 530. 101 Papachatzis 2004a: 394, n. 2. 102 Pausanias describes in detail the sanctuary at Therapne (III, 19,9), but only briefly mentions the sanctuary at Platanistas (III, 15,3). 103 Marantou 2010. 104 Salowey 2002: 171-177. 96 97

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped in the mythological past by linking itself to the great hero, thereby strengthening its bonds with the Arcadians. Thucydides (V, 64,5) writes about a cult of Heracles (AS78) at Mantineia, and there was also a myth linking Heracles to Mantineia, according to which the hero had sexual relations with Phialo, the daughter of the local hero Alcimedon.105 Similarly, Heracles left his mark on the region of Elis. His cult at Olympia (E11) was associated with Alcmene, or the Kouretes, thus linking itself with Cretan mythology and the birth of Zeus.106 His armed statue stood in his sanctuary at Sparta (LS40), because of his conflict with Hippokoon and his sons.107 This myth reflects similarities with the myth of the Dioskouroi and their conflict with the Apharidai. For this reason, it is believed that Heracles replaced the Dioskouroi in the cult, and thus his sanctuary in Sparta was close to that of Helen. S. Wide suggests that the proximity of these two sanctuaries might well indicate that Heracles replaced Menelaus as Helen’s consort.108 At Aspra Spitia (ES8) we find Heracles up against the bandit Saurus, who robbed, wrestled with, and killed all who crossed the road at the point where the River Diagon, opposite Erymanthos, flows down from the south to join the Alpheios and divides Pissa from Arcadia. The upshot was that our hero kills Saurus, and close to the latter’s tomb a sanctuary to Heracles was erected. At Elis (ES13), Heracles was worshipped as Idaios or Parastates, and as Makistios at Samiko (ES29), where his epithet is based on the placename. Unfortunately, most of the cult places for Heracles are known only from ancient sources (MS3, AS39), and thus we cannot draw much in the way of conclusions about the details of the hero’s cult. Heracles and Hermes: In his Roman temenos in ancient Messene, Heracles was worshipped with Hermes (M11). Their cult was related to the training of ephebes in the gymnasium, and logically the temenos was erected in the area of the stadium. Both were considered as deities who protected ephebes.109 Cassandra/Alexandra – Agamemnon When leaving Troy, Agamemnon took with him Priam’s daughter, Cassandra, who was a seer. She was worshipped in Laconia as Alexandra or Cassandra. A temple and statue of her were to be found at Leuktra (LS99), as well as a cult place at Amyklai, where she was worshipped with Agamemnon (L7). We can mention here that Alexandra/Cassandra was the main deity at the sanctuary that contained the tomb of Agamemnon. According to N. Papachatzis (2004a: 389, n. 3), Alexandra was a local goddess, mistress of the Underworld, and worshipped along with Pausanias VIII, 12,2. Pausanias V, 14,9. 107 Papachatzis (2004a: 362, n. 3) thinks that the hero could have been depicted with a club. 108 Wide 1893: 346. 109 Themelis 1996b: 29. 105 106

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese her male paredros, Chthonian Zeus, who in many instances was known as Agamemnon.110 G. Salapata (2011: 48-49) expresses a different opinion, suggesting that Agamemnon was worshipped in the guise of the Trojan hero and had no chthonian attributes. The name Alexandra appears in the Linear B’ tablets from Mycenae, meaning the one who protects. The mythical tradition was linked to the religion and in this way the god was identified with the Mycenaean king and Alexandra with the Trojan heroine. Thus the reference could be transmitted to the consciousness of the new inhabitants of the region, who were looking for links to the mythical past. A relief was found in the pit of the sanctuary depicting a bearded man, a seated woman, and a snake, emphasising the heroic nature of their cult.111 Odysseus – Penelope Odysseus, one of the heroes of the Trojan cycle, seems to have been worshipped in Arcadia, although no cult place has been traced yet that is clearly dedicated to him. Nevertheless, there are many myths that connect his life and actions to the region, giving rise to the conclusion that he belonged to the group of pre-Doric deities and was worshipped as a chthonian figure. As the years passed, his cult merged with that of Poseidon, thus, in many instances, there is a sort of relationship between the two gods within the same cult place.112 According to a myth, Odysseus when lost his horses he sought them in every corner of Greece, finding them eventually at Pheneos. To thank the goddess for this, he founded the sanctuary of Artemis Eurippa (AS81) and erected the statue of Poseidon Hippios. In this instance, the epithet Artemis relates to the finding of the horses, although the dedication to Poseidon Hippios is also related to this incident. Of course, Poseidon Hippios is in any event associated with horses, but in this instance we find him linked to Odysseus, referencing the common roots of their cults. Odysseus was considered the founder of the sanctuary of Poseidon and Athena Soteira (A16). This was a sanctuary with a chthonian cult, confirming both the theory of the incorporation of Odysseus’ cult with that of Poseidon, as well as the initial chthonian cult of Odysseus, and the connection of the two figures in the Mycenaean period. Poseidon was the main god of the Achaeans in the Peloponnese, as evidenced by the Mycenaean tablets found at Pylos, and Odysseus, as a Trojan hero, was directly associated with the Achaeans.113 Thus, the coming together of these two deities in the Peloponnese is perfectly understandable. What is more, Odysseus was associated with the Peloponnese through his wife, Penelope. Her place of birth was Sparta, and she was a cousin of Helen, her father, Ikarios, being a brother of Tyndareus, king of Sparta. Odysseus, visits Sparta and there wins a race that Ikarios has organised, the winner to receive the hand of his daughter, Penelope.114

For Alexandra, see also, Farnell 1920: 331; Salapata 2002: 134. For Agamemnon = Άγαν μιμνησκόμενος, see Raftopoulou 2002: 106. 111 Salapata 2002: 143; 2009: 325, 337. 112 Papachatzis 2004b: 233, n. 2 113 Marinatos 1973b: 191; Simon 1969: 67. 114 For Penelope’s lineage, see Mactoux 1975: 203-218. 110

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped According to the local mythology, Odysseus later expelled Penelope to Mantineia, when he returned to Ithaca, for allowing the suitors to live in his palace.115 She went to Sparta, and from there to Mantineia, where she lived until the end of her life. It was believed that her tomb was to be found within the ancient city of Mantineia, close to the sanctuary of Artemis (A17). Orestes Orestes was a mythical figure whose activities are related to many places in the Peloponnese. Orestes left Mycenae chased by the Erinyes (Furies) after he killed his mother, Clytemnestra. Outside of Megalopolis, on the road to Messene, he was driven mad and chewed off a finger. After that incident the Eumenides appeared in front of him and cured him of his madness. Orestes made enagismoi there to the Erinyes, to deflect their anger, while he offered sacrifices to the Eumenides. This place was associated subsequently with the myth of Orestes and sanctuaries were established to keep the memories of those incidents alive, i.e. Daktylou Mnema, sanctuaries for the Maniae or Erinyes (AS43), for Eumenides (AS44), and the sanctuary Coureion (AS45), at the spot where he cut his hair.116 A further location associated with the place where he was cured of his madness was the rock close to Gytheion, where Zeus Kappotas was worshipped (L29). Pelops – Hippodameia The life and deeds of Pelops were related to the earliest years of Olympia, and his cult (E6) lasted there for many centuries. He married Hippodameia and became ruler over the territory of her father, Oinomaos. He gave his name to the Peloponnese and his name is associated with the roots of the Olympic Games.117 Hippodameia was worshipped as a local deity and remained within the cult system of Olympia as the dominant female deity before Hera (ES6).118 Pelops and Hippodameia were considered as the divine couple of Olympia, before being usurped by Zeus and Hera.119 Telephus At Tegea there was a temenos dedicated to Telephus (AS66). According to the myth, as Heracles was passing through Tegea he raped Auge, a priestess of Athena, and subsequently gave birth to Telephus.120 Aleus, Auge’s father, in his anger, expelled his daughter from Tegea, from where she went to Mysia and became Teuthrantes’ wife; Telephus was born and grew Mentioned by Pausanias, VIII, 12,6. Pausanias VIII, 34,2-3. 117 Pseudo-Apollodorus, Library, Epitome, II, 9. For Pelops, see also Kreutz 2007: 152-153; Patay-Horvath 2017: 113-129. 118 Papachatzis 1994: 375, n. 2. Since it is considered that Hera was worshipped initially at Olympia as Hera Hippia (Fuchs 2006: 627), the name Hippodameia could be associated in some way with this cult. Both names were associated with ‘Hippos’, and therefore to the cult of chthonian Poseidon. 119 Papachatzis 1994: 263, n. 5, 375, n. 1. Herrmann (1962: 21) does not agree with the suggestion that the local gods were displaced by Zeus and Hera. 120 Roussos 1989: 391-192. 115 116

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese up there.121 Later in his life, Telephus was told about his origins, but he remained there and succeeded his stepfather as king of Mysia. When the Achaeans set out for Troy, they lost their way and entered the kingdom of Telephus, giving rise to the battle in which Telephus was wounded by Achilles. Later, to be healed, he looked for Achilles in Greece, as an oracle told him that he was the only one who could heal his wound. As a means of ensuring his cure he kidnapped the little Orestes. Finally, when he was healed, he showed the Greeks the way to Troy. Arsinoe According to the Messenian myth, Arsinoe was the mother of Asclepius, explaining why in the agora of Messene, close to the temple of Asclepius (M1), there was a krene with her name.122 In Laconia she was believed to be daughter of Leukippus and sister of the Leukippides, Ilaeira and Phoebe; she was worshipped in the Hellenion (LS12).123 Ilaeira and Phoebe Ilaeira and Phoebe were, according to the Cyprian Epics, Apollo’s daughters.124 Papachatzis (2004a: 364, n. 1) mentions the better-known and older version that presents them as the daughters of Leukippus, king of Messenia, and the nieces of Tyndareus. There was a sanctuary for them in Sparta (LS47), where the priestesses were maidens and known as the Leukippides.125 As the name indicates, they rode white horses and were thus closely connected to their cousins, the Dioskouroi, who are also associated with white horses.126 Messene Messene was a mythical queen and wife of Polykaon; she was the original introducer of the cult of the Great Goddesses to Messenia. She was worshipped as a deity in the city of Messene (M8), which took her name so as to underscore her connection to the distant past.127 Anonymous Hero Close to the temple of Dionysus Kolonatas at Sparta was the temenos of the Hero (LS21), an anonymous hero who became the god’s guide when he went to that city. According to Pausanias, Leukippides and Dionysiadai sacrificed to this hero first, before sacrificing to the god.

Papachatzis, 2004a: 394, n. 2. Pausanias IV, 31,6. Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2,1: 1279. Papachatzis 2004a: 345, n. 3; Themelis 2002: 64. 123 Pausanias III, 12,9. 124 Pausanias III, 16,1. 125 Burkert 1993: 443. 126 Pindar, Pythian odes, 1,66; Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,1: 1112; Burkert 1993: 443. 127 Pausanias IV, 1,2; 8. 121 122

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Evandros Evandros, the son of the Nymph Nicostrate (daughter of Ladon) and of Hermes, was worshipped at Pallantion with Pallas.128 Pausanias describes him as the wisest and ablest warrior to have ever settled a colony, who, together with a group of Arcadians sailed to a site in Italy, close to the river Tiber, sixty years before the Trojan war. He named the settlement after his home city, Pallantion. Indeed, a part of the city of Rome was called Palatio (Palatium) and even Ovid and Virgil spoke of the myth about the origins of the Romans from Evadros. Hipposthenes Hipposthenes was an athlete winner of multiple wrestling events at the Olympic Games. Following an oracle, he was worshipped in Sparta as Poseidon (LS43). Lycourgos Lycourgos (LS48) was also honoured as a god, not as a hero. This has made many researchers believe that he was an older deity, to whom was attributed the legislative system of the city and thus continued to be worshipped.129 This theory is supported by the yearly sacrifices that took place there. According to Herodotus, Pythia referred to him as Lykoergos, an epithet of Apollo.130 It is certain that Lycourgos was an historical figure who lived in the 7th century BC or even earlier.131 His name is associated with the beginnings of the political and legislative systems of Sparta. Although he seems to have played an important role in how the Spartans perceived themselves, there remains the possibility his abilities were combined with those of a mythological or divine figure, thus creating a powerful background story to this highly influential Spartan administrator and lawgiver.132 Machaon Machaon was son of Asclepius and Anticlea, acquiring his healing skills from his father.133 He died participating in the Trojan War, but later Nestor transferred his bones to Gerenia. Above his tomb was a sanctuary (MS1), where many people came to be cured of various diseases. Maron and Alpheios Maron and Alpheios were two Spartan heroes, among the bravest of all who fought and died at Thermopylai.134 They fell with Leonidas, and were honoured in Sparta as heroes, not deities, with a sanctuary (LS14), not with a heroon, as was usual with mortal heroes.

Pausanias VIII,43,2; Papachatzis 2004b: 374, n. 4. Papachatzis 2004a: 367, n. 3. 130 Herodotus 1: 65. 131 Cartledge 1979: 81. 132 Bringmann 1999: 72-78; Cartledge 1979: 113. For Lycourgos’ legislative work, see Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Lycourgos. 133 Anticlea was the daughter of Diocles and granddaughter of Antilochus (see Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 7: 1596). 134 Herodotus 7: 227. 128 129

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Myiagros/Myacoris Myiagros was a local hero who saved Alipheira from a plague of flies after a ‘pre-sacrifice’ (prothysia), so that the great festival of Athena (A11) and the main sacrifices could go ahead. Similar sacrifices were repeated yearly and over time he began to be worshipped and rituals were performed in his honour. His cult evolved from a ritual for an Olympian, something which rarely happened.135 In Elis, sacrifices were made to Myacoris in the hope of driving flies away from the city. It was an apotropaic sacrifice that became a ‘prothysia’, a preliminary sacrifice, at large festivals.136 Over time, the daemonic deities merged with a main god, one of whose attributes was to remove flies and protect believers. Similar sacrifices was made at Olympia for Zeus Apomyios.137 Nikomachos and Gorgasos Nikomachos and Gorgasos were worshipped at Pharai (MS6). They were considered as being the sons of Machaon, who had inherited his healing attributes from his own father, Asclepius.138 Their sanctuary served as a place of healing. Pallas Pallas was worshipped in Pallantion as the eponymous hero of the city (A23-A26). The founder of Pallantion, he was the son of Lykaon and grandson of Pelasgus. The practice of worshipping the founder of a city as an eponymous hero was widespread in the ancient world.139 This was a way of ensuring that links with ancestors were kept alive. v. Chthonian deities that evolved into Olympian Gods Generally, worship in the Geometric period was addressed to female nature deities, who already had a protective role for humans. On the one hand there was the worship of those powers associated with the fertility of earth and humankind, which had been deified as Mother Gaia (E9), who appears with different aspects, and Eileithyia (E3, E4, L28, M5). And on the other hand there was the female figure who was worshipped with the attributes of Potnia Theron, the protectress of hunting and wild animals (A5, A15).140 Also important were those cult places with their roots in the Mycenaean era. There, the cult was addressed mainly to deities of a chthonic nature, which merged with heroes from the Trojan cycle or other mythical figures and continued to be respected in Historic times, because of tradition and attempts to connect with the past. Orlandos 1967-1968: 25. Plinios XIIIX106; Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 16,1: 1003. 137 Other deities were responsible for other pests, e.g. Apollo Smintheus (rats, as mentioned by Strabo 13,613) and Heracles Ipoktonos (worms; see Papachatzis 1994: 267, n. 4). 138 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 7: 1596 for Gorgasos, and 17: 458 for Nikomachos. 139 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, VI, 2: 1913: 405; Graf 2011: 215. 140 According to Chr. Christou (1968: 177-178), Potnia Theron was not the only deity with powers over wild nature and animals. This restriction arose when Homer related her to Artemis. Initially, Potnia protected animals, plants, and mortals. She also the attributes of Mother Gaia. See also Roller 1999: 135. 135 136

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped There were, of course, also deities who were venerated after the establishment of the Olympian pantheon, for whom new, and sometimes monumental sanctuaries were erected as reference points for ancient Greek architecture. The Olympian deities that pre-existed in the religious systems of the Mycenaeans and kept the chthonian attributes they had in their initial forms. Chthonian Aphrodite Aphrodite was an early deity who initially had chthonian characteristics as a ‘goddess of the dead’. She was a continuation of the Prehistoric gods who controlled fertility in the plant and animal kingdoms, thus having life and death powers over every living creature.141 One of her earliest cults was as Erikyne (A54) at Kontovazaina, where she was also worshipped as Ladogenes Aphrodite, as she was believed to have been born on the banks of the river Ladon.142 The excavator believes, that Aphrodite’s origin was Arcadia, and from there her cult was transferred to Cyprus, returning to be worshipped in other areas of Arcadia, as Aphrodite Paphia (AS71).143 In the years that followed, Erikyne’s cult expanded, but, when her cult at Eryx in Sicily outstripped in reputation the other regions, it was considered, incorrectly, that the cult had appeared there first.144 According to local tradition, Psophis was the daughter of the Arcadian Eryx and mother of Erymanthos, thus supporting her epithet.145 In the sanctuary of Kontovazaina traces were found of her cult that date to Mycenaean times, and which reveal certain chthonian characteristics.146 Of course, the excavator observes a change at the end of the 7th century BC, when standing and seated female figurines appear in the sanctuary. Perhaps this was the period when Aphrodite acquires her Olympian characteristics, and her cult adjusted to the new status quo.147 Mantineia had a temple of Aphrodite Melainis (A87), where she was worshipped as a goddess of death, a clearly chthonian trait.148 Aphrodite shows up as Melainis at numerous sites, i.e. in her sanctuary among tombs close to the grove of Kraneios outside Corinth (where she was known as ‘Aphrodite of the Dead’), and at Thespiai.149 The Aphrodite cult had similarities, as Melainis, with the chthonian cult of Demeter (A39), who was revered as Demeter Melaina in a cave at Phigaleia.

Burkert 1993: 327; Papachatzis 1996: 136-140. Kardara 1969: 77; 1988: 34-35. The name Ladogenis appears in Hesychius, Glossary, L, as the epithet of Aphrodite, who was born by the River Ladon. 143 Kardara 1988: 59. 144 Immerwahr 1891: 172-173. 145 According to this local tradition, Eryx migrated to Sicily and established there, on the mountain of the same name, Sicelicon, a sanctuary of Aphrodite (Kardara 1988: 30-31). A later Sicilian tradition has it that Eryx was Sicilian and the cult was transferred to Psophis from Sicily. M. Petropoulos (2005: 370) mentions a myth that Psophis was the daughter of the Sicilian king Eryx; she was impregnated by Heracles and bore Echephron and Promachus. 146 The excavator links the cult of the Prehistoric Aphrodite to Dione and the respective cult of Dodona’s oracle, and also to the Creto-Mycenean tradition. See Kardara 1988: 40-46, 48, 53-55. 147 Kardara 1988: 47-50. 148 Fougères 1898: 267-268, Pirenne-Delforge 1994: 252-272. Delforge adds to the discussion the possibility of a vegetation deity. 149 For Corinth: Pausanias II, 2,4; Papachatzis 2004a: 50, n. 1. For Thespiai: Pausanias IΧ, 27,5. 141 142

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Chthonian Athena Athena was not usually worshipped as a chthonian deity, her Olympian character being dominating. She was known as the protectress of cities, but there are some sanctuaries where her cult related to that of Poseidon Hippios and she took on chthonic attributes there. In the deme of Manthourea, Athena was honoured as Hippia (AS83). The epithet indicates a relation to Poseidon Hippios.150 According to Pausanias (VIII, 47,1) Athena acquired the epithet Hippia as, during the Gigantomachy, she drove her chariot and horses at Enkelados.151 At Pheneos she was worshipped as Tritonia (AS80). Her epithet and her connection to Hippios Poseidon, whose statue stood in the temple, led to the hypothesis that the cult in the temple was mostly chthonian.152 Unfortunately, we have no further evidence about the cult of Poseidon at the same place. Chtonian Artemis – Potnia Theron Potnia Theron was a deity of wild nature and hunting, a deity upon whom the first settlers depended for their survival; much later her cult was related to that of Artemis.153 Rituals for Artemis were performed at Tegea (A14, A48) in the Geometric period and at Mantineia (A17), where, according to the excavator, the goddess represented wild nature and the renewal of life, attributes that refer to Potnia Theron.154 At Lousoi (A6), an association with the mythological episode of the health of Proitos’ daughters could possibly indicate that Artemis took over the cult of an older deity, although any archaeological evidence is absent.155 Chthonian Demeter Demeter was associated with the land and harvest; she controlled the powers ruling the cycle of vegetation and was protectress of cultivation and the man’s relationship with the land generally. Initially the chthonian form of Demeter dominated. In this form she was worshipped at Nestani (A30), where it was believed that the goddess did not possess Olympian characteristics, but was exclusively the goddess of the Underworld, with Poseidon was her paredros, in the form she had at Thelpusa and Phigaleia.156 As a goddess of earth and fertility, she was worshipped at Thelpusa with the epithet Demeter Erinys (A75); she was also a local goddess of the Underworld. As for her epithet, Pausanias notes that it reflects her scorn for Poseidon, who desired her. To avoid him, she transformed herself into a mare, but to no avail; Poseidon simply changed Jost 1985: 388-389. McInerney 2013: 57-58. 152 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2,2: 1976. 153 For Potnia Theron, see Burkert 1993: 318-319; Christou 1968: 170-210; Muskett 2007: 53-68; Nilsson 1955: 308; Roller 1999: 135; Simon 1969: 147; Thomas and Wedde 2001: 3-14; Wilamowitz-Möllendorf 1931: 179-80. For Potnia Theron as Artemis, see also Marinatos 2000: 129. 154 Karagiorga 1992-1993: 106. 155 The evidence we have is insufficient to define the character of this cult. 156 Fougères 1898: 239-240. 150 151

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped himself into a stallion.157 The result was a daughter worshipped in Lykosoura as Despoina, her real name known only by initiates and never vouchsafed to others. This couple also had a son, the horse-like Areion.158 In the same cult place at Thelpusa, Demeter was also worshipped as Lousia, as she washed her hair in the Ladon. It is common for the goddess to have two epithets within the same cult site.159 Accordingly, the parallel cult of Poseidon Hippios as a chthonian deity can also be taken into consideration. It is mentioned that Poseidon evolved into a god of springs, thus the washing of the hair in the river follows the evolution of the goddess into a water-deity who at this time was now gentle, without anger.160 It seems that Poseidon was already worshipped with Demeter, forming a divine couple, at Amnissos in Minoan Crete, and it is possible that they had a cult at Mycenae itself, from where it could easily have been transferred into Arcadia.161 Horse-like, too, was Demeter Melaina; was worshipped at Phigaleia (A39) in this form, i.e. in an echo of Poseidon Hippios, who was also a god of the Underworld.162 Pausanias (VIII, 42,1-8) mentions the myth in which Demeter hides in a cave at Phigaleia, mourning Persephone’s abduction.163 As long as she remained in the cave the land would bear no harvest, no fruit. Pan eventually found her and Zeus sent the Moirai to persuade her to leave her cave, which she did. The Phigaleians worshipped Demeter, as a dreadful goddess, in the cave where she hid and dedicated to her a wooden xoanon. This representation had the body of a woman, seated on a rock, and the head of a horse, from which came snakes and other animals; she held in one hand a dove and a dolphin in the other. As Pausanias describes the yearly sacrifices to the goddess, which included offerings of fruit, grapes, honeycomb, vegetables, and oil. These rituals indicate that the chthonian nature of the goddess was now forgotten and that she was being worshipped as a goddess of vegetation. Demeter was revered as Eleusinia in Arcadia (A40, A57), in particular at the sanctuary in ancient Thelpusa, where stood statues of Demeter, Kore, and Dionysus, and thus revealing the close relationship to the cult of Demeter at Eleusis itself. Demeter Eleusinia was also worshipped on Mt Taygetos (L10), at a sanctuary initially dedicated to a local goddess honoured by women of the region, requesting bountiful harvests. Later, the two cults were merged, Eleusinia assuming the epithet of her more illustrious namesake for increased prestige. Demeter tou Elous (of the marsh) (AS51) was worshipped in a grove sanctuary on the banks of the Elisson. Evidently, her name was based on the marshy ground on which the sanctuary was built. In the region of Pheneos there was the sanctuary of Demeter Thesmia (A28). Pausanias describes secret rites for her that were still being conducted when he visited the place. This was the rite of the Thesmophoria, a Panhellenic ceremony imploring the goddess to provide abundant See Burkert 1993: 296-297; Jost 2005: 97-98. Papachatzis 2004b: 279, n. 1. 159 Jost 1985: 310. There are other examples of Demeter being worshipped with two epithets in the same cult place, e.g. at Syracuse and in Boeotia. 160 Pausanias (VIII, 25, 6) writes that the goddess washed her hair in the Ladon when she had calmed herself. 161 Marinatos 1973b, 189-192. 162 Papachatzis 1988: 2. 163 See also Burkert 1997: 197-199. 157 158

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese cereal harvests.164 Furthermore, Pausanias mentions that Demeter also granted those who worshipped her at her shrines generous quantities of all types of legumes, with the exception of broad beans. This refers to the time of myths, when broad beans were forbidden by a divine order.165 Considering that the rites originated from relevant ceremonies in Eleusis, and that in the same region Demeter Kidaria (AS79) was worshipped, it can be inferred that there was a link between the region of Pheneos and Eleusis with the cult of Demeter.166 Demeter of the Korytheans was worshipped outside Tegea, the epithet (A37) alluding to the community of the Korytheans. Demeter and the Dioskouroi: Demeter was worshipped with the Dioskouroi at Ithome (M10). This cult was chthonian, at least in the Archaic period.167 Chthonian Dionysus Dionysus is often associated with chthonic and mystic attributes. Among other manifestations, he was venerated as a god of vegetation and, especially, as the god of wine.168 At Tripichi (A88) he was worshipped as a chthonian deity of vegetation, and his cult has been linked to the three springs in the area ever since.169 At other sites (AS8, AS14, L14), his cult was accompanied by bizarre rites associated with his chthonian nature.170 These have been linked to the origins of the deity, which recent research thinks are Mycenaean.171 The image of Dionysus as an orgiastic god is related mainly to a theory that the deity comes from Thrace, but this version is later.172 Chthonian Hermes Hermes was worshipped as Kyllenios, as he was thought to have been born in a cave at Kyllene (A35). In the same cave a female deity was also venerated, probably Maia, who was believed to be Hermes’ mother, or Kallisto, the mother of Arcas.173 In this form, Hermes was a chthonian god of the Underworld.174 He was also known as the god who would accompany souls to Hades. Homer (Hymn 18) gives him both his name, Kyllenios, and his attribute as a psychopomp (one who guides souls to the Underworld).

Papachatzis 2004b: 237, n. 2. See also RAC 2 (1954), 493-498. 166 Immerwahr 1891: 112-127. 167 Themelis 2002: 88. 168 Jost 1985: 428. 169 Fougères 1898: 266; Muthmann 1975: 135, 190. 170 Raftopoulou 2002: 110. 171 Burkert 1993: 114, 344; Raftopoulou 2002: 90. In Mycenaean Linear B’ tablets the name Dionysos appears as the ‘god of wine’. According to Muthmann (1975: 134) Dionysus obtained his chthonic powers from his mother, Semele, who was a Thracian-Phrygian earth goddess. 172 Papachatzis 1996: 88; Simon 1969: 291; Zaidman and Pantel 2004: 194. 173 Tausend (1999: 245) also mentions the possibility that the female goddess worshipped in the cave was Demeter, as the protectress of the cave, based on female figurines found in the cave and the fact that Demeter was also worshipped as Melaina in a cave at Phigaleia (A39). 174 Papachatzis 2004b: 239, ns. 6-7. 164 165

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Chthonian Poseidon Poseidon was worshipped with his chthonic attributes at many cult sites in Arcadia.175 Initially, he was the deity commanding the innermost depths of the earth, the bringer of earthquakes. Gradually, he evolved into a god of springs, because the water emerged from the earth, and in the following years his power expanded, and he became the god of the seas. With the epithet Asphaleios, with which he was worshipped in Sparta, together with Athena Agoraia (LS4), the god was related to his older attribute as the god of the bowels of the earth, meaning that people came to him to be saved from earthquakes.176 Of a similar nature was his cult as Gaiaochos, an epithet used at Therapne (LS59) for his worship.177 Those attributes of Poseidon emphasise his chthonian trait as Seisichthon.178 It should be noted that the cult places of Poseidon were more evident in the early years and decreased subsequently, perhaps associated to his chthonian nature.179 However, Poseidon was a god worshipped from very early times on the Greek mainland. His name is mentioned already in Linear B’ tablets from Pylos and Crete.180 At Pylos his presence is more intense than that of Zeus himself. Homer (Odyssey III, 4-66) describes sacrifices in his honour. His cult can be traced back to the Mycenaean period in the Peloponnese, a fact that justifies his chthonian character.181 Already in the Mycenaean age Poseidon’s cult was related to horses, which were considered as a daemonic expression of death.182 According to the Arcadian tradition (Pausanias VIII, 8: 2), when Rhea gave birth to Poseidon she pretended to have given birth to a colt and gave Cronos a colt to devour. This myth indicates the early association of Poseidon with horses. Pausanias (VIII, 7,3) mentions that at Genethlion in Argolis there was a spring with drinking water rising out of the sea. The water of this spring came to the location of Dine, close to Artemision, and here horses adorned with bridle bitswere driven by the Argives into the water in honour of Poseidon. All these narrations underline the chthonian character of Poseidon. As Hippios (A21, A12) Poseidon was the dominating ruler of the Underworld and a strict god. In this form he only survived in a few places on the Greek mainland.183 Poseidon Hippios had this same form in his cult, together with chthonian Demeter, as well as their horse-like son Areion or Erion, and their daughter Despoina.184 An altar for Poseidon was Burkert 1993: 113. Burkert 1993: 296. As Asphaleios he was worshipped also in Megalopolis, where his statue, made by Damophon, stood (SEG 24: 1969: 291). 177 Mylonopoulos 2003: 228-29. 178 Pindar, Isthmian I, 76. 179 One of the earliest Doric temples in the Peloponnese was the temple of Poseidon at Isthmia. Its first phase was early Geometric, although there are finds that date back in the late Helladic period. This does not, however, prove the continuous use of the site. See Broneer 1971: 3-56, and especially for the dating 53-55. For the early dating see Morgan 1999a: 369-429. Also, Pausanias II, 1,3. 180 Burkert 1993: 113; Simon 1969: 70. 181 Mylonopoulos 2003: 27, 440. 182 Mitta 2003: 135; Papachatzis 2004b: 279, n. 1. 183 For Poseidon Hippios in Arcadia, see Baleriaux 2019: 81-99. For the cult of Hippios Poseidon in the rest of Greece, see Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 8,2: 1718-1719. Poseidon’s cult with chthonian aspects was deeply embedded in Thessaly. During the early period Poseidon played a significant role in the Thessalian cult as Hippios, because of the horse with which he accompanied the dead into the Underworld. There was a myth that presented Poseidon splitting the rock with his trident, causing the horse Skyphios to appear. See Marantou 2008: 163. He was worshipped as Hippios at Epidaurus (IG IV2 1: 553; Mylonopoulos 2003: 58), Isthmos (Pausanias II, 9,6), and Athens. 184 We lack sufficient information on the daughter of Poseidon, thus it is not safe to assume whether she was horselike or not; according to Pausanias’ description (VIII, 25: 7) she was not. 175 176

