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Explorations in classical sociological theory: seeing the social world
 1412905729, 9781412905725

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'Seeing the Social World

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Explorations in Qassical Sociological Theory

Explorations in Classical Sociological Theory

Seeing the Social World

KENNETH ALLAN University of North Carolina

JM^. PINE FORGE PRESS '%^^^= An Imprint of Sage Publications, Inc. '

Thousand Oaks



London



New Delhi

@ 2005 by

Copyright

All rights reserved.

Pine Forge Press.

No

part of this

book may be reproduced or

utilized in

any form or by any

means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage

and

without permission in writing from the publisher.

retrieval system,

For information: Pine Forge Press

jMJfiu

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^F

Teller

Road

Thousand Oaks,

California 9 1 320

E-mail: [email protected]

Sage Publications Ltd. 1

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London EC1Y ISP United Kingdom Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B-42, Panchsheel Enclave Post

Box 4109

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Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Allan, Kenneth, 1951-

Explorations in classical sociological theory

world

/

p.

seeing the social

cm.

Includes bibliographical references

ISBN 1-4129-0572-9

'

and index.

p.

'pbk.: acid-free paper)

— Philosophy— History— 19th century—Textbooks. — Philosophy—History—20th century—Textbooks.

Sociology

1.

2.

:

Kenneth Allan.

Sociology

I.

Seeing the social world.

II.

Title.

HM445.A45 2005 301'.01—dc22 200401915-

This book

05

06

is

07

printed on acid-free paper.

08

Acquisitions Editor:

10

9

8

7

6

5

Jerry \\ estbv

Production Editor:

Denise Santoyo

Copy

Teresa Herlinger

Editor:

4

Typesetter:

C&M

Indexer:

Kathy Paparchontis

Cover Designer:

Michelle Lee Kenny

Digitals

|

P

)

Ltd.

3

2

1

Title:

2

Contents

Acknowledgments

ix

Prelude

xi

1.

Imagining Society

1

Foundations of Theory

The

3

Sociological Perspective

5

Assumptions Concerning Society

7

Assumptions Concerning Values

15

The Beginnings of Theory and Learning to Theorize

18

Themes in Summary

21

Classical

Theory

23

24

Building Your Theory Toolbox 2.

Organic Evolution— Herbert Spencer

1820-1903)

(British

27

The Perspective: The Evolution of the

30

Universe at a Glance Social Evolution

35

Social Institutions

46

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

55

Summary

58

Building Your Theory Toolbox 3.

Engines of Change

59

— Karl Marx (German, 1818-1883)

The Perspective: Human Nature,

History,

and

63 69

Reality

The Basic Features of Capitalism

75

The Ramifications of Capitalism

85

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

95

Summary

97

98

Building Your Theory Toolbox 4.

Cultural

Consensus— Emile Durkheim

The Perspective:

Social Facts

Religious Roots of Society

(French, 1885-1917)

and the Law of Culture

101

105 1

1

and Morality

Social Diversity

121

Individualism

130

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodern ity

Summary

133 .

Building Your Theory Toolbox

Authority and Rationality

1

in

38

— Max Weber

(German, 1864-1920) The Perspective: Complex Sociology The Evolution of Religion The Rise of Capitalism: Religion and Class, Authority, and Social Change Rationality

137

143 147

154 States

159

164

Action

172

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

176

Summary

180

Building Your Theory Toolbox

181



Society and the Individual Georg Simmel (German, 1858-1918) The Perspective: The Individual and Objective Culture Social

Forms

192

Objective Institutions: Religion and

Gender

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

Summary Building Your Theory Toolbox

Self-Consciousness

229

The Perspective: Society

Human

Tools:

Living Outside the

The Emergent

232 237

Inside

Symbols and Minds

Moment

—The

242

Self

248

Big Brother

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

252

Summary

255

256

Building Your Theory Toolbox

A

210

220 223 225

—George Herbert Mead

(American, 1863-1931) Basic

188

200

Objectifying Culture

Two

185

Society of Difference

— Harriet Martineau,

Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and W.E.B.

An Open

Du

Bois

259

Letter

Harriet Martineau (British,

259

1802-1876)

262

Martineau's Perspective: Natural

Law and the Hope

of Happiness

263

Observing Morals and Manners:

Institutions

266 270

Summary

278

Methods of

Social Research

..

Charlotte Perkins Gilman (American, 1860-1935)

279

Gilman's Perspective: Evolution With a Twist

281

Dynamics of

284 290

Social Evolution

Summary Du Bois (American, 1868-1963) Du Bois' Perspective: The Experience

291

W.E.B.

Oppression and

Critical

of

Knowledge

Cultural Oppression

The Dark Nations and World Capitalism

Summary Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Building Your Theory Toolbox 9.

The Problem of Meaning and Reality— Alfred Schutz (Austrian, 1899-1959) The

Perspective: Social

Reality

From

Phenomenology

in

the Lifeworld

Ordering the Lifeworld

— Creating Human

Reality

Connecting With Others Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

Summary Building Your Theory Toolbox

The

Social

System

341

Perspective: Abstract Social Systems

The Making of the

Social

System

347 351

System Functions and Control

359

Change Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Summary

366 368

Social

Building Your Theory Toolbox 11.

314 320 323 330 334 337 338

—Talcott Parsons

(American, 1902-1979)

The

311

— Seeing

Human Viewpoint

a

Being Conscious

10.

294 297 300 302 303 307

Theorizing Society to See

Possibilities

References Finding Your

373

377

— Provocative How to See—Tools of the Trade

What

371

378 381

387

Way Through

An Annotated

the Maze:

Glossary of Terms

393

Index

419

About the Author

431

Acknowledgments

My

thanks go out to

my

all

who

students

important issues in teaching theory. graduate students

Shimkus,

Damion

Raba, Aly

who

and Josh Kelley

Esler,

Teresa Herlinger,

which

I

is

a true

Day, Margaret Hunter, cially

Amy

comments

It's I

Richard

later

is

E. Skeen,

me

from

editors at Pine Forge, Jerry

and

my copyed-

failed to see that to

been a joy working with you. I'm also

book

reviewers: Bruce

substantially better because of their work.

my undergraduate

gave

My

received from the

professors: to

the heart of sociology; to Douglas Deagher

exam and

on

my

Chasteen-Miller, Jieming Chen, Ralph Pyle, and espe-

Richard Garnett; the book

thanks especially to

focus in

creative assistance,

wordsmith whose eyes never

was blind; many, many thanks.

thankful for the constructive

me

thank several of

have helped

especially

aided in various stages of the manuscript: Liz

Westby and Ben Penner, have given wonderfully itor,

I

who

gave

me

a B-

on

my

first

the opportunity to study the classics firsthand;

whom

I

learned that teaching

My

David McKell for showing

is

a subversive activity.

me

theory

and

to

And

to

Steve Kroll-Smith, who gave me the freedom and support necessary to find my voice, my continuing gratitude. am particularly grateful to my wife and best friend, Jen, I

without whose patience and support

this project

would never have been completed.

Photo Credits Special thanks to

all

the rights holders of the following theorists' photographs:

©

Chapter

2,

Herbert Spencer:

Chapter

3,

Karl Marx:

Chapter

4,

Emile Durkheim:

Chapter

5,

Max Weber: ©

Granger Collection

Chapter

6,

Georg Simmel:

©

Chapter

7,

George Herbert Mead:

Chapter

8,

Harriet Martineau, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and W.E.B.

©

Bettman/Corbis

Bettman/Corbis

©

Bettman/Corbis

Granger Collection

©

Granger Collection

Du Bois, ©

Bettman/Corbis Chapter

10, Talcott Parsons:

©

Granger Collection

IX

Prelude

Two

personal experiences formed the motivation for this book. The

when I was

occurred I

attended a workshop on teaching theory to undergraduates. Several of the

most prominent class.

theorists in the United States

were on the panel, two of them world

was very excited about the presentations, not only because of the stature of

I

the people presiding, but also because theory.

I

that this

felt

career. Yes,

know

I

I

had known

workshop was going

that research

is

to

for years that

I

wanted

teaching,

the guiding force in our discipline,

you can change the way someone

impact students' perspectives most of

and

I

my

have

special. In

is

And teaching theory can about how people think.

sees the world.

because

all,

to teach

be one of the most important of

always looked forward to paper presentations as well. But teaching

I

first

my last year of graduate school,

a graduate student. In

it is all

got to the workshop early and eagerly secured a front-row seat. By the time the

presentations began, the place was packed. Apparently, there were a lot of people interested in teaching theory to undergraduates.

retical

paper when the

The

It

first

first

was

like the

I

theorists in the

was

world

excited.

I

was about

to hear

tell

speaker began.

words out of

Say again?!?

ates."

I

me how to convey theoideas to the minds of students. My notepad was open and my pen was on the

two of the most accomplished

really

his

mouth

hope

wisdom of the

were, "You can't teach theory to undergradu-

my face didn't convey the shock

ages boiled

pen on paper and the pen never moved

down

to

"you

can't

I felt. I

do

for the entire hour.

I

it." I

made

was stunned. sat there it

my

with

goal to

prove that professor wrong.

The next experience occurred

just a

few years ago.

I

had been teaching both

undergraduate and graduate theory for quite some time, and

me, the

ability to

form and discuss ideas

is

something that

Some people can spend hours watching football theory, the pinnacle of our ideas

and thought.

you, so

As

I

and

let's

get

said,

After class

I

one

it

actually leaves

back to

If

I

fundamentally human.

me it's

I'd

barely notice.

I

know,

But for the moment,

I

it's

have

my story. for

was erasing the board,

tions. Just before she left she said,

And

To

a ball.

I'm involved in talking about ideas

me few people to talk to.

had been teaching theory day, as

was having

or talking about politics; for

and theory, the world could probably pass away and pretty sad,

is

I

"You know,

some

years

a student I

and having

came up

a great time.

to ask

some ques-

got into sociology because

every class I've taken has been really exciting. But this class makes

love

it.

me want

to

I

XI



xii

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

quit."

Ouch! There's nothing

me

love best. Don't get

woman's comment went However, I

is

hard work. Well,

terms,

and

meant

are

it

and

it's

ways. Theoretical thinking disturbs

Not only that

is

hard work and theory

what we

we normally

do.

theory textbooks

I

try to

condensing a

is

took Marx four or

it

chapter.

do

theory books are sarily

make your

actually painful to

is

difficult,

and

it

my

student's

a little different

One

thing

I

try to

as

often our texts are dry

we

worth of material into one

you're reading the chapter

ally

had

inviting.

a professor

she had learned as really true,

but

I

is

another, perhaps

comment,



much

it is

I

more

is

have been working

basic reason

at

as possible

and don't convey

is

book

first

and

a theory

book second.

to write in a conversational tone.

is

that

I

focus

More

world

much more complex

We can

actu-

on the

my meaning.

perspectives of the individual theorists.

case,

—or they

what the

force the theory into a

theorist

is

importantly, the reason to have multiple voices

I

I

categorize the theorists into one of three perspectives

slighted.

rist.

want the

she had about Simmel! I'm not sure that's

paradigm, most notably science. In either

or science. So,

I

fact,

of the earlier versions of a chapter say that

functionalism, conflict theory, or interactionism

is

Too

about the material.

a sense of excitement

include a lot of personal examples and insights. In

.Another difference

why most

making theory more

quite a few stories in these pages to convey

Most theory books

in this

the product of those efforts, and as a result,

a teaching

who had read one much about me as

tell

I

relatively

on Marx

Because I'm interested in inviting you to think about your social world,

book to be

are doing

aids.

than most

do

just stands to

long books to say what I'm going to cover in one

five

accessible to students. This textbook it's

brain

they are themselves works of theory. They aren't neces-

difficult:

designed as teaching

Ever since

beings

in a theory class.

library's

when

also believe that there

I

one of the

socially necessary for us to think in patterned

all that. It's

said, thinking theoretically

short chapter. Think about that

book:

is

Human

reason that theory books would be tough to read. Also, part of what in

this

painful to think theoretically, theory books are difficult. Part of

is it

unavoidable. As

is

is

But

her comment; and after teaching theory myself

requires us to think differently than

think differently, which

stories.

generally pretty abstract, filled with specialized

It's

to think concretely,

one of the things you

the remarks of the professor at the workshop.

actually, thinking

hardest forms of thinking.

at

my heart.

straight to

knew what motivated

I

out you're a failure

had (and have!) plenty of success

I

knew what had prompted

finally

Theory

like finding

wrong,

trying to say gets is

that the social

than functionalism, interactionism, conflict theory,

spend time helping you understand the perspective of each theo-

categorize Herbert Spencer, Emile

evolutionary functionalists, but

it is

Durkheim, and Charlotte Gilman

a very different thing to see the

as

world through

Spencer's versus Gilman's eyes, or Durkheim's versus Spencer's, and so on.

One lived

other difference

and the one

in

is

that

which we

I

emphasize the

live.

What we

historical eras in

which the theorists

consider classical social theory was pro-

duced out of the fervor of modernity. The great minds of the time were captivated by the massive their era in is

filled

social

changes they observed. They considered the

both positive and negative terms. You and

with substantial social changes.

I

possibilities

of

are also living in a time that

Many contemporary

theorists think this

Prelude

time period society.

from modernity

as distinct

is

So part of what I'm going to do

"modern"

societies

notion that maybe



is

as

examine what each

the societies of their day

we

modernity was from traditional theorist says about

— and then I'm going

are living in just such a transition period. Are

or late-modern rather than modern?

I

really don't

know, but

it's

to explore the

we now

post-

exciting to think

We could be living at the threshold of a whole new world. And, finally, am infatuated with the poetry of the theorists. The theorists in this

about.

I

book, when pushed to their limits by a significant problem, were able to capture multiple layers of meaning in a single phrase. That's part of what makes

we can

sic:

There

is,

them again and again and come away with new

read

power and poetry

then, both

in classical theory.

them

clas-

insights each time.

And these phrases, own thinking. As

whether we agree with them or not, have the power to excite our a result, this

book

with selected quotations.

is filled

I

really

encourage you to take

time to read and think about them; don't just skip over them. They might just inspire

you

as they

do me.

Here's the bottom

your thinking.

line:

sincerely

I

thoughts and see

drink. Like

horse

thirsty.

I

hope

new things.

questions than answers.

him

wrote

I

many

this

book

to invite

In the end,

They

say

you I

all is

into a space

you can lead

said

hopes of exciting and disturbing

hope you

old sayings, this one

hope, after

in the

leave

where we can think new our discussion with more

a horse to water but

isn't true. All

and done,

that

you

you have

you to

can't

do

are thirsty for

is

make

get the

more

after

reading this book.

A Note to You

Students:

will find these

Throughout the

text,

important terms are in bold typeface.

terms defined in the glossary section of

this

book. Most of the

bolded words are technical terms that have very specific meanings and are particularly relevant for

understanding a particular

cepts actually carry across

example. In these cases,

I

all

Some

of these conis

a

good

include each theorist's definition, so that you can begin to

compare and contrast what the concepts.

theorist's theory.

of the theorists in this book. Religion

classic theorists are saying

about these important

xiii

CHAPTER

1

Imagining Society

• • • • • •

Foundations of Theory

3

The Sociological Perspective

5

Assumptions Concerning Society

7

Assumptions Concerning Values

15

The Beginnings of Theory and Learning to Theorize



Themes in Classical Theory Summary 23



Building Your Theory Toolbox

Imagination

is

1

21

24

more important than knowledge. Albert Einstein

came It

to sociology

was important

make

by accident. After two

for

a difference.

me to get into So

I

careers,

a profession in

picked psychology as

decided to go back to school.

I

which

my

I

could help people and

major. But while taking a

Sociology of Education class for liberal arts requirements,

I

heard a sociologist

speak about his involvement in Nicaragua. Nicaragua had been undergoing eco-

nomic,

political,

and

social

reforms since 1979. Previously the country had

known

40 years of dictatorship under the Somoza family. But during the 1980s, the United States

government supported

into a civil war.

adopted

a village.

During

Two

a rebel

group (the Contras) that plunged Nicaragua

this politically

and

militarily risky time, this professor

to three times a year he took a

group of students down

to

build houses, dig ditches, bring medical supplies, and care for the community. Here

was an individual that was making sterile;

it

affected his

life

a difference.

His academic knowledge wasn't

and those around him. And

that

was exciting

to

me.

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Two

things struck

He

the talk.

He

responsible. I

me

about the presentation.

knowledge

didn't hold

cared about the

had come across

human

condition,

at the university before.

good American

had been

I

told to hate

nism and communism was bad

whom

I

(I

society. I

something that

that wasn't

me

that struck

about

commuman

Marx, too; he was the father of

grew up during the Cold War). But

respected because of his fight against

human class

this

was

suffering told us that he

found out

I

economic oppression. This story

that

Marx

takes elements

told a

from the

along with social factors in modernity, and predicts what will happen in

past,

had

walked

have always hated oppression. But as

I

motivated by the theories of Marx. That day in fascinating story about

and

The second thing

the presentation was his view of Karl Marx. a

man who

here was a

First,

an unfruitful way; what he knew made him

in

how

It tells

(not just why) people are economically oppressed.

was hooked. This teacher was a to

make

a difference.

man who made

wondered

I

professor certainly claimed that

it

if it

did.

and knew why he

a difference

had something

For two weeks,

to

do with

sociology.

my

met with

I

The

professors in

psychology and went door-to-door in the sociology department talking to every-

body I

I

could. At the end of those two weeks,

was hooked on sociology. But what

hooked on theory I

just

I

away.

I

was on

my first

It

that

day of graduate school.

my way

on the

to class, driving

freeway,

had wide

and rims. The

tires

side

my

good deal of

to Southern California, having spent a

and noticed

me. The car was chopped, or lowered so that the body was only ground.

sociology. Yep,

was

I

was

I

had

as well.

had an important "theory moment" on

moved back

my major to

changed

didn't realize at the time

I

windows were

a

adult

life

ahead of

a car

few inches off the

tinted

and there was a

conspicuous symbol painted on the back window. The car was painted a mesmer-

changed

izing purplish color that closer to the car

I

"Things haven't changed a

from was

nostalgia, until

I

bit."

I

he was driving

maybe

a

number of lessons

grew up

in

—but

for

me

that can be

the experience

one

I

ways and wore certain

clothes,

with weren't really prejudiced.

left I

me

was

clear.

things

pulled

all

left

He

out the pos-

in high school

same with Chicanos and

We would

this

interact with

all

experience



like

with questions and problems.

White kids

through culture, and the cultures were

This car blew

which

drawn from

and

a Chicano.

early college,

The

cultural

fixed their cars in certain

blacks.

The

kids

I

hung out

one another, party with one

another, and have friends in the different groups. But identities

I

thought,

I

my mind it did). It was a white

saw would only have been driven by

boundaries surrounding identity were

aries.

As

a Chicano's car.

Southern California, and when

a car like the

different angles.

in the car,

his friend's car (at least in

had thought was

I

from

it

were two white kids

I

don't stereotype

hit

smiled to myself with that comfort that comes

kid driving what

There

sun

pulled directly next to the car and looked at the driver.

a white kid! In fact, there

sibility that

as the

could see "dingle balls" hanging from the back window.

we

all

clearly

claimed our

different, with distinct

that cultural understanding out the

bound-

window. Apparently,

had changed.

But why and

how did

they change? These questions are

why

I

called that experi-

ence on the freeway a theory moment. Questions, problems, and oddities are the

i

Imagining Society

cauldron out of which theory I

I

is

born.

wasn't until a couple of years later that

It

actually figured out the answers to those questions.

came

and the

across theories that spoke of cultural fragmentation

increases in markets, advertising, gies

took awhile in school before

It

effects that

and communication and transportation technolo-

can have on culture.

But

was

I

thrilled

when

my answer.

found

I

Using theory,

was able

I

what

to see

was hidden. Theory is that which lifts the veil and connects the dots^ Itjifts the veil low ns wt^at wha Hs_ is going o n beneath the surface. L ike the way Marx s because itran_ghnw theory exposes the workings of a system(capitalism) that granted, theory connects the Hots hpransf ^^ftrljjjvrr^mrl ik Seeing -

used to hate standing in line. Actually,

enthralled by

ever since

it

taking for

thron^Kjhe prisms ofjheoiv canjje^a wonderfu l_experi-

eiK^-Eyen-me_m undane can h em m efasri noting I

we grew up

ran hp|£jisjT]akp^pmp of the social,

jt

I



like stajidjr^in_aJirjLe-_^_

probably

still

do, but

have also been

I

discovered a theory called ethnomethodology (a per-

I

how social order is produced in face-to-face interactions). Ethnomethodology let me see that lines, or queues, are ongoing social accomplishments. We take the ability to line up for granted, but how do we accomplish it? The spective that looks for

other day

my tickets,

and got and

was

it

like a

stood in line for an hour for show

I

same form. The

snake and then went out a door.

no one there

telling us

had been

in

it.

all

When

noticed that the line was just as long as

in almost the exact

queue contained I

I

tickets.

how to

line up,

line

Now here's

got through the line

I

was when

it

wound around

it,

got in

it,

room

the interesting thing: there was

and there were no ropes

to guide us.

different people, yet the line looked exactly the

How did we do

I

this large

and then how did they do

it

The new

same

again?

as

when

Theory

gives

us the eyes to be able to connect those dots.

Foundations of Theory Perspectives: I

know I

listen to

did

Have you ever thought

that

you and your parents

when I was younger. And you know what? You're

your favorite band and

They might then point

say,

live in

right.

separate worlds?

Your parents may

"Why are they screaming? That's not even music."

to the "beautiful voice" of their favorite singer

and

"Now that's the way singing is supposed to sound; that's music!" It's kind but people can look

at the

same thing and

Think about this story: There once was

see,

a

tell

you,

of amazing,

or hear, very different worlds.

men who examined an ele-

group of blind

phant, and each, by his individual experience of the animal, drew very different conclusions about the nature of an elephant.

very smelly rope (based on the (based

on

a leg); yet another

the side); and the Forrest

last

one

tail);

One determined

another said that an elephant

concluded that an elephant

said that

that an elephant

an elephant

is

is

like a

like a

is like

is

like a

a tree trunk

brick wall (based

on

hose (based on the trunk).

Gump may be right, that life is like a box of chocolates, but the world is like an

—what you

elephant

Because

human

see

is

what you

reality

is

get,

and what you

see

depends on where you stand.

a cultural reality, perspectives are an essential

unavoidable part of our existence. Joel Charon (2001) explains

it

this

way:

and

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Perspectives sensitize the individual to see parts of reality, they desensitize the

and they guide the individual

individual to other parts,

which he or she

reality to

is

Seen in

sensitized.

absolutely basic part of everyone's existence,

everything around us

is

and

it

acts as a filter

perceived and interpreted. There

is

the individual can encounter reality "in the raw," directly, as ever

is

seen can be only part of the real situation,

In other words,

we never

our perspectives. For

sense of the is

an

through which

no possible way that it

really

is,

for

what-

(p. 3)

directly experience the world;

a trained sociologist, theory

make

to

this light, a perspective

is

we encounter

our perspective



it

it is

through

way of

a

seeing and not seeing the world.

Theories are useful precisely because they do

ments

ment I

environment.

in the social

up outside

lining

right until

until

is

read Durkheim. In sociology,

I

among them

—and

understood ethnomethodology

I

how people in different religions could all be convinced they are

never understood

perspectives that

ele-

never realized what an amazing social achieve-

I

a theater

our attention to certain

call

tell

we have

us what to see so that

we

number of

a large

theoretical

gain insight into the social world;

are functionalism, conflict theory, interactionist theory, critical theory

(including feminism, race, and queer theory, postmodernism, and so on), exchange theory, rational

choice theory, dramaturgy, ethnomethodology, structuration,

network theory, ecological theory,

social

on assumptions and

All of these perspectives are based ideas, concepts,

talk

about

it.

and language. They

for example. Biologically

all

day."

and

us

tell

how

we

are

in general.

is

meant by

ciated with eating in the

morning

is

be learning in

this

eat, is

Denny's serve "breakfast

words associated with

book

to

that certain foods that are normally asso-

words order and make the world comprehensible will

like

The

are available for "lunch" or "dinner."

logical perspective has specific sets of

how

to the theorist. Sets of

But what and when we eat

eat.

Thus, restaurants

that phrase

and they contain

world and

Think about when and what you

driven to

all

linguistically ordered.

What

what you

values,

to see the social

Each of these becomes particularly important

words help order the human world

socially

phenomenology, and on and on.

it

as well,

in a specific way.

words

are sets of

socio-

and these

Thus, part of

—languages

that help to

organize the world in a specific manner. Perspectives also contain assumptions: things that

we suppose

to be true with-

out testing them. All theories and theorists make certain assumptions. They form the bedrock

when

upon which theory can be

and without them

it

is

Two

things are extremely important

impossible to theorize (or even

everything that a theorist says. Let's take theorist orist

built.

thinking about assumptions: assumptions are never proven or disproved

makes

human

certain assumptions about

assumes that

human

nature

is

live).

They thus inform

nature, for example.

Almost every

what constitutes human nature.

individualistic

and

self-seeking,

If a the-

what then

is

she going to think about social structures? Chances are she will think that social structures are

good and necessary

theorist thinks that

human

nature

to create social order. is

intrinsically

structures can be a bad thing that oppresses people.

cannot be tested (can you think why?), yet

it is

On

good and

The

the other hand,

altruistic,

idea of

if

a

then social

human

nature

impossible to theorize without

it,



Imagining/^pciety

and once we assume something about human nature,

it

influences every aspect of

human

our thoughts. (By the way, functionalists generally assume that

nature

egocentric and in need of social control, and Marxists generally assume that

nature

is

social

and thus structures can be oppressive.) Remember: every theory

a perspective and

founded upon and contains assumptions,

is

is

human is

and

values, concepts,

languages.

The Context:

One

of the things that sociologists assume

embeddedTBver

that

human

ture s. In ot hgrwords, in order to understand aally

is

Soctotogical Perspective humans

behavior,

it

are social crea-

must be seen

told that to think sociologically

is

as

you have been

since your Introduction to Sociology class,

to see the social factors that influence

human

behavior. Let's use an illustration to understand sociological thinking. Let's pretend you're flying over the United States in an airplane at 25,000

-green, gray,

patches. Notice that

than others.

some of the

the clusters

You can begin

these observations?

deduce which of the

to

What

most of the population

lives in cities,

We

densely packed together.

clusters (cities) are

Now let's

go

it is

down

most important because

We

can also see that

to draw, because there

is

an abundance

bordered on two sides by ocean. a few

thousand lines.

feet.

We

clusters of larger buildings.

We

see

can see other kinds of connections

how

The

within the

cities

larger buildings

there are other

would be the most

What kind of buildings are they? And where do of communication and transportation go? Which buildings and what

important buildings the lines

them

seeing?

can also see that the United States has tremendous

telephone and digital

more dense

you

not rural settings. People, then, tend to be

amounts of natural resources from which of rural land, and

are

by roadway infrastructures.

they are the ones that have the most and largest connections.

like

see?

and some of the coiorea

chjsteTs~imve-iQo re of theJiii^fr-gairTg^into

What can you surmise from

are seeing population centers that are connected

now,

What do you

see

You seeToTrg4iftes-4hai_s£ejri__toconnect

You

feet.

some of the land divided up into large squares or rectangles of and brown. You see small and large clusters of human-made buildings

Chances are you

cities receive

in the society.

the most information and materials? These configurations

would be

different in different kinds of societies. If

we go even

further

are organized spatially.

rooms and

how

the

large buildings,

communication is

sent to the

might

up on

roomy

necting

again look at

by certain physical characteristics

areas tend to have

their walls,

also see charts that

relatively small

We can

rooms with the fewest number of people. Moreover,

certain kinds of people tend to be in the spacious or

institutions

find that people

structured in this building and see that most of the

is

see that people are spatially organized

that the people in the

we

There are some people crowded together in

there are others by themselves in spacious rooms.

information

we can

down, into one of the

and the people

crowded rooms. We

in the

cramped rooms

denote the organization of the company, with

some people and not

others.

also notice

framed pieces of paper from other don't. lines

We

con-

— EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

drop down even further and we can hear people speak.

Let's

people speak also see ,

how

is

We

people interact.

can see them in exchanges,

flirtations, conflicts,

We can see them present selves and manage

dyads, triads, and so on.

we can

We notice that how We can

different in the spacious offices than in the congested rooms.

see that the people in the spacious offices get

identities.

more deference from

And

others.

at one person, John Smith in cubby B. How are we to underHow does he feel? What kinds of things are important to him? What are his dreams and disappointments? How are we to think sociologically about John? It

Then we can look

stand him?

is

important to keep in mind that the sociological perspective

is

always a contextual

point of view.

up

Levels of analysis: Obviously, I've set us



point

move

a position that

our news and

all

for the answer, but

talk

it is

an important

programs, movies, and social values

us away from seeing. Sociologists gene rally don't see the individual

individual.

We

understand individuals in terms of their connectionsTPart of

"we have tothinTrabout lohn

is

througTvtKe variousieTejrthatwe ius t talked ab out:

the macroTmeso, ah^lnicrcnevelsHFhe-thebries that

wllTcTiallengellsto think on

plane at 25,000

feet.

It

is

all

we

three of those levels.

are going to be looking at

The macro

level is like the

concerned with those factors that influence

human

behavior that exist completely beyond the influence of the individual. The that the United States

how

facts

bordered by two oceans and has tremendous natural

is

resources are things that are outside our control, but have important consequences

our nation and for us

for

understand these cities.

lis

it

is

true about

most of the population

living in

Large numbers of people living in urban settings happens mostly because of

industrialization

but

as individuals (Weber's geo-political theory helps us

The same

effects).

— something with which neither you nor

I

had anything

to do,

has had amazing consequences for us (Simmel's theory about the metropo-

serves us here).

We

began to look

at

meso

theorizing

and building, though both those

are

when we moved

embedded

to the level of the city

in macro-level connections (for

example, the largest buildings would be the ones that express the most important societal institution).

tional chart, status also

At

this level,

by credential,

we

see bureaucratic elements such as the organiza-

rational

communication channels, and

so forth.

selves

out in the organization.

And

at the interaction

(micro)

level,

we

also see the

macro-level structure of language being used and modified and created. As

down

these levels,

we can

circumscribed and influenced

Each of our theorists

is

—within

and the individual

as

embedded

larger contexts.

going to provide opportunities for us to think

Some are quite exclusive to one Marx at the macro. But most present us with a

at these

Mead at the micro and Part of what we as theorists need move from one level to another

or the other, such as

levels.

be able to do

we move

see increasing control of the individual (agency), but the

sociological point of view understands agency

to

We

can observe some macro-level elements, such as race and gender, playing them-

is

to think flexibly



mix.

to be able to

among the levels. We need to think sociologicallv. We need understand whatever it is we are observing in terms of its embeddedness.

and

to see connections

to

Imagining Society

Assumptions Concerning Society Once we've assumed

the sociological perspective,

tion to answer. Ironically,

it is

a question that

taken the time to think about,

when

comes

it

to assumptions

granted. However,

assumptions, but

let

we have

is

best

is

when they

based on clear thinking.

We

away from

can't get

The word ontology

a question of ontology.

is

deciding

literally

how

means

society exits.

"the studyof.

bein g," and in philosophy ontology refer s t o the study of how things exist ontological question for philosophers

want

up

to get caught

ontology

home

common

are taken for

we can make them knowingly.

Probably the most fundamental issue in sociology This

sociologists, haven't

alone answer. That's actually pretty

— assumptions work

good theory

a very important ques-

most of us, even

in a

is,

how do

in philosophical issues,

but

way that we can understand.

.

The main

We

abstract entities exist?

do want

I

Let

me

don't

to bring this issue of

ask you a question: what's

the difference between a rock and a brick? Well, there are a lot of differences, but

mode

can we think of them being ontologically distinct? In other words,

is

their

and bricks

is

not the same.

existence different? Yes, the ontological source for rocks

of

humans never walked the face of the earth, the rock would still exist, but the brick would not. The brick exists only because of the tool context that humans create it needs humans to exist, whereas the rock does not. If

Society as an object: Obviously, society needs

the humans, society

with which

we

would

I

best put like this: a fter

know

to exist: if

you took away

are

with the question of social ontology. The question

left

hum ajLbeiftgs>crj£at e_ society, how does it continue to exist?

the gjj.estion_slill-4»i£htsound a bit odd, but bear with

me/There

are basi-

com-

"callylwo kinds of responses to this question. Thejirst, and actually the most

mon,

all

are concerned. We're going to take for granted the existence of

humans, but even so we is

humans

cease to exist. So, that's not exactly the ontological issue

says that society exists as

individual or group

an object, something that continues outside of the

and has independent

effects.

and of

society exists as a reality sui generis, in

In the words of Emile Society, then,

itself.

is

Durkheim,

a thing in the

environment that can be studied and about which objective claims can be made.

Making the assumption of society because

it

objectivity

exists apart

from

means

This idea of society as an object generally the roots of sociology are

grounded

we can

that

us, there in the

discover things about

environment.

came out of the Enlightenment.

in this period

In fact,

—without the Enlightenment

there

would be no such thing

as sociology. The Enlightenment is a European intellectual movement that began around the time Isaac Newton published Principia Mathematica

though the beginnings go back

in 1686,

Hume, and Adam in

ways that

fate

and

faith

Among the

are Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire,

Smith. The Enlightenment

this intellectual revolution felt that the

world

Hobbes, and Descartes.

to Bacon,

most important Enlightenment thinkers

is

David

so called because the people creating

use of reason and logic would enlighten the

could not. The principle targets of

this

movement

were the church and the monarchy, and the ideas central to the Enlightenment were progress, empiricism,

and

tolerance.

5 n>/ 7 -

Soc~i(?

*

)V



/h/

#

"

^y

/

* J

/

F

I

tyJSr

^/

w

~)

l

i

i

'

f

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

s\ The

ideas of progress

and empiricism

are especially important. Prior to the

Enlightenment, the idea of progress wasn't particularly important, especially tech-

The reason

nical progress.

for this

is

dominant worldview was

that the

general, religion sees the world in terms of fate, faith,

under

a religious

rather,

because

system comes not because of

God has

revealed

trol istic

human

of their

beings lives

at the center

and the environment

idea of progress puts

the universe

and the

tion that there are

social

no

On

Any change

and progress,

but,

the other hand, the belief in progress

(humanism) and

human

asserts that people

make

in order to

system privileges change, and change

The

revelation.

effort

some new truth. Purely religious systems thus tend

toward status quo and honoring tradition. puts

and

human

religious. In

human-

defined as progress.

is

beings in the driver's seat, and

worlds are empirical. That

spiritual or

can take con-

things better. This

is,

it

implies that

empiriri s m.i s the assump.

unseen forces in back of the physical or

social

worlds, but, rather, real things exist as facts that are discernable through at least one

of the

five senses. Together, the ideas_of

progre s s

^ nrl

^"irnricis

m helpedjo form a

uniquejymodernphilosophical orientation: positivkt

me

of the easiest ways to understand positivism

is

to

compare

it

to fatalism.

Fatalism, or having a fatalistic attitude, has a negative connotation today, but

it

wasn't always so. Fatalism refers to a belief in the Fates. In antiquity, the Fates were believed to be goddesses

who oversaw destiny and determined

existence. This kind of idea

is

found

the course of

human

in Christianity as well in the doctrine of pre-

A less specific form of fatalism is practiced today by anyone that believes

destination.

there

is

some

spiritual force in

necessarily negative.

back of the universe. You can see that fatalism

Another way to put

this

is

that positivism

is

isn't

positive in a very

specific way.

Positivism

the opposite of fatalism: Positivism assumes that the universe

is

is

empirical (without spiritual force), operates according to law-like principles, and that

humans can

discover those laws and use

them

and pre-

to understand, control,

dict the forces that influence their lives. Fatalism puts a spiritual force at the center

of existence; positivism puts humanity in a

at the center

humanistic sense. Positivism, then,

data, denies

any

is

a

of existence. Thus,

philosophy that confines

spiritual forces or metaphysical considerations,

it is

positive

itself to

sense

and emphasizes the

w4#v-p>f-rTrmian hping^4o-a#eef4h^iiLCjwnTate, generall y_through science.

The phibs^phy_^f_^sitivism-beg4n_vvith Auguste Comte. ^omte referred to as the "father of sociology" because he

However, Comte wasn't alone Martineau,

whom we

some personal

letters

will

be studying

before Comte's

later in this

text. If

mother of sociology. Nevertheless,

it is

generally

credited with coining the term.

term

sociology. In fact, Harriet

book, actually used the term in

the dates of these writing matter,

should then say that sociology began with a

eral use at the

is

in his use of the

is

woman and

that

Martineau

is

we the

probably the case that the term was in gen-

time and that both Comte and Martineau were simply using words

with which a certain group of intellectuals was familiar (Lengermann

& Niebrugge-

Brantley, 2000, p. 292).

Comte different

(1896) argued that each branch of knowledge must pass through three

and mutually exclusive

stages.

The

natural beginning of knowledge. In this stage,

theological or fictitious stage

humans

is

the

seek the essential nature of

Imagining Society

things; the first

and

of the

a modification

things, the

is

This

all effects.

the search for absolute

is

the metaphysical or abstract stage.

really only

It is

rather than seeing supernatural beings in back of

first:

mind hypothesizes

as the four basic

of

final causes

knowledge. The next stage

abstract forces that produce

elements (earth,

fire,

water,

and

air).

The

all

all

phenomena, such

final stage

the scien-

is

or positive stage. In this stage, reason and observation lead humanity to dis-

tific

cover the natural laws of the universe.

human

stage for

Comte

that this

felt

was the

final

and

fixed

knowledge.

Comtean philosophy

regards

all

phenomena

Thus, the business of positivistic science

as subject to invariant natural laws.

not the search for

is

first

or final causes,

such as the search for the ultimate cause of the universe or the beginning cause of

human two

first

society.

stages,

This kind of search

and the pursuit of

this

considered a defining characteristic of the

is

kind of causality

occupied with unsolvable questions. Science's job, according to this viewpoint,

phenomena, and

stances of

"Our

real business

beliefs

is

to

p. 6).

As you probably have already guessed, the

of progress, empiricism, and positivism are the cornerstones of science.

t heory:

Scientific

S cience

a

is

knowledge system that

controlling the universe through technology. Like

on a

and reduce them

to analyze accurately the circum-

connect them by the natural relationship of succes-

to

and resemblance" (Comte 1896,

sion

considered fruitless and

to discover these invariant laws

is

the smallest possible number.

is

and thus the job of sociology

set

of assumptions.

It

is

assumes that the universe

according to law-like principles, and that

particularly oriented

perspectives, science

all

is

empirical, that

humans can discover those

toward

is

founded

it

operates

laws though rig-

orous investigation. Science also has very specific goals, as do most knowledge systems.

Through

discovery, scientists

want

to explain

phenomena, and accumulate knowledge. fulfilling these goals.

We

can

flip

In

is

theorv

one sense, we

all

phenomena,

Of course, what lies

____

predict

and control

have done a pretty good job of

and turn on the

a switch

analgesic to get rid of a headache.

applications

Scientists

in

lights,

and we can take an

back of these discoveries and

^

have theories^We have

common

or folk theories about the

waythings work-r-espeeia lly aboufthe s ocial^ world. In fact, we need to have these theories in order to function in the human world. So, we may have a theory of gender that explains to us why Tom behaves the way he does ("he's a guy") and allows us to predict and control his behaviors to like

it

when Tom

one thing,

scientific theories are

their theories, they try to prove

Scientific theories also

Scientific

empirical

theory

is

phenomenon

explored and

made

and we and

In contrast,

logically

all

is

really don't

a particular type. For

when

scientists

do

test

generally don't put our it

when we

are proven

sound argument explaining some Such theories are formal

in the

the "hidden baggage" (like assumptions)

explicit. Logic, in the sense that

making an argument. An argument

is

qualities, as described below.

in general or abstract terms.

down and

we

certainly don't like

have other

a formal

sense that they are written

to

intended to be testable, and

them wrong.

folk understandings to the test,

wrong.

some degree (some people

doesn't act like a guy). But scientific theory

we

are using

it

here, pertains

the presentation of a particular course of

reasoning designed to give others a basis for thinking in a certain manner. Thus,

9

10

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

arguments are always aimed

presenting a conclusion, and the points offered in

at

support of the conclusion are called premises. There

between a conclusion and case that is

impossible for

it is

The point here

false.

an important relationship

is

premises: an argument

its

is

considered valid in the

premises to be logically true while

its

conclusion

its

among

that, in scientific theory, the associations

is

the

premises or concepts must make sense and must be related to each other by the rules of argumentation.

+

Sciejttiflc_ihe^£yis_jniidea^

definitionSj^and

tipjiship^Concepts^ are the ideas

and

must be

in scienceTcoTicepts

we

we

use to understand what

are looking

Think again about the goals of

abstract.

Prediction and control' always require generalized knowledge, because

many

usable in

empirical setting,

it

must be

abstract.

an empirical

For example, here

state:

a

is

quote from Marx that

"Modern industry has

is,

the statement can't

be used to predict anything because America can only be discovered once. of making this statement more abstract

We

proposition): level

The

then can

greater

is

make

a usable, testable statement (this

important point:

a very

is

must he abstract and cannot he

and assumptions of science

is

A

ends. But the case masculinity' begin

that

is,

the very

is

isn't as clear

its

when we will

through

explicit

fulfill

scientific

and uniform

tell

where

it

are talking about gender.

count

knowledge

methods employed

known. Accordingly,

order to

in

the

tied to the context. So, the goals

an object and we can usually

and end? What

science strives to construct

called a

an idea and not an object, we must be very careful

to stake out the parameters of the concept tions.

is

necessitate a certain kind of theory.

Further, because a concept

rock, for example,

One way

change "discovery of America" to "geo-

to

the level of geographic expansion, the greater will be the

of market development. This

goals of science, theory

is

is

established the world

market, for which the discover)' of America paved the way." As

graphic expansion."

science.

must be

it

order for knowledge to be generalized out of a single

settings. In

tied too strongly to

at,

in

as

defini-

begins and

Where does

masculine and what will not? Also,

such a way that

it is

a public activity;

knowledge are

to construct the

and

explicit

theory should contain explicit definitions of

all

the

concepts used so that the knowledge constructed from the theory can be tested and replicated

_Qae

by

others.

further -element that

we must consider

is

that scientific theory contains

relational statementsTThese are statements that explain the relationships

anctlxtuiui 4he-caBcepts.

