Rather than a work of theory itself, Explorations in Classical Sociological Theory: Seeing the Social World is an insigh
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English Pages 446 Year 2005
'Seeing the Social World
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Explorations in Qassical Sociological Theory
Explorations in Classical Sociological Theory
Seeing the Social World
KENNETH ALLAN University of North Carolina
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Allan, Kenneth, 1951-
Explorations in classical sociological theory
world
/
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seeing the social
cm.
Includes bibliographical references
ISBN 1-4129-0572-9
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p.
'pbk.: acid-free paper)
— Philosophy— History— 19th century—Textbooks. — Philosophy—History—20th century—Textbooks.
Sociology
1.
2.
:
Kenneth Allan.
Sociology
I.
Seeing the social world.
II.
Title.
HM445.A45 2005 301'.01—dc22 200401915-
This book
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2
1
Title:
2
Contents
Acknowledgments
ix
Prelude
xi
1.
Imagining Society
1
Foundations of Theory
The
3
Sociological Perspective
5
Assumptions Concerning Society
7
Assumptions Concerning Values
15
The Beginnings of Theory and Learning to Theorize
18
Themes in Summary
21
Classical
Theory
23
24
Building Your Theory Toolbox 2.
Organic Evolution— Herbert Spencer
1820-1903)
(British
27
The Perspective: The Evolution of the
30
Universe at a Glance Social Evolution
35
Social Institutions
46
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
55
Summary
58
Building Your Theory Toolbox 3.
Engines of Change
59
— Karl Marx (German, 1818-1883)
The Perspective: Human Nature,
History,
and
63 69
Reality
The Basic Features of Capitalism
75
The Ramifications of Capitalism
85
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
95
Summary
97
98
Building Your Theory Toolbox 4.
Cultural
Consensus— Emile Durkheim
The Perspective:
Social Facts
Religious Roots of Society
(French, 1885-1917)
and the Law of Culture
101
105 1
1
and Morality
Social Diversity
121
Individualism
130
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodern ity
Summary
133 .
Building Your Theory Toolbox
Authority and Rationality
1
in
38
— Max Weber
(German, 1864-1920) The Perspective: Complex Sociology The Evolution of Religion The Rise of Capitalism: Religion and Class, Authority, and Social Change Rationality
137
143 147
154 States
159
164
Action
172
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
176
Summary
180
Building Your Theory Toolbox
181
—
Society and the Individual Georg Simmel (German, 1858-1918) The Perspective: The Individual and Objective Culture Social
Forms
192
Objective Institutions: Religion and
Gender
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
Summary Building Your Theory Toolbox
Self-Consciousness
229
The Perspective: Society
Human
Tools:
Living Outside the
The Emergent
232 237
Inside
Symbols and Minds
Moment
—The
242
Self
248
Big Brother
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
252
Summary
255
256
Building Your Theory Toolbox
A
210
220 223 225
—George Herbert Mead
(American, 1863-1931) Basic
188
200
Objectifying Culture
Two
185
Society of Difference
— Harriet Martineau,
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and W.E.B.
An Open
Du
Bois
259
Letter
Harriet Martineau (British,
259
1802-1876)
262
Martineau's Perspective: Natural
Law and the Hope
of Happiness
263
Observing Morals and Manners:
Institutions
266 270
Summary
278
Methods of
Social Research
..
Charlotte Perkins Gilman (American, 1860-1935)
279
Gilman's Perspective: Evolution With a Twist
281
Dynamics of
284 290
Social Evolution
Summary Du Bois (American, 1868-1963) Du Bois' Perspective: The Experience
291
W.E.B.
Oppression and
Critical
of
Knowledge
Cultural Oppression
The Dark Nations and World Capitalism
Summary Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Building Your Theory Toolbox 9.
The Problem of Meaning and Reality— Alfred Schutz (Austrian, 1899-1959) The
Perspective: Social
Reality
From
Phenomenology
in
the Lifeworld
Ordering the Lifeworld
— Creating Human
Reality
Connecting With Others Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
Summary Building Your Theory Toolbox
The
Social
System
341
Perspective: Abstract Social Systems
The Making of the
Social
System
347 351
System Functions and Control
359
Change Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Summary
366 368
Social
Building Your Theory Toolbox 11.
314 320 323 330 334 337 338
—Talcott Parsons
(American, 1902-1979)
The
311
— Seeing
Human Viewpoint
a
Being Conscious
10.
294 297 300 302 303 307
Theorizing Society to See
Possibilities
References Finding Your
373
377
— Provocative How to See—Tools of the Trade
What
371
378 381
387
Way Through
An Annotated
the Maze:
Glossary of Terms
393
Index
419
About the Author
431
Acknowledgments
My
thanks go out to
my
all
who
students
important issues in teaching theory. graduate students
Shimkus,
Damion
Raba, Aly
who
and Josh Kelley
Esler,
Teresa Herlinger,
which
I
is
a true
Day, Margaret Hunter, cially
Amy
comments
It's I
Richard
later
is
E. Skeen,
me
from
editors at Pine Forge, Jerry
and
my copyed-
failed to see that to
been a joy working with you. I'm also
book
reviewers: Bruce
substantially better because of their work.
my undergraduate
gave
My
received from the
professors: to
the heart of sociology; to Douglas Deagher
exam and
on
my
Chasteen-Miller, Jieming Chen, Ralph Pyle, and espe-
Richard Garnett; the book
thanks especially to
focus in
creative assistance,
wordsmith whose eyes never
was blind; many, many thanks.
thankful for the constructive
me
thank several of
have helped
especially
aided in various stages of the manuscript: Liz
Westby and Ben Penner, have given wonderfully itor,
I
who
gave
me
a B-
on
my
first
the opportunity to study the classics firsthand;
whom
I
learned that teaching
My
David McKell for showing
is
a subversive activity.
me
theory
and
to
And
to
Steve Kroll-Smith, who gave me the freedom and support necessary to find my voice, my continuing gratitude. am particularly grateful to my wife and best friend, Jen, I
without whose patience and support
this project
would never have been completed.
Photo Credits Special thanks to
all
the rights holders of the following theorists' photographs:
©
Chapter
2,
Herbert Spencer:
Chapter
3,
Karl Marx:
Chapter
4,
Emile Durkheim:
Chapter
5,
Max Weber: ©
Granger Collection
Chapter
6,
Georg Simmel:
©
Chapter
7,
George Herbert Mead:
Chapter
8,
Harriet Martineau, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and W.E.B.
©
Bettman/Corbis
Bettman/Corbis
©
Bettman/Corbis
Granger Collection
©
Granger Collection
Du Bois, ©
Bettman/Corbis Chapter
10, Talcott Parsons:
©
Granger Collection
IX
Prelude
Two
personal experiences formed the motivation for this book. The
when I was
occurred I
attended a workshop on teaching theory to undergraduates. Several of the
most prominent class.
theorists in the United States
were on the panel, two of them world
was very excited about the presentations, not only because of the stature of
I
the people presiding, but also because theory.
I
that this
felt
career. Yes,
know
I
I
had known
workshop was going
that research
is
to
for years that
I
wanted
teaching,
the guiding force in our discipline,
you can change the way someone
impact students' perspectives most of
and
I
my
have
special. In
is
And teaching theory can about how people think.
sees the world.
because
all,
to teach
be one of the most important of
always looked forward to paper presentations as well. But teaching
I
first
my last year of graduate school,
a graduate student. In
it is all
got to the workshop early and eagerly secured a front-row seat. By the time the
presentations began, the place was packed. Apparently, there were a lot of people interested in teaching theory to undergraduates.
retical
paper when the
The
It
first
first
was
like the
I
theorists in the
was
world
excited.
I
was about
to hear
tell
speaker began.
words out of
Say again?!?
ates."
I
me how to convey theoideas to the minds of students. My notepad was open and my pen was on the
two of the most accomplished
really
his
mouth
hope
wisdom of the
were, "You can't teach theory to undergradu-
my face didn't convey the shock
ages boiled
pen on paper and the pen never moved
down
to
"you
can't
I felt. I
do
for the entire hour.
I
it." I
made
was stunned. sat there it
my
with
goal to
prove that professor wrong.
The next experience occurred
just a
few years ago.
I
had been teaching both
undergraduate and graduate theory for quite some time, and
me, the
ability to
form and discuss ideas
is
something that
Some people can spend hours watching football theory, the pinnacle of our ideas
and thought.
you, so
As
I
and
let's
get
said,
After class
I
one
it
actually leaves
back to
If
I
fundamentally human.
me it's
I'd
barely notice.
I
know,
But for the moment,
I
it's
have
my story. for
was erasing the board,
tions. Just before she left she said,
And
To
a ball.
I'm involved in talking about ideas
me few people to talk to.
had been teaching theory day, as
was having
or talking about politics; for
and theory, the world could probably pass away and pretty sad,
is
I
"You know,
some
years
a student I
and having
came up
a great time.
to ask
some ques-
got into sociology because
every class I've taken has been really exciting. But this class makes
love
it.
me want
to
I
XI
—
xii
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
quit."
Ouch! There's nothing
me
love best. Don't get
woman's comment went However, I
is
hard work. Well,
terms,
and
meant
are
it
and
it's
ways. Theoretical thinking disturbs
Not only that
is
hard work and theory
what we
we normally
do.
theory textbooks
I
try to
condensing a
is
took Marx four or
it
chapter.
do
theory books are sarily
make your
actually painful to
is
difficult,
and
it
my
student's
a little different
One
thing
I
try to
as
often our texts are dry
we
worth of material into one
you're reading the chapter
ally
had
inviting.
a professor
she had learned as really true,
but
I
is
another, perhaps
comment,
—
much
it is
I
more
is
have been working
basic reason
at
as possible
and don't convey
is
book
first
and
a theory
book second.
to write in a conversational tone.
is
that
I
focus
More
world
much more complex
We can
actu-
on the
my meaning.
perspectives of the individual theorists.
case,
—or they
what the
force the theory into a
theorist
is
importantly, the reason to have multiple voices
I
I
categorize the theorists into one of three perspectives
slighted.
rist.
want the
she had about Simmel! I'm not sure that's
paradigm, most notably science. In either
or science. So,
I
fact,
of the earlier versions of a chapter say that
functionalism, conflict theory, or interactionism
is
Too
about the material.
a sense of excitement
include a lot of personal examples and insights. In
.Another difference
why most
making theory more
quite a few stories in these pages to convey
Most theory books
in this
the product of those efforts, and as a result,
a teaching
who had read one much about me as
tell
I
relatively
on Marx
Because I'm interested in inviting you to think about your social world,
book to be
are doing
aids.
than most
do
just stands to
long books to say what I'm going to cover in one
five
accessible to students. This textbook it's
brain
they are themselves works of theory. They aren't neces-
difficult:
designed as teaching
Ever since
beings
in a theory class.
library's
when
also believe that there
I
one of the
socially necessary for us to think in patterned
all that. It's
said, thinking theoretically
short chapter. Think about that
book:
is
Human
reason that theory books would be tough to read. Also, part of what in
this
painful to think theoretically, theory books are difficult. Part of
is it
unavoidable. As
is
is
But
her comment; and after teaching theory myself
requires us to think differently than
think differently, which
stories.
generally pretty abstract, filled with specialized
It's
to think concretely,
one of the things you
the remarks of the professor at the workshop.
actually, thinking
hardest forms of thinking.
at
my heart.
straight to
knew what motivated
I
out you're a failure
had (and have!) plenty of success
I
knew what had prompted
finally
Theory
like finding
wrong,
trying to say gets is
that the social
than functionalism, interactionism, conflict theory,
spend time helping you understand the perspective of each theo-
categorize Herbert Spencer, Emile
evolutionary functionalists, but
it is
Durkheim, and Charlotte Gilman
a very different thing to see the
as
world through
Spencer's versus Gilman's eyes, or Durkheim's versus Spencer's, and so on.
One lived
other difference
and the one
in
is
that
which we
I
emphasize the
live.
What we
historical eras in
which the theorists
consider classical social theory was pro-
duced out of the fervor of modernity. The great minds of the time were captivated by the massive their era in is
filled
social
changes they observed. They considered the
both positive and negative terms. You and
with substantial social changes.
I
possibilities
of
are also living in a time that
Many contemporary
theorists think this
Prelude
time period society.
from modernity
as distinct
is
So part of what I'm going to do
"modern"
societies
notion that maybe
—
is
as
examine what each
the societies of their day
we
modernity was from traditional theorist says about
— and then I'm going
are living in just such a transition period. Are
or late-modern rather than modern?
I
really don't
know, but
it's
to explore the
we now
post-
exciting to think
We could be living at the threshold of a whole new world. And, finally, am infatuated with the poetry of the theorists. The theorists in this
about.
I
book, when pushed to their limits by a significant problem, were able to capture multiple layers of meaning in a single phrase. That's part of what makes
we can
sic:
There
is,
them again and again and come away with new
read
power and poetry
then, both
in classical theory.
them
clas-
insights each time.
And these phrases, own thinking. As
whether we agree with them or not, have the power to excite our a result, this
book
with selected quotations.
is filled
I
really
encourage you to take
time to read and think about them; don't just skip over them. They might just inspire
you
as they
do me.
Here's the bottom
your thinking.
line:
sincerely
I
thoughts and see
drink. Like
horse
thirsty.
I
hope
new things.
questions than answers.
him
wrote
I
many
this
book
to invite
In the end,
They
say
you I
all is
into a space
you can lead
said
hopes of exciting and disturbing
hope you
old sayings, this one
hope, after
in the
leave
where we can think new our discussion with more
a horse to water but
isn't true. All
and done,
that
you
you have
you to
can't
do
are thirsty for
is
make
get the
more
after
reading this book.
A Note to You
Students:
will find these
Throughout the
text,
important terms are in bold typeface.
terms defined in the glossary section of
this
book. Most of the
bolded words are technical terms that have very specific meanings and are particularly relevant for
understanding a particular
cepts actually carry across
example. In these cases,
I
all
Some
of these conis
a
good
include each theorist's definition, so that you can begin to
compare and contrast what the concepts.
theorist's theory.
of the theorists in this book. Religion
classic theorists are saying
about these important
xiii
CHAPTER
1
Imagining Society
• • • • • •
Foundations of Theory
3
The Sociological Perspective
5
Assumptions Concerning Society
7
Assumptions Concerning Values
15
The Beginnings of Theory and Learning to Theorize
•
Themes in Classical Theory Summary 23
•
Building Your Theory Toolbox
Imagination
is
1
21
24
more important than knowledge. Albert Einstein
came It
to sociology
was important
make
by accident. After two
for
a difference.
me to get into So
I
careers,
a profession in
picked psychology as
decided to go back to school.
I
which
my
I
could help people and
major. But while taking a
Sociology of Education class for liberal arts requirements,
I
heard a sociologist
speak about his involvement in Nicaragua. Nicaragua had been undergoing eco-
nomic,
political,
and
social
reforms since 1979. Previously the country had
known
40 years of dictatorship under the Somoza family. But during the 1980s, the United States
government supported
into a civil war.
adopted
a village.
During
Two
a rebel
group (the Contras) that plunged Nicaragua
this politically
and
militarily risky time, this professor
to three times a year he took a
group of students down
to
build houses, dig ditches, bring medical supplies, and care for the community. Here
was an individual that was making sterile;
it
affected his
life
a difference.
His academic knowledge wasn't
and those around him. And
that
was exciting
to
me.
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Two
things struck
He
the talk.
He
responsible. I
me
about the presentation.
knowledge
didn't hold
cared about the
had come across
human
condition,
at the university before.
good American
had been
I
told to hate
nism and communism was bad
whom
I
(I
society. I
something that
that wasn't
me
that struck
about
commuman
Marx, too; he was the father of
grew up during the Cold War). But
respected because of his fight against
human class
this
was
suffering told us that he
found out
I
economic oppression. This story
that
Marx
takes elements
told a
from the
along with social factors in modernity, and predicts what will happen in
past,
had
walked
have always hated oppression. But as
I
motivated by the theories of Marx. That day in fascinating story about
and
The second thing
the presentation was his view of Karl Marx. a
man who
here was a
First,
an unfruitful way; what he knew made him
in
how
It tells
(not just why) people are economically oppressed.
was hooked. This teacher was a to
make
a difference.
man who made
wondered
I
professor certainly claimed that
it
if it
did.
and knew why he
a difference
had something
For two weeks,
to
do with
sociology.
my
met with
I
The
professors in
psychology and went door-to-door in the sociology department talking to every-
body I
I
could. At the end of those two weeks,
was hooked on sociology. But what
hooked on theory I
just
I
away.
I
was on
my first
It
that
day of graduate school.
my way
on the
to class, driving
freeway,
had wide
and rims. The
tires
side
my
good deal of
to Southern California, having spent a
and noticed
me. The car was chopped, or lowered so that the body was only ground.
sociology. Yep,
was
I
was
I
had
as well.
had an important "theory moment" on
moved back
my major to
changed
didn't realize at the time
I
windows were
a
adult
life
ahead of
a car
few inches off the
tinted
and there was a
conspicuous symbol painted on the back window. The car was painted a mesmer-
changed
izing purplish color that closer to the car
I
"Things haven't changed a
from was
nostalgia, until
I
bit."
I
he was driving
maybe
a
number of lessons
grew up
in
—but
for
me
that can be
the experience
one
I
ways and wore certain
clothes,
with weren't really prejudiced.
left I
me
was
clear.
things
pulled
all
left
He
out the pos-
in high school
same with Chicanos and
We would
this
interact with
all
experience
—
like
with questions and problems.
White kids
through culture, and the cultures were
This car blew
which
drawn from
and
a Chicano.
early college,
The
cultural
fixed their cars in certain
blacks.
The
kids
I
hung out
one another, party with one
another, and have friends in the different groups. But identities
I
thought,
I
my mind it did). It was a white
saw would only have been driven by
boundaries surrounding identity were
aries.
As
a Chicano's car.
Southern California, and when
a car like the
different angles.
in the car,
his friend's car (at least in
had thought was
I
from
it
were two white kids
I
don't stereotype
hit
smiled to myself with that comfort that comes
kid driving what
There
sun
pulled directly next to the car and looked at the driver.
a white kid! In fact, there
sibility that
as the
could see "dingle balls" hanging from the back window.
we
all
clearly
claimed our
different, with distinct
that cultural understanding out the
bound-
window. Apparently,
had changed.
But why and
how did
they change? These questions are
why
I
called that experi-
ence on the freeway a theory moment. Questions, problems, and oddities are the
i
Imagining Society
cauldron out of which theory I
I
is
born.
wasn't until a couple of years later that
It
actually figured out the answers to those questions.
came
and the
across theories that spoke of cultural fragmentation
increases in markets, advertising, gies
took awhile in school before
It
effects that
and communication and transportation technolo-
can have on culture.
But
was
I
thrilled
when
my answer.
found
I
Using theory,
was able
I
what
to see
was hidden. Theory is that which lifts the veil and connects the dots^ Itjifts the veil low ns wt^at wha Hs_ is going o n beneath the surface. L ike the way Marx s because itran_ghnw theory exposes the workings of a system(capitalism) that granted, theory connects the Hots hpransf ^^ftrljjjvrr^mrl ik Seeing -
used to hate standing in line. Actually,
enthralled by
ever since
it
taking for
thron^Kjhe prisms ofjheoiv canjje^a wonderfu l_experi-
eiK^-Eyen-me_m undane can h em m efasri noting I
we grew up
ran hp|£jisjT]akp^pmp of the social,
jt
I
—
like stajidjr^in_aJirjLe-_^_
probably
still
do, but
have also been
I
discovered a theory called ethnomethodology (a per-
I
how social order is produced in face-to-face interactions). Ethnomethodology let me see that lines, or queues, are ongoing social accomplishments. We take the ability to line up for granted, but how do we accomplish it? The spective that looks for
other day
my tickets,
and got and
was
it
like a
stood in line for an hour for show
I
same form. The
snake and then went out a door.
no one there
telling us
had been
in
it.
all
When
noticed that the line was just as long as
in almost the exact
queue contained I
I
tickets.
how to
line up,
line
Now here's
got through the line
I
was when
it
wound around
it,
got in
it,
room
the interesting thing: there was
and there were no ropes
to guide us.
different people, yet the line looked exactly the
How did we do
I
this large
and then how did they do
it
The new
same
again?
as
when
Theory
gives
us the eyes to be able to connect those dots.
Foundations of Theory Perspectives: I
know I
listen to
did
Have you ever thought
that
you and your parents
when I was younger. And you know what? You're
your favorite band and
They might then point
say,
live in
right.
separate worlds?
Your parents may
"Why are they screaming? That's not even music."
to the "beautiful voice" of their favorite singer
and
"Now that's the way singing is supposed to sound; that's music!" It's kind but people can look
at the
same thing and
Think about this story: There once was
see,
a
tell
you,
of amazing,
or hear, very different worlds.
men who examined an ele-
group of blind
phant, and each, by his individual experience of the animal, drew very different conclusions about the nature of an elephant.
very smelly rope (based on the (based
on
a leg); yet another
the side); and the Forrest
last
one
tail);
One determined
another said that an elephant
concluded that an elephant
said that
that an elephant
an elephant
is
is
like a
like a
is like
is
like a
a tree trunk
brick wall (based
on
hose (based on the trunk).
Gump may be right, that life is like a box of chocolates, but the world is like an
—what you
elephant
Because
human
see
is
what you
reality
is
get,
and what you
see
depends on where you stand.
a cultural reality, perspectives are an essential
unavoidable part of our existence. Joel Charon (2001) explains
it
this
way:
and
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Perspectives sensitize the individual to see parts of reality, they desensitize the
and they guide the individual
individual to other parts,
which he or she
reality to
is
Seen in
sensitized.
absolutely basic part of everyone's existence,
everything around us
is
and
it
acts as a filter
perceived and interpreted. There
is
the individual can encounter reality "in the raw," directly, as ever
is
seen can be only part of the real situation,
In other words,
we never
our perspectives. For
sense of the is
an
through which
no possible way that it
really
is,
for
what-
(p. 3)
directly experience the world;
a trained sociologist, theory
make
to
this light, a perspective
is
we encounter
our perspective
—
it
it is
through
way of
a
seeing and not seeing the world.
Theories are useful precisely because they do
ments
ment I
environment.
in the social
up outside
lining
right until
until
is
read Durkheim. In sociology,
I
among them
—and
understood ethnomethodology
I
how people in different religions could all be convinced they are
never understood
perspectives that
ele-
never realized what an amazing social achieve-
I
a theater
our attention to certain
call
tell
we have
us what to see so that
we
number of
a large
theoretical
gain insight into the social world;
are functionalism, conflict theory, interactionist theory, critical theory
(including feminism, race, and queer theory, postmodernism, and so on), exchange theory, rational
choice theory, dramaturgy, ethnomethodology, structuration,
network theory, ecological theory,
social
on assumptions and
All of these perspectives are based ideas, concepts,
talk
about
it.
and language. They
for example. Biologically
all
day."
and
us
tell
how
we
are
in general.
is
meant by
ciated with eating in the
morning
is
be learning in
this
eat, is
Denny's serve "breakfast
words associated with
book
to
that certain foods that are normally asso-
words order and make the world comprehensible will
like
The
are available for "lunch" or "dinner."
logical perspective has specific sets of
how
to the theorist. Sets of
But what and when we eat
eat.
Thus, restaurants
that phrase
and they contain
world and
Think about when and what you
driven to
all
linguistically ordered.
What
what you
values,
to see the social
Each of these becomes particularly important
words help order the human world
socially
phenomenology, and on and on.
it
as well,
in a specific way.
words
are sets of
socio-
and these
Thus, part of
—languages
that help to
organize the world in a specific manner. Perspectives also contain assumptions: things that
we suppose
to be true with-
out testing them. All theories and theorists make certain assumptions. They form the bedrock
when
upon which theory can be
and without them
it
is
Two
things are extremely important
impossible to theorize (or even
everything that a theorist says. Let's take theorist orist
built.
thinking about assumptions: assumptions are never proven or disproved
makes
human
certain assumptions about
assumes that
human
nature
is
live).
They thus inform
nature, for example.
Almost every
what constitutes human nature.
individualistic
and
self-seeking,
If a the-
what then
is
she going to think about social structures? Chances are she will think that social structures are
good and necessary
theorist thinks that
human
nature
to create social order. is
intrinsically
structures can be a bad thing that oppresses people.
cannot be tested (can you think why?), yet
it is
On
good and
The
the other hand,
altruistic,
idea of
if
a
then social
human
nature
impossible to theorize without
it,
—
Imagining/^pciety
and once we assume something about human nature,
it
influences every aspect of
human
our thoughts. (By the way, functionalists generally assume that
nature
egocentric and in need of social control, and Marxists generally assume that
nature
is
social
and thus structures can be oppressive.) Remember: every theory
a perspective and
founded upon and contains assumptions,
is
is
human is
and
values, concepts,
languages.
The Context:
One
of the things that sociologists assume
embeddedTBver
that
human
ture s. In ot hgrwords, in order to understand aally
is
Soctotogical Perspective humans
behavior,
it
are social crea-
must be seen
told that to think sociologically
is
as
you have been
since your Introduction to Sociology class,
to see the social factors that influence
human
behavior. Let's use an illustration to understand sociological thinking. Let's pretend you're flying over the United States in an airplane at 25,000
-green, gray,
patches. Notice that
than others.
some of the
the clusters
You can begin
these observations?
deduce which of the
to
What
most of the population
lives in cities,
We
densely packed together.
clusters (cities) are
Now let's
go
it is
down
most important because
We
can also see that
to draw, because there
is
an abundance
bordered on two sides by ocean. a few
thousand lines.
feet.
We
clusters of larger buildings.
We
see
can see other kinds of connections
how
The
within the
cities
larger buildings
there are other
would be the most
What kind of buildings are they? And where do of communication and transportation go? Which buildings and what
important buildings the lines
them
seeing?
can also see that the United States has tremendous
telephone and digital
more dense
you
not rural settings. People, then, tend to be
amounts of natural resources from which of rural land, and
are
by roadway infrastructures.
they are the ones that have the most and largest connections.
like
see?
and some of the coiorea
chjsteTs~imve-iQo re of theJiii^fr-gairTg^into
What can you surmise from
are seeing population centers that are connected
now,
What do you
see
You seeToTrg4iftes-4hai_s£ejri__toconnect
You
feet.
some of the land divided up into large squares or rectangles of and brown. You see small and large clusters of human-made buildings
Chances are you
cities receive
in the society.
the most information and materials? These configurations
would be
different in different kinds of societies. If
we go even
further
are organized spatially.
rooms and
how
the
large buildings,
communication is
sent to the
might
up on
roomy
necting
again look at
by certain physical characteristics
areas tend to have
their walls,
also see charts that
relatively small
We can
rooms with the fewest number of people. Moreover,
certain kinds of people tend to be in the spacious or
institutions
find that people
structured in this building and see that most of the
is
see that people are spatially organized
that the people in the
we
There are some people crowded together in
there are others by themselves in spacious rooms.
information
we can
down, into one of the
and the people
crowded rooms. We
in the
cramped rooms
denote the organization of the company, with
some people and not
others.
also notice
framed pieces of paper from other don't. lines
We
con-
— EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
drop down even further and we can hear people speak.
Let's
people speak also see ,
how
is
We
people interact.
can see them in exchanges,
flirtations, conflicts,
We can see them present selves and manage
dyads, triads, and so on.
we can
We notice that how We can
different in the spacious offices than in the congested rooms.
see that the people in the spacious offices get
identities.
more deference from
And
others.
at one person, John Smith in cubby B. How are we to underHow does he feel? What kinds of things are important to him? What are his dreams and disappointments? How are we to think sociologically about John? It
Then we can look
stand him?
is
important to keep in mind that the sociological perspective
is
always a contextual
point of view.
up
Levels of analysis: Obviously, I've set us
—
point
move
a position that
our news and
all
for the answer, but
talk
it is
an important
programs, movies, and social values
us away from seeing. Sociologists gene rally don't see the individual
individual.