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese located within the temple of Despoina, as he was her father, and his statue was erected by Odysseus at Pheneos. Additionally, he was worshipped at Olympia (i.e. the altars of Poseidon Hippios, Hera Hippia, Ares Hippios, and Athena Hippia in the Hippodrome).185 The epithet Hippocourios (LS26), found in Sparta, also designates his association with horses. At Megalopolis he was worshipped as Epoptes (AS25) and he was considered as an Underworld god.186 According to Mylonopoulos (2003: 115), the epithet ‘Epoptes’ has no parallels and reveals a god who sees everything both on land and at sea. In this case, and because the temple was outside the city, the god could watch and monitor the region and protect the inhabitants of Megalopolis from dangers from other areas. As the ruler of the Underworld, he was worshipped at Tainaron (L22) as Tainarios, the epithet here indicating a location.187 The cult of Poseidon Tainarios is considered as pre-Doric and belongs to the sphere of the deities of the Underworld, who had as their main aspect peoples’ fears about the afterlife.188 According to S. Wide (1893: 41), the cult of the god in a cave is by itself a sign of an early chthonian cult, from the time when gods were closely associated with the place where they were considered to live, and therefore were worshipped. In many instances cave cults were related to a seer cult, as at Tainaron.189 The location of the sanctuary close to the cave is considered as representing a gate to the Underworld and was linked to the myth of Heracles, who went down to Hades to get Cerberus and bring him to Eurystheus.190 From then on the cult of Poseidon at Tainaron increased its reputation, the epithet becoming synonymous with the chthonian characteristics of the god, even when he was worshipped with this epithet in other sites, e.g. at his temenos in Sparta (LS8). In Messenia his earliest cult place was at Lakathela/Mila (M22). Unfortunately, there is not enough evidence to help us understand the cult at this site. But since Poseidon was a deity known from the Mycenaean period, and the area of Lakathela was linked to neighbouring Malthi, where a Mycenaean settlement has been uncovered that is identified with the Prehistoric location of Dorion, an hypothesis for the chthonian nature of the cult at Lakathela is credible.191 The animal figurines (i.e. horses and oxen) from there are reminiscent of respective finds from the sanctuary of Poseidon Tainarios.192 Poseidon and Athena: Poseidon’s cult was also chthonian at the temple of Vigla at Asea, founded by Odysseus, where he was co-worshipped with Athena (A16).193 vi. Older deities assimilated into later Olympian Gods A frequent phenomenon in the Peloponnese is that older deities who were not abandoned in times were assimilated into later Olympian deities. More specifically, a newer deity comes to Pausanias V, 15,5. Papachatzis (2004b: 309, n. 1) mentions that Poseidon Epoptes was chthonian and was worshipped outside the city walls as an Underworld god, as was Poseidon Hippios (A12), worshipped outside the city of Mantineia. 187 Papachatzis 1976: 105; Burkert 1993: 295-296. 188 Papachatzis 1976: 113; 2004a: 344, n. 2. 189 Gaia’s oracle (E9) at Olympia was also similar. 190 Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4: 43; Pausanias III, 25,5; Strabo 8: 5,1. Friese 2010: 155. 191 Karagiorga 1972: 262. 192 Papachatzis 1994: 150, n. 1. 193 Papachatzis 2004b: 384, n. 1. See also, Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 17, 2: 910-11. 185 186

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped take the place of the older one, but without abolishing him/her entirely. Thus there remained the remembrance of the old deity, the name being kept as an epithet of the new one, and the new god is usually worshipped with similar attributes as the older one. Alea – Athena Alea was a Prehellenic deity who was worshipped at Tegea since the Mycenaean period. The name Alea refers to an early goddess in the form of Potnia Theron, the first goddess to control wild nature and its creatures.194 Alea was considered as a goddess/patroness of the area of Tegea. This was probably the meaning of her name.195 Based on the Geometric offerings found in the sanctuary, the deity can be characterised as protectress of human procreation (a figure with her hands on her breast), as protectress of the earth’s fertility (pendants with pomegranates), and as a goddess (Despoina) of the earth and the animals (the figure of a woman among animals). According to M. Voyatzis, all these characteristics of the deity worshipped here can be related partly to Artemis, Demeter, and Athena. In other words, this early deity embraced all the attributes that would, in the years to come, be divided among the Olympian deities, when their roles were eventually crystallised. This is obvious both in the form of the offerings and in the location of the temple, i.e. outside the city. Despite the name of the main deity that reveals her protective role for the city, the location of the temple was not on a hill, so that she can have an overview of the region. In the middle of the 4th century BC, Alea was merged with Athena, with her respective epithet, becoming Athena Alea (A5, AS6, AS13).196 As well as her responsibility for abundance and fertility, she was now also a martial deity with a protective role for her city, as well as being a healing deity, as the proximity to the statues of Asclepius and Hygeia in the temple indicates.197 Chamyne – Demeter Chamyne was worshipped twice at Olympia (E28, E29). Her name is related to the epithet ‘chamai’ (=on the ground) and leads to the conclusion that initially she was a separate earth deity who later merged with Demeter.198 She was probably associated with the Cretan myth of the Kouretes, who, by their dancing, prevented the infant Zeus’ crying from being heard. One of these was Iasios, who seems to have slept with Chamyne. Sleep on the ground is closely related to the healing process at an oracle, where contact with the earth is beneficial (i.e. making contact with the deity there).199 It one considers that, in its initial phase, Olympia served as an oracle, with similarities to Burkert 1993: 318. Voyatzis 2004: 191. Jost 1985: 370-372; Papachatzis 2004b: 266, n. 1; Voyatzis 1990: 269. 196 McInerney 2013: 57-60. 197 Dugas 1921: 353-356, and fig. 17; Voyatzis 1990: 270. For these statues, see Pausanias VIII, 47,1 and Kokkini-Domazou 1973: 17. 198 There is also the opinion that the Olympic games were at first rituals for the yearly fertility of the earth, and initially the race that took place was in honour of Demeter Chamyne. Her priestess blessed the games and oversaw conduct generally; thus she kept the right to be present at the games. See Papachatzis 1994: 377, n. 2. For the special statue the priestess of Demeter Chamyne gained during the Roman period, see Zoumbaki 2001: 149-150. 199 Sansalvador (1992: 172-173) describes sleep-healing at the oracle, and thinks it very possible that the early oracle of Olympia was dedicated to Chamyne. 194 195

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Delphi, it might be assumed that the cult of Chamyne originates from this old period, and that this oracle might be associated with the Cretan Idaean Daktyloi.200 Pausanias writes that it got its name from the fissure that opened to swallow Hades’ chariot, and then closed again. Another version of Pausanias suggests that Chamynos was the one who opposed Pantaleon of Pisa; the tyrant killed him and he constructed the sanctuary of Demeter Chamyne using his property for the expenses. Additionally, it is mentioned that Demeter, as Chamyne, had a connection with horses, like Demeter Erinys and Demeter Melaina of Arcadia, and Demeter Eleusinia, as in her altar in the stadium stood a statue of Demeter and Kore.201 Kidaria – Demeter Kidaria was initially a local deity that was later assimilated with Demeter. The first phase of her cult was probably Geometric, but no excavation has confirmed this dating.202 The special characteristic of Demeter at Pheneos (AS79) was that her cult had two relevant aspects. She was worshipped as Kidaria with a special ritual, and as Eleusinia, influenced by the cult of Demeter at Eleusis, alternately, every second year. The first rite was in honour of Demeter Eleusinia, but was of less importance as it was only an imitation of the rituals at Eleusis. The second rite was called ‘meizon’ (=major), and was the impact of Kidaria’s cult: Kidaria means the one who wears a headband (=kidaris). Such rituals are evidence of a primitiveness that refers to magic, and indicate the great age of her cult. Orthia – Artemis203 The oldest cult for Artemis Orthia in Laconia was Geometric (L3). Orthia was an early local deity of whom little is known. Although so far no traces of her cult before 950-900 BC have been found, Orthia seems to be a deity linked to the Minoan cult cycle, surviving and retaining her chthonian character.204 It seems that she was worshipped as Potnia Theron. According to Kardara (1980: 5), the cult of Orthia was Mycenaean, confirmed by the plaques found with her name at Pylos.205 She came to the Peloponnese in the 13th century BC, i.e. with the tribes that migrated here from Thessaly.206

Sansalvador 1992: 166-180. Sansalvador 1991: 285-291; 1992: 166-180. Pausanias (VI, 21,2) mentions that Herodes the Athenian dedicated statues of Demeter and Kore to the sanctuary, replacing the older statues. 202 Pausanias VIII, 15,1-3. 203 Artemis was also worshipped in Messenia (M2) as Orthia. Here she is categorised separately as Artemis Orthia, as was worshipped at Sparta, because the double nature of the goddess as Artemis-Orthia is obvious. 204 Nilsson 1927: 506-507. Her Minoan origin is based on the similarity of figurines from the sanctuary of Orthia to Minoan exemplars depicting Potnia Theron, who had more or less the same attributes as Orthia. Schweitzer (1928: 190) writes that Artemis Orthia was a creation of the Myceneans but was accepted by the Minoans, and thus she entered the Minoan cycle and assumed the characteristics of the Cretan cult. See also Bruns 1929: 7-10; Des Bouvrie 2009: 164; Marangou 1969: 17; Nilsson 1927: 505-507. 205 There is mentioned a plaque with the inscription: Wo-rotti-ja (PY 728, I, NP). 206 Homer mentions Thessaly and the city of Orthi (Iliad II, 739), which, according to Kardara (1980: 5), is the city where the cult of Orthia began before coming to the Peloponnese. Rose (1929: 401), on the other hand, suggests that Orthia was a Doric deity worshipped here from the beginning. 200 201

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Over time, she was associated with Artemis and her name became the epithet of the goddess,207 a common practice when new inhabitants and new gods take over those spaces sacred to the previous period. Despite the fact that the two deities (Orthia-Artemis) merged, many finds there of later votives have inscriptions referring only to Orthia.208 This is due to the importance of the epithet as an indication of the special substance of Artemis.209 Recent research suggests that Orthia was a deity of vegetation, nature, and fertility.210 She was the protectress of the growth of children, and it is not a coincidence that Eileithyia, a deity linked to fertility and birth, was worshipped in a temple nearby.211 Like Artemis in general, she was closely related to the protection of children.212 According to the laws of Sparta, children were under the protection of Eileithyia until the age of seven, and were then cared for by the state, under the protection of Orthia, her sanctuary being the education centre.213 In the same sanctuary, Artemis was worshipped as Limnaia, from the location of the sanctuary on low, marshy ground. Additionally, the sanctuary belonged to the Spartan ‘Limnai’ komai. Artemis was also known there as Lygodesma, as her xoanon was discovered in a clump of willows that held it upright.214 Her correlation to these trees could, according to S. Des Bouvries, indicate a early tree-cult.215 Orthia seems to belong to the same type of local deity as Helen. Both were associated in their initial cult to the category of Potnia Theron. The difference is that Orthia merged with Artemis, while Helen retained her character as an independent deity, connecting her name with the Mycenaean heroine.216 Karneios – Apollo Karneios was probably a pre-Doric chthonian deity who was later merged with Apollo.217 Pausanias (III, 13,4-6) gives three different explanations for the use of this epithet. First, he mentions Karnos from Akarnania, who was Apollo’s seer, killed by Hippotes. This incident provoked Apollo to send a plague on the army of Hippotes. To propitiate themselves, they exiled Hippotes and established a cult for Apollo’s seer. According to another version, Karneios was the son of Europe and Zeus and was raised by Apollo and Leto. A third account tells of a grove to Apollo at Troy, where the Cornelian cherry grew; the Greeks used this tree to make the Trojan Horse. Apollo became enraged, and to propitiate they sacrificed to him, changing his name to Karneios.

Burkert 1993: 388; Papachatzis 1978: 16-17. Rose 1929: 401. Many inscriptions have been found at the sanctuary that confirm the name. See SEG 2: 1925: 83-112 (suppl. IG, V1). 209 For a bibliography on recent interpretations of the epithet and character of Orthia, see Waugh 2009: 159-167. 210 Bruns 1929: 8; Cartledge 2001: 86; Des Bouvrie 2009: 156-157; Rose 1929: 401-402. 211 Dawkins 1929a: 51; Nosch 2009: 27; Papachatzis 1978: 16. 212 Dimitriadis 1992: 87. 213 Solima 2011: 186. 214 Pausanias III, 16,9. Bremmer 208: 187; Rose 1929: 400. 215 Des Bouvrie 2009: 163. 216 Nilsson 1927: 530. 217 Dietrich 1975: 136; Papachatzis 2004a: 351, n. 2. 207 208

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Apollo was worshipped with the epithet Karneios from the early Historical period at Messenia (M25, M21), awarding him martial attributes that emphasise the nature of the older deity.218 In this form he was worshipped at Amyklai (L1), with Hyacinthus, Sparta (LS35), Knakadio (LS90), and Kardamyle (LS103). Additionally, it is believed that the temenos of Kranios Stemmatias (LS62), north of Sparta, was dedicated to the cult of Karneios. The epithet Stemmatias comes from a rite that took place in the temple and was part of the Karneia, which was celebrated for Apollo. Acritas is put forward as a form of Apollo Karneios.219 Maleatas – Apollo At Kosmas (L6), in Laconia, the sanctuary is dated in the Archaic period and belonged initially to the war god Maleatas. He was probably a local deity with warlike and healing attributes. His cult started on Mt Parnon at Maleas, providing him with his name.220 Later, he merged with Apollo and his name became the epithet of the god. A similar merging of Maleatas with Apollo occurred in his sanctuary at Epidaurus.221 B. Lambrinoudakis, however, suggests that the epithet of Apollo derived from the founder of the sanctuary, and king of Epidaurus, Malos, whose granddaughter, Koronis, gave birth to Asclepius there.222 In any case, it was common to worship Apollo Maleatas close to a cult place for Asclepius, as Apollo was Asclepius’ father and both had therapeutic attributes.223 According to E. Vikela, Asclepius replaced his father’s cult at Epidaurus.224 Maleatas also had warlike attributes associated with his early cult, as the votives from the sanctuary reveal.225 Apollo was worshipped in the same sanctuary as Pythaieus, as the chance find of a bronze disc with the inscription ΜΕΛΑΣ Μ’ΕΝΙΚΕ ΠΥΘΑΙΕΙ seems to confirm.226 vii. Olympian deities Olympian deities are defined as those associated with the cycle of the Olympian Pantheon and who had no chthonian characteristics. Where this is unclear they are classified as Olympian. Zeus227 Zeus was the father of gods and men and dominated the other gods of Olympus. It was believed that Zeus was born on Mt Lykaion or on Crete.228 This made his relationship to the Peloponnese very special. For the cult places of Karneios, see also Wide 1893: 86-87. Wide 1893: 91. 220 Lambrinudakis 1980: 45; Romaios 1956: 6-8. 221 Faklaris 1990: 182; McInerney 2013: 62. 222 Lambrinudakis 1999: 14. See also McInerney 2013: 63-64. 223 Lambrinudakis 1980: 42; Papachatzis 2004a: 215, n. 2; 344, n. 4. Apollo was worshipped as a god of healing from very early on; Homer mentions him as Paieon (E402, E899). See Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 18,2: 2340-2344; Lexicon Homericum II, 121; Burkert 1993: 113-114; 310. Also, Graf 2009: 101. 224 Vikela 2011: 136, and n. 14 for Apollo Maleatas. 225 Faklaris 1990: 179-183. 226 According to Faklaris (1990: 181), the epithet Pythaieus is used for Apollo in Laconia (P. Faklaris, pers. comm.). 227 The epithets of the god are given in alphabetical order. 228 Nilsson 1927: 534-536. 218 219

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped According to a local myth of Kretea, Rhea hid him on Mt Lykaion after his birth to safe him from being swallowed by Cronus.229 In this way, Zeus became Arcadia’s dominant god. His most important cult places, without an epithet, were at Olympia (E2, E8, ES19) and the area around it (E17, E22). He was additionally worshipped as Apomyios (ES3). This cult was introduced by Heracles, who made the first sacrifice to Zeus Apomyios so as to rid the site of a plague of flies and protect it during the main sacrifices. The cult was maintained over the ages.230 In a temple outside Mantineia, Zeus was worshipped as Charmon (A77), i.e. one who delivers a happy message, or tells of a success, although the cult ritual is unknown. With the epithet Epidotus he was worshipped at Mantineia (AS2). He appeared as the god who could offer prosperity. In Sparta he was worshipped as Euanemos (=giver of fair winds) (LS22), keeping his characteristics as weather god.231 Fair winds, of course, are generally wanted by mariners, and thus of no real benefit to inland Sparta, but it is thought that these fair winds must refer to those that aid the growth of crops and fruit, without drying them out, unlike the unkind winds that came up from Africa.232 In Theisoa was the sanctuary for the Great God (A83). It is very likely that it was dedicated to Zeus, since it was believed that Zeus bathed in the springs of the River Lousios and the sanctuary discovered at Theisoa is a short distance from it.233 In Gytheion, Zeus was worshipped with the local epithet Kappotas (L29). It was a special form of cult. A rock that fell from the sky was venerated and the name probably meant exactly that, ‘fallen stone’.234 It might possibly have been a meteor that fell in the area and was considered to have been sent by the weather god and had magical powers, i.e. it healed Orestes. There is another interpretation that the stone was piece of a rock that was shattered by one of Zeus’ thunderbolts.235 A similar sacred stone with magical powers was known at Troezen, and it was also associated with the religious cleansing of Orestes.236 According to other researchers, the name Kappotas comes from ‘katapautes’, i.e. the one that cured the hero’s madness.237 Zeus was revered in Sparta (LS50) with the unique epithet Kosmetas. This name has not been explained, but clearly it was linked to the military discipline of the Spartan army.238 According to Pausanias (VIII, 38,2), Kretea, and not Crete, was the area where Zeus was raised, as the Arcadians believed. 230 Other examples of sacrifices made to rid the area of flies were to Myiagros at Alipheira, and to Myacoris at Elis. 231 Burkert 1993: 274. 232 Papachatzis 2004a: 352, n. 5. 233 Jost 2007: 274. For the identification, see Oikonomos 1911: 243-244. 234 Papachatzis 2004a: 411, n. 1. 235 Wide 1893: 21. 236 Pausanias (II, 31,4) writes of a rock in front of the temple of Artemis Lykeia at Troezen that was considered as sacred, because there Orestes was purified by nine Troizenian men after killing his mother. 237 Skias 1892: 55; Papachatzis 2004a: 411, n. 1. 238 Kreutz 2007: 17. Zeus the Orderer: Hodkinson 2006: 141. 229

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At Alipheira he was worshipped as Lecheates (AS22), since the local myth links that region to the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus.239 With this form he is honoured as a kourotrophos god.240 Zeus’ oldest cult in Laconia was at Tsakona (L34), where he was worshipped as Messapeus, family protector and bringer of plenty.241 Believers would sacrifice there to combat oliganthropia, especially after the battle of Leuktra, where 1600 Spartans were killed. Zeus had the same epithet on Mt Taygetos (L9). According to Pausanias, this epithet come from the name of a priest, but it could be related to a forgotten local deity.242 According to Catling (1989: 197), the cult of Messapeus came to Laconia from a Laconian colony in southern Italy. Zolotnikova (2013: 107), on the other hand, suggests that the name could have its origin in a pre-Greek phase meaning either in the middle of the Peloponnese or located between waters. As Olympios (LS31), Zeus shows his celestial origin and his relation to Olympus.243 In temples placed in the agorai of cities he was very often worshipped as Zeus Soter, the protector of the city (A81, A4, M9). The epithet Tropaios (LS15) was given to Zeus after the victory of the Dorians in a war against Amyklai and other allied Achaeans.244 Zeus, as Tropaios, was the one who decided about the outcome of a battle. He appears in several places, but mainly in the Peloponnese, indicating that his military nature stood out there. Zeus and Gaia: In Sparta, Zeus Agoraios was worshipped with Gaia (LS10). Unfortunately, we have no direct evidence for this. Zeus seems to have an Olympian character, because of his epithet, which was related to his position in the agora of the city, whereas Gaia kept here chthonian characteristics and there was thus co-worship of a chthonian and an Olympian deity. Zeus, Athena, and the Dioskouroi: In a common sanctuary (LS20) with the Dioskouroi Amboulioi and Athena Amboulia, Zeus was worshipped as Amboulios, meaning counsellor, one who gives advice or prevents bad things from happening.245 Aphrodite Aphrodite as an Olympian deity was related to Eros and matters of love, but her epithets indicate that she also had other attributes. She supported marital fidelity, gave victories to athletes, and invented arts. She was worshipped as Anchisia (A72) on Mt Anchisiae, the name coming from Anchises, Aenea’s father, whom he buried here, after they left Troy.246 Papachatzis 1978: 14-15. Hadzisteliou-Pride 1978: 128. 241 Catling 1990b: 30; 2002: 91; Kennell and Luraghi 2009: 245-247; Larson 2007: 32. 242 Papachatzis 2004a: 396, n. 1. 243 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 18,1: 251-257. 244 Philipp and Born 2004: 153. Also, Wölcke 1911: 135. 245 According to Wide (1893: 13), the epithet Amboulios does not appear anywhere else; in the agora of Sparta it was given to Doric war deities. See also, Papachatzis 2004a: 352, n. 2. 246 Pausanias VIII, 12: 8. 239 240

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Aphrodite was called ‘en Plinthio’ (AS61) at Tegea, an epithet that defines the shape of the site, e.g. square. Machanitis (AS31) Aphrodite was defined as the one who invented erotic love for mortals.247 Athena had a similar epithet at Megalopolis, as did Zeus in other places, indicating that it was not an epiclesis restricted only to one deity, but it was an attribute given to several gods.248 The epithet Migonitis was adopted from the location of the sanctuary (LS68), i.e. Migonio. The sanctuary of Aphrodite at Sparta (LS46) with the epithet Hoplismene (=armed) was described by Pausanias as ancient.249 Being armed, Aphrodite could ensure victory, even to athletes, and she is related to a respective sanctuary on Acrocorinth, which was believed to have been established by Medeia.250 Aphrodite Areia (LS52) could be linked to Aphrodite Hoplismene.251 Pausanias mentions that the sanctuary had an hyperon, where there was a sanctuary of Aphrodite Morpho. As Aphrodite Morpho, the goddess was depicted sitting, wearing a peplos, and with her legs bound, thus expressing female marital fidelity, according to the will of Tyndareus.252 Another epithet used in Sparta for Aphrodite was Olympia (LS18), indicating, of course, her Olympian origin. Aphrodite was worshipped at Olympia (E10) and Elis (E26) as Urania. At Olympia her cult is dated to Prehistoric times. Pausanias saw the cult of Aphrodite Pandemos (ES7) at Elis in an open-air temenos. There stood the bronze statue made by Skopas that depicted Aphrodite sitting on a goat. The goat was taken as a symbol of lust.253 The temple of Aphrodite Paphia (AS71) was established by Laodike at Paphos, close to the temple of Karpophorai (A41). Laodike descended from Agapenor. His origins were from Arcadia, but when he returned from the Trojan War he went to Cyprus and established there a colony and the cult of Aphrodite Paphia. Aphrodite Paphia in Arcadia is feasible, based on Agapenor’s links with Cyprus. At Mantineia, Aphrodite was worshipped as Symmachia (AS5), in remembrance of the participation of the Mantineians in the battle of Actium on Augustus’ side.254

Jost 1985: 510. Zeus was worshipped as Machaneus at Argos, Tanagra, and on Kos. For more information on him, see Jost 1985: 388, and n. 4. 249 For Aphrodite Hoplismene, see also Flemberg 1995: 109-122. 250 Pausanias II, 5,1; Papachatzis 2004a: 84, n. 2. 251 Papachatzis 2004a: 379, n. 2. 252 Pausanias comments negatively on a second version, according to which the purpose of Tyndareus was to punish the goddess for the misconduct of his daughters. 253 Papachatzis 1994: 405, n. 1. 254 Immerwahr 1891: 172; Papachatzis 2004b: 204, n. 3. 247 248

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Apollo Apollo was worshipped in antiquity in several guises – seer, healer, musician, and the protector of the city.255 He was often worshipped as a war god and protector of warriors. Such traits he had in areas where the cult was observed by Dorians (A1, M15, L1, L6).256 At Elis he was worshipped as Apollo Akesios (ES20). Pausanias (VI, 24,6) interprets this as alexikakos (=averter of evil).257 As Amazonios (LS95) he was worshipped at Pyrrichos, where the expedition of the Amazones finished.258 Because of his relation to the founder of Dryopes, Apollo was worshipped at ancient Asine (M16) as Asinaios.259 According to a myth, a xoanon of Apollo was thrown in the sea off Delos by Mithridates’ general, Menophanes, when he plundered the island in 88 BC. The waves transferred the xoanon to Cape Maleas and a temple for Apollo Epidelius (LS79) built where it was found. Especially well known was the cult of Apollo as Epikourios (A1) at Bassai, Phigaleia, because of the help he offered to locals during a cholera epidemic. At the same site he was worshipped also as Bassitas, an epithet based on the placename. Apollo was revered at Bassai for many years before acquiring the epithet Epikourios. At Phoiniki he was worshipped as Hyperteleatas (L18). It is possible that he took his name from the local name of the region, Hyperteleaton.260 The epithet Kereatas originates from the word Kedreatas, indicating that the location had many cedar trees, as around the village of Kamara, where his temple was found (A80).261 Artemis had the same epithet at Arcadian Orchomenos; her image stood there on a large cedar base.262 Apollo was one of the first Messenian deities worshipped in the Historical period. His most significant sanctuary was at Aghios Andreas, where he was worshipped as Korythos (M15). Apollo’s epithet Korythos, or Korynthos, refers in this case to his helmet, and has been

For Apollo, see Graf 2009. As seer god: The most famous sanctuary where Apollo has divine attributes is at Delphi, see Graf 2009: 57-60. Often the divine practice is related to his healing attribute in the same cult place. See Farnell 1907b: 193-215; Themelis 1987: 108. As healer god: Epithets that indicate the healing nature of the god are: Epikourios, Maleatas, Paieon, Alexikakos. See Themelis 1987: 107 and the chapter on MALEATAS-APOLLO. 256 Fields 1994: 95-113. 257 Pilz 2020a: 97-98. 258 According to Bennett (1912: 40-41), Apollo Amazonios was not a Greek god, since he is associated with the Amazones and Artemis Astrateia, who is also considered as a form of Artemis Ephesia. See also Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 1,2: 1789. 259 Dryops was considered as son of Asclepius. Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 5,2: 1749-1750. 260 Inscriptions that attest the existence of the epithet Hyperteleatas are mentioned in: Karapanos 1884: 200-203; Koumanoudes 1884: 79-85, and especially 81-82 and figs 1-3; Mylonas 1884: 85-89. See also IG, V, 992-1004 and 10061066. 261 Papachatzis 2004b: 322, n. 4. 262 Pausanias VIII,13,2; Adler, Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 11,1: 112. 255

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped confirmed by inscriptions.263 It reinforces to the martial traits of the god, which probably characterised him during the first years of the sanctuary’s existence.264 The god had a similarly military aspect at Amyklaio,265 although at the same time he was honoured in the same sanctuary as a therapeutical deity and his cult continued all through antiquity.266 It is possible that Korythos was an independent deity who over time merged with Apollo.267 Only in one case do we come across him worshipped as Onkaiates, an epithet deriving from the place name – ancient Onkai (A31). An early cult of Apollo Parrhasios has been discovered on Mt Lykaion (A20). The epithet is related to the Arcadian tribe of the Parrhasians. The epithet Pythios (A34, A45) reminds one of the Delphic Apollo. Apollo and Hera: In one instance at Sparta he was co-worshipped with Hera (LS5). Ares A few places for Ares without an epithet are known in the Peloponnese (AS37, AS54, LS69). Ares had special bonds with Tegea, and a temple there, as Aphneios (A49). According to the myth, Ares impregnated Aerope, the granddaughter of Aleus, Tegea’s king. She died in childbirth but the baby lived. His dead mother breastfed him with plenty of milk because it was the gods’ will. From this incident he took his name, Aphneios, meaning abundant.268 Ares thus was transformed into a god of abundance, disconnected from his warlike aspect and associated thenceforth with the harvest and the nature’s bounty.269 The characteristic of abundance was offered by the chthonian gods to mortals, e.g. Plouto. Another explanation links the god to local wars and conflicts, and the epithet Aphneios refers to the rewards offered by military successes to the region.270 Ares was also honoured as Theritas (LS56), Thero being the name of his nurse.271 Pausanias supposes that this epithet might refer to the beast-god Therio, who would rush in the battle.272

Versakis 1916: 117: «Απόλλωνι κορύνθω» and Valmin 1929: 39: «...ιερατεύσας Απόλλωνος Κορύθω, εκ των ιδίων το τρίκλεινον κατεσκεύσασεν and τοις ιερωμένοις». 264 Versakis 1916: 117; Sachs 2006: 156-157. 265 Papachatzis 1994: 156, n. 3. See relevant chapter for Laconia. Farnell 1907b: 175. 266 Pausanias IV, 34,7, Versakis 1916: 65-118. 267 Papachatzis (1994: 156, n. 3) speaks of a healer deity, and Luraghi (2008: 118) suggests that the name Korythos appears as the name of a Trojan hero and perhaps this means that he was an independently worshipped, early deity. The same happened to the healer god Maleata at Epidaurus, and Troezen, where Hippolytos was worshipped, a healer deity, related to Asclepius. 268 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 1,2: 722; Jost 1985: 515. 269 Jost 1985: 516. According to F. Schwenn (1923-24: 235-237), the god can be included within the Cretan cycle of vegetation. 270 Jost 1985: 516. 271 Raftopoulou 2002: 102. 272 Pausanias III, 19,8. 263

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Artemis Artemis is the goddess with the most cult places from the beginning of the Historical period, at least in Arcadia and in Elis. She was a goddess of nature, who embodied and promoted the cult of the older Potnia Theron, protectress of animals, but also of nature and wildlife.273 In the years to follow she was worshipped also as a protectress of fertility and young children, especially young girls reaching puberty.274 The epithet Agrotera also defines the deity’s determining characteristics as a hunting goddess (AS40).275 At Sparta she was worshipped as Aiginaia (LS27), her cult here being thus related to the neighbouring temple of Artemis Issoria, as there were generally similarities between their cults.276 The cult of Artemis Alpheioussa (as she is referred to by Strabo 8,343) or Alpheiaia, from Alpheios’ love for her, was related to a cult dance known from Letrinoi (E20). The epithet in this case relates to the River Alpheios, who felt in love with the goddess and tried to approach her by trickery. A sanctuary (LS94) was built at the spot where the Amazons halted their expedition at Pyrrichos, where the goddess was worshipped as Astrateia.277 At Hypsoi, Artemis was honoured as Daphnaia, with Asclepius (LS91). The epithet is associated with the laurel tree, and thereby to her brother, Apollo, and his father, Asclepius.278 According to Is. Solima (2011: 167), her connection to the laurel in this sanctuary gives her healing attributes in her cult. Of significance was the cult of Artemis Diktynna (LS92) in a temple at Hypsoi, where a yearly feast was held in her honour. The links to Crete of the cult of Artemis as Diktynna are clear, Diktynna being a Minoan deity who early on was merged with Artemis because of their common characteristics. Both deities were associated with hunting activities.279 The most famous sanctuary of Diktynna on Crete was located on the northwest of the island, and looked towards Laconia. Respectively in Laconia, the sanctuary of Diktynna was on the coast, indicating that the cult of the goddess travelled from the shore to the interior.280 Burkert 1992: 318-319. Gundersen 2005: 66; Polignac 2007: 92-94. 275 Artemis Agrotera helped the Athenians at the battle of Marathon and for this reason they offered her each year 500 animals in her sanctuary on the east bank of the River Ilissos. See Papachatzis 2004c: 286, n. 2. According to Th. Karagiorga (1999: 139), Artemis, as Agrotera, supported the locals during a war, inspiring them with ruses to mislead the enemy and bringing confusion during the battle. In this way she was associated with Artemis Hegemone. 276 See the analysis of Issoria Artemis. 277 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2,2: 1797. Bennett 1912: 40-41; Wide 1893: 94. For Bennett, Artemis was worshipped by the Amazons and thus Artemis Astrateia is to be associated with Artemis Ephesia. Solima (2011: 175) suggests that Pausanias is wrong here, and we should look for an alternative epithet for Artemis at this site. 278 Wide 1893: 123. 279 Nilsson 1955: 311-312; Simon 1969: 149. For Diktynna, see also Solima 2011: 168-171. 280 Wide 1893: 260. 273 274