The

relationship statements contain the variability of a

theory. In other words, scientists

they understand the relationships goals of scientific theory

and

among

know how a phenomenon will change because among their concepts. Think again about the

you'll see that these relational statements are neces-

sary Explanation, prediction, and control imply something dynamic, not (otherwise there wouldn't be anything to predict). For example, cepts,

take

static

two con-

education and income. By themselves they simply allow us to identify quali-

ties that

appear to be associated with two different

entities.

put them together or relate them to each other in some to

let's

make some

predictions.

Something

like, the greater

greater will be the level of income. (That

is

is

certainly

of us to attend school.) The phrases "the greater

is"

way

However, then

if

we could

we might be

able

the level of education, the

what has prompted many

and "the greater

will be" are

V

\

c.ej^'^^

^o ^

Imagining Society

/

4- 1

*

relationship statements. In this case, the relationship

is

positive, that

is,

they both

vary in the same direction in relation to each other (up or down).

There are a couple of basic ways can be made. These relationships

shows the relationships a

dynamic model, the

tive).

or

A

proposition

more

spatially

which these kinds of theoretical statements

may

be modeled

—or they may be

—we can draw +

(positive)

a concise statement that proposes relationships

is

approach,

we

will

among two

who

use a scien-

be using both models and propositions to express theory.

Getting back to the goals of science, trol, in

- (nega-

"greater is"-"greater will be" statements in the previous

paragraph are propositional statements. For those of our theorists tific

diagram that

a

stated in propositional form. In

relationships are denoted symbolically:

The

concepts.

in

terms of using theory,

is

I

want

to note that the issue of social con-

a contested idea.

It

sometimes

strikes

people as

morally wrong to "control" society or individuals. However, most of the early sqci^

Durkheim, were convinced that

ological thinkers, like

used to prevent or mitigate the italism. Clearly, if society

iring out

inequality

how

it

It

approach could be

of social unrest, revolution, and early cap-

effects

and behaves according

works and controlling

desirable.

is

ill

objective

is

a scientific

it

to universal laws, then

to eradicate such things as racism

and

can be compared to medicine controlling germs and

human bodies to eliminate polio. The hope of this kind of progress is a defining feature of the Enlightenment and sociology as a science. This perspective is summed up by Jonathan H. Turner (1993),

a

strong advocate for scientific sociology:

Sociology can be a natural science;

it

basic properties of the social universe;

can develop concepts that denote the it

can develop abstract laws that enable

us to understand the dynamics of the social universe. tion that laws of will

human

be arrested, (pp.

Society as a

web of

4uuiian__scierjL££S_has

Max Weber, ject matter.

organization can be discovered, sociological theory

signification:

had

its

Almost since the beginning, the notion of the

A good

detractors.

human

sciences.

The

biggest difference of course

can't individually

own

choose their

of knowledge that can be produced is

to

you

problem?

can't

If

assume

its

defined by

is

different.

own

humans

To explain a

(society) that

laws, that in turn determines

are defined

intrinsi-

the sub-

autonomy or is

the ability

to different external pressures, they

paths, but people can. This

assume an external world

fashion, according to

is

one of the things that makes people human

knowingly choose. While atoms may respond

is

study physical objects; but on the

sciences study something that

free will. In other words,

see the

example, and one that influenced

On the one hand, the natural sciences

entific sense

Without the convic-

.

5, 13)

from the natural

other hand, the

to

.

William Dilthey. Dilthey argued that the social sciences are

is

cally different

.

means

that the kind

social event in the sci-

works

in a

human

by the presence of free

will

mechanical

action.

and

Do you

choice, then

that there are these external forces (like society) that take

away

that choice.

There tific

is

yet another

problem

in addition to the

theory in sociology assumes that society

is

dilemma of agency: using

scien-

an empirical object. Sociologists

who make this assumption believe that society is a thing that can be

studied like any

11

— EXPLORATIONS

12

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

On

other thing in the universe.

made up of "webs of

some

the other hand,

And

is

tion, is

not empirical. Let's take paper money, for example. There are

about the

cal things

important to us is

bill, like

And

changes over time and across situations (think about

The important thing that

becomes our

to see that

is

reality,

some empiri-

which the paper and ink

that

meaning of money, and every other

the

that

meaning, by defini-

ink and paper. But the empiricaj elements aren't

The meaning, or

at all.

what's important.

signification" or

assume

sociologists

meaning.

society

it is

the

meaning

not the actual thing

Roman

that

signify,

social object,

currency' or inflation).

primary for humans and

is

itself.

Thus, the interpretist perspective makes a problem out of what most objective sociologists take for granted. For example,

gender

and then they

exists,

Those who do not assume ment, that gender

it is

created.

most

that society

It is itself

is

sociologists take for granted that

how

try to describe

works to produce

it

an object think that gender

inequality.

an achieve-

is

How do we produce up? Who brings up? What

the problem to be explained:

in face-to-face encounters?

How

brought

is it

it

does it mean when it is brought up? How does the meaning change? From this perspective, human behavior isn't determined or released by institutional structures; it emerges from social interaction. And because society is a web of signification i

meaning), then society emerges as So, interpretists generally focus

jective

meanings

important part or object.

It

are the

—meaning does not is

why

I

bigotry, racism,

and the

early Christian culture.

the Christ figure. it.

create

meaning

living in the

in ancient

But

and sub-

— and here

is

the

is

It

it

by definition non-objective. Take

wake of Nazism, the swastika means But

it

hasn't always

meant

that.

Chinese culture, Native American culture,

has meant goodwill and peace and has symbolized

The meaning does not

Meaning does not

we can

that symbolic

life.

an intrinsic feature of any sign, symbol,

belief in white supremacy.

The symbol has been found

to

features of social

exist as

said that

example the swastika. For us

and

on meaning and argue

most important

has to be attributed or added. This feature of meaning, the fact that

has to be attributed, for

well.

the symbol;

live in

exist in social categories either.

We

them any way we want. For example, we

it

has to be attributed

have to create them, and

usually think of gender as

having two categories (male and female), but some societies have a third category (the berdache) that

is

neither male nor female.

Even the meanings of the categories that we do use have changed through time

and

are different across cultures. African Americans, for example,

in the

s

e

mments

between individuals or companies or

determined value that standardize those exchar..

The operative function concerns those the svstem. For a

it

individuals or corporations

5

whole and other external

When

monev and

is

and enforce laws

The printing and regulation of monev is another examr

manage

and

different internal elements. In short,

whether between internal uni:

between our societv i.

and between the

structures that

meet the internal needs of

these needs could be cultural or material.

The

cultural

Organic Evolution

— Herbert Spencer

needs of a society are met through institutions such as education; and the material needs are met through the economy. The operative system also includes such things

(we can either value material gain or

as values

spiritual

enlightenment) and com-

munities (the social networks that meet our emotional

The

needs).

that carry

distributive system involves those structures

needed information and substances.

It

The organization of every

the

is

society begins with a contrast

transportation (roads, railways, airlines) and communication

and Internet) networks

(telephone, mail,

and information through

that

between the

move goods

and understand what

though they certainly do

that.

division

which

relations habitually

hostile with environing

society.

These three different functions are not simply a way to categorize

on

carries

going on in society,

is

societies

and the

which

devoted to procuring

is

necessaries of

Spencer also says that there are

division

life,

and

during the earlier stages of at least First,

two kinds of

issues associated with these functions.

development these two

Spencer notes that each subsystem will display the same

needs.

What

that

means

is

and can be understood

a system

divisions constitute the

that every- subsystem acts just like as

whole. Eventually there arises

having the same needs. So,

an intermediate division

the distributive system, for example, has needs for distributive,

serving to transfer products

and regulatory functions. Spencer doesn't

operative,

and influences from

make subsystem needs and analysis a central feature of his theory; but, as we will see, Talcott Parsons does. Another dynamic there first.

the

is

that Spencer points out

1876-1896/1967,

that in social evolution,

a tendency for the regulatory function to differentiate

In other words, as

first

is

part to part. (Spencer,

we move from simple

structure to differentiate

and

collectives to

specialize

is

more complex

societies,

government.

Differentiation

and

specialization: Evolution involves three phases: differentiation,

specialization,

and

integration.

The

basic premise

is

greater chances of survival. Complexity in this case

and function: more complex organisms

will

that

complex organisms have

defined in terms of structure

is

have a greater number of specialized

structures fulfilling the requisite functions of regulation, operation,

bution.

The

instability of

homogeneous

units, segmentation,

and

distri-

and multiplication

of effects therefore push organisms to differentiate and specialize; once an organ-

ism has multiple structures performing specialized

tasks, integration

becomes

need. Think of single-celled amoebas. Because of their nature, integration issue: if there is

only one

grated. Differentiated

cell,

there

is

cell

isn't

an

can be inte-

and specialized structures by definition perform dissimilar

move

tasks

and

must

create structural solutions to the

will

nothing with which that

a

tend to

for instance, uses the central

in different directions.

Thus

multicellular animals

problem of integration. The human body,

nervous system

to integrate all its different structures

and subsystems. Obviously,

when we are talking about social evolution, we have in mind social we go any further, I'd like to stop and make sure we have a good

structures. Before

definition of social structure



I

have found that the idea of social structure

something with which most students have trouble.

I

want you

is

to think for a

moment about how you made your way into the room you are in right now. Unless the room you're in is a single room standing all by itself out in the middle of a field

p.

214)

37

38

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

with no roads in or out, then you probably got to the

room by

you wanted

ine that

window.

It

to get into this

would be

The point of

difficult,

this is that

all

(roads, walls, floors, doors,

your goal of getting to

this

and guided your options. our behavior, but they

room

wouldn't

you used

on

roads,

now

imag-

driving

walking on paths, and stepping through hallways and doorways. Okay,

using something besides the door or the

it?

Walking through walls

no easy

is

different kinds of structures to get

task.

around

and so on). Those structures helped you accomplish

room (which

is itself

a structure),

but they also restricted

Social structures are like material structures: they guide

us as well.

restrict

Here's an important point about structures to keep in mind: the structural parts

of structures are the connections is

among

the units. For example, the highway system

considered a societal infrastructure precisely because

among

all

the roads in the system.

A

would not be considered part of the road in front of

my

American continent

it

contains relationships

single road out in the

infrastructure.

However,

middle of nowhere I

precisely because they are structured. Using a different anal-

ogy, the substructure of a house isn't created simply by piling 2

ard manner.

It's

Another way

to

can stand on the

house and be connected to every other road on the North

them together

putting

in a specific

way

understand the principle of structure

is

x

6's in a

haphaz-

that creates the structure.

to

compare

it

to

an organi-

zational chart. There are positions in the chart, like vice president or secretary,

and

making decisions or

typ-

there are expectations associated with the positions (like ing).

The

expectations, of course, are based

between the nodes or positions on the Your

status position

like

is

have several status positions, structured positions

tell

on the

among and

relationships

chart.

your place in the organizational chart of

like student,

society.

You

son or daughter, friend, and so on. Those

people what to expect from you



there are roles (behavioral

expectations) associated with each position. These roles exist by virtue of the con-

nection to other positions. For example, because you are related differently to other positions,

your role

as a

act like a student or

young, but because

daughter

you

that's

is

act like a

what

is

different than

expected of that status position in

Social structures, then, both restrict

up of connections among sets

sets

your role as a worker. Further, you

young person not because you are

a student or

this country.

and enable human behavior, and

are

of positions that form a network. The interrelated

of positions in society are generally defined in terms of status positions,

and norms. These

among

social

people, and

it is

and

cultural elements create

is

the process through which social networks break off

from one another and become functionally

societies) to

movement from simple

more complex forms

body has developed

specialized.

and norms becomes peculiar

lution has involved a

(like

That

is,

the network of sta-

to a specific function. Social evo-

forms

social

(like

hunter-gatherer

postindustrial societies). lust as the

specialized structures, such as the heart, to

so society has developed dedicated structures. Initially,

met through

roles,

and manage the connections

the connections that form the structure. Structural differ-

entiation in society, then,

tus positions, roles,

made

all

meet certain needs,

the needs of society were

a single structure, kinship; but as societies grew, they also

more complex and developed

specialized structures to

pictured this progression in Figure 2.1.

human

meet the

became

requisite needs. Pve

Organic Evolution

— Herbert Spencer Medicine

Religion

Figure 2.1

all

Social Evolution

—Simple to Complex map

Figure 2.1

is

not meant to be a dynamic model, nor does

the steps.

It

simply presents a picture of the general idea of Spencerian social

evolution. Notice that in the

first circle,

attempt to

out

which would represent hunter-gatherer

only one structure: kinship.

societies, there is

it

What

that indicates

is

that

all

the

needs of society are being met through one social institution. So, for example, the

group are met through the same

religious needs of the

That

family.

is,

the head of the family

cles indicate that there

is

some

is

role

also the "priest."

and

status structure as

The second and

third cir-

differentiation, but the different institutions are

still

very closely linked. For example, the first-born son would be expected to go into

government and the second-born son into society that society,

is

structurally differentiated

your family role

religion, school,

is

and

religion.

specialized,

at

Social evolution



work

is

final picture

much

shows

a

our own. In our

like

generally not associated with the role

government, or the economy

another structure

The

you

(to the degree that

it

will play in is,

there

is

a structure of inequality).

fueled by population growth (social "matter"). As populations

grow, they need to expand their structural base in order to meet the needs of the collective.

There are two basic ways a population can grow: through a higher birth

rate

than death rate and/or by compounding (the influx of large populations through either military or political conquest).

evolutionary theory:

compounding

Think back

to Spencer's use of physics in his

increases the force

and motion of matter,

in this

case population. Generally speaking, increased population growth increases the level

of structural diversity. According to Spencer, the different ways populations grow

and gather



dissimilar levels of force, motion,

and matter

—produce

different types

of society.

Spencer gives us two related typologies of society. Typologies are used to categorize

and understand some phenomenon.

time. For example,

we

Pete Seeger under folk,

We

think in terms of typologies

use music typologies: Beethoven

and Eminem

is

hip-hop.

One

falls

under

classical

all

the

music,

of the big differences between

39

40

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

our everyday typologies and those used

more

in sociology

is

that the ones in sociology are

We will see that a number of theorists use

rigorously constructed and defined.

typologies to understand various aspects of society. Spencer's is

defined around the processes of

may

There society

ends" (Spencer, 1876-1896/1975a, see that the defining feature

from more than one group. is

government. The

compounding

is

compound

societies,

simple

of simple

societies,

we

to political rule

earlier that the first structure to differenti-

of government that form in response to population

levels

are, then, the basis

the group has a chief, there

A

any other, and of

whole must not be subject

of Spencer's

typology. In simple societies, like

first

hunter-gatherer groups, the vertical dimension of government if

societies.

to

typology

talking about.

a regulating centre, for certain public

p. 539). In this definition

that the

mentioned

I

first societal

we have been

working whole unsubjected

a single

which the parts co-operate, with or without

ate

that

be simple, compound, and doubly

"one which forms

is

compounding

is

is flat.

In other words,

only one chief with no one above him.

on the other hand, not only have

Compounded

larger populations, they also have "several

governing heads subordinated to a general head." In doubly compounded there are additional layers of governing bodies. Obviously

we

societies,

are talking about

increasing complexity in social structures; this typology notes the importance the political structure plays.

Integration

and power:

ture, coordinating the

When

all

way

fulfilled

it

tures differentiate, they also

develops

its

own

set

the functions were carried out by one social struc-

those functions was easy. However, as struc-

become segmented and

specialized.

Each structure

of status positions, norms, goals, methods of organizing, values,

and so on. This process of

differentiation continues as

each of the subsystems becomes further differentiated

through the principle of segmentation and multiplication of

The mutual dependence of parts

which constitutes

organization established.

effects.

thus effectively

is

Though

discrete

is

rendered a

p.

its

identifies these issues as

living

trol:

whole. (Spencer, 1876-

189671975a,

airlines, financial

and newspapers

system, but each has

instead of concrete, the social

aggregate

For example,

the Internet,

own

are

markets, automobiles,

part of the distributive

language and values. Spencer

problems of coordination and con-

become more

as societies

all

differentiated,

448) institutions

and

tional relations.

to control their internal

As

becomes

and

interinstitu-

a result of these problems, pressures arise

to centralize the regulatory function (government). Notice the it is

it

increasingly difficult to coordinate the activities of different

way

that

is

phrased:

not the case that the individuals or political parties decide that there needs to

be increased governmental control;

it is

the system itself that creates pressures for

this centralization.

Spencer's basic ulation growth is

is

model of evolution

is

outlined in Figure

the basic matter or mass.

The

force

2.2.

For societies, pop-

and motion of the mass

increased dramatically through compounding: the gathering together of large

groups of people. Society responds to influxes of population by structurally entiating. fulfills

Each of the differentiated structures

if

the

functionally specialized; each

a result, structures

become mutually

economic system only produces goods and

services necessary

one rather than

dependent. So,

is

differ-

several functions.

As

Organic Evolution

— Herbert Spencer

Level of

Mutual

Dependency

/\ Level of Structural

Level of

Differentiation

Structural

and

Integration

Level of

Population

i

Growth

Specialization

Level of Centralization of

Figure 2.2

and Integration

Structural Differentiation

for collective

and organic

Power

survival, then

it

must depend upon another structure

like

the family for socialization. Because diverse structures require organization, the

become more powerful and

regulatory sector tends to

social units (both organizations

exert greater influence

on

and people). Together, mutual dependency and

a

strong regulatory subsystem facilitate structural integration.

The

positive feedback

arrow from integration to population

growth indicates that a well-integrated possible further population growth

social system

Organization

makes

and aggregation.

larger size

it

in turn

excess of need,

and accompanying

higher type which might

Centralized authority thus solves the problems of coordi-

nation and control, but

in

prevents the attainment of that

have arisen. (Spencer, 1876-1 896/1 975b, p. 262)

else

can create productive stag-

nation and resentments over excessive control. Increased authority over people's behavior makes innovate. forth.

It

also

less likely to

Freedom brings innovation; thus stagnation

for deregulation. eties

them

hampers the exchange of information, the flow of markets, and so As you might already be able

go through, but there

is

a variety

to

in the long

tell,

this

is

run creates pressures

a kind of cycle that soci-

of complications in the process.

This cycle of centralization and decentralization brings us to Spencer's second societal typology. In

to

some ways, we can think of his

first

typology as a rough guide

understanding the structural aspect of social evolution.

of polity or government a society has defined in terms of structure surrounding governmental actions can be

one

level

plex

focuses

on the kind

structure.

That

is,

the

measured from simple, with

of governing structure, to complex, with multiple levels of governing

structures.

certain

It

its

Understanding evolution

amount of intuitive

and adaptive

species

is

in

terms of the regulation function makes a

sense. In terms of evolutionary survival, the

humanity, and

it is

most com-

mainly our brain and mind that give

us the evolutionary advantage. Evolution, then, can be seen as the progress toward

more and more complex regulatory

systems.

41



42

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Spencer's second typology also focuses on the regulatory system. While with the

he

first

one he

this



society

interested in understanding the structural differentiation of polity, in

is

is

looking more

in particular, the

and industrial

militaristic

content of government and

at the

economic system. There



The fundamental

relative

scheme

importance of the

them

is

compulsory cooperation

industrial according to voluntary cooperation.

I've listed the

the state

defining features of each type in Table

dominant and controls the other

is

nomic, and educational structures are

economy's

mission

first

to provide for military

is

religious structure itself

is

rather

2.1. In militaristic societies,

sectors in society.

used to further the

all

ucts. In militaristic societies, religion plays a

The

in this

difference between

that the militaristic operates according to the principle of

and the

relationship to

its

two types

around the

that are defined

regulatory and operative functions.

are

The

religious, eco-

state's interest.

The

needs rather than consumer prod-

key role in legitimating

homogeneous,

as religion

state activities.

needs to create a

singular focus for society. Religion also provides sets of ultimate values and beliefs that reinforce the legitimacy trolled

and the government

and individual behaviors

ings

and actions of the

Information

state.

assures individual compliance.

more pronounced and

madam,

such as

The

status structure also is

much

bowing or using

status

status hierarchy in militaristic societies

the rituals surrounding status (like

are oriented toward

lective

The

lord, mister,

As you can see from Table

and

and so

forth) are clear, practiced,

2.1, industrial societies are less

controlled by the state

is

forth. Religion

Individual happiness and peace

through

and

is

more

diverse

is

freed

associated with salvation

inclusive

selective histories

Information

is

col-

perceived as the focus of rights, privileges,

and there

emphasis on individualistic reasons for practicing religion than on

to scientific

and enforced.

economic freedom and innovation. Rather than the

being supreme, the individual

consumer goods, and so

shifts

tightly con-

are controlled as well. Religion in particular provides

ultimate sanctions (death and hell) for social deviance.

titles

is

exercises strong control over the media. Public meet-

and

is

a greater

collective ones.

religiosity.

Education

knowledge rather than increasing patriotism

and ideological

practices (like the pledge of allegiance).

and flows from the bottom

up.

Both the typology of compounding and the centralization of power are meant as

ways of classifying and understanding

social evolution.

typology of compounding to

Of the

traits

accompanying

we

revival of

Always

have

first

predatory

a structure

to note the activities.

assumed

for

for offensive action, tends to it.

have a tendency time, especially

is

is

analogously seen in organisms. There has been an overall inclination toward

more complex

entities

because they have a

greater chance to survive.

Much tic

and

less clear is the

evolutionary path between militaris-

industrial societies.

It

seems that there

is

a general

evolutionary trend toward industrial societies; Spencer char-

(Spencer,

1876-1 896/1 975a,

clear: societies

more complex over

with regards to the regulatory function. This progression

defensive action, available also

initiate

structurally

this

reversion towards the militant type,

become

According to Spencer, the

p.

569)

acterizes the

movement from

industrial to militaristic as

regressive. All societies begin as militaristic.

routes are characterized by competition and struggles of

and protective behaviors became pronounced

for

life

Evolutionary

and death. Aggressive

humans once we began

to use

Organic Evolution

Table 2.1

Militaristic

and

The

Institution

Industrial

State: the nation (including

and

social institutions

The Economy: freedom of economic

all

exchange and association;

actions)

profit

seen as synonymous with the

motivation; regulatory function

army; power

diffused

is

centralized

Compulsory cooperation

System Equilibrium

43

Typology

Industrial

Militaristic

Dominant

— Herbert Spencer

is

Functional equilibrium maintained

through individual choices Oriented toward legitimating

Religious Function

government



Oriented toward the individual

-indirect

regulatory function

direct regulatory

function •

Government

Greater separation of church



identified as

and

God-ordained •

Homogeneous



Legitimating political myths

religious types

Heterogeneous



Focus on individual salvation and

tend to contain ultimate values •

Social deviation

is

distinct categories

happiness

and

Overlapping and vague status positions with unclear and infrequently practiced

clear

ceremonial practices Educational Function

Directly controlled

religious types

defined as sin

Greater status differentiation with

Status Structure

state



ceremonial distinctions

by state with

Indirectly

monitored by state with

emphasis on general and

strong ideological socialization

scientific

knowledge Mass Media

Information freely flows from the

Information tightly controlled by

bottom up

state

Conception of

Individual exists for the benefit of

State exists to protect rights of the

the whole; individual behaviors,

Individual

beliefs,

and sentiments of

to the state

agriculture for survival; selves as a society

it

was

intrusion; belief in

minority rights

also at this point that people

and not simply

duty of individual to

individual;

government

interest

as a family.

became aware of them-

Land was paramount

for survival

and

something that could be owned and thus taken or protected. The regulatory function, then,

grew

to be

most important and

differentiated

from the

rest.

Early society

developed through warfare and eventually standing armies and taxation were created.

Once

established,

it

is

then functional for society in the long run to

toward the industrial type. However, society can

"regress."

tendency Spencer delineates the reasons why there

is

Having

likely to

move

set the general

be a "revival of the

predatory spirit" and the various complications involved in such a regression.

There are three main reasons why a society would, once alized,

move toward

toward

militaristic society originating

complex

is

the militaristic type. First, there

formed by

a standing

is

it

has

become

A

military

economy

that are

from the military complex

army and

industri-

pressure in the system

the parts of the

itself.

resist

44

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

oriented toward military production.

comes

into existence,

not only available for protection;

is

aggression. This

ond reason

when

a

The

system

is

of the

its

it is

in

its

its

very

best interests to instigate is

the sec-

threatened by other societies, internal pressures, or the natural

is

own

survival.

back to

will revert

militaristic config-

However, a constant pressure toward

why a

reason subject

society might revert

a social

is

group that

lives

is

militaristic

the presence of territorial subjects.

outside the normal geographic lim-

state, yet is still subject to state oversight.

of relationship for the United States

is

president and

its official

currency

a vested interest in Puerto Rico,

As such, the United

and external

States

is

A current

The United and

also organizationally

a

is

this

kind

commonwealth

chief officer

affairs, yet its

the U.S. dollar.

is

it is

example of

Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico

of the United States with autonomy in internal

bility

the case for

less

exerted by the military complex.

final

A territorial its

no

is

Spencer argues clearly that there are times

environment. Under such threat, the system

society

survival; this

not to deny the existence of legitimate threat, which

is

for regression to militarism.

urations for

once an organism

a fact of evolution:

own

than for natural organisms. Thus, a military complex by

social entities

existence

It's

will fight for its

it

is

the U.S.

States not only has

politically involved.

ultimately responsible for Puerto Rico's internal sta-

safety. Issues

of investments and responsibilities provide oppor-

tunity for military action and the creation of a militaristic society.

However, there are complications on the road to regression. The ity is social diversity.

When

first

complex-

Spencer talks about social diversity and societal types,

he generally has race in mind. He, however, also acknowledges that what he has

mind

is

best "understood as referring to the relative

in

homogeneity or heterogeneity

of the units constituting the social aggregate" (1876-1896/1975a, pp. 558-559). Race, in this case, ible

is

band together and not

the

most

cues associated with

affiliate

it.

stable social difference because

to create their

own

social structures. If

affiliations to

with one another in larger collectives, then society will not be internally

sents a risk to society

if

and

says that

it

repre-

an institutional shock were to occur. In other words, segre-

gated societies are unstable because functional unity situation represents a potential threat:

is

difficult to achieve.

indicates that the society

it

respond quickly enough to changes in the environment

Because of

has the clearest vis-

such different groups do

integrated. Spencer terms this the "law of incompleteness"

to

it

Spencer argues that groups have natural

this potential threat, societies

may

(societal or physical).

with diverse groups that do not associate

However,

the groups do

with one another will tend to be

militaristic.

one another and the differences

are perceived to be small, then the society

tively well fitted for progress."

Such

societies tend to

that are functionally linked together,

This

not be able

and

if

affiliate is

with

"rela-

produce heterogeneous groups

are thus

more

and

flexible

gravitate

toward the industrial type.

Another complication of regression

is

the effects of different institutions and

their previous growth. For a society to regress to militarism, industrial.

power can

Under the conditions of rival

more focused on

the industrial type, the

or even exceed that of the the individual;

to a militaristic posture, then,

it

must

first

have been

economy grows and

state; religion diversifies

its

and becomes

and the culture of individualism grows. Returning

must counter

all

of these institutional developments.

Organic Evolution

diagramed these

I've

before, there control.

factors

a back-and-forth

is

their relationships in Figure 2.3.

movement from

The general evolutionary movement

are also pressures to revert social pressures itary

and

mentioned

I

centralized to decentralized state

toward industrial forms, but there

back to militarism that are themselves countered by other

and complications.

complex, threat, and

is

As

— Herbert Spencer

In the diagram, both the regressive factors (mil-

territorial subjects)

and impediments

and

(social diversity

institutional configurations) are pictured as mitigating forces. In other words, a

society that has

moved from

militaristic to industrial will

tend to stay industrial

and once

unless the regressive factors mitigate the general evolutionary trend; revival of the predatory spirit begins,

will

it

unless the impediments mitigate the effects. as

moving along the continuum from

a

move society to militarism Thus, modern society is generally seen

continue to

military to industrial forms in response to

population pressures, system stagnation, internal or external threats (other nations or changes in physical resources), previous institutional arrangements (such as the military

complex or

and the

diversified religion),

Spencer does allow himself a speculative that the change

from

and

common

of social integration.

moment about

militaristic to industrial

belief. In militaristic societies,

level

He

future types.

and back again involves

a

says

change

in

people believe that the individual exists for the state

good. Industrial societies represent a reverse of that

exists for the individual, to protect his

the state

belief:

or her rights and freedoms. Spencer says that

the next type will also require an inverting of belief. In industrial societies, people believe that

life is

for work.

As

we'll see

when we

get to

Weber,

of capitalism. The next step in social evolution inverts that

this

is

belief,

the

work

from

ethic

life is

for

- Social Diversity - Institutional Configurations 1

Impediments

to Revival

I Revival of

Predatory

1

Spirit

i

General Militc iristic

Industrial

Soc iety

Trend

Society

1

Regressive Factors

- Military Complex

- Threat - Territorial Subjects

Figure 2.3

Militaristic-Industrial Cycle

45

46

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

work

work

to

is

for

life.

As an

Spencer (1876-1 896/ 1975a) points to

illustration,

"the multiplication of institutions and appliances for intellectual and aesthetic culture

and

for

kindred

activities

not of a directly life-sustaining kind, but of a kind

having gratification for their immediate purpose"; unfortunately, he also

can here say no more"

"I

(p.

says,

563).

Social Institutions Defining institutions: The bulk of Spencer's three-volume Sociology,

dedicated to an analysis of institutions. Spencer,

is

The Principles of

set,

like so

many

students

of sociology, uses the term institution but never provides a clear definition. I'm

going to give you a definition that a bit

beyond him

is

in

keeping with Spencer, but

as well. Social institutions

it

probably goes

have three interrelated elements.

First,

institutions have functions: they are collective solutions to survival needs that pro-

vide predetermined meanings, legitimations, and scripts for behavior. This notion

of function

probably the most important defining feature of an institution. In

is

everyday speech, to refer to

we tend

an institution around "Baseball

to use the

someone or something

term institution

that

this place"; or,

we

an American institution."

is

is

of ways.

We

use

it

firmly established; for example, "George

is

use

it

in a variety

to refer to a significant practice, as in

Yet, these don't qualify as social institutions

because they do not themselves meet a societal need.

The second

defining feature of institutions

that they are not reducible to indi-

is

vidual actions or agency. Institutional behaviors aren't something that one person does; they are society-wide. Further, institutions resist modification by the individ-

number of years ago

ual or even groups of individuals. For example, a lar

among

was seen

and the ments

was popu-

it

some to see legal marriage as unnecessary and even detrimental. Marriage

as part state.

of the Establishment, part of the baggage forced upon us by religion

These feelings of course came out of the hippie and feminist move-

in the 1960s.

As

a result,

many

private ceremonies in a field surrounded by family

vows between themselves

Some had

people didn't get legally married.

in the privacy of their

and

exchanged

friends; others just

own home. As

a result

of

countercultural behaviors, nothing happened; marriage didn't go away.

booming

all

these

It's still

a

from agents.

business, because institutions resist change

In addition to not being reducible to individual agency and resisting modification, institutions are

again.

There

isn't

not subjectively available.

one of us

don't have a subjective

we know about is

living that

marriage as our example

was around when marriage was

created.

We

memory of it or personal orientation toward it. Everything why marriage was instituted and the functions it fulfills

the reasons

contained in stories that we

tions.

Let's take

They give us

tell

each other. These stories legitimate our institu-

a justifiable basis for believing in

them. Obviously, the stories are

the products of generations of politically motivated groups, but they constitute the

reasons

we

believe in our institutions.

The fourth

characteristic of a social institution

morality; institutions are moral

phenomena.

legitimation, they also provide beliefs

and

is

that

it

tends to be wrapped in

In addition to containing their

rituals that

imbue the

own

institution with

Organic Evolution

Tightness

and moral energy. One of the functional reasons

for this morality

undoubtedly the necessity to protect our solutions to survival needs. animal

High

ultimately legitimate our intuitions.

We

levels

of moral investment also serve to

tend to see morality as connected with a

higher being. Thus,

if

our institutional arrangements are moral religious

we do not

as

our

Domestic

them

institutions:

own

Kinship or family

lines of inheritance,

one of the most basic of

men and women,

and care and

social

all

without

long run, family functions to provide for pat-

emotional and physical support,

socialization for the young.

In the absence of alternatives, kinship lective;

is

to facilitate biological reproduction,

is

will die. In the

terned relationships between

entities,

creation.

institutions. Its essential function

which any species

is

any

Just as

continued existence, so humans must be motivated

will fight to protect its

to shield their cultural institutions.

see

— Herbert Spencer

is

the chief organizing principle of a col-

before there were state bureaucracies or economic organizations, people

were organized by kinship. The

roles

tem informed people how to

toward one another and what their obligations and

and

rights were;

all

act

and

status positions

found

in the kinship sys-

were met through the status positions and

social functions

roles

of family. Spencer spends a great deal of time recounting the evolution of the family form. As

is

his

eral sources,

custom, he presents large amounts of historical data drawn from sev-

and from the data he draws general conclusions. His basic point

is

that

monogamous family structure was selected because it is the most fitting in terms of human survival. The basic path of development looks like this: general promiscuity "^ polyandry and polygyny "^ monogamy. Monogamy, then, is a relatively recent development in human history. Driving the movement to monogamy is the social need for broader and In proportion to the the

firmer social networks.

of promiscuity, there

Spencer argues that there the structure of family

prevalence

a clear association

is

between

must be

paucity and feebleness of

and the regulation of social action and

relationships.

.

.

.

Family

relationships generally. This idea

makes sense when we con-

bounds, therefore, are not only

model.

Humans depend more upon

weak but cannot spread

sider

it

social

in the evolutionary

and

networks for survival than any other creature. However,

cohesion

these networks aren't created through instincts or sensory

inability

of

humans

to generate extensive social networks

behaviors through instinct or the senses that pushes us to

Maryanski and Turner (1992,

Our

central finding

is

move toward monogamy.

compared with most Old World monkeys, the

reconstructed blueprint of the social structure of the

Ancestor] of apes and

humans

reveals the

toward low-density networks, low ualism. This pattern of

^^^^^^^^^"

and

explain our problem with social structure:

p. 13)

that,

1876-1 896/1 975a,

the

fact, it is

among members

of the society. (Spencer,

experiences (like smell) as they are with most other social animals; they are produced through culture. In

weak

tie

sociality,

hominoid

LCA

[Last

Common

lineage as predisposed

high mobility, and strong individ-

formation, low

sociality,

high mobility, and

strong individualism was to pose ... a difficult problem for hominoid species, especially those

range habitat.

on the human

line,

once they moved from

far;

this implies defect of

a forest to

an open-

p.

637)

47

48

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

human

In the beginning of

history,

Spencer argues, there was almost complete

and universal promiscuity. However, under general promiscuity, ships are

weak and can only extend

Only the strongest

limited.

contests of strength.

mother and

as far as the

themselves are only half-related. As a

The development of religion

is

tionships. tors

The thing

be ever-changing based on

also

hampered. Spencer argues

When human

they saw

it

was kinship.

life

for us.

It

beings

terms of social

in

We

came through

first

rela-

saw ances-

was through them that

world could occur. Further, some of our

spiritual

inklings of the idea of the soul

first

the idea of ancestral reincarnation.

kinship only extended as far as mother to child, the ability of people to

see past this

The

way

before as paving the

communication with the

when

life,

that connected us to the next

who had gone

Thus,

of this

line

siblings

will

that early forms of religion involved ancestor worship.

began to see past the objective

Even the

subordination and control are

result, political

and leadership

will lead

child.

social relation-

link

life

was limited.

between species survival and

sociability

pushed humans

to begin to

control sexual behavior and family relationships. However, the two forms that fol-

lowed general promiscuity, polyandry and polygyny, were also limited. Polyandry is

woman

the practice of a

having more than one husband (poly = many, andr =

men). The major problem with other kinship forms.

no matter

how many husbands

around polyandry

suffers in

it

ability to

its

for

in

for

about one child per

war probably had to

many

with

produce is

wives (polygyny)

social stability.

initial

less to

men

to

(one

There came to

a better

Remember

model,

one of

that

and external

one of the

is

do with the

first

con-

literally

to

men and

differences in strength between

do with the expendability of men. Men

can

built

wage war. The reasons why men were used

terms of biological reproduction than women.

man

is

a subsystem that regulates internal

are

Women were

young; and in terms of reproduction, society can do with

women

is

year,

forms of government were male dominated, due

ever-present war and the use of

woman, and more

produces fewer offspring than

Thus, stabilizing the political structure

Most

cerns of society.

it

and care

she has. Therefore, a social structure that

man

humankind's most basic needs social relationships.

that

is

an evolutionary disadvantage.

at

is

In terms of offspring, one yet

this type

A woman can only birth

more expendable

needed

far

to nurse the

men

fewer

than

inseminate hundreds of women).

be, then, a clear association

among men, war, and

political gover-

nance (war was generally the outcome of relationships with other groups). The

problem with polygyny

is

that the line of succession

from chief

to

son

unclear

is

governance came through family lineage). The relationships

(initial

forms of

among

mothers, children, and father are clear in polygyny, but which son

eminent

isn't

privileged

stable

is

pre-

obvious. So, in the ruling families, a pattern began to develop that

one wife above

all

others;

and her children were dominant and

in line to

succeed their father. Gradually,

monogamy was

chosen as the primary form of kinship for

of evolutionan' reasons. To begin with,

group

as

competition

among

elder;

added

number

wives and offspring was done away with. Spencer also

notes that "succession by inheritance"

supremacy of the

it

a

to the political stability of the

is

conducive to

and the use of elders

stability

because

it

for ruling tends to create

secures the

what Weber

Organic Evolution

would

later call traditional authority. Further, the practice

an important component in the evolution of

religion, as

it

of

— Herbert Spencer

monogamy was

favors a single line

of ancestral worship. The establishment of religion, of course, also helped to systematize socialization, which led to further social

stability.

In addition,

monogamy

tends to increase the overall birthrate and decrease the childhood morbidity rate.

We've seen that polyandry

monogamy,

low

results in

so does polygyny.

birthrates;

and when compared

to

Under polygyny, some men have many wives and

some have none; but under monogamy, most men have wives and thus

there are

monogamy

also pro-

more family

units capable of producing children.

And

since

vides for greater emotional care for everybody concerned, children are better cared for physically

and the morbidity

rate goes

down.

Because of the relationship between family and gender, that Spencer feels that

men and women

should have equal

I

want

to pause to note

rights.

He

them

sees

as

performing different functions, but the functions themselves are equally needed by society.

I

must

also note that

one of the criticisms of Spencer

Darwinist, seeing certain societies and races as

equal rights for

quotes

women, he was

more advanced

many ways ahead

in

that he

is

a social

in his

view of

of his time, as the following

illustrate.

Equity knows no difference of

manifestly applies to the whole race

Perhaps in no way

is

the

Ceremonial

specific sense.

—female

the moral progress of

by contrasting the position of

among

vocabulary the word

sex. In its

understood in a generic and not in a

institutions:

is

be

The law of equal freedom

mankind more

civilized world.

clearly

shown, than

savages with their position

(1876-1896/1975a,

p.

713)

Spencer argues that there are three major forms of social

and

political.

Most sociology students

familiar with the latter two. Political entities govern

through laws, coercive

man must

as well as male. (1882/1954, p.138)

women among

most advanced of the

control: ceremonial, ecclesiastical,

states

is

—but

force,

and

authority.

One

human

are very

behavior externally

of the defining characteristics of

the monopolization of legitimate coercive force. This

monopoly

serves not

only to protect the nation's external boundaries but also to maintain internal peace. Religious, or ecclesiastical, institutions bring about social control internally rather

than externally. Religion gives us

of beliefs about right and wrong behaviors.

sets

These moral standards exert their force from inside of the individual. ual believes that his or her behavior

is

right

and the person wants

An

individ-

to please his or

her god through proper behavior.

Spencer gives us yet another form of social control in the form of ceremonial tutions.

Ceremonies are formal or informal

together hierarchically. Ceremonies

insti-

acts or series of acts that link people

may be simple, as in an act of politeness, or quite

elaborate, as in prescribed rituals. Obviously there are certain protocols that apply

when a head of state visits another country. the ruler and the ruled archical relationship

is

In the protocol, the relationship between

played out in behaviors. Ceremonies also indicate the hier-

among

nations:

some

visiting dignitaries are afforded

elaborate ceremonies than others. Ceremonies can also be conventional

more

and everyday.

49

50

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Spencer has in mind forms of address,

In this sense,

forms of

dress,

and the

like.

when we

For example,

titles

use

and emblems of honor, titles like

"Professor" or

"Doctor" or "Miss," we are reproducing a hierarchical system of authority and control.

Spencer argues that ceremonial institutions are the

earliest

and most general

forms of social control. The other forms of social control, religion and government, both sprang from urally; that

is,

there

intensity of the feeling. For example,

someone has

joyful, the person's

and

earliest

forms of ceremony evolved nat-

was a natural connection between emotional responses and

Emotions cause physical reactions

physical behaviors.

tion that

The

this primitive type.

for

body

feeling inferior

is

that vary according to the

you can judge the strength and type of emo-

you by the way the person hugs you.

reacts

When someone

is

by becoming excited and perhaps jumping around;

expressed bodily by relaxed muscles and lowered gaze and

posture.

Ceremonies evolved further by becoming more symbolic, but they

initially still

maintained a degree of natural sequence. For example, the Dakota's ceremony of burying the tomahawk to symbolize peace

away of weapons us

is

clearly linked to the actual putting

is

in order to cease hostilities.

Another example that Spencer

gives

the past practice in central South Africa of drinking blood to establish kinship

The

relations.

practice

is

based on the early belief that

in a part of the person. Spencer traces

move from

many of these

all

of a person

is

contained

natural sequences such as the

taking trophies (such as the head of an enemy) to mutilating

some

part

of an enemy's body to mark conquest.