We
understand individuals in terms of their connectionsTPart of
"we have tothinTrabout lohn
is
througTvtKe variousieTejrthatwe ius t talked ab out:
the macroTmeso, ah^lnicrcnevelsHFhe-thebries that
wllTcTiallengellsto think on
plane at 25,000
feet.
It
is
all
we
three of those levels.
are going to be looking at
The macro
level is like the
concerned with those factors that influence
human
behavior that exist completely beyond the influence of the individual. The that the United States
how
facts
bordered by two oceans and has tremendous natural
is
resources are things that are outside our control, but have important consequences
our nation and for us
for
understand these cities.
lis
it
is
true about
most of the population
living in
Large numbers of people living in urban settings happens mostly because of
industrialization
but
as individuals (Weber's geo-political theory helps us
The same
effects).
— something with which neither you nor
I
had anything
to do,
has had amazing consequences for us (Simmel's theory about the metropo-
serves us here).
We
began to look
at
meso
theorizing
and building, though both those
are
when we moved
embedded
to the level of the city
in macro-level connections (for
example, the largest buildings would be the ones that express the most important societal institution).
tional chart, status also
At
this level,
by credential,
we
see bureaucratic elements such as the organiza-
rational
communication channels, and
so forth.
selves
out in the organization.
And
at the interaction
(micro)
level,
we
also see the
macro-level structure of language being used and modified and created. As
down
these levels,
we can
circumscribed and influenced
Each of our theorists
is
—within
and the individual
as
embedded
larger contexts.
going to provide opportunities for us to think
Some are quite exclusive to one Marx at the macro. But most present us with a
at these
Mead at the micro and Part of what we as theorists need move from one level to another
or the other, such as
levels.
be able to do
we move
see increasing control of the individual (agency), but the
sociological point of view understands agency
to
We
can observe some macro-level elements, such as race and gender, playing them-
is
to think flexibly
—
mix.
to be able to
among the levels. We need to think sociologicallv. We need understand whatever it is we are observing in terms of its embeddedness.
and
to see connections
to
Imagining Society
Assumptions Concerning Society Once we've assumed
the sociological perspective,
tion to answer. Ironically,
it is
a question that
taken the time to think about,
when
comes
it
to assumptions
granted. However,
assumptions, but
let
we have
is
best
is
when they
based on clear thinking.
We
away from
can't get
The word ontology
a question of ontology.
is
deciding
literally
how
means
society exits.
"the studyof.
bein g," and in philosophy ontology refer s t o the study of how things exist ontological question for philosophers
want
up
to get caught
ontology
home
common
are taken for
we can make them knowingly.
Probably the most fundamental issue in sociology This
sociologists, haven't
alone answer. That's actually pretty
— assumptions work
good theory
a very important ques-
most of us, even
in a
is,
how do
in philosophical issues,
but
way that we can understand.
.
The main
We
abstract entities exist?
do want
I
Let
me
don't
to bring this issue of
ask you a question: what's
the difference between a rock and a brick? Well, there are a lot of differences, but
mode
can we think of them being ontologically distinct? In other words,
is
their
and bricks
is
not the same.
existence different? Yes, the ontological source for rocks
of
humans never walked the face of the earth, the rock would still exist, but the brick would not. The brick exists only because of the tool context that humans create it needs humans to exist, whereas the rock does not. If
Society as an object: Obviously, society needs
the humans, society
with which
we
would
I
best put like this: a fter
know
to exist: if
you took away
are
with the question of social ontology. The question
left
hum ajLbeiftgs>crj£at e_ society, how does it continue to exist?
the gjj.estion_slill-4»i£htsound a bit odd, but bear with
me/There
are basi-
com-
"callylwo kinds of responses to this question. Thejirst, and actually the most
mon,
all
are concerned. We're going to take for granted the existence of
humans, but even so we is
humans
cease to exist. So, that's not exactly the ontological issue
says that society exists as
individual or group
an object, something that continues outside of the
and has independent
effects.
and of
society exists as a reality sui generis, in
In the words of Emile Society, then,
itself.
is
Durkheim,
a thing in the
environment that can be studied and about which objective claims can be made.
Making the assumption of society because
it
objectivity
exists apart
from
means
This idea of society as an object generally the roots of sociology are
grounded
we can
that
us, there in the
discover things about
environment.
came out of the Enlightenment.
in this period
In fact,
—without the Enlightenment
there
would be no such thing
as sociology. The Enlightenment is a European intellectual movement that began around the time Isaac Newton published Principia Mathematica
though the beginnings go back
in 1686,
Hume, and Adam in
ways that
fate
and
faith
Among the
are Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Voltaire,
Smith. The Enlightenment
this intellectual revolution felt that the
world
Hobbes, and Descartes.
to Bacon,
most important Enlightenment thinkers
is
David
so called because the people creating
use of reason and logic would enlighten the
could not. The principle targets of
this
movement
were the church and the monarchy, and the ideas central to the Enlightenment were progress, empiricism,
and
tolerance.
5 n>/ 7 -
Soc~i(?
*
)V
—
/h/
#
"
^y
/
* J
/
F
I
tyJSr
^/
w
~)
l
i
i
'
f
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
s\ The
ideas of progress
and empiricism
are especially important. Prior to the
Enlightenment, the idea of progress wasn't particularly important, especially tech-
The reason
nical progress.
for this
is
dominant worldview was
that the
general, religion sees the world in terms of fate, faith,
under
a religious
rather,
because
system comes not because of
God has
revealed
trol istic
human
of their
beings lives
at the center
and the environment
idea of progress puts
the universe
and the
tion that there are
social
no
On
Any change
and progress,
but,
the other hand, the belief in progress
(humanism) and
human
asserts that people
make
in order to
system privileges change, and change
The
revelation.
effort
some new truth. Purely religious systems thus tend
toward status quo and honoring tradition. puts
and
human
religious. In
human-
defined as progress.
is
beings in the driver's seat, and
worlds are empirical. That
spiritual or
can take con-
things better. This
is,
it
implies that
empiriri s m.i s the assump.
unseen forces in back of the physical or
social
worlds, but, rather, real things exist as facts that are discernable through at least one
of the
five senses. Together, the ideas_of
progre s s
^ nrl
^"irnricis
m helpedjo form a
uniquejymodernphilosophical orientation: positivkt
me
of the easiest ways to understand positivism
is
to
compare
it
to fatalism.
Fatalism, or having a fatalistic attitude, has a negative connotation today, but
it
wasn't always so. Fatalism refers to a belief in the Fates. In antiquity, the Fates were believed to be goddesses
who oversaw destiny and determined
existence. This kind of idea
is
found
the course of
human
in Christianity as well in the doctrine of pre-
A less specific form of fatalism is practiced today by anyone that believes
destination.
there
is
some
spiritual force in
necessarily negative.
back of the universe. You can see that fatalism
Another way to put
this
is
that positivism
is
isn't
positive in a very
specific way.
Positivism
the opposite of fatalism: Positivism assumes that the universe
is
is
empirical (without spiritual force), operates according to law-like principles, and that
humans can
discover those laws and use
them
and pre-
to understand, control,
dict the forces that influence their lives. Fatalism puts a spiritual force at the center
of existence; positivism puts humanity in a
at the center
humanistic sense. Positivism, then,
data, denies
any
is
a
of existence. Thus,
philosophy that confines
spiritual forces or metaphysical considerations,
it is
positive
itself to
sense
and emphasizes the
w4#v-p>f-rTrmian hping^4o-a#eef4h^iiLCjwnTate, generall y_through science.
The phibs^phy_^f_^sitivism-beg4n_vvith Auguste Comte. ^omte referred to as the "father of sociology" because he
However, Comte wasn't alone Martineau,
whom we
some personal
letters
will
be studying
before Comte's
later in this
text. If
mother of sociology. Nevertheless,
it is
generally
credited with coining the term.
term
sociology. In fact, Harriet
book, actually used the term in
the dates of these writing matter,
should then say that sociology began with a
eral use at the
is
in his use of the
is
woman and
that
Martineau
is
we the
probably the case that the term was in gen-
time and that both Comte and Martineau were simply using words
with which a certain group of intellectuals was familiar (Lengermann
& Niebrugge-
Brantley, 2000, p. 292).
Comte different
(1896) argued that each branch of knowledge must pass through three
and mutually exclusive
stages.
The
natural beginning of knowledge. In this stage,
theological or fictitious stage
humans
is
the
seek the essential nature of
Imagining Society
things; the first
and
of the
a modification
things, the
is
This
all effects.
the search for absolute
is
the metaphysical or abstract stage.
really only
It is
rather than seeing supernatural beings in back of
first:
mind hypothesizes
as the four basic
of
final causes
knowledge. The next stage
abstract forces that produce
elements (earth,
fire,
water,
and
air).
The
all
all
phenomena, such
final stage
the scien-
is
or positive stage. In this stage, reason and observation lead humanity to dis-
tific
cover the natural laws of the universe.
human
stage for
Comte
that this
felt
was the
final
and
fixed
knowledge.
Comtean philosophy
regards
all
phenomena
Thus, the business of positivistic science
as subject to invariant natural laws.
not the search for
is
first
or final causes,
such as the search for the ultimate cause of the universe or the beginning cause of
human two
first
society.
stages,
This kind of search
and the pursuit of
this
considered a defining characteristic of the
is
kind of causality
occupied with unsolvable questions. Science's job, according to this viewpoint,
phenomena, and
stances of
"Our
real business
beliefs
is
to
p. 6).
As you probably have already guessed, the
of progress, empiricism, and positivism are the cornerstones of science.
t heory:
Scientific
S cience
a
is
knowledge system that
controlling the universe through technology. Like
on a
and reduce them
to analyze accurately the circum-
connect them by the natural relationship of succes-
to
and resemblance" (Comte 1896,
sion
considered fruitless and
to discover these invariant laws
is
the smallest possible number.
is
and thus the job of sociology
set
of assumptions.
It
is
assumes that the universe
according to law-like principles, and that
particularly oriented
perspectives, science
all
is
empirical, that
humans can discover those
toward
is
founded
it
operates
laws though rig-
orous investigation. Science also has very specific goals, as do most knowledge systems.
Through
discovery, scientists
want
to explain
phenomena, and accumulate knowledge. fulfilling these goals.
We
can
flip
In
is
theorv
one sense, we
all
phenomena,
Of course, what lies
____
predict
and control
have done a pretty good job of
and turn on the
a switch
analgesic to get rid of a headache.
applications
Scientists
in
lights,
and we can take an
back of these discoveries and
^
have theories^We have
common
or folk theories about the
waythings work-r-espeeia lly aboufthe s ocial^ world. In fact, we need to have these theories in order to function in the human world. So, we may have a theory of gender that explains to us why Tom behaves the way he does ("he's a guy") and allows us to predict and control his behaviors to like
it
when Tom
one thing,
scientific theories are
their theories, they try to prove
Scientific theories also
Scientific
empirical
theory
is
phenomenon
explored and
made
and we and
In contrast,
logically
all
is
really don't
a particular type. For
when
scientists
do
test
generally don't put our it
when we
are proven
sound argument explaining some Such theories are formal
in the
the "hidden baggage" (like assumptions)
explicit. Logic, in the sense that
making an argument. An argument
is
qualities, as described below.
in general or abstract terms.
down and
we
certainly don't like
have other
a formal
sense that they are written
to
intended to be testable, and
them wrong.
folk understandings to the test,
wrong.
some degree (some people
doesn't act like a guy). But scientific theory
we
are using
it
here, pertains
the presentation of a particular course of
reasoning designed to give others a basis for thinking in a certain manner. Thus,
9
10
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
arguments are always aimed
presenting a conclusion, and the points offered in
at
support of the conclusion are called premises. There
between a conclusion and case that is
impossible for
it is
The point here
false.
an important relationship
is
premises: an argument
its
is
considered valid in the
premises to be logically true while
its
conclusion
its
among
that, in scientific theory, the associations
is
the
premises or concepts must make sense and must be related to each other by the rules of argumentation.
+
Sciejttiflc_ihe^£yis_jniidea^
definitionSj^and
tipjiship^Concepts^ are the ideas
and
must be
in scienceTcoTicepts
we
we
use to understand what
are looking
Think again about the goals of
abstract.
Prediction and control' always require generalized knowledge, because
many
usable in
empirical setting,
it
must be
abstract.
an empirical
For example, here
state:
a
is
quote from Marx that
"Modern industry has
is,
the statement can't
be used to predict anything because America can only be discovered once. of making this statement more abstract
We
proposition): level
The
then can
greater
is
make
a usable, testable statement (this
important point:
a very
is
must he abstract and cannot he
and assumptions of science
is
A
ends. But the case masculinity' begin
that
is,
the very
is
isn't as clear
its
when we will
through
explicit
fulfill
scientific
and uniform
tell
where
it
are talking about gender.
count
knowledge
methods employed
known. Accordingly,
order to
in
the
tied to the context. So, the goals
an object and we can usually
and end? What
science strives to construct
called a
an idea and not an object, we must be very careful
to stake out the parameters of the concept tions.
is
necessitate a certain kind of theory.
Further, because a concept
rock, for example,
One way
change "discovery of America" to "geo-
to
the level of geographic expansion, the greater will be the
of market development. This
goals of science, theory
is
is
established the world
market, for which the discover)' of America paved the way." As
graphic expansion."
science.
must be
it
order for knowledge to be generalized out of a single
settings. In
tied too strongly to
at,
in
as
defini-
begins and
Where does
masculine and what will not? Also,
such a way that
it is
a public activity;
knowledge are
to construct the
and
explicit
theory should contain explicit definitions of
all
the
concepts used so that the knowledge constructed from the theory can be tested and replicated
_Qae
by
others.
further -element that
we must consider
is
that scientific theory contains
relational statementsTThese are statements that explain the relationships
anctlxtuiui 4he-caBcepts.
The
relationship statements contain the variability of a
theory. In other words, scientists
they understand the relationships goals of scientific theory
and
among
know how a phenomenon will change because among their concepts. Think again about the
you'll see that these relational statements are neces-
sary Explanation, prediction, and control imply something dynamic, not (otherwise there wouldn't be anything to predict). For example, cepts,
take
static
two con-
education and income. By themselves they simply allow us to identify quali-
ties that
appear to be associated with two different
entities.
put them together or relate them to each other in some to
let's
make some
predictions.
Something
like, the greater
greater will be the level of income. (That
is
is
certainly
of us to attend school.) The phrases "the greater
is"
way
However, then
if
we could
we might be
able
the level of education, the
what has prompted many
and "the greater
will be" are
V
\
c.ej^'^^
^o ^
Imagining Society
/
4- 1
*
relationship statements. In this case, the relationship
is
positive, that
is,
they both
vary in the same direction in relation to each other (up or down).
There are a couple of basic ways can be made. These relationships
shows the relationships a
dynamic model, the
tive).
or
A
proposition
more
spatially
which these kinds of theoretical statements
may
be modeled
—or they may be
—we can draw +
(positive)
a concise statement that proposes relationships
is
approach,
we
will
among two
who
use a scien-
be using both models and propositions to express theory.
Getting back to the goals of science, trol, in
- (nega-
"greater is"-"greater will be" statements in the previous
paragraph are propositional statements. For those of our theorists tific
diagram that
a
stated in propositional form. In
relationships are denoted symbolically:
The
concepts.
in
terms of using theory,
is
I
want
to note that the issue of social con-
a contested idea.
It
sometimes
strikes
people as
morally wrong to "control" society or individuals. However, most of the early sqci^
Durkheim, were convinced that
ological thinkers, like
used to prevent or mitigate the italism. Clearly, if society
iring out
inequality
how
it
It
approach could be
of social unrest, revolution, and early cap-
effects
and behaves according
works and controlling
desirable.
is
ill
objective
is
a scientific
it
to universal laws, then
to eradicate such things as racism
and
can be compared to medicine controlling germs and
human bodies to eliminate polio. The hope of this kind of progress is a defining feature of the Enlightenment and sociology as a science. This perspective is summed up by Jonathan H. Turner (1993),
a
strong advocate for scientific sociology:
Sociology can be a natural science;
it
basic properties of the social universe;
can develop concepts that denote the it
can develop abstract laws that enable
us to understand the dynamics of the social universe. tion that laws of will
human
be arrested, (pp.
Society as a
web of
4uuiian__scierjL££S_has
Max Weber, ject matter.
organization can be discovered, sociological theory
signification:
had
its
Almost since the beginning, the notion of the
A good
detractors.
human
sciences.
The
biggest difference of course
can't individually
own
choose their
of knowledge that can be produced is
to
you
problem?
can't
If
assume
its
defined by
is
different.
own
humans
To explain a
(society) that
laws, that in turn determines
are defined
intrinsi-
the sub-
autonomy or is
the ability
to different external pressures, they
paths, but people can. This
assume an external world
fashion, according to
is
one of the things that makes people human
knowingly choose. While atoms may respond
is
study physical objects; but on the
sciences study something that
free will. In other words,
see the
example, and one that influenced
On the one hand, the natural sciences
entific sense
Without the convic-
.
5, 13)
from the natural
other hand, the
to
.
William Dilthey. Dilthey argued that the social sciences are
is
cally different
.
means
that the kind
social event in the sci-
works
in a
human
by the presence of free
will
mechanical
action.
and
Do you
choice, then
that there are these external forces (like society) that take
away
that choice.
There tific
is
yet another
problem
in addition to the
theory in sociology assumes that society
is
dilemma of agency: using
scien-
an empirical object. Sociologists
who make this assumption believe that society is a thing that can be
studied like any
11
— EXPLORATIONS
12
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
On
other thing in the universe.
made up of "webs of
some
the other hand,
And
is
tion, is
not empirical. Let's take paper money, for example. There are
about the
cal things
important to us is
bill, like
And
changes over time and across situations (think about
The important thing that
becomes our
to see that
is
reality,
some empiri-
which the paper and ink
that
meaning of money, and every other
the
that
meaning, by defini-
ink and paper. But the empiricaj elements aren't
The meaning, or
at all.
what's important.
signification" or
assume
sociologists
meaning.
society
it is
the
meaning
not the actual thing
Roman
that
signify,
social object,
currency' or inflation).
primary for humans and
is
itself.
Thus, the interpretist perspective makes a problem out of what most objective sociologists take for granted. For example,
gender
and then they
exists,
Those who do not assume ment, that gender
it is
created.
most
that society
It is itself
is
sociologists take for granted that
how
try to describe
works to produce
it
an object think that gender
inequality.
an achieve-
is
How do we produce up? Who brings up? What
the problem to be explained:
in face-to-face encounters?
How
brought
is it
it
does it mean when it is brought up? How does the meaning change? From this perspective, human behavior isn't determined or released by institutional structures; it emerges from social interaction. And because society is a web of signification i
meaning), then society emerges as So, interpretists generally focus
jective
meanings
important part or object.
It
are the
—meaning does not is
why
I
bigotry, racism,
and the
early Christian culture.
the Christ figure. it.
create
meaning
living in the
in ancient
But
and sub-
— and here
is
the
is
It
it
by definition non-objective. Take
wake of Nazism, the swastika means But
it
hasn't always
meant
that.
Chinese culture, Native American culture,
has meant goodwill and peace and has symbolized
The meaning does not
Meaning does not
we can
that symbolic
life.
an intrinsic feature of any sign, symbol,
belief in white supremacy.
The symbol has been found
to
features of social
exist as
said that
example the swastika. For us
and
on meaning and argue
most important
has to be attributed or added. This feature of meaning, the fact that
has to be attributed, for
well.
the symbol;
live in
exist in social categories either.
We
them any way we want. For example, we
it
has to be attributed
have to create them, and
usually think of gender as
having two categories (male and female), but some societies have a third category (the berdache) that
is
neither male nor female.
Even the meanings of the categories that we do use have changed through time
and
are different across cultures. African Americans, for example,
in the
s
e
mments
between individuals or companies or
determined value that standardize those exchar..
The operative function concerns those the svstem. For a
it
individuals or corporations
5
whole and other external
When
monev and
is
and enforce laws
The printing and regulation of monev is another examr
manage
and
different internal elements. In short,
whether between internal uni:
between our societv i.
and between the
structures that
meet the internal needs of
these needs could be cultural or material.
The
cultural
Organic Evolution
— Herbert Spencer
needs of a society are met through institutions such as education; and the material needs are met through the economy. The operative system also includes such things
(we can either value material gain or
as values
spiritual
enlightenment) and com-
munities (the social networks that meet our emotional
The
needs).
that carry
distributive system involves those structures
needed information and substances.
It
The organization of every
the
is
society begins with a contrast
transportation (roads, railways, airlines) and communication
and Internet) networks
(telephone, mail,
and information through
that
between the
move goods
and understand what
though they certainly do
that.
division
which
relations habitually
hostile with environing
society.
These three different functions are not simply a way to categorize
on
carries
going on in society,
is
societies
and the
which
devoted to procuring
is
necessaries of
Spencer also says that there are
division
life,
and
during the earlier stages of at least First,
two kinds of
issues associated with these functions.
development these two
Spencer notes that each subsystem will display the same
needs.
What
that
means
is
and can be understood
a system
divisions constitute the
that every- subsystem acts just like as
whole. Eventually there arises
having the same needs. So,
an intermediate division
the distributive system, for example, has needs for distributive,
serving to transfer products
and regulatory functions. Spencer doesn't
operative,
and influences from
make subsystem needs and analysis a central feature of his theory; but, as we will see, Talcott Parsons does. Another dynamic there first.
the
is
that Spencer points out
1876-1896/1967,
that in social evolution,
a tendency for the regulatory function to differentiate
In other words, as
first
is
part to part. (Spencer,
we move from simple
structure to differentiate
and
collectives to
specialize
is
more complex
societies,
government.
Differentiation
and
specialization: Evolution involves three phases: differentiation,
specialization,
and
integration.
The
basic premise
is
greater chances of survival. Complexity in this case
and function: more complex organisms
will
that
complex organisms have
defined in terms of structure
is
have a greater number of specialized
structures fulfilling the requisite functions of regulation, operation,
bution.
The
instability of
homogeneous
units, segmentation,
and
distri-
and multiplication
of effects therefore push organisms to differentiate and specialize; once an organ-
ism has multiple structures performing specialized
tasks, integration
becomes
need. Think of single-celled amoebas. Because of their nature, integration issue: if there is
only one
grated. Differentiated
cell,
there
is
cell
isn't
an
can be inte-
and specialized structures by definition perform dissimilar
move
tasks
and
must
create structural solutions to the
will
nothing with which that
a
tend to
for instance, uses the central
in different directions.
Thus
multicellular animals
problem of integration. The human body,
nervous system
to integrate all its different structures
and subsystems. Obviously,
when we are talking about social evolution, we have in mind social we go any further, I'd like to stop and make sure we have a good
structures. Before
definition of social structure
—
I
have found that the idea of social structure
something with which most students have trouble.
I
want you
is
to think for a
moment about how you made your way into the room you are in right now. Unless the room you're in is a single room standing all by itself out in the middle of a field
p.
214)
37
38
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
with no roads in or out, then you probably got to the
room by
you wanted
ine that
window.
It
to get into this
would be
The point of
difficult,
this is that
all
(roads, walls, floors, doors,
your goal of getting to
this
and guided your options. our behavior, but they
room
wouldn't
you used
on
roads,
now
imag-
driving
walking on paths, and stepping through hallways and doorways. Okay,
using something besides the door or the
it?
Walking through walls
no easy
is
different kinds of structures to get
task.
around
and so on). Those structures helped you accomplish
room (which
is itself
a structure),
but they also restricted
Social structures are like material structures: they guide
us as well.
restrict
Here's an important point about structures to keep in mind: the structural parts
of structures are the connections is
among
the units. For example, the highway system
considered a societal infrastructure precisely because
among
all
the roads in the system.
A
would not be considered part of the road in front of
my
American continent
it
contains relationships
single road out in the
infrastructure.
However,
middle of nowhere I
precisely because they are structured. Using a different anal-
ogy, the substructure of a house isn't created simply by piling 2
ard manner.
It's
Another way
to
can stand on the
house and be connected to every other road on the North
them together
putting
in a specific
way
understand the principle of structure
is
x
6's in a
haphaz-
that creates the structure.
to
compare
it
to
an organi-
zational chart. There are positions in the chart, like vice president or secretary,
and
making decisions or
typ-
there are expectations associated with the positions (like ing).
The
expectations, of course, are based
between the nodes or positions on the Your
status position
like
is
have several status positions, structured positions
tell
on the
among and
relationships
chart.
your place in the organizational chart of
like student,
society.
You
son or daughter, friend, and so on. Those
people what to expect from you
—
there are roles (behavioral
expectations) associated with each position. These roles exist by virtue of the con-
nection to other positions. For example, because you are related differently to other positions,
your role
as a
act like a student or
young, but because
daughter
you
that's
is
act like a
what
is
different than
expected of that status position in
Social structures, then, both restrict
up of connections among sets
sets
your role as a worker. Further, you
young person not because you are
a student or
this country.
and enable human behavior, and
are
of positions that form a network. The interrelated
of positions in society are generally defined in terms of status positions,
and norms. These
among
social
people, and
it is
and
cultural elements create
is
the process through which social networks break off
from one another and become functionally
societies) to
movement from simple
more complex forms
body has developed
specialized.
and norms becomes peculiar
lution has involved a
(like
That
is,
the network of sta-
to a specific function. Social evo-
forms
social
(like
hunter-gatherer
postindustrial societies). lust as the
specialized structures, such as the heart, to
so society has developed dedicated structures. Initially,
met through
roles,
and manage the connections
the connections that form the structure. Structural differ-
entiation in society, then,
tus positions, roles,
made
all
meet certain needs,
the needs of society were
a single structure, kinship; but as societies grew, they also
more complex and developed
specialized structures to
pictured this progression in Figure 2.1.
human
meet the
became
requisite needs. Pve
Organic Evolution
— Herbert Spencer Medicine
Religion
Figure 2.1
all
Social Evolution
—Simple to Complex map
Figure 2.1
is
not meant to be a dynamic model, nor does
the steps.
It
simply presents a picture of the general idea of Spencerian social
evolution. Notice that in the
first circle,
attempt to
out
which would represent hunter-gatherer
only one structure: kinship.
societies, there is
it
What
that indicates
is
that
all
the
needs of society are being met through one social institution. So, for example, the
group are met through the same
religious needs of the
That
family.
is,
the head of the family
cles indicate that there
is
some
is
role
also the "priest."
and
status structure as
The second and
third cir-
differentiation, but the different institutions are
still
very closely linked. For example, the first-born son would be expected to go into
government and the second-born son into society that society,
is
structurally differentiated
your family role
religion, school,
is
and
religion.
specialized,
at
Social evolution
—
work
is
final picture
much
shows
a
our own. In our
like
generally not associated with the role
government, or the economy
another structure
The
you
(to the degree that
it
will play in is,
there
is
a structure of inequality).
fueled by population growth (social "matter"). As populations
grow, they need to expand their structural base in order to meet the needs of the collective.
There are two basic ways a population can grow: through a higher birth
rate
than death rate and/or by compounding (the influx of large populations through either military or political conquest).
evolutionary theory:
compounding
Think back
to Spencer's use of physics in his
increases the force
and motion of matter,
in this
case population. Generally speaking, increased population growth increases the level
of structural diversity. According to Spencer, the different ways populations grow
and gather
—
dissimilar levels of force, motion,
and matter
—produce
different types
of society.