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped As Eurippa (AS81) she indicates the finding of Odysseus’ horses. He recovered them in the area of Pheneos, and to thank her he established the temple on the acropolis of Pheneos. For the same reason he erected a statue of Poseidon Hippios in this temple. Alea had a sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia (AS12), and another temple of Artemis Ephesia (E23) was established by Xenophon at Skillountas, having as his model the temple of Artemis at Ephesos. In several regions Artemis was worshipped as Hegemone (AS60, AS67, LS36). At Lykosoura, the cult of Artemis with this epithet is related to cult practices that took place here in honour of Despoina. According to M. Jost, Hegemone could have been an early, independent deity related to Artemis, who was worshipped at the entrance to the sanctuary of Despoina as her divine companion, in the form of Hekate, holding torches and offering purification for those entering. Her epithet could mean ‘the one who directs’ and initially could be related to the direction to the Underworld.281 For the epithet Hegemone Papachatzis (2004a: 360, n. 2) suggests that it was given to the goddess, according to a perception that she was the head of the followers of the Nymphs and Daemons of nature who protected vegetation and wild animals. She was probably a chthonian deity who was worshipped initially with this name and afterwards was associated with Artemis.282 Hegemone was later one of the Charites. In Athens, she was one of the deities mentioned in the Ephebic oath given by young men in the temple of Aglaurus to attain the status of the citizens.283 Thus, aside from the chthonian nature of the epithet, there is an indication that she had the attribute of a supporter of the ephebes and as a guide and chief goddess of all excursions, expeditions, and wanderings, since she took hunters under her protection, but also those whose lives were in danger, including wars.284 I. Solima suggests that she was a deity who was present at all changes in the lives of men and women, and it was therefore logical that she was worshipped as odigetria and guide.285 According to Pausanias, it was in the sanctuary of Hera that Proitos’ daughters were healed from the mania that Hera inflicted on them for neglecting her cult. After this incident Artemis took the epithet Hemera or Hemerasia (A6).286 At Asea she was worshipped as Hiereia (A65). With the epithet Hymnia at Orchomenos (A56), the goddess shared affinities with Apollo and music. The meaning of the epithet Issoria is unclear. It appears only in Laconian Kotronas (L21) and Sparta (LS28), where the goddess was also worshipped as Limnaia. Stephanus Byzantios considers this is a topographical epithet coming from Mt Issorion, on which the goddess was worshipped.287 Pausanias links the cult of Issoria to the Cretan Britomartis, who is related to Diktynna, but also to Aphaia on Aigina.288 It is clear that her cult included primitive Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 7: 2596-2597. Jost 1985: 417-418; Karagiorga 1999: 138, n. 161. 282 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 7: 2596-2597. Wide 1893: 111. 283 Lycourgos, Against Leocrates, 77. Also Karagiorga 1999: 138, n. 161; Papachatzis 2004c: 267, n. 1. 284 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2: 1386. Karagiorga 1999: 138. 285 Solima 2011: 178. 286 According to Papachatzis (2004a: 247, n. 2), the name of Artemis was Hemera. Pausanias mentions that the name Hemerasia is a misunderstanding from the name of the games held in her honour – the Hemerasia. 287 Steph. Byz., Ethnicorum quae supersunt, vol. 1. 288 Pausanias II, 30,3-4 and III, 14,3. According to the myth, Britomartis left Crete and settled on Aigina. While on Crete 281

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese characteristics. In the case of Sparta, the sanctuary was associated with the sanctuary of Artemis Aiginaia (LS27), a short distance away.289 At the sanctuary of Kotronas a square altar has been found with relief depictions of torches and dogs, which connects Issoria Artemis to Hecate and emphasises the chthonian character of the goddess.290 We must not overlook, of course, the hunting aspect of the goddess, who went out hunting in the early morning with her dogs and holding torches.291 According to Wide (1893: 109-110), Issoria was an independent deity of the mountains who later merged with Artemis. Artemis Issoria had a chthonian character and shared characteristics with Hecate. As she is an example of a primitive cult on mainland Greece, we can assume that ceremonies in her honour had unusual and primitive elements and that this aspect of the cult of Issoria still existed when Pausanias made his visit there.292 Artemis was worshipped as Kalliste in Arcadia (A64). Her sanctuary was close to the tomb of Kallisto and therefore it can be supposed that the choice of epithet was influenced by it. Pausanias mentions that the epithet Kalliste was first used for the goddess by the poet Pampho. In the area of Karyai, Artemis was worshipped as Karyatis. The name derives from ‘walnut’, and her cult was thus related to the walnut trees that grew there. This connection of Artemis with walnut trees emphasises her relationship to nature and fertility.293 The same name was given to the dance performed by maidens in her honour. A cult place associated with this epithet was the sanctuary of Artemis Knakalesia (A22), at ancient Kaphyai. The epithet Knakalesia derived from Mt Knakalos, where the cult began.294 In this area Artemis was worshipped as a goddess of vegetation.295 The goddess was known also with the epithet Knakeatis (A14). According to K. Romaios (1952: 1-31), Artemis took this name as the earth around her sanctuary was a yellowish colour – ‘knekos’.296 The similar epithet Knagia (LS54) is related to the nouns knakias (=wolf), knakon (=goat), and knakos (=grey-yellowish color). Consequently, the name of the goddess indicates a place where the animals graze, or the local earth was a dark-yellow colour.297 The epithet Kondyleatis (AS82) is probably associated with a placename, originating from Kondylea. Kondylos means ‘knuckle’ and it is possible therefore that Artemis acquired she was worshipped as Diktynna, on Aigina she took the name Aphaia. See Nilsson 1927: 512-513; Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 1,2: 2708. Also, Hesychius in Glossary (Α, 8536) interprets Aphaia as Diktynna and Artemis. 289 Since Artemis Issoria is associated with Diktynna, and she is the same deity as Aphaia from Aigina, there is a distinct possibility that the two sanctuaries did address different forms of the same deity. Solima (2011: 182-83) suggests that Artemis here was related to the initiation rites of young girls into adulthood. 290 Burkert 1993: 362; Peppa-Delmouzou 1973: 487-490; Solima 2011: 193-194. 291 Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, 1931: 180, where she is mentioned also as ‘Phosphoros’ because she holds torches. Parisinou 2000: 101. 292 Peppa-Delmouzou 1973: 489-490. 293 Papachatzis 2004a: 331, n. 2; Solima 2011: 172-173. 294 Gärtringen and Lattermann 1911: 21. 295 Papachatzis 2004b: 267, n. 5. 296 ‘Knekos’ means grey-yellowish colour, and in its Doric form is ‘knakos’ (Romaios 1952: 3). See also Gärtringen and Lattermann 1911: 21; Romaios 1952: 1-2. 297 Papachatzis 2004a: 381, n. 1.

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped this epithet because her sanctuary was placed on a geological feature that resembled one. According to Pausanias, the goddess’ epithet ‘apaghomene’ (hanged) related to ceremonies where local children took her xoanon and bound it with ropes. According to a myth, the inhabitants of the area would sacrifice children by hanging them. Artemis abhorred this and punished the inhabitants. There is a possibility that this myth reveals the rituals that took place in the sanctuary, associated with an initiation ritual for children.298 The cult of Artemis Kordax at Phrixa (ES11) was one of the oldest in the area. The epithet ‘kordax’ is not found elsewhere and its meaning is unknown. Only Pausanias mentions a local (profane) dance from which the goddess took her name.299 A cult place for Artemis Laphria was located at Ithome (M3), where the goddess was worshipped also as Limnatis. The cult of Laphria came to Messene from Kalydona, via the Messenians who were exiled to Naupaktos before returning to their lands.300 This sanctuary held cult rituals similar to those of Patras,301 during which animals were sacrificed and nuts were offered to the goddess, who was worshipped as Potnia Theron, a Despoina of wild animals. The ritual was performed to beseech the goddess for fertility and growth. According to Ph. Les Bas, the first excavator of the sanctuary at Ithome, Artemis Limnatis merged with Laphria, a Prehellenic deity of nature, life, and death. Pausanias is therefore only referring the sanctuary of Laphria.302 The epithet Limnatis points to the geography of the site where the goddess was worshipped.303 It is possible that the first cult places of Artemis Limnatis were close to a lake or on some marshy land.304 In the case of the sanctuary of Artemis at Epidaurus Limera (L19), the place name Limnes (=lakes) remains in use today. Her cult at this site was related to wild nature and her traits as a hunting goddess. Fertility rites were also performed in her honour. A temple was dedicated to Artemis Lykoatis (A71) and has been found at ancient Lykaia or Lykoa, indicating that the epithet is based on this place name. Artemis was worshipped as Mesopolitis (A8) at Orchomenos. The epithet is clearly topographical and indicates that the temple was in the centre of the city. North of Sparta was a sanctuary where the goddess was worshipped as Mysia (LS64), based, it would seem, on a placename, although S. Wide suggests that it derives from an earlier deity who was later merged with Artemis.305 As Orthasia (A2), Artemis watched over young children.

Solima 2011: 68-69. Kordakas was also called a ‘dirty’ dance associated with ancient comedy – one that was wild and free. Solima 2011: 135-136. 300 Solima (2011: 205) considers that the cult of Laphria here had rather a political character. 301 Pausanias IV, 31,7; VII, 18: 11-13. 302 Papachatzis 1994: 122, n. 2; Themelis 2002: 115. 303 Brulotte 2002: 182. 304 For Artemis Limnatis and her links to water, see also Morizot 1994: 201-216; 1999: 270-272. 305 Wide 1893: 118. Also, Solima 2011: 191-193. 298 299

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese At ancient Messene, she was worshipped as Oupesia (M2). With this epithet the goddess was honoured by women as a protectress of infant children and kourotrophos.306 Older women served as priestesses of the goddess, performing mystical rites in her honour. Her cult was of special importance. In the same temple she was worshipped also as Orthia. Pedestals have been uncovered in the temple, where the goddess was also named Orthia and which had a cult that in some ways is reminiscent of the cult of Artemis Orthia at Sparta.307 Another similarity was the ritual of transference of the image (‘bretas’) of the goddess’ during the cult rituals at Messene, corresponding to Sparta, where the priestess held the xoanon of the goddess during the flagellation rites.308 The difference between the cult in the two cities is that Artemis Orthia at Messene watched over girls, whereas in Sparta she protected boys.309 She was worshipped as Paidotrophos (MS9) at Petalidi, thus emphasising her care for the wellbeing of children. In many instances the cult of Artemis is related to the care of children, and this epithet further evidences this. Diodorus Siculus (E, 73,5) mentions that she was called this because she even devised methods of care and diets for children, so that when she was worshipped with this epithet her therapeutical character was highlighted.310 At Pheneos, Artemis Pyronia (A27) was associated with the fire that was taken from her sanctuary for the celebration of the Lernaia at Argolis. As Skiatis (AS86) and Stymphalia (A50), her epithets indicate a relation to the region. The goddess was worshipped as Soteira at Phigaleia (AS56), having rescued the city from danger and becoming protectress of the city. Pausanias (III, 22,12) mentions a strange cult of Artemis Soteira related to the city of Boiai in Laconia, established by the Heracleidae, as a synoecism of three Laconian cities, Etis, Aphrodisias, and Side, having been given a sign by Artemis. An oracle said that they should establish their new city at a place that would be shown to them by the goddess. A rabbit appeared suddenly and dived under a myrtle tree; this was taken as sign that the city should be built as this spot and the myrtle venerated as Artemis Soteira.311 The epithet Philomeirax indicates Artemis as kourotrophos, and connected to her role as protectress of the children or the city (ES18).312 Artemis and Pan: In two temples in central Arcadia – Glanitsa (A44) and Lykochia (A64) – Artemis was co-worshipped with Pan. Athena With the exception of the very early cult of Athena Alea at Tegea, where Athena was associated with the deity Alea, the goddess Athena begins to receive her first cult places during the Papachatzis 1994: 124-125, n. 3; Themelis 1994: 115. Themelis 2002: 75. 308 Themelis 1994: 122. ‘Bretas’ was an xoanon, an archaic image of the deity used during rituals. 309 Themelis 2002: 74-76. 310 Solima 2011: 197. 311 This refers to a tree-cult. According to Solima (2011: 164), an oil was distilled from myrtle which was used for healing in antiquity. This would support the epithet ‘Soteira’. 312 Cole 2004: 192. 306 307

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Geometric period.313 According to Romaios (1957: 163), Athena could be an aspect of the forgotten ‘Mother of the Mountains’, explaining why she was worshipped in mountainous regions. The same applies to the cult of Athena Lindia, i.e. the goddess of rocky places. As Amboulia (LS20) she was worshipped with Zeus Amboulios and the Dioskouroi. It was believed that she inspired good, wholesome thoughts. At Methone, at a site so for undiscovered, she was worshipped as Anemotis (MS13). Pausanias mentions that it was Diomedes who gave her the name when erecting a statue to the goddess to stop the catastrophic winds that blew in the region. In Sparta, Heracles built a sanctuary of Athena Axiopoinos (LS41), after he had punished the Hippokoontidai for their deeds. In association with this mythical episode, the epithet indicates that the goddess will punish people according to their just deserts.314 In the region of Las there was said to be the cult of Athena Asia (LS87). It was believed that the temple was constructed by the Dioskouroi after they had returned safely from Kolchis, having found a similar sanctuary of Athena there. In Sparta she was worshipped as Ergane (LS49), an epithet that stresses her protection of craftsmen. At the Geometric sanctuary at Hippola, she was revered as Hippolaitis (L23), the epithet deriving from the place name. Also in Sparta, Athena had the name Keleutheia (keleuthos=road) (LS7), in a sanctuary established by Odysseus for helping him defeat the suitors of Penelope in a race.315 In total, he established three sanctuaries in her honour, Keleutheia being the site of her cult statue. This epithet of Athena is unique to Sparta. The epithet Koria appears only in Arcadia (A53). It is probably associated with young women, suggesting she was worshipped here as a protectress of young girls.316 In Messenia (MS16), Athena had the epithet Koryphasia, linking her to a specific cult site of the same name. Pausanias mentions a temple of Athena Kydonia (ES4) at Phrixa, built by Klymenos from Cretan Kydonia; the epithet is thus associated with the place of origin of its founder.

Among them is the temple of Athena (A11) at Alipheira, which was considered her birthplace, the temple of Athena Hippolaitis (L23), and Athena Chalkioikos, who was initially worshipped as Polias (L5) at Sparta. 314 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 2,2: 2628. The cult of Athena Axiopoinos is not known elsewhere. 315 Papachatzis 2004a: 343, n. 1. 316 Jost 1985: 390. 313

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The goddess was worshipped as Kyparissia at Hellinika (Messenia, (MS18) and at Asopos (Laconia, L17). According to S. Wide, this epithet reveals Athena as a goddess of the forest, and specifically the cypress trees (=kyparissia) in the areas of her cult.317 The epithet Athena Makistos at ancient Makistos (E15), relates, naturally, to the name of the location. Athena was worshipped as Machanitis (AS49) at Megalopolis, alluding to her abilities to solve difficult problems and situations. The same epithet was also given to Aphrodite (AS31) in the same city.318 In the region of Aspra Litharia in Elis, in the Classical period, Athena was worshipped as Mother (E21). According to Pausanias (V, 3,2), Elis was threatened by devastation following a war, and the women prayed to Athena for help by beseeching the goddess that they should all become pregnant immediately their husbands returned from fighting, i.e. to increase the population in the region as soon as possible. Athena looked favourably on them, and in return the women of Elis dedicated a temple to the goddess, becoming known as the temple of Mother Athena. This explanation aside, the epithet ‘Mother’, attributes to Athena an agency of fertility linking her to a chthonic origin.319 The same applies to Athena Alea at Tegea (A5). The epithet Narkaia at Elis (ES25) derives from Narkaios, son of Dionysus and Physkoa, who established the temple.320 The cult of Athena Nedousaia (MS7) clearly associates it with the area and powers of the River Nedon. A unique epithet of Athena is Ophthalmitis (LS107), with which she was worshipped at Sparta. It was believed that Lycourgos dedicated a temple to Athena to protect him after Alkandros had knocked out his eye with a stick, the latter disapproving of his laws. The goddess is known also as Optilletis and was worshipped with attributes linked to the protection and care of eyes in other regions of the Peloponnese, e.g. Athena Glaukopis or Nedousaia (MS7) at Kalamata, and Athena Oxyderkes at Argos.321 Athena was worshipped as the goddess and protectress of the city.322 Such an attribute is assigned to her wherever she was honoured as Polias (A85, AS85, AS33). Her sanctuary at Tegea was called Eryma and, according to a tradition, Cepheus, king Aleus’ son, received from her a promise that Tegea would never be taken. The goddess cut off some of Medusa’s hair and gave it to him to keep as a talisman to protect the city. She was worshipped as the patron of the city of Sparta (L5), later taking the epithet Chalkioikos when either her temple or her statue were covered with bronze plaques.323 Wide 1893: 58-59. Jost 1985: 510. 319 Schlesinger 1931: 167. 320 Pilz 2020a: 73-74. 321 Pausanias II, 24,2. See also Papachatzis 2004a: 380, n. 5. 322 Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 21,2: 363-1365. 323 Deacy 2008: 127. 317

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Athena Soteira (A16) was a parallel form of Athena Nike at Acropolis.324 She was also worshipped with the same epithet at Piraeus and on Delos, denoting a protecting role.325 Here, Athena was co-worshipped with Poseidon. This joint cult within the same sanctuary, or close by, is known at other places, i.e. on the Athens Acropolis and at Sounio.326 Athena and Zeus: At Phigaleia, Athena was co-worshipped with Zeus Soter (A13). Athena and Poseidon: In the city of Sparta, Athena was worshipped as Agoraia, together with Poseidon (LS4). Dionysus Dionysus is linked to the ancient theatre and his cult places were often close to them. At Phigaleia (AS57) he was worshipped as Acratophorus. According to one theory, the epithet comes from the acratophorus, a vase type used by adherents when transferring strong, undiluted wine during the feast of Dionysus.327 A unique epithet is Auxites (AS19), associated with the ability of Dionysus to increase nature’s bounty.328 The epithet Kolonatas (LS108) refers to his temple being built on a hill, ‘kolona’ meaning mound.329 The god acquired the epithet Leukyanites because his cult was close to the River Leukyanias, which flows into the Alpheios (ES10). Two other epithets may be mentioned, Mystes (A46) indicating the mystical nature of the cult, and Polites (AS18, AS38), referring to the political dimension of the god, as city patron. Hera Hera was known as the protectress of marriage.330 Although she played a significant role as Zeus’s wife, in Arcadia she does not seem to have left a great presence within the cult system. Her first cult places are dated to the Classical period. To the contrary, in Elis Hera’s cult played a central role in the sacred infrastructure of Olympia, her cult beginning in the Geometric Romaios 1957: 162. Jost 1985: 386. 326 Papachatzis (1994: 93, n. 1) mentions a series of incidences in several regions where the cults of Poseidon and Athena are neighbouring, i.e. in Messenia (M13, MS7), on the Athens Acropolis (co-worship in the Erechtheion), in Hippios Kolonos (cults of Athena Hippia and Hippios Poseidon), Delphi (Athena Pronaia was worshipped close to the temple of Poseidon), Sounio (the cult places of Poseidon and Athena Sounias were in close proximity), Troezen (coins had Athena on one side and Poseidon’s trident on the other). 327 According to Charalambopoulou-Damianou (1979: 78), this vessel was used to transfer wine directly from the press to the storeroom. We have to date no further information about this type of vase. See also, Brown 1877: 4-5; Papachatzis 2004b: 355, n. 2. 328 Jost 1985: 429. 329 Raftopoulou 2002: 96. 330 Blundell and Williamson 1998: 15. 324 325

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese period. Herrmann suggests that the cult of Hera at Olympia is older than that of Zeus.331 This conclusion is drawn from the chthonian attributes of her cult, and, moreover, from the fact that she was worshipped separately from Zeus.332 His presence was initially related to previous cult feasts associated with the sacred marriage.333 Other researchers, however, have suggested that the cult of Hera was imported to Olympia in the 5th century BC, and the temple we know as the temple of Hera had been used initially for the cult of Zeus, before his own, new temple had been constructed.334 The epithet Aigophagos was used only by the Lacedaemonians. The sanctuary of Hera Aigophagos (LS44) was established by Heracles, as she refrained from opposing his expedition against the Hippokoontidai. Having no other animal to hand, he sacrificed goats to the goddess, a custom that was introduced then, giving rise to the use of that epithet for the goddess. Pausanias (III, 13,9) mentions that in the temple of Hera Hypercheiria (LS24) at Sparta was a statue of Hera Aphrodite. It was an ‘ancient’ xoanon, to which mothers made sacrifices when their daughters married.335 By doing so, mothers sought from the goddess the protection of their daughters’ married life, combined with the support in erotic relations that Aphrodite could bestow, hence the addition of the second epithet. Moreover, the extension of Aphrodite’s name to that of Hera’s already reveals that the former was an ancient deity.336 There are similar examples found in other pre-Doric cults, e.g. Athena Alea, Demeter Kidaria, etc.337 Of course, in this case both deities continued to be worshipped among the Olympian gods as equals, thus illustrating the paradox of worshipping both as the same divinity. This phenomenon is unique, i.e. it is unknown in other areas or with different deities. Hera was celebrated as Argeia (LS23) in a temple established by Eurydike, Lakedaimon’s daughter and wife of Acrisius, son of Abas, probably in honour of Hera of Argos. Hera Hypercheiria was considered as a goddess who supported the city, as when the Eurotas overflowed and her sanctuary was built after consulting an oracle.338 By means of the epithet Teleia (=the fulfilled), Hera is taken as a patron of marriage, no doubt referencing her sacred marriage to Zeus (AS34). Her cult as Stymphalos (A84) was unique, the goddess being worshipped at three neighbouring temples, each representing one of the three stages in the life of a woman: as young girl, as a mature/married woman (teleia), and then alone again, as a widow. According to Herrmann (1987b, 429), on the Greek mainland the cult of Hera was one of the earliest, and when Zeus appeared an attempt was made to connect the old with the new cult element. This was effected by means of the marriage of the two gods, although they never appear to have been a harmonious couple (as the myths confirm). See also Herrmann 1974: 157. 332 Simon 1969: 55. 333 Burkert 1993: 240, 285. 334 Moustaka 2002a: 301-307, especially 305-307; 2002b: 204-205; Vacano 1937: 32-49. 335 It was already perceived as ancient in Pausanias’ time. 336 According to Chr. Kardara (1988: 82-90), there was a rivalry between the two goddesses (Hera-Aphrodite), with Aphrodite managing to prevail in most instances. It was considered, therefore that at Sparta, too, Hera’s cult sites could not dominate on the acropolis or in the old agora, and that at those sites where she was worshipped Aphrodite was also present, even if it was only as epithet of Hera. 337 Papachatzis 2004a: 353, n. 1. 338 Papachatzis 2004a: 352, n. 7. 331

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped Hera and Apollo: Hera was co-worshipped with Apollo (LS5) in a sanctuary at Sparta. Hermes Hermes was a god directly related to nature. There are many myths that link him to Arcadia, and thus it was believed that his birthplace was there.339 Myrtilos was believed to be his son, and in this way Hermes was correlated indirectly with Oinomaos and Hippodameia.340 According to the myth, Pelops cast Myrtilos into the sea, where he drowned. The Pheneates retrieved his body from the waves and erected his tomb behind the temple of Hermes. Another indication of the popularity of the Hermes cult at Pheneos are the abundant finds of coins there depicting the god.341 Pausanias also mentions the cult of Hermes Aipytos (AS74), close to the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea.342 The epiclesis Aipytos is unique, being based on the mythical history of the region.343 At Megalopolis, Hermes was worshipped as Akakesios (AS28). Here the epithet is linked to the place of the god’s origin, Akakesion. A statue of Hermes Akakesios stood on the road from Megalopolis to the sanctuary of Despoina in the ancient city of Akakesion, near Lykosoura, where the Arcadians believed Hermes grew up, under the care of Akakos, son of Lykaon. This myth indicates clearly the relationship of the god to Arcadia as a geographical area, as well as to the Arcadians as a tribe, as the son of their founder had assumed the responsibility of raising Hermes. Hermes and the Great Goddesses: At Andania, Hermes was worshipped together with the Great Goddesses (M21). Hermes and Heracles: Hermes was often co-worshipped with Heracles in places where training undertaken, i.e. at the Roman cult site within the stadium of Messene (M11). Poseidon When the Olympian religious system was created, the Mycenaean god Poseidon took his place among the Olympian Gods as lord of the seas, extending his existing powers over the depths of the earth to the oceans, rivers, springs, etc. It seems his cult as such did not elicit a great response in general, and cult sites associated with him seem relatively limited in number. Tausend 1999, 242. In the Pseudohomeric Hymn to Hermes, it is mentioned that he was born in a cave at Kyllene, the son of Zeus and one of Atlas’ daughters, Maia. 340 Pausanias (VIII, 14,10-12) mentions the legend that Myrtilos was the son of Hermes and later became the charioteer of Oinomaos. 341 According to F. Bölte (Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 19,2: 1938, col. 1973), Hermes is depicted on the coins of Pheneos in three forms: 1) holding the baby Arcas; 2) sitting on a rock or steps; 3) standing next to a herm wearing a chlamys and holding a rod and a sack. 342 According to Papachatzis (2004b: 394, n. 3), Pheneos’ local god, Aipytos, might have been identified with Hermes. Indeed, in the area of Kyllene, close to Aipytos’s tomb, there was a cave thought to be Hermes’ birthplace. 343 Jost 1985: 454. According to the mythology, Aipytos was Elatos’ son and successor to the kingdom of Arcadia. Pausanias mentions Homer’s reference (Iliad, II, 604) to the existence of a tomb monument for Aipytos in the region of Mt Kyllene. Another Aipytos was – many years later – the son of Ippothous, who transferred the capital of Arcadia to Trapezus. 339

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Poseidon does appear several times in the Peloponnese as Genethlios (LS45).344 It is possible that this name is related to his special position in the earlier social order system, one based on tribes, where he is mentioned as ‘phratrios’, ‘patrigenios’, as well as father, in those areas of the Peloponnese where he was worshipped. As a protector of the tribes, he associates his followers with prestige and power. As Domatites (LS38) he might initially have been worshipped in a private space, but when this cult gained reputation it became a public one.345 At Samiko (ES28,) Poseidon was worshipped as Samios, an epithet linked, of course, to the name of the location. Observations on the chthonian characteristics of chthonian or Olympian deities with mixed attributes As mentioned previously, chthonian deities existed and were worshipped already in Prehistoric times. What follows is an attempt to review the older deities, detect the characteristics of these fierce gods, and see if we can how those characteristics were incorporated into the cults of the Olympian gods. It should be stressed that the later deities often retained mixed characteristics, meaning that distinctions between deities with chthonian attributes and those clearly belonging to the Olympian pantheon are not always clear when looking at the rituals.346 In addition, it is not unusual for a chthonian deity to be adopted by an Olympian, with the incorporation being expressed by the name of the second deity as the epithet of the first. In Arcadia there were many deities who had both chthonian and Olympian characteristics at the same time. In the following analysis we will only consider those epithets and characteristics that refer to the chthonian traits of each cult. The chthonian deities kept their respective epithets and attributes even during Classical and Hellenistic times, e.g. Aphrodite Erikyne, Aphrodite Melainis, Demeter Erinys of Thelpusa, who had Poseidon as her paredros, and Despoina of Lykosoura, daughter of Demeter and Poseidon. The number of cult places found in Elis to date is insufficient to give answers to all our questions on the cult origins of the Historical period in the region. From the evidence preserved, it can be seen that there was a continuation from Prehistoric times, and, in some instances, connections with Minoan Crete can be traced.347 Several early chthonian cults continued down the generations. In Messenia, the number of important Geometric monuments that have been found is relatively large. During the Mycenaean period it should be considered that Messenia was an important At Troezen, there was a Genethlion that was initially a sanctuary of Poseidon (Paus. II, 32,9). Another was close to Lerna (Paus. II, 38,4), also a sanctuary of Poseidon Genesios. See also Papachatzis 2004a: 256, n. 1. 345 According to Mylonopoulos (2003: 222-224, 378), the cult of Poseidon Domatitis was associated with an ancestors’ cult. See also, IG, V, 497; Papachatzis 2004a: 361, n. 3. 346 Antonaccio 2005: 99-100. 347 The cults of Heracles, the Kouretes, Eileithyia, and Demeter Chamyne were associated with Crete. 344

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Chapter 6. Deities Worshipped centre, with palaces and many tholos tombs across the whole territory,348 indicating that there was a flourishing civilisation here that left its traces long after the Mycenaeans had gone. Remembrances of the mythical past were surely strong, with most of the sites of habitation, and their associated cults, still in use in the first Historical eras.349 Thus, chthonian cults were maintained in places scattered over all Messenia, however, over the years to come, special historical circumstances prevented them from flourishing and only a few temples were active. Even though Laconia was the region where cults mostly had their origins in the Mycenaean period, and therefore connections with relevant myths were stronger, it seems that the region did not adopt many cults with clear chthonian characteristics. Most pre-existing cults associated with ancient deities of vegetation, or nature, were demoted after the coming of the Olympian gods. To justify a continuation of the cult it was linked to a mythological figure whose cult was likely to survive. In this way a continuing cult kept, to some degree, those chthonian characteristics it developed from its inception. Except for cases where a cult place was dedicated exclusively to a chthonian deity who existed before the Olympian Gods, it should be noted that the chthonian characteristics that appear at the cult sites cannot easily be isolated from the later Olympian cult. There are cases where, at the same sacred place, a chthonian and an Olympian deity were both worshipped. This was a form of co-existence that differs from the absorption of chthonian characteristics by an Olympian deity. Thus, in Messenia, at the temple of Demeter and Dioskouroi (M10), the Olympian goddess was worshipped at a site where, in the first years of its existence, there were explicit indications of a hero cult with chthonian overtones, and in Laconia, at Amyklai, we find the joint cults of Hyacinthus and Apollo Karneios (L1).350 Similarly, in the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne and Zeus (A54), Aphrodite kept her Prehistoric chthonian characteristics and Zeus was worshipped as an Olympian deity.351 In some cases, the chthonian identity is clear from the name of the god (e.g. Eurynome, Gaia, Hades, etc.). In other cases, where it is not clear, it becomes obvious from the epithet that follows the Olympian deity (e.g. Melaina, Chamyne, Skotitas, etc.). In some instances, it is not the epithet itself that indicates a chthonian cult, but the knowledge from the repetition of the chthonian characteristics that accompany it (e.g. Hippios). In certain cases, the characteristics of a cult in a specific place endowed the deity’s epithet with chthonian attributes (e.g. Lykaios, Tainarios, etc.). The Olympian Gods that usually shared mixed characteristics were Poseidon, Athena, Aphrodite, Artemis, Demeter, and Zeus. Conversely, there were those mythical figures who had been worshipped since early Geometric times (sometimes even Prehistoric ones), and who maintained for the whole existence of the cult places their chthonian attributes (e.g. Sosipolis, Pelops, Achilles, the Kouretes, Hyacinthus, Helen, Agamemnon, Alexandra). As to those geographical areas represented here, local chthonian deities were mostly worshipped in Elis and Laconia, while in Arcadia and Messenia the phenomenon of Olympian deities with mixed characteristics is more apparent. Poseidon, however, who was a god with Treuil et al. 1996: 454-457. There is no evidence for the continuation of the cult in the temple of Militsa (M26), and in the grove of Apollo Karneios (M25) at Pharai. 350 For Messenia, see Themelis 1998: 185. 351 The excavator claims that it refers to the cult of the divine couple of the Prehistoric period. 348 349

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese direct links to the Mycenaean period, retained – even when he became an Olympian God – his chthonian characteristics at many cult sites. This is important when taking into consideration that there are only a few of his cult sites with entirely Olympian characteristics. Another consideration is that cult places with chthonian characteristics were mostly located away from urban areas and close to nature.