Ceremonies further changed toward intentional symbolization "which have reached the stage

which

at

social

phenomena become

in

societies

subjects of spec-

ulation" (Spencer, 1876-1896/1975b, p. 25). Spencer gives us a really interesting

idea and relationship here.

speculation

is

The

one that would

idea of social

later

phenomena becoming

modified form, important to such contemporary theorists

Something important changes when we go from simply ing about society and our social encounters. rience

is

fairly

immediate and

all

subjects of

be important to Weber, and, in a somewhat

that exists

as

Anthony Giddens.

living in society to think-

When we simply live socially, our expe-

is

contained in those kinds of moments.

when we come to the point in our development when we think more and more about society, when we become reflexive about our place and actions in society, then everything becomes less tied to the moment and more abstract. In terms of ceremonies, the important thing that happens when society becomes In contrast,

speculative about itself tionally symbolic.

is

become

that the rituals

An example

increasingly arbitrary and inten-

of this symbolic evolution

is

the phrase "Mickey

Mouse." Mickey Mouse began as a cartoon, but soon evolved to mean something that

is

not to be taken seriously, to something ineffectual, of

little

importance, and

then worthless. While we can understand perhaps how the phrase Mickey Mouse

came

to

mean something

worthless, the beginning and each successive

move

is

symbolically linked rather than naturally connected.

Spencer generally argues that as societies begin to use

means of ous.

More

control, ceremonial controls specifically, this general

become

trend

is

less

ecclesiastical

and

political

used and more inconspicu-

influenced by the degree ot voluntary

Organic Evolution

— Herbert Spencer

cooperation versus enforced structures. The higher the level of voluntary cooperation, the less that ceremonial institutions will be used. levels

of inequality in a society and

On the other hand, the higher the

the greater the need for coercive enforcement,

the greater will be the use of ceremonial institutions that differences

among

The power of ceremonial

institutions

recreate the

that they "spontaneously generate

is

human

afresh" the forms of rule every time

beings interact and use them.

the interesting things about this section of Spencer's

work done by contemporary

Goffman and Randall

and preserving

One

is

One

of

that he anticipated

the importance of micro-

For example, both Erving

society.

one of the foundations of society

Collins argue that

micro-level interaction rituals.

work

who emphasize

theorists

level interaction for building

is

mark and

social groups.

is

of the things that Goffman (1967) brings out

the unintentional consequences of ritualized behaviors. During encounters

with other people,

we engage

what he

in

calls

by maintaining

to avoid embarrassing ourselves or others

face; the effect

upon which

that

society

we

rituals

Our demeanor

tells

uation;

others the level of social honor that

(e.g.,

refers to the behaviors

proffering

to save

1988) argues that behavior such as deference

(

produces and reproduces the status hierarchy of

and deference

respect to others

is

and thus the patterned interactions

save the interaction

built. Collins

is

and demeanor

strive

role-specific behavior

and not noticing when action doesn't meet expectations. Our intent is

we

"face-work." In face-work

titles

we expect

society.

in a given sit-

through which we demonstrate

of respect, exhibiting downcast eyes, and

so forth).

Political institutions: Society is

that there are

defined through cooperation; and Spencer

us

tells

two principal ways through which cooperation occurs: spontaneous

cooperation due to individual motives of exchange; and consciously devised cooperation. ate organization, they

When

groups consciously cre-

become aware of public ends or goods

for the first time. In other words,

through

it is

nization that a group

becomes

until that point, the

primary awareness

political organization

is

political orga-

aware of

reflexively

is

necessary for society. Through

become aware of ourselves

as a whole,

tion for cooperative efforts

and

and

it

restraint

Up

itself.

individual. So, it

we

provides direc-

on

individual

sets

out to understand the fundamental forms of

political organization

and how they evolved. He argues

undergirding every type of government

The

basic political division in society

age.

With age comes experience, but

strength.

individuals into a

The most distinguished

is

is

A

society, in the sociological

sense,

formed only when,

is

besides juxtaposition there

cooperation. then,

is

at

.

.

for

without a

society exists. (Spencer,

that

1876-1 896/1 975b,

usually accompanied by reduction in

individuals, then, incorporate both strength

and

wisdom; and, among those with strength and wisdom, some are more distinguished than others. Therefore, according to Spencer, there are three divisions to the basic political structure: the

rienced,

and those

masses of young and weak, those

elite

few

who

are the best

among

society,

which a

a primitive form.

is

is

Cooperation,

once that which

exist

and that

.

between strength and it

group does

not constitute them a society.

cannot

behaviors.

Spencer

The mere gathering of

who are strong and/or expe-

the strong and experienced.

p.

244)

51

52

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

Spencer argues that every

began

as distinctions

many, became kings, nobles, officials,

and

political structure

among

in successive

forms the head

and people; and

citizens. Further,

of political structure

is

in

our own

components has

chief,

What

but a derivation of this one.

man, the superior

few, the inferior

subordinate chiefs, and warriors;

society, the chief executive officer, elected

Spencer (1876-1 896/ 1975b) proposes that every type

simply differing combinations in these three areas: "a despo-

tism, an oligarchy, or a democracy, inal

is

the predominant

is

a type of government in

which one of the

greatly developed at the expense of the other two"

orig-

and "the

various mixed types are to be arranged according to the degrees in which one or

other of the original components has the greater influence"

democracy the

citizens are

most important;

in

(p.

317). Thus, in a

an oligarchy the power

the middle section of small groups of leaders; and despotism

is

vested in

is

defined by power

exercised exclusively by the chief person.

We

have already talked about most of the dynamics through which

forms evolve. The cially

mechanism

through compounding, the

plex. In levels

first

of governing structure become more com-

political structure, that

of strong and/or experienced and

elite

ical resources.

likely

is

located,

The environment

tralization of power.

is

and

that additional

we might

composed of both other

when

societies.

the

societies

and phys-

The presence of war

physical resources are few. Nations with few natural resources others, either

affiliations. In earlier times, military

through military conquest or conquest was used, since

agreements are based on established and rather complex complexity of the

is

degree of cen-

this influences the

These two elements are interrelated for

must obtain them from

itary type)

means

positions are created (or what

upper and middle management). The second influencing factor

environment wherein the society

more

political

population growth. As populations grow, espe-

levels

terms of Spencer's triune

refer to as

is

is

political structure

is

political trade

economic

political

Thus, the

political entities.

narrowed during times of war or threat (mil-

and widened during times of peace and development

(industrial type).

In addition to the basic structure of government, Spencer also explains the foun-

dation of power.

He

notes that

we have

feature of the governing structure

was

built

Spencer

itself.

But

that's incorrect.

upon something more fundamental:

is

larger than ourselves; sociologists

sentiment

is

stronger in

lives, is a feeling

would

more

of being part of something

later refer to this as social solidarity.

primitive societies

one Durkheim would make some 25 years

and

later:

from ancestors and call this

most

clear!}'

This col-

expressed

strikingly similar to the

the source of society

its

political authority finds

power

in socialization.

is

an emotional

is

legitimacy in emotion derived

Weber, writing almost 50 years

it

unstable.

It's

The

power

that

later,

an authority based on

has the weight of time and history in back of

anticipating Weber, Spencer argues that political

individual

its

kind of legitimation traditional authority.

time-honored customs;

recreated.

is

is

attachment that provides moral basis for social identity and action.

According to Spencer,

would

as a

the public sentiment of community.

through religious sanctions. This argument of Spencer's

feeling of

The

power

political structure

arguing that underneath and prior to the political and judiciary systems

that everywhere appear to guide our

lective

a tendency to think of political

is

it.

Again

ascribed to a single

leader will eventually die and the governing

body be

However, linking government to family lineage and traditional authority

Organic Evolution

form

creates a stable

from one generation

that can survive

— Herbert Spencer

to the next (Spencer,

1876- 1896/ 1975b, pp. 321-344). Political

word

power

is

socialization,

ologists

also stabilized

through socialization. Spencer doesn't use the

but the process he describes

is

exactly

what contemporary

soci-

mean by the term. Through proper training during come to share similar ideas, sentiments, ideas of

youth, people right

and wrong, language, and so

ization

is

when

that

The

forth.

As

trick of social-

it is

still

a side note,

I

want

retically elaborates this

tions

custom passes

more

through

mention that Lloyd Warner theo-

to

clearly

whom

Spencerian notion of ideas and emo-

the feelings of

of the

(Spencer,

living.

1876-1 896/1 975b,

(1959) defines culture as "a symbolic organization of the

remembered experiences of the dead

past as newly

understood by the living members of the of this definition of culture

is

and

felt

The important element

collectivity" (p. 5).

the emotional attachment that symbols from the past

can bring. The people, ideas, and experiences of the past tend to take on sacred

Think about what happens

after a

person

dies.

There

is

a tendency to

speak of the individual in positive and reverent terms. The failures and idiosyn-

and her or

crasies of the individual are forgotten

to timeless values.

Warner

tells

his virtues are extolled

same things happen

us the

to collective

and linked memories.

We can recast meanings because signs and symbols become freed from their immediate controls (their social reality isn't immediately present)

they acquire a sacred power. The reason is

an interesting

theorist,

I

ideas prefigure quite a bit of sociological work. to

and

at

the

mention Warner, besides the

that he gives us yet another

is

same time fact that

he

example of how Spencer's

Warner himself attributes

his ideas

Durkheim, rather than Spencer.

Ecclesiastical

institutions:

We

have seen religion referenced in our discussion

of other institutions. Particularly,

we have

seen that religion functions as an agent

of social control. Religion infuses values and morals with supernatural power.

According to Spencer, religion also functions to reinforce and structures, particularly those built

an extension of a god's

around

spiritual order,

justify existing social

inequality. If social structures are seen as

and

if

behaviors are seen as holy directives,

then questioning social arrangements becomes a matter of questioning the god,

and inappropriate behavior becomes As with

social institutions,

all

evolutionary development.

sin.

Spencer

is

primarily concerned with tracing

Any student of religion

is

faced with one inarguable

through the course of human history, religion has changed. Our gion were not monotheistic or ethical. They were, in of

many gods

tion, then,

displaying quite

with which

over time? Did to

God

developments

we

human

are faced,

fact,

behaviors of greed, is

why

in society

initial

its

fact:

forms of reli-

marked by the presence

lust,

and so on. The ques-

did our conceptions of deity change

reveal her- or himself gradually, or

was the idea of God linked

and human personality? Spencer (1876-1896/1975c)

argues for the second alternative:

"Among

social

an agent

the dead control the actions

from the past influencing our behaviors today. Warner

qualities.

into

head becomes

successful, these socially constructed

items appear as subjective and natural to the individual.

As

fast as

law, the political

phenomena, those presented by

Ecclesiastical Institutions illustrate very clearly the general law of evolution" (p. 150).

p.

323)

53

EXPLORATIONS

54

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

take a

I'd like to

moment

either/or proposition.

God

idea of

to point out that

the case that

It isn't

evolved. If

God had

their

normal forms, as in abnormal forms, all gods

arise

by apotheosis. (Spencer,

In

p.

it

was

weren't ready either socially, or psychologically.

in society (and/or personality)

works through

19)

between

ties

history, then

and

our idea of God.

in

we would

If

God

expect to find similari-

and personality structures and the type of

social

On

religion practiced.

we would

humans,

That would imply that there would be corresponding changes

their

1876-1 896/1 975c,

are not necessarily faced with an

either revealed him/herself or the

to progressively reveal the truth to

we

because

we

God

the other hand,

there

if

is

no God, then

expect to find similarities between social and personality structures and

the type of religion practiced. Either way, the results are the same.

Spencer argues that

common

religions share a

all

genesis. Religion began,

according to Spencer, as "ghost-propitiation." Spencer argues that

became aware of themselves also have a self that can

We

as double.

human

have the waking, walking

be absent from the body.

We became

self,

aware of

beings

and we

this other-

self

through dreams and visions. During dreams, we have out-of-body experiences.

We

travel to faroff places

and engage

in

some

ing about these experiences, primitive There's part of us that

is

pretty

amazing behaviors.

humans concluded

tied to the earth

and time, but there

that

we

In think-

are double.

also part of us that

is

can transcend both.

Moving from conceptualizing

the other-self from

and

dream

the other self survives death

is

permanent

from which we don't awake.

sleep;

it's

a sleep

we must

are temporarily asleep, then

idea led early

humans

a short

states to thinking that

quite intuitive step.

also travel

If

Death seems

we

soul-travel

when we permanently

relatives

could cause mischief allies in

if

not taken care

of,

but they could also prove to be

life

on

this earth

through reincarnation. Early humans were

quite in tune with the cycles of nature. Trees that appear to die in winter in the spring.

ing death, to see

humans began

Thus

them

it

was not

came back

a very big step, once souls were seen as surviv-

also as the source for the other-self in

life.

In this way, early

their ancestor worship.

Obviously, ancestor worship also the

This

times of need. Further, these disembodied spirits also came to be

seen as the source for

life

sleep.

to minister to the dead, especially dead relatives. These dead

valuable

to

a lot like

when we

is

linked to family, and the head of the family was

head of religious observance. However, two

factors that

came from

conquest brought about significant social and structural changes.

human

First,

military

the

reli-

moved from nomadic existence to settled farming, war became more and more common. People were tied to the land in a way never before realized and land became a limited resource that gious function differentiated from family. As

had to

to

be protected from other groups

who had outgrown

produce enough food. The increased involvement he had to

that

shift

his

priestly

beings

responsibilities

in

to

the ability of their land

war by the clan chief meant another family member.

Eventually, these religious functions were separated structurally as well.

The other result

factor that influenced the

development of

religion,

people into the collective. Each of these groups of people had

and

which was

also the

of military conquest, was the incorporation of more and more conquered

ancestral worship. Polytheism

was therefore the natural

its

own

result

family god

of war and

Organic Evolution

— Herbert Spencer

55

conquest. Further, the presence of this competitive chaos of gods created pressures

that

a professional class of priests.

be

for there to this array

of

deities,

which of course

The

began to impose order on

priests

became most important were the gods of the most important

As

gods

reflected the social order of society: the families.

continued to evolve to more complex forms of organization, so did

societies

the structure of religion. Organized pantheons developed as the political structure

became more

centralized

on

cessful, societies

The hierarchy of higher

more

warlike,

and thus more suc-

And

developed images of vengeful and jealous gods

When

did as well.

religion for legitimation, the

became more

cal structure

class inequalities increased.

reflected the organized divisions of society. Because polity

and lower gods thus relies a great deal

and

centralized

governments

rely

and bureaucratized, the

on

as the politi-

religious structure

religion for legitimation,

it is

in the best

of the professional priestly class to organize and unite. As religious leaders

interest

organize and unite, they have to simplify the religious belief system, which in turn leads to

Max Weber

monotheism.

from magic

to ethical

gives a

more

detailed account of the evolution

monotheism, but the basic outline of Weber's thought

here

is

in Spencer.

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity While many of the theorists we about postmodernity,

want

I

to

will

look

at give us specific ideas to

employ Spencer

to

use to think

form the general problem.

Spencer gives us a clear theory of modernity. His overall interest

is

to explain the

evolution of society from primitive, simple structures to modern, complex structures.

His argument

that as populations

is

grow and compound,

entiate. Differentiated structures are held together

structures differ-

by mutual need and

a

powerful

regulatory system.

A postmodern

Defining postmodernity:

society

is

one wherein

social institutions

are not simply differentiated, they are fragmented. There are at least five important

reasons for this fragmentation and de-institutionalization: the level of structural

and communication technologies and

differentiation, the level of transportation

infrastructures, the level of

market velocity and expansiveness, the

of commodifkation, and the level of institutional doubt (Allan I

don't expect

will

you

be looking

idea of

at

level

to completely understand each of these variables right

them

in

subsequent chapters), but

I

do want you

and

rate

Turner, 2000).

now (we

to have a basic

what we mean by modernity and postmodernity.

Modernity and postmodernity are terms that are used In each, the

modernity unity. In

meaning

is

is

somewhat

modern

literature, for

and

literature,

number of disciplines.

in a

but the basic elements are the same: is

distinguished by dis-

example, the unity of narrative

their plot,

readers are fairly confident in

Postmodern

different,

characterized by unity and postmodernity

move along according to

plot

&

and while there might be

how

time

is

on the other hand,

character. Stories will typically

is

moving and where

doesn't

move

important. Novels

twists

and

turns,

the story

is

most

going.

in predictable patterns of

jump around and

are filled with indirect

56

EXPLORATIONS

and

reflexive references to past styles of writing or stories.

novel is

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

convey

to

is

a sense

to create a feeling

The

of continuity in the story; the goal of a postmodern work

of disorientation and ironic humor.

In the social world, modernity

by progress; bv grand narratives

associated with the Enlightenment

is

and

the opposite or the critique of

things have changed. Society

People seem

is

all that.

and defined

and through the structures of capital-

beliefs;

ism, science, technology and the nation-state. To state the obvious, is

modern

goal of a

postmodernism

According to most postmodern thought,

no longer marked by

a sense of

more discouraged than encouraged, more

hope

in progress.

with a blase attitude

filled

than optimism. We'll explore some of the specifics of the postmodern critique of

grand narratives, science and technology, capitalism, and the nation-state

work our wav through However, right

me

First let

one

ernism to \et,

I

a

Postmodern theory

human

reality. If

to begin

culture

effects:

postmodern

say,

is

ideas

is

doomed

to

fail

on

based on the idea of the inability of cat-

then, that I'm going to reduce

and we

are

more

the individual are

theories

postmod-

it

is

to

where

me

&

choose to begin.

down

to

two main

issues

Turner, 2000). Because of certain

become more important

more important now than they

has

I

to boil

in

our

lives

than social struc-

individually oriented than group oriented. Thus, culture and

both culture and the individual are important, but

seem

and the individual (Allan

social changes, culture has ture,

I

on postmodernism.

a couple of handles

somewhere, and here

The various postmodern or

you

few concepts or categories, I'm already outside the postmodern project.

good

it is

to give

say that any attempt to capture

egories to express

we

the book.

now want

level or another.

as

less effectual

ever have been. Nevertheless,

than ever before as

become fragmented and unable

well.

Culture

is

to aid in the production of a

unified society. Further, a decisive break between reality and culture has occurred,

such that

all

we have

are texts

and subjective meanings. The individual

is

more

important, too, but has become de-centered and unable to emotionally connect in

any stable or

Religion



real fashion.

a postmodern case

through our

theorists,

but

Spencer argues that there

let is

in point:

me

give

We

themes

will explore these

as

we move

you an example of what we're talking about.

a symbiotic connection

between religion and the

state.

Religion serves to legitimate the state, and the state in turn provides religion with structure

and protection. In

this relationship

also explores the evolution of religion

between the

from polytheism

ourselves a rather natural question: If religion ally

is

state

to

and

Spencer

religion,

monotheism.

Let's

ask

evolving, what's next? Spencer actu-

has a section dedicated to the idea of the future of religion, but he doesn't get

very

far.

look

at

To see what might be going on with religion

what Thomas Luckmann,

a

contemporary

in a

postmodern

society, let's

social theorist, has to say.

According to Luckmann (1991), society has always used religion

to create ulti-

mate meanings. Like Spencer, Luckmann acknowledges that these meanings are used to legitimate social institutions, as well as to answer impossible questions such

as,

what

to stabilize

is

the

Why did my mother die? We can intentionallv change

meaning of life?

our meaning systems.

changes we brought about in the meaning oi race and

I.

Religion also servo

our meanings

— the

gender in the I'nited States

Organic Evolution

good examples. However, because meaning

are

and change on

to shift

its

own.

look

Let's

at

it

is

socially constructed,

— Herbert Spencer tend

will

it

terms of what we do to the natural

in

environment. Most of us have lived in houses with yards. "Yards" don't naturally

We

we have to plant all the trees, grass, and bushes in the exact places we want them. I remember as a child, my parents had a plan drawn up to help them build the yard. Once we put in the yard, we have to work to keep it up. If we don't, the yard will revert back to nature and be gone. The same is true with symbolic meanings. Once in place, happen.

have to

kill

the weeds; rototill the soil or bring topsoil in;

they have to be kept up and stabilized in order to continue to

exist.

Religion does

an amazing job of stabilizing our meaning by equating our constructed meanings with eternal truths and by conceptualizing deviance and disorder with

However, according cialization has

made

Luckmann, modern

to

sin.

and spe-

structural differentiation

the great transcendences (the ultimate meanings of

life)

that

religion provides structurally unstable. This structural instability has resulted in the

"privatization of religion"

(

1991, p. 176), a

Other parts of society have

and turned

religion

new form of religion.

the gap

filled in

to profitable business.

it

left

As

by the

loss of highly structured

a result, the individual

with a de-monopolized market created by mass media, churches and ual nineteenth-century secular ideologies,

The products of this market form set that refers to

a

and

more or

is

faced

sects, resid-

substitute religious communities.

less systematically

arranged meaning

minimal, intermediate, but rarely great transcendences. In other

words, the meanings provided through mass media and commodities are small

and

fleeting.

Under

these conditions, a set of meanings

individual for a long or short period of time

from other meaning

What Luckmann ultimate meanings

may be

taken up by an

and may be combined with elements

sets. is



describing

are held in

an environment where meanings

is



particularly

doubt and where individual people can pick and

choose which meanings they want to hold to and which they don't. Most of us to think that

believe.

ing of

I

we ought

think this level of freedom

more

like

choose what we believe and what we don't

to be free to

is

certainly preferable to the enforced

Salem witch

traditional societies (think of the

trials),

mean-

but there are

other effects of this level of freedom as well. If every person can pick and choose

what meaning

suits

them, then meaning by definition

is

unstable and borders

on

meaninglessness.

Not too long

ago,

I

met someone

that exemplifies

what Luckmann

is

talking

When she introduced herself to me, she told me she was a "Christian-Pagan." threw me for a loop. The word pagan originally meant "country dweller," but

about.

That it

got

its

current meaning of "heathen" or "irreligious hedonist and materialist"

from Christians who used magic. So,

tell

me, what

it

is

to refer to non-believers

and people who practiced

a Christian-Non-Believer? Or, better yet,

Christian-Non-Christian? You might respond and she should be able to create her

own meanings

say, "Well, that's

for her

own

life." I

but this kind of situation begs a larger, more important question:

what

is

a

her choice and don't disagree,

How will this loss

of predictable meaning influence society?

We

will return to these issues

surrounding modernity and postmodernity in

most of our chapters. Throughout the book, we

are going to explore the

main

issues

57

58

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

of postmodernism, culture and

My hope

provide.

historical

self,

for this exercise

moment

in

which we

some of

using

is

the ideas that our theorists will

you

to better attune

to the possibilities of the

live.

Summary •

Spencer's perspective

Spencer's point of view

which most

ronment, and

He approaches

purpose

his

as a theorist

The reason

that Spencer sees the It is

society as

is

Notice that, for his time, Spencer had a a critical theory.

foundational for sociology.

He

expli-

sociologists will either agree or disagree.

founded on positivism, the search

is

that govern the universe.

many ways

in

is

cates the basic premises with

were an object in the envi-

if it

to simply describe fairly radical

for the invariant laws

how this

object works.

point of view; yet, his

is

not

for this blend of radical yet descriptive perspective

is

dynamics of progress existing within the evolutionary process.

important, then, to try and change the way people think about society. For

less

much

like

an organic system, with various parts functioning

for the welfare of the whole.

He

extends the analogy to explicate the evolutionary

Spencer, society works

changes in society, from simple to complex structural differentiation. The evolution of society occurs in

much

the

same way

that evolution occurs universally: through

the motion and force of matter driven by the instability of

segmentation, and the multiplication of All systems



homogeneous

units,

effects.

have universal needs: regulation, operation, and distribution.

Every system, including society, meets these needs through various kinds of struc-

The ways

tures.

tem and

in

society.

which the needs are met produce the unique features of each

Generally speaking, there

structural differentiation

separate

and

and

is

specialization, with system needs being

distinct structures. For society, this trend

dependency but

and

also

specialize in function. This process

problems

in coordination

and

met through

driven by increases in pop-

is

ulation size. As the population increases, especially through tures differentiate

compounding,

system integration. However, too

much

struc-

produces interstructural

control. In response, society

tends to centralize the regulatory subsystem, which, along with dependency, tates

sys-

an evolutionary trend toward greater

facili-

regulation can cause stagnation and

pressures for deregulation. In reaction to these system pressures, societies in the

long run •

move back and

forth

on

a

continuum between

Social institutions are special kinds of structures.

societal needs, resist

militaristic

They

and

industrial.

are organized

around

change, and are morally infused. All institutions, however,

change slowly through evolutionary pressures, and because they are functionally related,

change

is

mutual and generally

ily

chosen because

it

provides

moves from polytheism

to

more

and bureaucratic

direction. Generally speaking,

monogamy (monogamy is evolutionar-

explicit

and

stable social relations); religion

monotheism (monotheism has

tage of providing a single legitimating tions

same

in the

family evolves from universal promiscuity to

states); the state generally

political structures to industrial

the evolutionary advan-

and enforcing mechanism

moves from

for diverse popula-

militaristic

with simpler

with more complex structures; and ceremonial

Organic Evolution

importance

institutions generally recede in

as religion, family,

successful structures. In spite of this, the political

move back and threat,



and the

on

forth

for Spencer

is

characterized by high levels of structural differentia-

increased chances of survival. Postmodernity cultural fragmentation.

The main

around unity



difference

characterized by institutional and

is

between differentiation and fragmenta-

in differentiated systems, the different elements are linked

together, whereas in a fragmented system, the parts are not as organized

The

greater freedom.

and

effects

and meaningful. Religion

is

and thus open

centrally organized

and have

of postmodernity are themselves contradictory: culture

self (subjective experience) are

less real

to

in response to vested interests, perceived

complexity gives modern societies greater adaptability and

tion. This increased

tion revolves

and polity become

and ceremonial structures tend

of social inequality.

level

Modernity

continuum

a

— Herbert Spencer

simultaneously becoming

more important and

a case in point: religion in

postmodernity

is less

to increasingly idiosyncratic interpretations.

Building Your Theory Toolbox

Conversations With Herbert Spencer Web Research



Almost anytime we Spencer son.

isn't

What

talk with

people

here with us now, but

we

we can

learn something about

still

learn about

him

them

kinds of personal information would you likely pick up

Herbert Spencer? For example, did you

know

Perhaps not earth-shattering information, but

as individuals.

as a thinking, feeling perif

you talked with

that he invented a type of paperclip? it's

still

To find out some

interesting.

intriguing information about Spencer, use Google or your favorite search engine to

answer the following questions. You

combine terms



(like

It

have to read biographical statements or

"Spencer and knowledge") to find your answers.

In Spencer's time, tions.

may

it

was customary

for

gentlemen to belong to clubs or associa-

appears that for Spencer his club memberships were particularly impor-

What were the Athenaeum and X Clubs? What was Spencer's X Club name? What is the Royal Society and what was Spencer's association with it? As we will see, most of our theorists had interesting relationships with religion. What was Spencer's religious background? What does it mean to be a Benthamite tant.



(follower of Jeremy

Bentham)?

How do you think these factors influenced the way

Spencer saw the world? •

In

view of the

fact that

Spencer was a founding thinker

as psychology, sociology, physics, biology,

interesting.

education

is

How much

in

many

required today to do the

such

and so on, the way he was educated

formal education did Spencer have?

do you think have contributed

disciplines,

work

that Spencer did?

to these differences?

How much What

social

is

formal

changes

59

60

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

Spencer was very typical of fact, his

how Enlightenment

kind of knowledge did Spencer think

What do you

Spencer's perspective? this type

is

How

does this

What

fit

with

some problems with defining

think might be

and

the social circumstances in our theorists' lives give us insights into the

historical differences

between

their time

have been associated with what we would today it

be dominant today.

to

"of most worth"?

of knowledge as most worthy?

Many times social

thinkers viewed knowledge. In

way of thinking about knowledge continues

and why did he use

in Spencer's

Sometimes

it?

What do you

and

call

ours. Spencer's death

may

"drug abuse." What drug was

think this issue

us about social control

tells

modernity and our time?

there's

more to our theorists than meets

and how was Spencer

the eye.

Who was George Eliot

related to George?

Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) Each of our theorists has a worldview. This worldview

is

informed by assumptions and

values concerning the universe, the social world, and/or what

upon which each

perspective forms the base

it

means

to

be human. This

theorist does his or her work;

it

is

funda-

mental to what makes their work unique. Most of their concepts and theories flow out of their worldview.

way of stating •

Given Spencer's perspective, answer the following questions (Another

this issue

is,

what would a Spencerian

all

svstem or another? to

one another

I

benefits

come from having one

phenomena? Spencer's grand theory

evolution and systems.



What

Evaluate the idea of grand theory.

theory to explain

If

Do you

is

how

how

like?

:

universal

based on the ideas of

think that everything in the universe

not within systems,

for example,

look

analysis of

is

part of one

then do different particulars relate

are institutions relate

d

Using Google or your favorite search engine, find a definition of globalization.

How

would Spencer view

globalization? (Hint: think in terms of svstems

and

complex •

Consult a recent newspaper and read

and the economy.

How would

articles

about

social institutions like the state

Spencer interpret these current events?

Engaging the World (using the theory) Thinking

now

of Spencer's theory (his concepts and relationships), answer the

following questions:



monogamy developed because of its functional use in creating social relationships. Many people feel that monogamv is currentlv threatened. If monogamy is in danger, how do you think Spencer would theorize about it? spencer argues that

Remember, he would think about

it

in progressive, evolutionary- tern:

Organic Evolution



— Herbert Spencer Do

the heart of social control.

Spencer argues that ceremonial institutions are

at

you think the use of ceremonial

gone up or down since Spencer's

institutions has

time? Theoretically, what do you think this change would indicate? Recalling our definitions of structures



more

social institutions today

imply about

society

is

state

more modern

institutions,

What does

society's survivability?

Spencer says about the

and

do you think there

than one hundred years ago?

and

If so,

imply about the

it

structural differentiation,

state?

through a few of the is

that

or postmodern? stories."

Read

Based on your reading, do you think that the news

sites.

being censored in this country?

explain

this

Given what

would you say

Using Google or your favorite search engine, type in "censored news



are

what does

If so,

or

not,

if

how would

Spencer's theory

it?

Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) There are central themes about which most of our theorists speak. These themes include modernity; social institutions such as the diversity, equality,

and oppression;

social

approach to theory is to pay attention to

religion; culture;

cohesion and change; and empiricism.

how these themes are developed. As I

beginning chapter, one of the ways we can build theory trast,

economy, and

state,

and bring together elements from

is

A

good

noted in the

through synthesis: compare, con-

different theorists.

The following questions

are

based on Spencer's theorizing and are meant to begin your thinking about these themes:



What

are the functions of kinship in society?

in the evolution

time, •

What

of society?

what do you think is

If

that

How did the structure of kinship

aid

the structure of kinship has changed since Spencer's

means (remember

religion's function in society?

to think like Spencer)?

How has religion evolved over time? In other

words, what are the social factors that contributed to changes in religion? •

What

is

the basis of political

in the type of state •

and

power

in society?

What

factors bring about changes

structure?

How do societies differentiate? Once societies differentiate, how do they integrate? Thinking

like

Spencer,

structural complexity •

its

What

are the basic

L.

(

1991

).

differentiation as

that this country has higher or lower

compared

to even 50 years ago?

themes of modernity and postmodernity?

Further Explorations Paxton, N.

would you conclude

and

— Readings

George Eliot and Herbert Spencer: Feminism, evolutionism, and the reconstruc-

tion of gender. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (Interesting analysis

of Spencer's rela-

tionship to Eliot and feminist thought) Spencer, H. (1904).

An

Spencer's thought

Turner,

J.

autobiography.

and

New

York: Appleton.

(Good source

for

background

to

life)

H. (1985). Herbert Spencer:

duction to Spencer's thought)

A

renewed appreciation. Beverly

Hills,

CA:

Sage. (Clear intro-

61

62

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Further Explorations

—Web Links: Spencer

http://wrww.iep. utm.edu/s/spencer.htm

(Site

Philosophy; good overview of Spencer's

maintained by The Internet Encyclopedia of

life

and work)

http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/spencer.htm

Economics

at the

New

School;

good source

http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/spencer/

maintained by the Department of

(Site

for further

(Site

Web

links

about Spencer)

maintained by Stanford Encyclopedia of

Philosophy; solid review of Spencer's philosophy)



Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Spencer Thomas Malthus:

http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/malthus.htm (Site maintained by the

Department of Economics links

at the

New School; good

source for information and further

Karl Ernst von Baer: http://www.zbi.ee/baer/ (Site maintained by the von Baer

background,

museum,

Estonia;

ideas, further readings)

Charles Darwin: http://www.aboutdarwin.com/index.html lots

Web

about Malthus)

(Site

maintained byAboutDarwin.com;

of interesting historical facts about Darwin and his work)

CHAPTER

3



Engines of Change Karl Marx (German, 1818-1883)

63

64

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

The Perspective: Human Nature,

The

History,

and

The Ramifications of Capitalism

85

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

Summary

A

98

knowledge of the writings of Marx and Engels

an educated person

to

Marxism

.

.

.

of social inquiry

Marx and

thought,

and

itself.

.

Engels

.

.

Not

and

virtually indis-

is

.

.

.

For

classical society,

indeed, about the nature

be well grounded in the writings

to

be insufficiently attuned

to

is

and politics;

self-excluded to a degree

by which most contemporary are free

our time.

in

has profoundly affected ideas about history,

economics, ideology, culture,

of

95

97

Building Your Theory Toolbox

pensable

69

Reality

75

Basic Features of Capitalism

from

to

modern

the continuing debate

societies live insofar as their

members

able to discuss the vital issues. (Tucker, 1978, p. ix)

Karl Marx formspeoplefoundation unaware of the

much sociological as well as social thinkhis influence). Marx is the one that gave us

for

ing (even for

the initial insight to see patterns of conflict evolving

and revolving around

we notice, understand, and care about inequaliMarx did. Marx also taught us to pay attention to

systems of inequality. So, anytime ties,

the

we

are seeing the world like

economy and

the state and

how the

elite in

those institutions use power and ide-

ology. If we see class as an important determinant in

we History

itself

is

natural history

—of nature's

under

will in

itself

we

time subsume

man

subsume under

natural

itself

science: there will be

feel that

some of the

If

life,

then

think that

the government

may actually be used by the upper then

we

are thinking like Marx. If

things that people believe

may

in the

long run keep them oppressed or prevent them from reaching

the science of man,

just as the science of

Marx.

institutions

class to facilitate inequality,

coming to be man. Natural science

are thinking like

and other social

a real part of

we

their full potential, then

will

we

are thinking like Marx.

More than his influence on social Marx has been a dominant figure that

one

argued against,

science. (Marx, 1932/1 978a,

like

of thought

is

theorists have either

Weber, or used in unique ways to under-

stand society and the

pp. 90-91)

thinking in general,

way

One

inequality works.

such school

the Frankfurt School, the birthplace of critical

theory. We've been talking about the Enlightenment, positivism,

Marx is

and the idea of progress. Marx's theory generally

feels that

history and society can and should be

decidedly an empiricist.

ward

in

He

falls

under

this perspective.

studied scientifically;

and he

argues that societies change and history moves for-

response to dialectic structural forces in the economy; thus, for Marx,

society functions

much

like a

machine, according to law-like principles that can be

Engines of Change

Marx

discovered and used. Most importantly for our present discussion,

human

consciousness

He

materially based as well.

is



posits that

argues that consciousness

is

directly related to economic, material production; thus he argues against idealism, religion,

and most philosophy. While Marx approach

scientific

The

is

of society, he also holds that a

critical

is

the path to true knowledge that

would

liberate the oppressed.

Frankfurt School, formed in 1922 at the University of Frankfurt in Germany,

inverts Marx's

emphasis on the empirical world and science. The events in Germany

during the 1920s and 1930s created an intellectual atmosphere where the of ideology apart from Nationalism



became an important focus of

class relations

—took root

pride in one's national identity at any cost

Germany and came

to fruition

under the Nazis. As a

result of

not only

use

state's

research.

prewar

in

WWII

but

also WWI, the burning question for many social and behavioral scientists became, how is it possible for people to believe in such a destructive national ideology? Some of the answers, such as those from Erich Fromm, focused on psychological issues. Others,

such as the Frankfurt School, focused on the social production

of knowledge and

its

but for

a bit,

now

human

relationship to

focuses on Marx's Hegelian roots.

the salient point

Thus,

Hegel in

on Hegel produced

that this refocus

is

from material explanations of consciousness

shift

Marxism

consciousness. This kind of

We will talk more about Georg Wilhelm to idealistic

and

a

major

cultural ones.

Marx, the Frankfurt School focuses on ideology; but, unlike Marx,

like

criti-

theory sees idological production as linked to culture and knowledge rather

cal

than

and material

class

relations of production. Ideology, then,

is

more broadly

based and insidious than Marx supposed.

Max Horkheimer became

the director of the Frankfurt School in 1930

and

continued in that position until 1958. Horkheimer criticized the contemporary

Western belief that

positivistic science

was the instrument that would bring about

necessary changes, positing instead that the questions that occupy the social

and reinforce the

sciences simply reflect

Horkheimer believed

and

is

the

a different

Jiirgen

and

order.

political

that the kind of instrumental reasoning or rationality that

associated with science

the subject

existing social

is

is

oriented only toward control and exploitation, whether

atom or human

kind of perspective

beings. Science is

needed

thus intrinsically oppressive,

is

knowledge about people.

to create

Habermas, the current director since 1963, picked up Horkheimer's theme

and argues

that there are three kinds of

knowledge that

is

knowledge and

hermeneutic or interpretive knowledge that another and working together; and pation. Because scientific

critical

knowledge seeks

within a given phenomenon, science as they exist.

interests: empirical, analytic

interested in the technical control of the

That being the

is

knowledge that to explain the

historically

case, scientific

environment

(science);

interested in understanding

is

is

one

interested in emanci-

dynamic processes found

bound. That

is, it

knowledge of human

only sees things institutions

and

behaviors can only describe and thus reinforce existing political arrangements (since society

edge,

is").

As such, science

on the other hand,

relations is

taken "as

is

and thus

limited,

isn't

in sociology

is

ideological. Critical

situates itself outside the historical

susceptible to the

and truly important

same

social questions

historical confines of present-day experience.

knowl-

normative

social

limitations as science. Thus, science

must be addressed from outside the

The

to get rid of the distortions, misrepresentations,

intent of critical

and

political values

knowledge found

in

is

our

Karl

Marx

65

— 66

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

knowledge and speech. relationship between

Critical theory

knowledge and

Antonio Gramsci (1928/1971)

based in praxis and sees an inseparable

is

interests.

important cultural extension of

gives us another

Marx. For Gramsci, the condition of the West

is

past the point

based Marxist revolution can occur. Revolution for Gramsci

economic

uct of external

forces as in

implies,

social

system and

capitalist

and Gramsci makes problems

its

system with

its

is

based upon

it.

So, in order to

ideology you must be outside of

This obviously presents a problem for the

elite:

the system

it

is

and grasp

is

whole.

as a

it

is

particularly dif-

Workers, on the other hand, while subject to the ideology of the

system, are also by definition outside of alienation

understand the

created by and works for

the benefit of the capitalist ruling class. Standing outside the system ficult for capitalists.

knowledge.

critical

only way to truly see the whole

specific, that the

to stand outside of

is

where the materially not the simple prod-

Marx, but revolutions come out of and are pre-

ceded by intense cultural work. This cultural work

Marx

is

it.

The working

class

by

its

very position of

capable of seeing the true whole, the knowledge of class relations from

the standpoint of the entire society

and

system of production and social relations.

its

Another school of Marxist thought that

tems theory,

initiated

is

particularly noteworthy

by Immanuel Wallerstein. According

is

to

world

sys-

Wallerstein

(1974/1980), individual states are currently linked together in a world economic system. There are four types of states in this world economy: the core, which contains the great military states that are

and economic powers of the day; the semi-periphery

between the core and the periphery

military power; the periphery,

which

is

poor and labor

forced.

is

having the periphery to exploit, enjoys light taxation, high standard of

living.

external areas to exploit. will

dominate.

The key

When

terms of economic and

The periphery is the

the external areas available for conquest. force, thus living conditions are

in

the colonial or undeveloped countries; and

to the

core's exploited labor

The

core, as a result of

relatively free labor,

world economic system

there are

no more

is

and

a

the presence of

external areas, world capitalism

And once that happens, the internal contradictions of capitalism will

play themselves out and the end result will be a world socialist government. Thus,

Marx,

rather than emphasizing the critical consciousness that

is

the Frankfurt School, world systems theory simply

the empirical class

ics

lifts

implicit in

as does

dynam-

out from the national level and situates them globally. I

our

much

won't spend this theorists. I've

gone into

time talking about the contemporary influences of a bit of detail with

us to see that Marx's influence

is

Marx because I think

stronger today than

it

it is

all

of

important for

has ever been. Above

about two main paths through which Marxism has come to us today:

I

talked

critical

and

world systems theory. These two paths have, in turn, informed countless other con-

temporary perspectives and critical race

literary criticism; the

Jameson, and others;

postmodern

critical

of the defining features of a

However,

I

theories.

Among them

theory; globalization studies; the

would hazard

social, political,

and

media classic:

are feminist standpoint theorv;

Birmingham School of Cultural

theories of Douglas Kellner, studies; it

and the

list

goes on.

Studies;

Ben Agger, Fredric

Of course,

this

is

one

continues to influence contemporary thought.

a guess that Marx's thought has specifically influenced

sociological thinking

more than any other

our

thinker in this book.

.

.

.

Engines of Change

I

end

introduction with a quote from Friedrich Engels (1978b), spoken at

this

Marx's graveside.

On

the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest

living thinker ceased to think.

He had been

and when we came back we found him

—but

sleep

alone for scarcely two minutes,

left

gone

in his armchair, peacefully

to

for ever.

An immeasurable loss has been sustained. departure of this mighty Just as

spirit will

.

.

.

The gap

that has

soon enough make

been

by the

left

itself felt.

Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx

discovered the law of development of human history: the simple

concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must drink, have shelter

and clothing, before

it

can pursue

fact,

first

hitherto

of

all eat,

politics, science, art,

production of the immediate material means,

religion, etc.; that therefore the

and consequently the degree of economic development attained by

a given

people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art,

and even the

on

ideas

of the

religion,

people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as

But that

not

is

Marx

all.

mode

for

Marx

For

Marx was

man

before

tion of the

all else

which

modern

position and

it

.

.

its

.