Spencer gives us two related typologies of society. Typologies are used to categorize
and understand some phenomenon.
time. For example,
we
Pete Seeger under folk,
We
think in terms of typologies
use music typologies: Beethoven
and Eminem
is
hip-hop.
One
falls
under
classical
all
the
music,
of the big differences between
39
40
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
our everyday typologies and those used
more
in sociology
is
that the ones in sociology are
We will see that a number of theorists use
rigorously constructed and defined.
typologies to understand various aspects of society. Spencer's is
defined around the processes of
may
There society
ends" (Spencer, 1876-1896/1975a, see that the defining feature
from more than one group. is
government. The
compounding
is
compound
societies,
simple
of simple
societies,
we
to political rule
earlier that the first structure to differenti-
of government that form in response to population
levels
are, then, the basis
the group has a chief, there
A
any other, and of
whole must not be subject
of Spencer's
typology. In simple societies, like
first
hunter-gatherer groups, the vertical dimension of government if
societies.
to
typology
talking about.
a regulating centre, for certain public
p. 539). In this definition
that the
mentioned
I
first societal
we have been
working whole unsubjected
a single
which the parts co-operate, with or without
ate
that
be simple, compound, and doubly
"one which forms
is
compounding
is
is flat.
In other words,
only one chief with no one above him.
on the other hand, not only have
Compounded
larger populations, they also have "several
governing heads subordinated to a general head." In doubly compounded there are additional layers of governing bodies. Obviously
we
societies,
are talking about
increasing complexity in social structures; this typology notes the importance the political structure plays.
Integration
and power:
ture, coordinating the
When
all
way
fulfilled
it
tures differentiate, they also
develops
its
own
set
the functions were carried out by one social struc-
those functions was easy. However, as struc-
become segmented and
specialized.
Each structure
of status positions, norms, goals, methods of organizing, values,
and so on. This process of
differentiation continues as
each of the subsystems becomes further differentiated
through the principle of segmentation and multiplication of
The mutual dependence of parts
which constitutes
organization established.
effects.
thus effectively
is
Though
discrete
is
rendered a
p.
its
identifies these issues as
living
trol:
whole. (Spencer, 1876-
189671975a,
airlines, financial
and newspapers
system, but each has
instead of concrete, the social
aggregate
For example,
the Internet,
own
are
markets, automobiles,
part of the distributive
language and values. Spencer
problems of coordination and con-
become more
as societies
all
differentiated,
448) institutions
and
tional relations.
to control their internal
As
becomes
and
interinstitu-
a result of these problems, pressures arise
to centralize the regulatory function (government). Notice the it is
it
increasingly difficult to coordinate the activities of different
way
that
is
phrased:
not the case that the individuals or political parties decide that there needs to
be increased governmental control;
it is
the system itself that creates pressures for
this centralization.
Spencer's basic ulation growth is
is
model of evolution
is
outlined in Figure
the basic matter or mass.
The
force
2.2.
For societies, pop-
and motion of the mass
increased dramatically through compounding: the gathering together of large
groups of people. Society responds to influxes of population by structurally entiating. fulfills
Each of the differentiated structures
if
the
functionally specialized; each
a result, structures
become mutually
economic system only produces goods and
services necessary
one rather than
dependent. So,
is
differ-
several functions.
As
Organic Evolution
— Herbert Spencer
Level of
Mutual
Dependency
/\ Level of Structural
Level of
Differentiation
Structural
and
Integration
Level of
Population
i
Growth
Specialization
Level of Centralization of
Figure 2.2
and Integration
Structural Differentiation
for collective
and organic
Power
survival, then
it
must depend upon another structure
like
the family for socialization. Because diverse structures require organization, the
become more powerful and
regulatory sector tends to
social units (both organizations
exert greater influence
on
and people). Together, mutual dependency and
a
strong regulatory subsystem facilitate structural integration.
The
positive feedback
arrow from integration to population
growth indicates that a well-integrated possible further population growth
social system
Organization
makes
and aggregation.
larger size
it
in turn
excess of need,
and accompanying
higher type which might
Centralized authority thus solves the problems of coordi-
nation and control, but
in
prevents the attainment of that
have arisen. (Spencer, 1876-1 896/1 975b, p. 262)
else
can create productive stag-
nation and resentments over excessive control. Increased authority over people's behavior makes innovate. forth.
It
also
less likely to
Freedom brings innovation; thus stagnation
for deregulation. eties
them
hampers the exchange of information, the flow of markets, and so As you might already be able
go through, but there
is
a variety
to
in the long
tell,
this
is
run creates pressures
a kind of cycle that soci-
of complications in the process.
This cycle of centralization and decentralization brings us to Spencer's second societal typology. In
to
some ways, we can think of his
first
typology as a rough guide
understanding the structural aspect of social evolution.
of polity or government a society has defined in terms of structure surrounding governmental actions can be
one
level
plex
focuses
on the kind
structure.
That
is,
the
measured from simple, with
of governing structure, to complex, with multiple levels of governing
structures.
certain
It
its
Understanding evolution
amount of intuitive
and adaptive
species
is
in
terms of the regulation function makes a
sense. In terms of evolutionary survival, the
humanity, and
it is
most com-
mainly our brain and mind that give
us the evolutionary advantage. Evolution, then, can be seen as the progress toward
more and more complex regulatory
systems.
41
—
42
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Spencer's second typology also focuses on the regulatory system. While with the
he
first
one he
this
—
society
interested in understanding the structural differentiation of polity, in
is
is
looking more
in particular, the
and industrial
militaristic
content of government and
at the
economic system. There
—
The fundamental
relative
scheme
importance of the
them
is
compulsory cooperation
industrial according to voluntary cooperation.
I've listed the
the state
defining features of each type in Table
dominant and controls the other
is
nomic, and educational structures are
economy's
mission
first
to provide for military
is
religious structure itself
is
rather
2.1. In militaristic societies,
sectors in society.
used to further the
all
ucts. In militaristic societies, religion plays a
The
in this
difference between
that the militaristic operates according to the principle of
and the
relationship to
its
two types
around the
that are defined
regulatory and operative functions.
are
The
religious, eco-
state's interest.
The
needs rather than consumer prod-
key role in legitimating
homogeneous,
as religion
state activities.
needs to create a
singular focus for society. Religion also provides sets of ultimate values and beliefs that reinforce the legitimacy trolled
and the government
and individual behaviors
ings
and actions of the
Information
state.
assures individual compliance.
more pronounced and
madam,
such as
The
status structure also is
much
bowing or using
status
status hierarchy in militaristic societies
the rituals surrounding status (like
are oriented toward
lective
The
lord, mister,
As you can see from Table
and
and so
forth) are clear, practiced,
2.1, industrial societies are less
controlled by the state
is
forth. Religion
Individual happiness and peace
through
and
is
more
diverse
is
freed
associated with salvation
inclusive
selective histories
Information
is
col-
perceived as the focus of rights, privileges,
and there
emphasis on individualistic reasons for practicing religion than on
to scientific
and enforced.
economic freedom and innovation. Rather than the
being supreme, the individual
consumer goods, and so
shifts
tightly con-
are controlled as well. Religion in particular provides
ultimate sanctions (death and hell) for social deviance.
titles
is
exercises strong control over the media. Public meet-
and
is
a greater
collective ones.
religiosity.
Education
knowledge rather than increasing patriotism
and ideological
practices (like the pledge of allegiance).
and flows from the bottom
up.
Both the typology of compounding and the centralization of power are meant as
ways of classifying and understanding
social evolution.
typology of compounding to
Of the
traits
accompanying
we
revival of
Always
have
first
predatory
a structure
to note the activities.
assumed
for
for offensive action, tends to it.
have a tendency time, especially
is
is
analogously seen in organisms. There has been an overall inclination toward
more complex
entities
because they have a
greater chance to survive.
Much tic
and
less clear is the
evolutionary path between militaris-
industrial societies.
It
seems that there
is
a general
evolutionary trend toward industrial societies; Spencer char-
(Spencer,
1876-1 896/1 975a,
clear: societies
more complex over
with regards to the regulatory function. This progression
defensive action, available also
initiate
structurally
this
reversion towards the militant type,
become
According to Spencer, the
p.
569)
acterizes the
movement from
industrial to militaristic as
regressive. All societies begin as militaristic.
routes are characterized by competition and struggles of
and protective behaviors became pronounced
for
life
Evolutionary
and death. Aggressive
humans once we began
to use
Organic Evolution
Table 2.1
Militaristic
and
The
Institution
Industrial
State: the nation (including
and
social institutions
The Economy: freedom of economic
all
exchange and association;
actions)
profit
seen as synonymous with the
motivation; regulatory function
army; power
diffused
is
centralized
Compulsory cooperation
System Equilibrium
43
Typology
Industrial
Militaristic
Dominant
— Herbert Spencer
is
Functional equilibrium maintained
through individual choices Oriented toward legitimating
Religious Function
government
—
Oriented toward the individual
-indirect
regulatory function
direct regulatory
function •
Government
Greater separation of church
•
identified as
and
God-ordained •
Homogeneous
•
Legitimating political myths
religious types
Heterogeneous
•
Focus on individual salvation and
tend to contain ultimate values •
Social deviation
is
distinct categories
happiness
and
Overlapping and vague status positions with unclear and infrequently practiced
clear
ceremonial practices Educational Function
Directly controlled
religious types
defined as sin
Greater status differentiation with
Status Structure
state
•
ceremonial distinctions
by state with
Indirectly
monitored by state with
emphasis on general and
strong ideological socialization
scientific
knowledge Mass Media
Information freely flows from the
Information tightly controlled by
bottom up
state
Conception of
Individual exists for the benefit of
State exists to protect rights of the
the whole; individual behaviors,
Individual
beliefs,
and sentiments of
to the state
agriculture for survival; selves as a society
it
was
intrusion; belief in
minority rights
also at this point that people
and not simply
duty of individual to
individual;
government
interest
as a family.
became aware of them-
Land was paramount
for survival
and
something that could be owned and thus taken or protected. The regulatory function, then,
grew
to be
most important and
differentiated
from the
rest.
Early society
developed through warfare and eventually standing armies and taxation were created.
Once
established,
it
is
then functional for society in the long run to
toward the industrial type. However, society can
"regress."
tendency Spencer delineates the reasons why there
is
Having
likely to
move
set the general
be a "revival of the
predatory spirit" and the various complications involved in such a regression.
There are three main reasons why a society would, once alized,
move toward
toward
militaristic society originating
complex
is
the militaristic type. First, there
formed by
a standing
is
it
has
become
A
military
economy
that are
from the military complex
army and
industri-
pressure in the system
the parts of the
itself.
resist
44
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
oriented toward military production.
comes
into existence,
not only available for protection;
is
aggression. This
ond reason
when
a
The
system
is
of the
its
it is
in
its
its
very
best interests to instigate is
the sec-
threatened by other societies, internal pressures, or the natural
is
own
survival.
back to
will revert
militaristic config-
However, a constant pressure toward
why a
reason subject
society might revert
a social
is
group that
lives
is
militaristic
the presence of territorial subjects.
outside the normal geographic lim-
state, yet is still subject to state oversight.
of relationship for the United States
is
president and
its official
currency
a vested interest in Puerto Rico,
As such, the United
and external
States
is
A current
The United and
also organizationally
a
is
this
kind
commonwealth
chief officer
affairs, yet its
the U.S. dollar.
is
it is
example of
Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico
of the United States with autonomy in internal
bility
the case for
less
exerted by the military complex.
final
A territorial its
no
is
Spencer argues clearly that there are times
environment. Under such threat, the system
society
survival; this
not to deny the existence of legitimate threat, which
is
for regression to militarism.
urations for
once an organism
a fact of evolution:
own
than for natural organisms. Thus, a military complex by
social entities
existence
It's
will fight for its
it
is
the U.S.
States not only has
politically involved.
ultimately responsible for Puerto Rico's internal sta-
safety. Issues
of investments and responsibilities provide oppor-
tunity for military action and the creation of a militaristic society.
However, there are complications on the road to regression. The ity is social diversity.
When
first
complex-
Spencer talks about social diversity and societal types,
he generally has race in mind. He, however, also acknowledges that what he has
mind
is
best "understood as referring to the relative
in
homogeneity or heterogeneity
of the units constituting the social aggregate" (1876-1896/1975a, pp. 558-559). Race, in this case, ible
is
band together and not
the
most
cues associated with
affiliate
it.
stable social difference because
to create their
own
social structures. If
affiliations to
with one another in larger collectives, then society will not be internally
sents a risk to society
if
and
says that
it
repre-
an institutional shock were to occur. In other words, segre-
gated societies are unstable because functional unity situation represents a potential threat:
is
difficult to achieve.
indicates that the society
it
respond quickly enough to changes in the environment
Because of
has the clearest vis-
such different groups do
integrated. Spencer terms this the "law of incompleteness"
to
it
Spencer argues that groups have natural
this potential threat, societies
may
(societal or physical).
with diverse groups that do not associate
However,
the groups do
with one another will tend to be
militaristic.
one another and the differences
are perceived to be small, then the society
tively well fitted for progress."
Such
societies tend to
that are functionally linked together,
This
not be able
and
if
affiliate is
with
"rela-
produce heterogeneous groups
are thus
more
and
flexible
gravitate
toward the industrial type.
Another complication of regression
is
the effects of different institutions and
their previous growth. For a society to regress to militarism, industrial.
power can
Under the conditions of rival
more focused on
the industrial type, the
or even exceed that of the the individual;
to a militaristic posture, then,
it
must
first
have been
economy grows and
state; religion diversifies
its
and becomes
and the culture of individualism grows. Returning
must counter
all
of these institutional developments.
Organic Evolution
diagramed these
I've
before, there control.
factors
a back-and-forth
is
their relationships in Figure 2.3.
movement from
The general evolutionary movement
are also pressures to revert social pressures itary
and
mentioned
I
centralized to decentralized state
toward industrial forms, but there
back to militarism that are themselves countered by other
and complications.
complex, threat, and
is
As
— Herbert Spencer
In the diagram, both the regressive factors (mil-
territorial subjects)
and impediments
and
(social diversity
institutional configurations) are pictured as mitigating forces. In other words, a
society that has
moved from
militaristic to industrial will
tend to stay industrial
and once
unless the regressive factors mitigate the general evolutionary trend; revival of the predatory spirit begins,
will
it
unless the impediments mitigate the effects. as
moving along the continuum from
a
move society to militarism Thus, modern society is generally seen
continue to
military to industrial forms in response to
population pressures, system stagnation, internal or external threats (other nations or changes in physical resources), previous institutional arrangements (such as the military
complex or
and the
diversified religion),
Spencer does allow himself a speculative that the change
from
and
common
of social integration.
moment about
militaristic to industrial
belief. In militaristic societies,
level
He
future types.
and back again involves
a
says
change
in
people believe that the individual exists for the state
good. Industrial societies represent a reverse of that
exists for the individual, to protect his
the state
belief:
or her rights and freedoms. Spencer says that
the next type will also require an inverting of belief. In industrial societies, people believe that
life is
for work.
As
we'll see
when we
get to
Weber,
of capitalism. The next step in social evolution inverts that
this
is
belief,
the
work
from
ethic
life is
for
- Social Diversity - Institutional Configurations 1
Impediments
to Revival
I Revival of
Predatory
1
Spirit
i
General Militc iristic
Industrial
Soc iety
Trend
Society
1
Regressive Factors
- Military Complex
- Threat - Territorial Subjects
Figure 2.3
Militaristic-Industrial Cycle
45
46
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
work
work
to
is
for
life.
As an
Spencer (1876-1 896/ 1975a) points to
illustration,
"the multiplication of institutions and appliances for intellectual and aesthetic culture
and
for
kindred
activities
not of a directly life-sustaining kind, but of a kind
having gratification for their immediate purpose"; unfortunately, he also
can here say no more"
"I
(p.
says,
563).
Social Institutions Defining institutions: The bulk of Spencer's three-volume Sociology,
dedicated to an analysis of institutions. Spencer,
is
The Principles of
set,
like so
many
students
of sociology, uses the term institution but never provides a clear definition. I'm
going to give you a definition that a bit
beyond him
is
in
keeping with Spencer, but
as well. Social institutions
it
probably goes
have three interrelated elements.
First,
institutions have functions: they are collective solutions to survival needs that pro-
vide predetermined meanings, legitimations, and scripts for behavior. This notion
of function
probably the most important defining feature of an institution. In
is
everyday speech, to refer to
we tend
an institution around "Baseball
to use the
someone or something
term institution
that
this place"; or,
we
an American institution."
is
is
of ways.
We
use
it
firmly established; for example, "George
is
use
it
in a variety
to refer to a significant practice, as in
Yet, these don't qualify as social institutions
because they do not themselves meet a societal need.
The second
defining feature of institutions
that they are not reducible to indi-
is
vidual actions or agency. Institutional behaviors aren't something that one person does; they are society-wide. Further, institutions resist modification by the individ-
number of years ago
ual or even groups of individuals. For example, a lar
among
was seen
and the ments
was popu-
it
some to see legal marriage as unnecessary and even detrimental. Marriage
as part state.
of the Establishment, part of the baggage forced upon us by religion
These feelings of course came out of the hippie and feminist move-
in the 1960s.
As
a result,
many
private ceremonies in a field surrounded by family
vows between themselves
Some had
people didn't get legally married.
in the privacy of their
and
exchanged
friends; others just
own home. As
a result
of
countercultural behaviors, nothing happened; marriage didn't go away.
booming
all
these
It's still
a
from agents.
business, because institutions resist change
In addition to not being reducible to individual agency and resisting modification, institutions are
again.
There
isn't
not subjectively available.
one of us
don't have a subjective
we know about is
living that
marriage as our example
was around when marriage was
created.
We
memory of it or personal orientation toward it. Everything why marriage was instituted and the functions it fulfills
the reasons
contained in stories that we
tions.
Let's take
They give us
tell
each other. These stories legitimate our institu-
a justifiable basis for believing in
them. Obviously, the stories are
the products of generations of politically motivated groups, but they constitute the
reasons
we
believe in our institutions.
The fourth
characteristic of a social institution
morality; institutions are moral
phenomena.
legitimation, they also provide beliefs
and
is
that
it
tends to be wrapped in
In addition to containing their
rituals that
imbue the
own
institution with
Organic Evolution
Tightness
and moral energy. One of the functional reasons
for this morality
undoubtedly the necessity to protect our solutions to survival needs. animal
High
ultimately legitimate our intuitions.
We
levels
of moral investment also serve to
tend to see morality as connected with a
higher being. Thus,
if
our institutional arrangements are moral religious
we do not
as
our
Domestic
them
institutions:
own
Kinship or family
lines of inheritance,
one of the most basic of
men and women,
and care and
social
all
without
long run, family functions to provide for pat-
emotional and physical support,
socialization for the young.
In the absence of alternatives, kinship lective;
is
to facilitate biological reproduction,
is
will die. In the
terned relationships between
entities,
creation.
institutions. Its essential function
which any species
is
any
Just as
continued existence, so humans must be motivated
will fight to protect its
to shield their cultural institutions.
see
— Herbert Spencer
is
the chief organizing principle of a col-
before there were state bureaucracies or economic organizations, people
were organized by kinship. The
roles
tem informed people how to
toward one another and what their obligations and
and
rights were;
all
act
and
status positions
found
in the kinship sys-
were met through the status positions and
social functions
roles
of family. Spencer spends a great deal of time recounting the evolution of the family form. As
is
his
eral sources,
custom, he presents large amounts of historical data drawn from sev-
and from the data he draws general conclusions. His basic point
is
that
monogamous family structure was selected because it is the most fitting in terms of human survival. The basic path of development looks like this: general promiscuity "^ polyandry and polygyny "^ monogamy. Monogamy, then, is a relatively recent development in human history. Driving the movement to monogamy is the social need for broader and In proportion to the the
firmer social networks.
of promiscuity, there
Spencer argues that there the structure of family
prevalence
a clear association
is
between
must be
paucity and feebleness of
and the regulation of social action and
relationships.
.
.
.
Family
relationships generally. This idea
makes sense when we con-
bounds, therefore, are not only
model.
Humans depend more upon
weak but cannot spread
sider
it
social
in the evolutionary
and
networks for survival than any other creature. However,
cohesion
these networks aren't created through instincts or sensory
inability
of
humans
to generate extensive social networks
behaviors through instinct or the senses that pushes us to
Maryanski and Turner (1992,
Our
central finding
is
move toward monogamy.
compared with most Old World monkeys, the
reconstructed blueprint of the social structure of the
Ancestor] of apes and
humans
reveals the
toward low-density networks, low ualism. This pattern of
^^^^^^^^^"
and
explain our problem with social structure:
p. 13)
that,
1876-1 896/1 975a,
the
fact, it is
among members
of the society. (Spencer,
experiences (like smell) as they are with most other social animals; they are produced through culture. In
weak
tie
sociality,
hominoid
LCA
[Last
Common
lineage as predisposed
high mobility, and strong individ-
formation, low
sociality,
high mobility, and
strong individualism was to pose ... a difficult problem for hominoid species, especially those
range habitat.
on the human
line,
once they moved from
far;
this implies defect of
a forest to
an open-
p.
637)
47
48
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
human
In the beginning of
history,
Spencer argues, there was almost complete
and universal promiscuity. However, under general promiscuity, ships are
weak and can only extend
Only the strongest
limited.
contests of strength.
mother and
as far as the
themselves are only half-related. As a
The development of religion
is
tionships. tors
The thing
be ever-changing based on
also
hampered. Spencer argues
When human
they saw
it
was kinship.
life
for us.
It
beings
terms of social
in
We
came through
first
rela-
saw ances-
was through them that
world could occur. Further, some of our
spiritual
inklings of the idea of the soul
first
the idea of ancestral reincarnation.
kinship only extended as far as mother to child, the ability of people to
see past this
The
way
before as paving the
communication with the
when
life,
that connected us to the next
who had gone
Thus,
of this
line
siblings
will
that early forms of religion involved ancestor worship.
began to see past the objective
Even the
subordination and control are
result, political
and leadership
will lead
child.
social relation-
link
life
was limited.
between species survival and
sociability
pushed humans
to begin to
control sexual behavior and family relationships. However, the two forms that fol-
lowed general promiscuity, polyandry and polygyny, were also limited. Polyandry is
woman
the practice of a
having more than one husband (poly = many, andr =
men). The major problem with other kinship forms.
no matter
how many husbands
around polyandry
suffers in
it
ability to
its
for
in
for
about one child per
war probably had to
many
with
produce is
wives (polygyny)
social stability.
initial
less to
men
to
(one
There came to
a better
Remember
model,
one of
that
and external
one of the
is
do with the
first
con-
literally
to
men and
differences in strength between
do with the expendability of men. Men
can
built
wage war. The reasons why men were used
terms of biological reproduction than women.
man
is
a subsystem that regulates internal
are
Women were
young; and in terms of reproduction, society can do with
women
is
year,
forms of government were male dominated, due
ever-present war and the use of
woman, and more
produces fewer offspring than
Thus, stabilizing the political structure
Most
cerns of society.
it
and care
she has. Therefore, a social structure that
man
humankind's most basic needs social relationships.
that
is
an evolutionary disadvantage.
at
is
In terms of offspring, one yet
this type
A woman can only birth
more expendable
needed
far
to nurse the
men
fewer
than
inseminate hundreds of women).
be, then, a clear association
among men, war, and
political gover-
nance (war was generally the outcome of relationships with other groups). The
problem with polygyny
is
that the line of succession
from chief
to
son
unclear
is
governance came through family lineage). The relationships
(initial
forms of
among
mothers, children, and father are clear in polygyny, but which son
eminent
isn't
privileged
stable
is
pre-
obvious. So, in the ruling families, a pattern began to develop that
one wife above
all
others;
and her children were dominant and
in line to
succeed their father. Gradually,
monogamy was
chosen as the primary form of kinship for
of evolutionan' reasons. To begin with,
group
as
competition
among
elder;
added
number
wives and offspring was done away with. Spencer also
notes that "succession by inheritance"
supremacy of the
it
a
to the political stability of the
is
conducive to
and the use of elders
stability
because
it
for ruling tends to create
secures the
what Weber
Organic Evolution
would
later call traditional authority. Further, the practice
an important component in the evolution of
religion, as
it
of
— Herbert Spencer
monogamy was
favors a single line
of ancestral worship. The establishment of religion, of course, also helped to systematize socialization, which led to further social
stability.
In addition,
monogamy
tends to increase the overall birthrate and decrease the childhood morbidity rate.
We've seen that polyandry
monogamy,
low
results in
so does polygyny.
birthrates;
and when compared
to
Under polygyny, some men have many wives and
some have none; but under monogamy, most men have wives and thus
there are
monogamy
also pro-
more family
units capable of producing children.
And
since
vides for greater emotional care for everybody concerned, children are better cared for physically
and the morbidity
rate goes
down.
Because of the relationship between family and gender, that Spencer feels that
men and women
should have equal
I
want
to pause to note
rights.
He
them
sees
as
performing different functions, but the functions themselves are equally needed by society.
I
must
also note that
one of the criticisms of Spencer
Darwinist, seeing certain societies and races as
equal rights for
quotes
women, he was
more advanced
many ways ahead
in
that he
is
a social
in his
view of
of his time, as the following
illustrate.
Equity knows no difference of
manifestly applies to the whole race
Perhaps in no way
is
the
Ceremonial
specific sense.
—female
the moral progress of
by contrasting the position of
among
vocabulary the word
sex. In its
understood in a generic and not in a
institutions:
is
be
The law of equal freedom
mankind more
civilized world.
clearly
shown, than
savages with their position
(1876-1896/1975a,
p.
713)
Spencer argues that there are three major forms of social
and
political.
Most sociology students
familiar with the latter two. Political entities govern
through laws, coercive
man must
as well as male. (1882/1954, p.138)
women among
most advanced of the
control: ceremonial, ecclesiastical,
states
is
—but
force,
and
authority.
One
human
are very
behavior externally
of the defining characteristics of
the monopolization of legitimate coercive force. This
monopoly
serves not
only to protect the nation's external boundaries but also to maintain internal peace. Religious, or ecclesiastical, institutions bring about social control internally rather
than externally. Religion gives us
of beliefs about right and wrong behaviors.
sets
These moral standards exert their force from inside of the individual. ual believes that his or her behavior
is
right
and the person wants
An
individ-
to please his or
her god through proper behavior.
Spencer gives us yet another form of social control in the form of ceremonial tutions.
Ceremonies are formal or informal
together hierarchically. Ceremonies
insti-
acts or series of acts that link people
may be simple, as in an act of politeness, or quite
elaborate, as in prescribed rituals. Obviously there are certain protocols that apply
when a head of state visits another country. the ruler and the ruled archical relationship
is
In the protocol, the relationship between
played out in behaviors. Ceremonies also indicate the hier-
among
nations:
some
visiting dignitaries are afforded
elaborate ceremonies than others. Ceremonies can also be conventional
more
and everyday.
49
50
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Spencer has in mind forms of address,
In this sense,
forms of
dress,
and the
like.
when we
For example,
titles
use
and emblems of honor, titles like
"Professor" or
"Doctor" or "Miss," we are reproducing a hierarchical system of authority and control.