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Chapter 7 Religious, Economic and Social Context Religious remarks i. Observations on the cult places As can be determined from the complete list of cult places and deities worshipped in the central and southern Peloponnese, each geographical area followed a different development process through the years. Although there were early Geometric cult places everywhere, which were associated with the Mycenaean past, the growth rate in developing the cults in the next periods was not the same. On most occasions there is a gap of c. 100 years in the use of the places between the late Helladic and the Geometric periods even there, where the cult of the same deity was continued later. The first deities that were worshipped in the Historical period had chthonian characteristics and were related to wild nature, cultivation, or fertility. During the Geometric period, open-air cult places in most instances had a temple added in the following years. Moreover, most of the cult places were far from inhabited areas. The creation of new cities during the Archaic period and later was the reason for the construction of new sacred places within them. At the same time, large cult centres continued to exist on mountainous, non-urban areas, keeping their glamour and fame throughout antiquity. Another early attribute that was kept alive in antiquity was the fact that some cults remained in caves and close to elements of nature (e.g. rivers, springs, etc.). In the geographical areas taken into account in our study, 431 cult sites have been recorded.1 The region with the most cult places is Arcadia, with 88 confirmed sacred spaces and another 86 mentioned only in the sources. In Laconia, 39 have been located and another 108 sacred places are referenced. Elis follows with much smaller numbers. 29 cult places are known, with 34 more mentioned in the sources. In Messenia, 29 have been traced, with 18 other sacred sites known from the sources. These cult places honoured 48 male, and 31 female deities. The distribution of the cults in each geographical area is as follows: Arcadia was closely associated to the Prehistoric past and the deities of nature that were worshipped earlier in the same areas (Alea, Artemis as Potnia Theron, Demeter). At the same time, the myth that associated this area with Zeus and Despoina played an important role in the establishment of the first sacred places. Furthermore, the presence of Aphrodite was also significant during the early period, possibly related to some cult as yet unknown. Elis had also a connection to the Prehistoric period through the mythical figures worshipped in the area, but also a special relationship with the Mother – Gaia – and her associated female deities. The Historical ages began with special cults across the whole area (Mother of the Gods, Potnia Theron, Hera, Eileithyia, Rhea, Artemis). Of an early date also was the cult of Aphrodite. Pelops and Heracles are also early cults, related to the local myths. 1

In total, all the sites located and those only mentioned in the sources.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Messenia, which demonstrates a greater diversity in the deities worshipped during the first Historical ages, seems to have been influenced by the Mycenaean past (cult of Poseidon). In addition, the deities preferred are those linked to nature and fertility (Eileithyia, Artemis, the Great Goddesses). At the same time, influences derived from local events (Zeus Ithomatas). Two temples were dedicated to Apollo, an uncommon occurrence in terms of what is known so far about the god in such an early phase. It is believed that Apollo assimilated the earlier cults of Karneios (M25) and Korythos (M15), and in this way the earlier deities remained in the cult system, with different names. Of course, another fact that must be taken into consideration is the preference of the Dorians for Apollo, something which certainly influenced the cults of Messenia. Laconia was deeply influenced by the mythological past, and the first sacred places were related to deified Mycenaean figures (Helen and Menelaus, Kassandra and Agamemnon), but also earlier deities who remained in the cult (Hyacinthus). Further cults appeared of female deities of nature (Artemis, Mother of the Gods) and early ones of Athena and Zeus. ii. Notes on the substance of the deities worshipped a. Deities After the presentation of the characteristics of the deities and the links of cult places to the settlements of each area, observations can be made about the cult places in the four geographical areas of the Peloponnese. The goal is to present the numerical data about the worshipped deities and then make an interpretation of the numbers in relation to the cult places and settlements. Of course, the absolute numbers cannot be useful for drawing conclusions for each geographical area, as one must also consider the other factors that influenced the establishment of a cult place, i.e. the geography, the new cities that were founded, and generally the social, economic and political conditions on a local level. Another important factor that influences our analysis is the modern research that reveals unknown monuments not mentioned by the sources, which, of course, is ongoing and can at any time present new material that would have bearings on any conclusions drawn today. In terms of the deities worshipped, Artemis accounts for the most cult places, 49, followed by Athena with 44 in the areas examined.2 Next in the list of cult places is Zeus with 35, Demeter and Asclepius with 30, Apollo with 26, Aphrodite with 22, and Poseidon and Dionysus with 18 sites. In total, 139 different epithets have been counted for the deities worshipped. The four gods with the most variations in terms of epithets known are Artemis with 43, Athena with 27, Zeus with 26, and Apollo with 20. Some gods, although they have been worshipped in various cult places, do not display a big diversification in their substance, or their epithets are not known. Clear examples are Asclepius and Demeter, who, while we know of 30 cult places for each, only seven epithets for Asclepius and 11 epithets for Demeter are references. Similarly, for Dionysus we know of only six epithets from the 18 cult places mentioned. Both dated and undated places are taken into consideration for these figures, as well as those known only from the sources, i.e. not yet discovered. Where more than one deity was worshipped these have been counted separately. 2

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context The next step is to analyse those deities worshipped in each geographical area, to show how far their cults expanded. For this reason, only the new sanctuaries in each period are counted. The question is whether the cult of a deity is particularly prominent in a given location, and if this happened then to try and explain the causes. In Arcadia, Artemis is preferred, with 25 cult places, followed by Demeter with 19, Athena with 15, Zeus with 13, Aphrodite with 11, and Asclepius and Pan with 10 cult places each. The Zeus cult was preferred in Elis, with nine cult places, followed by Artemis and Athena with seven each, and Demeter with six. In Messenia, it seems that Athena was preferred, with five cult places, followed by Apollo and Asclepius with four each. Artemis comes next with three, and Demeter with two known sites.3 For Laconia, first comes Athena with 17 cult places, followed by Asclepius with 14, then Artemis with 13, and Zeus and Apollo with 12 each. According to the data from the examined areas, the conclusion arises that there was a constant preference for four of the deities worshipped, i.e. first Artemis and Athena, then Zeus, and then Demeter, Asclepius, and Apollo. The cult of Artemis is an old one, her first cult places dating back at least in the Geometric period. The age of her cult is explained by her nature, and her epithets (e.g. Kedreatis, Karyatis, Daphnaia, Limnatis, Alpheiaia) are often related to elements of nature (trees, rivers, marshes, etc.), indicating her close connection to them.4 Her sanctuaries are located usually outside of inhabited areas in natural settings. At the same time, many cult places of Artemis were related to sanctuaries that were close to border sites. Over the years, her cult also appears within cities, where the goddess took on the role of patron. Athena was a deity related to the protection of inhabited areas. All cities made sure they had on their acropolis, or on a high point in the city, a temple for Athena, where she was worshipped as Polias (i.e. at Tegea, Stymphalos, Megalopolis, Sparta). She had a double character; she was a warlike goddess in times of conflict, as well as being a goddess of arts and labour, as in Sparta where she was worshipped as Ergane, and in Megalopolis as Machanitis. The earliest cult places of Athena are dated in the Geometric period, although in this early period her cult was mixed with other early protective deities, e.g. the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea. After Artemis, Athena had the most cult places in the entire investigated area. Zeus was worshipped as an Olympian god in the Historic period and was referred to as the ‘father of gods and humans’,5 and his often became the official cult of a city. He frequently acquired epithets that revealed either some chthonian characteristics (e.g. Philios, Meilichios), his protective nature (e.g. Soter, Tropaios, Euanemos, etc.), or that indicated the location of the temple within the city (e.g. Agoraios). He belongs to those gods who were already Mt One of the two monuments is the sanctuary of the Great Goddesses at Andania (M21), where one of the deities worshipped was Demeter. 4 Cole 2004: 191. 5 Homer, Iliad I, 544, Hesiod, Theogony, 47. 3

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Lykaion and Mt Ithome). In these cases, Zeus possessed to a marked degree the attributes of the god who controlled the weather, as well as chthonian traits. With the latter, he appeared sometimes as Kouros, or as one member of a divine couple with another chthonian deity, with clear influences from the Creto-Mycenean religion, as at, for example, the sanctuaries of Aphrodite Erykine and Zeus Ithomatas. His early cult places were usually outside the settlements. In later years his cult acquired an urban character and in this way he took on his role as a protective god in the centre of the cities, e.g. Mantineia and Megalopolis. Most cult places to Demeter date to the Archaic period and after. An exception is her cult at Pheneos, which dates to the Geometric period, if not earlier. There, her cult was related to that of Kidaria, who was a previous independent deity of vegetation. Demeter had specific characteristics with which she was worshipped and for this reason she had only a small number of epithets. Usually, her cult place was outside the city, and this is to be expected as she was a deity related to the earth and cultivation. There were also instances where she was worshipped mainly with chthonian characteristics, e.g. cults of Demeter Erinys at Thelpusa and Demeter Melaina at Phigaleia. Unfortunately, most of Asclepius’ cult places are not dated, and the ones that fixed are not early. However, his existence is known from Homeric times, being mentioned in the Iliad as the father of the healer Machaon. From the data available, it appears that his cult was popular in Laconia, where at least 14 cult places are known. The cult of the god took place close to riverbanks, springs, or on some high feature, as we see at Gortys, Alipheira, and the border of Psophis and Thelpusa. Asclepius was a healer god, and his cult places were at the same time therapeutical centres. This endorses a relationship with the natural environment and water, which also had therapeutic powers. Messenia had an especially close connection with Asclepius, since a local myth has him as a son of the Messenian Arsinoe. In addition, the Messenians had close links to healing deities, since also worshipped there were Machaon, Nikomachos, Gorgasos, and Pamisos, whose sanctuary was a healing place for children. Apollo was worshipped, from the Geometric period, mainly in Messenia and Laconia, appearing at least five times with the epithet Karneios. Although his cult is early, his name is not mentioned in the Linear B’ tablets and thus he was probably not a Mycenaean god.6 It is possible that in some areas he took the place of older deities, with similar characteristics or martial attributes. He was usually worshipped outside the cities, but in the Archaic period and later there were instances when the cult places of Apollo were located in the agora or within the acropolis of a city, e.g. the temple of Apollo Asinaios at Koroni, the altar of Apollo at Acritas, and the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios in Sparta. In all these cases, Apollo was associated with the Dorians, a fact that is justified by his age and his military character. As we see, those deities who had the most cult places had them outside the city and were related mostly to nature. This applies more to the older cult sites. Only Zeus and Athena were assured of places within the city, being ultimate protector deities. The other gods continued to be worshipped mainly outside the city. They might also have had urban cult places, for a special need or as a result of some isolated incident, and, in some instances, having an epithet

6

Burkert 1993: 126.

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context given to emphasise the protective character of the deity (e.g. Aphrodite Urania at Elis, Hera at Mantineia, Demeter and the Dioskouroi at Messenia). There was a range of deities who were worshipped in general, and their relation to the location of their cult site was different each time. There were some deities who were worshipped only in one location. In Arcadia, we know of at least two deities who had no cult places in the other regions examined. The most characteristic example is that of Pan. Arcadia was considered as his birthplace and all his recorded cult places were exclusively in Arcadia; there are ten in total, a large number when taking into consideration that in Arcadia there are only eleven sanctuaries for Aphrodite and another ten for Asclepius. Similarly, Hermes was closely connected to Arcadia, Kyllene being his birthplace, and therefore he was worshipped in five cult places. Other deities honoured in one region only had a small number of cult places (one or two). The reasons dictating the cult of a deity in one region only are: • Origin (e.g. Pan, Hermes, Zeus Lykaios). • Survival of a previous special strict cult with the same or different name (e.g. Despoina, Hades). • The existence of a local cult (e.g. Alea, Eurynome, Cronus, Hyacinthus, Karneios, Kidaria). • Chosen foreign cults (e.g. Kouretes, Dryops, Diktynna, Eileithyia). • Deification of figures of the local mythology (e.g. Telephus, Erinyes, Eumenides, Hippodameia, Pelops, Messene, Machaon, Nikomachos and Gorgasos, Ilaeira and Phoebe, Alexandra, Helen, Agamemnon, Menelaus, Sosipolis, Eurippa). • Deification of local historical figures, (e.g. Lycourgos, Hipposthenes). • Personification of local natural elements (e.g. the wind Boreas, Erymanthos, Pamisos, Alpheiaia, Nedousaia, Maron and Alpheios). • Deification of figures due a localised and special, but unknown, correlation (e.g. Seilenos-Elis, Moirai-Sparta, Helios-Taygetos). The cult of historical persons in a temple is a phenomenon that occurs only in Sparta.7 Usually, heroa were founded for these heroes, in which yearly libations were performed.8 There was a division among the existing heroes of the historical years, between those who fell in battle and those mythical heroes whose cult hid other expediencies, for example recalling past events so as to legitimise a regime within a particular region. Of course, there were also those heroes who went beyond the borders of local history, i.e. certain interregional and Panhellenic figures. The best-known mythical hero, whose actions took place throughout the Peloponnese, was Heracles. His works and reputation put him among the half-gods. He was worshipped all around Peloponnese. Odysseus was another special personality. Although not deified, there were cult places that were believed to have been dedicated to the gods by Odysseus himself. 7 8

Parker 1989: 147-148. For those heroes falling in battle, see Currie 2005: 101-102, 108.

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese The Dioskouroi were known as Panhellenic gods, but their lives and activities took place in Laconia and Messenia. For this reason, their cult was stronger in these regions, although they were worshipped across the whole of the Peloponnese. Of course, local factors defined to a great extent the deities revered in each region. As well as the large sacred monuments, which in some ways were ‘imposed’ by the official religious system, there was a large number of cult places that maintained their links to local myths, traditions, and older cults, keeping alive their special relationships with the local deities within each region. Historical figures were worshipped mostly at the local level and on a smaller scale. Often the cult of a Panhellenic deity assumed some special characteristics in a particular region, thereby making the cult unique and absolutely tied to a specific epithet. Thus, the cult of Zeus Lykaios referred to the known father of the gods, but had special characteristics and was a continuation of his chthonian and strict nature, which gave him both a specificity and a diversification from all other places dedicated to him. The same attributes were given to the god in his new cult place at Megalopolis, with the same epithet granted him for symbolic reasons. Likewise, Poseidon Tainarios retained a specific physiognomy, his epithet not only reflecting a place, but also referring clearly to his sanctuary at Tainaron, which was believed to be an entrance to Hades. It is one of the instances where the epithet, although a place name, was imbued with the characteristics of the specific local cult and this characteristic became more intense, defining the deity in this region. On other occasions the local character remained through the epithets that were given to a certain deity. Thus, Demeter Chamyne was worshipped with this epithet only at Olympia, and her cult there was related to the Minoan cycle and the Kouretes. The epithet was associated with specific characteristics of the local mythology and there was no reason to use it anywhere else. At other times, one particular incident explains why an epithet was given to a god, and thus the name is only found once, e.g. Athena Ophthalmitis, Athena Chalkioikos, and Artemis Astrateia. Also unique are those placename epithets that do not confer any particular cult characteristics, i.e. Kaousios, Samios, Nedousaia, Hippolaitis. b. Epithets There are epithets that were repeated in different regions and had in some way a Panhellenic acceptance, as well as those associated with a deity in a specific way. The reasons why a god acquired an epithet differed in each case, and thus we know many that are unique. We can identify the following categories: 1. 2.

The perpetuation of the name of older deities as epithets for Olympian deities (e.g. Alea, Chamyne, Kidaria, Maleatas, Orthia). Epithets defining the nature of the deity, i.e.:

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context a) Of chthonian or Olympian status (e.g. Agathos-Agathe, Agrotera, AmbouliosAmboulia, Areia, Epidelious, Ergane, Genethlios, Hippia, Hoplismene, Hymnia, Kappotas, Machanitis, Melaina, Mystes, Olympios- Olympia, Ourania, Pais, Pandemos, Philios, Philolaos, Skotitas). b) Relating to vegetation (e.g. Auxites, Hegemone, Karpophorai). c) Relating to weather conditions (e.g. Anemotis, Euanemos, Hypercheiria, Ithomatas). 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Epithets that reveal beneficial traits of the deity (local or more widely) (e.g. Akesios, Asphaleios, Apomyios, Aphneios, Charmon, Epidotus, Epikourios, Gaiaochos, Koria, Oupesia, Orthasia, Paidotrophos, Soter-Soteira, Symmachia, Teleia, Tropaios). Epithets indicating a local geographical designation, whereby a deity might manifest sovereignty over a specific place, or simply show a place of belonging (e.g. Akakesios, Alpheiaia, Anchisia, Asinaios, Aulonios, Bassitas, Hippolaitis, Hyperteleatas, Ithomatas, Knakalesia, Koryphasia, Kyllenios, Leukyanites, Lykaios, Lykoatis, Kaousios, Messapeus, Nedousaia, Onkaiates, Skiatis, Stymphalia). Non-local epithets relating to the main place of origin or cult (e.g. Aiginaia, Argeia, Asia, Diktynna, Eleusinia, Ephesia, Paphia, Pythios). Epithets indicating the location of the cult place, (e.g. Agoraios – Agoraia, Daphnaia, En Plinthio, Kalliste, Karyatis, Kereatas, Knagia, Knakeatis, Kolonatas, Kyparissia, Limnatis in the Marsh, Mesopolitis, Polias). Epithets indicating the name or the origin of the founder (e.g. Demainetos, Kydonia, Narkaia). Epithets referring to local history (e.g. Aigophagos, Amazonios, Aipytos, Astrateia, Axiopoinos, Chalkioikos, Eurippa, Hemerasia, Keleutheia, Kondyleatis, Kotyleus, Lecheates, Mother, Ophthalmitis, Theritas). Epithets indicating a symbol that defines the deity (e.g. Acratophorus (from the vase held by the god), Agnitas (a xoanon made of agno wood), Korythos (named after a military helmet).

Another classification is where two epithets are used at the same cult place, e.g. at Pheneos, Demeter had two epithets, Kidaria and Eleusinia, with differing characteristics, which were worshipped alternately, every second year. In her temple at Thelpusa she was worshipped as Erinys, as well as Lousia. c. Preferred deities The choice of deity and their epithets was the result of a complicated procedure. As well as the pure religious figures, characters from local myths were also worshipped, often related to the major deities, to justify their cults. In general, more similarities can be traced in the preferred deities worshipped among the paired regions of Arcadia and Elis and Messenia and Laconia. This is understandable, since in Arcadia and Elis the first four preferred deities are the same – Artemis, Demeter, Zeus, and Athena. Respectively, in Messenia and Laconia the commonest cults are those of Athena, Asclepius, and Artemis. As well as the Olympian deities that were generally worshipped, it turns out that there were individual sacred places that gained their reputations for local reasons or sites, where specific deities of the local religious system were preferred. 191

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese One of the main deities in the central Peloponnese was Zeus. The two most important cult places, outside of Olympia, where his Panhellenic cult was established, were the sanctuaries of Zeus Lykaios and Zeus Ithomatas, in neighbouring regions, which were associated with Mt Lykaion and the myth of his birth in this area. The dominance of Zeus is justified both because of his early cult there and because he was the dominant figure among the gods and mortals, a role that gave him power. Similarly, in the rest of the Peloponnese, except for Messenia, there is a large number of his cult places. Another god commonly honoured at early cult sites outside settlements was Apollo. He was known as Epikourios, Korythos and Karneios, and his martial aspects were emphasised. He was worshipped mainly in those areas inhabited by Dorians, i.e. Laconia and Messenia. Athena as a protective deity of cities almost always had her place within settlements. In some areas there is a density in her cult places, more specifically in Elis, ancient Triphylia, and the neighbouring regions, indicating that the goddess was especially respected in these areas.9 Her famous sacred site was at Tegea, perhaps owing to its Prehistoric roots and the connection of Athena to Alea. Artemis was worshipped at many cult places across the whole area examined here, although they never gained great reputation. The most famous of her sites were at Lousoi and Sparta. Generally, she was related to wildlife and nature, the raising of children, and the protection of boundaries. She kept here place at Olympus and was worshipped as a major deity all through antiquity. The epithets with which deities were worshipped were numerous, indicating that the inhabitants were connected in multiple ways to their gods. The cult was not a simple, repetitive procedure, but the result of conviction, with beliefs that the gods intervened in their lives and thus they were obliged to take part in them and that the deities must receive honours and offerings, to ensure their support and protection. d. Correlations of worshipped figures to other regions The communications of the Peloponnese with other regions shaped some characteristics of the cult. It is observed that the Peloponnese was influenced by the Aegean, northwestern Greece, and southern Italy. As well as cult places and votives found indicating relations with other areas, the deities have relative characteristics with the rest of the Greek world. Influences from Crete are detected in terms of the deities worshipped. The Kouretes were believed to have come from Crete.10 Their cult was associated with the birth of Zeus and his protection from Cronus. They were worshipped on Mt Ithome, with Eileithyia, close to the sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas, who was related to Zeus Lykaios. Eileithyia was also a deity first worshipped on Crete and later in mainland Greece. Her cult is known at Kleitor, Tegea, Olympia, Ithome, and Sparta. The connection of Eileithyia with Sosipolis in Olympia indicates another Minoan tradition. Sosipolis has the same infant/nurse relationship (Eileithyia in this case) and is strongly reminiscent of Zeus Kretagenes. Demeter Chamyne at Elis is also linked 9 10

Arapoyanni (2010: 17) comes to the same conclusion. Harrison 1927: 13, 14.

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context to the Minoan cult circle and the Kouretes, as, according to the myth, she had an affair with Iasios, one of the Kouretes. According to Nilsson (1927: 506-507), even Orthia in her initial form was a deity of nature (Potnia Theron), with a Minoan origin. A further link to Minoan Crete is suggested by the cult of Issoria, which is related to Britomartis and the cult of Ino-Pasiphae at Thalamai. Hope Simpson sees a link between Ino-Pasiphae and Minoan Crete.11 Additionally, similarities to Cretan peak sanctuaries can be traced in the sanctuary of Hyacinthus and Apollo at Amyklai, in its first phase.12 The excavator of the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erykine at Kontovazaina sees parallels in the finds there to the oracular site at Dodona, where Aphrodite was worshipped as the daughter of Zeus and Dione. The Spartans had a colony in southern Italy, forging bonds to the region, as indicated especially by the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus.13 Ties to Sicily can be seen from the sanctuary of Aphrodite Erikyne. M. Petropoulos agrees that Psophis had communications with Sicily, specifically since the late Geometric period, believing also claims that the island of Zakynthos provided an intermediate station between the two regions, having an acropolis called Psophis.14 Another element revealing the influence of one area on the cult systems of another is that of deity epithets. In some cases, it is evident that a cult place was established under the influence of another. Communications between Arcadia and Cyprus brought Aphrodite Paphia to Tegea; Hera Argeia came to Sparta from Argos; the influence of Demeter Eleusinia across all of the Peloponnese is confirmed by the sacred places dedicated to her at Pheneos, Basileia, Demeter, and Taygetos; Athena Asia was brought from Kolchis by the Dioskouroi; the cult of Apollo Amazonios and Artemis Astrateia came from the Amazones in the area of Pyrrichos; and the cult of Artemis Ephesia came from Ephessos. In later periods, during Hellenistic and Roman times, new cults came to Greece, this time from Egypt and the East.15 Economic observations Among the other fundamental characteristics of a cult, it is important also to consider other factors that influenced its operation and development, so that we can draw conclusions about its role, relationships to its environment and its historical timeframe, and its location. The following sections provide some information on the wealth of cult sites, the movements of believers, and communications between sacred places within the Peloponnese and other regions.

Hope Simpson (1957: 232) refers to a terracotta figurine with possible Minoan origins, strengthening the possibility of this region’s Bronze Age links to Minoan Crete. 12 Demakopoulou 1982: 84-85. 13 According to R. Catling (1989: 197), this is one of the few examples where the transfer of cult practices went the opposite way. i.e. from the colony to the metropolis. 14 M. Petropoulos 2005: 370. See also Pausanias VIII, 24,3. 15 Since these were deities worshipped in later periods they will not be presented in detail here. 11

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese i. Economic growth Factors such as the quantities of votives found, comparisons with other cult places, and distinctions between valuable and valueless offerings, can locate a sacred place within its historical context and provide information on its prosperity and whether it had a central role in the cult system of its region. Relative wealth, of course, can be indicated by reconstructions involving valuable materials, the commissioning of celebrated artists to work on monuments, and generally the levels of luxury suggested by many of them. One of the richest sanctuaries in antiquity was that of Olympia, with the Games and its reputation generally making it one of the largest Panhellenic sanctuaries, with visitors from many other regions, as mirrored in the finds from the site. Bronze votive tripods are known at Olympia from as early as the 10th century BC, from the altar of Zeus, indicating the wealth of the dedicators and the activity in the sanctuary.16 Large numbers of finds were revealed in the Metroo, which had Mycenaean foundations. Rich and many were also the votives found in the temple of Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra, demonstrating the number of believers visiting the site. Very important finds have come from the early temple of Athena Alea, and the newer, lower, temple constructed for the goddess was also a luxurious one. High-value votives were also discovered in the sanctuary of Artemis at Mantineia until the middle of the 5th century BC. Also significant were the finds from the sanctuaries of Zeus Lykaios on Mt Lykaion, Apollo Epikourios at Phigaleia, and Asclepius at Gortys. Noticeable signs of wealth are also seen at the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, where, apart from the other finds, there was a large assemblage of clay miniature masks, and also at the sanctuary of Apollo and Hyacinthus. Similarly remarkable is the discovery of many iron spear points and arrowheads at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas; thousands of miniature vases, complete and in fragments, from the sanctuary of Achilles; and many handmade and distinctive figurines and depictions of heads from the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus. These finds indicate the great numbers of pilgrims who used to participate in the rituals there. Generally, the sacred places with the most finds that originated from other regions were those cult places that were independent or far away from cities and had preserved their interregional prestige. It is very likely such sites witnessed rituals performed by inhabitants from all the surrounding areas, even if the sites did not belong to the same territory. Believers from neighbouring regions assembled in the sanctuaries of Artemis Limnatis at Volymnos, Artemis Pyronia at Pheneos, and Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs at Karyai. Great wealth was also concentrated around the national sanctuaries, i.e. those of Despoina at Lykosoura and the unknown sanctuary at Aghios Elias-Kantreva. People from all the surrounding areas gathered, mainly in the later periods, at the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Sparta to participate in the rituals there. A great interregional festival took place in the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios and Hyacinthus at Amyklai. According to some researchers, the tripods were given as prizes at the Games. Indeed, Homer (Iliad XI, 699-700 and XXIII, 262-265) refers to some tripods given as prizes at the funeral games held in honour of Patroclus. See Hugh 1988: 111. Sinn (1996b: 27-29) considers that the tripods were offerings to Zeus’s oracle. See also Raubitschek 1998: 78. 16

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context ii. Inter-communication of cult places and external contacts We can now look in more detail at those factors that indicate communications between cult places, whether neighbouring or not. By comparing the votives, and the cult places themselves, certain assumptions can be made about relations and communications between the several regions in terms of journeys made by pilgrims from one region to another, and the exchange of objects and expertise among the cult places, especially the larger ones in each region. Furthermore, it is possible to identify which places had friendly relations, and also might have shared common workshops for votive production. Arcadia Most similarities in votives are seen among areas in the same region and this can be explained easily by the operation of common workshops and the movements of the same people between regions. At Tegea, similarities can be found among the bronze objects of the late and sub-Geometric periods found in the temple of Athena Alea, with similarly dated examples also from the sanctuary of Artemis Knakeatis at Mavriki, and also from discoveries made at the temple of Athena, Alipheira.17 Similarities in the votives can be found between the temple of Demeter and the Kore, the Karpophorai deities, in Tegea, and the temple of the Great Goddesses in ancient Trapezus. These include many terracotta figurines, standing or seated, with birdlike heads, that seem to have come from a local workshop.18 The similar votives from these two temples were intended for similar deities and indicate that birdlike figurines were preferred for the cults of fertility gods (Demeter and Kore). Similarities between the pottery found in the temple of Artemis Knakeatis, Tegea, and Laconian and Argive finds are due to influences from these regions. According to M. Voyatzis, the temple of Artemis stood on the way between Tegea and Sparta and thus would attract believers from both regions. The finds indicate rather that the links of this temple were stronger to Tegea.19 The temple of Apollo Parrhasios revealed Laconian pottery, while Corinthian ceramics were found in the cave of Hermes, and at the open-air sanctuary at Glanitsa. It is highly likely that the pottery was transferred by pilgrims from these regions. Corinthian vases (aryballos), or local imitations, have been uncovered at the temple of Demeter (or Artemis) in the north of Asea. Imitations of Laconian and Corinthian pottery have been found also at the temple of Apollo Epikourios, Phigaleia. In the unidentified temple at Gremoulias, Kalavryta, was unearthed a bronze sheet with similarities to one from Lousoi, and an iron spear similar to a find from Phigaleia, indicating that the temple had attracted visitors from the other two sites. Voyatzis 1990: 252. Bather and Yorke 1892-1893: 228-229. 19 Voyatzis 1999: 145. 17 18