.

a revolutionist. His real mission in to the

which he was the

few could

rival

was to con-

to contribute to the libera-

first

to

make conscious of its

needs, conscious of the conditions of

And he

life

overthrow of capitalist society and of the

had brought into being,

proletariat,

Fighting was his element. cess such as

motion governing

of production, and the bourgeois society that

dynamic, revolutionary force

one way or another,

state institutions

its

emancipation.

fought with a passion, a tenacity and a suc-

.

.

And, consequently, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated time. Governments, both absolutist territories.

in

and republican, deported him from

heaping slanders upon him. All

were a cobweb, ignoring

pelled him.

And he

it,

this

their

will

millions of revolu-

Siberia to California, in

I

many opponents, he had

he brushed aside as though

mourned by

—from the mines of Europe and America— and make bold say name

of his

answering only when extreme necessity com-

died beloved, revered and

tionary fellow workers

His

man

Bourgeois, whether conservative or ultra-democratic, vied with

one another it

case.

of science. But this was not even half the man. Science was

a historically

tribute, in

own

mode

of production has created

Such was the

had hitherto been the

also discovered the special law of

the present-day capitalist this



to

that,

all

parts of

though he may have had

hardly one personal enemy.

endure through the ages, and so also

will his

work.

(p.

681)

Karl

Marx

67

68

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Marx Born on May

Review

in

1818, in Trier, one of the oldest cities in Germany, to

5,

Heinrich and Henrietta Marx. Both parents came from a long line of rabbis.

His father was the

first in his

family to receive a secular education (he

could recite numerous passages from Enlightenment thinkers)

was a lawyer who allowed himself

— Heinrich

to be baptized Protestant in order to

move that was not entirely successful. Marx enrolled in the University of Bonn to study law.

avoid anti-Semitism; a

At seventeen, Karl

was there that he came

who were poverty,

critical

in contract with

of Prussian society (specifically, because

government censorship, and

Hegelians were particularly legitimation.

Bonn was

it

religious discrimination).

of the Prussian

critical

It

and joined the Young Hegelians,

also a party school

state's

contained

The Young

use of religious

and young Marx spent

deal of his time in beer halls. His father thus

moved him

to a

a

good

more acade-

mically oriented university (Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat in Berlin)

where,

much

to his father's chagrin,

Because of his political

Marx's interests turned to philosophy.

Marx was denied

affiliations,

by the government. Marx turned to writing and

government censorship In 1843, Paris,

Marx moved

a university position

editing, but

had

to battle

continually.

to Paris with his

new wife, Jenny von Westphalen. who had been suppressed

he read the works of reformist thinkers

In in

Germany and began his association with Friedrich Engels. During his time in Paris, Marx wrote several documents that were intended for self clarification (they were never published in his lifetime) but have since become important Marxian

and The German

texts

Ideology,

(Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844

which was finished

in Brussels).

Marx moved from Brussels, back to Paris, and then to Germany. Much of his movement was associated with revolutions that broke out in Paris and Germany in 1848. That year also marks the publication of The Communist Manifesto. Finally, in 1849, Marx moved to Over the next

several years,

London, where he remained. He spent the early years of the 1850s writing several historical

In 1852, sit

daily

and

political

Marx began from 10am

pamphlets.

his studies at the British

Museum. There he would

to 7pm, studying the reports of factory inspectors

and other documents

that described the abuses of early capitalism. This

research formed the basis of

Das

Kapital, his largest work.

During

this

time, three of his children died of malnutrition.

The workers' movements were First International.

quiet after 1848, until the founding of the

Founded by French and

opening of the London

Exhibition of

British labor leaders at the

Modern

Industry, the union soon

had members from most industrialized countries.

Its

goal was to replace

Marx spent the next decade of his life working with the International. The movement continued to gain strength worldwide until the Paris Commune of 1871. The Commune was the first capitalism with collective ownership.

Engines of Change

worker revolution and government. Three months Paris

after



Karl

Marx

69

formation,

its

was attacked by the French government. Thirty thousand unarmed

workers were massacred.

Marx continued

produced another major writing. His

to study but never

wife died in 1881 and his remaining daughter a year

home on March

later.

Marx

died in his

14, 1883.

The Perspective: Human Nature, The nucleus of Marx's thought contains two

issues,

History,

and Reality

both of which come from the

world of philosophy. Three interrelated questions have dominated philosophy since its

beginning,

years ago: What is reality? How do we know what we humans uniquely aware of their world and themselves? The

some 2500

know? And, how

are

question asks what kinds of things exist and that field of study

first

ogy (the study of being or

and

created

its field

third issue looks at it is

existence).

of study

how

is

The second question

asks

is

called ontol-

how knowledge

called epistemology (the study of knowledge).

is

The

people are aware of themselves and their surroundings;

simply referred to as the philosophy of consciousness.

Species-being:

Marx

actually builds his sociology

from

humans

his answers to these ques-

and knowledge

tions. Let's consider the issues of consciousness

first.

It

seems

we are not simply aware of the environment; we are also conscious of our own awareness of it. And second, we can be conscious of our own existence and give it meaning. There are many philosophical and some sociological speculations about how this came about. Marx proposes a rather unique answer to By means of [species-being] the problem of human consciousness: species-being. nature appears as his work and Marx argues that the unique thing about being human is his reality. The object of labor that we create our world. All other animals live in a kind of is, therefore, the objectification are aware in a

way that other animals

are not. First,

it

symbiotic relationship with the physical environment that sur-

of man's species

rounds them. Zebras feed on the grass and lions feed on the

longer reproduces himself

zebras,

and

the lions.

in the

end the grass feeds on both the zebras and

The world of the

lion, zebra,

occurring world, but not so for the

must

create a

world in which to

live.

and

grass

human

is

a naturally

world.

They must

Humans

in effect alter

or destroy the natural setting and construct something new.

The human

mechanism

is

in a creative fashion in order to life.

something new

in the

humans can come from

There

is,

all

Thus,

when humans plow

environment that

to see their

others

comes

own

in

a real sense, and he sees his

own

reflection in a

as the

produce the

being observes the created

then, an intimate connection between producer

tence of the product defines the nature of the producer.

is

mirror through which

nature. Self-consciousness as a species that

human

world

which he has constructed.

a field or build a skyscraper, there

in turn acts as a

no

consciousness, but actively and

the ability to change the

necessities of

for he

intellectually, as in

(Marx, 1932/1995, survival

environment

tinct

merely

life;

human

is

dis-

world.

and product: the very

exis-

p.

102)

70

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

Here's an illustration to help us think about

by hand,

clothing or a

like

woodworking

ground up? Remember how important ingful than

something you buy

had invested

a piece

project, or perhaps built a car

reflection of

chased commodity could never be. But this short of what

Marx truly has

in

poor

a

is

you

from the

was more mean-

It

made

way

in a

illustration

that a pur-

because

had made

tool or a shirt, they

it

or they

knew the person who

world was intimately connected. They saw themselves purely if

falls

it

human beings in their natInitially, human beings cre-

ated everything in their world by hand. There weren't supermarkets or malls.

had a

You

it.

mind. Marx implies that

immediate consciousness.

ural state lived in a kind of

to you?

simply because you had

was a

it; it

was

that thing

at the store

of yourself in

Have you ever made anything

this:

If

they

did. Their entire

in every product. Or,

they had bartered for something, then they saw an immediate social relationship

with the person

who had made

the thing.

When

had produced, they saw themselves, they saw a

human

(creative producers),

human. They

intimately

and they

The world

tions with other people.

saw intimate and immediate

also

that

they looked into the world they

clear picture of themselves as being social rela-

surrounded them was immediately and

and controlled and understood themselves

created

through the world that they had made.

human

Notice a very important implication of Marx's species-being: their nature are social

and

altruistic.

Marx's vision of human

tance of society in our species survival.

because of society. Through society

we

We

create

is

beings by

based on the impor-

survive collectively and individually

what

is

needed for

survival; if

it

were

human animal would become extinct. We are not equipped to any other manner. What this means, of course, is that we have a social

not for society, the survive in

nature

—we

altruistic.

only are survival

we not is

by nature. Species-being

are not individuals

Altruism

defined as uncalculated

is

individualistic

most natural inclination would be is

why Marx

system to our nature

under compromising

will

we

don't see

structures.

It is

would stand

selfish. If



it's

self.

The

are

Not

human

to reason that

group and not the

communism

believes in

state. Further,

of modernity/capitalism,

and

to serve the

it

we

to others' interests.

by nature, we are not naturally

based on collective cooperation, then

species-being

also implies that

commitment

our

idea of

the closest economic

Marx would argue that, under conditions these attributes in humans because we exist

capitalism that teaches us to be self-centered

self-serving. This effect of capitalistic structures

is

go through a transition stage of socialism on

why Marx argues that society its way from capitalism to

communism. Marx's theory of species-being also has implications for knowledge and consciousness. In the primitive society that we've been talking about,

edge about the world was objective and

harmony with

their

own

in this creative act. In species-being,

reflects

back our

own

is

expressed,

nature.

human

ideas

the problem of survival. clearest

and thought

Humans

survive

and most true ideas are grounded

people become truly conscious of themselves

their ideas. Material production, then,

which human nature

humans' knowl-

they held ideas that were in perfect

nature. According to Marx,

come about in the moment of solving because we creatively produce, and our and

real;

is

supposed

to

and the product ought

be the conduit through to act as a mirror that

Engines of Change

an analogy to get

Let's try

at this

extremely important

issue.



There are a limited

number of ways you can know how you physically look (video, pictures, portraits, mirrors, and so forth). The function of each of these methods is to represent or reproduce our image with as resentation

little

What

was impossible?

what

distortion as possible. But

if

accurate rep-

medium changed your image

some would be

every

if

We would

way?

in

have no true idea how we physically look. All of our ideas some way. We would think we see ourselves but we wouldn't. Marx

false in

ing this

kind of argument; but not about our physical appearance;

with something

much more important and fundamental

We think we see but we don't. We need to take this analogy one step

he's

—our nature

mak-

is

concerned

as

humans.

it,

and videos, there

is

What I mean

reality.

further: notice that with mirrors, pictures,

kind of correspondence between the representation and

a is

that each of these

case of our physical appearance, that's

media presents

what we want. Imagine

one how you looked and the person played an audio wouldn't

mode

make any sense, would

it?

a visual image, if

and

its

in the

you asked some-

cassette tape for you.

That

There would be no correspondence between the

initial presentation. This, too, is what Marx is know something about our human nature, if we want to see it represented to us, where should we look? What kind of medium would correspond to our nature? Marx is arguing that every species is defined by its method of

of representation and the

telling us. If we

want

to

survival or existence.

Why are whales, lions,

and hummingbirds

all

different?

They

are different because they have different ways of existing in the world. What makes human beings different from whales, lions, and hummingbirds? Humans have a different mode of existence. We creatively produce what we need we make products, and we are the only species that does. So, where should we look to understand our nature? What is the medium that corresponds to the question? If we want to know how we look physically, we look toward visual images. But if we want to know about our nature, we must look to



production and everything associated with is

there it

is

says

cut

we understand

falls off"

Thus, according to Marx, production

this

who and what we

into place. To understand species-being

on the need is

and we can

is

to

also

why Marx

into being

now

also

is

is

in

why Marx

in creative

produc-

anything other than

placed such emphasis

let's

considered an economic determinist. The all

and have

move on

other structures (superstructure) of

relevance.

We

Marx

understand alienation (being

grounded

understand

else

for class consciousness in social change. This understanding of

substructure from which

but for

says that

are.

from our true nature), ideology (ideas not grounded

creative production),

come

Marx

notion of species-being, then almost everything

tion), false consciousness (self- awareness that

nature

nature. However,

something wrong with the medium. Under present conditions (capitalism),

gives a distorted picture of If

it.

we can know human

the vehicle through which

human

economy is

the

human

existence

more

later on,

will explore these ideas

to the second part of the core of Marx's thought



his

consideration of reality/ontology.

Material

dialectic:

While ontology doesn't become part of Marx's sociology,

sciousness does, his ontological

work

results in the

as con-

concept of the material dialectic,

Karl

Marx

71

72

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

or what

is

generally called dialectical materialism, which

In Marx's time, there were ity: it.

essential for his theory.

is

two important ways of understanding the

issue of real-

idealism and materialism. Idealism posits that reality only exists in our idea of

While there may indeed be

exists for

humans only

as

it

senses, but this sense data

appears to

On

humans

is

a material

and of itself,

exists in

The world around us

appears.

is

world that

is

that world

perceived through the

structured by innate cognitive categories. Thus, what

not the world

itself

but our idea of

the other hand, materialism argues that

cal properties. In materialism,

it.

may

all reality

be reduced to physi-

our ideas about the world are simple

reflections;

those ideas are structured by the innate physical characteristics of the universe.

Marx

feels that

animals.

terms

He

this

Marx carefully.

both of these extremes do not correctly consider humans

proposes another way of understanding

way of thinking

rejects

One

naturalism, or

fact,

Hegel

humanism.

brute materialism out of hand, but he has to consider idealism

still

Marx

enrolling at the University of Bonn,

held a significant place in the thinking of

is still

more



for him.

how we

e

Meac

e

by and

social object thus

use svmbols.

meaning

-

lbs

._:-.."•

ttmg

Erac-fl

institutions, but these institutions aren't like the

large determine

-

.

.

I

level entities that

The meaning of any

i :>??-: :rr.r:v that

Mead indicates that there are

-.

his attention

.-.:

so that she can be an ob"

human behavior from

the

:

Sr:

n the other hand, argue-

an organization of attitudes which we

all

rter all,

ca

-

nothir

-

Self-Consciousness

group or

social activity

—forms

— George Herbert Mead members

so organized that the individual

of

society can act adequately and socially by taking the attitudes of others toward these

261-262). So, in any interaction there

activities" (pp. 211,

attitudes or perspectives that

we can

take

may

be several different

and through which we can organize our

behaviors. Society, then, doesn't exist objectively outside the concrete interactions

of people. Herbert Blumer, the that the interaction

is

man who

formalized symbolic interaction,

They

tutions" or "societies" can't act because they don't exist objectively. as sets

of attitudes, symbols, and imaginations that people

modify

an interaction. In other words, society

in

tells

us

the only acting social unit. In other words, things like "insti-

exists

exist

only

may or may not use and

only as

of potentials

sets

(ideas that people could possibly use).

In general, these perspectives or potentials are called the definition of the situation,

which

the reigning characterization of any interaction. In other words,

is

encounters can be defined in some broad manner

example. This

by

are

is

an important point because

their very nature symbolic.

It

it



tells

most

as a university classroom, for

us that

all

situations for

also implies that the roles that

we

humans

play are pre-

scribed for us by the definition of the situation. Roles are behavior clusters or scripts that are characteristic

classroom,

we would

of some position in a community. So, in a university

expect to find the roles of professor and student.

But notice that the definition of the situation

example would

indicate.

may

I

be

at the

isn't as

clear-cut as the above

grocery store and the role of professor

doesn't live in that definition of the situation. However, the definition of the situation changes as soon as a student calls

ply a grocery store.

By invoking

me Dr. or Professor Allan. It is no longer sim-

a different definition, the student presents the

with that of the university.

possibility of overlaying the definition of store

the student presents the possibility because, as with every meaning,

it is

I

say that

unfixed.

I

may respond by simply saying "hello," in which case I allow the world the student proposed, or I may ask the individual to please call me Ken. Of course we wouldn't be done yet, as the student may tell me that she or he isn't comfortable calling me by my first name. And we are off and running again. The same tial

is

true for our above example of the

word female. The

role of "poten-

date partner" doesn't exist in her professional situation, yet she

a different definition

by simply winking her eye or by allowing

longer than expected, thus making available a

never

tell

in

advance what definitions,

an interaction Society

is

—they

all

emerge

roles,

new

set

a

suggest

touch to linger

of scripts or

roles.

or meanings are going to

as the interactions

may

We

can

come out

of

go along.

thus an emergent quality of the interaction. Society

is

achieved as people

role-take with institutionalized perspectives within a given definition of the situation. All of what we've talked

human

action

is

(structures), but

about

in this section so far

can be summarized by stating that

not determined or released in response to institutionalized pressures it is

situation. Further,

built

up and emerges through the negotiated

Mead's theory implies that

human

society

definition of the

must be studied

in

terms of acting units and research methods, and theory must be geared toward understanding the meaning to the actors. The only acting unit interaction, because that roles

and

selves.

is

where meaning

And, according

to

is

is

real

people in

real

achieved and where people produce

Mead's perspective, theory can't be general, other

251

252

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

than a few orienting concepts, because

human

nature

symbolic (not empirical

is

Durkheim and Marx argue) and human behavior cannot be Another important point

Mead

for

that the self

is

objects in the environment, the level of importance

be determined by participants. So, the

meaning given

either. Like all social objects,

meaning within the

objects, the

self isn't it

is

self

flexible

is

seen as one of

many

social

and definition of which must

something that has an

essential

must be symbolically denoted and then

definition of the situation.

meaning of the

like

predicted.

And

like all

social-symbolic

and emergent.

A theory moment happened for me not too long ago that might help to illustrate My brother-in-law (Don) and my sister (Patti) both told me about an

this point.

incident in back-to-back telephone conversations. training for the Pike's Peak run.

He

experienced heart fibrillation on the way down.

he ran the race race,

he told

a

week

Patti

later.

He

Don

is

a distance

didn't

tell

Patti at that time,

problem

he

at the doctor's office. In this interaction

and an

story, as far as the actual events are

organizer." That's her self as she sees

meaning of all the events changed, defined the "condition" as not

a

vis-a-vis

life

threatening, as one that it's

okay for an athlete

is

normal

Don

for athletes,

in his condition to con-

defined himself as a "competitor and an optimist" and Patti as

"worrier that mothers too much."

The important thing to pretation of an event

important to note

is



is

-

example

is

happening

socially: these

Out of this

sociological.

of selves that that event

and negotiation emerge

interaction

The process through which

Meadian way of perceiving the

What's

two people are negotiating with

as well as the kinds

a sense of self for each of the participants.

the focus of a

not that even individual has an inter-

would be more psvchological than

meaning of an event

indicates that they have.

and

see in this

that

what

a third part)' over the

is

it

concerned. But the

as did the definitions of the selves involved.

said that lots of doctors say

Don

"reality" that

with me, Patti referred

Don. Don

same

The

self).

65 years old and had previously experienced a five-hour

is

to herself as a "caregiver

tinue training.

Patti got

me about it. She said that Don is too much into machismo pos-

Patti referred to is that

told the

and

did not experience any further problems. After the

turing and doesn't deal with reality (her definition of Don's

and he

the Peak, he

at

about the training incident over dinner and margaritas.

upset. She then told

fibrillation

runner and was

During one of his training sessions

a definition

that occurs

social world.

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Reflexivity

and

the fragmenting of the

modern. His argument implies

self:

Mead

that the self

is

never saw his theorv as particularlv essentiallv a reflexive construction

involving the production of the self as social object, regardless of the historical context.

However, there are some elements of postmodern theory that seem

lenge Mead's notion of an integrated

self.

Recall that

becomes integrated through role-taking with with only significant others, the different points of view.

self will

Mead

argues that the self

a generalized other.

When

seem segmented, divided

The generalized other

is

able to link

to chal-

all

as

it is

role-taking

among

the

those individual

perspectives into one abstract whole, thus giving the self a sense of integration. But

Self-Consciousness

what would happen

— George Herbert Mead

the generalized other was itself fragmented or constructed

if

from vacuous images?

Some postmodernists

argue that just such a state

Rather than a

exists.

created through role-taking with actual social others, the

postmodern

self that

self

is

is

created

through role-taking with media images. These images are not connected to one another in any real way. Through the media, individuals are inundated with dis-

connected images of different groups, different people, different values, and ent

modes of expression



all

of which has increased the amount of reflexivity and

The problem

self-monitoring in which individuals engage. reflexivity

is

directed toward a cultural self that

The

constant change and doubt.

phernia



differ-

result

is

is

that this increased

is

and

socially saturated

what Gergen (1991)

with

filled

refers to as multi-

—and the pas-

vertigo of self- values filled with expressions of inadequacy

Jameson (1984) goes

tiche personality.

postmodern era "stands

something

as

expand our sensorium and our body

argue that the culture of the

so far as to

an imperative to grow new organs, to

like

to

some new,

unimaginable, perhaps

as yet

ultimately impossible, dimensions" (p. 80).

As we've seen, Mead

is

In fact, according to

self.

reflexive thought.

The

self

certainly aware of the reflexive

dimension of creating

Mead, both the mind and the

self are created

is

found

(Me)

in the social object

a

through

as well as the reflexive

conversation an individual has with her- or himself from the perspectives of specific

and generalized

though necessary

this reflexiveness,

the individual.

Though Mead does not go

others.

It is

for social

much

into

life, is

he

detail,

is

aware that

not altogether comfortable for

perhaps problematic in postmodernity.

Being too reflexive about things can actually deconstruct them (Allan, 1998,

Sometimes

pp. 84-85).

tinue ize,

if

this

can be good. Racial and sexual inequalities can only con-

people believe that the social categories themselves are

for example, that race

is

then

There

is,

we can

deconstruct race and

however, a

loose from

This

is

is

its

it

will

and

is

defined in interac-

pushes deconstruction too

yawning abyss of meaninglessness

incapable of holding personal identity, social

real-

no longer influence our behaviors.

limit. If subjective reflexivity

are then faced with nothing but a

surface that

When we

not an essential quality, but rather a symbolic meaning

that has been created through historical, social processes tions,

real.

self,

postmodernity because of a number of social

far,

we

a placeless

or society. Meaning

and material moorings and becomes completely

part of what postmodernists are getting



is

set

free-floating.

Reflexivity has increased in

at.

factors, like the legitimation

of doubt,

constantly changing knowledge, disconnected media images, rapidly shifting

markets, and so on. This increased reflexivity

Too much

reflexivity

gives us a theory

is

particularly important for the

can destroy the meaning that

we

through which we can understand

give the

how the

self.

self.

However, Mead

destructive tendencies

of postmodern reflexivity can be lessened.

Fusing the

I

and

the

Me: Let

me

give

you

a practical

works. Let's pretend you are at a bar and see

What do you do? take.

Well,

You put yourself

if

you're like

most of

in that person's shoes

someone us,

and

example of how that

you think

you think about see

it

how you would

is

reflexivity attractive.

and you

role-

look to her or

him. You might try out different scenarios in your mind. Depending on

how

these

253

254

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

may

that other person

you

see

good

think of you,

someone you

that

can be emotionally draining.

us, that process

me add one

let

and you are

most of

are like

But

who that person is with and what you may or may not approach the person. If

thoughts come out, and depending on

reflexive

small detail to our story. In this scenario, you are at the bar

and you

attractive

will

Now what

are drunk.

second thought. Why? Because you're drunk, right?

and go below the

moment

immediate

What

surface.

circuits the reflexive

Mead

it is

due

And

Me

(at least

to alcohol, but

it

in

which the

In other words,

Me

and the

I

feel

we

we

feel that

when

argues that those times

is

p. 274).

This description

what

loop

talking). This

it

is

some ways

in

Mead

is

a

arti-

talking about.

is

I

and the Me.

and we sense the true "meaning

real

when we

the

I

and the is all

aren't reflexive as essentially

Me are

the

it

simply

in

fused are "intense

more powerful when

social process in

which

this

is

is

emo-

experi-

involved, the

reminiscent of Durkheim's explanation of

is

ritual.

Mead

produced.

is

says that fusing takes place in circumstances

tification of the

where there

complete iden-

is

person with the expectations of the situation. This can most

group

activities.

Everybody who is

can't hear

I

missing from Durkheim: the internal mechanism through which

is

increased emotional energy

There

in the

the exaltation, the emotional response, which results" (Mead, 1934,

greater

ing.

we

reflexive

are not attributing meaning; rather,

enced with a group. "The wider the

happen

more

exist

can be fused and the reflexive loop

more

tional experiences." This emotional response

Mead

as a

(direct sensual experience).

it is

supplies

much

think like theorists

drunk does? Being drunken short

helps us see a bit of what

of life." The individual experiences those times

Mead

let's

because of that, you

dampening of the

this

stopped. During those times, things

what

but

recognizes an important phase in the interaction between the

There are times

real.

Yes,

than you generally do. In other words, the impulses of the

shadow example, because since

that being

is it

loop inside you.

aren't subject to the scrutiny of the

ficial

do you do? Chances

simply walk right up to that person without so as

a sense of

give rise to this

Mead

sees the

common

gives the

example of saving

person drowning

effort

phenomenon

and

will

respond

identification with

are religious

and

easily

someone from drownin the

all.

same manner.

Other situations that

patriotic events.

Durkheim, of

course, sensitizes us to another kind of practice that brings about reduced reflexivity,

that being ritual. There

is

vet another source for this kind of experience.

It's

called flow.

Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (1990) uses the term flow to capture what he

mal experience: "the

state in

which people are so involved

ing else seems to matter" (p. 4); "self

it is

due

to being so involved in one's activity- that

consciousness disappears, and the sense of time becomes distorted"

a state of flow, people are not reflexive; they are completely tion.

calls opti-

an activity that noth-

in

immersed

(p. 71). In

in the situa-

Based on a psychology of optimal experience, Csikszentmihalyi argues that

flow comes about in rule-bound situations where there

where the individual

is

pushed

where there are unambiguous

a clearly

known

goal,

to the functional limits of her or his skill level,

signals

about

how

well she or he

words, the situation must enable people to concentrate task at hand.

is

And "whenever one does

all

is

and

doing. In other

their attention

on the

stop to think about oneself, the evidence [of

Self-Consciousness

good performance]

is

encouraging

.

.

and more attention

.

— George Herbert Mead

255

freed to deal with the

is

outer and the inner environment" (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990, p. 39). If

the postmodernists are correct, Mead's theory

more

participate in

where the

activities

reflexive

loop

Me fused will have more core-self experiences.

the

we can

versation (like

see

how

rock concerts) and

would predict is

dampened and from

In particular,

just

the

I

and

our con-

increasing participation in emotion-producing rituals

focus one's cognitive energy (like extreme

activities that

and produce

sports) could create an array of experiences that feel essentially real

firm sense of

who

that people

a

self.

Summary To think



like

Mead

mind,

to see that

is

and

self,

society are ongoing social

productions that emerge from interactions.

There are basic elements, or



most important of these social objects to

object

mind

understood in terms of legitimated behaviors and pragmatic motives. The

is

uses symbolic-social objects in order to block initial responses

formed

in childhood

The

spective

self

is

object for

is

through necessary

a perspective

our own

The

thoughts.

self I

others, society can exist as well as

to

view our

own

stages of role-taking

and consider

The mind

is

behaviors. This per-

and becomes

has a dynamic quality as well

and the Me. The

When

exist.

social interaction.

from which

formed through successive

the seat of the impulses.

is

thus necessary for society to

It is

nalized conversation between the I

Among the We use symbols and

go into making us human.

meaning and the mind.

denote and manipulate the environment. Each symbol or social

alternative lines of behavior.



tools, that

are symbolic

the self

Me is the



it is

a social

the inter-

social object,

and the

able to role-take with generalized

is

an integrated

Role-taking with generalized

self.

others also allows us to think in abstract terms. •

Society emerges through social interaction;

ture. In general,

the

mind

more than

react.

and consider

one another. Interaction

lines of action.

cue, response, this negotiated

Meaning

is

produced

and response

meaning

and organized

is

it is

Action

not a determinative strucpredicated on the ability of

self.

Thus mind,

and

self,

society

through the

What we mean by

triadic relation of

society emerges

attitudes (institutions).

Mead's theory along with postmodern theory implies that the role-taking with multiple

An

radical reflexivity.

of core

can be produced through the practice of Durkheimian

self

is

can

extension of Mead's theory indicates that a sense

intense personal experiences. In such experiences, the

dampened, and the

self

and disconnected images

and through

is

from

as interactants role-take within specific definitions of the

become fragmented through self

mutu-

the process of knitting together different

in interaction

to response.

is

alternative lines of behavior with respect

environment and a pertinent

ally constitute



act

to delay response

to the social

situation

humans

experienced as essentially

I

and the

real.

Me

rituals

and

fuse, reflexivity

256

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

Building Your Theory Toolbox

Conversations With George Herbert Mead

—Web Research

Every once in awhile we are fortunate to find something personally enlightening

about one of our theorists on the Web; with Mead, we have a portion of John Dewey's speech given

Mead's funeral. Read Dewey's tribute

at

to

Mead

at

http://spartan.ac.brocku

.ca/~lward/Dewey/Dewey_ 1931. html. Based on your reading, what think characterize George Herbert

Mead? What does Dewey

How does Dewey characterize Mead's influence on his thinking? below

well as the sites given



In

for

How did Mead

feel

Using the Dewey

site as

tradition"?

How was his most

about writing?



When and how did Mead



What kind of lecturer was Mead? What was the City Club of Chicago? What was Mead's



words do you

Mead, answer the following questions?

what way can Mead be considered part of an "oral

famous book written?

five

say about Mead's work?

create a nationwide disturbance?

association with the City

Club? •

What



Search for links concerning Oberlin College.

did

Mead

think about poetry?

Mead's father taught there.



How do you

Mead was one

at

What

is

the history of Oberlin?

Oberlin, and George received his undergraduate education

think Oberlin influenced Mead's thinking?

of the

first

professors at the University of Chicago. Research the

What kind of university was it? Why and how was it founded? What did it mean that Mead was invited to Chicago? Who was Jane Addams and what was the settlement house movement? What was Mead's relationship to Addams? How did Addams influence Mead? history of the University of Chicago.



Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) Using Mead's theory ought to give you an entirely different outlook. So the people

we

have dealt with have assumed that society

and they have by and

Simmel assumes that Spencer,

large

been concerned with

How would Mead talk about and ory,

where does

racial

does responsibility

lie

and

its

most of

objective

Even level

aren't at the

Mead, on the other hand,

meaning emerges out of

understand race and gender? According

to

basically

interaction.

Mead's the-

From a Meadian point of view, where How could we understand class using Mead's

or gender inequality exist? for inequality?

far,

somewhat

macro

though they

talk about.

says that society only exists symbolically

least

historical or structural processes.

that society has objective forms,

Marx, or Durkheim would

is at

Self-Consciousness

theory?

From Mead's

perspective,

how and why

— George Herbert Mead and

are things like race, class, gender,

heterosexism perpetuated (contrast Mead's point of view with that of a structuralist)?

Engaging the World (using the theory) •

More and more people ing

done from

is

about

are going to counselors or psychotherapists.

how the self is constructed, What things might a

be different? •

clinical sociologist

emphasize?

Using Google or your favorite search engine, enter "clinical sociology." clinical sociology?



Most counsel-

Knowing what you know now how do you think sociological counseling would

a psychological point of view.

Mead

What

is

affiliate.

is

the current state of clinical sociology?

very clearly claims that our self

which we

What

is

dependent upon the

Using Mead's theory, explain

how

social

groups with

the self of a person in a dis-

enfranchised group might be different than one associated with a majority posi-

Think about the

tion.

and the relationship

different kinds of generalized others

between interactions with generalized others and internalized Me's. (Remember,

Mead

how we

himself doesn't talk about

about the

feel

self.)

Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) •

We did something different in tors is

a

and

effects

good time

of postmodernity, to gather

Rather than pointing out the social

this chapter. I

offered

what might be viewed

as a remedy.

fac-

Now

our thoughts about postmodernity. Look back through

thus far about postmodernism. You should find that with each theo-

what

I've said

rist, I

concentrated on one particular aspect. For example, with

institutionalization of doubt

and with Weber

it

was the

rise

of a

Durkheim

it

each of the main issues, the social factors that bring that issue about, and the

You can use what we

talked about in Spencer as a framework.

the beginnings of a fairly decent theory of postmodernity.

was the

new class. Write out effects.

Now, you should have

How does the extension

of Mead's theory mitigate or change some of those effects? •

Mead

gives us

our

clearest alternative thus far to positivism.

critique the assumptions of scientific theory.

perspective, explain

why the symbolic

From

interactionist

Using Mead's theory,

this critique

and using Mead's

approach demands an entirely

different theory than science requires.

Further Explorations Baldwin,

J.

— Books

D. (1986). George Herbert Mead:

(Part of the Masters of Social

A

Thought

unifying theory for sociology. Beverly Hills, series; excellent

CA:

Sage.

short introduction to Mead's

life,

thought, and continuing relevance)

Blumer, H.

(

1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective

Hall. (Blumer's classic text;

interaction)

and method. Englewood

Cliffs,

NJ: Prentice

he systematized Mead's thought and formally founded symbolic

257

258

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Blumer, H. (2004). George Herbert

CA: AltaMira

Mead and human

Press. (Series of articles

conduct

(T.

J.

Morrione, Ed.). Walnut Creek,

by Blumer on Mead's theory)

Cook, G. A. (1993). George Herbert Mead: The making of a

social pragmatist.

Urbana,

IL:

University

of Chicago Press. (Definitive biography)

Plummer, K.

(Ed.) (1991). Symbolic inter actionism. Brookfield,

VT:

Elgar. (Part of the Schools

of Thought in Sociology series; brings together the most important writings in symbolic interaction)

Further Explorations

—Web Links

http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/projects/centcat/centcats/fac/facchl2_01.html the University of Chicago; short background of Mead's ten notes from

work

(Site

maintained by

Chicago, includes handwrit-

Mead)

http://www.iep.utm.edu/rn/mead.htm

(Site

maintained by The Internet Encyclopedia of

Philosophy; excellent information about Mead's

life

and theory, including extensive quotes)

Mead

http://spartan.ac.brocku.ca/%7Elward (Site maintained by the Sociology, Brock University, influences

at

St.

and contemporaries;

Project,

Department of

on Mead,

Catharine's, Canada; extensive information

links to

many

his

of Mead's published works)

http://www.cla.sc.edu/phil/faculty/burket/g-h-mead.html (Site maintained by the Department of

Philosophy

at the University

of South Carolina; link to open discussion group about Mead's

work)



Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Mead More than any other of our

theorists so

far,

Mead was

influenced by and synthesized

specific schools of thought. Using your Internet search engine, define the following:

itarianism, pragmatism,

and behaviorism. In addition, Mead was

util-

directly influenced

by

the following thinkers:

Charles Darwin: http://www2.lucidcafe.com/lucidcafe/library/96feb/darwin.html tained by Lucidcafe, a commercial concern; contains short introduction to

ous helpful

Dewey:

lohn

Web

(Site

main-

Darwin and

vari-

links)

http://www.iep.utm. edu/d/dewey.htm

(Site

Encyclopedia of Philosophy; excellent source for Dewey's

by

maintained life

The

Internet

and philosophy)

Wilhelm Wundt and William James: http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/wundtjames.html

(Site

Shippensburg University;

maintained by Dr. C. George Boeree, professor of psychology

at

combines Wundt and James and

excellent information about

both

men and

their influence

on psychology;

their influence)

Charles H. Cooley: http://sobek.colorado.edu/SOC/SI/si-cooley-bio.htm ology graduate students to

at

symbolic interactionism

(Site

maintained by soci-

the University of Colorado, Boulder; part of a fuller site dedicated



I

encourage you to check out the entire

site)

CHAPTER

A

8

Society of Difference

Harriet Martineau, Charlotte

and

Perkins Gilman,

An Open

W.E.B.

Du

Bois

Letter book

Steven Seidman, a contemporary social theorist, has written a Contested Knowledge: Social Theory Today

Seidman's work indicates that theory agrees.

We've talked a

(objective or symbolic)

bit

about

and other

have about

we should

orizing today. For quite a bit of the twentieth century, fairly

good idea

The

of

(descriptive or critical). Part of

social thinkers

the definition of the canon, or the group of people that

thought they had a

it).

our discussions of the nature of society

and the purpose of theory

the discussion that sociologists

recommend

not something about which everyone

is

this in

highly

(I

called title

whom

to reference



this

American

people

concerns

reference in the-

like

sociologists

Marx, Weber,

and Durkheim. Today, and for about the

last

has been contested knowledge.

ology and social thinking.

I

We

20 years or

much

of the founding thinkers

should be uncomfortable with our

important theorists, for in limiting the For

so, the issue

think this shift has been very, very good for soci-

list

we

are excluding voices

and

list

of most

perspectives.

of the twentieth century, sociology systematically excluded voices of race

and gender. Even though most of us are aware of this problem, many theory books still

do not include some of the

For this book,

I

early thinkers

who theorized about gender and

race.

have consciously included not only the theorists we have in

this

book made to the Marx and Simmel have been issue of people like Weber and

chapter, but also the contributions that the other thinkers in this

idea of difference. So, the explicit gender theories of

brought out, and the activism or involvement

Mead

is

made

with what

I've

clear.

However, I'm not

done. There are

many

together and written, particularly as

in this

satisfied

nor

am

other ways this

it

revolves

I

completely comfortable

book could have been put

around Martineau, Gilman, and

259

260

EXPLORATIONS

Du

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Bois,

and there

are other theorists oi race

and gender

that

I

could have included

oi course, reasons for writing the book the way

I

have,

instead of these three.

There to take a

are,

moment

social theorv

make

onlv

is

them

to explain

contested terrain, and

|

this

book) not

also

I

do,

I

want you

to

know

an end, or even as

as

The Blackwcll Companion

to

Major

that

(p. 2

mv

view

rep-

anv

(2000) sav in

oi theorists

list

canon,

official

book

this

,

one

In the other chapters of this book, I've considered

Mv

perspective and theories at a time.

maior reason

instead of paradigms or maior concepts

unique views oi the

social world. If

from considering them one

good

for

we were

cause: their ideas

at a time.

that these

focused on individuals

wav we

our

talk in

insights that

men

on

like

we can

and getting

are amazingly provocative,

see the social world.

glean

regarded as classic

is

Another reason

that

that a student of sociology should be able to talk

is

talk to each other

how

may

it

rarelv talk in terms of functionalism, interactionism, or conflict the^

These thinkers are part of our cultural carry

theorists

terms of func-

terms of Durkheimian, Weberian, or Meadian theories (despite

we

his

each present us with

about each of these theorists separately. Professional sociologists

appear,

on

for focusing

these

and

social theorist

men

to organize

The work of

and questions

inside their heads can change the I've

is

and so on, we would miss the

tionalism, conflict theory,

be

that

intended to be used as 'cannon fodder' in an open, contestable process of theorv

construction and reconstruction"

in

I

Goodman

Social Theorists, "although

covered in a collection such as this one can be read as an is

know

to

beginning, but simplv

a

an ongoing dialog. As Ritzer and

as a tentative statement in

and I'm going

want you

I

should be. Critique and revaluation can

it

us and our theories better.

resentation oi theorv

But before

to you.

a sports

and

you'll

need to know them to

Not knowing about them individually would

a conversation in sociology.

going to

capital

bar and not knowing the difference between baseball and

hockey. In addition, these

men and

their theories

still

understand contemporary theorv nor can you do vour

hold sway You can't

own

theoretical

reallv

work with-

out knowing about their ideas and theories. This chapter

unique

is

in that

cerns the

why

I've

am

putting three different theorists together and

Why these theorists and why this idea? There are two

I'm focusing on a general idea. basic reasons

I

chosen to put these folks together. The

way theorv has been

built in sociology

—we haven't

included the idea of difference. Hence, Martineau, Gilman, and as clear a theoretical lineage

Sad to

sav,

nor do they form

rationale con-

built

Du

it

around or

Bois don't have

major part of our cultural

capital.

but you could get through vour entire graduate career in sociology and

never need to

know

face in

vour

books

like this

Gilman, and

first

Du

the

name

Harriet Martineau; but you

graduate class

one

will help

if

you

change

when

contemporarv theorv; for this

would

isn't

on vour

of cultural capital. Martineau,

book because thev seem is

we can draw

to

m

be the

brought up.

clear lines

that isn't necessarilv true for Martineau.

discrepant

fall flat

know about Max Weber. Hopefully

this issue

the issue oi exclusion

For most of the people in this book,

profound or

didn't

Bois were chosen for this

often referenced people

The reason

a

first

between them and

Gilman. and

Du

Bois.

because these three people didn't sav anvthing

inspiring; quite the opposite

is

true: thev

have a

lot to sav to us.

Bu:

-

.

A

theory

isn't

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du

Society of Difference

simply built around the power of explanation: values are always

core of what

we

do. Thus,

what

being explained

is

not more, than the efficacy of the theory.

is

sometimes

The questions we

ask,

at

the

important,

just as

if

and thus the answers

we hold onto, are very much guided by the cultural values that we have. The end result is that there isn't a clear line of heritage in contemporary

race

and

gender theory that reaches back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. All three of our present authors were serialized piece, for

enormously popular

in their day. Martineau's first

example, outsold Charles Dickens. By the time of her death,

Martineau had published over 70 books and around 1500 newspaper despite this popularity, the works of Martineau, Gilman,

adopted into the canon of social theorizing,

others.

A

"paper

trail."

it

social theory.

standard practice to

is

I've

cite

Du

and

mentioned,

Bois were never

in sociological

and

Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and the

long lineage of academic work can be traced back to them. There's a clear This

isn't

Du

the case for Martineau, Gilman, or

porary race and gender theory

isn't explicitly built

der theorist says that she or he

Even contem-

Bois.

upon them.

rare that a gen-

It's

constructing a theory on or through modifying

is

Gilman or Martineau. The same

more

As

articles. Yet,

is

true in race theory for

Du

though he

Bois,

is

often cited because of his political influence.

The other reason why I'm combining volume of actual theory book. Don't get theorists

deal of

me

in their

work

wrong, there

is

these three in

isn't as large as

one chapter

is

that the

that of the other people in this

quite a bit to say about each of our present

— many books have been written about each of them. However,

what has been written concerns

consciousness-raising activities.

When

their lives, political influence,

Du

Martineau, Gilman, and

a great

and/or their

Bois wrote, they

were among the disenfranchised, and most people of their time were

blissfully

unaware of or unconcerned about the plight of blacks and women. Thus, much of their

work

paper

is

in the

articles,

form of popular readings

and the

like.

Part of this

emy, but the larger part of public.

it

had

to

short stories,

like novels,

was due

do with the need

As Marx's theory implies, there must be

poems newsx

to the political structure of the acadto speak out to the general

a high level of critical consciousness

before things can change. Writing for academics, then, hasn't been a major concern for the oppressed. Further,

most members of disenfranchised groups

aren't con-

cerned with producing a general theory of society; they are rightfully concerned with

one

specific aspect: the social

oppression of their group.