Spencer argues that ceremonial institutions are the
earliest
and most general
forms of social control. The other forms of social control, religion and government, both sprang from urally; that
is,
there
intensity of the feeling. For example,
someone has
joyful, the person's
and
earliest
forms of ceremony evolved nat-
was a natural connection between emotional responses and
Emotions cause physical reactions
physical behaviors.
tion that
The
this primitive type.
for
body
feeling inferior
is
that vary according to the
you can judge the strength and type of emo-
you by the way the person hugs you.
reacts
When someone
is
by becoming excited and perhaps jumping around;
expressed bodily by relaxed muscles and lowered gaze and
posture.
Ceremonies evolved further by becoming more symbolic, but they
initially still
maintained a degree of natural sequence. For example, the Dakota's ceremony of burying the tomahawk to symbolize peace
away of weapons us
is
clearly linked to the actual putting
is
in order to cease hostilities.
Another example that Spencer
gives
the past practice in central South Africa of drinking blood to establish kinship
The
relations.
practice
is
based on the early belief that
in a part of the person. Spencer traces
move from
many of these
all
of a person
is
contained
natural sequences such as the
taking trophies (such as the head of an enemy) to mutilating
some
part
of an enemy's body to mark conquest.
Ceremonies further changed toward intentional symbolization "which have reached the stage
which
at
social
phenomena become
in
societies
subjects of spec-
ulation" (Spencer, 1876-1896/1975b, p. 25). Spencer gives us a really interesting
idea and relationship here.
speculation
is
The
one that would
idea of social
later
phenomena becoming
modified form, important to such contemporary theorists
Something important changes when we go from simply ing about society and our social encounters. rience
is
fairly
immediate and
all
subjects of
be important to Weber, and, in a somewhat
that exists
as
Anthony Giddens.
living in society to think-
When we simply live socially, our expe-
is
contained in those kinds of moments.
when we come to the point in our development when we think more and more about society, when we become reflexive about our place and actions in society, then everything becomes less tied to the moment and more abstract. In terms of ceremonies, the important thing that happens when society becomes In contrast,
speculative about itself tionally symbolic.
is
become
that the rituals
An example
increasingly arbitrary and inten-
of this symbolic evolution
is
the phrase "Mickey
Mouse." Mickey Mouse began as a cartoon, but soon evolved to mean something that
is
not to be taken seriously, to something ineffectual, of
little
importance, and
then worthless. While we can understand perhaps how the phrase Mickey Mouse
came
to
mean something
worthless, the beginning and each successive
move
is
symbolically linked rather than naturally connected.
Spencer generally argues that as societies begin to use
means of ous.
More
control, ceremonial controls specifically, this general
become
trend
is
less
ecclesiastical
and
political
used and more inconspicu-
influenced by the degree ot voluntary
Organic Evolution
— Herbert Spencer
cooperation versus enforced structures. The higher the level of voluntary cooperation, the less that ceremonial institutions will be used. levels
of inequality in a society and
On the other hand, the higher the
the greater the need for coercive enforcement,
the greater will be the use of ceremonial institutions that differences
among
The power of ceremonial
institutions
recreate the
that they "spontaneously generate
is
human
afresh" the forms of rule every time
beings interact and use them.
the interesting things about this section of Spencer's
work done by contemporary
Goffman and Randall
and preserving
One
is
One
of
that he anticipated
the importance of micro-
For example, both Erving
society.
one of the foundations of society
Collins argue that
micro-level interaction rituals.
work
who emphasize
theorists
level interaction for building
is
mark and
social groups.
is
of the things that Goffman (1967) brings out
the unintentional consequences of ritualized behaviors. During encounters
with other people,
we engage
what he
in
calls
by maintaining
to avoid embarrassing ourselves or others
face; the effect
upon which
that
society
we
rituals
Our demeanor
tells
uation;
others the level of social honor that
(e.g.,
refers to the behaviors
proffering
to save
1988) argues that behavior such as deference
(
produces and reproduces the status hierarchy of
and deference
respect to others
is
and thus the patterned interactions
save the interaction
built. Collins
is
and demeanor
strive
role-specific behavior
and not noticing when action doesn't meet expectations. Our intent is
we
"face-work." In face-work
titles
we expect
society.
in a given sit-
through which we demonstrate
of respect, exhibiting downcast eyes, and
so forth).
Political institutions: Society is
that there are
defined through cooperation; and Spencer
us
tells
two principal ways through which cooperation occurs: spontaneous
cooperation due to individual motives of exchange; and consciously devised cooperation. ate organization, they
When
groups consciously cre-
become aware of public ends or goods
for the first time. In other words,
through
it is
nization that a group
becomes
until that point, the
primary awareness
political organization
is
political orga-
aware of
reflexively
is
necessary for society. Through
become aware of ourselves
as a whole,
tion for cooperative efforts
and
and
it
restraint
Up
itself.
individual. So, it
we
provides direc-
on
individual
sets
out to understand the fundamental forms of
political organization
and how they evolved. He argues
undergirding every type of government
The
basic political division in society
age.
With age comes experience, but
strength.
individuals into a
The most distinguished
is
is
A
society, in the sociological
sense,
formed only when,
is
besides juxtaposition there
cooperation. then,
is
at
.
.
for
without a
society exists. (Spencer,
that
1876-1 896/1 975b,
usually accompanied by reduction in
individuals, then, incorporate both strength
and
wisdom; and, among those with strength and wisdom, some are more distinguished than others. Therefore, according to Spencer, there are three divisions to the basic political structure: the
rienced,
and those
masses of young and weak, those
elite
few
who
are the best
among
society,
which a
a primitive form.
is
is
Cooperation,
once that which
exist
and that
.
between strength and it
group does
not constitute them a society.
cannot
behaviors.
Spencer
The mere gathering of
who are strong and/or expe-
the strong and experienced.
p.
244)
51
52
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
Spencer argues that every
began
as distinctions
many, became kings, nobles, officials,
and
political structure
among
in successive
forms the head
and people; and
citizens. Further,
of political structure
is
in
our own
components has
chief,
What
but a derivation of this one.
man, the superior
few, the inferior
subordinate chiefs, and warriors;
society, the chief executive officer, elected
Spencer (1876-1 896/ 1975b) proposes that every type
simply differing combinations in these three areas: "a despo-
tism, an oligarchy, or a democracy, inal
is
the predominant
is
a type of government in
which one of the
greatly developed at the expense of the other two"
orig-
and "the
various mixed types are to be arranged according to the degrees in which one or
other of the original components has the greater influence"
democracy the
citizens are
most important;
in
(p.
317). Thus, in a
an oligarchy the power
the middle section of small groups of leaders; and despotism
is
vested in
is
defined by power
exercised exclusively by the chief person.
We
have already talked about most of the dynamics through which
forms evolve. The cially
mechanism
through compounding, the
plex. In levels
first
of governing structure become more com-
political structure, that
of strong and/or experienced and
elite
ical resources.
likely
is
located,
The environment
tralization of power.
is
and
that additional
we might
composed of both other
when
societies.
the
societies
and phys-
The presence of war
physical resources are few. Nations with few natural resources others, either
affiliations. In earlier times, military
through military conquest or conquest was used, since
agreements are based on established and rather complex complexity of the
is
degree of cen-
this influences the
These two elements are interrelated for
must obtain them from
itary type)
means
positions are created (or what
upper and middle management). The second influencing factor
environment wherein the society
more
political
population growth. As populations grow, espe-
levels
terms of Spencer's triune
refer to as
is
is
political structure
is
political trade
economic
political
Thus, the
political entities.
narrowed during times of war or threat (mil-
and widened during times of peace and development
(industrial type).
In addition to the basic structure of government, Spencer also explains the foun-
dation of power.
He
notes that
we have
feature of the governing structure
was
built
Spencer
itself.
But
that's incorrect.
upon something more fundamental:
is
larger than ourselves; sociologists
sentiment
is
stronger in
lives, is a feeling
would
more
of being part of something
later refer to this as social solidarity.
primitive societies
one Durkheim would make some 25 years
and
later:
from ancestors and call this
most
clear!}'
This col-
expressed
strikingly similar to the
the source of society
its
political authority finds
power
in socialization.
is
an emotional
is
legitimacy in emotion derived
Weber, writing almost 50 years
it
unstable.
It's
The
power
that
later,
an authority based on
has the weight of time and history in back of
anticipating Weber, Spencer argues that political
individual
its
kind of legitimation traditional authority.
time-honored customs;
recreated.
is
is
attachment that provides moral basis for social identity and action.
According to Spencer,
would
as a
the public sentiment of community.
through religious sanctions. This argument of Spencer's
feeling of
The
power
political structure
arguing that underneath and prior to the political and judiciary systems
that everywhere appear to guide our
lective
a tendency to think of political
is
it.
Again
ascribed to a single
leader will eventually die and the governing
body be
However, linking government to family lineage and traditional authority
Organic Evolution
form
creates a stable
from one generation
that can survive
— Herbert Spencer
to the next (Spencer,
1876- 1896/ 1975b, pp. 321-344). Political
word
power
is
socialization,
ologists
also stabilized
through socialization. Spencer doesn't use the
but the process he describes
is
exactly
what contemporary
soci-
mean by the term. Through proper training during come to share similar ideas, sentiments, ideas of
youth, people right
and wrong, language, and so
ization
is
when
that
The
forth.
As
trick of social-
it is
still
a side note,
I
want
retically elaborates this
tions
custom passes
more
through
mention that Lloyd Warner theo-
to
clearly
whom
Spencerian notion of ideas and emo-
the feelings of
of the
(Spencer,
living.
1876-1 896/1 975b,
(1959) defines culture as "a symbolic organization of the
remembered experiences of the dead
past as newly
understood by the living members of the of this definition of culture
is
and
felt
The important element
collectivity" (p. 5).
the emotional attachment that symbols from the past
can bring. The people, ideas, and experiences of the past tend to take on sacred
Think about what happens
after a
person
dies.
There
is
a tendency to
speak of the individual in positive and reverent terms. The failures and idiosyn-
and her or
crasies of the individual are forgotten
to timeless values.
Warner
tells
his virtues are extolled
same things happen
us the
to collective
and linked memories.
We can recast meanings because signs and symbols become freed from their immediate controls (their social reality isn't immediately present)
they acquire a sacred power. The reason is
an interesting
theorist,
I
ideas prefigure quite a bit of sociological work. to
and
at
the
mention Warner, besides the
that he gives us yet another
is
same time fact that
he
example of how Spencer's
Warner himself attributes
his ideas
Durkheim, rather than Spencer.
Ecclesiastical
institutions:
We
have seen religion referenced in our discussion
of other institutions. Particularly,
we have
seen that religion functions as an agent
of social control. Religion infuses values and morals with supernatural power.
According to Spencer, religion also functions to reinforce and structures, particularly those built
an extension of a god's
around
spiritual order,
justify existing social
inequality. If social structures are seen as
and
if
behaviors are seen as holy directives,
then questioning social arrangements becomes a matter of questioning the god,
and inappropriate behavior becomes As with
social institutions,
all
evolutionary development.
sin.
Spencer
is
primarily concerned with tracing
Any student of religion
is
faced with one inarguable
through the course of human history, religion has changed. Our gion were not monotheistic or ethical. They were, in of
many gods
tion, then,
displaying quite
with which
over time? Did to
God
developments
we
human
are faced,
fact,
behaviors of greed, is
why
in society
initial
its
fact:
forms of reli-
marked by the presence
lust,
and so on. The ques-
did our conceptions of deity change
reveal her- or himself gradually, or
was the idea of God linked
and human personality? Spencer (1876-1896/1975c)
argues for the second alternative:
"Among
social
an agent
the dead control the actions
from the past influencing our behaviors today. Warner
qualities.
into
head becomes
successful, these socially constructed
items appear as subjective and natural to the individual.
As
fast as
law, the political
phenomena, those presented by
Ecclesiastical Institutions illustrate very clearly the general law of evolution" (p. 150).
p.
323)
53
EXPLORATIONS
54
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
take a
I'd like to
moment
either/or proposition.
God
idea of
to point out that
the case that
It isn't
evolved. If
God had
their
normal forms, as in abnormal forms, all gods
arise
by apotheosis. (Spencer,
In
p.
it
was
weren't ready either socially, or psychologically.
in society (and/or personality)
works through
19)
between
ties
history, then
and
our idea of God.
in
we would
If
God
expect to find similari-
and personality structures and the type of
social
On
religion practiced.
we would
humans,
That would imply that there would be corresponding changes
their
1876-1 896/1 975c,
are not necessarily faced with an
either revealed him/herself or the
to progressively reveal the truth to
we
because
we
God
the other hand,
there
if
is
no God, then
expect to find similarities between social and personality structures and
the type of religion practiced. Either way, the results are the same.
Spencer argues that
common
religions share a
all
genesis. Religion began,
according to Spencer, as "ghost-propitiation." Spencer argues that
became aware of themselves also have a self that can
We
as double.
human
have the waking, walking
be absent from the body.
We became
self,
aware of
beings
and we
this other-
self
through dreams and visions. During dreams, we have out-of-body experiences.
We
travel to faroff places
and engage
in
some
ing about these experiences, primitive There's part of us that
is
pretty
amazing behaviors.
humans concluded
tied to the earth
and time, but there
that
we
In think-
are double.
also part of us that
is
can transcend both.
Moving from conceptualizing
the other-self from
and
dream
the other self survives death
is
permanent
from which we don't awake.
sleep;
it's
a sleep
we must
are temporarily asleep, then
idea led early
humans
a short
states to thinking that
quite intuitive step.
also travel
If
Death seems
we
soul-travel
when we permanently
relatives
could cause mischief allies in
if
not taken care
of,
but they could also prove to be
life
on
this earth
through reincarnation. Early humans were
quite in tune with the cycles of nature. Trees that appear to die in winter in the spring.
ing death, to see
humans began
Thus
them
it
was not
came back
a very big step, once souls were seen as surviv-
also as the source for the other-self in
life.
In this way, early
their ancestor worship.
Obviously, ancestor worship also the
This
times of need. Further, these disembodied spirits also came to be
seen as the source for
life
sleep.
to minister to the dead, especially dead relatives. These dead
valuable
to
a lot like
when we
is
linked to family, and the head of the family was
head of religious observance. However, two
factors that
came from
conquest brought about significant social and structural changes.
human
First,
military
the
reli-
moved from nomadic existence to settled farming, war became more and more common. People were tied to the land in a way never before realized and land became a limited resource that gious function differentiated from family. As
had to
to
be protected from other groups
who had outgrown
produce enough food. The increased involvement he had to
that
shift
his
priestly
beings
responsibilities
in
to
the ability of their land
war by the clan chief meant another family member.
Eventually, these religious functions were separated structurally as well.
The other result
factor that influenced the
development of
religion,
people into the collective. Each of these groups of people had
and
which was
also the
of military conquest, was the incorporation of more and more conquered
ancestral worship. Polytheism
was therefore the natural
its
own
result
family god
of war and
Organic Evolution
— Herbert Spencer
55
conquest. Further, the presence of this competitive chaos of gods created pressures
that
a professional class of priests.
be
for there to this array
of
deities,
which of course
The
began to impose order on
priests
became most important were the gods of the most important
As
gods
reflected the social order of society: the families.
continued to evolve to more complex forms of organization, so did
societies
the structure of religion. Organized pantheons developed as the political structure
became more
centralized
on
cessful, societies
The hierarchy of higher
more
warlike,
and thus more suc-
And
developed images of vengeful and jealous gods
When
did as well.
religion for legitimation, the
became more
cal structure
class inequalities increased.
reflected the organized divisions of society. Because polity
and lower gods thus relies a great deal
and
centralized
governments
rely
and bureaucratized, the
on
as the politi-
religious structure
religion for legitimation,
it is
in the best
of the professional priestly class to organize and unite. As religious leaders
interest
organize and unite, they have to simplify the religious belief system, which in turn leads to
Max Weber
monotheism.
from magic
to ethical
gives a
more
detailed account of the evolution
monotheism, but the basic outline of Weber's thought
here
is
in Spencer.
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity While many of the theorists we about postmodernity,
want
I
to
will
look
at give us specific ideas to
employ Spencer
to
use to think
form the general problem.
Spencer gives us a clear theory of modernity. His overall interest
is
to explain the
evolution of society from primitive, simple structures to modern, complex structures.
His argument
that as populations
is
grow and compound,
entiate. Differentiated structures are held together
structures differ-
by mutual need and
a
powerful
regulatory system.
A postmodern
Defining postmodernity:
society
is
one wherein
social institutions
are not simply differentiated, they are fragmented. There are at least five important
reasons for this fragmentation and de-institutionalization: the level of structural
and communication technologies and
differentiation, the level of transportation
infrastructures, the level of
market velocity and expansiveness, the
of commodifkation, and the level of institutional doubt (Allan I
don't expect
will
you
be looking
idea of
at
level
to completely understand each of these variables right
them
in
subsequent chapters), but
I
do want you
and
rate
Turner, 2000).
now (we
to have a basic
what we mean by modernity and postmodernity.
Modernity and postmodernity are terms that are used In each, the
modernity unity. In
meaning
is
is
somewhat
modern
literature, for
and
literature,
number of disciplines.
in a
but the basic elements are the same: is
distinguished by dis-
example, the unity of narrative
their plot,
readers are fairly confident in
Postmodern
different,
characterized by unity and postmodernity
move along according to
plot
&
and while there might be
how
time
is
on the other hand,
character. Stories will typically
is
moving and where
doesn't
move
important. Novels
twists
and
turns,
the story
is
most
going.
in predictable patterns of
jump around and
are filled with indirect
56
EXPLORATIONS
and
reflexive references to past styles of writing or stories.
novel is
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
convey
to
is
a sense
to create a feeling
The
of continuity in the story; the goal of a postmodern work
of disorientation and ironic humor.
In the social world, modernity
by progress; bv grand narratives
associated with the Enlightenment
is
and
the opposite or the critique of
things have changed. Society
People seem
is
all that.
and defined
and through the structures of capital-
beliefs;
ism, science, technology and the nation-state. To state the obvious, is
modern
goal of a
postmodernism
According to most postmodern thought,
no longer marked by
a sense of
more discouraged than encouraged, more
hope
in progress.
with a blase attitude
filled
than optimism. We'll explore some of the specifics of the postmodern critique of
grand narratives, science and technology, capitalism, and the nation-state
work our wav through However, right
me
First let
one
ernism to \et,
I
a
Postmodern theory
human
reality. If
to begin
culture
effects:
postmodern
say,
is
ideas
is
doomed
to
fail
on
based on the idea of the inability of cat-
then, that I'm going to reduce
and we
are
more
the individual are
theories
postmod-
it
is
to
where
me
&
choose to begin.
down
to
two main
issues
Turner, 2000). Because of certain
become more important
more important now than they
has
I
to boil
in
our
lives
than social struc-
individually oriented than group oriented. Thus, culture and
both culture and the individual are important, but
seem
and the individual (Allan
social changes, culture has ture,
I
on postmodernism.
a couple of handles
somewhere, and here
The various postmodern or
you
few concepts or categories, I'm already outside the postmodern project.
good
it is
to give
say that any attempt to capture
egories to express
we
the book.
now want
level or another.
as
less effectual
ever have been. Nevertheless,
than ever before as
become fragmented and unable
well.
Culture
is
to aid in the production of a
unified society. Further, a decisive break between reality and culture has occurred,
such that
all
we have
are texts
and subjective meanings. The individual
is
more
important, too, but has become de-centered and unable to emotionally connect in
any stable or
Religion
—
real fashion.
a postmodern case
through our
theorists,
but
Spencer argues that there
let is
in point:
me
give
We
themes
will explore these
as
we move
you an example of what we're talking about.
a symbiotic connection
between religion and the
state.
Religion serves to legitimate the state, and the state in turn provides religion with structure
and protection. In
this relationship
also explores the evolution of religion
between the
from polytheism
ourselves a rather natural question: If religion ally
is
state
to
and
Spencer
religion,
monotheism.
Let's
ask
evolving, what's next? Spencer actu-
has a section dedicated to the idea of the future of religion, but he doesn't get
very
far.
look
at
To see what might be going on with religion
what Thomas Luckmann,
a
contemporary
in a
postmodern
society, let's
social theorist, has to say.
According to Luckmann (1991), society has always used religion
to create ulti-
mate meanings. Like Spencer, Luckmann acknowledges that these meanings are used to legitimate social institutions, as well as to answer impossible questions such
as,
what
to stabilize
is
the
Why did my mother die? We can intentionallv change
meaning of life?
our meaning systems.
changes we brought about in the meaning oi race and
I.
Religion also servo
our meanings
— the
gender in the I'nited States
Organic Evolution
good examples. However, because meaning
are
and change on
to shift
its
own.
look
Let's
at
it
is
socially constructed,
— Herbert Spencer tend
will
it
terms of what we do to the natural
in
environment. Most of us have lived in houses with yards. "Yards" don't naturally
We
we have to plant all the trees, grass, and bushes in the exact places we want them. I remember as a child, my parents had a plan drawn up to help them build the yard. Once we put in the yard, we have to work to keep it up. If we don't, the yard will revert back to nature and be gone. The same is true with symbolic meanings. Once in place, happen.
have to
kill
the weeds; rototill the soil or bring topsoil in;
they have to be kept up and stabilized in order to continue to
exist.
Religion does
an amazing job of stabilizing our meaning by equating our constructed meanings with eternal truths and by conceptualizing deviance and disorder with
However, according cialization has
made
Luckmann, modern
to
sin.
and spe-
structural differentiation
the great transcendences (the ultimate meanings of
life)
that
religion provides structurally unstable. This structural instability has resulted in the
"privatization of religion"
(
1991, p. 176), a
Other parts of society have
and turned
religion
new form of religion.
the gap
filled in
to profitable business.
it
left
As
by the
loss of highly structured
a result, the individual
with a de-monopolized market created by mass media, churches and ual nineteenth-century secular ideologies,
The products of this market form set that refers to
a
and
more or
is
faced
sects, resid-
substitute religious communities.
less systematically
arranged meaning
minimal, intermediate, but rarely great transcendences. In other
words, the meanings provided through mass media and commodities are small
and
fleeting.
Under
these conditions, a set of meanings
individual for a long or short period of time
from other meaning
What Luckmann ultimate meanings
may be
taken up by an
and may be combined with elements
sets. is
—
describing
are held in
an environment where meanings
is
—
particularly
doubt and where individual people can pick and
choose which meanings they want to hold to and which they don't. Most of us to think that
believe.
ing of
I
we ought
think this level of freedom
more
like
choose what we believe and what we don't
to be free to
is
certainly preferable to the enforced
Salem witch
traditional societies (think of the
trials),
mean-
but there are
other effects of this level of freedom as well. If every person can pick and choose
what meaning
suits
them, then meaning by definition
is
unstable and borders
on
meaninglessness.
Not too long
ago,
I
met someone
that exemplifies
what Luckmann
is
talking
When she introduced herself to me, she told me she was a "Christian-Pagan." threw me for a loop. The word pagan originally meant "country dweller," but
about.
That it
got
its
current meaning of "heathen" or "irreligious hedonist and materialist"
from Christians who used magic. So,
tell
me, what
it
is
to refer to non-believers
and people who practiced
a Christian-Non-Believer? Or, better yet,
Christian-Non-Christian? You might respond and she should be able to create her
own meanings
say, "Well, that's
for her
own
life." I
but this kind of situation begs a larger, more important question:
what
is
a
her choice and don't disagree,
How will this loss
of predictable meaning influence society?
We
will return to these issues
surrounding modernity and postmodernity in
most of our chapters. Throughout the book, we
are going to explore the
main
issues
57
58
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
of postmodernism, culture and
My hope
provide.
historical
self,
for this exercise
moment
in
which we
some of
using
is
the ideas that our theorists will
you
to better attune
to the possibilities of the
live.
Summary •
Spencer's perspective
Spencer's point of view
which most
ronment, and
He approaches
purpose
his
as a theorist
The reason
that Spencer sees the It is
society as
is
Notice that, for his time, Spencer had a a critical theory.
foundational for sociology.
He
expli-
sociologists will either agree or disagree.
founded on positivism, the search
is
that govern the universe.
many ways
in
is
cates the basic premises with
were an object in the envi-
if it
to simply describe fairly radical
for the invariant laws
how this
object works.
point of view; yet, his
is
not
for this blend of radical yet descriptive perspective
is
dynamics of progress existing within the evolutionary process.
important, then, to try and change the way people think about society. For
less
much
like
an organic system, with various parts functioning
for the welfare of the whole.
He
extends the analogy to explicate the evolutionary
Spencer, society works
changes in society, from simple to complex structural differentiation. The evolution of society occurs in
much
the
same way
that evolution occurs universally: through
the motion and force of matter driven by the instability of
segmentation, and the multiplication of All systems
•
homogeneous
units,
effects.
have universal needs: regulation, operation, and distribution.
Every system, including society, meets these needs through various kinds of struc-
The ways
tures.
tem and
in
society.
which the needs are met produce the unique features of each
Generally speaking, there
structural differentiation
separate
and
and
is
specialization, with system needs being
distinct structures. For society, this trend
dependency but
and
also
specialize in function. This process
problems
in coordination
and
met through
driven by increases in pop-
is
ulation size. As the population increases, especially through tures differentiate
compounding,
system integration. However, too
much
struc-
produces interstructural
control. In response, society
tends to centralize the regulatory subsystem, which, along with dependency, tates
sys-
an evolutionary trend toward greater
facili-
regulation can cause stagnation and
pressures for deregulation. In reaction to these system pressures, societies in the
long run •
move back and
forth
on
a
continuum between
Social institutions are special kinds of structures.
societal needs, resist
militaristic
They
and
industrial.
are organized
around
change, and are morally infused. All institutions, however,
change slowly through evolutionary pressures, and because they are functionally related,
change
is
mutual and generally
ily
chosen because
it
provides
moves from polytheism
to
more
and bureaucratic
direction. Generally speaking,
monogamy (monogamy is evolutionar-
explicit
and
stable social relations); religion
monotheism (monotheism has
tage of providing a single legitimating tions
same
in the
family evolves from universal promiscuity to
states); the state generally
political structures to industrial
the evolutionary advan-
and enforcing mechanism
moves from
for diverse popula-
militaristic
with simpler
with more complex structures; and ceremonial
Organic Evolution
importance
institutions generally recede in
as religion, family,
successful structures. In spite of this, the political
move back and threat,
•
and the
on
forth
for Spencer
is
characterized by high levels of structural differentia-
increased chances of survival. Postmodernity cultural fragmentation.
The main
around unity
—
difference
characterized by institutional and
is
between differentiation and fragmenta-
in differentiated systems, the different elements are linked
together, whereas in a fragmented system, the parts are not as organized
The
greater freedom.
and
effects
and meaningful. Religion
is
and thus open
centrally organized
and have
of postmodernity are themselves contradictory: culture
self (subjective experience) are
less real
to
in response to vested interests, perceived
complexity gives modern societies greater adaptability and
tion. This increased
tion revolves
and polity become
and ceremonial structures tend
of social inequality.
level
Modernity
continuum
a
— Herbert Spencer
simultaneously becoming
more important and
a case in point: religion in
postmodernity
is less
to increasingly idiosyncratic interpretations.
Building Your Theory Toolbox
Conversations With Herbert Spencer Web Research
—
Almost anytime we Spencer son.
isn't
What
talk with
people
here with us now, but
we
we can
learn something about
still
learn about
him
them
kinds of personal information would you likely pick up
Herbert Spencer? For example, did you
know
Perhaps not earth-shattering information, but
as individuals.
as a thinking, feeling perif
you talked with
that he invented a type of paperclip? it's
still
To find out some
interesting.
intriguing information about Spencer, use Google or your favorite search engine to
answer the following questions. You
combine terms
•
(like
It
have to read biographical statements or
"Spencer and knowledge") to find your answers.