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Communications between neighbouring cult places within the same area is clear, e.g. Lousoi (the temple of Artemis Hemerasia), Orchomenos (the temple of Poseidon or Aphrodite). More specifically, common characteristics can be seen on some bronze votives of the late 8th century BC at both sites.20 Bronze votives similar to some Olympia finds come from the temple of Artemis. Moreover, athletic games were held there, attracting athletes from different parts of Greece.21 According to the quality of the finds, it can be concluded that the sanctuary of Pan Nomios was visited regularly by the local aristocracy within the context of ritual hunts.22 The 8th-century BC votives from the temple of Athena Alea can be compared to finds from other regions, more specifically to objects discovered at the Heraion of Argos and the shrine of Artemis Orthia, Sparta.23 Similar votives from several regions indicate that believers would visit several sacred places within neighbouring areas. The sanctuary of Athena allows us to draw more conclusions about those worshippers who were able to offer more expensive gifts (based on the few gold finds), and that luxury, Orientalised, objects was not unknown at Tegea in the first years of the 7th century BC (an Egyptian scarab with hieroglyphic inscription).24 Similarities can be found between the architectural characteristics of the temple of Athena Alea, the slightly older temple of Hera at Argos, and the somewhat later temple of Hera, Olympia. The descriptions given by Pausanias (III, 10,7) would seem to confirm that the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs at Aghios Petros attracted believers from several regions. From the sanctuary of Artemis Kalliste and Pan at Lykochia there are types of handmade figurines, that are known from the Heraion of Argos, indicating links between the two sanctuaries. Another sacred site with similarities to many regions is the sanctuary of Athena at Alipheira. A bronze handle decorated with an anthemion found there is considered by the excavator to have come from a Laconian workshop, and is reminiscent of similar objects from the temple of Zeus at Olympia, the sanctuary of Apollo Korythos at Aghios Andreas, the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, Sparta, as well as more distant places (Perachora, Delphi, Idaion Andron).25 Similarities can be traced in the layouts of the temple of Athena at Alipheira and the archaic Temple C at Pallantion. These indicate that there was a common knowledge of elements of architectural developments across the wider region, as well competitive trends between the two cities.26 Blum and Plassart 1914: 81-88; Reichel and Wilhelm 1901: 50ff. Mee and Spawforth 2001: 263. 22 Baumer 2004: 118; Hübinger 1992: 203-206. 23 Within the temple there were finds of clay figurines (horses, birds, and very fine nude female figurines) as well as personal (lead) objects of types that have been found in their hundreds in the temple of Artemis Orthia. See Østby 1994: 59. 24 Ostby 1994: 59. 25 For the bronze handle, see Orlandos 1967-1968: 103. For Olympia: Furtwängler 1890: 132, no. 826-7-8; Hampe and Jantzen, 1936-1937: 74, fig. 37; for Messenia: Versakis 1916: 86, fig. 20; for Sparta: Droop 1908-1909: 29 and 27, fig. 4d; for Perachora: Payne 1940: 162 and tab. 67, fig. 13; for Idaion Andron: Fabricius 1885: 58, tab. 59, fig. 7. 26 Voyatzis 1999: 150. 20 21

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context Concerning architectural characteristics, the temple of Apollo Epikourios shows Athenian influences, i.e. in the shaping of the inner spaces, which also have inspired the later temples at Tegea, Lousoi, and Nemea. The phenomenon of the oblong shape and the peristasis (6 x 15 columns, instead of 6 x 13) of the temples of Pallantion, is known from the earlier temple of Vigla, but also from temples in Sicily and southern Italy.27 Relations to regions outside the Peloponnese can be traced in the sanctuary-oracle of Aphrodite Erikyne, as the excavator suggests.28 Here there were finds of bronze objects, dating to the 2nd millennium BC, which are similar to examples from Ano Pindos, and the cult had similarities to the cult of the Thesprotic oracle of Dodona and the oak cult.29 Here the centre of the cult was an omphalos-pyramis dedicated to the fundamental elements of the cult, from the early period, when it was still open-air.30 It consisted of an underground construction with a pyramid made of soft limestone.31 A similar stone pyramid, (the Thesaurus’) was found at Thelpusa.32 Similarities with Crete can be seen in the temenos of Zeus Lykaios on Mt Lykaion, where a seal depicting a bull (late Minoan I or II) has been found recently. Greek mainland communications with Egypt are made clear from the Geometric finds from the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea.33 The finds overall would indicate that the larger cities of Arcadia (Lousoi, Tegea, Orchomenos) communicated not only with each other but also with cities of other regions (Sparta, Argos, Olympia), including outside the Peloponnese (Crete, Attica, Dodona, Southern Italy, Egypt). Such communications provided opportunities for exchanges of products and the chance to copy ‘foreign’ styles. Elis In Elis, the sanctuary of Olympia gained its great reputation on becoming a Panhellenic centre. The Olympic games began in the Geometric period, and thus, from very early on, people were drawn from different regions, helping to explain both the quantity and richness of the finds we have from Olympia. The sanctuary welcomed believers, not only from the Peloponnese, but from all over the entire ‘known’ world, meaning that the objects found also reflect this diversity. There are similarities in votives known from Lousoi, Argos, Tegea, and Alipheira. In architectural terms, there are also similarities in the layouts of interior spaces of other According to Østby (1992-1993: 65-75), a direct relation between Arcadia and Italian sites cannot be proven, although we can assume there was an intermediate location, from which both areas were influenced, i.e. Argos, possibly, which had contacts with both regions. 28 Kardara 1988: 31. 29 For the early cult associated with the Dodona oracle, see Dakaris 1971: 30-31; Dieterle 2007: 235-262; Evaggelidis and Dakaris 1959: 127-132. 30 Kardara 1969: 75; 1988: 117-118. 31 Kardara 1988, tab. 27. 32 Lemerle 1939: 301; 1939, tab. LXI ph. 20. 33 An inscribed Egyptian scarab has been found. 27

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese sites, e.g. the temple of Hera at Olympia and the later temples of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai (Phigaleia) and Athena Alea, Tegea.34 From the neighbouring regions, the greatest similarities are in the votives from the temple of Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra and finds from the early years of the sanctuary of Olympia, where the cult of feminine deities was intense.35 This indicates, according to the excavators, that they originate from the same workshop.36 Remarkably, the sanctuary of Artemis at Kombothekra flourished from the Geometric period until the sanctuary of Olympia acquired its fame and Zeus became the dominating god. As the reputation of the sanctuary of Olympia spread, the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra lost its central role and assumed a regional one, as can be concluded from the number and quality of the finds associated with the years to come.37 A 5th-century BC bronze mirror from the temple of Artemis Limnatis (M20), Volymnos, is similar to examples from the temple of Kombothekra, possibly indicating a preference of this type of votive for the cult of Artemis.38 Similarities with Olympia can also be found at Lousoi, where already the first excavators observed parallels with some of the 8th-century BC bronze votives found in the sanctuary of Artemis Hemerasia, attesting, perhaps, believers who visited both sites.39 The same occurs at the temenos of Zeus Lykaios, where two small bronze tripods, with a cauldron diameter of 0.11 m, similar to those from Olympia, were found.40 Other similarities can be seen in finds from Olympia and Messenia. There are 7th-century BC tiles from the Olympia Heraion that are similar to those from the Archaic B Building of the sanctuary of Apollo Korythos at Aghios Andreas.41 Their main characteristic was the darkcolour painting of their hollow surface.42 Parallels can also be found between the ox-shaped bronze sheets from the temple of Poseidon at Lakathela/Mila; they date to the 9th century BC, as do the Olympia finds.43 Relations between Elis and Laconia are indicated by finds from the sanctuary of Apollo Hyperteleatas, where a large discoid clay acroterion has typological similarities with acroteria from the Heraion of Olympia.44

Schmitt 1992: 89; Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 223. For Athena Alea, see Østby 2002: 140. Morgan 1990: 97; Sinn 1981: 41, and n. 68. 36 Sinn 1978: 49; Gregarek 1998: 75. 37 Sinn 1981: 26. 38 Parlama 1973-1974: 315. Also, Müller 1908: 324; Oberländer 1967: 43-44, no. 50 (Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra), and no. 52 (Artemis Limnatis at Volymnos). According to S. Koursoumis (2004-2009: 319), mirrors were symbols of female nature. That they are often found in sanctuaries of Artemis may be related to the character of the goddess as a protector of women during their transition from one stage of their nature to another. For the nature of the goddess as a protector of fertility, see also Polignac 2007: 92-94, with bibliography. 39 Reichel and Wilhelm, 1901: 33. 40 Kourouniotis 1903a: 50. 41 For the Olympian tiles, see Leonardos, 1901: 237-238. 42 Versakis 1916: 72-73. 43 Karagiorga 1972: 262. 44 Kalligas 1980: 16-17. 34 35

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context Some finds associated with Argive workshops are known from Olympia. According to Morgan, this indicates an elite from Argolis who liked to display their status by means of luxury votives deposited in sacred sites outside Argos.45 The temple of Hera at Olympia included a type of short column that can be seen at 6th-century BC temples, e.g. that of Apollo in Corinth (540 BC).46 Messenia The special historical events in Messenia prevented the development of many cult places, but communications with other cult centres are known. The influences indicated are mostly associated with the neighbouring regions of Elis and Laconia, e.g. Olympia and Amyklai; in only one instance is there an Arcadian liaison. The links with Laconia are based on its shared Doric origins and the common cults of the perioikoi. Strong similarities can be pointed out between the 4th-century BC votive relief plaques from the temple of Demeter and Dioskouroi at Ithome and respective plaques from the tholos tomb at Voidokoilia, indeed to such an extend that they possibly even come from the same moulds.47 Similar material from the same period has been found in the tholos tomb of Antheia, and other locations within Laconia.48 They perhaps indicate dedications to a similar cult form. Similarities are also to be seen among vases from the sanctuaries of Pamisos and Amyklaio, and from the temple of Artemis Orthia. Parallels are also found among the rosette-decorated bronze handles from the sanctuary of Apollo Korythos and that of Pamisos at Aghios Floros.49 Some Archaic bronze objects, possibly for cosmetics, from the sanctuary of Apollo Korythos are similar to finds from the temple of Athena at Alipheira.50 According to Versakis (1916: 82), Building D within the sanctuary of Apollo is reminiscent of the earlier temple of Prinias on Crete, and might therefore indicate contacts between the two regions. Similar finds link the cult of Poseidon at Mila to the cult site at Tainaron. Figurines of horses and oxen have been found at both centres, emphasising the deity’s chthonian nature, the votives relating to the chthonian traits of the god. Laconia The large sanctuaries around Sparta have comparable votives, confirming, it would seem, common workshops making devotional objects for the wider area. The links between Laconian Morgan 1999a: 390. The columns in the temple of Hera were 5.22 m high. See Schmitt 1992: 88. For the temple of Apollo, see Bouras 1980: 162. 47 For the plaques: Korres 1988: 312, 315-321); Themelis 1998: 183. 48 For Antheia: unpublished material: information from Antonaccio 1995: 72, n. 261; Boehringer 2001: 273; Themelis 1998: 183. For Laconia: Themelis 1998: 182-183. 49 Furtwängler 1890: 132-133; Valmin 1938: 448; Versakis 1916: 86. In terms of the two cult places of Messenia, there is a possible connection between the two deities that were worshipped as healing deities. 50 Orlandos 1967-1968: 108; Versakis 1916: 96, fig. 41. Versakis mentions that the embellishments found in the sanctuary of Apollo are utilitarian, interpreting their presence as lost items. This makes it difficult to understand any similarities with the sanctuary of Athena at Alipheira, unless we suppose that visitors from the same region went to both sanctuaries. 45 46

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese sanctuaries can be seen in the Archaic votives from the sanctuary of Menelaus and Helen, some of which are similar in typology to those from the sanctuaries of Artemis Orthia (disc acroteria) and Athena Chalkioikos.51 Furthermore, the finds of Laconian, Attic, and Corinthian sherds from the sanctuary of Menelaus and Helen are important, indicating that the market was interregional. Some similar or common smaller votives seem to have been offered to different deities independently of each other, because they could be found easily. From the sanctuary of Zeus Messapeus in the foothills of Taygetos finds have been made of Archaic sherds and small lead figurines similar to those from the sanctuaries of Orthia, Menelaus and Helen, and other Laconian cult centres.52 From the Apollo Hyperteleatas sanctuary comes a statuette of a kore dated to the middle of the 5th century BC and belonging to a type that appears in the central Peloponnese.53 Similarities can be observed, as mentioned before, between Laconia and Messenia. Thus, in the Archaic sanctuary of Apollo Korythos are found mixed architectural forms of Doric and Ionian elements, as occurs at the Amyklaio. Additionally, in Building C of the sanctuary of Apollo Korythos a marble was found decorated with schematic leaves, like the ornament crowning the top of the geison of the ‘Throne of Apollo’, Amyklaios.54 This, according to the excavator, indicates that Building C, where the capital was placed, was built by Laconian craftsmen in the 6th century BC. It seems clear, therefore, that already in the Archaic period celebrated craftsmen were commissioned to travel around the cities and provide their services. Laconia had links with other regions, both inside Greece and beyond, as is clear from the finds made in the unidentified sanctuary at Sparta, i.e. classical sherds, parts of bases and rims, skyphoi, and a 5th-century BC black-figured kylike, imported from Attica.55 A Protocorinthian vase was uncovered in the temple of Athena Chalkioikos. The first phase of the Apollo Amyklaios sanctuary has echoes of Minoan peak sanctuaries, although the characteristic finds of these sites have not yet been discovered. On classical Crete, Apollo Hyacinthios was worshipped on peak sanctuaries, as at Tylissos.56 The temple of Poseidon Tainarios features a rear room forming a cavity, which has parallels at other Greek sites, e.g. the cave of Heracles and Hermes or Poseidon Asphaleios, close to the Gymnasium of the Ephebes at Thera; the Cave of Heracles on Delos; the Heroon of Iphigeneia at Brauron; and the temple of Plouto at Eleusis.57 I.e. a bronze plaque of a standing woman from the Menelaion, an ivory with a similar depiction from the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, and ivory plaques depicting three figures. See Catling 1986: 204; Marangou 1969: 144-145. 52 Christou 1961-1962: 84; 1962: 114. 53 Stais 1907: 272-273. Find no. Χ7560: Statuette of a peplophoros (Ευρ. Αρχ. Ετ. Αρ. 1265). Similar finds in the National Museum: Χ7622 and Χ14618 (from Arcadia), ΚΑΡ 532 (of unknown origin). 54 Versakis 1912: 188, fig. 17-21. 55 Demakopoulou 1966: 155. 56 Demakopoulou 1982: 84-85. 57 Cummer 1978: 39. For the cave of Hercules and Hermes in Thera: Gärtringen 1899: 295, and n. 62; for the cave of Hercules on Delos: Plassart 1928: 228-255; for the heroon of Iphigeneia in Brauron: Papadimitriou 1956: 75-77; for the temple of Plouto at Eleusis: Mylonas 1961: 99, 146-149. 51

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context It seems that the Archaic roadside sanctuary at Kalogonia, outside Sparta, had links with southern Italy. A fragment of an antefix has been found with a depiction of the lower part of a female face, which the excavator compares to antefixes from Italian sanctuaries.58 Contacts with the East are revealed by the ivory finds in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia. Although the objects themselves are not imported, the typology is clearly influenced by Eastern models that point to communications between the two regions.59 Summary It is evident that the Peloponnese was not an isolated region without influence. There was active communication between the Peloponnesian cities as well as other regions of Greece. The similarities can be found reflected in the cult elements, e.g. votives, cult objects, the practice of dedicating the same votive type to similar deities, architectural types and features, etc. These similarities inform us about the links forged different regions, which can be divided into three categories: a) between different cult places within the same geographical area (e.g. Tegea, Lousoi-Orchomenos, Kalavryta-Phigaleia, Aghios Andreas-Aghios Floros, SpartaTherapne-Taygetos; b) between different geographical areas within the Peloponnese (e.g. Lykaion-Olympia, Lousoi-Olympia, Phoiniki-Olympia, Olympia-Argos, Mila-Tainaron, Aghios Andreas-Amyklai, Lykochia-Argos, Sparta-Corinth); and c) between areas beyond the Peloponnese, i.e. 1) the rest of Greece (e.g. Attica, Crete, Dodona, and 2) more distant areas (e.g. southern Italy, Egypt, the East). The conclusions that can be drawn from studying the similarities of the votives can be summed up as follows: a) the believers moved within the city and brought with them dedication objects, and therefore similarities between cult places within the same city are found; b) often the same believers also visited the outermost sanctuaries of the same territory, explaining the similar finds in different remote cult places; c) the believers of neighbouring regions acquired votives from common workshops; d) there were craftsmen who moved around from the one region to another, providing the believers of different regions with similar votives; e) for some deities there were specific types of votives, therefore everywhere similar votives were made in local workshops; f) smaller and schematic votives were easier to be transport, making them more usable; g) those votives dedicated by the elites stand out because of their quality and particularity of the finds; h) when a city had contacts with other countries – through commerce mainly – this is mirrored in the votives taken to cult sites from other regions. In terms of the movable finds and votives, similarities with regions outside the Peloponnese are limited to Crete, northwestern Greece, Italy, Egypt, and the East. Relations with Crete were constant in terms of the cult sites, votives, myths, and religious traditions. All the examined regions provide evidence of communications between the Peloponnese and Crete. A special Christou 1962: 116. The excavator just mentions this comparative element, without giving illustrations or extra details. Similar acroteria have been found on Corfu at the temple of Hera at Mon Repos. See Choremi 1997: 25, and fig. 17. For similarities between the acroteria from the temple of Corfu and Italian examples, see Winter 2002: 227-236. 59 According to Marangou (1969: 203-213), even though the objects were produced in situ, the material came from the East, revealing commercial ties. 58

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese relationship seems to have existed between Crete and Laconia, where the largest numbers of cult places linked to the great island appear, e.g. the cult of Diktynna, Ino-Pasiphae, etc. Links with other regions are indicated by finds from individual cult places. Specific workshops produced and provided the different regions with the votives they required; similarities in the votives reveal common workshops. Copying of styles between regions was common, but the commercial circulation of votives ensured variety to cult sites.60 Thus, within neighbouring regions, similarity does not necessarily indicate movement of people, while the traffic between cult places by adherents from remote locations is an indication of friendly relations between the areas, possibly some also being official allies. Social framework i. Correlation of the religious, social, and political life of sanctuaries The cult places examined can be divided into two main categories, with further subcategories, as defined by the research. The distinctions are to do with their locations.61 The first category classifies those sanctuaries in the countryside, which are mainly the earliest chronologically and had a long lifespan. To the second category includes those cult places directly related to cities and which were established within them to serve their needs. These cult places, in contrast to the previous ones, were made after establishing the cities, usually during the Archaic or Classical periods. The analysis of the examples from these two categories, according to their dating, the ways of growth and progress, and the links of the believers to the sacred places, all help our understanding of the meaning of the religious system; it allows the parallelism between religion and society, but also explains the exploitation of the religion in order to promote the political matters of each region. Thus the following brief account will focus οn the political and social overtones of the sacred places. a. Countryside sanctuaries The first category, with cult places in the countryside, includes monuments built during the Geometric period or even earlier, although their use continued without interruption, even when changes in the nature of the deity worshipped and the cult ritual occurred, as happened with the early deities, that were associated later to a deity of the Olympian gods (e.g. Alea, Kidaria, Maleatas). In the early years, all the inhabitants of a larger area assembled in such places to worship common gods, even before the establishment of organised settlements. In the first phase of their life, these were mostly open-air.62 In most instances, from the Archaic period and after, cult buildings were erected to house the cult. According to Polignac (2007: As mentioned, the pottery found in the temple of Artemis Knakeatis (A14) was influenced by Laconian and Argive workshops, and in a pit within the temple of Artemis or Demeter (A29) there were finds of local copies of Corinthian vases. 61 I.e. mainly after Pedley (2005) and Polignac (2007): First category: Sanctuaries in the countryside: Suburban (belonging to the city), i) at the boundaries of the city; ii) at a short distance from the city. Extraurban (independent or linked to a small settlement often connected to the city in whose territory it was located): i) linked to a city; ii) interregional; iii) national; iv) border (independent). Second category: Urban Sanctuaries. 62 Forsen 1999: 182. 60

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context 47), these sacred sites in the countryside can be sub-categorised according to their location and their relation to the nearest settlement, as described below: 1. Suburban sanctuaries F. de Polignac defines as ‘suburban’ those cult places that were ‘on the outskirts’ of settlements, on the boundaries, or at a short distance from the settlement. Despite this, they were very much part of the city within the territory they belonged to (e.g. A5, L3).63 The suburban temples were the representatives of the administrative city’s identity. J. Pedley adds that suburban sanctuaries helped demarcate the settlement and countryside within its territory, marking the boundaries of the urban zone and forming an imaginary circle around the city, or emphasising their location between the city and its cemetery.64 Generally, we notice a concern to keep in touch with the city and the countryside to which the territory belonged. The suburban sanctuaries helped efforts made to maintain cohesion between the inhabitants, keep the historical continuity of the region, and empower the cult. A characteristic example of a suburban sanctuary is the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea. The sacred space pre-existed the synoecism and formed the common point of reference for all the inhabitants of Tegea. It was never included within the city, but remained the site where all the significant political actions of the city took place. Since Geometric times, the sanctuary of Alea enjoyed economic prosperity, as is clear from the existence of a metallurgical workshop on site. Metals in antiquity were a reliable indicator of wealth and the gods received a large percentage of this wealth.65 The first stone temple (600 BC), is probably related to an attempt at synoecism by the Tegeans so as to confront the emerging power of Sparta. The new and imposing monumental building of 370-340 BC was made entirely of Doliana marble, and an ivory cult statue was commissioned from the Athenian sculptor Endoios. The sculpted decoration of the temple included depictions of local myths, i.e. scenes of Auge, Telephus, and the hunting of the Kalydonian boar, and featuring many local heroes.66 For the whole life of the sanctuary, the Tegeans placed in the sanctuary the spoils from their victories over the Spartans.67 Here was placed the shield of Marpessa, who, together with the other women of the city, fought in one of the battles.68 Later, after the victory against the Persians at Plataea, Mardonios’ bronze chariot was dedicated to the goddess, emphasising the victory and Tegea’s power.69 Another remarkable suburban sanctuary was that of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. The first cult in the sanctuary is dated c. 950-900 BC and it took place at an open-air altar. Soon after the synoecism of Sparta, c. 700 BC, the first temple was founded. Of note is the large number of Polignac 2007: 47. The peri-urban or suburban sanctuaries were outside the city walls, but close to them and serving the religious needs of the city. They can be divided into two categories. The first includes those built immediately outside the city and had a protective character. They were also a connecting point between the city and the cemetery, beyond the walls. The second category includes sanctuaries built a short distance from the city, symbolising the union of the city to the countryside and the land, therefore in many instances they were dedicated to Demeter. Pedley 2005: 42-46. 65 Coldstream 1977: 338; Voyatzis 1999: 132. 66 Pretzler 1999: 106-113. 67 Most conflicts between them took place in the first half of the 6th century BC. Spartan chains hung in the sanctuary. Pausanias VIII, 47,2, Herodotus, 1,66, Pretzler 1999: 107. 68 Pausanias VIII, 48,5. Pretzler 1999: 116. 69 Herodotus 1,66 and 9,70 respectively. Polignac 2007: 121; Pretzler 1999: 107; Voyatzis 1999: 145. 63 64

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese clay masks dedicated to the goddess already from the 7th century BC, indicating both a high turnout of believers and the performance of special rituals. High-status votives continued to be dedicated at the sanctuary in the 6th century BC, testifying to the wealth and reputation of the sanctuary, which continued in use until the Roman period. 2. Extraurban sanctuaries F. de Polignac classified as ‘extraurban’ those sacred places located up to 12 km from the urban centre in the wider periphery of a city.70 These sanctuaries were usually located at higher altitudes, so as to be visible from a distance, or close to the borders of two regions.71 Some were totally independent, while others were connected to small settlements, mainly created later than the sanctuaries to serve their needs. They existed before the establishment of the cities, and the construction of new cities in the immediate area did not weaken them. To the contrary, there are many examples where their reputations, prestige, and power grew, as the new cities managed to take them over in their efforts to achieve absolute sovereignty throughout their territory.72 When a city took control over a country sanctuary, new luxury temples were constructed to demonstrate its power and wealth, as well as to remind their neighbours that they now had administrative control. Some of these extraurban sanctuaries, over time, achieved ‘interregional’ significance, becoming not only meeting places, but also centre for negotiations or the conclusion of commercial agreements between different cities (e.g. Olympia).73 They represented the alliances of city-states and were often agents of diplomacy. Another category of extraurban sanctuaries are those classified as ‘national’. These kept the tradition of gatherings for a common cult and played a basic role in the religious system of a region. An example is the sanctuary of Despoina, Lykosoura, which belonged to all Arcadians, and the sanctuary of Kantreva, which belonged to all Mainalians. The ‘national’ sanctuaries became meeting points for the inhabitants of different cities, as they referred to common gods, and in this way they represented their common origins and the bonds between them.74 Τhey were also communication points, where problems could be solved and relations among cities re-defined.75

Polignac 2007: 47-48. Forsen 1999: 182; Pedley 2005: 46; Polignac 2007: 62. 72 Polignac 2007: 115. 73 For Olympia, see Gehrke 2012: 25. Generally: Cardete Del Olmo 2005: 53. Pedley (2005: 40) divides the nonurban sanctuaries into interurban and extraurban. He suggests that to the first category belong the neutral nonurban cult places that took on the role of meeting and negotiation points between several regions, as they did not belong to a city but were under the regime of a local administration. As examples he mentions Olympia and Delphi. Of course, it is known that Olympia, although itself a large, nonurban sanctuary, belonged administratively either to Pisa or Elis, depending on the outcome of their fights over the sovereignty of the sanctuary. For the second category he notes that, despite the fact that a temple was extraurban, it was closely connected to a city. According to this study, these sites can be classified as extraurban sanctuaries with interregional significance. See also, Marinatos 1993: 230. We consider here that the area examined conforms more to Polignac’s (2005) system of classification. In any event, this distinction is not absolute, and each category of sanctuaries has further distinctions that will be analysed in the pages that follow. 74 Polignac 2007: 69. 75 Eder 2019: 39; Marinatos 1993: 230. 70 71

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context In conclusion someone could say, that from the early extraurban sanctuaries, some became linked to a city and became suburban, and others remained common cult places for a larger number of believers (in or outside the local boundaries): these can be divided into interregional and national sanctuaries.76 Also, it can be observed that over the years religious places became reference points for the unique national identity of different settlements. The extraurban sanctuaries that later gained in reputation became centres of power within a wider region, their location playing an important role (e.g. those at higher altitudes and with good vantage points, those close to borders, etc.), and they were associated with early cults (e.g. Pelops, Hyacinthus, Despoina, Lykaios Zeus, Orthia, Poseidon, with his chthonian traits). Early cult places, where natural elements or chthonian deities were worshipped, became enshrined in the consciousness as places of special sacredness and continued to be worshipped for this reason (e.g. Olympia and Amyklai). An Arcadian extraurban site that, over time, became a symbol of a strong community, withstanding its enemies, was the sanctuary of Apollo Epikourios. It remained outside the city for all of its existence, although it belonged administratively to Phigaleia.77 Initially, it served the needs of local hunters and the first temple is dated 625 BC. In 420 BC, a new and more powerful monument was built, with innovations that were later copied by other temples. Its dimensions were extraordinary, the architect believed to have been the famous Athenian Iktinos, indicating just how much the Arcadians revered this specific cult place: it represented local identity and reinforced the region’s power.78 A similar example was the temple of Pan Nomios, where the local elite regularly visited when hunting on Mt Lykaion. Generally, the first cult places in the countryside were said to have been built by celebrated figures (mainly mythical, e.g. Odysseus, Heracles, the Dioskouroi, etc.) or by established families (the local elites).79 The extraurban sanctuary of Artemis Hemerasia at Lousoi is of particular relevance here. In the 8th century BC it was an open-air sanctuary, the first temple appearing at the end of the 7th century BC, before the establishment of the small city of Lousoi, 1 km from the sanctuary, and a monumental temple was constructed in the Hellenistic period.80 Unfortunately, we have scant evidence on the formation of the city of Lousoi, but it is obvious that the placement of the sanctuary on the axis leading from Arcadia to Achaia and Corinthia enhanced its authority within the wider area as a whole.81 This important position is confirmed by the games that took place here, with athletes participating not just from the Peloponnese, but from all over Greece. The unidentified sanctuary at Kantreva is also classified as extraurban and was built before the establishment of the cities around it. The first open-air sanctuary is dated, at least, to the 10th century BC and it attained great authority over the years. Proof of its interregional appeal and its wealth are the many finds of valuable Geometric and Archaic votives. A temple was built in Forsen 1999: 182; Polignac 2007: 69. Baumer 2004: 73. 78 Cardete Del Olmo 2005: 54-55. 79 Morgan 1990: 19. Also, Hansen 2004: 131. 80 Jost 1985: 48. 81 Voyatzis 1999: 136. 76 77

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese the 7th century BC, and reconstruction to place in the 5th century BC. Indicative of its wealth is evidence that the new temple, erected on a hill, far from any settlement, was constructed entirely of marble, and its monumental dimensions rank it among the largest temples in Arcadia. The marble was transferred from Doliana, a quarry relatively far away. Factors such as its size, wealth, location, relative remoteness, as well as the fact that the neighbouring city of Asea was surely too small to bear the financial burden of its construction, have led researchers to believe that it was a ‘national’ sanctuary, built by the Mainalians.82 With its connecting and symbolic role,83 it seems that such large, extraurban sanctuaries, which catered for greater groups of people, and boasted luxurious features, were part financed by those cities that had the most interest in them. A city would have its own reasons for joining a wider union with common characteristics (e.g. a tribe), so as to strengthen its position in relation to other neighbouring, and competing, cities. Another independent extraurban sanctuary in the territory of Asea was that of Poseidon and Athena Soteira.84 Here, above the Archaic (630-620 BC) wooden construvtion, a new monumental temple was built using Doliana marble between 570-540 BC. The extraurban cult place of Artemis Knakeatis, in the region of Tegea, had similar characteristics. Although the first open-air cult there is dated to the late Geometric period, the first temple was constructed in 700 BC. It was one of the oldest temples in Arcadia, founded at an altitude of 1400 m and made entirely of Doliana marble, pointing not only to the level of reverence, but also the financing required for its construction. It was a further example of an extraurban sanctuary with interregional authority and playing a significant role for the whole region, particularly Tegea, while at the same time keeping its independence. According to Romaios (1952: 26), who excavated the two temples mentions above, there are parallels between them. As well as the similar dating and architectural characteristics, both temples present the same diligence in their construction; they were both constructed on mountains, far from any settlement. A noticeable difference is that the temple of Vigla did not have an earlier, 6th-century open-air phase, and although it was made of valuable material, the finds from the site are not such that firm conclusions can be drawn about the temple’s visitors over time. The extraurban sanctuary of Despoina at Lykosoura, founded close its eponymous settlement, was highly regarded throughout antiquity. It was a national sanctuary, a cult centre belonging to all Arcadians. Consequently, as a pan-Arcadian centre, it would have contributed to the strengthening of social relations, exchanges of ideas, and the realisation of common national interests. Although there is insufficient evidence for its earliest years, its roots are associated with the time of myths. In Hellenistic times a marble temple appears, for which the celebrated Messenian sculptor Damophon was commissioned to produce the cult statues. Various highstatus elements in its construction and decoration emphasise the sanctuaries ambitions and indicate its special wealth. According to M. Jost, this wealth came from money offered by the initiated during the ritual mysteries.85 The cult of Despoina was particularly old and revered as a centre across Arcadia, accommodating great numbers of worshippers. With its Forsen and Forsen 2003: 251. Forsen 1999: 186-187. Pausanias (VIII, 36,7) mentions another ethnic sanctuary of the Mainalians, leading the excavators to suppose that the sanctuary was the religious centre for 6 of the 12 cities of the Mainalians only, i.e. those living in the southern part of the district. 84 Romaios 1957: 161. 85 IG V,2: 516, col. 4-21. Jost 2003: 146. 82 83