The most important reason

for including these three in this

theoretical concern: Martineau,

difference

is

Gilman, and

Du

book

is

their general

Bois theorize about difference, and

extremely important in contemporary theory. There are two kinds of

differences that are highly important to people: the differences of gender

and of race;

both are fundamental in the way we understand ourselves and the way we others. (There

is

in

contemporary theory another difference

that

is

relate to

extremely impor-

we have a more The reason for this is that class impacts the structure of our relationships and encounters more than race or gender does. What I mean is that most of the people we interact with are members of our class position. If you're middle class, you usually don't hang around tant: sexual orientation.) In fact, in

normal

face-to-face interactions,

pronounced awareness of our gender and our race than of our

class.

with the corporate president of Disney, nor do you generally go out to lunch with a

Bois

261

262

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

homeless person (unless you're being particularly benevolent thought or action on our part, across class (race less so, but

class structures

it's

catching up) and

aware of them. This distinction between talk

our

class

lives;

we

the time). Without

at

but race and gender cut

are

becoming increasingly

and race/gender

is

one reason why we

about race and gender as theories of difference.

Harriet Martineau (British, 1802-1876) Harriet Martineau was born in Norwich, England, on June 12, 1802, the sixth of eight children. Martineau

of her hearing.

was a

Many of the

trumpet (an early hearing

grew up

women

sickly child,

aid),

religion, universal

and was generally educated

18.

at

Martineau

home (most

and

are

committed

to the use of reason in

brotherhood, and a creedless church. Unitarians were part of the

religious dissenters'

movement

the Anglican Church.

in England,

Though

which fought against the dominance of

she eventually became agnostic, Martineau's

gious background clearly informs her thinking, as

typology of religion. Her father was a modest

8.1

she had lost most

time were barred from the university). Unitarians believe in one god,

in contrast to the doctrine of the trinity,

Photo

12,

show her with her hearing

which she acquired when she was

in a Unitarian household,

at this

and by the age of

adult pictures of Martineau

Harriet Martineau

we

will see

capitalist,

when we

reli-

get to her

whose business eventually

A

Society of Difference

more

collapsed due to competition from larger,

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du Bois

industrialized companies. This

business failure forced Harriet to seek gainful employment, which she found, writing for the Monthly Repository, a Unitarian journal. Martineau began by writing a series of short stories with ethical

and

political points.

of teaching and illustrating the ideas of political

Her

talent for writing

soon became obvious:

book on

writing, she published a novel, a

52

articles for the

Monthly

Among her best-known works (a

in only her

as a

way

for the general public.

second year of full-time

religious history, a variety of essays,

and

Repository.

of sociological methods), Society America), Deerhrook

She saw writing

economy

are in

How

Observe Morals and Manners (a book

to

America

(a

three-volume sociological study of

novel about English domestic

and the translation

life),

of

Comte's Positive Philosophy m\o English. She wrote Morals and Manners on the ship traveling to America, Society in America.

Martineau was a

by the

well respected

and spent two years

intellectuals

in the

built in the

Ambleside Lake

and was

prolific writer, traveled extensively,

of her day. Harriet Martineau died of natural

The

causes at 74 years of age. She passed away at

had

United States gathering data for

home

Knoll, a

District in England;

and she

left

she designed and

her

own

obituary.

Martineau's Perspective: Natural Law and the Hope of Happiness Positivistic social theory:

known

best

Harriet Martineau

for her translation of

is

one of the

earliest sociologists.

major foundation stones of sociology. Martineau, however, did more than She revised Comte's work

down from

six

Martineau's version, that he adopted translated back into

French.

If

She

is

Auguste Comte's Positive Philosophy, one of the

it

translate.

volumes to two. So taken was Comte with

rather than his

own and had

the revision

you've read Comte, chances are you've read

Martineau's version. In praise of Martineau, the point of view of future generations,

I

Comte

feel

wrote,

"And looking

sure that your

name

will

at

it

from

be linked to

mine, for you have executed the only one of those works that will survive amongst all

those which

my

fundamental

treatise

has called forth" (as quoted in Harrison,

1913, p. xviii).

Martineau

when we

is

We spent some time talking about positivism

obviously a positivist.

discussed Spencer. In brief, positivism

is

one of the philosophical roots

of scientific sociology. Positivism asserts that the universe laws,

and use them I

is

organized by invariant

and human beings through reason and observation can discover those laws

want

to understand, predict,

to take this opportunity to

and control every area of

make

their lives.

the distinction between positivism

and

neo-positivism. Neo-positivism began to be formulated around the turn of the

twentieth century and found one of

its

strongest sociological spokespersons in

George A. Lundberg, past president of the American Sociological Society

(later

renamed the American Sociological Association). Lundberg agrees with Comte the defining feature of positivism

is its

method.

All

academic

that

disciplines are created

and based on unique methods through which each of these forms of knowledge is

created.

One

of the major factors that makes history, philosophy, and biology

263

264

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

from each other

different

based on the this

method

It is

scientific

their

is

methods of creating knowledge. Positivism

method of empirical

that provides an inherent unity

primarily the

among

quantitivism, the position that enumeration and

impressions.

Comte would

itivism,

still

which

accumulating

for

statistics.

bilities

Comte, though

a

is

scientific

is

primary

a delusive theory.

and quantification. He held

first

knowledge about analysis.

don't

I

do want

I

to

in neo-positivism: positivistic

that the use of proba-

Comte's methodology can be generally

as historical-comparative. In neo-positivism,

The

something with which

mathematician himself, did not want the

identified with statistics

was

objectively

primary method of pos-

comparison, and historical

missing in Comte's methods and

is

is

dependent on sense

go into a long discussion about each of these methods, but

point out what

method

is

are

are essential in any

influence in sociology.

holds sway in contemporary sociology and

society: observation, experimentation,

to

its

exalts quantitative analysis as the

Comte would disagree. Comte gave us four methods want

method

agree with the third position, but the second has by and

large fallen out of the picture, at least in terms of

position, however,

measurement knowledge

positivistic epistemology, that

is

it is

different than historic pos-

neo-positivistic

behaviorism, the assertion that consciousness

scientific investigation;

unknowable; and

points out,

the sciences.

method that makes neo-positivism

Lundberg argues that the three elements of the

itivism.

Comte

observation. As

classified

Comte's historical model has been

replaced with statistical methods and the thesis of social progress has been replaced

by "the aspiration of cumulative growth within

scientific sociological

theory

itself"

(Timasheff, 1967, p. 211).

The

last

proposed

part of the quote by Timasheff

way

positivistic sociology as a

The Enlightenment,

as you'll

to

is

fulfill

particularly important.

Comte

the project of the Enlightenment.

remember, was a European

intellectual

movement of

The

thinkers of the Enlightenment

exalted empirical observation, the use of reason,

and systematic doubt. Empirical

the seventeenth

and eighteenth

centuries.

human

experience was considered the foundation of authority,

vation,

whether

it

came from

and doubt were

about progress

in

human

—more important than

the state, church, or even science. Reason, obser-

how human

to be used to discover

vidual, can be controlled in the

truth

same way

life,

both social and indi-

world in order to bring

as the natural

existence. Neo-positivism not only replaced historical-

comparative methods with

statistics,

it

also reduced the Enlightenment's

hope of

creating a better society to the refinement of theory. In other words, the social

theory of the Enlightenment had an external purpose: to improve the

on the other hand, has no

condition. Neo-positivistic theory,

Here theory

knowledge

is

statistically tested so that the

itself

can be improved.

It

on

social theory.

Talcott Parsons,

The

I

mention the difference between

central distinction

I

make

there

is

sociological

that social theory

designed to incite social discourse with an eye to change and sociological theory designed to describe things as they tinction between positivism lines,

is

for the sake of pure knowledge.

In the chapter

and

theory

human

external purpose.

exist.

As you can

and neo-positivism

Ben Aggar (2004) has recently

said,

see,

we can

in those

talk

about the

same terms. Along

is is

dis-

these

A

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du

Society of Difference

Since about 1970, theorizing has been displaced from sociology, which

265

Bois

is

increasingly methods-driven, into neighboring disciplines such as English, literature, philosophy,

comparative

women's

studies.

What remains

anthropology, history, cultural studies and

as theory in sociology

is

middle-range

largely

explanation that, through literature reviews introducing empirical journal articles, collects

cumulating research

about

literatures into generalizations

variables.

am

I

I am just trying to make some Some contemporary theorists, for

not arguing for or against either approach;

clear lines

where the distinctions are pretty

fuzzy.

example, are opposed to middle-range theory and the limitation of statistical analysis,

yet prefer to be

named

sociological theorists because they

are not interested in taking a critical stand in public sociology.

Nevertheless,

I

believe

it is

important to recognize the

many

theory for sociology, particularly because rists

we are talking about

be called social theory, specific reason,

in this

at least in the

terms

I

am

of course, to go into this detail that

is

using.

now

our consideration of Martineau. Martineau

is

The

and wrong. (Martineau,

about

1838/2003,

p. 4)

a positivist

in the Comtean tradition. As such, she sees the social world as predictable and best known through empirical methods. However, Martineau's methods are comparative

and she has

rather than statistical

a critical purpose in her work.

Natural law and happiness: Martineau

is

also a thinker in the tradition of the

Enlightenment, particularly in her belief in natural rights and law. Natural law

human

the idea that, apart from

every

human

being.

idea in the phrase,

institutions, there are laws

The United

"We hold

States Declaration of

and

is

rights that apply to

Independence contains

these truths to be self-evident, that

endowed by

equal, that they are

men

all

this

are created

their Creator with certain unalienable Rights."

Martineau (1838/2003) believes that "every element of social tance from this great consideration

—the

relative

life

derives

its

impor-

amount of human happiness"

(p. 25).

Happiness that qualifies

is

thus the touchstone for sociological analysis, and

Martineau

as a critical theorist

—her

held up to this one standard. However, Martineau in her approach.

and wrong

is

She

is

emphasis

must be

dogmatic or self-righteous

very careful to understand that her

America, Martineau (1837/1966)

in

making such judgments:

own view of what is right

on which

"to

it is

compare the

tells

us

how

existing state of society in

In the rest of this section

to go

about

America with

professedly founded; thus testing Institutions, Morals,

and Manners by an indisputable, instead of an arbitrary standard"

cal

this

influenced by the society in which she lives and was brought up. In

her analysis of Society

the principles

it's

belief that every society isn't

on Martineau, we

will

be looking

at

(p. viii).

her methodologi-

recommendations, Observing Morals and Manners: Methods of Social Research,

as well as her take

constitute

on

one of the

Institutions. first

one

is

good and right, and what makes them miserable is evil

important

it is

entertain

conviction, that

what makes people happy

of the theo-

book practice what could now

Comte, positivism, and neo-positivism for

[A]ll men common

shift in

Martineau's methods are important because they

statements of social methodology, which predates both

266

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Weber's and Durkheim's books. More important, however, felt

ought to make informed,

scientific observations

of society. Only in

make

Her recommendations,

involved can

we hope

directed toward

all

of

to us.

We

a better society.

why

the reason

is

Martineau wrote her book on methodology: she

that every responsible citizen

will see that Martineau's

all

of us being then, are

recommendations not only

cover a huge expanse of society, but she also believes that the observer her or himself

must be morally prepared

to observe. Martineau's focus in social observation

is

happiness, and she measures a society's progress toward that focus by comparing the cultural, moral code of a society

our consideration at

will

and

what we

ested in the distance between

behaviors. In other words, she

its

believe

society,

inter-

and what we do. The other topic

be Martineau's take on Institutions.

gender and family, religion and

is

We will

specifically

for

look

and education and freedom, and we

will

note two exciting ways in which Martineau was ahead of her time (the sociology of

knowledge and the sociology of space). progress

lies in

We

hope

will also see that Martineau's

for

public education.

Observing Morals and Manners: Methods of Social Research Comparing moral codes and

real

life:

In her

comparison of morals and manners,

Wuthnow

Martineau prefigures the contemporary work of Robert

Wuthnow

argues that the moral foundation of any society

content per tinctions

concern for Wuthnow, rather, he

se isn't really a

between the code and the way people

between the moral

tion

is

how

people observably

object, the object of

act.

This

is

the

morals and manners: Morals are the iors that are

same

beliefs

is

(1987).

cultural code.

The

interested in the dis-

relate to the code.

The

commitment, and the

distinction Martineau

first

real

distinc-

program,

makes between

of a society and manners are the behav-

supposedly motivated by the morals.

tinctions: the difference

is its

between one's true inner

composed of "some

Wuthnow self

adds two more

and the

dis-

roles that that self

particularly powerful symbols

plays;

and

[that]

have powerful symbolic value because they happen infrequently, are unusual

a distinction

.

.

or divine, and sometimes influence circumstances or represent changes in one's life"

(Wuthnow, 1987,

p. 73).

The

distinction

made

that people see as inevitable

To test the morals and manners

The important thing

happiness

is

between

human

to strike at

once to

is

between the things that are

intentional.

of a nation by a reference to

the essentials of

here

and the behaviors

cally

all

for us to notice

the pairs of symbols

known (manners) and

is

that

is

that the difference

one may be empiri-

the other can't be seen (morals).

the centre, and to see things as

Thus, the moral object of commitment, for example, God,

they are. (Martineau,

unknowable.

1838/2003,

is

p.

26)

It

exists as a

is

symbolic code. But the action that

connected to the moral object (Bible reading

in the

exam-

God) may be known. Wuthnow sees a dynamic aspect to the distance between morals and manners. Individuals must maintain a close but distant relationship between the ideal and the real. If the distance gets too close, ple of

people will tend to become either discouraged, because no one can uphold the

A

ideal,

hand,

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du

Society of Difference

or self-righteous and judgmental in their supposed adherence. the

if

boundary between the two

be able to distinguish between the ideal and the of justification for action will

by including spective

is

Thus,

result.

in her

the other

real,

then either cynicism or loss

Wuthnow

elaborates Martineau's view

social psychological issues; the structural core

found

On

blurred and the individual ceases to

is

methodology, though

Wuthnow

of this theoretical per-

did not cite or explicitly

incorporate Martineau's work.

Things: In general, Martineau advocates the observation of things in order to dis-

cern the cultural morals and manners of a collective, and using discourse with

people as a commentary on them. Like Durkheim, she sees that morals are part of the

"common mind"

of a people and that this public consciousness can be under-

stood through social

Durkheim's.

manners

facts.

However, Martineau's approach

in her

work

in

America

is

much

broader than

Martineau uses to measure morals and

I've listed the social facts that

in Table 8.1. I'm

not going to be describing each

element of her methodology because they are of varying degrees of theoretical

Table 8.1

lartineau's

Measurements of Morals

Structure

Observance

Religion

General type: licentious, ascetic, or moderate Physical places of

worship

Condition of the clergy Superstitions

Suicide

General Moral Notions

Cemetery

(age,

and cause of death;

visions of future)

Degree of attachment to birthplace and family Representative characters beliefs)

and

—two

kinds:

dead (deepest

living (currents of belief)

National celebrations

Treatment of guilty

Songs Literature

Domestic State

Physical

environment

Distribution of resources

Method and ownership Extent of commerce

of land

Physical health

Condition of marriage Idea of Liberty

Amount

of feudal arrangements

Kind of police

still

present

(military, private, public)

Urbanization

Conditions of servants

Freedom of press Education Persecution of opinion

Bois

267

268

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

importance.

I

things she has

ronment,

do, however, want to point out the variety and objectivity of the

on her

Martineau uses typologies, buildings, the physical envi-

list.

social practices

such as suicide, cultural

such as cemeteries, social

artifacts

networks such as attachment to birthplace and family, land ownership, health, marriage, education, police, urbanization, is

almost overwhelmed

esting point for

me

is

at

that almost

One more

can be observed.

newspapers, songs,

literature,

the breadth by simply reading the

and so on. One

The

list.

really inter-

of these items are actual things and facts that

all

issue I'd like to point out

that this

is

list,

along with her

follow-up interviews with people, represents a very sophisticated and contemporary triangulation of methodologies. She used observational, interview, archival,

and content

analysis methods.

and moral preparation: Further, Martineau

Philosophical

observation. In addition to

knowing what

pared. Martineau points out that

human

Grand Canyon, we would respond by saying do not

basis to claim expertise. Yet people

to

know what

men at

the request

is silly,

him

(Martineau, 1838/2003,

unless

moment

hesitate for a

enough

it is

they are doing; he thinks that eyes, ears, and

morals, though would not qualify

must be pre-

to explain the physics

body, or the geographic strata of the

he supposes that

a glance;

out requirements for

to observe, the investigator

someone asked you or me

if

of the universe, or the biology of the

he can understand

sets

we had some

to "imagine that

to be

among them

memory are enough

for

for botanical or statistical observation"

p. 14).

For Martineau, there are two main areas of preparation: philosophical and moral. The

first

thing to notice about her preparations

is

that they pertain to the

inner person. Martineau points out that the instrument of observation

human mind. Here we and neo-positivism. Of

the

is

can really see the difference between old-school positivism

instrument of measure

is

course, neo-positivism requires training, but the real

the survey or statistical analysis. For the old school,

it's

the

inner person that must be prepared.

The philosophical preparation of which Martineau speaks is very close to an I have used in this book: what you see depends on the perspective you

emphasis take.

As we

will see,

Martineau takes

this general point to its deepest level.

philosophical preparation you have to

For Martineau, what she wants to to happiness.

I

want you

Happiness for her against is

which

saying

what

is

is

is

do

know what

it is

you want

what Martineau

condition.

research,

how

It

is

to

know.

in

is

saying here.

the natural standard

Essentially,

you must

about being human. You must decide

you observe. The benefit of this preparation

settle in

what Martineau your

own mind

advance what the funda-

they affect your study and the people

is

that

it

focuses your view

on the most

issues.

The observer must point and a test of the

also have in facts."

scheme must

mind

Martineau

basic categories of distinction that gorical

to

must be gauged.

mental qualities of humanness are and

important

is

first

the condition of the society with regard

human

institutions

that before going out to

essential

is

to notice the depth of

the essential

human

all

make

know

The

we

the principles that will "serve as a rallying is

telling us that

will use to analyze

refer to the essential

human

we must have our

in

mind

the

data. Again, this cate-

condition. Martineau's scheme

is

A

Society of Difference

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du Bois

determined by the natural law of happiness and by the distinctions between morals

and manners.

The

third element of philosophical preparation involves understanding that

human

beings create social institutions and their beliefs and practices. Martineau

lived at the

beginning of the age of modernity; the period of time when the world

began to shrink. Communication and transportation technology had shown the

many

civilized nations that there are

truths

and many ways of organizing human

behavior. Martineau observes that this information should give the researcher the

from

this

own

out of her or his

ability to step

Martineau sees two important

culture.

open point of view. The prepared observer of human morals

the affliction of seeing sin wherever he sees difference"

and

will

be freed from emoshock and

tional responses that can cloud observation. Rather than experiencing

alarm, she

is

able to perceive

results

will "escape

and understand the morals and manners of

a people

as they exist for that society.

In addition to philosophic preparation, the observer of the

must make moral that to

make

we can

see the

readiness. In this,

human

condition

Martineau pulls no punches, for she

us

tells

accurate observations the observer "should be himself perfect." Here

depth of relationship between the observer and observed. Martineau

truly believes that the inner condition of the researcher

is

the prime concern and

preparation for making social observations. Martineau also recognizes that no one is

perfect

all.

and

if

we should

wait for perfection, no observations would be

made

Thus, we are to take stock and understand the issues that would most easily

beset our observations

we can

vision,

should

and make us prejudiced. Knowing what can pervert our

"carry with us restoratives of temper and spirits which

essential service to us in

our task" (Martineau, 1838/2003,

know enough about

the

human

spirit,

p. 52). In

able to plan ahead to

meet the

issues that

may

be of

other words,

dream

such speed as that used by the

and more

practically, the researcher

must

observers of men; yet they

with more safety,

might do

can have a heart of stone and a statistician can be as abstract

at the risk of

column of numbers and

still

be successful. But the

observer of society will be subject to deception at every turn

it

an incalculably

smaller mischief. (Martineau,

1838/2003,

way into the hearts and minds of The observer of humanity must herself be most human. She must be her way through the labyrinth of social institutions and interactions and

p.

18)

she cannot find her

people.

able

to feel

find

what

is

truly meaningful to the subjective actor. She

understand what people do and believe

it,

and what people

feel

why

they do

and why they

it,

must be

able to empathetically

what people believe and why they

feel

it.

Safeguards in observation: Martineau adds safeguards to the philosophic and moralistic

preparation of the investigator. She advises that no preemptory decision be

made, not only

do not

of generalizing with any

have unreserved sympathy. Martineau says that a geologist

as a

we

Natural philosophers

cause us to be

prejudiced.

In addition,

may

and our own

psychological and emotional development in particular, to be

if

at

in public

when she returns to her home culture but also in the priThe researcher, in other words, must deny herself or

vate, daily journal she keeps.

himself the luxury of coming to any conclusions until massive amounts of data are

269

EXPLORATIONS

270

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

gathered. This advice stands in stark contrast to the American system of academia

honors the number of publications over the profoundness and depth of

that

thought and

may

in fact

must guard

insight. Further, the observer

The connections we

tions too quickly.

between

see

against

making

generaliza-

different situations

and

belief

be only skin deep. The data we gather must, then, be complex and

nuanced. Only by knowingly guarding ourselves against premature generalization can we hope to do justice to the variety of subjective worlds that Obviously, Martineau she

is

isn't telling

a positivist. Rather, she

enough

piling

to check

is

us not to

telling us to

detail to respect the social

our observations of others

is

we observe. make generalizations; remember that make them slowly and only after com-

Of

worlds of others.

course,

one way

them, a practice Martineau

to actually ask

recommends.

The

final

advises

safeguard that the traveler must keep

preparations.

Her heart and mind

observations must be

made

hope. The path that Martineau

is

long and arduous. The researcher must

is

make

philosophical and moral

human

must be ready to observe

in great detail

behavior.

and breadth. She must keep

The

a journal of

her observations and considerations, being careful to not generalize or draw conclusions too quickly. This kind of research takes time, patience,

With such so careful

costs,

it's

easy to

become discouraged,

particularly

and take so much time. But Martineau (1838/2003)

"Every observer and recorder recorder ought to

feel

is

fulfilling a function;

and part of our soul.

when we have tells

to be

us to keep hope:

and no one observer or

discouragement, as long as he desires to be useful rather than

shining; to be the servant rather than the lord of science;

and

a friend to the

home-

stayers rather than their dictator" (pp. 20-21).

Institutions Several institutions that Martineau looks at give us clear indications of her the-

framework.

oretical

and education.

All

Specifically,

we want

to talk about gender

through her discussions of these

ideas pregnant with theoretical ramifications, yet theories. Thus,

I

will

and

family, religion,

social institutions, she gives us

little

in the

way of fully developed

be picking out specific ideas for

fuller

consideration. His

more

philosophical belief,

derived from

and

all

fair

just reflection,

evidence

is,

Gender and family:

that

I

want

to

Martineau's understanding of family and gender with a partic-

everyman's feelings of right and

One

of the important areas of debate

wrong, instead of being born

ularly significant idea.

with him, grow up

surrounding and within feminist

in

him from

the influences to which he

begin our discussion of

women's knowledge. The most

is

literature

is

the idea of

sociological of these

arguments

and more

subjected. (Martineau,

is

1838/2003, pp. 34-35)

than men's due to their relationship to social structures.

that

women's knowledge

consider this idea in a bit

but for

now

it's

we

live

and by the

more

different

detail

when we

get to

insightful

Du

I'll

Bois,

much of Martineau's work contains this idea we know is formed by the social, political kinds of social practices in which we engage. Of

interesting to note that

of the sociology of knowledge, that what structures wherein

is

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du

A

course,

on

Marx had

a sociology of

Society of Difference

knowledge position

however, was based

as well. His,

brand of humanist materialism and the production of ideology by the

his

work of Karl Mannheim

wasn't until the

Durkheim

also

argument was

in 1928 that Marx's theory

a sociology of knowledge in his

produced

that the essential categories of existence

work on

Marx, Durkheim doesn't have

While Martineau doesn't

a general

religion. Part of his

were produced through

and the structured distribution of populations

gious rituals

elite. It

was generalized.

in

reli-

time and space. Like

concern with the sociology of knowledge.

explicitly explain the theories

behind

this

portion of her

work, she nevertheless demonstrates a clear and general sociology of knowledge.

Martineau does not, however, privilege the female point of view. Later we

Du

see that to that

Bois feels the black position in terms of truth in knowledge

of whites. This perspective

is

will

superior

is

based on the idea that systems of oppression

can only be understood from the outside

—an idea

that

came from Marx. This

notion of outsider knowledge can be found in the generally accepted methods of

You have probably been exposed

sociology, albeit as a cautionary note.

The general to

idea

is

that

be biased toward

it

difficult to

it's

or

fail

own

study one's

to see things that

to

it

already.

we will tend someone look-

culture because

might be apparent

to

ing from the outside. Critical theory simply takes this a logical step further

claims that there

is

a special kind of

and

knowledge associated with being the subject of

a structure of oppression.

But Martineau doesn't make such a claim. In

fact,

that every person, not simply the oppressed person sociologist, could

The only

and should make rigorous and

assertion that Martineau

makes with regard

woman

logical research. In response, she points

out that

some

places that

The home

mary

part of

is

men

most

don't,

clearly thinks

insightful observations of society.

in response to the criticism that being a

into

Martineau very

nor the professionally trained

women's point of view

to

a disadvantage in

is

women

particularly to the

have particular insights

home.

important for several reasons in Martineau's scheme.

what she

calls

the domestic state. As

is

doing socio-

you can

It is

the pri-

see in Table 8.1, the

domestic sphere of society includes economic and distributive structures (manufacturing, markets, roadways,

and so

forth),

commerce

dealings between individuals or groups in society;

in general

(Martineau includes

and interchanges of

opinions, or sentiments), the general level of health, as well as marriage. these domestic institutions, family (marriage in particular) stands out.

where the primary socialization of children takes

place,

and

a place

ideas

and

Among

It's

where the morals

and manners of a people can best be observed. Further, the treatment of women marriage sures

up

human

is

one of the most important keys

to the universal law of happiness.

right

and

that marriage

is

for understanding

Keep

mind

all

the place

how

a society

that happiness

in

mea-

is

the basic

the fundamental social institution. Thus,

unhappy

in

marriages are a strong indicator of the moral state of an entire society. Martineau also says that the treatment of blacks

tion of the oppressed that

is

is

standing with regard to happiness. The

whether or not versal ity.

it is

measuring rod for happiness.

elite in

and

for this goes

It's

the posi-

any society are going to be happy; but

human happiness is generally valued can

in a collective,

The reason

a

particularly important for critiquing a society's overall

that

is

only be gauged by

how uni-

determined by the experience of society's minor-

back to the issue of natural

rights. If

human

beings have

Bois

271

272

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

natural rights, then the success of government

from those

Let's return to the central place that

The

society.

practice of gender.

While the

distinct things, they also

piness in marriage that

Martineau finds a link between marriage and the

have reciprocal

on one another. Thus,

prompted by gender inequality

is

and the

dition of marriage

effects

and the structure of gender

Martineau finds

men

beliefs that

men

should have courage and

women

Men

the benefit of society:

is

is

H

::

:

::;

:::



:::: ::::::::.!_ u- : :

Go home and watch

~ei?_:;

— eisure— er.:

there other groups or situations that :

i:i >-;

••

we could

:

:

»

j-.er

;

""•": -'.i

-

.-;:."

ire

:

_: ^:::;r. :i:t -

:

:

:i.i

/'-:

TV. Intentionally watch programs that focus on African

-...-

ir.i'.~c l~

=

Are

•r.r. '?z-£~:< ••ou.i

Americans and pay particular attention to commercials that feature people of

;;-r.::ir:;r.

:r.i: "

use as measuring rods today in addition

::;~::-.:::

::::;::

::;;

"•

':.

rizts

:.-..:



e

'

>eer.

'•'."-

r. ire

>;~=

color.

f

-

::"

:h= _r.ce:>.r.;

notations of the representations of blacks, Chicanos, Asians, and other minorities? How-

do you think this influences the consciousness of members of these groups? •

Ev£u^:e :he :iei

knowledge

is

:: jtir.ir;:-:

:r

jr.r.ji.".

a function of a group s social, historical, and cultural position, then

idea of critical knowledge correct? If so,

what are the implications _

rr;~

-•••

.-.::

r

^-.••••.\ec£:

-.: :;r.

> ::_e

:

:

:; rre;:

.

L

.

way

in

is

::~:ec"

this

which -

.

- :>'.= ^;e

for the

-.

A

Du

According to



Bois,

Society of Difference

— Martineau, Gilman, and Du

one of the ways cultural oppression works

by excluding

is

the voices and contributions of a specific group in the history of a society.

Defamation League has

prominent individuals

group exercise called "name

a

five."

The challenge

Bois

is

to

The Anti-

name

five

each category: Americans; male Americans; female Americans;

in

African Americans; Hispanic Americans; Asian or Pacific Islander Americans; Native

Americans; Jewish Americans; Catholic Americans; pagan Americans; lesbian, or bisexual

Americans; Americans with

name

For which categories can you

65.

the five?

What does

this

Web

on yourself or

a friend,

page (http://www.biography.com/ae). There you

of over 25,000 people whose

we mentioned. What did you Martineau was very



Americans over the age of

disabilities,

prominent people? For which

clear

Go

You might

and search

the categories that

get a sense of

site,

Web

site

social

(http://chroni-

for articles concerning minority enrollment in higher

also search for articles that give

professors. Using this

database

about the correlation between education and

cle.com).

and

coun-

find?

The Chronicle of Higher Education has a searchable

education.

in this

will find a searchable

deemed important. Try each of

lives are

you name

go to the Biography chan-

progress.

to the site

can't

imply about the way we have constructed history

try? In addition to trying this activity nel's

five

self- identified gay,

what

an account of minority teachers

going on with minorities in higher

is

education. Are the percentages of enrollment going up or

down?

Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) Oilman



gives us a very specific theory of

with what

first

Marx

said

gender oppression. Compare her theory

about gender oppression and then with what Simmel

said.

How are these three thinkers similar and different on the issue of gender? Which do you is more accurate? Why? How do the different theories create different ideas about

think

how

to bring

about gender equality?

Thinking about



how

you think there are some oppressed?

If so,

what

common features common

are those

general theory of domination?

Compare and

in the

way

features?

in

Bois talk about inequality,

which both gender and race are

What would

and

inequality, especially

contrast Martineau

a religious typology.

Martineau takes us one step further

what

factors

do you think

Durkheim expected

in

and Weber on the

are at

is

issue of religion. In

a theory of religious

work?

change

Do you

think

than did Weber?

If so,

But in what ways do they overlap?

in the evolution of religion

some

How does Martineau's typology compare to what

terms of the future of religion?

Further Explorations

— Books

More than with any of our other

Du

they indicate about a

from Weber and Marx?

ways, of course, they are two different approaches: Weber's

and Martineau's

do

How would those common features fit in with what we've

already seen about domination •

Du

Martineau, Gilman, and

theorists,

Bois, rather than read about them. For

Du

you should read Martineau, Gilman, and Bois,

I

recommend

that

you pick up The

309

310

EXPLORATIONS

IN

Oxford W.E.B.

books

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Du

Bois Reader, edited by Eric Sundquist.

in their entirety

Yellow Wallpaper,

and

How

to

I

recommend

at different

and then move on

points of his

Soliloquy on Viewing

An

as well as a

you

to

For

My Life from

Du

myriad of

with The

start

Work,

Culture.

Du

Bois wrote two,

The Autobiography of W.E.B.

Bois,

the Last

Bois'

with her books

Women and Economics, The Home, Human

also published autobiographies (in fact, life):

start

Observe Morals and Manners. For Gilman,

and The Man-Made World, or Our Androcentric Each of these thinkers

that

Du

contains two of

(The Souls of Black Folk and Darkwater)

other important writings. For Martineau, Society in America

It

Decade of Its

First Century;

Du

Bois:

A

and Dusk of Dawn:

Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept; for Martineau, Harriet Martineau s

An Autobiography. recommend Howard Brotz's

Autobiography; and for Gilman: The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman: In terms of introductions to other neglected theorists, reader,

Negro Social and

Sociology

and

Social

Political

Theory,

I

Thought, 1850-1920; and The

1830-1930, by Patricia

Women

Founders:

Madoo Lengermann and

Jill

Niebrugge-Brantley.

Further Explorations For

Du

—Web Links

Bois:

http://members.tripod.com/~DuBois/

(Site

maintained by Jennifer Wager; the

Du

Bois virtual

university)

http://www.duboislc.org/index.html (Site maintained by The

Du

Bois Learning Center)

For Martineau: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/martineau.htm (Site maintained by the department of

economics,

New

School)

http://www. webster.edu/~woolflm/martineau.html to the

(Site

maintained by Women's Contributions

Study of Mind and Society)

For Gilman: http://w ww.cortland.edu/gilman/ (Site maintained

by The Charlotte Perkins Gilman Society)

http://wvvw.womenvvriters.net/domesticgoddess/gilmanl.html (Site maintained by the online journal Domestic Goddesses, edited by

Kim Wells)

CHAPTER

9

The Problem of Meaning and Reality Alfred Schutz



(Austrian, 1899-1959)

311

312

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN



The

• • • • • •

Phenomenology

Perspective: Social

Seeing Reality From a Being Conscious

Human Viewpoint 320

the Lifeworld

in

314

—Creating Human

Ordering the Lifeworld

Connecting With Others

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity

Summary

334

337

338

Building Your Theory Toolbox

is

323

Reality

330

somewhat odd

for

me to include Alfred

Schutz in a

classical

theory textbook.

ItHe certainly lived later than most of the people we consider, and his work didbecome well-known

n't

in the English-speaking

world until the 1960s. However,

book

the primary criterion for including

someone

contemporary theory, and there

an important segment of contemporary theory

that

we

is

in this

is

her or his influence on

couldn't understand without Schutz.

In general,

we could probably term

sociology," but

it is

more

this

segment of theory "phenomenological

informative to talk about two areas in particular: the social

construction of reality and ethnomethodology. The social construction of realmis

most

with Peter Berger and

clearly associated

Thomas Luckmann. Luckmann,

you may have noticed, published with Schutz and continued publishing after the theorist died. it}"

is

objectified.

world and duced,

it

it is

Berger and

Luckmann are

As we have seen, meaning

something

that

can change; and because

it

process as if

it

is

Luckmann argue

objectification,

carries the

and

how real-

synonymous with the

objective

can change,

people overcome the precarious nature of their Berger and

particularly interested in

isn't

attributed or created. Because

is

that

it is

also precarious. So,

push

is

pro-

how do

makes the created

seem

reality

status as brute, material reality. This objecti-

humans

through the use

are instinctually deprived, they are driven

to internalize this objectively real culture. Thus, a subjective reality

is

within the reality-producing

fication process extends to the individual subjective experience

of language. Further, because

meaning

reality?

intrinsic

this objectification

same ontological

work

his

and truly precarious

transformed into an mfersubjective one. Yet despite these processes that

for objectification, reality

tained in consciousness.

must engage

in a willful

It

is still

precarious for

must be continually

humans and must be main-

replicated

and guarded. People

suspension of doubt and must continue in routine, thus

giving reality a taken-for-granted character. In particular, people have to engage in talk.

Our

talk

with both anonymous and significant others provides

ground of taken-for-grantedness evervthing were real and



talk presents a

world that

is

a

back-

spoken of

as if

therefore unquestionable. Talk, like ritual, also keeps

The Problem of Meaning and

before the consciousness the objectivity of social

Reality

thus making

reality,

it

—Alfred Schutz

an object

of intentional consideration. Berger and Luckmann's theorizing, and the idea of constructed

produced an array of studies that

produced through

is

sets

for

and show how

granted. There are studies, for example, that take apart patriarchy

gender inequality

have

reality,

deconstruct certain elements of what we take

of ideological assumptions. There are

also studies that trace the historical construction of race or sexuality,

demonstrat-

The most

theoretically

ing that race

and sex could have been created

grounded of these studies find

their base in Schutzian ideas.

The other approach, ethnomethodology, "methods" people use

differently.

principally concerned with the

is

in everyday interactions that allow

of intersubjectivity and

There

reality.

a fine

is

them

produce

to

and ethnomethodology: researchers

the social construction of reality

structivist vein are generally interested in

a sense

but important distinction between

how we construct an

in the con-

objective reality out

of symbolic elements, and ethnomethodologists are concerned with social order as

an achievement that

this

is

locally

produced,

in situ, right here/right

now/in

just

manner. Ethnomethodologists are concerned with the commonsense methods

and reasonings whereby people (event),

which includes

dologist

may

produce a

in face-to-face situations

a sense of shared reality (facticity).

in fact claim that the notion of

social order

An ethnometho-

an objective, cultural

reality

is itself

reification.

Ethnomethodological research thus tends to focus on those patterned kinds of behaviors that allow us to leave unquestioned our cultural reality and to accept

manner. One of the insights that comes from

in a taken-for-granted is

the "et cetera principle."

using a shorthand

assumption

is

With the

method with

et cetera principle,

never questioned or proven. For example,

"You know

how

know" functions tive reality, (like

when

as

people

an

lie

if it

when you are talking to when you say something ." .

.

"You

allows us to create a sense of shared, objec-

were questioned, we would end in

the two-year-old asks, "Why?").

Some important

infinite regression

sociological thinkers in

Don H. Zimmerman, Hugh Mehan, and Houston Wood. Ethnomethodology has in turn

this perspective include

Melvin Pollner,

like

even to themselves? Well, the other day

et cetera device. It

even though

this perspective

people often refer to things

the assumption that "I could go on," but that

someone, have you ever said "you know"? You know, like,

it

Harold Garfinkel, Harvey Sacks,

influenced such contemporary thinkers as

Alfred Schutz

is

one of those

Anthony Giddens.

rare thinkers that

move

us to consider the well-

spring out of which other concerns and ideas come. For example, gists investigate race,

and

their

concern

is

how

many

sociolo-

race creates stratification

—the

unequal distribution of scarce resources. Schutz's ideas move us to a more basic level:

how

does "race" become meaningful and

says, "Schutz's focus

was the 'primordial foundation

standing possible' (in Grathoff, 1989, the world of everyday sible at all

and how

understanding"

it

life.

He aimed

in turn

(p. 367).

p.

to

212),

people? As

real to .

.

.

that

Mary Douglas

makes

all

under-

namely the lifeworld (Lebenswelt) or

show what makes

makes understanding

the everyday world pos-

possible, including scientific

313

314

e--_

:

=

--:•.: •.:_-:::-.::::_::- :-.--e:=-

Schutz was bom on April an only child

in

in

Review

13, 1899, in

Vienna, Austria.

an upper-middle-class Jewish family. As a

began playing the

violin,

which became a

He was raised Schutz

child,

lifelong interest.

Schutz studied law and business at the University of Vienna, from where he received his law degree. While in Vienna, Schutz attended lectures given by

Max Weber. Weber sparked Schutz's interest in lem of meaning. Schutz

felt

that

Weber left

social science

and the prob-

the problem of meaning unan-

swered, and he combined ideas about consciousness and time from Henri

Bergson and

Edmund

Husserl to create his

own phenomenological

theory

of meaning.

Compan He continued to work full time for the bank, first in

In 1927, Schutz became the chief financial officer for Reitler and a Menna banking firm.

New York, until the 1950s, when he took a full-time New SchooL A major portion of Schutz's research and writ-

Vienna and then in position at the

ing was actually done before he became a professor, which means that

of his academic work was done "part time," while working bank. During the years prior to his time

at the

full

r.ool,

worked 15 to 16 hours every day, including weekends. His wife,

much

time at the

he typically Ilse,

assisted

by transcribing Schutz's working notes and letters from his taped dictations. His major work, The Phenomenology of the Social World, was published 1932.

The fourth volume of his

a fifth volume

On July

is

collected

works was published

in 1996,

i

and

planned.

14, 1939,

Schutz immigrated with his family to the United States

In 1943, Schutz began teaching sociology

and philosophy courses

at th

School for Social Research; he served as chair of the Philosophy

Department from 1952 Alfred Schutz died

to 1956.

May 20,

1959, in

New York City

The Perspective: Social Phenomenology Seeing Reality From a Human Viewpoint There

will be, however, different opinions

be studied in the same object.

.

.

.

manner

[Wje take the position

human conduct and

its

in

about whether

which the natural

this

behavior should

scientist studies his

that the social sciences have to deal with

commonsense

interpretation in the social reality,

involving the analysis of the whole system of projects and motives, of relevances

and

constructs.

.

.

.

Such an anai

of view (Schutz, 1962,

rv to the subjective point

p

The problem of meaning: The social world is not synonvmous with the natural world For example, I am holding an exceedingly flat, rectangular object in my

The Problem of Meaning and

hand. But that 2 A- by 6-inch object X

you (What do

we see when I hold the $50 bill out to $50? What does he want? How could I use

that money?). Here's another illustration:

But we see

us.

somehow

that

more than those two

There are two people standing

discrete

mammalian

it

in front of

objects as they speak

words

between them (Where

create a binding relationship called marriage

does "marriage" exist? Does

—Alfred Schutz

isn't all

have to do to get that

I

Reality

words, or in some middle physical space

exist in the

between the two people?).

We

come up with myriad examples (such as the meaning of the flag, or a is made up of meanings, not simple, phys-

could

or water, or sex) because our world

tree,

The

ical objects.

social

world

a meaningful world,

is

and

dirt into

and meaning

is

always some-

Through meaning, we turn paper

thing other than the thing-in-itself.

money

into

farmland and biological sex into making love or into rape. The impor-

tant thing for us to note

that

is

meaning

is

on top

attributed, or laid

of,

and

objects

experiences.

There

doubt

is

is little

doubt that the

social

and natural worlds

Some

the relationship between them.

The

relationship between the universe

What

and

window

a

this

philosophers posit that there

into the natural uni-

physical worlds

upon



that every element of the social world

unique, with no connection to the outside world at

The

existence of

meaning unquestionably creates

same way the

physical world

is? Yet,

is

built

and

up from and based

human world

the physical. Other philosophers say that the

real in the

Some

a necessary relationship between the social

is

in

language would be immedi-

Others, like philosophers, argue incessantly about the relationship.

ate.

is

people, such as natural scientists,

assume that we can create a language that provides verse.

are different.

is

absolutely

all.

a

problem

while this



the

is

may be

a

human world dilemma over

which philosophers argue, there are vast numbers of people for

whom

this

tion.

the

problem of meaning doesn't

exist at

all.