In Spencer's time, tions.
may
it
was customary
for
gentlemen to belong to clubs or associa-
appears that for Spencer his club memberships were particularly impor-
What were the Athenaeum and X Clubs? What was Spencer's X Club name? What is the Royal Society and what was Spencer's association with it? As we will see, most of our theorists had interesting relationships with religion. What was Spencer's religious background? What does it mean to be a Benthamite tant.
•
(follower of Jeremy
Bentham)?
How do you think these factors influenced the way
Spencer saw the world? •
In
view of the
fact that
Spencer was a founding thinker
as psychology, sociology, physics, biology,
interesting.
education
is
How much
in
many
required today to do the
such
and so on, the way he was educated
formal education did Spencer have?
do you think have contributed
disciplines,
work
that Spencer did?
to these differences?
How much What
social
is
formal
changes
59
60
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
Spencer was very typical of fact, his
how Enlightenment
kind of knowledge did Spencer think
What do you
Spencer's perspective? this type
is
How
does this
What
fit
with
some problems with defining
think might be
and
the social circumstances in our theorists' lives give us insights into the
historical differences
between
their time
have been associated with what we would today it
be dominant today.
to
"of most worth"?
of knowledge as most worthy?
Many times social
thinkers viewed knowledge. In
way of thinking about knowledge continues
and why did he use
in Spencer's
Sometimes
it?
What do you
and
call
ours. Spencer's death
may
"drug abuse." What drug was
think this issue
us about social control
tells
modernity and our time?
there's
more to our theorists than meets
and how was Spencer
the eye.
Who was George Eliot
related to George?
Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) Each of our theorists has a worldview. This worldview
is
informed by assumptions and
values concerning the universe, the social world, and/or what
upon which each
perspective forms the base
it
means
to
be human. This
theorist does his or her work;
it
is
funda-
mental to what makes their work unique. Most of their concepts and theories flow out of their worldview.
way of stating •
Given Spencer's perspective, answer the following questions (Another
this issue
is,
what would a Spencerian
all
svstem or another? to
one another
I
benefits
come from having one
phenomena? Spencer's grand theory
evolution and systems.
•
What
Evaluate the idea of grand theory.
theory to explain
If
Do you
is
how
how
like?
:
universal
based on the ideas of
think that everything in the universe
not within systems,
for example,
look
analysis of
is
part of one
then do different particulars relate
are institutions relate
d
Using Google or your favorite search engine, find a definition of globalization.
How
would Spencer view
globalization? (Hint: think in terms of svstems
and
complex •
Consult a recent newspaper and read
and the economy.
How would
articles
about
social institutions like the state
Spencer interpret these current events?
Engaging the World (using the theory) Thinking
now
of Spencer's theory (his concepts and relationships), answer the
following questions:
•
monogamy developed because of its functional use in creating social relationships. Many people feel that monogamv is currentlv threatened. If monogamy is in danger, how do you think Spencer would theorize about it? spencer argues that
Remember, he would think about
it
in progressive, evolutionary- tern:
Organic Evolution
•
— Herbert Spencer Do
the heart of social control.
Spencer argues that ceremonial institutions are
at
you think the use of ceremonial
gone up or down since Spencer's
institutions has
time? Theoretically, what do you think this change would indicate? Recalling our definitions of structures
•
more
social institutions today
imply about
society
is
state
more modern
institutions,
What does
society's survivability?
Spencer says about the
and
do you think there
than one hundred years ago?
and
If so,
imply about the
it
structural differentiation,
state?
through a few of the is
that
or postmodern? stories."
Read
Based on your reading, do you think that the news
sites.
being censored in this country?
explain
this
Given what
would you say
Using Google or your favorite search engine, type in "censored news
•
are
what does
If so,
or
not,
if
how would
Spencer's theory
it?
Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) There are central themes about which most of our theorists speak. These themes include modernity; social institutions such as the diversity, equality,
and oppression;
social
approach to theory is to pay attention to
religion; culture;
cohesion and change; and empiricism.
how these themes are developed. As I
beginning chapter, one of the ways we can build theory trast,
economy, and
state,
and bring together elements from
is
A
good
noted in the
through synthesis: compare, con-
different theorists.
The following questions
are
based on Spencer's theorizing and are meant to begin your thinking about these themes:
•
What
are the functions of kinship in society?
in the evolution
time, •
What
of society?
what do you think is
If
that
How did the structure of kinship
aid
the structure of kinship has changed since Spencer's
means (remember
religion's function in society?
to think like Spencer)?
How has religion evolved over time? In other
words, what are the social factors that contributed to changes in religion? •
What
is
the basis of political
in the type of state •
and
power
in society?
What
factors bring about changes
structure?
How do societies differentiate? Once societies differentiate, how do they integrate? Thinking
like
Spencer,
structural complexity •
its
What
are the basic
L.
(
1991
).
differentiation as
that this country has higher or lower
compared
to even 50 years ago?
themes of modernity and postmodernity?
Further Explorations Paxton, N.
would you conclude
and
— Readings
George Eliot and Herbert Spencer: Feminism, evolutionism, and the reconstruc-
tion of gender. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (Interesting analysis
of Spencer's rela-
tionship to Eliot and feminist thought) Spencer, H. (1904).
An
Spencer's thought
Turner,
J.
autobiography.
and
New
York: Appleton.
(Good source
for
background
to
life)
H. (1985). Herbert Spencer:
duction to Spencer's thought)
A
renewed appreciation. Beverly
Hills,
CA:
Sage. (Clear intro-
61
62
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Further Explorations
—Web Links: Spencer
http://wrww.iep. utm.edu/s/spencer.htm
(Site
Philosophy; good overview of Spencer's
maintained by The Internet Encyclopedia of
life
and work)
http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/spencer.htm
Economics
at the
New
School;
good source
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/spencer/
maintained by the Department of
(Site
for further
(Site
Web
links
about Spencer)
maintained by Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy; solid review of Spencer's philosophy)
—
Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Spencer Thomas Malthus:
http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/malthus.htm (Site maintained by the
Department of Economics links
at the
New School; good
source for information and further
Karl Ernst von Baer: http://www.zbi.ee/baer/ (Site maintained by the von Baer
background,
museum,
Estonia;
ideas, further readings)
Charles Darwin: http://www.aboutdarwin.com/index.html lots
Web
about Malthus)
(Site
maintained byAboutDarwin.com;
of interesting historical facts about Darwin and his work)
CHAPTER
3
—
Engines of Change Karl Marx (German, 1818-1883)
63
64
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
The Perspective: Human Nature,
The
History,
and
The Ramifications of Capitalism
85
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
Summary
A
98
knowledge of the writings of Marx and Engels
an educated person
to
Marxism
.
.
.
of social inquiry
Marx and
thought,
and
itself.
.
Engels
.
.
Not
and
virtually indis-
is
.
.
.
For
classical society,
indeed, about the nature
be well grounded in the writings
to
be insufficiently attuned
to
is
and politics;
self-excluded to a degree
by which most contemporary are free
our time.
in
has profoundly affected ideas about history,
economics, ideology, culture,
of
95
97
Building Your Theory Toolbox
pensable
69
Reality
75
Basic Features of Capitalism
from
to
modern
the continuing debate
societies live insofar as their
members
able to discuss the vital issues. (Tucker, 1978, p. ix)
Karl Marx formspeoplefoundation unaware of the
much sociological as well as social thinkhis influence). Marx is the one that gave us
for
ing (even for
the initial insight to see patterns of conflict evolving
and revolving around
we notice, understand, and care about inequaliMarx did. Marx also taught us to pay attention to
systems of inequality. So, anytime ties,
the
we
are seeing the world like
economy and
the state and
how the
elite in
those institutions use power and ide-
ology. If we see class as an important determinant in
we History
itself
is
natural history
—of nature's
under
will in
itself
we
time subsume
man
subsume under
natural
itself
science: there will be
feel that
some of the
If
life,
then
think that
the government
may actually be used by the upper then
we
are thinking like Marx. If
things that people believe
may
in the
long run keep them oppressed or prevent them from reaching
the science of man,
just as the science of
Marx.
institutions
class to facilitate inequality,
coming to be man. Natural science
are thinking like
and other social
a real part of
we
their full potential, then
will
we
are thinking like Marx.
More than his influence on social Marx has been a dominant figure that
one
argued against,
science. (Marx, 1932/1 978a,
like
of thought
is
theorists have either
Weber, or used in unique ways to under-
stand society and the
pp. 90-91)
thinking in general,
way
One
inequality works.
such school
the Frankfurt School, the birthplace of critical
theory. We've been talking about the Enlightenment, positivism,
Marx is
and the idea of progress. Marx's theory generally
feels that
history and society can and should be
decidedly an empiricist.
ward
in
He
falls
under
this perspective.
studied scientifically;
and he
argues that societies change and history moves for-
response to dialectic structural forces in the economy; thus, for Marx,
society functions
much
like a
machine, according to law-like principles that can be
Engines of Change
Marx
discovered and used. Most importantly for our present discussion,
human
consciousness
He
materially based as well.
is
—
posits that
argues that consciousness
is
directly related to economic, material production; thus he argues against idealism, religion,
and most philosophy. While Marx approach
scientific
The
is
of society, he also holds that a
critical
is
the path to true knowledge that
would
liberate the oppressed.
Frankfurt School, formed in 1922 at the University of Frankfurt in Germany,
inverts Marx's
emphasis on the empirical world and science. The events in Germany
during the 1920s and 1930s created an intellectual atmosphere where the of ideology apart from Nationalism
—
became an important focus of
class relations
—took root
pride in one's national identity at any cost
Germany and came
to fruition
under the Nazis. As a
result of
not only
use
state's
research.
prewar
in
WWII
but
also WWI, the burning question for many social and behavioral scientists became, how is it possible for people to believe in such a destructive national ideology? Some of the answers, such as those from Erich Fromm, focused on psychological issues. Others,
such as the Frankfurt School, focused on the social production
of knowledge and
its
but for
a bit,
now
human
relationship to
focuses on Marx's Hegelian roots.
the salient point
Thus,
Hegel in
on Hegel produced
that this refocus
is
from material explanations of consciousness
shift
Marxism
consciousness. This kind of
We will talk more about Georg Wilhelm to idealistic
and
a
major
cultural ones.
Marx, the Frankfurt School focuses on ideology; but, unlike Marx,
like
criti-
theory sees idological production as linked to culture and knowledge rather
cal
than
and material
class
relations of production. Ideology, then,
is
more broadly
based and insidious than Marx supposed.
Max Horkheimer became
the director of the Frankfurt School in 1930
and
continued in that position until 1958. Horkheimer criticized the contemporary
Western belief that
positivistic science
was the instrument that would bring about
necessary changes, positing instead that the questions that occupy the social
and reinforce the
sciences simply reflect
Horkheimer believed
and
is
the
a different
Jiirgen
and
order.
political
that the kind of instrumental reasoning or rationality that
associated with science
the subject
existing social
is
is
oriented only toward control and exploitation, whether
atom or human
kind of perspective
beings. Science is
needed
thus intrinsically oppressive,
is
knowledge about people.
to create
Habermas, the current director since 1963, picked up Horkheimer's theme
and argues
that there are three kinds of
knowledge that
is
knowledge and
hermeneutic or interpretive knowledge that another and working together; and pation. Because scientific
critical
knowledge seeks
within a given phenomenon, science as they exist.
interests: empirical, analytic
interested in the technical control of the
That being the
is
knowledge that to explain the
historically
case, scientific
environment
(science);
interested in understanding
is
is
one
interested in emanci-
dynamic processes found
bound. That
is, it
knowledge of human
only sees things institutions
and
behaviors can only describe and thus reinforce existing political arrangements (since society
edge,
is").
As such, science
on the other hand,
relations is
taken "as
is
and thus
limited,
isn't
in sociology
is
ideological. Critical
situates itself outside the historical
susceptible to the
and truly important
same
social questions
historical confines of present-day experience.
knowl-
normative
social
limitations as science. Thus, science
must be addressed from outside the
The
to get rid of the distortions, misrepresentations,
intent of critical
and
political values
knowledge found
in
is
our
Karl
Marx
65
— 66
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
knowledge and speech. relationship between
Critical theory
knowledge and
Antonio Gramsci (1928/1971)
based in praxis and sees an inseparable
is
interests.
important cultural extension of
gives us another
Marx. For Gramsci, the condition of the West
is
past the point
based Marxist revolution can occur. Revolution for Gramsci
economic
uct of external
forces as in
implies,
social
system and
capitalist
and Gramsci makes problems
its
system with
its
is
based upon
it.
So, in order to
ideology you must be outside of
This obviously presents a problem for the
elite:
the system
it
is
and grasp
is
whole.
as a
it
is
particularly dif-
Workers, on the other hand, while subject to the ideology of the
system, are also by definition outside of alienation
understand the
created by and works for
the benefit of the capitalist ruling class. Standing outside the system ficult for capitalists.
knowledge.
critical
only way to truly see the whole
specific, that the
to stand outside of
is
where the materially not the simple prod-
Marx, but revolutions come out of and are pre-
ceded by intense cultural work. This cultural work
Marx
is
it.
The working
class
by
its
very position of
capable of seeing the true whole, the knowledge of class relations from
the standpoint of the entire society
and
system of production and social relations.
its
Another school of Marxist thought that
tems theory,
initiated
is
particularly noteworthy
by Immanuel Wallerstein. According
is
to
world
sys-
Wallerstein
(1974/1980), individual states are currently linked together in a world economic system. There are four types of states in this world economy: the core, which contains the great military states that are
and economic powers of the day; the semi-periphery
between the core and the periphery
military power; the periphery,
which
is
poor and labor
forced.
is
having the periphery to exploit, enjoys light taxation, high standard of
living.
external areas to exploit. will
dominate.
The key
When
terms of economic and
The periphery is the
the external areas available for conquest. force, thus living conditions are
in
the colonial or undeveloped countries; and
to the
core's exploited labor
The
core, as a result of
relatively free labor,
world economic system
there are
no more
is
and
a
the presence of
external areas, world capitalism
And once that happens, the internal contradictions of capitalism will
play themselves out and the end result will be a world socialist government. Thus,
Marx,
rather than emphasizing the critical consciousness that
is
the Frankfurt School, world systems theory simply
the empirical class
ics
lifts
implicit in
as does
dynam-
out from the national level and situates them globally. I
our
much
won't spend this theorists. I've
gone into
time talking about the contemporary influences of a bit of detail with
us to see that Marx's influence
is
Marx because I think
stronger today than
it
it is
all
of
important for
has ever been. Above
about two main paths through which Marxism has come to us today:
I
talked
critical
and
world systems theory. These two paths have, in turn, informed countless other con-
temporary perspectives and critical race
literary criticism; the
Jameson, and others;
postmodern
critical
of the defining features of a
However,
I
theories.
Among them
theory; globalization studies; the
would hazard
social, political,
and
media classic:
are feminist standpoint theorv;
Birmingham School of Cultural
theories of Douglas Kellner, studies; it
and the
list
goes on.
Studies;
Ben Agger, Fredric
Of course,
this
is
one
continues to influence contemporary thought.
a guess that Marx's thought has specifically influenced
sociological thinking
more than any other
our
thinker in this book.
.
.
.
Engines of Change
I
end
introduction with a quote from Friedrich Engels (1978b), spoken at
this
Marx's graveside.
On
the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest
living thinker ceased to think.
He had been
and when we came back we found him
—but
sleep
alone for scarcely two minutes,
left
gone
in his armchair, peacefully
to
for ever.
An immeasurable loss has been sustained. departure of this mighty Just as
spirit will
.
.
.
The gap
that has
soon enough make
been
by the
left
itself felt.
Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx
discovered the law of development of human history: the simple
concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must drink, have shelter
and clothing, before
it
can pursue
fact,
first
hitherto
of
all eat,
politics, science, art,
production of the immediate material means,
religion, etc.; that therefore the
and consequently the degree of economic development attained by
a given
people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art,
and even the
on
ideas
of the
religion,
people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as
But that
not
is
Marx
all.
mode
for
Marx
For
Marx was
man
before
tion of the
all else
which
modern
position and
it
.
.
its
.
.
a revolutionist. His real mission in to the
which he was the
few could
rival
was to con-
to contribute to the libera-
first
to
make conscious of its
needs, conscious of the conditions of
And he
life
overthrow of capitalist society and of the
had brought into being,
proletariat,
Fighting was his element. cess such as
motion governing
of production, and the bourgeois society that
dynamic, revolutionary force
one way or another,
state institutions
its
emancipation.
fought with a passion, a tenacity and a suc-
.
.
And, consequently, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated time. Governments, both absolutist territories.
in
and republican, deported him from
heaping slanders upon him. All
were a cobweb, ignoring
pelled him.
And he
it,
this
their
will
millions of revolu-
Siberia to California, in
I
many opponents, he had
he brushed aside as though
mourned by
—from the mines of Europe and America— and make bold say name
of his
answering only when extreme necessity com-
died beloved, revered and
tionary fellow workers
His
man
Bourgeois, whether conservative or ultra-democratic, vied with
one another it
case.
of science. But this was not even half the man. Science was
a historically
tribute, in
own
mode
of production has created
Such was the
had hitherto been the
also discovered the special law of
the present-day capitalist this
—
to
that,
all
parts of
though he may have had
hardly one personal enemy.
endure through the ages, and so also
will his
work.
(p.
681)
Karl
Marx
67
68
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Marx Born on May
Review
in
1818, in Trier, one of the oldest cities in Germany, to
5,
Heinrich and Henrietta Marx. Both parents came from a long line of rabbis.
His father was the
first in his
family to receive a secular education (he
could recite numerous passages from Enlightenment thinkers)
was a lawyer who allowed himself
— Heinrich
to be baptized Protestant in order to
move that was not entirely successful. Marx enrolled in the University of Bonn to study law.
avoid anti-Semitism; a
At seventeen, Karl
was there that he came
who were poverty,
critical
in contract with
of Prussian society (specifically, because
government censorship, and
Hegelians were particularly legitimation.
Bonn was
it
religious discrimination).
of the Prussian
critical
It
and joined the Young Hegelians,
also a party school
state's
contained
The Young
use of religious
and young Marx spent
deal of his time in beer halls. His father thus
moved him
to a
a
good
more acade-
mically oriented university (Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat in Berlin)
where,
much
to his father's chagrin,
Because of his political
Marx's interests turned to philosophy.
Marx was denied
affiliations,
by the government. Marx turned to writing and
government censorship In 1843, Paris,
Marx moved
a university position
editing, but
had
to battle
continually.
to Paris with his
new wife, Jenny von Westphalen. who had been suppressed
he read the works of reformist thinkers
In in
Germany and began his association with Friedrich Engels. During his time in Paris, Marx wrote several documents that were intended for self clarification (they were never published in his lifetime) but have since become important Marxian
and The German
texts
Ideology,
(Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844
which was finished
in Brussels).
Marx moved from Brussels, back to Paris, and then to Germany. Much of his movement was associated with revolutions that broke out in Paris and Germany in 1848. That year also marks the publication of The Communist Manifesto. Finally, in 1849, Marx moved to Over the next
several years,
London, where he remained. He spent the early years of the 1850s writing several historical
In 1852, sit
daily
and
political
Marx began from 10am
pamphlets.
his studies at the British
Museum. There he would
to 7pm, studying the reports of factory inspectors
and other documents
that described the abuses of early capitalism. This
research formed the basis of
Das
Kapital, his largest work.
During
this
time, three of his children died of malnutrition.
The workers' movements were First International.
quiet after 1848, until the founding of the
Founded by French and
opening of the London
Exhibition of
British labor leaders at the
Modern
Industry, the union soon
had members from most industrialized countries.
Its
goal was to replace
Marx spent the next decade of his life working with the International. The movement continued to gain strength worldwide until the Paris Commune of 1871. The Commune was the first capitalism with collective ownership.
Engines of Change
worker revolution and government. Three months Paris
after
—
Karl
Marx
69
formation,
its
was attacked by the French government. Thirty thousand unarmed
workers were massacred.
Marx continued
produced another major writing. His
to study but never
wife died in 1881 and his remaining daughter a year
home on March
later.
Marx
died in his
14, 1883.
The Perspective: Human Nature, The nucleus of Marx's thought contains two
issues,
History,
and Reality
both of which come from the
world of philosophy. Three interrelated questions have dominated philosophy since its
beginning,
years ago: What is reality? How do we know what we humans uniquely aware of their world and themselves? The
some 2500
know? And, how
are
question asks what kinds of things exist and that field of study
first
ogy (the study of being or
and
created
its field
third issue looks at it is
existence).
of study
how
is
The second question
asks
is
called ontol-
how knowledge
called epistemology (the study of knowledge).
is
The
people are aware of themselves and their surroundings;
simply referred to as the philosophy of consciousness.
Species-being:
Marx
actually builds his sociology
from
humans
his answers to these ques-
and knowledge
tions. Let's consider the issues of consciousness
first.
It
seems
we are not simply aware of the environment; we are also conscious of our own awareness of it. And second, we can be conscious of our own existence and give it meaning. There are many philosophical and some sociological speculations about how this came about. Marx proposes a rather unique answer to By means of [species-being] the problem of human consciousness: species-being. nature appears as his work and Marx argues that the unique thing about being human is his reality. The object of labor that we create our world. All other animals live in a kind of is, therefore, the objectification are aware in a
way that other animals
are not. First,
it
symbiotic relationship with the physical environment that sur-
of man's species
rounds them. Zebras feed on the grass and lions feed on the
longer reproduces himself
zebras,
and
the lions.
in the
end the grass feeds on both the zebras and
The world of the
lion, zebra,
occurring world, but not so for the
must
create a
world in which to
live.
and
grass
human
is
a naturally
world.
They must
Humans
in effect alter
or destroy the natural setting and construct something new.
The human
mechanism
is
in a creative fashion in order to life.
something new
in the
humans can come from
There
is,
all
Thus,
when humans plow
environment that
to see their
others
comes
own
in
a real sense, and he sees his
own
reflection in a
as the
produce the
being observes the created
then, an intimate connection between producer
tence of the product defines the nature of the producer.
is
mirror through which
nature. Self-consciousness as a species that
human
world
which he has constructed.
a field or build a skyscraper, there
in turn acts as a
no
consciousness, but actively and
the ability to change the
necessities of
for he
intellectually, as in
(Marx, 1932/1995, survival
environment
tinct
merely
life;
human
is
dis-
world.
and product: the very
exis-
p.
102)
70
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
Here's an illustration to help us think about
by hand,
clothing or a
like
woodworking
ground up? Remember how important ingful than
something you buy
had invested
a piece
project, or perhaps built a car
reflection of
chased commodity could never be. But this short of what
Marx truly has
in
poor
a
is
you
from the
was more mean-
It
made
way
in a
illustration
that a pur-
because
had made
tool or a shirt, they
it
or they
knew the person who
world was intimately connected. They saw themselves purely if
falls
it
human beings in their natInitially, human beings cre-
ated everything in their world by hand. There weren't supermarkets or malls.
had a
You
it.
mind. Marx implies that
immediate consciousness.
ural state lived in a kind of
to you?
simply because you had
was a
it; it
was
that thing
at the store
of yourself in
Have you ever made anything
this:
If
they
did. Their entire
in every product. Or,
they had bartered for something, then they saw an immediate social relationship
with the person
who had made
the thing.
When
had produced, they saw themselves, they saw a
human
(creative producers),
human. They
intimately
and they
The world
tions with other people.
saw intimate and immediate
also
that
they looked into the world they
clear picture of themselves as being social rela-
surrounded them was immediately and
and controlled and understood themselves
created
through the world that they had made.
human
Notice a very important implication of Marx's species-being: their nature are social
and
altruistic.
Marx's vision of human
tance of society in our species survival.
because of society. Through society
we
We
create
is
beings by
based on the impor-
survive collectively and individually
what
is
needed for
survival; if
it
were
human animal would become extinct. We are not equipped to any other manner. What this means, of course, is that we have a social
not for society, the survive in
nature
—we
altruistic.
only are survival
we not is
by nature. Species-being
are not individuals
Altruism
defined as uncalculated
is
individualistic
most natural inclination would be is
why Marx
system to our nature
under compromising
will
we
don't see
structures.
It is
would stand
selfish. If
—
it's
self.
The
are
Not
human
to reason that
group and not the
communism
believes in
state. Further,
of modernity/capitalism,
and
to serve the
it
we
to others' interests.
by nature, we are not naturally
based on collective cooperation, then
species-being
also implies that
commitment
our
idea of
the closest economic
Marx would argue that, under conditions these attributes in humans because we exist
capitalism that teaches us to be self-centered
self-serving. This effect of capitalistic structures
is
go through a transition stage of socialism on
why Marx argues that society its way from capitalism to
communism. Marx's theory of species-being also has implications for knowledge and consciousness. In the primitive society that we've been talking about,
edge about the world was objective and
harmony with
their
own
in this creative act. In species-being,
reflects
back our
own
is
expressed,
nature.
human
ideas
the problem of survival. clearest
and thought
Humans
survive
and most true ideas are grounded
people become truly conscious of themselves
their ideas. Material production, then,
which human nature
humans' knowl-
they held ideas that were in perfect
nature. According to Marx,
come about in the moment of solving because we creatively produce, and our and
real;
is
supposed
to
and the product ought
be the conduit through to act as a mirror that
Engines of Change
an analogy to get
Let's try
at this
extremely important
issue.
—
There are a limited
number of ways you can know how you physically look (video, pictures, portraits, mirrors, and so forth). The function of each of these methods is to represent or reproduce our image with as resentation
little
What
was impossible?
what
distortion as possible. But
if
accurate rep-
medium changed your image
some would be
every
if
We would
way?
in
have no true idea how we physically look. All of our ideas some way. We would think we see ourselves but we wouldn't. Marx
false in
ing this
kind of argument; but not about our physical appearance;
with something
much more important and fundamental
We think we see but we don't. We need to take this analogy one step
he's
—our nature
mak-
is
concerned
as
humans.
it,
and videos, there
is
What I mean
reality.
further: notice that with mirrors, pictures,
kind of correspondence between the representation and
a is
that each of these
case of our physical appearance, that's
media presents
what we want. Imagine
one how you looked and the person played an audio wouldn't
mode
make any sense, would
it?
a visual image, if
and
its
in the
you asked some-
cassette tape for you.
That
There would be no correspondence between the
initial presentation. This, too, is what Marx is know something about our human nature, if we want to see it represented to us, where should we look? What kind of medium would correspond to our nature? Marx is arguing that every species is defined by its method of
of representation and the
telling us. If we
want
to
survival or existence.
Why are whales, lions,
and hummingbirds
all
different?
They
are different because they have different ways of existing in the world. What makes human beings different from whales, lions, and hummingbirds? Humans have a different mode of existence. We creatively produce what we need we make products, and we are the only species that does. So, where should we look to understand our nature? What is the medium that corresponds to the question? If we want to know how we look physically, we look toward visual images. But if we want to know about our nature, we must look to
—
production and everything associated with is
there it
is
says
cut
we understand
falls off"
Thus, according to Marx, production
this
who and what we
into place. To understand species-being
on the need is
and we can
is
to
also
why Marx
into being
now
also
is
is
in
why Marx
in creative
produc-
anything other than
placed such emphasis
let's
considered an economic determinist. The all
and have
move on
other structures (superstructure) of
relevance.
We
Marx
understand alienation (being
grounded
understand
else
for class consciousness in social change. This understanding of
substructure from which
but for
says that
are.
from our true nature), ideology (ideas not grounded
creative production),
come
Marx
notion of species-being, then almost everything
tion), false consciousness (self- awareness that
nature
nature. However,
something wrong with the medium. Under present conditions (capitalism),
gives a distorted picture of If
it.
we can know human
the vehicle through which
human
economy is
the
human
existence
more
later on,
will explore these ideas
to the second part of the core of Marx's thought
—
his
consideration of reality/ontology.