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context considerable wealth and valuable votives, it belonged to no city; the settlement of Lykosoura was established to provide the services necessary for the operation of the sanctuary and its performances of the mysteries. After the synoecism, the administration of the sanctuary was transferred to Megalopolis, however the inhabitants of Lykosoura refused to take part in the synoecism and were allowed to stay, serving, as they did, a significant sanctuary respected by everyone. The site remained in use until the Roman period. One of the clearest examples of the decentralisation of a religious site is the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios, on Mt Lykaion, where the cult dates back to Mycenaean times. Later, in the 5th century BC, two votive gold-plated eagles were set up, confirming the coherent, symbolic character of the sanctuary in the eyes of the Arcadians. A manifestation of the significant position of the sanctuary was the Lykaia, a series of games that took place there every four years. The Zeus Lykaios site was of equal importance to Arcadians as the Lykosoura sanctuary, as we can see from the rich votives found on Mt Lykaion. The later introduction of a similar cult for Zeus Lykaios in a new temple at Megalopolis, after the synoecism, further indicates its symbolic importance within Arcadia. In most instances, extraurban sanctuaries were at first places where believers assembled from neighbouring regions, although the sites had no special reputations or features that made them particularly distinguished. The later establishment of cities around them provided the impetus for many of them to gain interregional authority and power. Those interregional sanctuaries that attracted believers from several regions could promote their status either through the quality of the votives dedicated there, the treasuries built there later by other cities, and events and games (i.e. music and athletics). Participating athletes strived not only for personal victory, but also to promote their own cities and origins.86 The first Olympic Games can be dated to Geometric times, but they are lauded as having begun in the mythical period of Pelops, as are the first local cults. Believers and athletes from all around Olympia assembled there from its first years and very soon the sanctuary gained a Panhellenic character. The most important cult buildings on the site, overshadowing all other religious activities in the wider area, were its revered temples of Hera, and, in particular, that of Zeus. As the reputation of the sanctuary of Olympia increased more and more, the balance in relation to the other neighbouring sanctuaries was disrupted. For example, the temple of Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra, a site of considerable importance to believers during its earliest phase in the Geometric period, seems to have found attendances there considerably reduced, as evidenced by the reduction in the number of votives left there in the years that followed.87 The city of Elis was connected directly to the sanctuary of Olympia and its games, and significant cult places were erected there, while in the rest of Elis no cult activity with significant interregional influence is noted. Olympia became the central focus for the wider area, as confirmed by the luxurious construction and decoration of the cult places there and the levels of valuable finds that appear as early as the Geometric period. The reputation of the Olympic Games made the temenos of Zeus one of the most significant sanctuaries of the Greek world. While it was an independent sanctuary, attracting adherents from all over the known world, it had an administrative reliance on Elis, which is obvious Marinatos 1993: 230-231. Elis had no interest in the administration of this sanctuary. It seems that, even in the following years, the temple of Kombothekra belonged to no city. See Solima 2011: 125. 86 87

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese even in the sanctuary itself.88 The Bouleuterion, constructed within the sanctuary area from as early as the second half of the 6th century BC, signifies a connection between the religious and political life of the site greater than anywhere else in the Peloponnese.89 The Bouleuterion was a distinct, political building, of little or no relevance within a sacred place, yet it was the administrative centre of the whole region. As well as housing the archives of Elis and providing a meeting place for sovereign rulers, it also had an administrative role for sanctuary affairs.90 After the building of the Bouleuterion in Olympia’s sanctuary, Elis declared its sovereignty over it.91 In the Geometric period, Messenia administered the very important extraurban sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas. It was erected at an altitude of 700 on Mt Ithome, above the eponymous city of Ithome, and it became the focus for the activities of the enslaved Messenians.92 Its role was a vital one, i.e. it provided a rallying point for Messenians, and the wider area, when the city was besieged by the Lacedaemonians. The sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis at Volymnos, in use since the 8th century BC, differed from these other extraurban religious sites. No luxurious temple was ever constructed there, although it provided a meeting place for believers from Messenia and Laconia. However, its role in the history of the area was important, and the first casus belli for the Messenian Wars is said to have occurred there. Its location, between Messenia and Laconia, was strategically important and its administration would change depending on the various swings in fortune of the adversaries, not only during the Messenian Wars, but also into the Roman period.93 The extraurban sanctuary of Apollo Korythos at Aghios Andreas, which belonged to ancient Korone, is dated to the Geometric period and acquired a significant reputation. It was in use as late as Roman times, and each era witnessed new construction. During the Archaic and early Classical periods it was related to the cult of Laconia’s perioikoi, indicating its interregional significance.94 The elements of its decoration indicate that it was constructed by Laconian workers. An important and luxurious extraurban Laconian sanctuary was that of Apollo and Hyacinthus at Amyklai. The settlement had assumed a significant role in the cult from Mycenaean times. It remained in the hands of the Achaeans for a time, but in the 8th century BC it joined Sparta as its fifth Kome,95 signifying the beginning of the administrative role of Amyklai as the seat of one of the two kings of Sparta.96 During the Archaic period the sanctuary further developed, becoming the most significant cult site of the entire region.97 The flourishing of the sanctuary Conflicts are recorded between Pisa and Elis for sovereignty over the sanctuary in the early period, and until the mid 5th century BC, when Elis finally took over administration of the sanctuary. 89 Kyrieleis 2011: 108-110. As at Olympia, a bouleuterion was to be found in the great sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi. For bouleuteria, see Hansen and Fischer-Hansen 1994: 37-44; Lyle-Johnstone 1997: 105. Also, Dinsmoor 1928: 118-119. 90 Baitinger and Eder 2001: 188. 91 It is suggested that Olympia had a central administrative role for the area before the synoecism of Elis in 471 BC. See Morgan and Coulton 1997: 112. 92 Ithome was the centre of the operations of the Messenians both in the 1st and 3rd Messenian Wars. See Harisson and Spencer 2008: 153-154, 157; Sinn 1993: 102. 93 Koursoumis 2011: 1-19 94 Luraghi 2008: 143; Nielsen and Roy 2009: 251-252. 95 Cartledge 1979: 92-93. 96 Kirsten 1958: 175; Kirsten and Kraiker 1962: 405. 97 Shipley 2009: 593. 88

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context can be seen both from the fact that, c. 520 BC, Bathykles from Asia Minor was commissioned to make the so-called ‘Throne’, and from the discoveries of rich votives (especially the ivories) coming from Laconian workshops. When Pausanias visited the sanctuary he was still able to see the tripods dedicated there after the victory of the Spartans and their allies at Aigos Potamoi in 405 BC.98 The sanctuary celebrated the most significant feasts within the region, attracting very large number of believers, strengthening greatly relations between the inhabitants of the wider area. According to G. Shipley, the sanctuary of Amyklai, together with the Geometric-era sanctuary of Zeus at Tsakona and the temple of Demeter Eleusinia at Kalyvia Sochas, was part of a network of sacred places surrounding Sparta.99 The temple at Tsakona was built on the rugged terrain that stretches over the whole area. The temples at Tsakona and Kalyvia Sochas, although not noted for particularly rich finds, played a significant role in the protection of the boundaries of the city of Sparta, sited as they were on high ground, as part of a circle of hills, defining the territory of Sparta. Thus it can be seen that those cult places which, over the centuries, gained interregional authority had a range of specific characteristics: a) they were not located within the settlements per se; b) often they were never integrated within the territory of a city, because of their remote locations; c) even if they were close to cities and operated in their favour, they kept their independent character; d) in some cases they were reconstructed using expensive materials to emphasise their significance; e) their use was uninterrupted for most of antiquity; f) in most cases they dated as early as the Geometric period, often with their roots in Mycenaean times; g) their physical locations could vary, i.e. they could be sited on mounds, hills, or mountains, and in most cases far from settlements, and possibly connected there to an element of nature.100 3. Neutral border sanctuaries Another group includes a small number of extraurban sanctuaries usually placed on the borders of two regions. These tended not to be of any great significance because of their inaccessibility or because they marked the boundary between two regions to which they did not belong. Conclusions The cult places in the above groups, more than 40 of which are Geometric, and with others linked to the Mycenaean period, that we have examined in the Peloponnese remained far from settlements and were never included within the inhabited zones, nor were they in later periods. Few in number were those sanctuaries to which nearby cites were established, and were included in their outer borders, forming suburban sanctuaries.

Pausanias III, 18,8. Shipley 2004c: 593. 100 The early cult places were chosen because of the sacredness of the location and its relation to nature. See also Herrmann 1972: 27. 98 99

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Both categories of sanctuaries outside settlements (suburban and extraurban) had high attendances of believers and deposits of rich votives. Their difference lies, apart from how far away they were from their cities, in the degree of sovereignty each city had over the sanctuary. The suburban sanctuaries, obviously, were nearer their respective cities. The temple of Athena Alea at Tegea is a good representative example of how a city might influence one of its suburban temples. The extraurban sanctuaries can be categorised differently, depending on who controlled them and, consequently, who financed their improvements and developments. More specifically, there were: a) completely independent sanctuaries (because no city was interested in establishing dominance over them, e.g. their locations were inconvenient or no one could ever rule them); b) those sanctuaries that belonged to the wider territory of a city interested in them, so as to define its boundaries, and who effectively controlled them, financing their operation; c) those sanctuaries that belonged to a ‘nation’, a tribe with common characteristics, meaning that neighbouring settlements each took in interest in them, financed their operation, and took part in the common cults; d) the interregional sanctuaries, where many people from neighbouring areas assembled, the site gaining a Panhellenic reputation. Their wealth came from high numbers of visitors, and the priests, or a defined delegation, were responsible for the administration and finances.101 Another role that extraurban sanctuaries played was to define the boundaries between two regions and protect its territory. These were placed close to the boundaries of two regions and in this way they became the common control centres of the cities. They were, therefore, particularly important in terms of the relations between the two neighbouring regions.102 Such sacred places defined, but also protected, the boundaries of adjoining settlements and connected the countryside to the cities. They controlled communications between the cities via the road network. Moreover, they symbolised the unity of the city and the countryside. The temple of Poseidon and Athena Soteira was one such site, as well as a number of suburban temples in the region of Asea, all dating to the Archaic period. Other examples of sacred places at the boundaries of two regions included the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis at Volymnos, in which common cults were performed by the Dorians of Messenia and Laconia; the sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis and the Nymphs at Karyai, where believers from Arcadia and Laconia assembled; the temple of Artemis Hymnia, where the cult was honoured by the inhabitants of Orchomenos and Mantineia; and the temple of Aphrodite Erikyne, where common cults were performed by the populations of Psophis and Thelpusa.103 The majority of such cult places, it would seem, were dedicated to Artemis. According to S. Cole, 80% of the cult sites dedicated to Artemis in the Peloponnese were located either outside the city, on thoroughfares between two cities, on the boundaries of two areas (i.e. at communication points), or at a city’s weakest point, where defenses could organised against enemy attack.104 Additionally, Artemis cult sites were associated with mountain passes and locations close to water.105 Her cult places, Dignas 2007: 175; Dillon 1997: 185. Cole 1995: 297. 103 The area of Karyai belonged to the territory of Tegea, but in the Classical period it became a Spartan city (Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.5.24-25). 104 Cole 2004: 180-184. 105 Callimachus’ Hymn to Artemis (III, 18-22, 35-40) refers to the goddess asking Zeus to give her the mountains for her realm, as she rarely visits cities, and thus he nominates her as the protectress of routes though them and ports. See also Cole 2004: 182. 101 102

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context however, are not classified among peak sanctuaries, as it was the route through the mountain that was sacred, not the mountain itself. b. City sanctuaries A second category includes those sacred places established after the cities. Every new settlement it seems set up cult places, religion playing a crucial role within ancient societies; they were the hallmarks of cities. The choices of deities worshipped were based on a combination of factors, such as the pre-existing cult of specific deities as patrons of the cities, local history, or the special relationship of a deity to the region.106 The term ‘city’ is defined here not only as a political and administrative centre of an urban region (with its acropolis), but also the countryside around.107 The mere existence of an early cult place in the countryside was not enough in itself for a settlement to become eventually a ‘city’. The criteria for choosing a site for a new settlement were its geography (i.e. water, plain, mound, climate); its economic potential (i.e. close to road routes, harbours, natural resources); its ‘tribal’ associations (i.e. relatives, ancestors, similar characteristics, common traditions); and any political/diplomatic factors (i.e. allies).108 A city was very much defined by its political, social, and financial relationships with the territories adjoining it.109 The establishment of new cities began in earnest during the Archaic period, enhanced by the conditions that led to synoecisms involving neighbouring areas seeking to gain more power and benefit from the challenges presented by the new era.110 A synoecism entailed the relocation of a number of inhabitants to establish a new city, with all its features and specifications. In a region with several settlements, the largest would become the urban centre, the others constituting, of course, part of the territory.111 The urban centre – the city – was the location for: a) maintaining the political institutions (prytaneion, bouleuterion, archives, courthouse, etc.); b) performing the religious rites (with sacred spaces); c) protecting its citizens (walls, acropolis); d) commerce (agora, harbour, etc.); e) education and the ‘arts’ (gymnasium, hippodrome, stadion, theatre, etc.)112 Conclusions Often, a new city led to the construction of new cult places, as the early sacred spaces were associated with natural settings and the countryside, remaining permanently far from settlements. In some instances, a sacred place was the reason for the establishment of a city, e.g. Alipheira, Tegea, and Gortys. Unfortunately, the information we have on Geometric settlements within these regions is very limited and firm conclusions cannot be drawn, i.e. whether open-air cults may have led to the creation of settlements as early as Geometric Burkert 1995: 202 (a). Hansen 2006: 56-61. 108 According to M. Jost (1999: 193), the main conditions taken into account when founding a new, organised settlement were to do with defense, commerce, social factors, religion, politics, and administration. Water, of course, was vital, and all cities had constructions of some kind related to water supply (fountains, cisterns, etc.). See Hansen 2006: 102; Morgan and Coulton 1997: 96-97. 109 Morris 1991: 27. 110 Hansen 2004: 115-19; Schachter 1990: 11. 111 Hansen 2004: 74. 112 Hansen 2006: 102-103. 106 107

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese times.113 However, in the subsequent Archaic period, when settlements were organised around sanctuaries, these sacred sites either remained as suburban units on their boundaries or were incorporated within the new cities. The construction of a temple in a city, either in the agora or on the acropolis, reflected the image of the city itself. Thus, as resources would allow, great significance was given to the erection of a luxurious construction, as well as symbolic decorations referring to victories in battle, or links to the heroic past of the city, e.g. the temple of Athena Makistos at Skillountia. The urban cult was closely connected to the political system, and it was often the city that made decisions about the choice of sanctuaries. The largest and most imposing urban temples were established from the 8th to the 6th centuries BC.114 General observations The sanctuaries we mention in this book, whether urban or rural, share common characteristics. One is the high attendance at rites and sacrifices of believers from surrounding, often remote, regions (i.e. Alipheira, Tegea, Olympia, Sparta, Aghios Andreas in Messenia), and another being the organisation of feasts and contests at regular intervals (Hippocrateia at Pallantion, Karneia, games for Dionysus Kolonatas and Issoreia at Sparta, Hemerasia at Lousoi, Lykaia on Mt Lykaion, the games at Olympia, etc.). Another shared characteristic is the way sanctuaries attempted to demonstrate their power and wealth through the monumentality of their buildings and the use of ‘political’ symbolism. It is obvious that cities used both their extraurban sanctuaries and urban temples in their efforts to gain prestige and emphasise their interregional character, as well as striving to became cult centres and extend influence beyond their borders in order to exercise control over the wider region. The cult places established within cities, mainly in the Archaic period, crystallised the common identity of each community and at the same time demonstrated the city’s wealth and the power.115 They played a significant role in the social and political fabric of the new cities.116 The new gods became the protectors of the cities, their patrons (Zeus, Athena, Apollo), while their temples reflected the city’s power and became luxurious. The new cult places were indicators of the general progress of society, the activities of the sanctuaries being were very close to the core of political, economic and military life.117 The union of a community around a common deity, who would protect its interests, constitutes a commitment resulting in the construction of a temple that immediately boasted of the power, identity, and cohesion of this In some instances, Geometric settlements already existed around certain sanctuaries. Unfortunately, our evidence for them is limited and does not help the formation of sound conclusions. The settlements of Orchomenos, Ithome, Sparta, Amyklai, and possibly Hippola, were known already from Geometric times. All these locations had early sacred places related to the settlements. 114 Burkert 1995: 203-206. 115 Polignac 2007: 215. 116 M. Vink (2002: 61) suggests that by the end of the Geometric period people needed to control the ‘when’ (i.e. mythical history) and ‘where’ (with the development of architectural planning). This would go towards explaining the construction of monumental public buildings and temples, as well as the offerings made to their Mycenaean ancestors. 117 Snodgrass 1980: 63-64; Voyatzis 1999: 140. 113

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context community. The city was dedicated to a deity, and he or she would guarantee the protection of the settlement.118 Thus religion, though founded on a common base, had local particularities and provided the framework for the operation of each city.119 Yet it was the city that controlled the religious system, but without interrupting the traditional practices followed, according to the local mythological and historical past. At the same time, cult places outside the cities that were connected to specific ‘metropoleis’ gained power and wealth and were obliged to show off their authority if they were to keep their regulatory role. From this came the need to construct cult buildings that stood out in terms of their luxury and monumentality. Τhe number of sacred places outside cities was clearly greater, so it is feasible to thing that more attention was given to the construction of extraurban, rather than urban, sanctuaries. Of course, one might argue that this is due to the smaller numbers of urban centres in relation to sites created in the countryside. However, the numbers themselves do not reveal much helpful information, they only give a quantitative image of the conditions that prevailed. Considering the specific examples we have presented, it can be seen that special consideration was paid to certain rural sanctuaries, reflecting the political and diplomatic roles these centres acquired. The extra effort required to construct an extraurban temple needs to be taken into account, e.g. the cost and effort required for marble temple at Aghios Elias (Kantreva), at an altitude of 1100 m, when compared to a much more easily accessible city temple, i.e. Tegea. The roles of city temples were different than those of extraurban sites, and thus direct comparisons cannot be made. With its urban temple forming a city’s administrative centre, the city’s basic political goal was to underline its economic and military power. Extraurban sanctuaries had various different roles; if we look only at those that belonged to a city, we see that their role was actually more significant: they symbolised the city’s power, at the same time guaranteeing its borders and sealing its territory. Also significant was the role of those national and interregional sanctuaries that controlled communications between different regions. According to the prioritisation of power over the decades and centuries, attendances at cult sites increased or decreased.120 An example is the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis at Kombothekra, with the cult here undergoing a significant decrease in its offerings when the reputation of the sanctuary of Olympia increased. Many sanctuaries were abandoned, e.g. at Makrysia, Mila (Messenia), and in Arcadia after the synoecism of Megalopolis resulted in population movements. Those cult places that became gathering points for large numbers of believers gained power and soon, as well serving religious and cultural needs, they gained political roles. As previously mentioned, at sacred Olympia the Bouleuterion had administrative responsibilities, and there

Cole 1995: 299. Sourvinou-Inwood 1994: 301, 322. 120 This classification depended on the power of the city, historical circumstances, and the appearance of new cult places. 118 119

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese is a possibility that one of the temples at Pallantion was also used as a bouleuterion.121 The sanctuary of Apollo and Hyacinthus at Amyklai was also used for archiving Sparta’s public documents.122 Decrees relating to other cities were erected at many urban temples. An inscription with a decree of the Triphylian Koinon was found within the temple of Athena Makistos; a decree mentioning the temple of Athena Koryphasia was found at ancient Messene; at Stymphalos a decree stated that it was to be erected in the sanctuary of Artemis Stymphalia, suggesting the site’s political significance. A similar dimension is also indicated by the role sanctuaries had as places of asylum, in or outside the city, where political figures might even seek refuge.123 A temple’s involvement in such activities can also sometimes reveal the deity worshipped there, e.g. the temple of Dionysus Polites, where the god’s epithet demonstrates his political affiliations. The monumental sizes and use of the most impressive decorative elements led to a trend whereby famous artists from other regions were commissioned to take part in the construction/ reconstruction and decoration of new and imposing temples, inside and outside the city. The Peloponnese attracted famous figures such as Libon the Eleian, Gitiadas from Sparta, Skopas of Paros, Iktinos and Endoios from Athens, Damophon from Messene, Hypatodorus from Thebes, etc. Sanctuaries with demonstrable wealth and luxury represented symbols of power and sovereignty and acted as points of cohesion for a city. For their neighbours, such sites were concrete symbols of power, engendering respect. Urban temples would also reflect competition among cities, stemming from the needs of communities to distinguish themselves from their neighbours and introduce an independent identity,124 e.g. similarities between the temples of Athena Alea, Argive Hera, and Hera at Olympia perhaps point to some sort of competition between the three; Tegea seems to have had a tendency to compare itself with the other two regions.125 Conversely, little in the way of tendencies to rivalry appears between city temples and extraurban sanctuaries belonging to the same territory. An important element for the acceptance of a cult was its connection with local deities. To show respect and continue the cult, the old statue that previously stood in the early cult building was moved to the new temple. In addition, further respect was shown by using the site of the older cult for a new temple, or even by reconstructing the earlier building, something we usually see in the Classical and Hellenistic periods (e.g. A6). Of course, some older cults were linked to a city’s particular ‘image’, e.g. the rituals of Orthia manifested Sparta’s military prestige and the demanding training of the young to unflinchingly serve the city and maintain its authority. In other cases, the older cults might differ from their initial character but were adapted to enhance a city’s image, e.g. Athena Alea, Tegea, where the cult took on the attributes of an Olympian deity, thus underscoring its appeal and sovereignty over the whole area.

Morgan and Coulton 1997: 112, n. 153. Thoukydides, E, 18,10. 123 Sinn 1993: 88. 124 Voyatzis 1999: 150-153. 125 Voyatzis 1999: 144. 121 122

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context Each new city sought the protective embrace of those particular gods, who, from the Archaic period, were related to their region. In some instances, the symbolism mattered a great deal, i.e. the sanctuary of Zeus Soter, Megalopolis, with its three statues, one to Zeus, the dominant god of Arcadia, one representing Megalopolis, the personification of the city, and another for Artemis Soteira, who symbolised Arcadia. Where new and powerful cities were established through synoecism, the deities worshipped in their previous settlements continued to be honoured and the inhabitants took their patron gods with them, often also their cult statues. Pausanias provides several references to such transfers, e.g. the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, the sanctuary of Hades at Elis, and the sanctuary of Zeus Ithomatas at Messene. The events at Megalopolis are characteristic. The city was built to protect Arcadia from the expansionist aims of the Laconians,126 and to its sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios was transferred the statue of Epikourios Apollo from Phigaleia. Although it is a later example, it gives a clear picture of the importance given to such public buildings and their symbolism. As the city was established for specific reasons, and its inhabitants had been moved there, sometimes using force, it was essential in some way to create bonds between the old and new settlements and keep faith with the old cults.127 Following on from this, we get an insight into the creation of so-called ‘twin temples’,128 whereby a temple in a new city would in effect ‘copy’ another one from the countryside which had great spiritual significance for the inhabitants. The similarities of the two temples appear not only in the name, but in the cult practices as well. Megalopolis established a sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios in remembrance of the cult on Mt Lykaion, whose gold eagles were transferred to decorate it, and, just like the at the Lykaion, entrance to the new sanctuary was forbidden. In addition, a second temple, for Hermes Akakesios, was built:129 Hermes was initially worshipped at Akakesion. The cult statue remained in the first temple, but a copy was made for the temple at Megalopolis, in this way connecting the city to nature and the ancestral cults. Another example is the temple of Artemis Skiatis, 2 km north of the agora of Megalopolis. According to M. Jost, a similar temple was erected in the agora, dedicated to Artemis Agrotera.130 Clearly the creation of these temples was a central, political act for the social unification of the inhabitants.131 Part of the political meaning of a cult in antiquity was the connection of the city to its prominent ancestors and the related symbolism. Ancestors were often promoted to establish and legitimise newly-founded states in antiquity. A characteristic example is that of Laconia. The legitimisation of the Spartans as the dominating power in the whole region was achieved through the cult Homeric heroes. Laconia was a powerful Mycenaean centre that kept alive its remembrance of the past, even in the Historical period.132 Of course, not all the Trojan heroes were worshipped, but extraurban sanctuaries were founded for Agamemnon and Kassandra, Gans and Kreilinger 2002: 187-191. Pausanias (VIII, 27,6) mentions that the inhabitants of four cities refused to move to Megalopolis: those of Trikolonoi and Lykoa who were forced to leave; those of Trapezus, who were driven out from Arcadia; and the inhabitants of Lykosoura, who could remain by reason of the sacredness of their city. See Hansen 2004: 517. 128 Jost, 1990: 230-232; 1994a: 227. 129 Marantou 2011: 122-123. 130 Jost 1985: 190. 131 Boehm 2018: 183. 132 Catling 1986: 203. 126 127

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Menelaus, Helen, the Dioskouroi, and Achilles. Similarly, the mythological past was revered in other regions of the Peloponnese, i.e. in Elis the cults of Heracles, Pelops, and Hippodameia had a significant roles; Messenia favoured the Dioskouroi, while Arcadia honoured Heracles and the Dioskouroi. In each geographical area the heroic and mythological figures receiving devotions differed, relating as they did to local myths. That local heroes were worshipped in more than one area expresses a region’s to be involved in the activities of that hero. Heracles is a characteristic example: he was active in many different places and his sanctuaries are thus found all across the Peloponnese. The transfer of the supposed bones of mythical heroes from one area to another was a further way a city might express its association with such personalities. Examples include Spartan attempts to bring the bones of Orestes from Tegea to their capital, in the 6th century BC, to emphasise their status,133 and the monument at Hippodameion, where the bones of Hippodameia lay, having been taken there from Midea, in Argolis, by the Eleians.134 We also have the supposed bones of Machaon, which Nestor returned with from Troy to his tomb at Gerenia,135 the site becoming a cult and healing centre.136 The transfer of the bones of a hero, or a founder of a city, to the agora, the centre of a city, or another prominent location, was based on the perception that the dead hero gave strength to the city, rendering it undefeatable.137 As a founder’s bones had a symbolic meaning, and competing cities coveted them, they were kept in secret locations. The significance of such relics related to the legitimisation of power and the confirmation of sovereignty within the territory. Preserved and honoured, they became symbols of the city that protected them.138 Based on all the above, one can understand why cult places had such multifaceted and powerful symbolism, liked to the spiritual importance ascribed to them. They constituted a connecting link between the religious, social, and political dimensions of each territory. Although, depending on their locations, they had multiple roles (religious practices, border control (for extramural sanctuaries), demonstrating power (for city temples), and the accumulation of wealth, they all shared several features. As well as acting as gathering points for believers and places of religious rituals, they also became sites for the political propaganda that served the expansionist objectives of cities. Both the choice of protective deity and construction style of the temple were, in fact, objects of symbolism. The need for cities to impose their superiority was driven by the achievements of neighbours and competitors, and a city’s status was demonstrated via both its physical manifestations (monumental buildings, rich votives, Hall 2000: 87-88. It was said that Orestes had been buried initially on the road from Tegea to Thyrea (Pausanias VIII, 54,4). From there a Spartan named Lichas stole the bones, having correctly interpreted an oracle (Herodotus 1,57), and returned them to Sparta, where a tomb close to the sanctuary of Moirai was built (Pausanias III, 11,10). 134 According to the myth, Pelops expelled Hippodameia when he found out that she had killed his son, Chrysippos. Her bones were transferred again to Olympia, after an oracle, to a site encircled by a krepis. 135 Pausanias: Messenia IV, 3,2; Laconia III, 26,9. 133

Other such movements of the bone of local heroes in the Peloponnese include those of Arkadas (Mantineia), Aristomenes (Messene), and Leonidas (Sparta), but no cult places seem to have been erected above their tombs. 137 Pausanias (V, 13,4-6) relates an historical tradition, whereby Pelop’s shoulder blade was taken to the Trojan war, after an oracle said that Troy would only fall if this were done. As the bones were being returned, the ship carrying them sank in a storm. A fisherman, Damarmenos, many years after the Trojan War, brought up the shoulder blade in his nets and, as commanded by the Delphic Oracle, they were identified and brought back to Olympia. 138 For the transfer of bones of local heroes, see Marantou 2009b: 451-452; McCauley 1999: 92-97; Welwei 2004: 219-230. 136

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context ‘foreign’ artists, etc.) and by associated symbolism (ancestor cult, local heroes adopted as protective gods, etc.). The result was that cult places in antiquity developed, in most instances, a complex character tailored to the needs of individuals, whether they belonged to a city or not. They were not only a cult place for the worship of particular deities, but places central to political and social life. A comparative presentation of the main cult places of the Peloponnese Attempting to put the cult places examined in this work within the geographical framework of the Peloponnese as a whole, the pages that follow will reference the most well-known cult places to make an evaluation based on some basic characteristics of the sites. Comparisons will be based on dating evidence, cult characteristics, relationships with nearby settlements, and features, i.e. monumentality. In Argolis, the most significant sanctuary was dedicated to Hera and is dates to the Geometric period; it was at Prosymna and belonged to Argos.139 It was one of the oldest and most famous extraurban sanctuaries of Greece and of great importance for the whole of Argolis.140 Its location between Mycenae and Argos emphasised the links to Mycenaean heroes and underlined the association and continuation of the cult of the Mycenaean goddess with Olympian Hera.141 In the 7th century BC, the Heraion became the goddess’ cult centre in Argolis,142 with finds there of clay, metal, and ivory votives that reveal the wealth of the region and the special nature of Hera’s cult.143 Epidaurus was also the site of another early sanctuary of Argolis.144 It was the most significant cult monument of the wider area and during the first phase of its life in the Mycenaean period The first temple of Hera is the earliest peripteral temple in the Peloponnese, and according, to Gruben (2000: 119), is older than the temples of Mazaraki and Isthmia. This temple is dated to the middle of the 7th century BC, consisted of a long, spacious wooden building (15.05 m x 46.55 m), and was peripteral, with a colonnade of 6 x14 columns. It is possible that there was also an earlier Geometric shrine of the 8th century BC. See Pausanias II, 17,1-7; Gruben 2000: 118-121; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 156-158; Schmitt 1992: 16-18; Waldstein 1902, vol. Ι, 110-111. Morgan (1999: 389) suggests that the Argive Heraion can be dated to the middle of the 8th century BC. The second Heraion was built c. 420-400 BC as a peripteral temple, orientated E-W, with dimensions 17.30 m x 36.90 m and a peristasis of 6 x12 columns. The architect was perhaps Eupolemos of Argos. 140 Malacrino 2010: 81. 141 O’Brien 1993: 5. According to J. Hall (1995a: 103) it is related to the mythical presence of Hercules in the same area, with the name Hercules perhaps explained can as ‘Hera Kleos’ (Hera + Glory). 142 Hera was the main deity worshipped in the northeast Peloponnese during Historic times. In the rest of the Peloponnese she was not an important deity; only at Olympia did her cult have a central role (E1, E7), although she was subordinate to Zeus after the Archaic period. Hera kept her dominant character only in those cases where her cult began in the Geometric period or even earlier (Argos, Perachora, Olympia); at these sites she was later worshipped only as an Olympian goddess, i.e. the cult is later and has only a local character. For the cult of Prehistoric Hera, see Simon 1969: 35-65. 143 Schmitt 1992: 17. 144 Gadolou 2002: 40-41; Lambrinudakis 1999; Schmitt 1992: 58-64. Also, Lembidaki 2002: 123-137; Tick 2001: 55-59. In the sanctuary of Maleatas at Epidaurus, the first historical traces are dated c. 800. In the middle of the 6th century BC a new building was constructed for Apollo Maleatas, and the sanctuary expanded to the plain c. 1 km from the old sanctuary. In the 4th century BC a new monumental temple was built for Apollo. The sanctuary continued to flourish at the same time as the cult of Asclepius in the nearby Asclepieion grew. See Lambrinudakis 1999: 60: 6268; 1999: 14; Psychogiou 2012. Also, Hart 2000: 55-62. The cult of Asclepius as the main healer god was established in the 6th century BC, but Apollo continued to be worshipped in the same sanctuary of Asclepius. The temple of Asclepius took its final form in the 4th-3rd century BC and was one of the smallest of the peripteral Greek temples. 139

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese (16th century BC) it was a therapeutic sanctuary.145 Primarily it was dedicated to Maleatas and was located on Mt Kynortion. Around 800 BC, the same cult was revived in the same place for Apollo Maleatas. In the middle of the Archaic period, Asclepius became the main healer god of the other sanctuary in the plain, which continued in use throughout the centuries, with large and imposing buildings.146 The reputation of the sanctuary as a healing centre was such that believers and patients from all over Greece came here, making it a wealthy and powerful sanctuary. Further east in Argolis, in the city of Halieis, was the sanctuary of Apollo.147 It is dated as early as the late Geometric period, as is the nearby port. It was a suburban sanctuary that served the needs of the city as well as the countryside belonging to its territory. The earlier cult places of Argolis can be dated to the Geometric period, as do the other areas that are the main subject of this research, some of them with obvious traces from the Mycenaean period. A second observation is that the sacred places outside the cities were more important, gaining interregional authority and great reputations that were occasionally based on earlier cult forms. In Corinthia, the settlement on Acrocorinth had been established by the 11th century BC, and Aphrodite was worshipped already from the 10th century BC.148 In the area outside Corinth, a temple of Demeter and Persephone was constructed in the 8th century BC.149 After the 7th century BC, when the significant city of Corinth was established, the temple of Apollo was erected in the north of the agora; it was later reconstructed c. 560-540 BC.150 The neighbouring of Isthmia hosted the early open-air Geometric cult of Poseidon.151 The first temple for this deity was built in the 7th century BC, later being reconstructed in the first years of the Classical period. The sanctuary was extraurban and served as an early meeting point for the It was constructed in 390 BC, with no opisthodomos, and had dimensions of 11.76 m x 23.06 m. Although lacking monumental dimensions, it stood out for its luxury, i.e. even its door was made of wood and ivory with golden nails. See Gruben 2000: 150-151. To serve the needs of believers and ‘patients’, the sanctuary included many buildings, e.g. Tholos, Abaton, Baths, Library, Gymnasium, Katagogion, and Theatre. As well as the temple of Asclepius, there was one dedicated to Demeter and some smaller sanctuaries (Epidoteion, Building Υ, Building Π). See Lambrinudakis 1999: 46-47. 145 The healing powers were associated with the gushing springs of the area. The rituals were based on sacrifice and ceremonial meals. See Lambrinudakis 1999: 11. 146 The cult of Maleatas was refreshed during the 8th century BC. Apollo was already known from Homeric times (as Paieon) for his therapeutic attributes. 147 The temple of Apollo at Halieis was outside the later city walls. The temple is dated to the 8th century BC and had dimensions of 27.30 m x 4.46 m. From its plan, it seems that it enclosed a cult place, restaurant, and thesaurus. Most of the finds from the site date to the 5th century BC. The temple was abandoned, along with the city, at the end of the 4th century BC. Gadolou 2002: 41; Jameson 1972: 233-236; Mazarakis-Ainian 1988: 118; 1997: 162-164. 148 The temple of Aphrodite on Acrocorinth seems very early, its finds pointing to the 10th century BC, i.e. to a period earlier than the synoecism here in the 8th century BC. See Bookidis 2003: 248. 149 Lower, in the same location, was the sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone, whose first traces go back to the end of the 8th/beginning of the 7th century BC. The next phase of the sanctuary dated to the 6th century. See Bookidis and Stroud 1987: 10; 1997: 423-440; 2003: 248; 2010: 137-154. 150 For the temple of Apollo, see Pfaff 2003: 112; Schmitt 1992: 75-77. The first temple (650-600 BC, 10.90 m x 33.20 m) was made of soft limestone (poros) and had mud-brick walls. The second temple (560-540 BC, 21.60 m x 53.80 m) was Doric peripteral with a peristasis of 6 x15 columns. The cella was divided into two spaces that were distyle and had different lengths. The orientation of both temples was E-W. 151 At Isthmia, the sanctuary of Poseidon with an open-air cult from the 8th century BC, if not earlier. According to Morgan (1999: 369-400), the first phase of the cult in the sanctuary can be dated to the Geometric period (c. 1050 BC). The first temple had was orientated E-W, with its interior divided into two aisles; it was surrounded by wooden peristasis and is dated early in the 7th century BC. A reconstruction took place c. 480-460 BC, and the new temple of the Classical period is reminiscent of the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Gebhard 1987: 175-176; Gruben 2000: 116; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 97; Morgan 2002: 45-51.