In

fact, I

most of us

readily accept

and

our world without ques-

live in

We accept our world as given and never see or experience

problem of meaning. And that

Schutz

is

is

isn't

the world in which Alfred

situation

concerned with

it

directly. In

recognizes that the question

know

is

I

philosophers of

it

is

whether we are thinking outside of our

more philosophical

issue,

Schutz

isn't

own

concerned with

ontology because "the person on the street"

Schutz

interested in the natural attitude that people have about their lifeworld

isn't

concerned with them.

and how they experience that world. This emphasis on conscious experience and the naturalness of experience

comes from phenomenology.

The phenomenological method: Phenomenology originated with

Edmund

German philosopher with whom Schutz became

formed the phenomenological approach nalism. Empiricism

exactly

and my

unpleasant

share

all

issues of

(1859-1938), a

is,

my

is

in response to

the philosophy that

all

time.

(Schutz, 1964, p. 88)

some ways, perhaps, he

unanswerable, because

for certain

culture. Regardless of this

is

do not

in this

that

is

I

reality

ignorance with the greatest

interested.

impossible to ever

afraid that

only comfort

Schutz, of course, recognizes this problem of meaning, but

he

am

know what

Husserl

friends. Husserl

both empiricism and

knowledge comes from and

is

ratio-

tested

by sense data gathered from the physical world. Rationalism, on the other hand,

315

EXPLORATIONS

316

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

posits that reason

Reason can

and

through which true knowledge

logic are the tools

lay hold of truths that exist

Phenomenology cuts

a

more than

is

humans

things that can exist for

That

This

exist for us.

sounds. Think of it this way: the world of the frog is

moving

importantly,

much

only those things of

is,

quite as esoteric as

isn't

very different than the

is

based on sense perceptions

world. Part of the difference

more

con-

sense data. Husserl argued that the only

exist in consciousness.

which we are intentionally aware can

objects), but,

human

middle road between the two by focusing on

sciousness. Consciousness

attained.

is

beyond the grasp of sense perception.

(Tike

it

human

the frog can only see

of the disparity

is

founded on the

brain and the process of awareness.

However, while consciousness for Husserl

humans

reason. In reason,

stand and

make

is

more than

sense data,

than

less

it is

use cultural tools such as logic and categories to under-

sense of the world. Husserl saw those cultural tools as obstructions

to investigation.

He wanted

to set those aside

and

investigate pure consciousness

through epoche, or transcendental phenomenological reduction. Epoche is a Greek word meaning to stop or cease, or to suspend judgment. refers to a position in space or set point in time.

Husserl was asking us to suspend our belief in the reality of the to direct our investigative that

we could

aside or disconnect

human world and

view to our consciousness of the world alone. Husserl

felt

through bracketing. In bracketing we

set

get to pure consciousness

of the accumulated experiences and reflections concerning

all

the world of obiects,

also

It

As a methodological device,

all

the cultural tools through which the lifeworld

is

recognized,

organized, and understood as meaningful. Phenomenology, then, emphasizes

immediate experience (or the phenomenon of pure consciousness), apart from

all

assumptions, language, or theories.

The reason Husserl wanted standing

is

because he argued that

sciousness. Unlike thinkers

^

to bracket

who

reality

and

and truth can be found only

-

-

i

'

i

'

_

always accepted

in

existence

is

in the individual

make

possible "a

given." In epoche, a researcher suspends belief in the reality of

.

world and directs attention exclusively to her or

consciousness of the stream of experience so that

sta

~

human

descriptive account of the essential structures of the directly

...

:-£ ''-'

all

consciousness. Husserl thus wanted to

this

Wesha

pure con-

!

V method.

in

of under-

located social order, meaning, and realitv external

to people, Husserl believed that the basis of

—mmmm^m_

set aside all cultural tools

e>

'-'-

'-

can

:-r"e

come

Let's

r

getting

the attitude

his

own

its realitv-

forth

use an illustration to understand what Husserl at.

is

Lets sav you are walking across campus. There are

innumerable objects and things happening around vou, but in a real

way

these don't exist for

notice them. Suddenly

woman it

bat Husserl

is

arguing that there

her'r

peers,

a

will that

how will you

see

and

clothes, hair, figure, or

vou have about

women

'

gleaned

and prior experience

asking you to do is

woman. How

You might notice her

to the cultural understanding

from media, parents,

a

appear to vou? In other words,

understand

walk and compare

vou notice

vou because vou dont

is

to bracket

all

that cultural baggage.

pure experience waiting for vou underneath

all

He

is

of vour

The Problem of Meaning and

preconceived ideas.

He wants you

phenomenon

subjective essentialness. In other words, see the

to

its

woman.

a

—Alfred Schutz

and reduce the objective

to transcend the culture

any preconceived ideas or categories of what constitutes

Reality

woman without It's

important to

note that the very fact you notice "clothes, hair, figure, or walk" with reference to "female"

you could put

a cultural act. If

is itself

woman

to experience the

as directly given

all

of this aside, you would be able

and be able

to create

an account of her

He

argues that every-

essential structure.

Schutz took up the general emphasis of phenomenology.

day

apart from scientific or philosophical theories,

life,

of analysis. However, there

and

Schutz's. Husserl

wanted

experience. But Schutz

consciousness (and

it's

bly observed

from our

The natural

attitude:

wanted is

a

to bracket.

also a difference

is

isn't

as

it

between Husserl's phenomenology

to reduce everything to pure consciousness

convinced that the lifeworld as given

extremely difficult

if

not impossible to get

The

It is

lifeworld for Schutz

the world as

it is

and

direct

that of pure

to, as

you proba-

is

exactly that world that Husserl

experienced immediately by the person.

filled

with meaning. Schutz takes the

presents itself to us as his subject of analysis.

world of everyday

is

exercise).

world determined by culture and

world

the most important focus

is

reality.

It is

the

It

human

commonsense

Obviously, this theoretical focus can exist and

is

exciting

because of the problem of meaning. This issue of the natural attitude toward the lifeworld wouldn't be remarkable

if

the relationship between the natural

and

social

worlds wasn't a puzzle. So we aren't getting away from the question, we're just

approaching

from a

it

And

different position or issue.

answered. Rather than asking about reality per experience their lifeworld as

se,

this

Schutz

is

is

a question that can be

how people

asking about

real.

People experience their world as real primarily by taking a natural attitude

toward

doubt

it.

is

The natural

special kind of epoch.

pended

attitude

is

one where the world

as a

taken for granted and

Remember that

in Husserl's epoch,

culture.

Doubt

humans

exist.

These

doubt about

we have

a

reality is sus-

methodological device. In Schutz's concept of the natural attitude,

rather than bracketing our belief in culture,

verse.

is

suspended. Schutz ironically notes that in the natural attitude,

is

we

bracket any doubt in the reality of

suspended even in the face of the different worlds in which

We know

that other people believe different things about the uni-

beliefs are so different that they actually constitute

an entirely different

world than ours (the Yanomamo, for example, believe that there are four different layers to the universe).

Yet rather than seeing these different realities as reason to doubt our world,

we

willfully

suspend doubt and pragmatically move through

able to live socially or individually

of what Schutz

is after.

appears to us as

if

The natural

real. It can't

we

didn't.

attitude

world

is

a

like

Schutz, then,

is

here

life.

We

wouldn't be

we can begin

a device through

to see a bit

which our world

appear to us as such otherwise, and every culture

throughout time has been made to appear

To think

is

And

to

real

by

just

such an attitude.

understand the problem of meaning. The

human

meaningful world, which implies a problematic relationship between the

world (human) and the universe (physical). But to think

like

Schutz also means to

317

318

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

how

be concerned with

the world

taken, perceived, or experienced as real, rather

is

than entertaining direct questions of ontology (how things

exist).

Creating meaning: But to see through Schutz's perspective

not only to understand

the problem of meaning. Schutz

was

also

is

is

concerned with meaning

itself.

concerned with meaningful action. Weber based quite a

also

bit

Max Weber

of his under-

standing about society on his typology of action. According to Weber, there are four types of action: instrumental rational, value rational, traditional, and affective. In

Weber's eyes, both traditional and affective actions

we can

of what

very close to the borderline

lie

meaningful. The rationale for this line of reasoning

call

that these

is

actions are either performed out of habitual (traditional) or emotional (affective)

They don't

response.

Schutz

criticizes

involve

concern for Schutz (1967)

"when Weber ior and,

what

talks

much

way of thinking and

in the

planning.

Of

particular

way in which Weber defined meaningful

behavior:

Weber's understanding of meaning attribution. the

is

about meaningful behavior, he

is

thinking about rational behav-

more, 'behavior oriented to a system of discrete individual ends'

is

(zweckrational). This kind of behavior he thinks of as the archetype of action"

meaning of an action

(pp. 18-19). So, for Weber, the

With Weber, action tions

meaningful

is

and goals occur before the

On

the other hand, Schutz It's

scious of something, then

we

any meaning for is

produced.

meaning

We

future events, but

when

I

it is

is

meaning

is

if

we

meaning

If

we

aren't con-

it

Schutz

is

have

can't

terms of how meaning exists. If

and we can become conscious only of things

attribution

is

always after the

when we do, we actually think about them like

motiva-

always associated with

aware of it,

aren't

also very revealing in

think about completing this book,

Thus, to think

Meaning

that

when you think about it.

aware of it; and

but

linked to consciousness,

is

And

can only be conscious or aware of something that already

already exist, then

ple,

aren't

us. Pretty simple,

determined beforehand.

action.

makes the point

kind of obvious

individual consciousness.

is

motivated by explicit goals.

if it is

to realize that

I

think about

fact.

We

as already past. For it

that

can think about

exam-

as already completed.

meaning isn't determined beforehand.

always produced after the fact through a backward glance. Meaning

occurs through the conscious act of an individual picking out from the stream of experience a particular object as the focus of attention. I

want you

to notice

something about the above statement (be conscious of it: turn

your attention to the past statement). Schutz understands meaning attribution individual, subjective process.

Thus

not only different from Weber's,

meaning speech for

is

act:

produced

it

Schutz's understanding of is

also different

in social interaction.

It

meaning

is

social

and

flexible.

an

attribution

from Mead's. Mead argued

is

that

emerges from the three phases of the

giving a cue, responding to the cue, and responding to the response.

Mead, meaning

as

But for Schutz, meaning

is

subjective

Thus

and

is

much less likely to change. One of the things this emphasis implies is that Schutz is also concerned with the problem of intersubjectivity. When we talk of subjectivity, we are referring to

then,

is

something that

exists in the

the linking or interrelating of

consciousness of one person. Intersubjectivity,

two consciousnesses or

Intersubjectivity refers to the sense that

emotions and thoughts that

I

subjectivities.

we experience shared

worlds, that the

experience are understood and shared by another.

The Problem of Meaning and

number of ways

Schutz explains a

argument

basic

that

is

"stocks of knowledge." Language

ing for the sender

and

And

me.

to

and the

social

is

receiver

through

it is

which

intersubjectivity



it is

it is

thus reciprocal:

how

upon

he characterizes the

it

would

you the

serve us well to talk a bit

scientific viewpoint. Recall that science

their lives. Collapsing these together, is,

we can

How

scientists

the scientist

is

viewing an atom than

if

look

she or he

to control the

is

is

looking at society.

is

is

cautious about the scientific perspective in "social science."

knowledge about the

that he denies scientific

all

is

a social

the sticky problem that every social scientist must face.

Schutz

much

is

phenomena as more intuitively

at

the researcher can stand outside of society while the individual

being

that

if

based

say that science

they are not part of what they are observing. That position

acceptable

is

empirical, operates according to law-like

is

based upon an objectifying point of view. That

meaning attribution

constructed. In labeling

everyday knowledge

Second-order

knowledge

more immediate

is

more

is

common

all

and

so

he argues

Schutz charac-

scientific

mean-

knowledge about the world

as first-order,

human

to the

and subject

abstract

actor.

as first-order constructs

ing as second-order constructs. According to Schutz,

It isn't

social world; rather,

knowledge of society must begin with the subjective

terizes subjective

is

to

the

and humans can discover those principles and use them

environment of

same

we can experience

of shared inner worlds.

social, creates a sense

certain assumptions: the universe

principles,

if

means

it

of language that

Before concluding this introduction to Schutz,

about

refers to as

and by its very nature has the same mean-

this feature

other person. Language, because

—Alfred Schutz

produced, but his

is

produced through language, or what he

is

it

in

Reality

he

is

recognizing that

experience in the world.

to other considerations, like the laws

of logic. These second-order constructs are basically the same as Weber's ideal

understand the social world, the

types. In seeking to

scientist

must construct con-

cepts with an eye to the subjective interpretation of the actor. In other words, our ideas about situation

vance,

by

what

would

we run

is

going on in any situation must match

interpret the

thing. If

we

in that

ignore this tenet of subjective rele-

the risk that "the subjective world of social reality will ... be replaced

a fictional non-existing

1964,

same

how someone

world constructed by the

scientific observer" (Schutz,

p. 8).

Taken together, then, Schutz's perspective focuses on meaning, and there are three

main concerns that the social ity

that result

this focus.

is

first

issue

problematic. However, Schutz

ontology of the world, but rather

real.

Schutz

real.

The second

is

The

surrounding meaning

world and the physical universe are not the same. Therefore, the

of the social world

tive

from

how people

isn't

Schutz argues that meaning

experience a meaningful world as

and how

comes from focusing on meaning produced

is

as individuals

is

its

and

from the second:

if

jectivity? reality,

To think

and

like

is

subjective,

Schutz, then,

is

how

to be

intersubjectivity are produced.

appears

become conscious of certain

exists in the individual consciousness.

meaning

it

production.

elements in the flow of experience through a backward glance. Meaning ated after the fact

real-

concerned with objec-

interested in the lifeworld of everyday existence issue that

is

The

is

thus cre-

third issue emerges

can people have a sense of intersub-

concerned with

And

how a

sense of meaning,

to think like Schutz

is

to have the

position that sociology must begin with the subjective experience of the individual

319

320

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

The

rest

of this chapter

we

the Lifeworld,

the world around them. ality,

meaning and

that

become aware

is

divided into three main sections. In Being Conscious in

human

will see that

And

beings have a particular

it is

through

reality are

formed.

Yet,

intentionally aware of the world for

We

socially fashioned.

is

Lifeworld

—Creating Human

are social,

means

it

that

we

way of being aware of

this special awareness, called intention-

it

even though we as individuals must

to exist, the lifeworld of which

Reality.

is

are

And because our reality and meaningful world what we

are intrinsically connected with others. But

see in Connecting With Others

we

consider this important point in Ordering the

way in which we

that the

are aware of

with other people varies by anonymity. All through our discussion,

I

will

and connect

would

like

you

to be aware of five important subthemes: consciousness, objectivity, intersubjectiv-

ordering, and continuity. These ideas weave themselves throughout Schutz's

ity,

works and our discussion

want

also

I

to advise

as well.

you about something

in advance.

We are going to

ing our concepts layer by layer throughout the chapter. In other words,

duce

a

concept in one section and then return to

and expanded. There

will see concepts repeated this,

but the most important

when you

is

and theory more

his concepts

Being Conscious

in

again in a later section. So you

many good

are

—we

remember

to

pay more attention, not

day. If

I

my

their

I

am

& Luckmann,

a drunkard?). (Schutz

someone about our

day."

"How was your day?" At even

tell

A common

We

life,

summarily

obtain monothetically

it

huge

"come about"

1973, p. 57)

experience for most of us

is

"telling

We come home from work or school and a loved one asks, that point,

ourselves stories

we

will tell

them

about our experiences

However, what we experience and telling

I

up courses of days (how has

Lived experience and intentionality:

We

meaning, then

of

grasp, in such post hoc interpretations of the greatest span,

stretches of polythetically built

that

less,

step.

superimposed over

is

reflectively attend to past periods

them and examine

to survey

by

the Lifeworld

rhythm of the

within

reasons for doing

are building our understanding step

[T]he biographical articulation [of the course of the day] the

be build-

will intro-

that this approach to Schutz will help us understand fully. So,

see an idea repeated

it

I

how we

a story

about our experiences.

in a day, a

experience

it

week, or a lifetime.

are quite different than our

of those lived experiences. live life as a

stream of undifferentiated experiences, in what Schutz terms

"internal time-consciousness." For Schutz, lived experience

through a

valley:

it

is

like a river that flows

has neither beginning nor end and every drop of water

nected to every other drop of water by a never-ending flow. That's exists in its natural state.

One

experience

is

is

con-

how our day

connected to every other experience by

our continuing movements through time. Telling such a tale about our day in

(and

my

it

left

would

take an entire day to

arm forward

at the

its

tell it)

same time

I

natural state

because

it

moved my

would be exceedingly boring

would

lack meaning: "I

right leg

and

foot.

moved

As the

arc of

The Problem of Meaning and

Reality

—Alfred Schutz

my left arm and right leg reached its highest point, began to move them back and my right arm and left leg forward." Yuck. This kind of pure experience is called I

duree (pure duration or unmarked time).

To

the story of our day,

tell

meaning

is

And pure experience is without meaning.

we must bring

into our consciousness. For Schutz,

it

a constant construction that can only be understood

tension between

lived experience

make of

we're going to

by analyzing

this

and consciousness (what happened versus what

To understand and explain the tension between con-

it).

sciousness and lived experience, Schutz employs Husserl's concept of intentionality.

From a phenomenological point of view, reality and meaning come to exist for humans through intentionality: turning our attention to an already lapsed experience. The concept of intentionality comes from the work of Franz Brentano and it kind of mental exertion that

refers to a is

the foundation of

human

is

directed toward an object. Intentionality

of the keys to understanding intentionality

that

is

always aimed at an object,

it is

experience, or emotion that has already occurred.

always takes place after the

One

consciousness and meaning, according to Schutz.

Meaning construction,

then,

fact.

we become conscious of being awake in the morning only after we already awake. Or let's use another example: You're walking home from campus

For example, are

late at night.

As you pass a dark

alley,

you think you hear

You catch your breath and your heart are afraid? lar set

fear, fantasy,

fear

is

feared,

of,

you experience

fear after

about

it.

ourselves toward

The

remembrance

every remembrance

remembered"

acteristic

(p. 103).

and

remembrance of the

movement.

"fear" (that particuis

no such thing

a thought

is

object that

as

every

of,

thought,

is

We not only feel pain; we can think about that feeling and intend

it.

and intended

is

which the person

that toward

But

actions.

a series of related intentional objects

an "intentional horizon of

to us in

as such; every thought

is

see

aware that you

Human consciousness, then, has an intentional char-

intentional object, then,

his attention

this attention

and

later

beginning point for

just the

Each intentional object appears

actions.

phases of

is

directing her or

is

activity,"

each of which

we

see to

completion or to a point where we say to ourselves "and so on."

its

For example, outside ceive rain

and wind

been the subject of

my home it's currently raining hard with high winds. permy house, because there is another object that has I

as threats to

my

intentionality: the large

from one of the neighbors'

me

as

I

see

them

our house was

trees.

The wind and

branch that rain

become

is

hanging by a thread

real

and meaningful

to

in a matrix of other intentional objects that include past (last year

hit

hard by

to call the tree service; is

a noise

When do you become

of reactions and sensations). As Schutz (1962) says, "there

thought, fear

You become conscious of

races.

if I

falling tree limbs)

don't,

I'll

have to

and future objects of intention

call

the insurance company;

(I

need

how much

my deductible?). The notion of

noema

is like

intentionality for Schutz also includes the idea of "noema."

an intermediate

set

of mental properties that would

object suitable for intentionality, even

words, ily

we can

need

if

What

this

The

a target

the exact object does not exist. In other

take a thought or belief as an intentional object.

a physical object.

make

means

is

that

it is

We

don't necessar-

possible for Santa Claus or

the Goddess to be an object of intentionality and thus

become

a real object for

321

322

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Intentional Horizon

Figure 9.1

people. This conceptual

can

exist

movement, of

course, implies that entire symbolic worlds

for humans, worlds that have no basis in brute or physical

The concept of intentionality also implies

a relationship

reality.

between ego and

object;

or the I-Pole and the Object-Pole of intentionality. In other words, consciousness isn't

simplv attention,

pose.

We

relate

our

it

also contains relationships.

self to

tionship also implies that

It is

thus awareness with pur-

an object through possible actions and goals. This all

meaning

is

subjective



it

rela-

exists internally to the

individual. I

have illustrated these three characteristics of intentionality in Figure

will see that

time

is

moving forward, but meaning

time. Notice also that see not only

it

when an

but also

all

object

attribution

9.1.

You

moves back through

becomes the focus of our intentional

gaze,

other objects and possible actions associated with

it.

we

This

horizon forms the meaning context. And, finally we can see that intentionalitv creates

pragmatic relationships

forth,

and the individual

However,

this idea

among

the intended objects, actions, goals, and so

ego.

of subjectivity does not lead us to solipsism, an extreme

version of idealism where the self can states.

Nor does

this

know nothing

ogy

is

own

thoughts and

interesting just to philosophers

and psv-

No, Schutz's ideas of meaning, consciousness, and intentionalitv lead us

quite naturally to sociological concerns

Here

its

notion of intentionalitv leave us with onlv internal processes.

which would mean that Schutz would be chologists.

except

and problems.

the important bridge that Schutz forms from

Intentional objects, objects of which

we

are cultural objects, according to Schutz.

are aware

phenomenology

to sociol-

and which are meaningful,

He maintains

that the ego

becomes

The Problem of Meaning and

Reality

meaningfully conscious through an already existing lifeworld of culture. subjective intentionality confirms this to us as

other words, in the natural attitude,

this world. In

ture as a given, results

I

when

I

then,

is

I

not only take the world of cul-

$50

I

bill is real,

the reality of the culture

is

I

confirmed. Reality,

reflexively constructed.

produced from

me

let

And our

my behaviors as if culture is real. And when do, get the confirming my belief in that cultural world. For example,

expect, thus

act as if the

323

orient ourselves pragmatically to

organize

I

All cultural systems are built

but

we

—Alfred Schutz

their

you

give

own

just

up through

reflexive construction.

That

is,

they are

elements. There are countless ways in which this

one example. The evidence for the

is

true,

of any system

reality

is

always reflexively provided. Consider the incident of two automobiles colliding.

What

is it?

Well,

you might say

that

it is

an accident. But what does that simple

statement assume about the universe as a whole? Accidents can only happen is

no such

thing as fate

dents can only happen in a natural world. But car

a born again, evangelical Christian.

is

"God's

let's

suppose that the driver of one

What does

It's

incident

becomes

an accident or an act of God, depending on the assumptions of the people

is

it.

Once

taken as proof that that

an accident

will say to herself

the definition

is

how

is

applied, the

the universe works.

hand

On

inci-

calls

its

it

the other hand,

in their lives. Either way, the collision

used to legitimate an already existing reality system or that system

meaning of the

The person who

and others "See? S*** happens."

the Christian will see proof of God's

here.

become?

the event then

God is either testing or chastening the individual. how the incident becomes what it is assumed to be. The

experiencing or viewing

dent

there

will."

Notice either

if

or spiritual forces behind the universe. In other words, acci-

definition, as

is

proof for

provided by that self-same structure. I'm not just singling out religion

is

How does science prove itself true? Science proves itself by using the scientific

method.

An odd

sort of

proof system,

isn't it? All

elements of our culture become

real reflexively.

Ordering the Lifeworld Reality as social order: In the

Four Corners. borders

come

There are no

It is

in each state

Let in

me

middle of the Southwest desert, there

rivers,

visit

the place.

New

Mexico, Colorado, and Utah

They spread out on

their picture taken.

you another

all

They look

illustration before

many Southern

tion of African Americans. isn't.

Yet

lightest skin

would

if

all

we

fours with a

touch there.

It

cities,

get to

we have

seems pretty easy to

we took every

tell

is

really

a foot

with smiles.

our subject matter.

I

work

somewhere over

a noticeably large popula-

who

is

African American and

them up from the we would see? Chances are we with no clear breaks among groups.

adult living in the area and lined

tone to the darkest, what do you think

see a gradual gradation of color

hand or

like giant spiders

Greensboro, North Carolina. The population of the area

100,000 people. As with

who

a place called

mountains, or other natural boundaries there. People act

and have

give

is

the only place in the continental United States where four state

together. Arizona,

funny when they

—Creating Human Reality

324

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

What do

these

two

and

common? In both cases, we human world. As Robert M. Pirsig

illustrations have in

of symbolic boundaries to order the

see the use

Zen

says in

the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance,

[T]here

is

a knife

moving here. A very deadly one: an

and so sharp you sometimes don't

see

those parts are just there and are being

named

quite differently

intellectual scalpel so swift

moving. You get the

it

named

and organized quite

But they can be

as they exist.

differently

illusion that all

depending on

how the

knife moves, (p. 66)

Of course, what we Zerubavel (1991)

We order,

we

an ordered world. But the order

live in

which

are in the presence of in

is

my two

illustrations

isn't a

natural one;

what Eviatar

is

calls a "social scalpel."

why

people in different cultures

will use natural borders, like the

live in different

a cultural

it is

worlds. Sometimes

Rio Grande between the United States and

Mexico. But they don't in and of themselves order our world. The world

is

ordered

symbolically through what Schutz refers to as stocks of knowledge at hand.

Ordering through stocks of knowledge: Stocks of knowledge are the rules, recipes for action, ideas, typifications, interpretive

generally available to

we have world.

at

all

of

it is

you might have

in

your garage, or the sewing

in the closet. In the kit,

sew

car or

Now, to the

man

natural

schemes, and so on that

is

every piece of cultural knowledge that

our disposal for knowing about and negotiating our way through the

like the toolkit

It's

us. In short,

sum of known

all

you have what you need

you have

kit

work on

to

a

a shirt.

his

These stocks of knowledge are fashioned through experi-

past experience are present as

ence.

ordered, as knowledge or as

awareness of what to expect, just as the

The

largest part of

our stocks of knowledge

is

formed

through what has already been experienced, and most of

what we have experienced has been experienced by

whole external

others.

We

learn our basic stock of knowledge through families

ordered. Ordinarily, and unless

and

peers. This knowledge, then,

he

available to everyone

world

is

is

present to him as

forced to solve a special

kind of problem, he does not

ask questions about

how

there for everyone,

this

ordered world was constituted. (Schutz, 1967, p. 81)

who is

it

is

collective

belongs to

us.

and

And

and

is

held to be

because

seen as objective and

is

it

By the way, the phrase "everyone who belongs

acts as a

kind of technical term for Schutz.

to us"

He employs

it

emphasize three ideas that we see repeated throughout

objective because

that stocks of

it is

not dependent upon individuals but

knowledge are group-specific

The most important element found

— they

experiences, create a general type

upon which

and they ignore individual and unique situations, objects, others,

Here's

and even

how it generally works.

survive because

we

to

to

his

fact that cul-

available to

all;

are available to us as a group.

in one's stock of

tion. Typifications function like average expectations.

is

is

taken for

granted.

work: his concern for the everyday lifeworld; the ture

is

knowledge

They

is

are built

the typifica-

up from

past

future anticipations can be based,

characteristics. Typifications are applied to

our

Survival

self.

is

a

group problem

for

human

we we work

beings;

are social. In attempting to solve problems of survival,

The Problem of Meaning and

As we come up with

collectively.

we

babies) that works for the group, solve the

how

a solution (like

Reality

—Alfred Schutz

to plant food or socialize

same way in order to come up with new solutions all

habitually behave in the

same problem. That way we don't have

to

the time.

As we

manner, we begin to see the behaviors

collectively act in this habitualized

And we

of the individuals as types of behaviors, rather than individual behaviors.

begin to see each other as social types, not individuals,

out

scripts.

more

easily as a group.

tions, they

and acting

positions

filling

These typifications come to be held reciprocally so that we can survive

come

Through our mutually holding and using these

to be seen as objective, living outside of the individual.

reciprocally held typifications

How do you

relate to the

home, how do you

And

these

produce the relations that we have with other people.

person standing in front of your

relate to

typifica-

class? Or,

even closer to

We relate through the typificaWe even understand our self as a type

your significant other?

tions of gender, spouse, professor,

and so on.

of male or husband or musician.

People rarely examine their stocks of knowledge. They are there, and as long as they work, people leave

them

alone. In other words, as long as recipes for action

generate satisfactory results and as long as the beliefs give satisfactory explanations, the stock of knowledge will remain intact.

evant stock of knowledge can't explain stock

then examined. But

is

it is

it

When

a

problem does

arise

and the

rel-

or doesn't provide a script for action, the

examined pragmatically: knowledge

is

only exam-

ined enough to suffice. In other words, consistent, or clear

most people

are not interested in constructing a coherent,

body of knowledge. The

typical person

on the

street

is

only

we don't begin to doubt the reality of our culture. In fact, according to Schutz, we aren't all that efficient or rational when a problem does arise. When faced with a problem, we don't question the world as it exists; we simply search for a solution that suffices. We are only interested in the pragmatics of the moment. interested in

what works. Even

in the face

In the natural attitude, the self

is

experienced as the working

my knowledge

completing projects. So, for example,

and incoherent that

I

about

at best.

know what

my

to

do

But that

really doesn't

to get a

problem

is

working

go to the doctor. The same

having sufficient knowledge to make our way

pragmatically through this

at

and

is

true

solution" something

or problematic situations are thus built



We have a typified image of a dog tail, and barks. When we encounter

dog.

contained in the type,

we

in

it is

is

something "old." (Schutz &

example of a

Luckmann, 1973,

four-footed, wags

four-footed, wags

typifications

create a sense of continuity in the lifeworld.

remains basically the same.

We either

its tail,

We

add

a

barks,

and

bites.

it.

new

and stocks of knowledge help

Our meaning

to

context for actions

subjectively experience those portions of the

which we have learned from others)

"new"

becomes consequently

already

don't reject the type but simply modify

which we modify our

objective stocks (that

upon

something new or not

element to our typification of dog: dog

The ways

Through every "problem's

life.

existing stocks of knowledge. Schutz gives the

its

matter to

fixed:

self,

human body is sketchy me. What is important is

of the

knowledge about computers or botany What

matters for us

New

of a problem,

as they pragmatically

fit,

p.

231)

325

326

EXPLORATIONS

or

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

we modify them

We

as little as possible.

thus synthesize various elements of the

stocks of knowledge to

form contexts of meaning

when you began

you had a typification of teacher and classroom. But

college,

brought those into the university

now

are

professors

our actions. For example,

for

as

you

they were modified because the teachers

setting,

and the expectations of the classroom

are different.

And you

continue to modify and synthesize them as you encounter further differences.

Each synthesis can be added to other syntheses, and the meaning-context grows larger with every

new

experience. Schutz (1967) argues that "this constitution

carried out, layer by layer, at lower levels of consciousness

is

no longer penetrated by

the ray of attention" (p. 77). These different meaning-contexts form our stock of

knowledge, are always taken for granted

in

terms of their existence, and provide an

ever-expanding context for experience.

Social distribution of stocks of knowledge: Stocks of knowledge are socially distributed.

There at

is

a general stock of knowledge that constitutes the culture of any given society

any given time. But the actual stock of knowledge

at

hand

differs

according to the

my stock my car. The general way

particular place an individual occupies in the social structure. For example,

of knowledge

is

different than the

mechanic who works on

and known

these differing stocks are transmitted tax of everyday language.

The way we

about things in the everyday world of our

talk

groups contains a language of named things and events. Each name contains

social

typifications that refer to things that the social Let's take a

beer.

say, "that

group deems

commonplace example. I hang out with

There are some beers

knowledge we use

and

through the vocabulary and syn-

is

to

I

and others

really like

convey our

and

likes

has a sweet malty nose,"

I

a

group of people who drink

And there is a stock of when I take a drink of beer

don't.

So

can share that experience with others in

group, and they would understand what

experienced that beer

dislikes.

I

relevant.

I

yet.

What would happen

if

I

Would you tell me about why wouldn't you? Is there

gave you a taste of this beer?

the "sweet malty nose"? Perhaps not. If you wouldn't,

something wrong with your

taste

buds? Well, presumably, there

that

we

interact with different kinds of groups

around

beer. In

anything

isn't

wrong your taste buds. The reason you wouldn't tell me about or even is

my

mean, even though they might not have

my

taste the

malt

group, we've

accessed a stock of knowledge, a language, to convey these tastes and you probably haven't.

So we can use that language to share our personal beer experiences with the

group, thus creating a group-specific world and intersubjectivity Notice something

important here: Because we have language to for

my group

and

it

exists

for me; but

You haven't divided the beer world up the experience; the experience

This

is

a pedestrian

is

is

about a sweet malty nose, malty nose does not

like that. It isn't really the

produced

example and

talk

this sweet

in

my group

beer that contains

through our language.

divided stocks of knowledge that are important, like race, it

Pierre Bourdieu (1984)

may

class create different lifeworlds.

class,

and gender. Each of

a different stock of knowledge.

different stocks create different worlds for each of these

The work of

exists

of little consequence. But there are groups and

these groups and subgroups has within

based on

it

exist for you.

And

these

groups to inhabit.

help us see

how

stocks of knowledge

Bourdieu argues that one of the things

The Problem of Meaning and

our

class position affects is

informal social

and

strates,

is

—Alfred Schutz

of cultural capital. Cultural capital refers to the

level

habits, linguistic styles,

skills,

Reality

and

tastes that

an individual demon-

thus similar to Schutz's stocks of knowledge. Bourdieu contends that

cultural capital

distributed differently through education

is

and what he

calls

the

"distance from necessity," both of which are ultimately functions of class position.

Culture, in particular language,

Schooling

standardized through the education system.

is

used to impose restrictions on popular modes of speech and to prop-

is

agate a standard language. So

been changing the way you intent of education

is

all

talk

through your education experience, teachers have

and

you into

write, forcing

nowhere seen more

a standard

clearly than in the debates

mold. This

surrounding

Ebonics, or African American Vernacular English (AAVE).

Beyond

this general function

of education, higher levels of education are associ-

ated with a particular kind of language and thinking. Bourdieu argues that school-

and conceptual

ing provides different linguistic scholasticism (simple

At the lower higher

knowing and recognition of facts) and

knowledge based on the

aesthetic

levels

tools to individuals.

classics)

The amount

classicism (critical

of

and

required varies by the level of schooling.

of education, the degree of scholasticism required

is

high; at the

levels, classicism is high.

In other words, in your primary

and secondary education, you were

basically

taught facts and your job was to memorize them. But as soon as you hit college, things began to change.

You

are

no longer asked

to accept things at face value or as

simple issues. You begin to see things in terms of abstract relations. For example, as

you might hear

a school child,

a piece of

music and characterize

it

as boring, adult,

or elevator music. If you have a bit of knowledge, you might say that

But

as the result

now

it is

classical.

of taking a music appreciation course at the university, you can

understand that piece as baroque and see

it

in terms of

its

relation to the

evolution of Western music. Thus, individuals with higher education tend to be

disposed to see additional levels of meaning in objects, to understand them in

complex

sets

of relations, and to classify and experience them abstractly.

In addition to education, cultural capital

tance from necessity. This concept gets at

needs of life (food,

shelter,

experience a world that tute

an end

aesthetics



is

is

differentially distributed

how close we live to

through

dis-

only meeting the basic

and

clothing). Distance

from necessity enables people

free

from urgency and

to practice activities that consti-

in themselves. This ability to conceive of

to

form rather than function

dependent upon "a generalized capacity to neutralize ordinary

is

urgencies and to bracket off practical ends, a durable inclination and aptitude for practice without a practical function" (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 54).

"Practice without practical function" class differences.

is

a provocative

way of capturing

these

People in the upper classes can spend their time doing things that

have no practical outcomes. They are done for the pure enjoyment of doing them. I

know

a

man who own

hours tying his he always necessity,

fishes. flies

But he only fishes to have fun.

sets the fish loose

my

friend

is

and never

Upper-class

eats

more concerned with

Thus, the upper classes prefer abstract art.

He spends hours upon

and reading books and seeking the prime

members

art;

them. Because of his distance from the aesthetic experience of fishing.

lower classes tend to

prefer music that

is

fishing spots. Yet

like representational

complex and provocative, while the

327

328

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

lower classes generally prefer music that one can dance or sing

economic necessity implies

that

and economic

because

class,

necessity, interacts in

how

Taken together, we can see

Distance from

natural and physical desires can be sublimated

all

and dematerialized. The working

to.

more

immersed

is

it

in physical reality

physical ways than the distanced

elite.

the level of education and distance from neces-

sity create distinctly different stocks

of knowledge based on class position.

It isn't

simply that the upper classes use fancier words; class-based stocks of knowledge

determine

how the world

appears to

The

us.

greater the level of education

and

dis-

tance from necessity, the greater will be the tendency to see the world as contingent, abstract,

and complex. Conversely, the lower the

the distance from necessity, the as certain, concrete,

more

likely will

and straightforward.

Individual ordering through relevance structures:

our particular

status or class,

of education and the closer

level

be the propensity to see the world

Beyond the

social group's stock of

differences based

knowledge and lifeworld

is

on

fur-

ther ordered through an individual's structures of relevance. Relevance structures

made up of

are

through her or

those contexts or domains that the individual finds important

his multiple interests

kinds of relevance structures, tional,

are three different

and motivational.

Thematic relevance simply

Remember

intentionality.

of

and involvements. There

of which are interrelated: thematic, interpreta-

all

that

refers to it is

something that becomes the object of our

intentionality that creates

Different parts of our stock of knowledge

reality.

important to us unfamiliarity

|

— and thus more meaningful and

like

offered a cigarette up, or because

we

your

),

first

or they

date

)

real

or social pressure

may become

(

-

— through

like the

a sense

thematically

imposition by

time you were

first

we voluntarily take them (as when you consider the

relevant because

are presented with a hypothetical case

possibility of time tra

meaning and

may become

m

Different elements of the stock of knowledge are also routinely important for interpretational activities.

As our

life

course brings different objects into our world,

those elements of our stock of knowledge needed for attributing meaning relevant. This generally

happens automatically But when

a

become

match cannot be made

between an already constructed meaning-context and an observed phenomenon, the individual becomes "motivationally conscious" and begins the "process of explication."

The process continues

seen, this solution gets

until the

appended onto

problem

is

sufficiently solved.

And,

as

we've

the alreadv existing typifications, recipes,

and so on.

We

also

make

certain elements of the available stock of

knowledge relevant due

to our individual motivations. There are two kinds of motivational relevances,

"in-order-to" and "because-of." In-order-to motivations are explicitlv linked to per-

sonal projects.

You have the personal

project of getting a college degree. In order to

complete that project, there are different arenas in the available stock of that

you were motivated

financial aid. Thus, at leral

to

my

make

and

relevant, such as curriculum requirements

universitv,

Education Core) and

knowledge

CAR

vou would access knowledge about College Additional Requirements'.

GEC

If

vou

attended this university these elements in the available stocks of knowledge would

The Problem of Meaning and

\nr\ types of action.

Parsons argues that people tend to interact with others

similar orientations

whom

action, with

we have come

into specific types. In brief,

this far: voluntaristic action -> unit act -^

From

and

will

I

actors. So, if

I

want

to

engage in

strategic,

be most likely to interact? For instance,

a guitar that has

been advertised

interested in interacting with

in the

paper

someone who wants

if

share

instrumental

I'm interested

(strategic),

to talk

who

then I'm not

about the

evils

of rock

music (moral) or the beauties of a Shakespearian sonnet (expressive). Obviously, I

will seek

we

out others

who want

the

interact over time with people

same kind of thing out of the

who

are likewise oriented,

Status positions

tell

us where

we

fit

in the social hierarchy

roles are sets of expected behaviors that generally

position (for example, a professor

is

interaction.

we produce

of interaction and a corresponding system of status positions,

roles,

As

patterns

and norms.

of esteem or honor;

correspond to a given status

expected to teach); and norms are expected

behaviors that have positive and/or negative sanctions attached to them. Together, these

form

a social

system

— an organization of

together for the good of the whole. Society

is

interrelated parts that function

composed of various

social systems

like these.

For

this,

Parsons gives us a theory of institutionalization. The notion of institu-

tionalization is

the

is

357

very important in sociology. Generally speaking, institutionalization

way through which we

create institutions. For functionalists such as Parsons,

EXPLORATIONS

358

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

institutions are enduring sets of roles, norms, status positions, that are recognized as collectively

meeting some

and value patterns

societal need. In this context, then,

institutionalization refers to the process through

which behaviors, cognitions, and

emotions become part of the taken-for-granted way of doing things |

way

"the

diagrammed Parsons' notion of

I've

that

in a society

things are"j.

we move from

institutionalization in Figure 10.3. Notice

and modes of orientation

voluntaristic action within a unit act

to social systems. In this way, Parsons gives us an aggregation

One

theory of macro-level social structures.

become ce^e'^e": wis af a

-.iv.

;rd

ter,

comes

what conditions not

will

call

problems in sociological theory

and macro

classic

will

ano

gists

forth the

of society. In other words,

How do we get from

are the lev-

Most

sociololevel or

another for analysis. Here

and the

betwee

how

simply ignore the question and focus on one

related?

-

levels

of face-to-face interaction and large-scale institutions

els

to be set up of

one

to the other?

Parsons gives us the link

through

the process of institutionalization. Large-scale institutions

conditions and the reactions

are built

becomes as such part of the meaning system of ego's

tions and values

up over time

with particular motiva-

as individuals

interact with like-minded people, thus creat-

ing patterns of interaction with corresponding roles, norms,

:ation to the situation.

(Parsons. 1951, p.

of the

the link between the micro

or the

a conditional

"gratifying" reactions, relation

is

and

"

status positions.

micro-macro prob-

There's a follow-up question to the

how do

lem: once created, interaction? For

Durkheim, the

act independently

upon

It

back to the

entity that can

does this through

the presence and pressure of something greater than them-

force.

selves

and conform. For Parsons,

feel

becomes an

the individual and the interaction.

moral

People

institutions relate

collective consciousness

though he does acknowl-

a bit different, even

it's

edge moral force. According to Parsons,

all

social arrangements,

whether micro or

macro, are subject to system pressures. Thus, institutions influence interactions not

much because of their independent moral force, but rather, because interactions function better when they are systematically embedded in known and accepted so

ways of doing things. In addition, rather than being dependent upon individual people or interactions, or having

have

it,

society

is

its

under Parsons' perspective) because

The

it is

-------

--

= ':

_t;

Pane";

-------

^

:"

Granted Roles.