Material
dialectic:
While ontology doesn't become part of Marx's sociology,
sciousness does, his ontological
work
results in the
as con-
concept of the material dialectic,
Karl
Marx
71
72
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
or what
is
generally called dialectical materialism, which
In Marx's time, there were ity: it.
essential for his theory.
is
two important ways of understanding the
issue of real-
idealism and materialism. Idealism posits that reality only exists in our idea of
While there may indeed be
exists for
humans only
as
it
senses, but this sense data
appears to
On
humans
is
a material
and of itself,
exists in
The world around us
appears.
is
world that
is
that world
perceived through the
structured by innate cognitive categories. Thus, what
not the world
itself
but our idea of
the other hand, materialism argues that
cal properties. In materialism,
it.
may
all reality
be reduced to physi-
our ideas about the world are simple
reflections;
those ideas are structured by the innate physical characteristics of the universe.
Marx
feels that
animals.
terms
He
this
Marx carefully.
both of these extremes do not correctly consider humans
proposes another way of understanding
way of thinking
rejects
One
naturalism, or
fact,
Hegel
humanism.
brute materialism out of hand, but he has to consider idealism
still
Marx
enrolling at the University of Bonn,
held a significant place in the thinking of
is still
more
for him.
how we
e
Meac
e
by and
social object thus
use svmbols.
meaning
-
lbs
._:-.."•
ttmg
Erac-fl
institutions, but these institutions aren't like the
large determine
-
.
.
I
level entities that
The meaning of any
i :>??-: :rr.r:v that
Mead indicates that there are
-.
his attention
.-.:
so that she can be an ob"
human behavior from
the
:
Sr:
n the other hand, argue-
an organization of attitudes which we
all
rter all,
ca
-
nothir
-
Self-Consciousness
group or
social activity
—forms
— George Herbert Mead members
so organized that the individual
of
society can act adequately and socially by taking the attitudes of others toward these
261-262). So, in any interaction there
activities" (pp. 211,
attitudes or perspectives that
we can
take
may
be several different
and through which we can organize our
behaviors. Society, then, doesn't exist objectively outside the concrete interactions
of people. Herbert Blumer, the that the interaction
is
man who
formalized symbolic interaction,
They
tutions" or "societies" can't act because they don't exist objectively. as sets
of attitudes, symbols, and imaginations that people
modify
an interaction. In other words, society
in
tells
us
the only acting social unit. In other words, things like "insti-
exists
exist
only
may or may not use and
only as
of potentials
sets
(ideas that people could possibly use).
In general, these perspectives or potentials are called the definition of the situation,
which
the reigning characterization of any interaction. In other words,
is
encounters can be defined in some broad manner
example. This
by
are
is
an important point because
their very nature symbolic.
It
it
—
tells
most
as a university classroom, for
us that
all
situations for
also implies that the roles that
we
humans
play are pre-
scribed for us by the definition of the situation. Roles are behavior clusters or scripts that are characteristic
classroom,
we would
of some position in a community. So, in a university
expect to find the roles of professor and student.
But notice that the definition of the situation
example would
indicate.
may
I
be
at the
isn't as
clear-cut as the above
grocery store and the role of professor
doesn't live in that definition of the situation. However, the definition of the situation changes as soon as a student calls
ply a grocery store.
By invoking
me Dr. or Professor Allan. It is no longer sim-
a different definition, the student presents the
with that of the university.
possibility of overlaying the definition of store
the student presents the possibility because, as with every meaning,
it is
I
say that
unfixed.
I
may respond by simply saying "hello," in which case I allow the world the student proposed, or I may ask the individual to please call me Ken. Of course we wouldn't be done yet, as the student may tell me that she or he isn't comfortable calling me by my first name. And we are off and running again. The same tial
is
true for our above example of the
word female. The
role of "poten-
date partner" doesn't exist in her professional situation, yet she
a different definition
by simply winking her eye or by allowing
longer than expected, thus making available a
never
tell
in
advance what definitions,
an interaction Society
is
—they
all
emerge
roles,
new
set
a
suggest
touch to linger
of scripts or
roles.
or meanings are going to
as the interactions
may
We
can
come out
of
go along.
thus an emergent quality of the interaction. Society
is
achieved as people
role-take with institutionalized perspectives within a given definition of the situation. All of what we've talked
human
action
is
(structures), but
about
in this section so far
can be summarized by stating that
not determined or released in response to institutionalized pressures it is
situation. Further,
built
up and emerges through the negotiated
Mead's theory implies that
human
society
definition of the
must be studied
in
terms of acting units and research methods, and theory must be geared toward understanding the meaning to the actors. The only acting unit interaction, because that roles
and
selves.
is
where meaning
And, according
to
is
is
real
people in
real
achieved and where people produce
Mead's perspective, theory can't be general, other
251
252
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
than a few orienting concepts, because
human
nature
symbolic (not empirical
is
Durkheim and Marx argue) and human behavior cannot be Another important point
Mead
for
that the self
is
objects in the environment, the level of importance
be determined by participants. So, the
meaning given
either. Like all social objects,
meaning within the
objects, the
self isn't it
is
self
flexible
is
seen as one of
many
social
and definition of which must
something that has an
essential
must be symbolically denoted and then
definition of the situation.
meaning of the
like
predicted.
And
like all
social-symbolic
and emergent.
A theory moment happened for me not too long ago that might help to illustrate My brother-in-law (Don) and my sister (Patti) both told me about an
this point.
incident in back-to-back telephone conversations. training for the Pike's Peak run.
He
experienced heart fibrillation on the way down.
he ran the race race,
he told
a
week
Patti
later.
He
Don
is
a distance
didn't
tell
Patti at that time,
problem
he
at the doctor's office. In this interaction
and an
story, as far as the actual events are
organizer." That's her self as she sees
meaning of all the events changed, defined the "condition" as not
a
vis-a-vis
life
threatening, as one that it's
okay for an athlete
is
normal
Don
for athletes,
in his condition to con-
defined himself as a "competitor and an optimist" and Patti as
"worrier that mothers too much."
The important thing to pretation of an event
important to note
is
—
is
-
example
is
happening
socially: these
Out of this
sociological.
of selves that that event
and negotiation emerge
interaction
The process through which
Meadian way of perceiving the
What's
two people are negotiating with
as well as the kinds
a sense of self for each of the participants.
the focus of a
not that even individual has an inter-
would be more psvchological than
meaning of an event
indicates that they have.
and
see in this
that
what
a third part)' over the
is
it
concerned. But the
as did the definitions of the selves involved.
said that lots of doctors say
Don
"reality" that
with me, Patti referred
Don. Don
same
The
self).
65 years old and had previously experienced a five-hour
is
to herself as a "caregiver
tinue training.
Patti got
me about it. She said that Don is too much into machismo pos-
Patti referred to is that
told the
and
did not experience any further problems. After the
turing and doesn't deal with reality (her definition of Don's
and he
the Peak, he
at
about the training incident over dinner and margaritas.
upset. She then told
fibrillation
runner and was
During one of his training sessions
a definition
that occurs
social world.
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity Reflexivity
and
the fragmenting of the
modern. His argument implies
self:
Mead
that the self
is
never saw his theorv as particularlv essentiallv a reflexive construction
involving the production of the self as social object, regardless of the historical context.
However, there are some elements of postmodern theory that seem
lenge Mead's notion of an integrated
self.
Recall that
becomes integrated through role-taking with with only significant others, the different points of view.
self will
Mead
argues that the self
a generalized other.
When
seem segmented, divided
The generalized other
is
able to link
to chal-
all
as
it is
role-taking
among
the
those individual
perspectives into one abstract whole, thus giving the self a sense of integration. But
Self-Consciousness
what would happen
— George Herbert Mead
the generalized other was itself fragmented or constructed
if
from vacuous images?
Some postmodernists
argue that just such a state
Rather than a
exists.
created through role-taking with actual social others, the
postmodern
self that
self
is
is
created
through role-taking with media images. These images are not connected to one another in any real way. Through the media, individuals are inundated with dis-
connected images of different groups, different people, different values, and ent
modes of expression
—
all
of which has increased the amount of reflexivity and
The problem
self-monitoring in which individuals engage. reflexivity
is
directed toward a cultural self that
The
constant change and doubt.
phernia
—
differ-
result
is
is
that this increased
is
and
socially saturated
what Gergen (1991)
with
filled
refers to as multi-
—and the pas-
vertigo of self- values filled with expressions of inadequacy
Jameson (1984) goes
tiche personality.
postmodern era "stands
something
as
expand our sensorium and our body
argue that the culture of the
so far as to
an imperative to grow new organs, to
like
to
some new,
unimaginable, perhaps
as yet
ultimately impossible, dimensions" (p. 80).
As we've seen, Mead
is
In fact, according to
self.
reflexive thought.
The
self
certainly aware of the reflexive
dimension of creating
Mead, both the mind and the
self are created
is
found
(Me)
in the social object
a
through
as well as the reflexive
conversation an individual has with her- or himself from the perspectives of specific
and generalized
though necessary
this reflexiveness,
the individual.
Though Mead does not go
others.
It is
for social
much
into
life, is
he
detail,
is
aware that
not altogether comfortable for
perhaps problematic in postmodernity.
Being too reflexive about things can actually deconstruct them (Allan, 1998,
Sometimes
pp. 84-85).
tinue ize,
if
this
can be good. Racial and sexual inequalities can only con-
people believe that the social categories themselves are
for example, that race
is
then
There
is,
we can
deconstruct race and
however, a
loose from
This
is
is
its
it
will
and
is
defined in interac-
pushes deconstruction too
yawning abyss of meaninglessness
incapable of holding personal identity, social
real-
no longer influence our behaviors.
limit. If subjective reflexivity
are then faced with nothing but a
surface that
When we
not an essential quality, but rather a symbolic meaning
that has been created through historical, social processes tions,
real.
self,
postmodernity because of a number of social
far,
we
a placeless
or society. Meaning
and material moorings and becomes completely
part of what postmodernists are getting
—
is
set
free-floating.
Reflexivity has increased in
at.
factors, like the legitimation
of doubt,
constantly changing knowledge, disconnected media images, rapidly shifting
markets, and so on. This increased reflexivity
Too much
reflexivity
gives us a theory
is
particularly important for the
can destroy the meaning that
we
through which we can understand
give the
how the
self.
self.
However, Mead
destructive tendencies
of postmodern reflexivity can be lessened.
Fusing the
I
and
the
Me: Let
me
give
you
a practical
works. Let's pretend you are at a bar and see
What do you do? take.
Well,
You put yourself
if
you're like
most of
in that person's shoes
someone us,
and
example of how that
you think
you think about see
it
how you would
is
reflexivity attractive.
and you
role-
look to her or
him. You might try out different scenarios in your mind. Depending on
how
these
253
254
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
may
that other person
you
see
good
think of you,
someone you
that
can be emotionally draining.
us, that process
me add one
let
and you are
most of
are like
But
who that person is with and what you may or may not approach the person. If
thoughts come out, and depending on
reflexive
small detail to our story. In this scenario, you are at the bar
and you
attractive
will
Now what
are drunk.
second thought. Why? Because you're drunk, right?
and go below the
moment
immediate
What
surface.
circuits the reflexive
Mead
it is
due
And
Me
(at least
to alcohol, but
it
in
which the
In other words,
Me
and the
I
feel
we
we
feel that
when
argues that those times
is
p. 274).
This description
what
loop
talking). This
it
is
some ways
in
Mead
is
a
arti-
talking about.
is
I
and the Me.
and we sense the true "meaning
real
when we
the
I
and the is all
aren't reflexive as essentially
Me are
the
it
simply
in
fused are "intense
more powerful when
social process in
which
this
is
is
emo-
experi-
involved, the
reminiscent of Durkheim's explanation of
is
ritual.
Mead
produced.
is
says that fusing takes place in circumstances
tification of the
where there
complete iden-
is
person with the expectations of the situation. This can most
group
activities.
Everybody who is
can't hear
I
missing from Durkheim: the internal mechanism through which
is
increased emotional energy
There
in the
the exaltation, the emotional response, which results" (Mead, 1934,
greater
ing.
we
reflexive
are not attributing meaning; rather,
enced with a group. "The wider the
happen
more
exist
can be fused and the reflexive loop
more
tional experiences." This emotional response
Mead
as a
(direct sensual experience).
it is
supplies
much
think like theorists
drunk does? Being drunken short
helps us see a bit of what
of life." The individual experiences those times
Mead
let's
because of that, you
dampening of the
this
stopped. During those times, things
what
but
recognizes an important phase in the interaction between the
There are times
real.
Yes,
than you generally do. In other words, the impulses of the
shadow example, because since
that being
is it
loop inside you.
aren't subject to the scrutiny of the
ficial
do you do? Chances
simply walk right up to that person without so as
a sense of
give rise to this
Mead
sees the
common
gives the
example of saving
person drowning
effort
phenomenon
and
will
respond
identification with
are religious
and
easily
someone from drownin the
all.
same manner.
Other situations that
patriotic events.
Durkheim, of
course, sensitizes us to another kind of practice that brings about reduced reflexivity,
that being ritual. There
is
vet another source for this kind of experience.
It's
called flow.
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (1990) uses the term flow to capture what he
mal experience: "the
state in
which people are so involved
ing else seems to matter" (p. 4); "self
it is
due
to being so involved in one's activity- that
consciousness disappears, and the sense of time becomes distorted"
a state of flow, people are not reflexive; they are completely tion.
calls opti-
an activity that noth-
in
immersed
(p. 71). In
in the situa-
Based on a psychology of optimal experience, Csikszentmihalyi argues that
flow comes about in rule-bound situations where there
where the individual
is
pushed
where there are unambiguous
a clearly
known
goal,
to the functional limits of her or his skill level,
signals
about
how
well she or he
words, the situation must enable people to concentrate task at hand.
is
And "whenever one does
all
is
and
doing. In other
their attention
on the
stop to think about oneself, the evidence [of
Self-Consciousness
good performance]
is
encouraging
.
.
and more attention
.
— George Herbert Mead
255
freed to deal with the
is
outer and the inner environment" (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990, p. 39). If
the postmodernists are correct, Mead's theory
more
participate in
where the
activities
reflexive
loop
Me fused will have more core-self experiences.
the
we can
versation (like
see
how
rock concerts) and
would predict is
dampened and from
In particular,
just
the
I
and
our con-
increasing participation in emotion-producing rituals
focus one's cognitive energy (like extreme
activities that
and produce
sports) could create an array of experiences that feel essentially real
firm sense of
who
that people
a
self.
Summary To think
•
like
Mead
mind,
to see that
is
and
self,
society are ongoing social
productions that emerge from interactions.
There are basic elements, or
•
most important of these social objects to
object
mind
understood in terms of legitimated behaviors and pragmatic motives. The
is
uses symbolic-social objects in order to block initial responses
formed
in childhood
The
spective
self
is
object for
is
through necessary
a perspective
our own
The
thoughts.
self I
others, society can exist as well as
to
view our
own
stages of role-taking
and consider
The mind
is
behaviors. This per-
and becomes
has a dynamic quality as well
and the Me. The
When
exist.
social interaction.
from which
formed through successive
the seat of the impulses.
is
thus necessary for society to
It is
nalized conversation between the I
Among the We use symbols and
go into making us human.
meaning and the mind.
denote and manipulate the environment. Each symbol or social
alternative lines of behavior.
•
tools, that
are symbolic
the self
Me is the
—
it is
a social
the inter-
social object,
and the
able to role-take with generalized
is
an integrated
Role-taking with generalized
self.
others also allows us to think in abstract terms. •
Society emerges through social interaction;
ture. In general,
the
mind
more than
react.
and consider
one another. Interaction
lines of action.
cue, response, this negotiated
Meaning
is
produced
and response
meaning
and organized
is
it is
Action
not a determinative strucpredicated on the ability of
self.
Thus mind,
and
self,
society
through the
What we mean by
triadic relation of
society emerges
attitudes (institutions).
Mead's theory along with postmodern theory implies that the role-taking with multiple
An
radical reflexivity.
of core
can be produced through the practice of Durkheimian
self
is
can
extension of Mead's theory indicates that a sense
intense personal experiences. In such experiences, the
dampened, and the
self
and disconnected images
and through
is
from
as interactants role-take within specific definitions of the
become fragmented through self
mutu-
the process of knitting together different
in interaction
to response.
is
alternative lines of behavior with respect
environment and a pertinent
ally constitute
•
act
to delay response
to the social
situation
humans
experienced as essentially
I
and the
real.
Me
rituals
and
fuse, reflexivity
256
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
Building Your Theory Toolbox
Conversations With George Herbert Mead
—Web Research
Every once in awhile we are fortunate to find something personally enlightening
about one of our theorists on the Web; with Mead, we have a portion of John Dewey's speech given
Mead's funeral. Read Dewey's tribute
at
to
Mead
at
http://spartan.ac.brocku
.ca/~lward/Dewey/Dewey_ 1931. html. Based on your reading, what think characterize George Herbert
Mead? What does Dewey
How does Dewey characterize Mead's influence on his thinking? below
well as the sites given
•
In
for
How did Mead
feel
Using the Dewey
site as
tradition"?
How was his most
about writing?
•
When and how did Mead
•
What kind of lecturer was Mead? What was the City Club of Chicago? What was Mead's
•
words do you
Mead, answer the following questions?
what way can Mead be considered part of an "oral
famous book written?
five
say about Mead's work?
create a nationwide disturbance?
association with the City
Club? •
What
•
Search for links concerning Oberlin College.
did
Mead
think about poetry?
Mead's father taught there.
•
How do you
Mead was one
at
What
is
the history of Oberlin?
Oberlin, and George received his undergraduate education
think Oberlin influenced Mead's thinking?
of the
first
professors at the University of Chicago. Research the
What kind of university was it? Why and how was it founded? What did it mean that Mead was invited to Chicago? Who was Jane Addams and what was the settlement house movement? What was Mead's relationship to Addams? How did Addams influence Mead? history of the University of Chicago.
•
Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) Using Mead's theory ought to give you an entirely different outlook. So the people
we
have dealt with have assumed that society
and they have by and
Simmel assumes that Spencer,
large
been concerned with
How would Mead talk about and ory,
where does
racial
does responsibility
lie
and
its
most of
objective
Even level
aren't at the
Mead, on the other hand,
meaning emerges out of
understand race and gender? According
to
basically
interaction.
Mead's the-
From a Meadian point of view, where How could we understand class using Mead's
or gender inequality exist? for inequality?
far,
somewhat
macro
though they
talk about.
says that society only exists symbolically
least
historical or structural processes.
that society has objective forms,
Marx, or Durkheim would
is at
Self-Consciousness
theory?
From Mead's
perspective,
how and why
— George Herbert Mead and
are things like race, class, gender,
heterosexism perpetuated (contrast Mead's point of view with that of a structuralist)?
Engaging the World (using the theory) •
More and more people ing
done from
is
about
are going to counselors or psychotherapists.
how the self is constructed, What things might a
be different? •
clinical sociologist
emphasize?
Using Google or your favorite search engine, enter "clinical sociology." clinical sociology?
•
Most counsel-
Knowing what you know now how do you think sociological counseling would
a psychological point of view.
Mead
What
is
affiliate.
is
the current state of clinical sociology?
very clearly claims that our self
which we
What
is
dependent upon the
Using Mead's theory, explain
how
social
groups with
the self of a person in a dis-
enfranchised group might be different than one associated with a majority posi-
Think about the
tion.
and the relationship
different kinds of generalized others
between interactions with generalized others and internalized Me's. (Remember,
Mead
how we
himself doesn't talk about
about the
feel
self.)
Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) •
We did something different in tors is
a
and
effects
good time
of postmodernity, to gather
Rather than pointing out the social
this chapter. I
offered
what might be viewed
as a remedy.
fac-
Now
our thoughts about postmodernity. Look back through
thus far about postmodernism. You should find that with each theo-
what
I've said
rist, I
concentrated on one particular aspect. For example, with
institutionalization of doubt
and with Weber
it
was the
rise
of a
Durkheim
it
each of the main issues, the social factors that bring that issue about, and the
You can use what we
talked about in Spencer as a framework.
the beginnings of a fairly decent theory of postmodernity.
was the
new class. Write out effects.
Now, you should have
How does the extension
of Mead's theory mitigate or change some of those effects? •
Mead
gives us
our
clearest alternative thus far to positivism.
critique the assumptions of scientific theory.
perspective, explain
why the symbolic
From
interactionist
Using Mead's theory,
this critique
and using Mead's
approach demands an entirely
different theory than science requires.
Further Explorations Baldwin,
J.
— Books
D. (1986). George Herbert Mead:
(Part of the Masters of Social
A
Thought
unifying theory for sociology. Beverly Hills, series; excellent
CA:
Sage.
short introduction to Mead's
life,
thought, and continuing relevance)
Blumer, H.
(
1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective
Hall. (Blumer's classic text;
interaction)
and method. Englewood
Cliffs,
NJ: Prentice
he systematized Mead's thought and formally founded symbolic
257
258
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Blumer, H. (2004). George Herbert
CA: AltaMira
Mead and human
Press. (Series of articles
conduct
(T.
J.
Morrione, Ed.). Walnut Creek,
by Blumer on Mead's theory)
Cook, G. A. (1993). George Herbert Mead: The making of a
social pragmatist.
Urbana,
IL:
University
of Chicago Press. (Definitive biography)
Plummer, K.
(Ed.) (1991). Symbolic inter actionism. Brookfield,
VT:
Elgar. (Part of the Schools
of Thought in Sociology series; brings together the most important writings in symbolic interaction)
Further Explorations
—Web Links
http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/projects/centcat/centcats/fac/facchl2_01.html the University of Chicago; short background of Mead's ten notes from
work
(Site
maintained by
Chicago, includes handwrit-
Mead)
http://www.iep.utm.edu/rn/mead.htm
(Site
maintained by The Internet Encyclopedia of
Philosophy; excellent information about Mead's
life
and theory, including extensive quotes)
Mead
http://spartan.ac.brocku.ca/%7Elward (Site maintained by the Sociology, Brock University, influences
at
St.
and contemporaries;
Project,
Department of
on Mead,
Catharine's, Canada; extensive information
links to
many
his
of Mead's published works)
http://www.cla.sc.edu/phil/faculty/burket/g-h-mead.html (Site maintained by the Department of
Philosophy
at the University
of South Carolina; link to open discussion group about Mead's
work)
—
Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Mead More than any other of our
theorists so
far,
Mead was
influenced by and synthesized
specific schools of thought. Using your Internet search engine, define the following:
itarianism, pragmatism,
and behaviorism. In addition, Mead was
util-
directly influenced
by
the following thinkers:
Charles Darwin: http://www2.lucidcafe.com/lucidcafe/library/96feb/darwin.html tained by Lucidcafe, a commercial concern; contains short introduction to
ous helpful
Dewey:
lohn
Web
(Site
main-
Darwin and
vari-
links)
http://www.iep.utm. edu/d/dewey.htm
(Site
Encyclopedia of Philosophy; excellent source for Dewey's
by
maintained life
The
Internet
and philosophy)
Wilhelm Wundt and William James: http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/wundtjames.html
(Site
Shippensburg University;
maintained by Dr. C. George Boeree, professor of psychology
at
combines Wundt and James and
excellent information about
both
men and
their influence
on psychology;
their influence)
Charles H. Cooley: http://sobek.colorado.edu/SOC/SI/si-cooley-bio.htm ology graduate students to
at
symbolic interactionism
(Site
maintained by soci-
the University of Colorado, Boulder; part of a fuller site dedicated
—
I
encourage you to check out the entire
site)
CHAPTER
A
8
Society of Difference
Harriet Martineau, Charlotte
and
Perkins Gilman,
An Open
W.E.B.
Du
Bois
Letter book
Steven Seidman, a contemporary social theorist, has written a Contested Knowledge: Social Theory Today
Seidman's work indicates that theory agrees.
We've talked a
(objective or symbolic)
bit
about
and other
have about
we should
orizing today. For quite a bit of the twentieth century, fairly
good idea
The
of
(descriptive or critical). Part of
social thinkers
the definition of the canon, or the group of people that
thought they had a
it).
our discussions of the nature of society
and the purpose of theory
the discussion that sociologists
recommend
not something about which everyone
is
this in
highly
(I
called title
whom
to reference
—
this
American
people
concerns
reference in the-
like
sociologists
Marx, Weber,
and Durkheim. Today, and for about the
last
has been contested knowledge.
ology and social thinking.
I
We
20 years or
much
of the founding thinkers
should be uncomfortable with our
important theorists, for in limiting the For
so, the issue
think this shift has been very, very good for soci-
list
we
are excluding voices
and
list
of most
perspectives.
of the twentieth century, sociology systematically excluded voices of race
and gender. Even though most of us are aware of this problem, many theory books still
do not include some of the
For this book,
I
early thinkers
who theorized about gender and
race.
have consciously included not only the theorists we have in
this
book made to the Marx and Simmel have been issue of people like Weber and
chapter, but also the contributions that the other thinkers in this
idea of difference. So, the explicit gender theories of
brought out, and the activism or involvement
Mead
is
made
with what
I've
clear.
However, I'm not
done. There are
many
together and written, particularly as
in this
satisfied
nor
am
other ways this
it
revolves
I
completely comfortable
book could have been put
around Martineau, Gilman, and
259
260
EXPLORATIONS
Du
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Bois,
and there
are other theorists oi race
and gender
that
I
could have included
oi course, reasons for writing the book the way
I
have,
instead of these three.
There to take a
are,
moment
social theorv
make
onlv
is
them
to explain
contested terrain, and
|
this
book) not
also
I
do,
I
want you
to
know
an end, or even as
as
The Blackwcll Companion
to
Major
that
(p. 2
mv
view
rep-
anv
(2000) sav in
oi theorists
list
canon,
official
book
this
,
one
In the other chapters of this book, I've considered
Mv
perspective and theories at a time.
maior reason
instead of paradigms or maior concepts
unique views oi the
social world. If
from considering them one
good
for
we were
cause: their ideas
at a time.
that these
focused on individuals
wav we
our
talk in
insights that
men
on
like
we can
and getting
are amazingly provocative,
see the social world.
glean
regarded as classic
is
Another reason
that
that a student of sociology should be able to talk
is
talk to each other
how
may
it
rarelv talk in terms of functionalism, interactionism, or conflict the^
These thinkers are part of our cultural carry
theorists
terms of func-
terms of Durkheimian, Weberian, or Meadian theories (despite
we
his
each present us with
about each of these theorists separately. Professional sociologists
appear,
on
for focusing
these
and
social theorist
men
to organize
The work of
and questions
inside their heads can change the I've
is
and so on, we would miss the
tionalism, conflict theory,
be
that
intended to be used as 'cannon fodder' in an open, contestable process of theorv
construction and reconstruction"
in
I
Goodman
Social Theorists, "although
covered in a collection such as this one can be read as an is
know
to
beginning, but simplv
a
an ongoing dialog. As Ritzer and
as a tentative statement in
and I'm going
want you
I
should be. Critique and revaluation can
it
us and our theories better.
resentation oi theorv
But before
to you.
a sports
and
you'll
need to know them to
Not knowing about them individually would
a conversation in sociology.
going to
capital
bar and not knowing the difference between baseball and
hockey. In addition, these
men and
their theories
still
understand contemporary theorv nor can you do vour
hold sway You can't
own
theoretical
reallv
work with-
out knowing about their ideas and theories. This chapter
unique
is
in that
cerns the
why
I've
am
putting three different theorists together and
Why these theorists and why this idea? There are two
I'm focusing on a general idea. basic reasons
I
chosen to put these folks together. The
way theorv has been
built in sociology
—we haven't
included the idea of difference. Hence, Martineau, Gilman, and as clear a theoretical lineage
Sad to
sav,
nor do they form
rationale con-
built
Du
it
around or
Bois don't have
major part of our cultural
capital.
but you could get through vour entire graduate career in sociology and
never need to
know
face in
vour
books
like this
Gilman, and
first
Du
the
name
Harriet Martineau; but you
graduate class
one
will help
if
you
change
when
contemporarv theorv; for this
would
isn't
on vour
of cultural capital. Martineau,
book because thev seem is
we can draw
to
m
be the
brought up.
clear lines
that isn't necessarilv true for Martineau.
discrepant
fall flat
know about Max Weber. Hopefully
this issue
the issue oi exclusion
For most of the people in this book,
profound or
didn't
Bois were chosen for this
often referenced people
The reason
a
first
between them and
Gilman. and
Du
Bois.
because these three people didn't sav anvthing
inspiring; quite the opposite
is
true: thev
have a
lot to sav to us.