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context populations of Corinthia.152 Another early cult place of the 8th century BC was dedicated to Hera at Perachora,153 a city important for its timber and proximity to Corinth, a commercial station and centre of seafaring. From the 8th century BC, Perachora formed closer ties with Argos and Corinth (political, economic, artistic, religious) and the cult of Hera here became one of the most significant of the Peloponnese, after Argos (Prosymna) and Olympia. The sanctuary of Perachora was an extraurban sanctuary visited by the whole region, and possibly visitors from further afield during local feasts. The sanctuary has revealed pottery of excellent quality and offerings that indicate the wealth of the dedicators. The cult took place in the 9th8th century BC in a small, apsidal building dedicated to Hera Akraia; later, in the third quarter of the 6th century BC, a new building appears.154 Simultaneously, in the same sanctuary, Hera Limnaia was worshipped from the middle of the 8th century BC.155 Another interregional site was the extraurban sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea.156 The origin of the cult in Nemea is dated at least as early as the 7th century BC, synchronous with the introduction of the athletic games there.157 The basic role of the sanctuary echoes Olympia, since, in both cases, the cult of Zeus and athletic games were the central activities.158 The temple of Zeus, constructed in the first half of the 6th century BC, and rebuilt in the middle of the 4th century BC, was influenced by the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, in terms of its dimensions and some architectural characteristics.159 In Corinthia, the large cult centres with a long lifespan were outside the organised settlements and date at least from the Geometric. They served as meeting points and negotiation and

Bookidis 2003: 248; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 97; Mylonopoulos 2006a: 122. One of the earliest sites in the northern Peloponnese was the sanctuary of Hera at Perachora. For the sanctuary, see Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 63-64; Menadier 2002: 85-92; Payne 1940: 27-122; Payne and Dunbabin 1940; Rhodes 2003: 85; Schmitt 1992: 94-95; Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 109; Sinn 1990: 53-116; Tomlinson 1976: 111; 1992: 322-346. Hera was worshipped since the 9th century BC as Akraia and Limnaia (Limenia – see Sinn 1990: 59). For the early cult of Hera, see Simon 1969: 35-65. 154 The first phase of the cult of Hera Akraia is dated at least in the 8th century BC, perhaps even the 9th century BC. At that time, a small apsidal temple was built (c. 8 m x 3.50 m). Models of this temple have been preserved that depict the real image of the building. See Coldstream 1977: 322. There was possibly also another temple in the 7th century BC, although the evidence for this is slight. The next temple found was constructed in the 6th century BC; it was unusually long (9.30 m x 30 m), without peristalsis, and with a closed room instead of opisthodomos at the west (in which the cult statue stood). It had a distyle inner colonnade along the inner side of the temple, creating three aisles orientated E-W. The roof was made of marble. Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 63-64; Pfaff 2003: 119; Schmitt 1992: 94-95. For the dating of the phases of Hera’s temple, see Tomlinson 1992: 330-331. 155 In the middle of the 8th century BC, a smaller temple was built within the sanctuary for Hera Limenia. This temple (c. 750 BC) was a simple structure (5.60 m x 9.50 m), without krepis, ptera and peristalsis, and orientated N-S. It was made of local limestone. At the end of the 5th century BC it was destroyed. Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 154-155; Morgan 1994: 129-135; Payne 1940: 110-122. 156 The first temple of Zeus at Nemea was constructed in the first half of the 6th century BC; it was destroyed by fire c. 415-410 BC. It was made of local limestone, without peristasis and with an E-W orientation. The next temple was made in 330-320 BC, with dimensions 20.09 m x 42.55 m, and 6 x 12 columns in the peristalsis. Architectural parts from the previous temple were used in its construction. 157 According to the myth, the games were introduced when the young Opheltes was bitten by a snake and died, while his nurse, Hypsipyle, was giving water to The Seven on their expedition against Thebes. According to another tradition, the games were introduced by Hercules after he had killed the Nemean lion. 158 Miller 1990: 20. 159 The latest temple of Zeus was peripteral, copying the dimensions of the temple of Athena Alea. There were also other similarities in the architectural characteristics of the two temples, e.g. the Corinthian capitals. Abraldes 1990: 146-147; Birge et al. 1992: 29; 134; Gruben 2000: 148-150; Pollitt 1994: 308; Schmitt 1992: 83-85; Tomlinson 1976: 108; Winter 2006: 221. 152 153

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese communication centres, showing, once again, that the interregional character of extraurban sanctuaries encouraged neighbouring settlements with its religious rituals and athletic games. In Achaia, west of Corinthia, was the site of ancient Aigeira.160 The Mycenaean acropolis there remained as a cult centre after the 8th century BC and two temples have been found. The first (Building A) is dated 10th–8th century BC, and the second (Building B), dedicated to Artemis and Iphigeneia, is placed at 650 BC.161 To the 8th century BC belongs the temple of Poseidon Helikonios at ancient Helike.162 Underneath the temple was an earlier ash altar. From its layout it seems that it had an apsidal shape. According to the excavator, the temple was constructed by the local elites of Helike to accommodate the earlier cult activities that were celebrated at an open-air altar.163 A similar apsidal temple, dated to the last quarter of the 8th century BC, has been found at Rakita (Patras); it was dedicated to Artemis Aontia, the goddess that brings winds,164 and founded on a previous ash altar. Other sites include the rectangular peripteral Archaic temple at Aghios Sostis (Gkreka) (middle of the 6th century BC);165 and the neighbouring temple of Artemis at Trapeza (Aigion)166 (end of the 6th century BC), a rectangular, peripteral, Doric structure that represents the development of the late Geometric temples of Rakita and Elike, which belonged to ancient Rypes. Until recently, Achaia presented a gap in the research, but work over the last few decades has revealed a series of temples that helps us to complete the picture of its cult places. Western Achaia contains a large area seemingly without cult sites, explained in part because of the local geological features.167 By contrast, Achaia’s eastern section, which was in contact with Corinth and Argos, seems to have been more developed. The first sacred places there appeared already during the Geometric period. Most of Achaia’s temples were built above early ash altars, indicating early, open-air cults. A significant difference from other sacred sites is that The two temples on the acropolis of ancient Aigeira are: Building Α, which was rectangular (7.70 m x 5 m) and dates to the 10th-8th centuries BC; and Building B, from the middle of the 6th century BC, rectangular (20 m x 6 m) and without peristasis. Its roof was replaced c. 500 BC). Alzinger 1985: 426-451; Gogos 1986-1987: 109-139; MazarakisAinian 1988: 109-110; 1997: 164-166; Morgan and Hall 1996: 171-174; Petropoulos 2012. 161 Pausanias VIII, 26,5; Gogos 1986-1987: 109-119; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 165. 162 Close to Nikolaiika (ancient Helike), excavations revealed a temple, dedicated to Poseidon, which was used from the end of the 8th century BC until the beginning of the Archaic period (950-675 BC). Orientated E-W, it was apsidal at the west end and arched at the east. The roof was wooden, supported by a central colonnade of wooden columns, set on bases of sandstone that have been found along the central axis of the temple. Among the notable finds are models of houses with pitched roofs, terracotta wheels from model chariots, horse figurines, and metal objects. According to the excavators, it is similar to the temple of Artemis Aontia at Rakita. See Kolia 2008: 53-55; 2011: 201-246 (with bibliography); Kolia and Gadolou 2007: 71-73; Petropoulos 2012. The identity of the deity is made clear by the large number of votives depicting horses and chariot wheels. Homer makes reference to a cult of Poseidon at Helike (Υ404). Also, Pausanias VII, 24,5. 163 Gadolou 2011: 268; Kolia 2011: 231. 164 At Rakita (Ano Mazaraki, Patras), an important temple, dedicated to Artemis Aontia was uncovered. Dating to the end of the 8th century BC, the temple (hekatompedos, 27.50 m x 7.50 m) was apsidal and the peristasis followed a semi-circular outline; the open facade was supported by five wooden columns. See Gruben 2000: 43-44; Hall 2007: 86; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997: 72-73; Petropoulos 2001: 39-45; 2012; Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 111. M. Petropoulos (2001: 4245) associated the temple with Artemis, based on an inscribed mirror. See also Kolia 2008: 55. 165 The Gkreka temple was located during a surface survey in the area between the temples of Trapeza and Rakita. Not yet excavated, it was rectangular, peripteral, and has been dated to the middle of the 6th century BC. Petropoulos 2012. 166 On the acropolis of Trapeza at Aigion (Achaia), a cult site has been excavated which seems to have played a significant regional role. Dated to the second half of the 6th century BC, the Doric, peripteral temple was orientated E-W and measured at least 31.56 m x 16.72 m. See Morgan 2003: 199; 2005: 199; Morgan and Hall 1996: 179-180, Osborne 1996: 53; Petropoulos 2012; Vordos 1999-2001: 149-160; 2000: 324-326; 2001: 47-54; 2008: 71-76. 167 Petropoulos 2012. 160

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context here the temples were directly connected to cities and the extraurban sanctuaries were not predominant. Furthermore, these temples were apsidal, an architectural shape that appears only in the northern Peloponnese. The only apsidal buildings known in the investigated area are the Geometric temples of ancient Elike, at Rakita (Patras) and Perachora, the first Athena Alea temple at Tegea and the Prehistoric building known as the Pelopion at Olympia. Taking into consideration our preceding analysis of the most important sacred places found in the northern and eastern Peloponnese, and the other cult sites from the four geographical regions of the Peloponnese, we can make the following observations: 1. 2. 3.

4.

5.

The earliest cult places of the Peloponnese are dated to the early Geometric and often bear traces of earlier cults (Tegea, Mt Lykaion, Olympia, Ithome, Sparta, Amyklai, Argos, Rakita, Epidaurus). There are earlier Mycenaean sites, mainly acropoleis, which, after Mycenaean times, remained only as cult sites, without being connected directly to new settlements (Mycenae, Tiryns, Aigeira, Mantineia).168 Most of the early sacred places were far away from the cities for the whole period of their existence, most gaining great reputations and interregional/Panhellenic visitors (Argos, Epidaurus, Perachora, Nemea, Tegea, Lousoi, Mt Lykaion, Lykosoura, Olympia, Mt Ithome, Amyklai). Some of these cult places were, in their first phases, open-air sites (e.g. Isthmia, ancient Helike, Tegea, Asea, Olympia, Akovitika, Sparta). After the transition to the Archaic period the needs of the believers differed. Efforts focused on the creation of new cult buildings in the extraurban areas where a previous cult, either open-air or roofed, existed. In most instances the new temples were made of luxurious materials and were monumental in terms of their dimensions, indicating the interregional significance of these sanctuaries as gathering places for believers from a wider area (Perachora, Argos, Corinth, Tegea, Lousoi, Olympia, Aghios Andreas in Messenia, Sparta). Perachora for example, has revealed many votives from other regions, but researchers’ opinions about them differ, i.e. if the visitors were Corinthians, bringing with them votives from other regions, or if the sanctuary had acquired an interregional influence and was being visited by believers from other regions.169 The votives were rich, as we have seen, at those sacred places with interregional significance throughout the Peloponnese (Tegea, Phigaleia, Olympia, Amyklai). The first organised cities were settled in the Archaic period and residents constructed new temples to cover their needs (Corinth, Rypes, Elis, Prasidaki, Sparta). Some of the cult places became Panhellenic centres with great reputations and recognition, not just for their cults, but for other events that might occur there place, e.g. athletic games or healing activities (Epidaurus, Nemea, Isthmia, Lousoi, Olympia, Amyklai, Sparta).

Across all of the Peloponnese, the same principles were applied in terms of how cult sites operated and developed, and how they related to the settlements on which they depended. As we have seen, they can be classified into two basic groups: extraurban sanctuaries and those sanctuaries located within cities. The large extraurban sites were centres not only for Mycenae: Simantoni-Bournia 1997: 109. Tiryns: The first cults in the Mycenaean palaces were possibly associated with Hera (Nilsson 1927: 479-480; Whitley 2001: 151, n. 60) and Athena. For more on the deity worshipped at Tiryns, see Hall 1997b, 103. 169 Bookidis 2003: 250; Tomlinson 1992: 323 (Argos, Eastern Greece). 168

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese worshipping, but also for communications between cities, whereas the great city temples were symbols of power promoting the ideology of each city. Differences can be seen in certain localised architectural characteristics that were not copied by other regions, e.g. the side door in Arcadia, the N-S orientation in Arcadia and Elis, and apsidal buildings in the northern and eastern Peloponnese, which should not be seen as evidence for different overall developmental trajectories in these regions. However, where each place shows a different picture is in the deities worshipped, since in each place local mythology and the mythical persons that had acted in a region formed an influence on the cult places. Nonetheless, all the deities were accepted within, or were correlated to, the Olympian pantheon and in this way the different cults co-existed harmoniously.170 Another point of differentiation among the regions had to do with local social-historical circumstances. The Messenian Wars hindered after the Geometric period the further development of the region; in Elis the role of the sanctuary of Olympia prevented the founding of other large sanctuaries; the synoecisms in Arcadia, intended for the survival of smaller settlements threatened by their larger neighbours, caused some sanctuaries to thrive and others to fail; in Laconia, to some degree, Doric influences introduced specific cult deities, e.g. that of Apollo Karneios. Finally, we can see that differing conditions prevailed in each geographical region, explaining the individual variations in the development and evolution of the sacred places there. This did not prevent the continuation of similar characteristics in the basics of the cult, nor how these sites developed, as these processes were defined by the central cult system and the powerful tradition of the previous years. Epilogue The transition to the Historical period provided the impetus for a new consideration of the religious system and cult sites. Population growth, as new cities developed, brought about changes in ways of thinking, as well as in the expressions of religious needs. Due respect to the divine powers continued to constitute the foundation of private and public life despite transformations in social conditions. New cult places were established, and believers gathered together periodically and according to specific rituals. Special care was given to cult sites outside the cities and to the older cult places that had a clear connection to the Mycenaean past. In most instances, the first small temples in settlements, or the wider region, became larger and monumental temples would occasionally replace them. The earliest cult centres were developed further. This evolution took place during the Archaic period in the Peloponnese, as in other areas of Greece, e.g. in Attica.171 Since the Archaic period, when the first organised cities were built, political expediencies and the need to reinforce and demonstrate power played a significant role in choosing the cultural path. This applied also to the deities chosen, as well as to the way respect to the gods was expressed. Several cults have been identified that are associated with older deities belonging to the Prehistoric past and who continued to be worshipped after their assimilation by the Olympian gods. Thus, the temple of Poseidon at Isthmia coexisted with the neighbouring cult of the child Melikertes-Palaimon, which several researchers see as the causative myth for the ‘Isthmia’, the athletic games staged in the area. Pausanias II, 1,4. Gebhard 1987: 476; Vikela 1994: 109-114. Similarly, the birth of Zeus and the correlation of Hercules to the Kouretes was, according to a tradition, the causative myth for the introduction of the Olympic Games (Pausanias V, 14: 9). 171 Vikela 2011: 161-163. 170

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Chapter 7. Religious, Economic and Social Context Olympian and chthonian gods met in a complex and complicated religious system. For most regions, the choice of deities worshipped at a site was based on local factors. The myths and history of each region emphasised the most important deities that should be included within the religious framework. The freedom given by ancient Greek religion when it came to choosing deities resulted in diversity and independence in these choices. This research has prioritised the recording of deities worshipped in each region and, at the same time, attempted to explain why they were chosen there. Our inventory has included cult sites known from four geographical regions of the Peloponnese (Arcadia, Elis, Messenia, Laconia), including those mentioned only in the sources and not confirmed by research. That the deities served mostly local needs, as opposed to the central religious system, is a basic characteristic that can be extracted as a conclusion to our study. Deities whose cult had roots in the Prehistoric period managed to survive, in most instances, outside the big cities (e.g. Athena Alea at Tegea, Amyklaio). The investigation revealed that, throughout antiquity, cult places and practices were used that were related to the essence of human faith, as it was inherited and transformed in the Geometric period, and as a remembrance of the previous period. This made possible the survival of local and chthonian deities until the end of antiquity. Despite their small size or local range, the cult places kept local myths alive, as well as memories of the distant past (e.g. Despoina, Artemis Orthia). According to the present study, the earliest cult places reflected the need to make contact with the divine, especially in the countryside, close to nature, the first deities being mainly chthonian and gods associated with the wilderness (e.g. Artemis). The rural cult places were to remain, with a few exceptions, extraurban, even in the later periods. In many instances, because of their special locations, they obtained great reputations; authority and power ensued, enabling them also to play a political role. Occasionally, a sacred site provided a focus for a settlement to be established around it. As the years went by, and the first cities were built, the need arose to create new cult places within these centres, which often became in its own right a location for the demonstration of power, symbolism, and political propaganda. At the same time, the fact that many extraurban sanctuaries belonged to a city, would often lead to disputes among neighbouring cities, even to conflict, e.g. sanctuary of Olympia. The sanctuaries were much more than sites for performing rituals for the gods. They also became places of asylum, as no mortal had the power over a place that belonged to a god. Several cult locations were dedicated to a healing god and served as healing centres, e.g. the Asclepieia. Another sanctuaries had important roles, depending on the deity worshipped, as oracles. The chthonian character of a deity worshipped often created the need for specific constructions or different rituals at a cult site; such clues and traces help to identify the nature of the deity (e.g. adyton, eschara).

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Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Additionally, some chthonian characteristics were later applied to the Olympian deities, who retained in their cults some of these chthonian attributes, often related to activities (festivals, sacrifices, games) that were integral parts of the existence of these places, attracting large crowds of believers from far and wide (e.g. Demeter Kidaria, Artemis Orthia). Religious belief played a significant role for people in antiquity, as illustrated by the multiple natures of cult sites. As well as being locations for prayer, worshiping deities, and performing religious rites and games some became points of remembrance of the past and the fundamental relationship of man to nature. They were places of sacredness, with ‘magical’ (i.e. divine and/ or healing) characteristics, but also places of protection, as well as affording spaces where, on a regular basis, worshippers from different regions could gather for political meetings, setting up decrees, and for taking decisions, all aided by the gods. Finally, they provided the references that, over time, became the symbols of a region and tools for measuring power relative to other competing areas. In other words, the cult site in antiquity, at least in the Peloponnese, where this study was conducted, was a living organism that evolved and adapted according to the needs and historical conditions of each region; it was part of everyday life, but also the medium through which people, with the help of the gods, could define their existence, within the framework of the religious, social, and political life of their lands.

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Tables Table 1: Sacred sites in Arcadia (found, excavated, or only movable surface finds). Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

Epithet

Location

Dating

A1

Temple

Apollo

Epikourios

Phigaleia

A C H R

A2

Temple

Artemis

A C

A3

Temple

Aphrodite

Phigaleia, Kotylion

A4

Temple

Zeus

A5

Sanctuary Athena

Alea

Tegea

G A C H R

A6

Sanctuary Artemis

Hemerasia

Lousoi

G A C H

A7

Sanctuary Asclepius and Hygeia

Gortys

G A C H

A8 A9

Sanctuary Artemis

Sanctuary Despoina

Soter

Phigaleia, Kotylion

Lykosoura

A10 Sanctuary Asclepius

Alipheira

A11 Sanctuary Athena

A

A13 Temple

Athena and Zeus

Soter (Zeus) Phigaleia Knakeatis

A15 Temple

Female deity

A16 Temple

Poseidon and Soteira Athena (Athena)

A17 Temple

Artemis

A18 Sanctuary Poseidon or Aphrodite

A19 Sanctuary Unidentified A20 Cult

Apollo

Parrasios

C H

Mantineia

Hippios

Artemis

A C H

G A C H R

G A C

Poseidon

A14 Temple

C

Alipheira

A12 Temple

A C H

Tegea

G A C H

Asea, Aghios Elias, Kantreva

G A

Asea, Vigla

A C

Mantineia

G A C H

Orchomenos

G A C

Mytikas Palaiopyrgos

A

Mount Lykaion, G A Kretea

225

Pausanias VIII, 41,8-9

A C

Megalopolis

Mesopolitis Orchomenos

Findings Source (where applicable)

Pausanias, VIII, 30,10 Pausanias VIII, 45,4-7

Pausanias, VIII, 18,7-8

Pausanias VIII, 28,1

Pausanias VIII, 37,1-12

Pausanias, VIII, 26,6 Pausanias VIII, 26,6-7

Only Pausanias VIII, movable 10,2-3 finds

Pausanias, VIII, 53,11

Pausanias, VIII, 44, 4 Pausanias, VIII, 12,5-7

Pausanias, VIII, 13,2 H Pausanias, VIII, 38,8

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

Epithet

Location

A21 Cult

Poseidon

Hippios

Methydrion, Petrovouni

A C H C

Pausanias VIII, 23,3

Pallantion

A C

Pausanias, VIII, 44,5

Pallantion

A C

Pausanias, VIII, 44,5

A22 Sanctuary Artemis A23 Temple

A

A25 Temple

C

A24 Temple A26 Temple

Knakalesia

B

D

Pyronia

A28 Sanctuary Demeter

Thesmia

A30 Temple A31 Temple

Demeter or Artemis Demeter Apollo

Kaphyai, Chotousa

Pallantion

A27 Sanctuary Artemis

A29 Temple

Pallantion Pheneos

A

Thelpusa

A34 Temple

Apollo

Pythios

Pheneos

A35 Cave

Hermes

A37 Temple

Demeter

A38 Temple

Unidentified

A39 Cave

Demeter

A43 Temple

Phigaleia, Perivolia

Of the Tegea Korytheans

Melaina Eleusinia

Gremoulias, Kalavryta Phigaleia

Poseidon

Only Pausanias, VIII, movable 15,1-4 finds

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 8,1 movable finds

Mount Lykaion Kaphyai

226

Only Pausanias, VIII, movable 25,11 finds

H R

A C H C

A G A C A

Pausanias VIII, 25,2

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 15,5 movable finds Pausanias, VIII, 17,1

Only Pausanias VIII, 54,5 movable finds

Only Pausanias, VIII, movable 42,1-12 finds

Trapezous, Basileia

Demeter and Karpophorai Aghios Sostis, Kore Mantineia

Pausanias, VIII, 44,5

Only Pausanias, VIII, 15,9 movable finds

Pausanias VIII, 35,7

C

Kyllene

Unidentified

A42 Sanctuary Pan

H

A

Pheneos

Findings Source (where applicable)

Pausanias, VIII, 44,5

Nestani

Kaousios

A41 Temple

A

Vaggou

A32 Sanctuary Asclepius

A40 Sanctuary Demeter

A C

A C

Thelpusa

A36 Temple

A C

Pheneos

Onkaiates

A33 Sanctuary Asclepius

Dating

A C C

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 29,5 movable finds Pausanias VIII, 53,7

Pausanias, VIII, 38,5

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 23,4 movable finds

Tables Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

A44 Sanctuary Pan and Artemis A45 Temple

Apollo

A46 Sanctuary Dionysus

Epithet

Pythios Mystes

A47 Sanctuary Dioskouroi

Location

Dating

Glanitsa, Amygdalia

A C H

Tegea

A

Tegea, Lithovounia

Aspela

A49 Temple

Aphneios

Tegea

Stymphalia

Stymphalia

A51 Cult

Only Pausanias VIII, 54,6 movable finds

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 21,4 movable finds

Limnatis

A50 Sanctuary Artemis

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 54,5 movable finds

Kleitor

A48 Sanctuary Artemis Ares

Demeter

? Only Pausanias VIII, 53,11 movable finds ? Only Pausanias, VIII, movable 44,7-8 finds ?

Arvanitokerasia

A52 Sanctuary Artemis

Karyatis

Karyai

A54 Sanctuary Aphrodite

Erikyne

Kontovazaina

A56 Temple

Artemis

Hymnia

Orchomenos, road to Levidi

A

A57 Temple

Demeter

Eleusinia

Thelpusa

A C

A58 Temple

Zeus

Thelpusa

A60 Temple

Hera

Mantineia

A62 Temple

Unidentified

Asea, Anemodouri

A53 Temple

Athena

A55 Sanctuary Zeus

Koria

Lykaios

A59 Sanctuary Apollo

A61 Temple

A63 Temple

Unidentified

A65 Temple

Artemis

A64 Sanctuary Artemis and Pan

A C

Kleitor

Mount Lykaion

G A C H

Kalliste Hiereia

? Only movable finds

C C

Pausanias, VIII, 22: 7-9

Pausanias, ΙΙΙ, 10,7

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 21,4 movable finds Pausanias VIII, 24,6

G A C

Chrysovitsi

Unidentified

Findings Source (where applicable)

Pausanias VIII, 38,6-7

Only Pausanias, VIII, 13,1 movable finds

?

Pausanias VIII, 25,2-3

Only movable finds

Pausanias VIII, 9,2-3

Asea, Manari

A

Asea, Marmaria

A

Pausanias, VIII, 44,2

Asea, Paliolakka

A C H R

Pausanias VIII, 44,2

Lykochia

227

A C

A C

Pausanias VIII, 35,8

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

Epithet

Location

Dating

A66 Sanctuary Unidentified

Perivolia

A

A67 Sanctuary Unidentified

Kollines

A

A69 Sanctuary Unidentified

Mantineia

A

A68 Temple

A70 Temple A71 Temple

Unidentified

Athena

Artemis

A72 Sanctuary Aphrodite A73 Sanctuary Pan

Asea, Palaiokastro

Lykoatis

Anchisia Nomios

Mainalon

Arachamites Mantineia

Mount Lykaion, Berekla

A C

Thelpusa

A

A76 Temple

Unidentified

A78 Temple

Mother of the gods

Asea

A

A79 Temple

Unidentified

A

A80 Temple

Apollo

Kereatas

South of Megalopolis, Kamara

A81 Temple

Zeus

Soter

A83 Temple

Great God

A84 Temple

Hera

A85 Temple

Athena

A77 Sanctuary Zeus

A82 Sanctuary Great Goddessess

A86 Sanctuary Aphrodite or Poseidon A87 Sanctuary Aphrodite A88 Sanctuary Dionysus

Erinys

Charmon

H

A C

Unidentified Demeter

Only movable finds

G A C R

A74 Temple A75 Temple

Heraia

Only Pausanias, VIII, 44,4 movable finds Only movable finds

A

Ancient Trapezous, Paliochora

A C

Mantineia, Tripichi Mantineia, Tripichi

228

Only Pausanias VIII, 34,6 movable finds

C

Pausanias VIII, 9,2-3

H

Stymphalos, Velatsouri

H

G A

Only Pausanias, VIII, movable 25,4-7 finds

? Only Pausanias, VIII, 12,1 movable finds

Theisoa, Palaiokatina (Dimitsana)

Melainis

? Only Pausanias VIII, 12,9 movable finds

?