Interaction '.-.

Across Time i

1

BCS



-

a-~

Status

It

-1

s

"

:-£—

''-- .es

Institutions

Figure 10.3

Durkheim would

;• ------

Interaction

":•.

nature as

a system.

Unit Act

E~e-: -z Types of

.

own whimsical

subject to self- regulating pressures 'see the Equilibrium section

~-e Proa ?ss of

Instituti onalization

The Social System

The

System

Social



Talcott Parsons

Getting back to the actual process of institutionalization, Parsons argues that

has two

levels:

the structuring of patterned behaviors over time (this

we've been looking

and individual internalization or

at)

359

it

the level

is

socialization. Parsons

understands internalization in Freudian terms. Freud's theory works

like this:

people are motivated by internal energies surrounding different need dispositions.

As these

different psychic motives encounter the social world, they have to

order to be

in

cessful (repressed),

but the point to notice here

changes as a result of

ual's personality

The superego

the social world.

important point

is

is

this

that the structure of the individ-

is

encounter between psychic energy and

formed through these encounters. For Parsons, the

that cultural traditions

become meaningful

need disposition of individuals. The way we sense and

by

internally

conform

Conformity may be successful (well-adjusted) or unsuc-

satisfied.

culture. For Parsons, then, the motivation to

to

and part of the

our needs

fulfill

structured

is

conform comes

princi-

from within the individual through Freudian internalization patterns of value

pally

orientation and meaning. As the

same

set

of value patterns and role expectations

by others, that cultural standard

internalized

is

said to be,

is

from the point of view of

the individual, institutionalized. It is

worth pointing out that Parsons argues that the content of the

solutions to societal needs doesn't matter. So, for example, lective perpetuates itself biologically is

it

institutional

doesn't matter

is

a colit

What

is

defined) or through an institutionalized hatchery like a chicken farm.

important

if

through the institution of family (however

that the perceived solutions are a set of highly ritualized behaviors that

are seen as typical, belonging to particular settings (like church rather than school),

and

are believed to

meet

collective problems. I've

diagrammed Parsons' bottom-up

theory of institutionalization in Figure 10.3.

System Functions and Control some

Systems needs: For quite tions.

One

time, sociologists have been analyzing social institu-

of the ways they have tried to understand these structures

abstract analytical schemes. For example,

gion, but

we

you

why? What

need

all

is it

to believe in

to see things

more

we might

say that societies

that religion does that society needs? Well,

is

all

through

need

you might

reli-

say,

something. Okay, but why? Obviously, I'm trying to push

abstractly,

which

is

exactly

what Parsons does.

Parsons argues that every system must meet certain needs in order to survive. This

is

where Parsons' grand theory comes

in:

he argues that these functions can be

applied to any system (whether social, biological, personality, cultural, or any other).

He

proposes that every system has four needs: adaptation, goal attainment, integra-

tion,

and

maintenance. Generally speaking, Parsons includes the three

latent pattern

requisite functions of Spencer as well as the single requirement that

posed. As

To

we

talk

about the requisite functions, see

get us thinking, let

now, but sooner or really

food per

later

se that

me

you

if

you can pick them

ask you a question: Are you hungry?

will be,

Durkheim pro-

because every body needs food to

you need. You need the nutrients

out.

Maybe you live.

Yet

aren't it

isn't

that are in the food to

360

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

When you eat something, your body has a system that extracts the necessary

survive.

resources from the food and converts

body doesn't

really

adaptation because Let's

need it

a steak,

into usable things (like protein). So, your

it

needs what

it

in

is

Parsons

it.

function

use a larger illustration. Every organism, society, or system exists within and

because of an environment. For example, ducks are not found

penguins

and

calls this

adapts resources and converts them into usable elements.

from the surroundings what

extracts

society. In

South Pole but

at the

Each of these organic systems has adapted to a given environment

are.

order to

it

needs to

exist. It is

each and every society must adapt to

exist,

inventing ways of taking what

needed for survival

is

its

same with

the

environment by

(like soil, water, seeds, trees,

animals) and converting them into usable products (food, shelter, and clothing). Society

must

member

also

move

(or at least

The economy

those products around so that they are available to every

most members). In society we

moves the commodities from

usable commodities, and I

want you

to be careful about

subsystem the economy. into

place to place.

something here. The economy and adaptation are

not the same thing. The economy tion need. In the body,

call this

raw resources from the environment, converts them

extracts

is

the subsystem in society that fulfills the adapta-

the digestive subsystem. Yet the digestive system and the

it's

economy are obviously not the same things. They fulfill the same function but in different systems. The reason I'm taking such pains here is that it is important to see that Parsons'

you

scheme

be clear on

to

is

very abstract and can be used to analyze any system, so

how to

the adaptation function

apply

it.

(In addition,

and you say

that

if

your professor asks you

same

in the

guides

human

the parts toward a specific goal

all

same

direction or toward the

system as goal attainment. In the

is

goal.

is

energized and

Parsons refers to this sub-

body, the part of us that activates and the mind.

tain goals, things that

The mind puts before

we need or want to do. We mind invests emotion

a fundamental one

theory of action.

It

is

is

goals. Let's say that

the

in

mode

a

relation of the units of a

us cer-

feel

vated to action because our

The concept of "integration"

want

the economy, you'd be wrong.)

it is

Every system also needs a way of making certain that every part

moving

I

to explain

moti-

into these

you have the goal of becoming the next

Jimmy Hendrix. So you

set

endary rock

CDs, reading

about listening to

all

of the leg-

of

system

Hendrix 's

by virtue of which, on the one

a job

hand, they act so as collectively

guitarist's

style,

the books about

six

hours a day. You also work

that

you can buy the same kind

and practicing

and save your money so

all

to avoid disrupting the system

of guitar and equipment that Hendrix used so you can sound

and making

just like

maintain

it

impossible to

its stability,

him. You are motivated. Your mind has caught the

image of yourself playing guitar and has controlled and coor-

and, on

the other hand, to "co-

dinated your fingers, arms, and legs

operate" to promote

ities

its

functioning as a unity.



to

move you toward

going to be

a big

ferent parts of

all

meet the goal of doing well the different actions

institution that

in short, all

On

your

meets

meaning, different word).

star,

so

who

all,

you're

needs school? So the

dif-

your body are not energized and coordinated

in school. In the body,

and subsystems

this

rock

activ-

the other hand,

perhaps you aren't as motivated about school. After

(Parsons, 1954, p. 71n)

to



that goal.

it's

the

mind

that coordinates

to achieve a goal. In the social system, the

need for goal attainment

is

government or polity (same

The

Social

System



Talcott Parsons

Systems also need to be integrated. By definition, systems do not contain a single

many

but

part,

a whole.

and these parts have

different parts,

Have you ever watched

larly in a

to be

haphazard manner, their actions are coordinated and integrated. The

dictionary defines integration as

meaning

to form, coordinate, or blend into a func-

tioning or unified whole; to unite with something larger unit.

For

The geese

human beings, it

and mores

brought together to form

a flock of geese in flight? Rather than flying singu-

are able to a bit

is

form into

and

to incorporate into a

mostly because of instincts.

a larger unit

more complex. Humans generally use norms,

to integrate their behavior.

rounding our behavior

else;

Norms can be

informal

folkways,

norms

(like the

Formal and written norms are

called laws.

Laws help

our behaviors

to integrate

we can function

so that, rather than millions of individual units,

as larger units.

Parsons refers to this function as integration, and in society that function

formed by the

legal system.

and unites them

The

is

it

legal

for example,

together, even

to.

As should be apparent, polity and the

system are intimately connected,

legal

because these two functions are closely related. In our bodies, for instance, the functions as the goal-attainment system and actually

move

full

mind completely

mind

uses the central nervous system to

mind and

the central nervous

A person can be completely paralyzed and still have

mind; or the body can be in perfect working order with the

access to her or his

The

it

the different parts of the body. But the

system are two different things.

per-

Apple Computer crosses the

makes them work

the legal system that

though they probably don't want

is

system links the various components together

When,

as a whole.

boundaries of IBM,

sur-

an elevator) or they can be formal and written down.

in

gone. In the same way, polity and law are related but separate.

final requisite

function that Parsons proposes

Every system requires not only direct management,

is

latent pattern maintenance.

like that

performed by a gov-

ernment, but also indirect management. Not everything that goes on in our bodies is

directed through cognitive functions. Rather,

ing, are

managed and maintained through

system that maintains patterns with

some of these

functions, like breath-

the autonomic nervous system, a sub-

little effort.

Society

is

the

same way.

It is

too

make people conform to social expectations through government and law; has to be a method of making them willing to conform. For this task, society

costly to

there

uses the processes of socialization (the internalization of society's norms, values, beliefs, cognitions,

sentiments,

etc.).

The

principal socializing agents in society are

the structures that meet the requirement of latent pattern maintenance

such as religion, education, and family. (By the way, the word Parsons gets his term, means not

visible,

latent,



structures

from which

dormant, or concealed.)

Parsons argues that these four requirements can be used as a kind of scheme to

understand any system. that

must be done

scheme allows us

is

When

to categorize

whole. In Figure 10.4,

beginning a study of a system, one of the

to identify the various parts

1

any part of a system in terms of

have diagrammed the way

four functions are noted by the

initials

AGIL. The

this analytical

larger

a whole, which, of course, needs the four functions.

its

used adaptation in

this case,

things

function for the

scheme

box represents

looks.

The

that system as

Because they function as systems

themselves, each of the four subsystems can be analyzed in terms of the I've

first

and how they function. Parsons'

same scheme.

but the same can be done with each of them.

361

362

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

GOAL ADAPTATION

ATTAINMENT

G

A

G L

I

G

1

L

I

L

I

LATENT PATTERN MAINTENANCE Figure 10.4

INTEGRATION

AGIL-Functional Requisites

Systemic relations: Further, Parsons gives us a tional relations. This

is

important but

as institutional analysis

is

way of understanding

explored ground.

little

What

inter-institu-

usually passes

within an institutional sphere rather than between. For

we might look at the institution of family in the United States and see that changes are occurring. Some of these changes are society- wide (like the increase in single-parent homes), some are the subject of much moral debate (such as whether or not to define gay couples as family), and some are present but not part of the public discourse (like an acquaintance of mine who introduced me to his wife, the mother of this children, and his girlfriend three different women, all four people example,



living happily in this arrangement).

birth

and death

rates,

We can

also look at marriage

proportions of families under the poverty

and divorce line,

rates,

and so on.

These kinds of research agendas can be enlightening, but they are also quite limited.

As we've noted, each subsystem

to the other.

If,

affect the rest If all

for illustration,

of the

car,

there are changes in

I

is

part of a whole and, as such, each

is

related

put dirt in the fuel system of an automobile,

not just the fuel system

itself.

one subsystem, those changes

The same

is

it

will

true for society.

will ripple their

way through

of society. Family, in our society,

this

is

usually thought of as a married couple with 2.5 kids. Yet

model, called the nuclear family, has not always been the norm. In

pretty recent model, historically speaking.

family were far

more important

politically

Up through

fact,

it is

a

feudalism, marriage and

and economically. People got married

to

avoid wars or to seal economic commitments. As a result, the kinship structure was

The

considerably

more

were

important. Today

socially

we think

ing principally for the individual

when we bemoan

we conceptualize marriage as

and being motivated by

the loss of "family values,"

states

emerged

and war (using

and forced

Talcott Parsons

exist-

love.

a historically specific set

it is

of society. As

in the rest

and adaptation functions were no

institutions differentiated, the goal-attainment

upon



that marriage exists for the individual.

of values. These values came about because of changes

longer dependent

System

and marriages were generally arranged because they

extensive

Marriages in the United States are not arranged;

Thus,

Social

same ways. Bureaucratic nation-

or related to family in the

that were able to negotiate their interstate relations through treaty a standing army); the

families to

move from

economy

shifted to industrialized production

home

their traditional

where most of

to the city

the relationships that people have are not with or associated with family, as they

were

in traditional settings.

talistic

Many

other changes, such as the proliferation of capi-

markets and the de-centering of religion, also influenced the definition,

functions,

and value of family.

The point

we must

see

that I'm trying to it

in

Parsons gives us a

its

make

is

that for us to truly understand

institutional context, in

way

to

do

its

just that using his

institutions in the social system as relating to

an

institution,

relationships to other institutions.

AGIL scheme. He

conceptualizes the

one another through "boundary

changes." Each subsystem provides something for

all

inter-

the others. In Figure 10.5, I've pic-

tured the boundary interchanges that Parsons gives us.

What you

will see

is

that each

GOAL ATTAINMENT

ADAPTATION Productivity

Capital

Contingent Support

The Economy

The

Polity

Labor Services

Imperative

Consumer Goods

Co-Ordination

and Services

The Law

The Family Motivation to Pattern

Conformity

LATENT PATTERN MAINTENANCE Figure 10.5

INTEGRATION

Intennstitutional Relations

363

364

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

relationship

defined in terms of what one subsystem gives to another. Both Spencer

is

and Durkheim argued dent, but neither of

look

Let's

at

them

explicated the dependency.

family for a

moment

Here Parsons does that

it

socialization, family provides political loyalty to the

content of socialized patterns of

through each of these thing to glean at

is

relations;

is

that

become

law.

it

right

tems surrounding

you can do that on your own. The most important

we may

sophisticated in our analysis of the associations, the

where Parsons does: the functional dependencies.

human

integrate.

life

The model

is

matic control system in the

human

nervous system and control

is

model of how the

body. The system

the study of the auto-

is

formed by the brain and

is

created through mechanical-electrical

devices. In using the

term

sys-

called the general system of

action or the cybernetic hierarchy of control. Cybernetics

and

don't want to take us

I

Cybernetic hierarchy of control: Parsons develops an overall

tion systems

government;

influences the moral

the idea of interinstitutional relations. In addition, while

some point become more

place to begin

norms

com-

provides for the other subsystems.

provides a compliant pool of labor for the economy; and

it

for us.

in the figure. Follow each of the arrows

ing from family. These are the functions that

Through proper

become mutually depen-

that as institutions differentiate, they

communica-

cybernetic, Parsons tells us that control

and thus integration

are achieved primarily

cybernetics, control

is

through information. Also note that

achieved automatically, through what Parsons

in

calls latent

patterned maintenance. I've

outlined the control system in Figure 10.6. As you can see, the cybernetic

hierarchy of control I

is

understood through Parsons' AGIL system. (In the model,

have also expanded the social system to indicate what we have already seen: the

social

system

is

understood in terms of AGIL

as well.

)

There are thus four systems

that influence our lives: the culture, social, personality,

culture system

is

at

and organic systems. The

human

the top, indicating that control of

behavior and

life is

achieved through cultural information. This emphasis on culture would obviously

not be true for most animals. Regardless of the recent news and debates about apes being able to use and possibly share sign language, culture

mation system

for

is

not the primary infor-

any animal other than humans. For most animals, information

comes generally through sensory

data, instinctual predispositions,

and habitual

patterns of action.

The position of culture to sustain.

at the

it

requires the

most energy

As information flows from the top down, energy moves from the bottom

up. Culture has

no

intrinsic energy.

are lower in the hierarchy for to exist.

top also indicates that

its

It is

ultimately dependent

existence.

upon

the systems that

Without such energy, culture

For example, anthropologists and archaeologists

know

culture existed at one time. That knowledge of past existence culture, but the Babylonian culture has long since died because

is

will cease

that a Babylonian itself

its

part of our

support mecha-

nisms have passed away. Culture is

also

is

most immediately dependent on the

social

dependent upon the personality system, because

internalize

and enact

organic system (the

system for

it is

culture. Since the personality system

human mind

needs the

human

its

existence.

It

humans who dependent upon the

individual is

body), culture

is

indirectly

The

Social

System



Talcott Parsons

Ultimate Reality Information

and Control L Culture

System

Education, Family

L: Religion,

1:

Law

G: Polity

A:

Economy

G Personality

System

Energy

for

Action

Physical Environment

Figure 10.6

Cybernetic Hierarchy of Control

dependent upon

as well. I'd like to

it

argues that culture

is

pause here and mention that recent theorizing

(1984), for instance, argues that culture cognitive

on the organic body.

also directly reliant

and emotional elements

form part of the way our bodies

Through our

culture

and automatic behaviors. For example, our

upon our

culture;

and not only

is

are not simply

in culture. Culture also contains practices that

exist.

positions,

it,

Pierre Bourdieu

becomes embodied. There

our language

we develop

taste in

cultural, but so

food is

the

is

tastes, dis-

dependent

way we speak

as in regional accents.

Notice also that

human

life is

contextualized by conditions of ultimate reality

and the physical environment. Parsons never makes any comment about what mate

reality

is,

but

its

understood existence

system.

Remember

truths,

and these truths are

that our

ded

in

One

are

framed

in

terms of ultimate

religious in nature. Parsons, then, sees religion as

an

in general.

moves down and energy moves

and dependent upon the other

another.

ulti-

extremely important for the culture

most important values

important influence on the culture system Overall, information

is

—systems

up. Each system

is

embed-

are reciprocally related to

one

of the things that Parsons wants to point out with this kind of model

365

366

EXPLORATIONS

is

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

that differentiated,

exchange for

complex systems

facilitating

diversified parts. For example, in a distinct goals, values,

producing

dependent upon generalized media of

are

communication and cooperation among and between the complex

norms, and so

society,

forth.

The

each of the major structures has

capitalist

economy has

the goal of

while the education system has the goal of producing

profit,

may

thinking. These value-oriented goals

at

critical

times clash, but a generalized media of

exchange will tend to keep the system in equilibrium. Parsons offers language prototype of such generalized

money (from

medium

the adaptive subsystem),

as the

of communication and explicitly identifies

power (from goal attainment), and

influ-

ence (integration) as other such media.

Social

Change One

Equilibrium:

of the critiques that

is

leveled against Parsons

is

that he only sees

systems in equilibrium and his theorizing thus maintains the status quo. The

cism

is

not entirely correct. Parsons does assume that systems are in a

librium; that that

any

is,

thus, "there

must be

a

toward equilibrium the 482). However,

it is

fair

feels

degree of permanence, and

tendency to maintenance of order except under exceptional

&

circumstances" (Parsons

(p.

He

the forces of integration and disintegration are balanced.

system worth studying would have a

social

criti-

of equi-

state

Shils, 1951, p. 107).

"first

Parsons (1951)

law of social process"

(p.

calls this

tendency

205) and the "law of inertia"

He

not the case that Parsons ignores social change.

actually

has a notion of revolutionary change in addition to slow evolutionary change. Like

Durkheim, Parsons argues

And

ferentiation.

like

that the principal

dynamic of evolutionary change

is

dif-

Spencer, Parsons sees that structural differentiation brings

about problems of integration and coordination. Parsons argues that these problems would create pressures for the production of an integrative, generalized valueculture

and

a generalized

that culture

is

media of exchange. Thus,

the most important

that provides the

facet of a

norms, values, and

like

complex

Durkheim, Parsons argues social system.

beliefs that allow us to interact,

It is

and

culture cul-

it is

ture that provides the information that the social system needs in general in order to operate.

Cultural strain: But the process of culture generalization, Parsons (1966) notes, also bring

about severe

conflicts:

generality in evaluative standards appears to be a

commitments" ues to

is

just

(p. 23).

such an

new levels

may

"To the fundamentalist, the demand for greater

demand

For example, in U.S. society, the

to

call to

abandon the

issue. Societies that are able to resolve these conflicts

of adaptive capacity through innovation. Others

'real'

return to family val-

move ahead

may "be so

beset with

internal conflicts or other handicaps that they can barely maintain themselves, or will

even deteriorate" (Parsons, 1966,

It is

at this

ally allows

p. 23).

point that revolutionary change becomes

people and other social units

us with a language and value system.

(like

When

more

likely.

Culture gener-

organizations) to interact.

It

provides

people or organizations begin to value

The

System

Social

different kinds of things or to speak different languages, the situation

Parsons sees this kind of problem as a type of strain; strain

conflict.

disturbance of the cultural expectation system.

do not know what

processes, but these processes

may be

may take

a

—the

Marx and

Change due

movement; and

as "setting the tone" for the society

Talcott Parsons

ripe for

defined as a

is

we

have different values, sets

up

re-equilibrating

long time to reach balance and the system

substantially different as a result.

phases: 1) the ascendancy of the

part that

When we

an encounter. Strain always

to expect in

is



two

to revolution occurs in

2) the

adoption of the movement

re-equilibrating process (this latter

is

the

out of their theories of revolutionary

critical theorists leave

change).

Revolution: There are four conditions that

ment

must be met

to be successful. First, the potential for

this potential as "alienative

change the system inevitable

for a revolutionary

change must

exist;

motivational elements." People

as the result

move-

Parsons refers to

become motivated

of value inconsistencies. These inconsistencies are

and continually present

in

an empirical system of action, particularly

one that has been generalized to incorporate a number of diverse groups, such United

in the

States.

to

as

For example, the term equality has been stretched to include

groups not intended by the founding principals. The term has become more general; yet at

ists



same time, the

the

more groups

see the generalization as

with the system

must

also

enables

generality of the term sets

see themselves as disenfranchised,

movement away from

alternative set of

conflicts as

more and

— the fundamental-

truth. Second, dissatisfaction

not enough to begin a revolutionary movement; the subgroup

is

become organized. The organization of

members

up

and others

to evade sanctions of the

a

group around

main group,

a subculture

create solidarity, create an

normative expectations and sanctions, and

it

enables expressive

leadership to arise.

Third, the organized group must develop an ideology that incorporates symbols

The

of wide appeal and can successfully put forward a claim to legitimacy

develop an alternative claim to legitimacy the central value system of large societies ceptible to appropriation strains

facilitated

is

is

by two

often very general

factors.

and

is

by deviant movements. The other factor

and inconsistencies

in the

implementation of

ability to

One

is

that

therefore susis

that serious

societal values create legiti-

macy gaps that can be exploited by the revolutionary group. The fourth condition that must be met is that a revolutionary subgroup must eventually be connected to the social system.

It is

this

connection that institution-

movement and brings back a state of equilibrium. There are three issues The Utopian ideology that was necessary to create group solidarity must bend in order to make concessions to the adaptive structures of society (e.g., alizes the

involved: 1)

kinship, education)



in other words, the revolutionary

group must meet the

real-

ity

of governing a social system; 2) the unstructured motivational component of

the

movement must be

institutionalize

its

structured toward

its

central values

and the movement must

values both in terms of organizations and individuals; and 3) out

groups must be disciplined vis-a-vis the revolutionary values that are values of society.

now

the

new

367

368

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Thinking About Modernity and Postmodemity and modernism: Parsons

Parsons, science, nity. In fact, his

position

is

isn't specifically

concerned with moder-

decidedly in the direction of creating theories that tran-

scend time and space and can be used to understand any society

However, that position

Modernity

is

is

kind of culture.

and nation-states dominate,

We

saw

Durkheim's notion of a generalized ernists as a Scientific

it is

also defined

by

a particu-

our chapter on Durkheim.

specificaUy in

this

any time.

at

modern by postmodernists. a period of time when indus-

characterized as

not only defined in structural terms, as

trialization, capitalism, lar

itself

collective consciousness

seen by postmod-

is

kind of grand narrative, a distinctly modern idea of cultural unification.

theory that transcends time and place

There are

is

also seen a

grand narrative.

a couple of reasons for this position. First, science has a value base.

This statement

is

a bit startling because science

is

supposedly value

free.

That

is,

sci-

ence claims to be in pursuit of pure knowledge through the discover)- of what empirically exists. science

is

tion. This

Many postmodernists, however, argue that the objective stance of

simply the technical arm of the ideology of European Western

brand of civilization defines progress

in

and morality, and

rather than humanistic ethics

the ability to feel themselves superior to others.

it

gives a select this

It's

movements of Western European

value position (the universe

an object that

is

is

and science

it

has no is

more

societies

and undergirded the

nations. If science

available for

human

is

based on a

use and control,

must be respected and hon-

rather than an equal part in the sacred universe that ored), then

group of

combination that helped

create the doctrine of manifest destiny in the United States

colonization

civiliza-

terms of technological advance,

any other knowledge system,

basis to claim truth than

reduced to an ideological language in competition with other

language games.

Another reason why

science,

the project of modernity

is its

refers to a gradual building

and

particularly scientific theory,

belief in the

is

up and combining

into one;

and

scientific

based on the cumulation of knowledge. Science progresses as theory ified,

and

restated.

seen as part of

cumulation of knowledge. Cumulation

As Robert Merton 1967) 1

explains, science

is

is

theory

tested,

is

mod-

guided by the rule

of "obliteration by incorporation." Each work builds upon and incorporates the

work before it. The very meaning of scientific work is that each accomplishment ill raise new questions and new problems to be solved. Each previous work should then be overshadowed and outdated by the next. Sir Isaac Newton embodied this scientific

approach when he

said, "If

I

have seen further

it is

by standing on the

shoulders of Giants."

This kind of approach to knowledge and theorv Parsons. The Structure of Social Action, Parsons' thesis of four classic theorists: Marshall, Pareto, cal synthesis is a

cumulative enterprise;

a whole. Parsons

major work,

one espoused bv

is

explicitly a svn-

Durkheim, and Weber. A

theoreti-

brings together different theories to

be emphasized

"The keynote

book;

a study in social theory,

obliteration

exactly the

form

1949) clearly states this kind of cumulation as his goal in

Structure: it is

it

first

is

to

by incorporation

not

as the

is

perhaps given in the subtitle of the

theories'

p.

v

.

Parsons sees cumulation and

proper path for sociological theorv.

The

Social

System



The problem of logocentrism: So, what's wrong with theory cumulation? From

postmodern a

grand narrative. As theory

rative, that presents itself as the

We

your hand as an

telling.

illustration. In writing this

book,

Du

Bois,

only a recent trend.

I

itself

inten-

It

Harriet



it

refers to the third

in the year

scripture

medium

form of of truth.

disputes the scientist claim

knowledge It

consensus-building agenda of science.

church council of Carthage, which

It

contests the

modernist idea that theory has as

was thus limited to

not; the Bible

a privileged

takes issue with the unifying,

397 decided which books could be considered

and which could

the

can be securely grounded.

of classical theory. The word canon has an ironic connotation

is

that only scientific

been called "expanding the canon"

It's

...

reason or the

inclusion

at

criticizes

modernist notion that science

the act of cumula-

Martineau, and Charlotte Gilman. This attempt is

Postmodernism

The

can take the theory book you hold in

included the work of W.E.B.

tionally

a theory, or nar-

is

only story worth

many stories and

that there are

is

tion ignores them.

a

in this sense functions as

cumulated, the specifics of

is

each theorist are discarded. The end result

problem

Theory

position, there are a couple of issues.

369

Talcott Parsons

its

social

chief role the

securing of conceptual grounds

Old Testament and the 27 books of the

the 39 books of the

New

for social research.

Testament. Until recently, sociological theory was can-

Wagner, 1992,

p. 6)

onized as well, being understood in terms of a restricted

group of white men. The voices of

Du

many

They were

race

others were and are silenced.

and gender were not seen

From classics

has

is

New

silenced for obvious value reasons:

most insidious

what Mark Gottdiener (1990) is

and

important sociological concerns.

the postmodernist's position, the

connotation again: logos in the

as

Bois, Martineau,

effect that

canonizing the

"logocentrism." (Notice the ironic

calls

the Greek term for word, which

a

is

name used

for Jesus

Testament.) Logocentrism refers to behind-the-scenes validation stan-

new

dards for sociological work. According to this point of view, in order for a

ory to be seen as implies that it

if

I

valid,

If

must invoke one or more of the

were to write a new theory,

didn't refer to the

canon.

it

it

classical theorists.

work of Marx, Durkheim, Weber, or

dard of legitimacy

is

then using a limited

list

control the discipline and maintain their privileged position.

on

social theory

Sociological

is

inclusive,

and

is

guided by val-

of classics as a stan-

by established theorists

in fact a political ploy

if

others in the accepted

the legitimation of certain previous theorists over others

ues, as the history of theory indicates,

the-

This idea

would automatically be held suspect

who want

to

The postmodern stand

not exclusionary.

social theories:

At

this point in

our discussion,

I'd like to

point

out a distinction that some make between sociological theory and social theory. Before

I

begin to

I'm going to say

make comparisons, is

tinctions between sociological entirely true

I

want

to first

make

a disclaimer: everything

generally but not necessarily specifically true. That

and

social theory are

broadly based and

is,

the dis-

may not be

about a specific theory that claims to be sociological or

Generally speaking, then, sociological theory

is

thought, and behavior. thing to be discovered,

The key elements it

must

first exist

are "discover"

and

human

feelings,

"explain." For

some-

independently of the discoverer, as when

Clyde Tombaugh discovered the planet Pluto on February that are discovered exist as objects.

social.

understood to be oriented toward

the discovery and explanation of the social factors that influence

To explain

18, 1930.

Thus, things

this object implies that

we

(Seidman

are

&

370

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

simply describing whatever explanation, nor are

theory

On

is

around

ought to be

and

aren't

adding anything to the

we making any kind of value judgment about

oriented toward explaining

creating dialog

we

exists;

it

how the

the other hand, social theory

theorist social

as

is

it

and

political situations

it.

Sociological

world works.

generally concerned with explaining

is

social issues. People

politically

social

who

espouse social theory argue that the

To separate theory from the

socially involved.

of the theorist

is

and

to

deny theory's source. Social theory

emerges from the questions that the theorist generates from her or

his experiences

and the experience of others

as social beings. Notice that social

theory emerges

through

not involved in discovery because the theory and the

social experience;

it is

theorist are intrinsically part of the issue. Social theory, then, doubts the ability of social actors to create society. Further, social

an objective stand from which

theory

is

meant

to be

somewhat

to gaze disinterestedly at

critical

and

it is

intended for

audiences larger than the scientific community, which usually constitutes the audi-

ence for sociological theory. Social theory

designed to incite social discourse.

is

Again, these are general distinctions, but they are informative and cause us to reflexively evaluate

where we stand and the kind of theorizing

which we want

in

to

engage. In addition, sociological theory and social theory are not mutually exclu-

though they are

sive,

found

rarely

in the

same

individual.

one who embodied some of both approaches

society

works

(practically



it is

and

what drives

history.

Karl Marx.

is

material dialectic in historical, mechanical terms.

A good example of some-

The material

He

described the

dialectic

is

the

way

At the same time, Marx advocated praxis

politically applied theory),

wrote

pamphlets, and headed

political

political organizations.

Complex systems and

neo-tribes:

There

is

another point of the modernity/

postmodernity issue that we can focus on with Parsons' theory. As we've seen, Parsons as a

is

a systems theorist. For Parsons, a system

whole are

relatively self-sufficient.

the area of postmodernity argue that society

tion,

people

a set of interrelated parts that

Such systems are comparatively

toward equilibrium, and have rather predicable

Zygmunt Bauman

is

results.

stable,

tend

Some people who work

no longer functions

as

in

such a system.

(1992), for example, argues that as a result of de-institutionaliza-

live in

complex, chaotic systems. Complex systems

differ

from the

mechanistic systems that Parsons talks about in that they are unpredictable and not controlled by statistically significant factors. In other words, the relationships

among

the parts are not predictable. For example, in a complex system, race, class, and

gender no longer produce strong or constant concept. Thus, being a

woman, for

and not have any meaning

effects

on the

instance, might be a

at all in another;

together in a specific setting in unique and

and

race, class,

random

individual's

disability in

one

life

we want

a central value system, as Parsons

and fancy of their

members and

The absence of any tends to create a

to.

and gender might come

And the groups exist

would

we join

or

not because they

reflect

due

whim

argue; instead, they exist

to the

the tide of market-driven public sentiment.

central value system

demand

self-

ways. Within these complex sys-

tems, groups are formed through unguided self-formation. In other words, leave groups simply because

or

social setting

for substitutes.

and

firm, objective, evaluative guides

These substitutes are symbolically, rather

— The

than actually or in

The need

socially, created.

what Bauman (1992, pp. 198-199)

for these symbolic

calls "tribal politics"

System

Social

group tokens

and defines



Talcott Parsons

371

results

as self-

constructing practices that are collectivized but not socially produced. These neo-

function solely as imagined communities and, unlike their premodern name-

tribes

sake, exist

only in symbolic form through the commitment of individual "members" of an identity. But this neo-tribal world functions without an actual

to the idea

group's powers of inclusion

and

exclusion. Neo-tribes are created through the repet-

and

itive

and generally individual or imaginative performance of symbolic

exist

only so long as the rituals are performed. Neo-tribes are thus formed through

rituals

concepts rather than actual social groups. They exist as imagined communities

through a multitude of agent acts of self- identification and

them

use

exist solely

because people

as vehicles of self-definition: "Neo-tribes are, in other words, the vehicles

(and imaginary sediments) of individual self-definition" (Bauman, 1992,

me

Let

you an example

give

1960s, there

was a youth-based

distinct culture.

to illustrate

what Bauman

movement

social

They were generally

getting

is

at.

p. 137).

During the

called hippies. Hippies

had

a very

and valued

against war, practiced free love,

psychedelic drugs for their mind-expanding properties. Hippies often got together

and

interacted.

And

so on.

They had

in particular the peace

tee-shirt

was

them back idarity

sit-ins, love-ins, readings, protests,

then. If

symbol and tie-dye

make one

to either

you were

tee-shirts.

made

or have one

a hippie, there

when you saw someone wearing

The only way

for you.

And

to get a tie-dye

only hippies wore

was instant group recognition and

one.

sol-

You knew what the person believed

in

and how

to

and what she or he practiced. You knew how act

marches, concerts, and

they developed cultural symbols that demarcated group boundaries

to talk with the individual

toward her or him. I

saw one of my students the other day wearing

he had purchased later

it,

and he

told

me

wearing a Boston Marathon

Internet.

He was

at

tee-shirt,

as a

cowboy, yet

he's

I

I

asked where

saw the same student a week

which he said he'd bought over the

neither a runner nor a hippie.

month. He was dressed

a tie-dye tee-shirt.

Wal-Mart.

I

saw

from

a professor

New York

I

know at a bar last

City. All

of these bits

of clothing function as symbolic group tokens, and they create imagined nities

—communities

that exist in the

moment, with no boundaries

exclude or include. The professor became a

member

commu-

or ability to

of a neo-tribe: groups that

only exist because individuals are creatively defining themselves. He's not a cowboy, never was, and never will be.

He

will

probably be

at a college

bar next week

listen-

modern rock and dressed post-grunge. And neither the rockers nor the cowboys can tell him to get out of the group, because there is no real group there. ing to

Summary •

Parsons

is

the individual

who

is

usually associated with clearly articulating a

systems approach in sociology. This kind of theoretical method encourages us to see society in terms of system pressures

and needs. Two

important: the boundary between the system and

its

issues in particular are

environment and the internal

processes of integration. Parsons divides each of these into two distinct functions.

372

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

External boundaries are maintained through adaptation and goal attainment; internal-process functions are fulfilled by integration

and

main-

latent pattern

tenance. Systems theory also encourages us to pay attention to the boundaries

between subsystems,

in

terms of their exchanges and communication. Because

smart or open systems have goal

atively

rel-

information, and contain

states, take in

control mechanisms, they tend toward equilibrium. Parsons conceptualizes society

such a system. In addition, because Parsons sees everything operating sys-

as just

temically, his theory

any and

all

is

cast at a very abstract level

and

is

intended to be applied to

systems.

Parsons builds his theory of the social system from the ground up.



with voluntaristic action occurring within the unit

act.

Humans

He

begins

exercise a great

deal of agency in their decisions; however, their decisions are also circumscribed by

the situation and normative expectations. are

where human agency

is

and values hold sway. These

The normative expectations

most expressed and where different motives

culturally

in particular

informed motives

and values orient the actor

to the

sit-

uation and combine to create three general types of action: strategic, expressive,

and moral. People tend of action. As

tend to create tions, roles,

to interact socially with those

a result, interactions sets

become patterned

of status positions,

and norms

roles,

who

share their general types

in specific ways,

and norms.

which

in turn

We may say that status posi-

are institutionalized to the degree that people pattern their

behaviors according to such sets and internalize the motives, values, and cultures associated with them. •

Different sets of institutionalized status positions, roles,

tered

around

are four general needs that

and

and norms

are clus-

different societal needs. Because society functions as a system, there

must be met: adaptation, goal attainment,

integration,

latent pattern maintenance. In complex, differentiated societies, these func-

tions are

met by separate

institutional spheres.

The

different institutions are inte-

grated through the system pressures of mutual dependency and generalized media

of exchange. The social system

human

only one of four systems that surround

itself is

behavior. There are the cultural, social, personality, and physical systems,

each corresponding to

upon information,

AGIL

functional requisites. Because systems are dependent

the culture system

is

at the top.

down, and the energy upon which culture

is

Information flows from the top

dependent flows from the bottom up.

Parsons refers to this scheme as the cybernetic hierarchy of control. •

Systems tend toward equilibrium. They can, however, run amiss

tems are not properly integrated. In the strain.

more

As

societies

become more

general. In this process,

social system, this

differentiated, the

it is

possible that

the dysfunctional culture. This case sets

up

if

the subsys-

happens through cultural

media of exchange must become

some groups

will seek to

hold onto

a strain within the system, with

some

subsystems or groups refusing to change and other subsystems moving ahead.

Motivation for social revolution

is

possible under these conditions. After people are

motivated to change society, they must then create a subculture that can function to unite their group

and

create an alternative set of

must eventually have wide enough appeal

norms and

to successfully

make

values. This culture a claim to legitimacy.

The

In a revolution, either side could

win

Social

System



Talcott Parsons

(the reformers or the fundamentalists), but

in either case, certain steps are systemically required to reintegrate the system. After

the revolution, the subgroup

must produce

Institutionalization occurs at this point as iors patterned

and people

socialized

it

can unite the system.

a culture that

does

around a

at

any other time: through behav-

set

of status positions,

roles,

and

norms. •

Parsons' theory allows us to focus

tal issues

on some of the broader, more fundamen-

represented by postmodern theory. Postmodern theory proposes that

society has

changed

at its core, in

a predictable system. Society

is

the

way

it

works



society

no longer functions

as

better understood in postmodernity in terms of

complex or chaotic systems. Simply put,

this

means

that social elements can

bine in nonlinear and undetermined ways. Bauman's notion of neo-tribes

example of this thinking. Postmodernism

also challenges the

com-

good way in which we conis

a

postmodernism isn't simply about the possibility that we may be living in a new kind of social world; it is also a critique of how we know what we know. Science and its methods are value laden; they came into existence in struct knowledge. Thus,

response to and support of the nation-state and Western colonialism. Science pro-

duces technologies of control, for both the physical and is

thus a part of modernist philosophy.

must be

set aside for

more

The

and

collectively

way of knowing

ways of knowing. Rather than

we must

give equal place to multiple

voices. Rather than seeking to control the social world,

ourselves within the context

environments, and

objectifying, linear

subjective, language-based

giving truth-value over to one voice (science),

human

we must

reflexively place

work, through inclusion and dialog, to

allow social worlds to emerge.

Building Your Theory Toolbox

Conversations With Talcott Parsons

—Web Research Web

sources for

that he sees things as a system. Recall

what makes

Unfortunately, as of the writing of this book, there are very few Parsons,

none of which provide "conversational"

material.

Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) •

Parsons' primary point of view

a system a system

and analyze

is

this society in

what ways does

terms of a system.

Is this

so, in

what ways?

level:

analyze the university you attend in terms of system qualities.

If not, in

about your classroom?

Is it

it

not meet the criteria?

a system in Parsonian terms?

Can you

society a system? If

Let's take Is

it

it

down a What

a system?

analyze your friendship

373

374

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

network

in

systems,

how are

What about you? Do you

terms of systems?

they linked together?

exist as a

system?

these are

If all

Do you think systems analysis breaks down

at

any

point?

Can we understand



globalization

from

question with Spencer, but Parsons' theory

is

a systems perspective? (I asked a similar

more

robust.)

Engaging the World (using the theory) According to Parsons, what



Why

cultural strain?

is

Under what conditions does

cultural strain

ripe for cultural strain? If so,

why? What kinds of cultural

a Parsonian approach, •

what

are the effects

Earlier in this chapter,

I

together a theory of society.

begins with the unit benefits

scheme use

it

I

cultural strain important?

come about? Take

we might

a look at this society.

strain can

you

identify?

Is it

From

expect?

asked you where you would begin

if

you were

to put

Where would you begin? Parsons What could be some

ask you again now:

Evaluate the unit act as a beginning point.

act.

and drawbacks from such (see Figure 10.1) to explain

How

Use Parsons' unit

a starting point?

your behaviors

at

in at least five different settings (like school,

beach, and so on).

is

act analytical

school today. Take the scheme and

home, shopping

mall, crosswalk,

does his scheme hold up? Were you able to analyze

all

of the

behaviors equally well? •

Parsons talks about generalized media of exchange. In doing

something that Spencer

pendency of

do you think ing

if

— and

institutions. exist

the media

to a lesser degree,

Choose two

Durkheim

institutions.

between these two institutions?

you propose

are actually at

What



so,

he

is

clarifying

glossed over: the interde-

generalized media of exchange

How would

you go about determin-

work?

Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) •

One

of sociology's abiding concerns revolves around the issue of social change. In

the chapter social

on Durkheim,

I

asked you to consider Spencer and Durkheim's theories of

change and the problems of integration. In the chapter on Weber,

compare and contrast Marx and Weber on the

How

issues

of inequality and

I

asked you to

social change.

does Parsons' theory of revolution and change include the issues from the

Spencer/Durkheim synthesis and the Marx/Weber synthesis? In other words,

to

what

extent does Parsons' theory include both conflict and functional issues of social change?

What does •

Parsons' theory leave out?

Throughout these

the chapter

on Simmel,

chapters, I

we have been weaving

together a theory of religion. In

asked you to bring together the work of

gion. If you did, you would have a robust theory of religion in

approach religion? What function does religion play

five theorists

society.

in society,

Parsons' approach

compare

to the other theorists?

reli-

according to Parsons? In

terms of the cybernetic hierarchy of control, where would something

How does

on

How does Parsons like religion fit?