Bu:
-
.
A
theory
isn't
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du
Society of Difference
simply built around the power of explanation: values are always
core of what
we
do. Thus,
what
being explained
is
not more, than the efficacy of the theory.
is
sometimes
The questions we
ask,
at
the
important,
just as
if
and thus the answers
we hold onto, are very much guided by the cultural values that we have. The end result is that there isn't a clear line of heritage in contemporary
race
and
gender theory that reaches back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. All three of our present authors were serialized piece, for
enormously popular
in their day. Martineau's first
example, outsold Charles Dickens. By the time of her death,
Martineau had published over 70 books and around 1500 newspaper despite this popularity, the works of Martineau, Gilman,
adopted into the canon of social theorizing,
others.
A
"paper
trail."
it
social theory.
standard practice to
is
I've
cite
Du
and
mentioned,
Bois were never
in sociological
and
Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and the
long lineage of academic work can be traced back to them. There's a clear This
isn't
Du
the case for Martineau, Gilman, or
porary race and gender theory
isn't explicitly built
der theorist says that she or he
Even contem-
Bois.
upon them.
rare that a gen-
It's
constructing a theory on or through modifying
is
Gilman or Martineau. The same
more
As
articles. Yet,
is
true in race theory for
Du
though he
Bois,
is
often cited because of his political influence.
The other reason why I'm combining volume of actual theory book. Don't get theorists
deal of
me
in their
work
wrong, there
is
these three in
isn't as large as
one chapter
is
that the
that of the other people in this
quite a bit to say about each of our present
— many books have been written about each of them. However,
what has been written concerns
consciousness-raising activities.
When
their lives, political influence,
Du
Martineau, Gilman, and
a great
and/or their
Bois wrote, they
were among the disenfranchised, and most people of their time were
blissfully
unaware of or unconcerned about the plight of blacks and women. Thus, much of their
work
paper
is
in the
articles,
form of popular readings
and the
like.
Part of this
emy, but the larger part of public.
it
had
to
short stories,
like novels,
was due
do with the need
As Marx's theory implies, there must be
poems newsx
to the political structure of the acadto speak out to the general
a high level of critical consciousness
before things can change. Writing for academics, then, hasn't been a major concern for the oppressed. Further,
most members of disenfranchised groups
aren't con-
cerned with producing a general theory of society; they are rightfully concerned with
one
specific aspect: the social
oppression of their group.
The most important reason
for including these three in this
theoretical concern: Martineau,
difference
is
Gilman, and
Du
book
is
their general
Bois theorize about difference, and
extremely important in contemporary theory. There are two kinds of
differences that are highly important to people: the differences of gender
and of race;
both are fundamental in the way we understand ourselves and the way we others. (There
is
in
contemporary theory another difference
that
is
relate to
extremely impor-
we have a more The reason for this is that class impacts the structure of our relationships and encounters more than race or gender does. What I mean is that most of the people we interact with are members of our class position. If you're middle class, you usually don't hang around tant: sexual orientation.) In fact, in
normal
face-to-face interactions,
pronounced awareness of our gender and our race than of our
class.
with the corporate president of Disney, nor do you generally go out to lunch with a
Bois
261
262
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
homeless person (unless you're being particularly benevolent thought or action on our part, across class (race less so, but
class structures
it's
catching up) and
aware of them. This distinction between talk
our
class
lives;
we
the time). Without
at
but race and gender cut
are
becoming increasingly
and race/gender
is
one reason why we
about race and gender as theories of difference.
Harriet Martineau (British, 1802-1876) Harriet Martineau was born in Norwich, England, on June 12, 1802, the sixth of eight children. Martineau
of her hearing.
was a
Many of the
trumpet (an early hearing
grew up
women
sickly child,
aid),
religion, universal
and was generally educated
18.
at
Martineau
home (most
and
are
committed
to the use of reason in
brotherhood, and a creedless church. Unitarians were part of the
religious dissenters'
movement
the Anglican Church.
in England,
Though
which fought against the dominance of
she eventually became agnostic, Martineau's
gious background clearly informs her thinking, as
typology of religion. Her father was a modest
8.1
she had lost most
time were barred from the university). Unitarians believe in one god,
in contrast to the doctrine of the trinity,
Photo
12,
show her with her hearing
which she acquired when she was
in a Unitarian household,
at this
and by the age of
adult pictures of Martineau
Harriet Martineau
we
will see
capitalist,
when we
reli-
get to her
whose business eventually
A
Society of Difference
more
collapsed due to competition from larger,
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du Bois
industrialized companies. This
business failure forced Harriet to seek gainful employment, which she found, writing for the Monthly Repository, a Unitarian journal. Martineau began by writing a series of short stories with ethical
and
political points.
of teaching and illustrating the ideas of political
Her
talent for writing
soon became obvious:
book on
writing, she published a novel, a
52
articles for the
Monthly
Among her best-known works (a
in only her
as a
way
for the general public.
second year of full-time
religious history, a variety of essays,
and
Repository.
of sociological methods), Society America), Deerhrook
She saw writing
economy
are in
How
Observe Morals and Manners (a book
to
America
(a
three-volume sociological study of
novel about English domestic
and the translation
life),
of
Comte's Positive Philosophy m\o English. She wrote Morals and Manners on the ship traveling to America, Society in America.
Martineau was a
by the
well respected
and spent two years
intellectuals
in the
built in the
Ambleside Lake
and was
prolific writer, traveled extensively,
of her day. Harriet Martineau died of natural
The
causes at 74 years of age. She passed away at
had
United States gathering data for
home
Knoll, a
District in England;
and she
left
she designed and
her
own
obituary.
Martineau's Perspective: Natural Law and the Hope of Happiness Positivistic social theory:
known
best
Harriet Martineau
for her translation of
is
one of the
earliest sociologists.
major foundation stones of sociology. Martineau, however, did more than She revised Comte's work
down from
six
Martineau's version, that he adopted translated back into
French.
If
She
is
Auguste Comte's Positive Philosophy, one of the
it
translate.
volumes to two. So taken was Comte with
rather than his
own and had
the revision
you've read Comte, chances are you've read
Martineau's version. In praise of Martineau, the point of view of future generations,
I
Comte
feel
wrote,
"And looking
sure that your
name
will
at
it
from
be linked to
mine, for you have executed the only one of those works that will survive amongst all
those which
my
fundamental
treatise
has called forth" (as quoted in Harrison,
1913, p. xviii).
Martineau
when we
is
We spent some time talking about positivism
obviously a positivist.
discussed Spencer. In brief, positivism
is
one of the philosophical roots
of scientific sociology. Positivism asserts that the universe laws,
and use them I
is
organized by invariant
and human beings through reason and observation can discover those laws
want
to understand, predict,
to take this opportunity to
and control every area of
make
their lives.
the distinction between positivism
and
neo-positivism. Neo-positivism began to be formulated around the turn of the
twentieth century and found one of
its
strongest sociological spokespersons in
George A. Lundberg, past president of the American Sociological Society
(later
renamed the American Sociological Association). Lundberg agrees with Comte the defining feature of positivism
is its
method.
All
academic
that
disciplines are created
and based on unique methods through which each of these forms of knowledge is
created.
One
of the major factors that makes history, philosophy, and biology
263
264
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
from each other
different
based on the this
method
It is
scientific
their
is
methods of creating knowledge. Positivism
method of empirical
that provides an inherent unity
primarily the
among
quantitivism, the position that enumeration and
impressions.
Comte would
itivism,
still
which
accumulating
for
statistics.
bilities
Comte, though
a
is
scientific
is
primary
a delusive theory.
and quantification. He held
first
knowledge about analysis.
don't
I
do want
I
to
in neo-positivism: positivistic
that the use of proba-
Comte's methodology can be generally
as historical-comparative. In neo-positivism,
The
something with which
mathematician himself, did not want the
identified with statistics
was
objectively
primary method of pos-
comparison, and historical
missing in Comte's methods and
is
is
dependent on sense
go into a long discussion about each of these methods, but
point out what
method
is
are
are essential in any
influence in sociology.
holds sway in contemporary sociology and
society: observation, experimentation,
to
its
exalts quantitative analysis as the
Comte would disagree. Comte gave us four methods want
method
agree with the third position, but the second has by and
large fallen out of the picture, at least in terms of
position, however,
measurement knowledge
positivistic epistemology, that
is
it is
different than historic pos-
neo-positivistic
behaviorism, the assertion that consciousness
scientific investigation;
unknowable; and
points out,
the sciences.
method that makes neo-positivism
Lundberg argues that the three elements of the
itivism.
Comte
observation. As
classified
Comte's historical model has been
replaced with statistical methods and the thesis of social progress has been replaced
by "the aspiration of cumulative growth within
scientific sociological
theory
itself"
(Timasheff, 1967, p. 211).
The
last
proposed
part of the quote by Timasheff
way
positivistic sociology as a
The Enlightenment,
as you'll
to
is
fulfill
particularly important.
Comte
the project of the Enlightenment.
remember, was a European
intellectual
movement of
The
thinkers of the Enlightenment
exalted empirical observation, the use of reason,
and systematic doubt. Empirical
the seventeenth
and eighteenth
centuries.
human
experience was considered the foundation of authority,
vation,
whether
it
came from
and doubt were
about progress
in
human
—more important than
the state, church, or even science. Reason, obser-
how human
to be used to discover
vidual, can be controlled in the
truth
same way
life,
both social and indi-
world in order to bring
as the natural
existence. Neo-positivism not only replaced historical-
comparative methods with
statistics,
it
also reduced the Enlightenment's
hope of
creating a better society to the refinement of theory. In other words, the social
theory of the Enlightenment had an external purpose: to improve the
on the other hand, has no
condition. Neo-positivistic theory,
Here theory
knowledge
is
statistically tested so that the
itself
can be improved.
It
on
social theory.
Talcott Parsons,
The
I
mention the difference between
central distinction
I
make
there
is
sociological
that social theory
designed to incite social discourse with an eye to change and sociological theory designed to describe things as they tinction between positivism lines,
is
for the sake of pure knowledge.
In the chapter
and
theory
human
external purpose.
exist.
As you can
and neo-positivism
Ben Aggar (2004) has recently
said,
see,
we can
in those
talk
about the
same terms. Along
is is
dis-
these
A
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du
Society of Difference
Since about 1970, theorizing has been displaced from sociology, which
265
Bois
is
increasingly methods-driven, into neighboring disciplines such as English, literature, philosophy,
comparative
women's
studies.
What remains
anthropology, history, cultural studies and
as theory in sociology
is
middle-range
largely
explanation that, through literature reviews introducing empirical journal articles, collects
cumulating research
about
literatures into generalizations
variables.
am
I
I am just trying to make some Some contemporary theorists, for
not arguing for or against either approach;
clear lines
where the distinctions are pretty
fuzzy.
example, are opposed to middle-range theory and the limitation of statistical analysis,
yet prefer to be
named
sociological theorists because they
are not interested in taking a critical stand in public sociology.
Nevertheless,
I
believe
it is
important to recognize the
many
theory for sociology, particularly because rists
we are talking about
be called social theory, specific reason,
in this
at least in the
terms
I
am
of course, to go into this detail that
is
using.
now
our consideration of Martineau. Martineau
is
The
and wrong. (Martineau,
about
1838/2003,
p. 4)
a positivist
in the Comtean tradition. As such, she sees the social world as predictable and best known through empirical methods. However, Martineau's methods are comparative
and she has
rather than statistical
a critical purpose in her work.
Natural law and happiness: Martineau
is
also a thinker in the tradition of the
Enlightenment, particularly in her belief in natural rights and law. Natural law
human
the idea that, apart from
every
human
being.
idea in the phrase,
institutions, there are laws
The United
"We hold
States Declaration of
and
is
rights that apply to
Independence contains
these truths to be self-evident, that
endowed by
equal, that they are
men
all
this
are created
their Creator with certain unalienable Rights."
Martineau (1838/2003) believes that "every element of social tance from this great consideration
—the
relative
life
derives
its
impor-
amount of human happiness"
(p. 25).
Happiness that qualifies
is
thus the touchstone for sociological analysis, and
Martineau
as a critical theorist
—her
held up to this one standard. However, Martineau in her approach.
and wrong
is
She
is
emphasis
must be
dogmatic or self-righteous
very careful to understand that her
America, Martineau (1837/1966)
in
making such judgments:
own view of what is right
on which
"to
it is
compare the
tells
us
how
existing state of society in
In the rest of this section
to go
about
America with
professedly founded; thus testing Institutions, Morals,
and Manners by an indisputable, instead of an arbitrary standard"
cal
this
influenced by the society in which she lives and was brought up. In
her analysis of Society
the principles
it's
belief that every society isn't
on Martineau, we
will
be looking
at
(p. viii).
her methodologi-
recommendations, Observing Morals and Manners: Methods of Social Research,
as well as her take
constitute
on
one of the
Institutions. first
one
is
good and right, and what makes them miserable is evil
important
it is
entertain
conviction, that
what makes people happy
of the theo-
book practice what could now
Comte, positivism, and neo-positivism for
[A]ll men common
shift in
Martineau's methods are important because they
statements of social methodology, which predates both
266
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Weber's and Durkheim's books. More important, however, felt
ought to make informed,
scientific observations
of society. Only in
make
Her recommendations,
involved can
we hope
directed toward
all
of
to us.
We
a better society.
why
the reason
is
Martineau wrote her book on methodology: she
that every responsible citizen
will see that Martineau's
all
of us being then, are
recommendations not only
cover a huge expanse of society, but she also believes that the observer her or himself
must be morally prepared
to observe. Martineau's focus in social observation
is
happiness, and she measures a society's progress toward that focus by comparing the cultural, moral code of a society
our consideration at
will
and
what we
ested in the distance between
behaviors. In other words, she
its
believe
society,
inter-
and what we do. The other topic
be Martineau's take on Institutions.
gender and family, religion and
is
We will
specifically
for
look
and education and freedom, and we
will
note two exciting ways in which Martineau was ahead of her time (the sociology of
knowledge and the sociology of space). progress
lies in
We
hope
will also see that Martineau's
for
public education.
Observing Morals and Manners: Methods of Social Research Comparing moral codes and
real
life:
In her
comparison of morals and manners,
Wuthnow
Martineau prefigures the contemporary work of Robert
Wuthnow
argues that the moral foundation of any society
content per tinctions
concern for Wuthnow, rather, he
se isn't really a
between the code and the way people
between the moral
tion
is
how
people observably
object, the object of
act.
This
is
the
morals and manners: Morals are the iors that are
same
beliefs
is
(1987).
cultural code.
The
interested in the dis-
relate to the code.
The
commitment, and the
distinction Martineau
first
real
distinc-
program,
makes between
of a society and manners are the behav-
supposedly motivated by the morals.
tinctions: the difference
is its
between one's true inner
composed of "some
Wuthnow self
adds two more
and the
dis-
roles that that self
particularly powerful symbols
plays;
and
[that]
have powerful symbolic value because they happen infrequently, are unusual
a distinction
.
.
or divine, and sometimes influence circumstances or represent changes in one's life"
(Wuthnow, 1987,
p. 73).
The
distinction
made
that people see as inevitable
To test the morals and manners
The important thing
happiness
is
between
human
to strike at
once to
is
between the things that are
intentional.
of a nation by a reference to
the essentials of
here
and the behaviors
cally
all
for us to notice
the pairs of symbols
known (manners) and
is
that
is
that the difference
one may be empiri-
the other can't be seen (morals).
the centre, and to see things as
Thus, the moral object of commitment, for example, God,
they are. (Martineau,
unknowable.
1838/2003,
is
p.
26)
It
exists as a
is
symbolic code. But the action that
connected to the moral object (Bible reading
in the
exam-
God) may be known. Wuthnow sees a dynamic aspect to the distance between morals and manners. Individuals must maintain a close but distant relationship between the ideal and the real. If the distance gets too close, ple of
people will tend to become either discouraged, because no one can uphold the
A
ideal,
hand,
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du
Society of Difference
or self-righteous and judgmental in their supposed adherence. the
if
boundary between the two
be able to distinguish between the ideal and the of justification for action will
by including spective
is
Thus,
result.
in her
the other
real,
then either cynicism or loss
Wuthnow
elaborates Martineau's view
social psychological issues; the structural core
found
On
blurred and the individual ceases to
is
methodology, though
Wuthnow
of this theoretical per-
did not cite or explicitly
incorporate Martineau's work.
Things: In general, Martineau advocates the observation of things in order to dis-
cern the cultural morals and manners of a collective, and using discourse with
people as a commentary on them. Like Durkheim, she sees that morals are part of the
"common mind"
of a people and that this public consciousness can be under-
stood through social
Durkheim's.
manners
facts.
However, Martineau's approach
in her
work
in
America
is
much
broader than
Martineau uses to measure morals and
I've listed the social facts that
in Table 8.1. I'm
not going to be describing each
element of her methodology because they are of varying degrees of theoretical
Table 8.1
lartineau's
Measurements of Morals
Structure
Observance
Religion
General type: licentious, ascetic, or moderate Physical places of
worship
Condition of the clergy Superstitions
Suicide
General Moral Notions
Cemetery
(age,
and cause of death;
visions of future)
Degree of attachment to birthplace and family Representative characters beliefs)
and
—two
kinds:
dead (deepest
living (currents of belief)
National celebrations
Treatment of guilty
Songs Literature
Domestic State
Physical
environment
Distribution of resources
Method and ownership Extent of commerce
of land
Physical health
Condition of marriage Idea of Liberty
Amount
of feudal arrangements
Kind of police
still
present
(military, private, public)
Urbanization
Conditions of servants
Freedom of press Education Persecution of opinion
Bois
267
268
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
importance.
I
things she has
ronment,
do, however, want to point out the variety and objectivity of the
on her
Martineau uses typologies, buildings, the physical envi-
list.
social practices
such as suicide, cultural
such as cemeteries, social
artifacts
networks such as attachment to birthplace and family, land ownership, health, marriage, education, police, urbanization, is
almost overwhelmed
esting point for
me
is
at
that almost
One more
can be observed.
newspapers, songs,
literature,
the breadth by simply reading the
and so on. One
The
list.
really inter-
of these items are actual things and facts that
all
issue I'd like to point out
that this
is
list,
along with her
follow-up interviews with people, represents a very sophisticated and contemporary triangulation of methodologies. She used observational, interview, archival,
and content
analysis methods.
and moral preparation: Further, Martineau
Philosophical
observation. In addition to
knowing what
pared. Martineau points out that
human
Grand Canyon, we would respond by saying do not
basis to claim expertise. Yet people
to
know what
men at
the request
is silly,
him
(Martineau, 1838/2003,
unless
moment
hesitate for a
enough
it is
they are doing; he thinks that eyes, ears, and
morals, though would not qualify
must be pre-
to explain the physics
body, or the geographic strata of the
he supposes that
a glance;
out requirements for
to observe, the investigator
someone asked you or me
if
of the universe, or the biology of the
he can understand
sets
we had some
to "imagine that
to be
among them
memory are enough
for
for botanical or statistical observation"
p. 14).
For Martineau, there are two main areas of preparation: philosophical and moral. The
first
thing to notice about her preparations
is
that they pertain to the
inner person. Martineau points out that the instrument of observation
human mind. Here we and neo-positivism. Of
the
is
can really see the difference between old-school positivism
instrument of measure
is
course, neo-positivism requires training, but the real
the survey or statistical analysis. For the old school,
it's
the
inner person that must be prepared.
The philosophical preparation of which Martineau speaks is very close to an I have used in this book: what you see depends on the perspective you
emphasis take.
As we
will see,
Martineau takes
this general point to its deepest level.
philosophical preparation you have to
For Martineau, what she wants to to happiness.
I
want you
Happiness for her against is
which
saying
what
is
is
is
do
know what
it is
you want
what Martineau
condition.
research,
how
It
is
to
know.
in
is
saying here.
the natural standard
Essentially,
you must
about being human. You must decide
you observe. The benefit of this preparation
settle in
what Martineau your
own mind
advance what the funda-
they affect your study and the people
is
that
it
focuses your view
on the most
issues.
The observer must point and a test of the
also have in facts."
scheme must
mind
Martineau
basic categories of distinction that gorical
to
must be gauged.
mental qualities of humanness are and
important
is
first
the condition of the society with regard
human
institutions
that before going out to
essential
is
to notice the depth of
the essential
human
all
make
know
The
we
the principles that will "serve as a rallying is
telling us that
will use to analyze
refer to the essential
human
we must have our
in
mind
the
data. Again, this cate-
condition. Martineau's scheme
is
A
Society of Difference
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du Bois
determined by the natural law of happiness and by the distinctions between morals
and manners.
The
third element of philosophical preparation involves understanding that
human
beings create social institutions and their beliefs and practices. Martineau
lived at the
beginning of the age of modernity; the period of time when the world
began to shrink. Communication and transportation technology had shown the
many
civilized nations that there are
truths
and many ways of organizing human
behavior. Martineau observes that this information should give the researcher the
from
this
own
out of her or his
ability to step
Martineau sees two important
culture.
open point of view. The prepared observer of human morals
the affliction of seeing sin wherever he sees difference"
and
will
be freed from emoshock and
tional responses that can cloud observation. Rather than experiencing
alarm, she
is
able to perceive
results
will "escape
and understand the morals and manners of
a people
as they exist for that society.
In addition to philosophic preparation, the observer of the
must make moral that to
make
we can
see the
readiness. In this,
human
condition
Martineau pulls no punches, for she
us
tells
accurate observations the observer "should be himself perfect." Here
depth of relationship between the observer and observed. Martineau
truly believes that the inner condition of the researcher
is
the prime concern and
preparation for making social observations. Martineau also recognizes that no one is
perfect
all.
and
if
we should
wait for perfection, no observations would be
made
Thus, we are to take stock and understand the issues that would most easily
beset our observations
we can
vision,
should
and make us prejudiced. Knowing what can pervert our
"carry with us restoratives of temper and spirits which
essential service to us in
our task" (Martineau, 1838/2003,
know enough about
the
human
spirit,
p. 52). In
able to plan ahead to
meet the
issues that
may
be of
other words,
dream
such speed as that used by the
and more
practically, the researcher
must
observers of men; yet they
with more safety,
might do
can have a heart of stone and a statistician can be as abstract
at the risk of
column of numbers and
still
be successful. But the
observer of society will be subject to deception at every turn
it
an incalculably
smaller mischief. (Martineau,
1838/2003,
way into the hearts and minds of The observer of humanity must herself be most human. She must be her way through the labyrinth of social institutions and interactions and
p.
18)
she cannot find her
people.
able
to feel
find
what
is
truly meaningful to the subjective actor. She
understand what people do and believe
it,
and what people
feel
why
they do
and why they
it,
must be
able to empathetically
what people believe and why they
feel
it.
Safeguards in observation: Martineau adds safeguards to the philosophic and moralistic
preparation of the investigator. She advises that no preemptory decision be
made, not only
do not
of generalizing with any
have unreserved sympathy. Martineau says that a geologist
as a
we
Natural philosophers
cause us to be
prejudiced.
In addition,
may
and our own
psychological and emotional development in particular, to be
if
at
in public
when she returns to her home culture but also in the priThe researcher, in other words, must deny herself or
vate, daily journal she keeps.
himself the luxury of coming to any conclusions until massive amounts of data are
269
EXPLORATIONS
270
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
gathered. This advice stands in stark contrast to the American system of academia
honors the number of publications over the profoundness and depth of
that
thought and
may
in fact
must guard
insight. Further, the observer
The connections we
tions too quickly.
between
see
against
making
generaliza-
different situations
and
belief
be only skin deep. The data we gather must, then, be complex and
nuanced. Only by knowingly guarding ourselves against premature generalization can we hope to do justice to the variety of subjective worlds that Obviously, Martineau she
is
isn't telling
a positivist. Rather, she
enough
piling
to check
is
us not to
telling us to
detail to respect the social
our observations of others
is
we observe. make generalizations; remember that make them slowly and only after com-
Of
worlds of others.
course,
one way
them, a practice Martineau
to actually ask
recommends.
The
final
advises
safeguard that the traveler must keep
preparations.
Her heart and mind
observations must be
made
hope. The path that Martineau
is
long and arduous. The researcher must
is
make
philosophical and moral
human
must be ready to observe
in great detail
behavior.
and breadth. She must keep
The
a journal of
her observations and considerations, being careful to not generalize or draw conclusions too quickly. This kind of research takes time, patience,
With such so careful
costs,
it's
easy to
become discouraged,
particularly
and take so much time. But Martineau (1838/2003)
"Every observer and recorder recorder ought to
feel
is
fulfilling a function;
and part of our soul.
when we have tells
to be
us to keep hope:
and no one observer or
discouragement, as long as he desires to be useful rather than
shining; to be the servant rather than the lord of science;
and
a friend to the
home-
stayers rather than their dictator" (pp. 20-21).
Institutions Several institutions that Martineau looks at give us clear indications of her the-
framework.
oretical
and education.
All
Specifically,
we want
to talk about gender
through her discussions of these
ideas pregnant with theoretical ramifications, yet theories. Thus,
I
will
and
family, religion,
social institutions, she gives us
little
in the
way of fully developed
be picking out specific ideas for
fuller
consideration. His
more
philosophical belief,
derived from
and
all
fair
just reflection,
evidence
is,
Gender and family:
that
I
want
to
Martineau's understanding of family and gender with a partic-
everyman's feelings of right and
One
of the important areas of debate
wrong, instead of being born
ularly significant idea.
with him, grow up
surrounding and within feminist
in
him from
the influences to which he
begin our discussion of
women's knowledge. The most
is
literature
is
the idea of
sociological of these
arguments
and more
subjected. (Martineau,
is
1838/2003, pp. 34-35)
than men's due to their relationship to social structures.
that
women's knowledge
consider this idea in a bit
but for
now
it's
we
live
and by the
more
different
detail
when we
get to
insightful
Du
I'll
Bois,
much of Martineau's work contains this idea we know is formed by the social, political kinds of social practices in which we engage. Of
interesting to note that
of the sociology of knowledge, that what structures wherein
is
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du
A
course,
on
Marx had
a sociology of
Society of Difference
knowledge position
however, was based
as well. His,
brand of humanist materialism and the production of ideology by the
his
work of Karl Mannheim
wasn't until the
Durkheim
also
argument was
in 1928 that Marx's theory
a sociology of knowledge in his
produced
that the essential categories of existence
work on
Marx, Durkheim doesn't have
While Martineau doesn't
a general
religion. Part of his
were produced through
and the structured distribution of populations
gious rituals
elite. It
was generalized.
in
reli-
time and space. Like
concern with the sociology of knowledge.
explicitly explain the theories
behind
this
portion of her
work, she nevertheless demonstrates a clear and general sociology of knowledge.