South of Megalopolis, Tourkoleika

Orchomenos

Pausanias VIII, 36,7

A C

Tripoli

Stymphalos

Pausanias VIII, 36,8

Pausanias VIII, 38,11

Lasta, Kolinos

Mantineia

Findings Source (where applicable)

C

Only Pausanias, VIII, 29,1 movable finds

Pausanias VIII, 22,2

Pausanias, VIII, 13,2

A

Pausanias, VIII, 6,5

A

Pausanias, VIII, 6,5

Tables Table 2: : Sacred sites in Arcadia, known only from written sources. Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

AS1 Temple

Asclepius; Leto and children Zeus Dioskouroi Demeter and Kore Aphrodite Athena Demeter Dionysus Demeter Asclepius Eileithyia Artemis Athena Dionysus Pan Asclepius Twelve Gods Dionysus Dionysus Pan Hera Zeus Aphrodite Artemis Poseidon Zeus Mother of the gods Hermes Tyche Zeus Aphrodite Kore Athena Hera Apollo, Muses and Hermes Aphrodite Ares Dionysus Heracles and Hermes Artemis

AS2 Temple AS3 Sanctuary AS4 Sanctuary AS5 AS6 AS7 AS8 AS9 AS10 AS11 AS12 AS13 AS14 AS15 AS16 AS17 AS18 AS19 AS20 AS21 AS22 AS23 AS24 AS25 AS26 AS27

Temple Sanctuary Grove Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple Sanctuary Temple Sanctuary Temple Temple Temple Temple Altar Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple Sanctuary Temple

AS28 AS29 AS30 AS31 AS32 AS33 AS34 AS35

Temple Temple Temple Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple Sanctuary

AS36 AS37 AS38 AS39

Sanctuary Altar Temple Temple

AS40 Temple

Epithet

Epidotos

Symmachia Alea

Ephesia Alea

Polites Auxites

Lecheates

Epoptes Lykaios

Akakesios Philios Machanitis Polias Teleia

Agrotera

Location

Dating

Source

Mantineia

? Pausanias VIII, 9,1

Mantineia Mantineia Mantineia

? Pausanias VIII, 9,2 ? Pausanias VIII, 9,2 ? Pausanias VIII, 9,2 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

Pausanias VIII, 9,6 Pausanias VIII, 9,7 Pausanias VIII, 10,1 Pausanias VIII, 19,2 Pausanias VIII, 21,3 Pausanias VIII, 21,3 Pausanias VIII, 21,3 Pausanias VIII, 23,1 Pausanias VIII, 23,1 Pausanias VIII, 23,1 Pausanias VIII, 24,4 Pausanias VIII, 25,3 Pausanias VIII, 25,3 Pausanias VIII, 26,1 Pausanias VIII, 26,1 Pausanias VIII, 26,2 Pausanias VIII, 26,2 Pausanias VIII, 26,6 Pausanias VIII, 28,6 Pausanias VIII, 28,6 Pausanias VIII, 30,1 Pausanias VIII, 30,2 Pausanias VIII, 30,5

Mantineia Mantineia Kynaitha Kleitor Kleitor Kleitor Alea Alea Alea Psophis Thelpusa Thelpusa Heraia Heraia Heraia Heraia Alipheira Dimitsana Dimitsana Area of Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis

C C

Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis

C C C C C C C C

Pausanias VIII, 30,6 Pausanias VIII, 30,7 Pausanias VIII, 31,4 Pausanias VIII, 31,5 Pausanias VIII, 31,8 Pausanias VIII, 31,9 Pausanias VIII, 31,9 Pausanias VIII, 31,5

Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis Megalopolis

C C C C

Pausanias VIII, 32,2 Pausanias VIII, 32,2 Pausanias VIII, 32,3 Pausanias VIII, 32,3

Megalopolis

C

Pausanias VIII, 32,4

229

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

AS41 Sanctuary

AS44 Sanctuary

Asclepius and Hygeia Asclepius Pais Maniae or Erinyes Eumenides

AS45 Sanctuary

Coureion

AS46 Sanctuary AS47 Cave AS48 Temple

Poseidon Rhea Agathos Theos Athena Wind Boreas Demeter

AS42 Sanctuary AS43 Sanctuary

AS49 Sanctuary AS50 Temenos AS51 Temple and Grove AS52 Sanctuary AS53 Sanctuary AS54 Altar AS55 Sanctuary AS56 Sanctuary AS57 Temple AS58 AS59 AS60 AS61 AS62 AS63 AS64 AS65 AS66 AS67 AS68 AS69 AS70 AS71 AS72 AS73 AS74 AS75 AS76 AS77 AS78 AS79 AS80 AS81

Sanctuary Temple Sanctuary Temple Altar Temple Altar Altar Temenos Temple Sanctuary Altar Altar Temple Temple Temple Temple Sanctuary Temple Temple Cult Cult Temple Sanctuary

Pan Pan Ares Athem Artemis Dionysus Eurynome Athena Artemis Aphrodite Kore Apollo Pan Zeus Telephus Artemis Eileithyia Zeus Gaia Aphrodite Dionysus Asclepius Hermes Pan Erymanthos Asclepius Heracles Demeter Athena Artemis

Epithet

Location

Dating

Megalopolis

C

Pausanias VIII, 32,4

Megalopolis Megalopolis to Messene Megalopolis to Messene Megalopolis to Messene Area of Megalopolis Area of Megalopolis Area of Megalopolis

C

Pausanias VIII, 32,5 ? Pausanias VIII, 3,1 ? Pausanias VIII, 34,3 ? Pausanias VIII, 34,3 ? Pausanias VIII, 35,6 ? Pausanias VIII, 36,3 ? Pausanias VIII, 36,5

Machanitis

Area of Megalopolis Area of Megalopolis in the Marsh Area of Megalopolis

Soteira Acratophorus

Hegemone en Plithio

Lykaios Hegemone Teleios Paphia

Aipytos

Pais Kidaria Tritonia Eurippa

Source

? Pausanias VIII, 36,5 ? Pausanias VIII, 36,6 ? Pausanias VIII, 36,6

Area of Megalopolis Lykosoura Lykosoura Lykosoura Phigaleia Phigaleia

? ? ? ? ? ?

Phigaleia Megalopolis to Asea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea to Sparta Tegea to Sparta Tegea to Argos Lykosoura Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Tegea Psophis Psophis to Thelpusa Mantineia Pheneos Pheneos Pheneos

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

230

G

Pausanias VIII, 36,7 Pausanias VIII, 37,11-12 Pausanias VIII, 37,12 Pausanias VIII, 37,12 Pausanias VIII, 39,6 Pausanias VIII, 39,6

Pausanias VIII, 41,5 Pausanias VIII, 44,2 Pausanias VIII, 47,6 Pausanias VIII, 48,1 Pausanias VIII, 53,8 Pausanias VIII, 53,8 Pausanias VIII, 53,11 Pausanias VIII, 53,11 Pausanias VIII, 54,6 Pausanias VIII, 37,1 Pausanias VIII, 48,7 Pausanias VIII, 48,6 Pausanias VIII, 48,8 Pausanias VIII, 53,7 Pausanias VIII, 53,7 Pausanias VIII, 54,5 Pausanias VIII, 47,4 Pausanias VIII, 54,6 Pausanias VIII, 24,12 Pausanias VIII, 25,11 Thoukydides V, 64,5 Pausanias VIII, 15,1-3 ? Pausanias, VIII, 14,5 ? Pausanias VIII, 14,5

Tables Nr. Sacred Place

Deity

Epithet

Location

AS82 Sanctuary and Grove AS83 Temple AS84 Temple AS85 Temple AS86 Temple

Artemis

Kondyleatis

Kaphyai

? Pausanias, VIII, 23,6-7

Athena Hermes Athena Artemis

Hippia

Tegea, Manthourea Pheneos Tegea Megalopolis

? Pausanias VIII, 47,1 ? Pausanias, VIII, 14,10 ? Pausanias, VIII, 47,5 Pausanias VIII, 35,5.

Polias Skiatis

Dating

C

Source

Table 3: Sacred sites in Elis (found, excavated, or only movable surface finds). Nr. Kind of Deity Sacred place

Epithet

Location

Dating

E1

Temple

Hera

E3

Temple

Mother of the gods

E4

Sanctuary

Olympia

E5

Altar

Eleithyia and Sosipolis

E7

Altar

Pelops

Olympia

G A C

Olympia

G A C

E2

E6 E8 E9

Temple

Sanctuary Altar Oracle

E10 Sanctuary E11 Altar

E12 Temple E13 Temple E14 Temple E15 Temple

Olympia

Zeus

Hera

Olympia

Zeus

Aphrodite Heracles

Demeter Athena

Artemis Athena

Urania Idaios

Limnatis

Makistos

G A C

Pausanias V, 13,811

Pausanias VI, 20,6 Pausanias VI, 20,6 Pausanias V, 14,7 Pausanias V,5,6

A C

Kombothekra G A C H Skillountia

Zeus

Makrysia

E19 Temple

Hera

E20 Temenos

Artemis

Ancient Epitalio

A C

H R

Makrysia, Kambouli

A C A C H R

Letrinoi

C H

231

Pausanias VΙ, 20, 2-6

Pausanias V, 14,8

A C

Prasidaki

Pausanias V, 20,9

Pausanias V, 13,1-2

G A

Lepreon

Pausanias V, 10,112,7

Pausanias V, 14,4

G A

Olympia

E17 Temple

Only movable finds

C

G

Platiana

Alpheiaia

R

G A

Olympia

Unidentified

Female deity

C

Olympia

E16 Temple

E18 Sanctuary

G

Source (where applicable) Pausanias V, 17,1

C H R

(Metroon) Olympia

Olympia

Gaia

G A C H R

Olympia

Hestia

Findings

Only movable finds

Strabo, 8, 3,13

Only movable finds Only movable finds

Pausanias VI, 22,811; Strabo 8, 3,12

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. Kind of Deity Sacred place

Epithet

Location

E21 Temple

Athena

Meter

Aspra Litharia

C

E23 Sanctuary

Artemis

Ephesia

Olympia

C

North bank of Alpheios

C

E22 Temple

Zeus

E24 Temple

Unidentified

E25 Temple

Dionysus

E26 Temple

Aphrodite

E29 Sanctuary

Demeter Demeter

Makrysia

Elis Urania

E27 Perivolos and Hades temple E28 Altar

Dating

Elis

A

Chamyne

Olympia

C H

Olympia

C H R

232

Source (where applicable) Pausanias V,3,2

?

Pausanias VI,5,6,6; Xenophon 5,3,4-13

? Only movable finds

Pausanias, VI, 26: 1-2

? Only movable finds

Pausanias VI, 25: 2-3

Only movable finds

Elis Chamyne

Findings

Pausanias VI, 25,1

Pausanias VI, 20,9 Pausanias VI, 21,1

Tables Table 4: Sacred sites in Elis, known only from written sources. Nr.

Sacred place

Deity

Epithet

Location

ES1

Temple

Zeus

Leukaios

Lepreon

? Pausanias V, 5,5

ES3

Altar

Zeus

Olympia

? Pausanias V, 14,1

ES2 ES4 ES5 ES6 ES7 ES8 ES9

Cave

Temple Cult Cult

Temenos

Sanctuary Sanctuary

ES10 Sanctuary ES11 Cult

ES12 Sanctuary

Nymphs Athena Cronus

Hippodameia

ES19 Altar

ES20 Temple

ES21 Sanctuary ES22 Temple ES23 Temple

ES24 Sanctuary ES25 Sanctuary ES26 Sanctuary ES27 Sanctuary ES28 Sanctuary

Artemis

Kordax

Olympia

Idaios

Elis

Dionysus Nymphs

Eros

Achilles

Ionides

Irakleia

Akesios

Charites Seilenos Tyche

Athena Athena

Sosipolis

ES30 Temenos

Hades

ES32 Sanctuary ES34 Sanctuary

Makistios

? Pausanias VI, 25,1 ? Pausanias VI, 21,3 ? Pausanias VI, 21,4

G

? Pausanias VI, 21,5 Pausanias VI, 22,1

? Pausanias VI, 22, 7; Strabo 8, 3,32

? Pausanias VI, 23,3 ? Pausanias VI, 23,8

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 24,3

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 24,6

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 24,6 ? Pausanias VI, 24,8

? Pausanias VI, 24,10

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 25,4

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 16,7

Elis

? Pausanias VI, 26,3

Elis

Poseidon

Pausanias VI, 20,7

? Pausanias VI, 23,3

Elis Narkaia

Pausanias VI, 20,1

? Pausanias VI, 23,3

Elis

Unidentified

G

? Pausanias VI, 21,6

? Pausanias VI, 23,3

Elis

Apollo

Zeus

G

? Pausanias VI, 23,3

Elis

Philomeirax Elis

Source

? Pausanias V, 5,11; Strabo 8,3,19

Arcadia-Elis

Artemis

Heracles

ES33 Grove

Elis

Leukyanites Arcadia-Elis

Demeter and Kore

ES29 Sanctuary

ES31 Sanctuary

Olympia

Demainetos Arcadia-Elis

Anteros

ES18 Sanctuary

Olympia

Asclepius

ES15 Altar

ES17 Temenos

Phrixa

Pandemos

Heracles

Heracles

ES16 Altar

Kydonia

Samiko

Aphrodite

ES13 Altar ES14 Altar

Anigrides

Dating

? Pausanias VI, 25,4

Samiko, Lepreon

? Pausanias V, 6, 5-6; VI,25,5-6; Strabo 8, 3,13; 16-17 ? Strabo 8,3,21.

Minthe

? Strabo 8, 3,14.

Aphrodite

Kyllene

? Pausanias VI, 26,5

Leto

Makistos

Asclepius

Demeter

Kyllene

Minthe

233

? Pausanias VI, 26,5; Strabo 8, 3,4 ? Strabo 8,3,14

? Strabo 8, 3,25

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Table 5: Sacred sites in Messenia (found, excavated, or only movable surface finds). Nr.

Sacred place

Deity

M1

Temple

M2

Temple

Asklepius and Hygeia

M4

Sanctuary Zeus

M5

Sanctuary Eileithyia and the Kouretes

M3

M6

Temple

Artemis Artemis

Temple

Aphrodite

M7

Temple

M8

Temple

M9

Temple

Epithet

Location Ithome

Oupesia

A

Messene

Limnatis Messene or Laphria Ithomatas Mount Ithome Mount Ithome

G

Pausanias VI, 31,9

Messene

Messene

H

Messene

M12 Cult

Messene

Dionysus

M14 Sanctuary Pamisos M15 Sanctuary Apollo

Korythos

M16 Temple

Apollo

Asinaios

M18 Temple

Athena

M19 Temple

Syrian Goddess

Unidentified

M20 Sanctuary Artemis M21 Sanctuary Great Gods Poseidon

A C H R

H G A C

Aghios Andreas

G A C H R

A

Only movable finds

Pausanias IV, 31,6

Pausanias IV, 31,11.

Pausanias IV, 31,9.

Pausanias IV,31,4

Pausanias IV, 34,7 ?

Phaneromene R

? Only movable finds

R

Area of Kalamata, Limnai

G A C H R

Andania

G

Mila

G A C

234

Pausanias IV, 31,6

H

Koroni

Thouria, Hellinika

Only movable finds

Only movable finds

Akovitika

Aghios Floros

Pausanias IV, 31,6

R

Thouria, Hellinika

Limnatis

Only movable finds

H

Messene

M13 Sanctuary Poseidon

M22 Temple

Pausanias IV, 33,1-2

H

Hermes and Heracles

Pausanias IV, 31,6

G A

Messene

Ithome

M17 Temple

H

Poseidon

Soter

Pausanias IV, 31,10

H R

H

Zeus

Findings Source (where applicable)

H

Messene

M10 Sanctuary Demeter and Dioskouroi M11 Temenos

Dating

R

Pausanias IV,34,11

Pausanias IV, 31,2 Only movable finds Only movable finds

Pausanias IV, 31,3; Strabo 8,4,9 Pausanias IV, 33,4-5

Tables Nr.

Sacred place

Deity

Epithet

Location

M23 Temple

Asclepius

Aulonius

Pylos

M24 Cave

Nymphs

M25 Grove

Apollo

Dating

Dimiova Pharai

G A

M26 Sanctuary Unidentified

Militsa

G

M28 Temple

Mother of the Gods

Messene

M29 Temple

Asclepius and Hygeia

M27 Sanctuary Unidentified

M30 Sanctuary Isis and Serapis

Karneios

C

Ano Melpeia

A C

? Only movable finds

Pausanias IV, 36,7

Only movable finds

Pausanias IV, 31,1

Only movable finds

Pausanias IV, 31,6

Only movable finds

H

Thouria

H

Messene

H R

235

Findings Source (where applicable)

Pausanias IV, 32,6

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Table 6: Sacred sites in Messenia, known only from written sources. Nr.

Sacred place

Deity

MS1

Sanctuary

Machaon

Gerenia

MS2

Sanctuary

Asclepius

Avia

MS4

Temple

Tyche

Pharai

MS3 MS5 MS6

Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary

MS7

Sanctuary

MS9

MS8

MS10 MS11 MS12 MS13 MS14 MS15 MS16 MS17 MS18

Epithet

Heracles

Avia

Athena

Nikomachos and Gorgasos

Location

Akovitika Pharai

Dating

Source ? Pausanias IV, 3,2; IV, 36,7; ΙΙΙ, 26,9; Strabo 8,4,4.

? Pausanias IV, 30,1 ? Pausanias IV, 30,1

? Pausanias IV, 30,3-4 ? Strabo 8, 360

? Pausanias IV, 30,3

Athena

Nedousaia

Kalamata

? Strabo 8,4, 4

Temple

Artemis

Paidotrophos

Petalidi

? Pausanias IV, 34,5

Temple

Asclepius

Petalidi

? Pausanias IV, 34,5

Sacred perivolos Temple

Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Temple

Ino-Leukothea

Dionysus Dryops

Athena

Anemotis

Athena

Koryphasia

Artemis

Sanctuary Dionysus and spring Sanctuary Sanctuary

Apollo

Athena

Petalidi

Petalidi Koroni

Methoni Methoni Pylos

Kyparissia Kyparissia Kyparissia

236

? Pausanias IV, 34,4

? Pausanias IV, 34,5 ? Pausanias IV, 34,11 ? Pausanias IV, 35,8 ? Pausanias IV, 35,8 ? Pausanias IV, 36,2 ? Pausanias IV, 36,7 ? Pausanias IV, 36,7 ? Pausanias IV, 36,8

Tables Table 7: Sacred sites in Laconia (found, excavated, or only movable surface finds). Nr. Sacred place

Deity

L1

Sanctuary

L2

Sanctuary

Apollo and Yakinthos

L4

Temple

Eileithyia

L5

Temple

Athena

L6

Sanctuary

Apollo

L7

Sanctuary

L8

Sanctuary

Alexandra and Agamemnon

L9

Temenos

L3

Sanctuary

Unidentified Artemis

Helen and Menelaus

Epithet

Location Amyklai

Orthia

Kardamyle

Sparta

G A

H R Only movable finds

G A C

Kosmas

A C

Amyklai

G A C H

Therapne

G A C H

Messapeus

Sparta, Xirokambi

A

L10 Sanctuary

Demeter

Eleusinia

A C

L11 Sanctuary

Achilles

Taygetos, Kalyvia Sochas Gytheion, Palaiochora

A

L13 Temple

Athena

Gytheion, Palaiopolis

L14 Temple

Dionysus

L15 Sanctuary

Unidentified

Gytheion, Koumaro Hill

L16 Sanctuary

Asclepius

Philolaos

Asopos

L17 Sanctuary

Athena

Kyparissia

Asopos

L18 Sanctuary

Apollo

Hyperteleatas Phoiniki, Molaoi

Sparta

Poseidon

A C H

Only movable finds

A

H R

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 17,1 Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 17,2

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 19,6

Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 20,3

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 19,9

Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 20,5

Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 21,5

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 20,8

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 21,9

? Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,2

? Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,910

? Only movable finds

C

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 16,711

Only movable finds

? Only movable finds

Glyppia

237

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 18,1019,5

A C H R

G A

Zeus

L12 Temple

Findings Source (where applicable)

G A C H R

Sparta

Chalkioikos or Sparta Polias Maleatas

Dating

Only movable finds

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,10 Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,10

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. Sacred place

Deity

Epithet

Location

L19 Sanctuary

Artemis

Limnatis

Epidaurus Limera

L20 Cave

Asklepius

L21 Temple

Artemis

Issoria

Kotronas

L22 Sanctuary

Poseidon

Tainarios

Tainaron

L24 Sanctuary

Sarapis

L23 Sanctuary

Athena

Hippolaitis

Ano Poula

L27 Temple

Kournou

L26 Temple

Unidentified

Kournou

L28 Sanctuary

Mother of the Gods

Kastraki

Demeter

Kappotas

L30 Sanctuary

Unidentified

L31 Temple

Unidentified

L32 Sanctuary

Zeus

Plousios

L34 Sanctuary

Zeus

Messapeus

L35 Temple

Asklepius

Kotyleus

L36 Sanctuary

Unidentified

L38 Temple

Unidentified

L33 Sanctuary

L37 Sanctuary L39 Sanctuary

Gaia

Female deity Aphrodite

? Only movable finds ? Only movable finds

H G A C H R G A C H

Oitylon Thalamai

Zeus

Findings Source (where applicable)

Kyphanta

L25 Sanctuary Ino-Pasiphae and dreamoracle

L29 Sacred stone

Dating

A

R

Kalogonia, Sparta

Aphyssou, Tsakona

Sparta

Only movable finds

Dichova

238

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 25,10 Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 26,1

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,4

C

H

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 22,1

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 19,7 Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 12,8

G A C H R C

R

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 19,7

C

A C H R

Sparta

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 25,5

A

Aphyssou, Ktirakia Apidia

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 25,9

? Only movable finds

G A C H

Therapne Sparta

Only movable finds

H R

Gytheion Taygetos, Sela

Pausanias III, 25,4

R

G A

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 24,2

Only movable finds

? Only movable finds

H

Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 23,10

G A C H R A

Only movable finds

Tables Table 8: Sacred sites of Laconia, known only from written sources. Nr.

Sacred place

Deity

Epithet

Location

LS1

Sanctuary

Zeus

Skotitas

Hermai

LS2

Temple

Ceasar

LS4

Temple

Athena and Poseidon

LS3

Temple

LS5

Sanctuary

LS6

Sanctuary

LS8

Temenos

LS7 LS9

LS10 LS11 LS12 LS13 LS14 LS15 LS16 LS17 LS18 LS19 LS20

Sanctuary Altar

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple Temple Altar

LS21

Temenos

LS23

Temple

LS22 LS24 LS25 LS26 LS27 LS28

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary

Augustus

Apollo and Hera Moirai

Keleutheia

Apollo

Acritas

Gaia and Zeus Diktynna

Maron and Alpheios Zeus

Great Mother Castor

Zeus Amboulios

Unknown Hero

LS34 LS35 LS36 LS37

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary

Sparta Sparta Sparta Sparta

Hypercheiria

Asclepius

Hippocourios

Artemis

Issoria and Limnaia

Artemis

Sarapis Dioskouroi

Aiginaia

Olympios

Charites

Eileithyia

Karneios

Asclepius

Agnitas

Artemis

Hegemone

? Pausanias III, 12,8 ? Pausanias III, 11,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 12,9 ? Pausanias III, 13,1 ? Pausanias III, 13,3 ? Pausanias III, 13,3 ? Pausanias III, 13,6 ? Pausanias III, 13,7

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 13,8

Sparta Sparta Sparta Sparta Sparta

? Pausanias III, 13,8 ? Pausanias III, 13,8 ? Pausanias III, 14,2 ? Pausanias III, 14,2 ? Pausanias III, 14,2 ? Pausanias III, 14,2

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 14,5

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 14,5

Sparta Sparta Sparta

Apollo

? Pausanias III, 12,5

Sparta Sparta

Argeia

Poseidon

Zeus

Sanctuary

Sparta

Hera

Sanctuary

LS33

Sparta

Euanemos

LS31

Sanctuary

Sparta

Zeus

Hera

? Pausanias III, 12,5

Sparta

Soteira

Pausanias III, 11,5

? Pausanias III, 11,9

Sparta

Sparta

Zeus, Athena and Dioskouroi

Kore

Pausanias III, 11,4

? Pausanias III, 11,10

Sparta

Olympia

R

Sparta

Sparta

Tropaios

R

? Pausanias III, 10,6

? Pausanias III, 11,9

Sparta

Agoraios

Aphrodite

Thetis

LS32

Tainarios

Source

Sparta

Sparta

Artemis

Sanctuary Sanctuary

Sparta

Arsinoe

LS29 LS30

Sparta

Agoraia and Asphaleios

Athena

Poseidon

Sparta

Dating

Sparta Sparta Sparta Sparta

239

? Pausanias III, 14,5 ? Pausanias III, 14,7 ? Pausanias III, 14,7 ? Pausanias III, 14,7 ? Pausanias III, 14,7 ? Pausanias III, 14,7 ? Pausanias III, 14,7

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese Nr. LS38

Sacred place Sanctuary

Deity

Epithet

Location

Poseidon

Domatites

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 14,7

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 15,3

LS39

Sanctuary

Helen

LS41

Sanctuary

Athena

LS40 LS42 LS43 LS44 LS45 LS46 LS47 LS48 LS49 LS50 LS51 LS52 LS53 LS54 LS55

Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple Temple

Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Temple Temple Temple Temple

LS56

Sanctuary

LS58

Temple

LS57 LS59 LS60 LS61 LS62 LS63 LS64 LS65 LS66 LS67 LS68 LS69 LS70 LS71 LS72 LS73 LS74 LS75

Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Temenos

Sanctuary Sanctuary Sanctuary Temple

Sanctuary Sanctuary

Heracles Athena

Hipposthenes

Axiopoinos

Zeus

Muses

Knagia

Ares

Theritas

Charites, Phaenna and Clita Polydeuces Dioskouroi Poseidon Dionysus Helios

Temple

Apollo

Sanctuary and Grove

All the gods

Temple

Roman Emperors

? Pausanias III, 17,4 ? Pausanias III, 17,5 ? Pausanias III, 17,5 ? Pausanias III, 18,3

? Pausanias III, 18,4

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 18,6

Therapne

? Pausanias III, 19,8

Therapne

? Pausanias III, 20,2

Therapne

Gaiochos

? Pausanias III, 20,1

Therapne

? Pausanias III, 20,2

Taygetos

? Pausanias III, 20,3

Taygetos

? Pausanias III, 20,4

Taygetos

? Pausanias III, 20,9

Pellana

? Pausanias III, 21,2

Pellana

? Pausanias III, 20,9

Gytheion

? Pausanias III, 21,8

Gytheion

? Pausanias III, 21,9

Gytheion

Migonitis

? Pausanias III, 21,9

Gytheion

? Pausanias III, 22,1

Geronthrai

? Pausanias III, 22,7

Geronthrai, Acropolis

Pantheon

? Pausanias III, 22,7

Geronthrai

Sanctuary

Artemis

Geronthrai

Sanctuary

Athena

Asopos

Temple

? Pausanias III, 17,4

Sparta

Asclepius

Temple and Ares Grove

? Pausanias III, 16,6

Sparta

Mysia

Aphrodite

? Pausanias III, 16,1

Sparta

Artemis

Demeter

? Pausanias III, 15,10

Sparta

Sparta

Stemmatias

Ammon

? Pausanias III, 15,9

Sparta

Sparta

Kranios

Asclepius

Sparta

Sparta

Kosmetas

Artemis

Ammon

? Pausanias III, 15,9

Sparta

Ergane

Areia

? Pausanias III, 15,7

Sparta

Genethlios

Aphrodite

? Pausanias III, 15,6

Sparta

Hoplismene

Athena

? Pausanias III, 15,6

Sparta

Aphrodite

Lycourgos

? Pausanias III, 15,3

Sparta

Aigophagos

Ilaeira and Phoibe

Source

Sparta

Hera

Poseidon

Dating

Asopos

Apollo

Boiai

240

? Pausanias III, 22,8

R

? Pausanias III, 22,8

Pausanias III, 22,10

? Pausanias III, 22,11 ? Pausanias III, 22,13

Tables Nr. LS76

Sacred place Temple

LS77

Temple

LS78

Temple

LS80

Sanctuary

LS79

Sanctuary

Deity Asclepius

Asclepius and Hygeia Apollo

Aphrodite

Sanctuary

Asclepius

LS82

Temple

Athena

LS83

Temple

Zeus

LS84

Temple

Apollo

LS86

Sanctuary

Achilles

LS87 LS88 LS89 LS90 LS91

Sanctuary Temple Temple Temple Temple

Sanctuary

LS92

Sanctuary

LS94

Sanctuary

LS93 LS95 LS96 LS97 LS98 LS99

Sanctuary Sanctuary Megaron Temple

Sanctuary Temple

LS100 Sanctuary

Location

Dionysus

Asclepius

Itis

Epidelius

Maleas

Epidaurus Limera

Soter

Asia

R

? Pausanias III, 22,13

Pausanias III, 23, 3-4

? Pausanias III, 23,10 ? Pausanias III, 23,10

Epidaurus Limera

? Pausanias III, 23,10

Brasiai

? Pausanias III, 24,5

Epidaurus Limera

? Pausanias III, 23,10

Zarakas

? Pausanias III, 24,2

Brasiai

? Pausanias III, 24,5

Mount Ilion Mount Ilion

? Pausanias III, 24,8 ? Pausanias III, 24,8

Artemis

Diktynna

Hypsoi

? Pausanias III, 24,9

Artemis

Astrateia

Pyrrichos

? Pausanias III, 25,3

Asclepius and Artemis Zeus

Apollo

Demeter

Knakadion

? Pausanias III, 24,7

Karneios

Daphnaia

Hypsoi

River Skyras

Amazonios

Pyrrichos

Kainepolis

Aphrodite

Kainepolis

Asklepius

Leuktra

Kassandra

Leuktra

Athena

Athena

LS104 Sanctuary

Klaia

Apollo

LS105 Sanctuary

Dionysus

LS107 Temple

Athena

LS108 Temple

? Pausanias III, 22,13

Apollo

LS102 Sanctuary

LS106 Sanctuary

? Pausanias III, 22,13

Epidaurus Limera

Las

Leuktra

LS101 Temple and Eros Grove LS103 Sanctuary

Source

Boiai

Asclepius Athena

Dating

Boiai

Sarapis and Isis

LS81

LS85

Epithet

Artemis

Dionysus

Leuktra

Karneios

Kolonatas

? Pausanias III, 24,9

? Pausanias III, 25,2 ? Pausanias III, 25,3 ? Pausanias III, 25,9 ? Pausanias III, 25,9 ? Pausanias III, 26,4 ? Pausanias III, 26,5 ? Pausanias III, 26,5 ? Pausanias III, 26,5

Kardamyle

? Pausanias III, 26,5

Mount Kalathion

? Pausanias III, 26,11

Kardamyle

Ophthalmitis

? Pausanias III, 24,8

? Pausanias III, 26,7

Alagonia

? Pausanias III, 26,11

Sparta

? Pausanias III, 18,2

Alagonia Sparta

241

? Pausanias III, 26,11 ? Pausanias ΙΙΙ, 13,7; Polemon, Athenaeus 13: 574, (34); Strabo 8, 363

Maps*

Map 1. Peloponnesian sites discussed in the text, with the extent of detail Maps 1A–D indicated in coloured frames.

* Made in QGIS using high-resolution Geo-Tiffs from the ASCSA GIS resource page (https://www.ascsa.edu.gr/excavations/ ancient-corinth/digital-corinth/maps-gis-data-and-archaeological-data-for-corinth-and-greece; James Herbst, CC-BY-SA 4.0). River network is from Copernicus (full, open and free access, as established by the Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) No 1159/2013 of 12 July 2013.)

242

Maps

Map 1A. Sacred places in south-west Arcadia, see Map 1 for context.

243

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese

Map 1B. Sacred places in Olympia, see Map 1 for context.

244

Maps

Map 1C. Sacred places in Ithome-Messene, see Map 1 for context.

245

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese

Map 1D. Sanctuaries in Sparta, see Map 1 for context.

246

Maps

Map 2. Geometric sites with sacred places in the Peloponnese.

247

Exploring the Sacred Landscape of the Ancient Peloponnese

Map 3. Sites with new Archaic sacred places in the Peloponnese.

248

Maps

Map 4. Sites with new Classical sacred places in the Peloponnese.

249

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