The



with Parsons'.

lists

Where does Durkheim's function

and

System



Talcott Parsons

Spencer and Durkheim both propose requisite functions. Compare and contrast

both Spencer's and Durkheim's



Social

Does Parsons

fit?

Another of sociology's abiding concerns

Sometimes

society.

this

problem

is

is

Where do

Spencer's functions

fit?

leave anything out?

the relationship between the individual

phrased in terms of agency

(free will) versus struc-

link. How are How do the actions of people in face-to-face encounters get translated to macro-level structures? How do structures influence actors? Parsons doesn't

ture (determination),

and other times

it is

talked about as the

micro-macro

the individual and society related?

answer

all

these questions, but he gives us

one of our

of the micro-macro link. According to Parsons,

first

how do

face encounters get translated to macro-level structures? to

detailed theoretical explanations

the actions of people in face-to-

Does

his theory

seem reasonable

you? Can you think of how Durkheim or Weber or Simmel would explain

How different or similar

nomenon?

Further Explorations Alexander,

J.

are their explanations

compared

this

same phe-

to Parsons'?

— Books

C. (Ed.). (1985). Neofunctionalism. Beverly Hills,

CA:

Sage. (Collection of articles

and

chapters that help define Neofunctionalism and Parsons' influence)

Hamilton,

P.

to the

(1983). Talcott Parsons.

work and

life

New York:

Tavistock. (Good, short, book-length introduction

of Parsons)

Lidz, V. (2000). Talcott Parsons. In G. Ritzer (Ed.), rists.

Maiden,

Robertson,

R.,

MA:

& Turner, B.

CA: Sage. (Leading

The Blackwell companion

to

major

Blackwell. (Good, chapter-length introduction to Parsons' S. (Eds.).

(1991). Talcott Parsons: Theorist of modernity.

social theo-

work and

life)

Newbury

Park,

theory to explain modernity, postmodernity,

social theorists use Parsons'

and globalization) Trevino, A.

J.

(Ed.). (2001). Talcott Parsons today: His theory

Lanham, MD: Rowman

&

Littlefield.

and

legacy in contemporary sociology.

(Ten international scholars reappraise and extend

Parsons' theory)

Further Explorations

—Web Links

http://www2.pfeiffer.edu/~lridener/DSS/Parsons/parsbi01.html (Extensive biographical sketch of Parsons'

life)



Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Parsons Sigmund Freud: http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/freud.html

(Site

maintained by Dr. C. George

Boeree, professor of psychology at Shippensburg University; clear presentation of Freud's basic ideas

Max Weber: iVlitA

and

his life)

http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/WeberAVhome.htm

by Frank W. Elwell ates

at

Rogers State University;

site specifically

(Site

maintained

oriented toward undergradu-

and contains good explanations of some of Weber's concepts)

375

376

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

1 Emile Durkheim: http://www.relst.uiuc.edu/durkheim/ (The Durkheim Pages; contains reviews,

summaries of Durkheim's work, timeline of Durkheim's

life,

glossary,

and discussion threads

that everyone can post to)

Bronislaw Malinowski: http://www.lse.ac.uk/lsehistory/malinowski.htm

(Site

maintained by the

London School of Economics; short introduction to Malinowski) Vilfredo Pareto: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/pareto.htm (Site maintained by the

Department of Economics,

New

School; extensive background and introduction to Pareto's

theory)

Alfred Marshall: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/marshall.htm (Site maintained by the

Department of Economics, theory)

New School; extensive background and introduction to Marshall's

CHAPTER

11

Theorizing Society

What

• •

How

— Provocative —Tools of the Trade

to See to See

To theorize the art

is

Possibilities

to

engage in the art of explanation. People

know how

clusions in the

378

381

to collect ideas,

who master

analyze content, and marshal con-

most cogent reasoning possible. (Mithaug, 2000,

p. ix)

Final chapters are sometimes very difficult to write. We have come a long way and covered

religion

and

ground; how can I wrap up something like this? I would down and bring it all together. What did everybody say about What are the important dynamics of modernity? What kinds

a lot of

love for us to

sit

culture?

of things are leading us into the possibility of postmodernity?

How

do markets,

money, communication technologies, transportation technologies, production, the division of labor, the centralizing of government, society

and our

and so on

— how do they

As interesting and important

more important

task in

mind

as

I

think a discussion

like that

for this final chapter. In the

a perspective that

and

values.

We

the theorist

affect

is

formed around two primary

issues:

would

be,

I

have a

opening chapter, we con-

sidered a couple of ideas surrounding theory and theorizing.

do. Theorizing

all

lives?

We

saw that theory

assumptions about

simply what we know,

is

society,

something we

also

saw that theory

isn't

an

active, reflexive,

and ongoing relationship between the mind of

is

and the

social

it is

environment. To theorize, we must actively think and ask

questions. In this, our final chapter, I'd like to be a bit

more

proactive in passing

on

the torch of theory to you.

377

378

EXPLORATIONS

What

to See

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

— Provocative Possibilities

Ontology and values: This seeing: they are positions

made up are

a

is

book about

from which

What

is

how

does

it

We've seen that there society:

What is the essence of society? Does society have an own set of laws? Or is society and everything therein an

exist?

objective existence with idea, a

beliefs.

our theoretical perspective about

to

society (a question of ontology)? Phrasing this question differently, society

but

exists,

view and attribute meaning, and they are

to

of language, values, sentiments, norms, and

two basic questions that contribute

and perspectives are about

perspectives,

its

symbolic network through which we create and

The second question

one of

is

should our values be about

live

by means of meaning?

What should we do about

values;

What

society?

Should we seek out those

this entity called society?

things that produce inequality and heartache and try to change them, or should

remove ourselves and simply describe

society as

exists?

it

The answers

we

to these

questions run on continuums that overlap at different places. Thus, in response to

two basic questions, we

these

and diverse perspectives

are able to create multiple

that contain languages, values, feelings, beliefs,

and

scripts that tell us

how

about doing the business of sociology. Once produced, these perspectives

what

to see

The

and not

theorists

definable

world around

see in the

we have considered

way of viewing

in this

go us

us.

book each have

Some

the social world.

to tell

of them,

like

a perspective, a clear,

Durkheim, argue

fer-

vently for an objective, scientific approach to society. Others, like Weber, aren't so sure,

and they approach Some,

to ever)' nuance.

interaction;

and

social stocks

social like

phenomena

Mead,

others, like Schutz, see

emerging out of negotiated symbolic

meaning created by the individual out of

of knowledge and the backward glance of intentionality Adding the

value question,

we

get even

more

facets.

Mead

simply wants to describe

sciousness arises out of symbolic interactions; but

standing of the same basic processes that

Mead

Du

Marx

is

likewise critical

and

Another defining

our

at

and the micro

theorisits are clearly linked to

dynamics of tions;

social

Gilman,

change and

one

level

of face-to-face encounters.

level or another.

being

is

their level

level

macro

of orga-

Some of our

Thus, for Spencer, the basic of entire societal popula-

stability are at the level

like Spencer, sees the

it

three distinct levels: the

of historical, structural dynamics and relationships; the meso

nizational structure;

sees that the

than culture or interaction.

theorists' perspectives

of analysis. As we've seen, social phenomena occur level

— Du Bois

relations, rather

issue of

con-

and thus divergent conscious-

interested in consciousness, but he sees

produced through structured economic

Levels of analysis:

how

Bois gives us a critical under-

about

talks

culture of race creates different kinds of interactions nesses.

pay attention

cautiously, being certain to

see society

dynamics of society

in

terms of large-scale evo-

lutionary development, but she, unlike Spencer, lends a critical perspective,



Marx with a specific category of people in this case, gender. On the Mead sees negotiated symbolic meanings behind social change and stability that occur only at the level of the interaction and self. Some other theorists are an interesting blend: while we generally think of Parsons as a macro theorist, he concerned

like

other hand,

in fact begins at the level

of the act and builds a theory of institutionalization



in

Theorizing Society

other words, Parsons gives us a levels.

People

like

torical milieus

Du

Bois and

way of seeing the Weber

link

between the macro and micro

see the individual or

and then wonder about the

effects

379

micro

within his-

level

of such historical processes upon

consciousness and subjective experience. In Table 11.1, I've

begun

a task

I

encourage you to

finish.

As you can

see,

I

note

the theorists' general perspective of society (objective/subjective), their position con-

cerning values (critical/descriptive), and their level of analysis. After noting these issues, I've written a brief

value of such a table

is

statement that

that

it

I

think encapsulates their perspective.

The

gives us a quick reference to specific perspectives. In

turn, these perspectives give us eyes to see distinctive questions.

The questions

that

each of our theorists asks are intrinsically linked to the kind of perspective each has. Accordingly, seeing the world through a Marxian perspective will enable you to ask

questions that are distinctly different than

Durkheimian

eyes. This kind of effort

—we

with a base perspective sciously, or

our perspective

is

you

if

fundamental

you

be a result of happenstance.

will

to not only be reflexive

Flexible theorizing: Flexible theorizing

are not right or

all

comes out of the

useful.

thus,

assumptions (and perspectives) are taken on

The

Table 11.1

less

theorizing can

flexible as well.

realization that perspectives

wrong, they are either useful or not so

wrong, but they can be more or

Good

about your theorizing but

wrong? Because they are based on assumptions that

right or

and con-

of our theorists in such a

right or all

Theorizing begins

will either construct this base reflexively

only be built on a consciously adopted base. Putting table will allow

the world through

see

to theorizing.

Why

can't they

are never tested,

be

and

faith. Perspectives can't

be

powerful in yielding and informing

Theorists' Perspectives

Theorist

Society

Value

Levels

Herbert Spencer

Objective

Descriptive

Macro

Spencer views society as progressively evolving due to the same objective elements (matter, force, motion)

and dynamics universe.

(instability of

homogeneous

units, multiplication of effects, segregation) as

structural relations. Spencer's perspective

is

oriented toward the macro

of functionalism and eyes to see the interconnections Karl

Marx

Marx views

Objective society as determined by

but for outcomes Marx

foundation for

critical

is

and

economic

relations

Macro -> Micro

and changing

in

response to dialectic elements

oriented toward the macro level level (consciousness); in

and gives us eyes to see the

doing

in

terms of dynamics,

so,

he

lays

down

the

effects of oppressive structures

potential.

Emile Durkheim

Objective

Durkheim sees society as a symbols that society,

is

concerned with the micro conflict theorizing,

he gives us the basic tenets

level;

structural units.

Critical

within the economic structure. Marx's perspective

on human

among

the rest of the

and the dynamics around

For society, the basic elements revolve around population size

come from

result of

Micro -» Macro

Descriptive

emotionally infused interactions; once born, the morally infused

interaction take

on an objective

life

of their

own. The micro

but macro-level cultural elements strongly inform what happens

us eyes to see the issues surrounding cultural integration of society.

in

level

interactions.

is

the basis for

Durkheim gives

380

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

certain kinds of theoretical questions. For instance,

structure

and oppression, whose perspective would

you

if

are interested in class

yield the

most

insightful ques-

tions

and answers? Marx would be the most obvious answer. However, what

want

to ask questions about the intersection of race

turn? In this case,

Marx would not be

as helpful

class?

are not so interested in

race

come

about, as in

interactions? In that case,

you would turn

to Mead's perspective.

On the other hand,

perhaps you don't think the macro structures of Marx or Weber are the

and you don't buy into Mead's reduction

do you turn? Well, maybe the

give

you

this perspective?

and not

at the

meanings

more meso

real issues

Then where

in interaction.

between race and

class actually

subjectivities of the people in interaction.

Simmel, of course. Or maybe

macro

at the

to

intersections

forms that colonize the

not constructed

you

To

how historical, structural relations between class and how race and class intersect and are produced in face-to-face

you

as social

if

whom would you Weber as and/or Du Bois. What if and

level

of structure, or

of social forms.

level

class

at the

What

if

operate

Who can

and race crossroads

micro

level

are

of interaction,

they are part of the stocks

of knowledge and relevance hierarchies that individuals use to construct meanings in

We

and Thou

There

is

cant begin tives.

ter

The

relations?

best person to turn to here

obviously an important, general point to

I

is

want you

Schutz. to see in

you

all this:

think about different possibilities unless you can take different perspec-

The more

perspectives with which

you

are familiar

and comfortable, the

bet-

prepared you are to see multiple, provocative possibilities in the social world

around you. Theory around

a social

stagnant;

isn't

is

it

a living, breathing thing that

phenomenon, granting us new

insights into the world

moves us

around

us.

How many different kinds What can you see, what can you own your knowledge; that's why I'm asking you to

How many different kinds

of perspectives do you own?

of lights can you shed on the world around us?

Now is the time for you to complete the table, rather than my doing it for you. Don't be satisfied with only seehear?

ing part of the world, or having

someone

tell

own your own knowledge and

to see the

world

by being able

you what in

to see

— make

which you

live

it

your goal to

more complexly

to use multiple perspectives.

In addition to perspectives, I've emphasized two other issues throughout these chapters: recurring in

themes and our

an age of transition

historical era.

a stimulating idea.

is

age of transition: the birth of modernity. tain kinds of questions

The

Most of our

possibility that

we

are living

classical theorists lived in

They became preoccupied with asking

about their world. They were interested

in religion, culture,

the state and economy, equality and oppression, social integration, and change.

of the possibilities that the kinds of questions

postmodern on. At the

want us

we

to consider

same time,

I've

is

that society

ask. In particular, I've

theory, such as advertising,

informed by the link

I

made

it

classical theorists.

many

changing, and with

institutionalized doubt,

it

and so

of these questions are or can be

For example, Marx's theory of consciousness (the

between the mode of production and the way we see the world and ourselves)

forms the basis of Jameson's version of postmodernism; and Weber's ideas of

and

One

brought out certain features of

mass media,

clear that

is

an

cer-

status

class

groups informs Lash and Urry's postmodern theory. In addition, we've

seen theories that

may

provide an answer to some of the typical postmodern prob-

lems, such as Mead's idea of fusing the

I

and the Me.

Theorizing Society

One

of the things that



ahold of you

and

I

want

is

our

obviously want you to get ahold of

I

historical possibility: this

that to fire your imagination. But

more mundane. Throughout end of the chapters

do so

you

is

to

"Compare and

it is

be the beginning of a

synthesizes.

model the

about the

there

is

first

bit

of theorizing

you opportunities

It is

is

an activity that questions, compares,

an activity that begins with reading.

step in theorizing I

is

may be

reading, which able to orient

See what

is

you

—Tools of the Trade

I've tried to intro-

Durkheim's theory,

to

nothing that substitutes for reading Durkheim. That's one of the reasons

that these people's insights.

age,

Durkheim, and Simmel on religion" may sound much more. Those kinds of questions are the very ways sociologists theorize. It's how I linked classical theory

book. While

this

activity

get

common themes. Asking

How to duce you to in

new

hoping for something a

also

theorists, I've given

theorists say

with the possibility of postmodernity. Theory

Reading well: The

it

so

through which professional

and

have

contrast Marx,

question, but

contrasts,

am

better,

your theory toolbox; one of the important ways to

to build

by weaving together what the

like a test

may

I've tried to

As we have made our way through the

for you. at the

book,

this

I

—or

works are considered

classic

However, chances are you don't know

—repeated

how to

read.

new

reading gleans

Oh,

I

imagine you can

read well enough; otherwise you wouldn't have progressed this far in the book. But

perhaps you don't is

know how to

the challenge and

saying, the are



Tenet

1:

read in a



of theory

thrill

way we view

two tenets and

way

we

if

that will

really get

And that Martineau or Mead is

remake your mind.

what

a

the world will be changed forever. In reading theory, there

several questions to keep in

Read the work repeatedly

and no, you

do

can't

immersing yourself

a



mind.

at least three times.

No, I'm not kidding;

good job of understanding the

in the

theorist without

work. Read with a notepad and pencil; each time

you read through the work (or section of the work), write down observations and questions (and answers •

Tenet

2:

to

your questions.).

Use your imagination. Whatever

that theoretical

work always

else theorizing

involves the imagination

understand and also to think outside the

lines.

may

—the

be,

remember

ability to see

Every theorist

is

and

one who has

seen something that no one else has seen. Look at your world imaginatively;

read the works using your imagination. •

Questions to ask of the work: The following questions are meant as starting issues only.

Your understanding

these questions. Use these to help

the sets of tensions

we

will

not be complete

if

you simply answer

you ask more questions. Also keep

talked about earlier.

Most

classical

in

mind

theory will address

some of these. In general, you want to discover the argument. Remember that these people are addressing an issue or question. What is it? Everything else in the work should revolve around it. After you've discovered at

381

least

the central point, find the stepping-stones that the author uses to lead us to the conclusion. In particular ask,

382

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

What are specific

know

the general contours of the

We

phenomenon.

exactly

what

phenomenon? Every theory pertains

can always creatively extend a theory, but

a theory

about.

is

The

largest defining issue here

we

is

to

some

first

must

the question

You cannot understand the theory unless you know the question. For example, Durkheim had two issues in mind when he wrote The the theorist

addressing.

is

Elementary Forms of the Religious

Life.

The

first is

obvious: he wanted to

constitutes the basic elements of religion, regardless of

of religion

under consideration. His second purpose was

is

for the basic categories of

knowledge that we use

know what

when, where, or what kind

(like

to

uncover the source

time and space)

—he was

how we know what we know). Unless we will be confused by some of what

arguing for a social epistemology (studying

we keep in mind each of these purposes, Durkheim is saying. In addition to the chief questions,

here are

some other ways

to

understand the general contours of the phenomenon:



What

is

the level of analysis?

between these false?

the theory concerned with macro-, micro-, or

phenomenon? Does

meso-level



Is

What

levels? Or,

the theory argue for bridges

and provide

to be described

Identify the limits of the

definition.

its

Is

phenomenon

the theory about the economic

structure, the state, inequality, self/identity, authority structures, or

What

or

presented in their stead?

is

What are the theory's scope conditions?

else?

among

does the theory argue that those distinctions are

are the other limits?

Is it

something

only concerned with traditional, modern,

or postmodern societies? •

What

for the processes to

What logically

dimensions of the theory?

are the temporal

work?

Do

they diminish over time or increase?

are the major concepts?

As we've

sound argument

built

the building blocks of

make our theory

all

specific

that

is

said,

theory

tell



Look

and

an insightful, formal, and definitions.

Concepts are

us what to see and the definitions

replicable. So, every theory will have concepts

they are the single most important element. Under analogy, types,

is

from concepts and

theory. Concepts

and

How much time is involved

"concepts,"

I

am

and

also including

analytical frameworks.

for repeated ideas.

Are there concepts that appear over and over? Also

be aware that concepts that are repeated often indicate more complex

rela-

tionships than simple, linear ones. •

Look

for linchpin concepts

ment would

fall

apart.

It is

—those concepts without which not the case that

all

the entire argu-

the important concepts are

repeated over and over. Sometimes they are only spoken of once or twice. But if

you remove

that concept, the

work or

the theory

becomes incomprehensi-

ble (or at least impoverished). •

Look

for

concepts

Unfortunately

it

is

for

which the author

exact definitions for their concepts.

of theory. However,

gives

explicit

definitions.

not always the case that theorists intentionally give us

if

fairly certain that the

We

oftentimes have to infer this element

the theorist does give us the definition, then

concept

is

important.

we can be

Theorizing Society



Remember

which means that

theoretical concepts are technical terms,

this:

they have special kinds of definitions. You can't define a theoretical term the

way you would any other word. For example,

to define

Durkheim's concept

of collective consciousness as culture or even as the norms, values, and beliefs of a society,

falls

you should look

well short of the mark. Generally speaking,

handy acronym

for four attributes of a theoretical concept. Here's a

you remember them

— BEVO: Boundaries (What counts (What

are the defining features?); Effects

is

created?

(How

to help

an instance? What

as

How does it influence the

What produces higher or lower amounts?); Operation (How does it work? What are individual, group, or society?); Variation

the internal processes?).

but

Can

the concepts/issues be

produce a

Not every concept

a theoretical concept,

if it is

will

it

have

it is

of these attributes,

wanting to

better to think of abstraction as

Concepts are not simply empirical or abstract

The more

all

theory that can be used in more than one setting,

then the concepts have to be abstract. Actually,

abstract.

will

have one or more of them.

abstract? If we are looking at or

made more

scientific theory, or a

a variable.

does the concept vary?

abstract a concept

is,

the

—they

more powerful,

more or

are

in

less

terms of being

usable in multiple settings (explaining, predicting, controlling).

What

address the issue of the tain kinds of theories

and so

among and between the concepts? Here again we must kind of theory we are reading or using. Remember that cer-

are the relationships

forth).

do not propose relationships

So be aware that sometimes there

in symbolic interactionist theories).

tionships

and

their nature

will

schemes,

not be any relationships

(like

Determining whether or not there are

rela-

extremely important. Often, the author will

kind of theory she or he

straight out the

So you

is

(ideal types, analytical

will

is

using, but

many times

tell

you

the author won't.

have to search for the relationships. Occasionally, the relationships are

explicitly laid

out in models or propositions, but most of the time they are buried

in the text.





Look

for such

ment

of,"

"consequence," "doing away with," and the

Keep

in

mind

words and phrases

as "results from," "increase in," "develop-

the kinds of relationships you might encounter: positive,

negative, linear, curvilinear, additive, multiplicative, •

Remember about. tell

this:

like.

theories of this sort explain

They should

read, then, like a mechanic's

you exactly what you have

to

do

cookie recipe, for example, explicitly

and so on.

how something works manual or

recipe.

to get a given result. tells

me what

My

or comes

A recipe will

chocolate chip

ingredients to use,

what

to

when to put them in the oven, how hot to have the how long to bake them, and so on. Marx's theory of class consciousness very much like that. It has specific ingredients that come together and work

do

to those ingredients,

oven, is

in precise tion,

ways

when you

in order to

In the case of critical theory, tions of power?

produce

Which groups

what

paper or examina-

class consciousness. In a

write a scientific theory,

it

should have these

ideologies are being exposed?

are systematically excluded

qualities.

What

from the

are the rela-

social

system

383

384

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

and which

on top? What kind of society

are generally

What

the values of the theory?

action

is

ence),

and

all

mentioned,

I

culture

all

theory

is

culturally based or

based on values. Even social

is

What

being espoused?

what values are present but not

In the case of non-critical theory,

acknowledged? As

is

are

advised? reflexively

informed (even

sci-

have values,

scientific theories

even though they are generally not acknowledged.

Transforming theory: After reading (there really

be ongoing), there are

few approaches we can use

a

isn't

an

"after"

in theorizing.

— reading should We can

modify an

a number of methods we can use to make this we can expand or reduce a concept's definition. Take Durkheim's notion of ritual, for instance. By ritual, Durkheim generally meant patexisting theory in

some way. There are

modification. For example,

terned behaviors that create emotional effervescence. explicitly including the

important social event. By doing

on during

We could expand that

concept of dramatic enactment this,

we

be able to see more of what

will

idea

by

—the picturing of some is

going

a ritual like the Fourth of July. Fourth of July celebrations not only have

the potential of increasing the level of experienced emotion, thus producing a

sacred quality around the symbols used, they also emblematically picture certain events in

American

Quite a

bit

history.

of theoretical progress

Often, these changes are

may disagree with

is

made through

made through expansion and

contraction.

processes of disagreement. For example,

Marx's theory of estrangement. As

it

stands,

it is

we

a critical theory

of capitalism and alienation that occurs within the context of human beings cut off

from species-being. Perhaps we don't buy into Marx's notion of species-being and

maybe we

don't want to

to be able to talk line.

In this case,

condemn

all

of capitalism, but

about some of the alienating

we can argue



it

at the

same time we do want

of working on an assembly

against Marx's overall critique but accept

idea of alienation. But be aware that taking

meaning of the term

effects

constricts

it

in a

it

way

and use

his

out of Marx's context changes the that

makes

it

usable in our theory.

Notice that in order to expand or contract a concept, we must

first

understand

completely what the theorist originally meant.

We can also

synthesize theories.

To synthesize means

to

combine or put

together.

So we can put together elements from different theories to form something new. That's basically (self

what George Herbert Mead

did.

He took

and consciousness), Wilhelm Wundt (general

(looking glass

self),

will),

and formed what became known

This approach to theorizing

is

fairly

ideas

as

from William James

and Charles H. Cooley

symbolic interactionism.

common. The contemporary theorist Anthony

Giddens draws elements from structuralism, functionalism, phenomenology, dramaturgy, symbolic interactionism, and psychoanalytic theory to form his approach, called structuration theory.

We can synthesize the theories we have looked at as well. Let's say that we want to how the self is formed in modernity and what its unique characteristics None of the theorists that we deal with in this book try to answer those directly. However, we can take Mead's theory of self- formation (role-

understand

might

be.

questions

taking and generalized other) and combine

it

with elements of Simmel's theory of

Theorizing Society

the metropolis

and mental

(urbanization, rational group membership, cognitive

life

form

stimuli, blase attitude) to

a theory that

would answer those

Theory modification and synthesis are the two main ways produced and "progresses." One of the main reasons for been done up to

that has

this point. You've

under the sun." That may not be exactly explicated

much

this

is

questions.

which theory

in

the

is

amount of work is nothing new

heard the saying, "there

true,

but

it is

we have

certainly the case that

of the social world and reinventing the wheel

is

a

meaningless

effort.

Grounded

Theory can

theorizing:

be produced through what

also

"grounded theory." Grounded theory (and approaches interpretive theory

human

is

shaped.

It

begins

action and interaction. As

theory approach attempt to tions as possible.

come

They want the

at the

much

ground

as possible,

to a social

situation

like it) is the

level, in situ, in

people

who

phenomenon with

and the participants

as

way

is

called

in

which

the context of

use a grounded

few preconcep-

to speak to them.

are interested in how the actors themselves view, interpret, and act within own context. One of the problems with grounded theory is that it is based on the exclusion of all preexisting concepts. Many researches feel that getting rid of all concepts is not

They their

possible.

To help solve

approach that he

problem, Derek Layder (1998) proposes an intermediary

this

calls

"adaptive theory." This approach recognizes the worth in

being grounded in the situation, but also acknowledges that existing theoretical ideas

and frames have value (and

mends

that

we move back and

of the theory, then, is

concerned with

in the context.

and

definitions.

analytic.

how well

The

Do

forth between the situation

measured

is

recom-

are really tough to get out of your head). Layder

in

and theory. The adequacy

two ways. In subjective adequacy, the researcher

the concepts reflect the lived experiences of the people

researcher constantly asks the participants about the concepts

they

make

sense to the subjects?

Here the researcher needs to

tie

The second kind of adequacy

an

theoretical literature. In using this approach, then, concepts are developed in

ongoing manner and

in dialog

My primary motivation about the social world.

I

with the subjects, the context, and existing theory.

in writing this

hope

is

the subjectively adequate concepts to the

I

book was

to inspire provocative thinking

have planted a seed or two. Ideas drive the

human

world. Every major change and development in history has been fostered and fueled by ideas;

and behind the great ideas of human epochs

sociological theory

looked in

at in this

is

are theories. Social

part of this great tapestry of thought.

book

awe of such thinkers

are as

among

its

most

skilled weavers. Yet, while

Weber and Martineau, theorizing

You, too, can enter this creative stream.

is

we may stand

not just for the great.

And who knows? There might be

of students reading your books a hundred years from now.

and

The people we have

a

group

385

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Alexander,

http://www.uta.edu/huma/agger/5341.html

C. (1985). Introduction. In

J.

J.

C. Alexander (Ed.), Neofunctionalism. Beverly

CA: Sage. C. (1988a). Parsons' 'Structure' in

J.

American

sociology. Sociological Theory,

6,

pp. 96-102.

Alexander,

C. (Ed.) (1988b).

J.

Cambridge University Allan, K. (1998).

Durkheimian

Cambridge, UK:

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the

Glossary of Terms

Absolute surplus labor: From Marx's labor theory of value; a method of increasing profit

by increasing the number of hours a worker works.

Act: According to plex.

A

Mead, because human action

is

meaningful and

social,

it is

single action has four stages: impulse, perception, manipulation,

sumption. The distinctly

human

com-

and con-

elements are found in the second and third stages,

which are both based on symbols and meaning. Action theory: In general, any theory that begins and than structure. For Weber, action

social action rather

takes into account other people. (in his

is

is

specifically

social insofar as the individual

concerned with rational action

—only



typology

Weber

concerned with individual,

is

traditional, affective, value-rational, instrumental-rational

value and instrumental action are truly rational). Parsons tions

physical his

is

interested in the condi-

under which action takes place (the choice of means and ends constrained by the

and

social environments). Parsons'

theory of the social system

is

built

upon

notion of voluntaristic action.

One

Adaptation:

of four subsystems in Parsons'

AGIL conception

of requisite

needs; the subsystem that converts raw materials from the environment into usable stuffs (in the

body, the digestive system; in society, the economy).

Affectual action:

From Weber's typology of

social action; action that

is

motivated

by emotion. Agency: Agency refers to the freedom to choose one's pendently influence a course of events. Agency sociology focusing Alienation:

on the

The word

something that

relative influence

itself

faces us as

work

own

behaviors or to inde-

one half of

a central debate in

of structure over individual choice.

means separation from;

it

also implies that there

an unknown or alien object; for Marx, there are four

ferent kinds of alienation: alienation

the

is

process, alienation

is

dif-

from one's own species-being, alienation from

from the product, and alienation from other

social

beings.

393

394

EXPLORATIONS

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

IN

Altruistic suicide: Part of to

Durkheim's typology of suicide; the word

altruistic

means

have uncalculated devotion to the interests of others; altruistic suicide, then,

is

motivated by excessively high group attachment.

Analogy: Analogy

is

used in hermeneutic theory to explain through reference and

comparison. For example, Goffman's dramaturgy explains social interaction through the analogy of the

stage.

Analytical frameworks: Analytical frameworks or models are theoretical schemes that help us to understand a given social situation.

and

explicit definitions,

They contain

but do not propose relationships

abstract concepts

among

the concepts.

Weber's ideal types and Parsons' unit act are good examples.

Anomic

suicide: Part of

rules or

norms; thus, anomic suicide

Durkheim's typology of suicide; anomie

is

to be without

motivated by extremely low normative

is

regulation.

Anomie: Used by both Durkheim and Simmel; laws.

Because

regulation.

human

to be without

literally,

norms or

beings are not instinctually driven, they require behavioral

Without norms guiding behavior,

life

becomes meaningless. High

levels

of anomie can lead to anomic suicide.

Anonymization: The process of becoming anonymous. Schutz argues that other people become increasingly anonymous to us the more

understand them. Anonymization

is

we

use typifications to

characteristic of "they" relations.

Ascetic religions: Part of Martineau's typology of religion; ascetic religions are

those that use abstinence for proof of holiness; a society wherein this type of

reli-

gion dominates will be characterized by an ever-expanding inventory of sin and an

emphasis on outward

restraint rather

than inward

ethics.

Assumptions: Assumptions are elements of cultural knowledge systems that are believed to be true but never tested. All knowledge systems are based tions.

verse

They allow the system is

to

empirical and then conducts empirical, scientific research.

From Marx;

Bi-polarization of conflict: limited to two parties. greater will be

Blase attitude:

its

As an

intensity

is

the process through which conflict

more

blase

means

to be uninterested in pleasure or is

the typical emotional state of the

the direct result of the increased emotional

associated with diverse group memberships, to the rapidness of

is

bi-polarized a conflict, the

and overtness.

The word

ern city dweller and

it is

overall principle, the

According to Simmel, the blase attitude

due

on assump-

work. For example, science assumes that the uni-

life.

mod-

work and anomie

and increased cognitive stimulation

change and flow of information.

Bourgeoisie: In Marxian theory, the owners of capital. Bracketing: For most phenomenologists, consciousness

which human beings can be nomenologists bracket or

is

the only

phenomenon of

certain. In order to observe consciousness purely, phe-

set aside all that

they

know

or presume about the world.

Finding Your

For Schutz,

it is

Way Through

which phenomenologists want

exactly that

the

Maze

—An Annotated Glossary

to bracket that constitutes

the lifeworld and the subject of sociology.

From Weber,

Bureaucracy:

a

system of organizing people and their behavior that

is

characterized by the presence of written rules and communication, job placement

by accreditation, expert knowledge,

clearly outlined responsibilities

explicit career ladders,

and an

form

and routinize behavior.

are to rationalize

An

Bureaucratic personality:

office hierarchy.

and

authorities,

The purposes of the bureaucratic

Its

superiority

is

purely utilitarian.

extension of Weber's theory, the result of extensive

use of bureaucratic methods for organization; the bureaucratic personality

is

char-

acterized by rational living, identification with organizational goals, reliance

on

expert systems of knowledge, and sequestered experiences (experiences that are

removed from

social or family life

and placed

in institutional settings).

The means of production (technology, buildings, labor) that are not owned by the people who are using the means (workers); money used for investment, the purpose of which is to create more capital (from Marx and Weber). Capital:

An

Civil religion:

creation

extension of Durkheim's idea of the importance religion has for the

and maintenance of the

collective consciousness. In civil religion, the role that

religion plays in the collective consciousness

A

Class: class

is

social structure built

around

means of production.

and

and workers

(bourgeoisie)

stratification, status

it is

specifically defined

by the owner-

In capitalist societies, class bifurcates into owners

For Weber,

(proletariat).

class

is

and power being the other two. Weber class

one of three systems of also defines class is

more

defined by the prob-

of acquiring the goods and positions that are seen to bring inner satisfaction.

determined by the control of property or market position, both of

Class position

is

which may be

positively, negatively, or

medially possessed.

Class consciousness: Being aware that class determines sciousness

is

one of the prerequisites

Collective consciousness:

and bind together any sciousness takes levels

state.

economic production. For Marx,

complexly than does Marx. According to Weber, one's ability

by and through the

carried out

issues of

the only structure that matters

ship of the

is

of

on

The

to social

and

in

collective representations

chances. Class con-

Marxian theory.

and sentiments that guide

According to Durkheim, the collective con-

social group.

a life

change

life

reality

of

its

own, particularly

in response to

high

ritual.

Commercial

class: Part

classes are differentiated

of Weber's typology of

class;

property and commercial

by the way each obtains money: the property

class

through

property ownership and the commercial class through controlling a specific

market niche,

like professors

and knowledge.

Commodification: The process through which material and nonmaterial goods are turned into products for

product for

sale;

sale.

From

this

goods must be placed

Marxian theory, commodification

is

in

point of view, nothing

is

by

its

nature a

markets in order to be commodities. In

seen as an ever-increasing force in capitalism.

395

396

EXPLORATIONS

IN

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

Commodification of

ing

human

Marx, the

labor: According to

which human labor became

good

a

that

is

through

historical process

bought and sold within a market; equat-

money.

creative labor with

Commodity fetish: From Marx; in commodity fetish, workers fail to recognize the human factor in products. Creative production is the distinctive trait of humanity. Therefore, all products have an intrinsic relationship to the people who make them. However, in capitalism, the product is owned and controlled by another, and the product thus faces the worker

as

priated. In misrecognizing their

something

own

alien that

must be bought and appro-

nature in the product, workers also

fail

to see

that there are sets of oppressive social relations in back of both the perceived need

and the simple exchange of money

Common emotional ritual

performance.

for a

mood: One of the

Common

commodity.

three variables that

mood

emotional

make up Durkheimian

expresses the degree to which the

participants in any social interaction are emotionally oriented toward the interaction in the

same way.

Common focus of attention: One of the three variables that make up Durkheimian ritual

performance.

Common

focus of attention measures the degree to which the

participants in any social interaction are cognitively oriented toward the

Compounding:

compounding

In Spencerian theory,

same

idea.

refers to increases in the level

of the population in a society brought about by adding other distinct populations

through conquest or migration. Compounding can be compared population growth that occurs through a higher birth than death Concepts, abstract:

One

is

abstract,

it

exists apart

Because two of the goals of

control, the ideas, terms, or concepts

be used in multiple

normal

of the three elements out of which scientific theory

constructed. If something specific instance.

to the

rate.

is

from any particular object or

scientific

theory are to predict and

must be general or

abstract so that they can

settings.

Humans are not simply aware, they are aware that they are aware. we not only feel pain, we are aware of that pain and give it meaning

Consciousness:

For example,

(think about the relationship between pain and gender). Consciousness, then, reflexive awareness.

Mead argues

on the other hand, argues ative labor

is

that consciousness

is

that consciousness has a material base

a product that mirrors

Coordination and control:

A

is

the result of language. Marx,

our nature back to

— the

effect

of cre-

us.

Spencerian systems problem that arises due to

increases in structural differentiation.

As

social structures

one another, coordinating and controlling

their activities

become

becomes

different

a

from

problem

that

the system needs to solve. Problems in coordination and control are typically solved

through increasing the power of government. Co-presence:

One

mance. Co-presence social interaction.

make up Durkheimian ritual perforphysical proximity of the members of any

of the three variables that is

measured by the

— Way Through

Finding Your

Credential inflation:

An

Maze

—An Annotated Glossary

extension of Weber's theory of bureaucracy,

of extensive use of bureaucratic rely heavily

the

upon educational

methods

it is

the result

for organization; because bureaucracies

credentials for job placement, the level of required

credentials tends to inflate over time as

more and more of the populace completes

higher levels of education. Credentialing:

From Weber,

the use of credentials, rather than experience or social

new

connections, for job and career placement. Credentialing results in a

of workers



experts

and professionals who

Critical theory: In sociology, theory that

society in

some way.

It

traffic in

class

knowledge.

directed toward changing the existing

is

contrasted with descriptive theory that seeks only to

is

describe things as they are. Critical theory generally deconstructs social relationships or arrangements in order to reveal the underlying ideology. a

good example of critical

upon which human beings at

defined as that part of the universe

is

place value, meaning,

and

significance; in Weber's

times lead social change. For Durkheim, culture

damental source of society and integration; categories

hand down from

the system of meaning that societies

is

generation to generation. For Weber, culture

may

is

theory.

Culture: In general, culture

scheme, culture

Marxian theory

and sentiments.

consciousness; culture that

When is

is

it

made up

held by society as a whole,

specific to special

groups

is

is

the fun-

principally of social it

the collective

is

particularized

and may

represent a threat to the collective consciousness and social integration. Parsons

considers the culture system to be at the top of the societal cybernetic hierarchy of control and to consist of value hierarchies, belief systems, and expressive symbols.

Simmel

sees culture divided into

two

subjective culture can be completely

objective culture cannot.

Du

specific types: objective

known and

and subjective

experienced by the individual but

Bois sees that culture can be used to oppress a disen-

franchised group. Culture can be hegemonic or ruling and can exclude the experi-

ences of others. In particular, culture stereotypes and default assumptions,

may be

and

used to misrepresent a group, create

to leave out the history

and

identity of the

disenfranchised from the national narrative. This use of culture not only provides legitimation for prejudice,

it

also creates

double consciousness for the oppressed.

Culture generalization: According to Durkheim and Parsons, as a society becomes

more

diversified, a

needed

to

hold

it

more

general or abstract culture (collective consciousness)

Cybernetic hierarchy of control: In Parsonian theory, the idea that controlled by information; the subsystem that controls

mation for the

rest

Deconstruction:

all

systems are

and provides needed

infor-

of the system (in the social system, culture).

A method

of inquiry most intimately associated with post-

structuralism. In that application, language itself

is

together and facilitate exchanges and interactions.

is

assumed

rather than to an external reality or truth.

of an expression of language,

like a text,

and

It

to represent or refer only to

assumes multiple interpretations

interprets language based

on the

philo-

sophical, political, or social implications rather than the author's intention. In

397

398

EXPLORATIONS

IN

general,

CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

ideology,

any

refers to

it

and seeks

critical analysis that

assumes that statements can contain

to uncover those elements of cultural oppression.

Definition of the situation: Part of symbolic interactionist theory,

primary meaning given important because

it



and

available roles

tic

it

attribution,

process that

Weber

sees as generally

specifically the use of bureaucracies; in general,

view of a world that

is

panion of rationalization social

Distributive system:



One

regulatory and operative).

humans

as

accompanying modernity refers to a holis-

more

relate

the

is

comand

rationally to the physical

mysterious and more controllable.

less

of Spencer's three requisite functions (the other two are

The

distributive structure

way

which work

in

from everyone doing similar tasks

moves needed supplies among is

played by markets, roads,

to each

divided in any economy.

is

person having a specialized

It

can vary This con-

job.

an important one for most theories of modernity. In previous epochs, labor

was more

worker was invested

holistic in the sense that the

made

ning to end. Thus, a shoemaker of modernity

is

the use of scientific

into the smallest for

the

it

and so on.

Division of labor: The

is

and nego-

flexible

enchantment

the various parts of a system. In society, such a function

cept

is

mysterious and uncertain; disenchantment

environments, they are seen as

mail, the Internet,

it

moment's notice and with

at a

is

Because

scripts for behavior.

selves.

A

Disenchantment:

and

meaning

a

is

other words, people can change

in

refers to the

it

definition of the situation

and

implicitly contains identities

the definition of the situation tiable

The

to a social interaction.

manageable

parts.

Durkheim, Simmel, Marx, and

the entire shoe.

product from begin-

of the distinctive

management, or Fordism,

The

division of labor

is

to divide

traits

work up

an important variable

Durkheim, the division of labor

others. For

group that may

ates specialized cultures for each

in a

One

cre-

in turn threaten the cohesiveness

of the general culture; for Simmel, the division of labor increases the level of objective culture in

any society and

Marx, the division of labor

it

is

trivializes the

understood

meaning surrounding products;

as potentially separating

for

people from

species-being (natural or forced; material versus mental).

Double consciousness: Du group have two ways

and

as full

to

members of

a disenfranchised

understand and be aware of themselves:

as disenfranchised

members of

argument

Bois'

society.

These two awarenesses war with and negate one

another other so that the disenfranchised are Duree: From phenomenology, duree

and experience

as

it

that

naturally flows

is

left

with no true consciousness.

the pure duration of

unmarked

from one event and moment

time; time

to the next without

break. Meaning, by definition, breaks the natural flow of duree into discrete

Dynamic model: Dynamic models the relationships

are theoretical statements that spatially picture

among and between

than analytic models

usually depicted as

the concepts.

Dynamic models

are different

in that they contain relationships (hence, thev are

moving). The use of space

moving

in the left

bits.

diagram

is

important

to right (thus,

in these

dvnamic or

models

two concepts appearing

as

at

*

time

the