Martineau does not, however, privilege the female point of view. Later we
Du
see that to that
Bois feels the black position in terms of truth in knowledge
of whites. This perspective
is
will
superior
is
based on the idea that systems of oppression
can only be understood from the outside
—an idea
that
came from Marx. This
notion of outsider knowledge can be found in the generally accepted methods of
You have probably been exposed
sociology, albeit as a cautionary note.
The general to
idea
is
that
be biased toward
it
difficult to
it's
or
fail
own
study one's
to see things that
to
it
already.
we will tend someone look-
culture because
might be apparent
to
ing from the outside. Critical theory simply takes this a logical step further
claims that there
is
a special kind of
and
knowledge associated with being the subject of
a structure of oppression.
But Martineau doesn't make such a claim. In
fact,
that every person, not simply the oppressed person sociologist, could
The only
and should make rigorous and
assertion that Martineau
makes with regard
woman
logical research. In response, she points
out that
some
places that
The home
mary
part of
is
men
most
don't,
clearly thinks
insightful observations of society.
in response to the criticism that being a
into
Martineau very
nor the professionally trained
women's point of view
to
a disadvantage in
is
women
particularly to the
have particular insights
home.
important for several reasons in Martineau's scheme.
what she
calls
the domestic state. As
is
doing socio-
you can
It is
the pri-
see in Table 8.1, the
domestic sphere of society includes economic and distributive structures (manufacturing, markets, roadways,
and so
forth),
commerce
dealings between individuals or groups in society;
in general
(Martineau includes
and interchanges of
opinions, or sentiments), the general level of health, as well as marriage. these domestic institutions, family (marriage in particular) stands out.
where the primary socialization of children takes
place,
and
a place
ideas
and
Among
It's
where the morals
and manners of a people can best be observed. Further, the treatment of women marriage sures
up
human
is
one of the most important keys
to the universal law of happiness.
right
and
that marriage
is
for understanding
Keep
mind
all
the place
how
a society
that happiness
in
mea-
is
the basic
the fundamental social institution. Thus,
unhappy
in
marriages are a strong indicator of the moral state of an entire society. Martineau also says that the treatment of blacks
tion of the oppressed that
is
is
standing with regard to happiness. The
whether or not versal ity.
it is
measuring rod for happiness.
elite in
and
for this goes
It's
the posi-
any society are going to be happy; but
human happiness is generally valued can
in a collective,
The reason
a
particularly important for critiquing a society's overall
that
is
only be gauged by
how uni-
determined by the experience of society's minor-
back to the issue of natural
rights. If
human
beings have
Bois
271
272
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
natural rights, then the success of government
from those
Let's return to the central place that
The
society.
practice of gender.
While the
distinct things, they also
piness in marriage that
Martineau finds a link between marriage and the
have reciprocal
on one another. Thus,
prompted by gender inequality
is
and the
dition of marriage
effects
and the structure of gender
Martineau finds
men
beliefs that
men
should have courage and
women
Men
the benefit of society:
is
is
H
::
:
::;
:::
•
:::: ::::::::.!_ u- : :
Go home and watch
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— eisure— er.:
there other groups or situations that :
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we could
:
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j-.er
;
""•": -'.i
-
.-;:."
ire
:
_: ^:::;r. :i:t -
:
:
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TV. Intentionally watch programs that focus on African
-...-
ir.i'.~c l~
=
Are
•r.r. '?z-£~:< ••ou.i
Americans and pay particular attention to commercials that feature people of
;;-r.::ir:;r.
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use as measuring rods today in addition
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color.
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notations of the representations of blacks, Chicanos, Asians, and other minorities? How-
do you think this influences the consciousness of members of these groups? •
Ev£u^:e :he :iei
knowledge
is
:: jtir.ir;:-:
:r
jr.r.ji.".
a function of a group s social, historical, and cultural position, then
idea of critical knowledge correct? If so,
what are the implications _
rr;~
-•••
.-.::
r
^-.••••.\ec£:
-.: :;r.
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way
in
is
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this
which -
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for the
-.
A
Du
According to
•
Bois,
Society of Difference
— Martineau, Gilman, and Du
one of the ways cultural oppression works
by excluding
is
the voices and contributions of a specific group in the history of a society.
Defamation League has
prominent individuals
group exercise called "name
a
five."
The challenge
Bois
is
to
The Anti-
name
five
each category: Americans; male Americans; female Americans;
in
African Americans; Hispanic Americans; Asian or Pacific Islander Americans; Native
Americans; Jewish Americans; Catholic Americans; pagan Americans; lesbian, or bisexual
Americans; Americans with
name
For which categories can you
65.
the five?
What does
this
Web
on yourself or
a friend,
page (http://www.biography.com/ae). There you
of over 25,000 people whose
we mentioned. What did you Martineau was very
•
Americans over the age of
disabilities,
prominent people? For which
clear
Go
You might
and search
the categories that
get a sense of
site,
Web
site
social
(http://chroni-
for articles concerning minority enrollment in higher
also search for articles that give
professors. Using this
database
about the correlation between education and
cle.com).
and
coun-
find?
The Chronicle of Higher Education has a searchable
education.
in this
will find a searchable
deemed important. Try each of
lives are
you name
go to the Biography chan-
progress.
to the site
can't
imply about the way we have constructed history
try? In addition to trying this activity nel's
five
self- identified gay,
what
an account of minority teachers
going on with minorities in higher
is
education. Are the percentages of enrollment going up or
down?
Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) Oilman
•
gives us a very specific theory of
with what
first
Marx
said
gender oppression. Compare her theory
about gender oppression and then with what Simmel
said.
How are these three thinkers similar and different on the issue of gender? Which do you is more accurate? Why? How do the different theories create different ideas about
think
how
to bring
about gender equality?
Thinking about
•
how
you think there are some oppressed?
If so,
what
common features common
are those
general theory of domination?
Compare and
in the
way
features?
in
Bois talk about inequality,
which both gender and race are
What would
and
inequality, especially
contrast Martineau
a religious typology.
Martineau takes us one step further
what
factors
do you think
Durkheim expected
in
and Weber on the
are at
is
issue of religion. In
a theory of religious
work?
change
Do you
think
than did Weber?
If so,
But in what ways do they overlap?
in the evolution of religion
some
How does Martineau's typology compare to what
terms of the future of religion?
Further Explorations
— Books
More than with any of our other
Du
they indicate about a
from Weber and Marx?
ways, of course, they are two different approaches: Weber's
and Martineau's
do
How would those common features fit in with what we've
already seen about domination •
Du
Martineau, Gilman, and
theorists,
Bois, rather than read about them. For
Du
you should read Martineau, Gilman, and Bois,
I
recommend
that
you pick up The
309
310
EXPLORATIONS
IN
Oxford W.E.B.
books
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Du
Bois Reader, edited by Eric Sundquist.
in their entirety
Yellow Wallpaper,
and
How
to
I
recommend
at different
and then move on
points of his
Soliloquy on Viewing
An
as well as a
you
to
For
My Life from
Du
myriad of
with The
start
Work,
Culture.
Du
Bois wrote two,
The Autobiography of W.E.B.
Bois,
the Last
Bois'
with her books
Women and Economics, The Home, Human
also published autobiographies (in fact, life):
start
Observe Morals and Manners. For Gilman,
and The Man-Made World, or Our Androcentric Each of these thinkers
that
Du
contains two of
(The Souls of Black Folk and Darkwater)
other important writings. For Martineau, Society in America
It
Decade of Its
First Century;
Du
Bois:
A
and Dusk of Dawn:
Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept; for Martineau, Harriet Martineau s
An Autobiography. recommend Howard Brotz's
Autobiography; and for Gilman: The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman: In terms of introductions to other neglected theorists, reader,
Negro Social and
Sociology
and
Social
Political
Theory,
I
Thought, 1850-1920; and The
1830-1930, by Patricia
Women
Founders:
Madoo Lengermann and
Jill
Niebrugge-Brantley.
Further Explorations For
Du
—Web Links
Bois:
http://members.tripod.com/~DuBois/
(Site
maintained by Jennifer Wager; the
Du
Bois virtual
university)
http://www.duboislc.org/index.html (Site maintained by The
Du
Bois Learning Center)
For Martineau: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/martineau.htm (Site maintained by the department of
economics,
New
School)
http://www. webster.edu/~woolflm/martineau.html to the
(Site
maintained by Women's Contributions
Study of Mind and Society)
For Gilman: http://w ww.cortland.edu/gilman/ (Site maintained
by The Charlotte Perkins Gilman Society)
http://wvvw.womenvvriters.net/domesticgoddess/gilmanl.html (Site maintained by the online journal Domestic Goddesses, edited by
Kim Wells)
CHAPTER
9
The Problem of Meaning and Reality Alfred Schutz
—
(Austrian, 1899-1959)
311
312
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
•
The
• • • • • •
Phenomenology
Perspective: Social
Seeing Reality From a Being Conscious
Human Viewpoint 320
the Lifeworld
in
314
—Creating Human
Ordering the Lifeworld
Connecting With Others
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodernity
Summary
334
337
338
Building Your Theory Toolbox
is
323
Reality
330
somewhat odd
for
me to include Alfred
Schutz in a
classical
theory textbook.
ItHe certainly lived later than most of the people we consider, and his work didbecome well-known
n't
in the English-speaking
world until the 1960s. However,
book
the primary criterion for including
someone
contemporary theory, and there
an important segment of contemporary theory
that
we
is
in this
is
her or his influence on
couldn't understand without Schutz.
In general,
we could probably term
sociology," but
it is
more
this
segment of theory "phenomenological
informative to talk about two areas in particular: the social
construction of reality and ethnomethodology. The social construction of realmis
most
with Peter Berger and
clearly associated
Thomas Luckmann. Luckmann,
you may have noticed, published with Schutz and continued publishing after the theorist died. it}"
is
objectified.
world and duced,
it
it is
Berger and
Luckmann are
As we have seen, meaning
something
that
can change; and because
it
process as if
it
is
Luckmann argue
objectification,
carries the
and
how real-
synonymous with the
objective
can change,
people overcome the precarious nature of their Berger and
particularly interested in
isn't
attributed or created. Because
is
that
it is
also precarious. So,
push
is
pro-
how do
makes the created
seem
reality
status as brute, material reality. This objecti-
humans
through the use
are instinctually deprived, they are driven
to internalize this objectively real culture. Thus, a subjective reality
is
within the reality-producing
fication process extends to the individual subjective experience
of language. Further, because
meaning
reality?
intrinsic
this objectification
same ontological
work
his
and truly precarious
transformed into an mfersubjective one. Yet despite these processes that
for objectification, reality
tained in consciousness.
must engage
in a willful
It
is still
precarious for
must be continually
humans and must be main-
replicated
and guarded. People
suspension of doubt and must continue in routine, thus
giving reality a taken-for-granted character. In particular, people have to engage in talk.
Our
talk
with both anonymous and significant others provides
ground of taken-for-grantedness evervthing were real and
—
talk presents a
world that
is
a
back-
spoken of
as if
therefore unquestionable. Talk, like ritual, also keeps
The Problem of Meaning and
before the consciousness the objectivity of social
Reality
thus making
reality,
it
—Alfred Schutz
an object
of intentional consideration. Berger and Luckmann's theorizing, and the idea of constructed
produced an array of studies that
produced through
is
sets
for
and show how
granted. There are studies, for example, that take apart patriarchy
gender inequality
have
reality,
deconstruct certain elements of what we take
of ideological assumptions. There are
also studies that trace the historical construction of race or sexuality,
demonstrat-
The most
theoretically
ing that race
and sex could have been created
grounded of these studies find
their base in Schutzian ideas.
The other approach, ethnomethodology, "methods" people use
differently.
principally concerned with the
is
in everyday interactions that allow
of intersubjectivity and
There
reality.
a fine
is
them
produce
to
and ethnomethodology: researchers
the social construction of reality
structivist vein are generally interested in
a sense
but important distinction between
how we construct an
in the con-
objective reality out
of symbolic elements, and ethnomethodologists are concerned with social order as
an achievement that
this
is
locally
produced,
in situ, right here/right
now/in
just
manner. Ethnomethodologists are concerned with the commonsense methods
and reasonings whereby people (event),
which includes
dologist
may
produce a
in face-to-face situations
a sense of shared reality (facticity).
in fact claim that the notion of
social order
An ethnometho-
an objective, cultural
reality
is itself
reification.
Ethnomethodological research thus tends to focus on those patterned kinds of behaviors that allow us to leave unquestioned our cultural reality and to accept
manner. One of the insights that comes from
in a taken-for-granted is
the "et cetera principle."
using a shorthand
assumption
is
With the
method with
et cetera principle,
never questioned or proven. For example,
"You know
how
know" functions tive reality, (like
when
as
people
an
lie
if it
when you are talking to when you say something ." .
.
"You
allows us to create a sense of shared, objec-
were questioned, we would end in
the two-year-old asks, "Why?").
Some important
infinite regression
sociological thinkers in
Don H. Zimmerman, Hugh Mehan, and Houston Wood. Ethnomethodology has in turn
this perspective include
Melvin Pollner,
like
even to themselves? Well, the other day
et cetera device. It
even though
this perspective
people often refer to things
the assumption that "I could go on," but that
someone, have you ever said "you know"? You know, like,
it
Harold Garfinkel, Harvey Sacks,
influenced such contemporary thinkers as
Alfred Schutz
is
one of those
Anthony Giddens.
rare thinkers that
move
us to consider the well-
spring out of which other concerns and ideas come. For example, gists investigate race,
and
their
concern
is
how
many
sociolo-
race creates stratification
—the
unequal distribution of scarce resources. Schutz's ideas move us to a more basic level:
how
does "race" become meaningful and
says, "Schutz's focus
was the 'primordial foundation
standing possible' (in Grathoff, 1989, the world of everyday sible at all
and how
understanding"
it
life.
He aimed
in turn
(p. 367).
p.
to
212),
people? As
real to .
.
.
that
Mary Douglas
makes
all
under-
namely the lifeworld (Lebenswelt) or
show what makes
makes understanding
the everyday world pos-
possible, including scientific
313
314
e--_
:
=
--:•.: •.:_-:::-.::::_::- :-.--e:=-
Schutz was bom on April an only child
in
in
Review
13, 1899, in
Vienna, Austria.
an upper-middle-class Jewish family. As a
began playing the
violin,
which became a
He was raised Schutz
child,
lifelong interest.
Schutz studied law and business at the University of Vienna, from where he received his law degree. While in Vienna, Schutz attended lectures given by
Max Weber. Weber sparked Schutz's interest in lem of meaning. Schutz
felt
that
Weber left
social science
and the prob-
the problem of meaning unan-
swered, and he combined ideas about consciousness and time from Henri
Bergson and
Edmund
Husserl to create his
own phenomenological
theory
of meaning.
Compan He continued to work full time for the bank, first in
In 1927, Schutz became the chief financial officer for Reitler and a Menna banking firm.
New York, until the 1950s, when he took a full-time New SchooL A major portion of Schutz's research and writ-
Vienna and then in position at the
ing was actually done before he became a professor, which means that
of his academic work was done "part time," while working bank. During the years prior to his time
at the
full
r.ool,
worked 15 to 16 hours every day, including weekends. His wife,
much
time at the
he typically Ilse,
assisted
by transcribing Schutz's working notes and letters from his taped dictations. His major work, The Phenomenology of the Social World, was published 1932.
The fourth volume of his
a fifth volume
On July
is
collected
works was published
in 1996,
i
and
planned.
14, 1939,
Schutz immigrated with his family to the United States
In 1943, Schutz began teaching sociology
and philosophy courses
at th
School for Social Research; he served as chair of the Philosophy
Department from 1952 Alfred Schutz died
to 1956.
May 20,
1959, in
New York City
The Perspective: Social Phenomenology Seeing Reality From a Human Viewpoint There
will be, however, different opinions
be studied in the same object.
.
.
.
manner
[Wje take the position
human conduct and
its
in
about whether
which the natural
this
behavior should
scientist studies his
that the social sciences have to deal with
commonsense
interpretation in the social reality,
involving the analysis of the whole system of projects and motives, of relevances
and
constructs.
.
.
.
Such an anai
of view (Schutz, 1962,
rv to the subjective point
p
The problem of meaning: The social world is not synonvmous with the natural world For example, I am holding an exceedingly flat, rectangular object in my
The Problem of Meaning and
hand. But that 2 A- by 6-inch object X
you (What do
we see when I hold the $50 bill out to $50? What does he want? How could I use
that money?). Here's another illustration:
But we see
us.
somehow
that
more than those two
There are two people standing
discrete
mammalian
it
in front of
objects as they speak
words
between them (Where
create a binding relationship called marriage
does "marriage" exist? Does
—Alfred Schutz
isn't all
have to do to get that
I
Reality
words, or in some middle physical space
exist in the
between the two people?).
We
come up with myriad examples (such as the meaning of the flag, or a is made up of meanings, not simple, phys-
could
or water, or sex) because our world
tree,
The
ical objects.
social
world
a meaningful world,
is
and
dirt into
and meaning
is
always some-
Through meaning, we turn paper
thing other than the thing-in-itself.
money
into
farmland and biological sex into making love or into rape. The impor-
tant thing for us to note
that
is
meaning
is
on top
attributed, or laid
of,
and
objects
experiences.
There
doubt
is
is little
doubt that the
social
and natural worlds
Some
the relationship between them.
The
relationship between the universe
What
and
window
a
this
philosophers posit that there
into the natural uni-
physical worlds
upon
—
that every element of the social world
unique, with no connection to the outside world at
The
existence of
meaning unquestionably creates
same way the
physical world
is? Yet,
is
built
and
up from and based
human world
the physical. Other philosophers say that the
real in the
Some
a necessary relationship between the social
is
in
language would be immedi-
Others, like philosophers, argue incessantly about the relationship.
ate.
is
people, such as natural scientists,
assume that we can create a language that provides verse.
are different.
is
absolutely
all.
a
problem
while this
—
the
is
may be
a
human world dilemma over
which philosophers argue, there are vast numbers of people for
whom
this
tion.
the
problem of meaning doesn't
exist at
all.
In
fact, I
most of us
readily accept
and
our world without ques-
live in
We accept our world as given and never see or experience
problem of meaning. And that
Schutz
is
is
isn't
the world in which Alfred
situation
concerned with
it
directly. In
recognizes that the question
know
is
I
philosophers of
it
is
whether we are thinking outside of our
more philosophical
issue,
Schutz
isn't
own
concerned with
ontology because "the person on the street"
Schutz
interested in the natural attitude that people have about their lifeworld
isn't
concerned with them.
and how they experience that world. This emphasis on conscious experience and the naturalness of experience
comes from phenomenology.
The phenomenological method: Phenomenology originated with
Edmund
German philosopher with whom Schutz became
formed the phenomenological approach nalism. Empiricism
exactly
and my
unpleasant
share
all
issues of
(1859-1938), a
is,
my
is
in response to
the philosophy that
all
time.
(Schutz, 1964, p. 88)
some ways, perhaps, he
unanswerable, because
for certain
culture. Regardless of this
is
do not
in this
that
is
I
reality
ignorance with the greatest
interested.
impossible to ever
afraid that
only comfort
Schutz, of course, recognizes this problem of meaning, but
he
am
know what
Husserl
friends. Husserl
both empiricism and
knowledge comes from and
is
ratio-
tested
by sense data gathered from the physical world. Rationalism, on the other hand,
315
EXPLORATIONS
316
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
posits that reason
Reason can
and
through which true knowledge
logic are the tools
lay hold of truths that exist
Phenomenology cuts
a
more than
is
humans
things that can exist for
That
This
exist for us.
sounds. Think of it this way: the world of the frog is
moving
importantly,
much
only those things of
is,
quite as esoteric as
isn't
very different than the
is
based on sense perceptions
world. Part of the difference
more
con-
sense data. Husserl argued that the only
exist in consciousness.
which we are intentionally aware can
objects), but,
human
middle road between the two by focusing on
sciousness. Consciousness
attained.
is
beyond the grasp of sense perception.
(Tike
it
human
the frog can only see
of the disparity
is
founded on the
brain and the process of awareness.
However, while consciousness for Husserl
humans
reason. In reason,
stand and
make
is
more than
sense data,
than
less
it is
use cultural tools such as logic and categories to under-
sense of the world. Husserl saw those cultural tools as obstructions
to investigation.
He wanted
to set those aside
and
investigate pure consciousness
through epoche, or transcendental phenomenological reduction. Epoche is a Greek word meaning to stop or cease, or to suspend judgment. refers to a position in space or set point in time.
Husserl was asking us to suspend our belief in the reality of the to direct our investigative that
we could
aside or disconnect
human world and
view to our consciousness of the world alone. Husserl
felt
through bracketing. In bracketing we
set
get to pure consciousness
of the accumulated experiences and reflections concerning
all
the world of obiects,
also
It
As a methodological device,
all
the cultural tools through which the lifeworld
is
recognized,
organized, and understood as meaningful. Phenomenology, then, emphasizes
immediate experience (or the phenomenon of pure consciousness), apart from
all
assumptions, language, or theories.
The reason Husserl wanted standing
is
because he argued that
sciousness. Unlike thinkers
^
to bracket
who
reality
and
and truth can be found only
-
-
i
'
i
'
_
always accepted
in
existence
is
in the individual
make
possible "a
given." In epoche, a researcher suspends belief in the reality of
.
world and directs attention exclusively to her or
consciousness of the stream of experience so that
sta
~
human
descriptive account of the essential structures of the directly
...
:-£ ''-'
all
consciousness. Husserl thus wanted to
this
Wesha
pure con-
!
V method.
in
of under-
located social order, meaning, and realitv external
to people, Husserl believed that the basis of
—mmmm^m_
set aside all cultural tools
e>
'-'-
'-
can
:-r"e
come
Let's
r
getting
the attitude
his
own
its realitv-
forth
use an illustration to understand what Husserl at.
is
Lets sav you are walking across campus. There are
innumerable objects and things happening around vou, but in a real
way
these don't exist for
notice them. Suddenly
woman it
bat Husserl
is
arguing that there
her'r
peers,
a
will that
how will you
see
and
clothes, hair, figure, or
vou have about
women
'
gleaned
and prior experience
asking you to do is
woman. How
You might notice her
to the cultural understanding
from media, parents,
a
appear to vou? In other words,
understand
walk and compare
vou notice
vou because vou dont
is
to bracket
all
that cultural baggage.
pure experience waiting for vou underneath
all
He
is
of vour
The Problem of Meaning and
preconceived ideas.
He wants you
phenomenon
subjective essentialness. In other words, see the
to
its
woman.
a
—Alfred Schutz
and reduce the objective
to transcend the culture
any preconceived ideas or categories of what constitutes
Reality
woman without It's
important to
note that the very fact you notice "clothes, hair, figure, or walk" with reference to "female"
you could put
a cultural act. If
is itself
woman
to experience the
as directly given
all
of this aside, you would be able
and be able
to create
an account of her
He
argues that every-
essential structure.
Schutz took up the general emphasis of phenomenology.
day
apart from scientific or philosophical theories,
life,
of analysis. However, there
and
Schutz's. Husserl
wanted
experience. But Schutz
consciousness (and
it's
bly observed
from our
The natural
attitude:
wanted is
a
to bracket.
also a difference
is
isn't
as
it
between Husserl's phenomenology
to reduce everything to pure consciousness
convinced that the lifeworld as given
extremely difficult
if
not impossible to get
The
It is
lifeworld for Schutz
the world as
it is
and
direct
that of pure
to, as
you proba-
is
exactly that world that Husserl
experienced immediately by the person.
filled
with meaning. Schutz takes the
presents itself to us as his subject of analysis.
world of everyday
is
exercise).
world determined by culture and
world
the most important focus
is
reality.
It is
the
It
human
commonsense
Obviously, this theoretical focus can exist and
is
exciting
because of the problem of meaning. This issue of the natural attitude toward the lifeworld wouldn't be remarkable
if
the relationship between the natural
and
social
worlds wasn't a puzzle. So we aren't getting away from the question, we're just
approaching
from a
it
And
different position or issue.
answered. Rather than asking about reality per experience their lifeworld as
se,
this
Schutz
is
is
a question that can be
how people
asking about
real.
People experience their world as real primarily by taking a natural attitude
toward
doubt
it.
is
The natural
special kind of epoch.
pended
attitude
is
one where the world
as a
taken for granted and
Remember that
in Husserl's epoch,
culture.
Doubt
humans
exist.
These
doubt about
we have
a
reality is sus-
methodological device. In Schutz's concept of the natural attitude,
rather than bracketing our belief in culture,
verse.
is
suspended. Schutz ironically notes that in the natural attitude,
is
we
bracket any doubt in the reality of
suspended even in the face of the different worlds in which
We know
that other people believe different things about the uni-
beliefs are so different that they actually constitute
an entirely different
world than ours (the Yanomamo, for example, believe that there are four different layers to the universe).
Yet rather than seeing these different realities as reason to doubt our world,
we
willfully
suspend doubt and pragmatically move through
able to live socially or individually
of what Schutz
is after.
appears to us as
if
The natural
real. It can't
we
didn't.
attitude
world
is
a
like
Schutz, then,
is
here
life.
We
wouldn't be
we can begin
a device through
to see a bit
which our world
appear to us as such otherwise, and every culture
throughout time has been made to appear
To think
is
And
to
real
by
just
such an attitude.
understand the problem of meaning. The
human
meaningful world, which implies a problematic relationship between the
world (human) and the universe (physical). But to think
like
Schutz also means to
317
318
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
how
be concerned with
the world
taken, perceived, or experienced as real, rather
is
than entertaining direct questions of ontology (how things
exist).
Creating meaning: But to see through Schutz's perspective
not only to understand
the problem of meaning. Schutz
was
also
is
is
concerned with meaning
itself.
concerned with meaningful action. Weber based quite a
also
bit
Max Weber
of his under-
standing about society on his typology of action. According to Weber, there are four types of action: instrumental rational, value rational, traditional, and affective. In
Weber's eyes, both traditional and affective actions
we can
of what
very close to the borderline
lie
meaningful. The rationale for this line of reasoning
call
that these
is
actions are either performed out of habitual (traditional) or emotional (affective)
They don't
response.
Schutz
criticizes
involve
concern for Schutz (1967)
"when Weber ior and,
what
talks
much
way of thinking and
in the
planning.
Of
particular
way in which Weber defined meaningful
behavior:
Weber's understanding of meaning attribution. the
is
about meaningful behavior, he
is
thinking about rational behav-
more, 'behavior oriented to a system of discrete individual ends'
is
(zweckrational). This kind of behavior he thinks of as the archetype of action"
meaning of an action
(pp. 18-19). So, for Weber, the
With Weber, action tions
meaningful
is
and goals occur before the
On
the other hand, Schutz It's
scious of something, then
we
any meaning for is
produced.
meaning
We
future events, but
when
I
it is
is
meaning
is
if
we
meaning
If
we
aren't con-
it
Schutz
is
have
can't
terms of how meaning exists. If
and we can become conscious only of things
attribution
is
always after the
when we do, we actually think about them like
motiva-
always associated with
aware of it,
aren't
also very revealing in
think about completing this book,
Thus, to think
Meaning
that
when you think about it.
aware of it; and
but
linked to consciousness,
is
And
can only be conscious or aware of something that already
already exist, then
ple,
aren't
us. Pretty simple,
determined beforehand.
action.
makes the point
kind of obvious
individual consciousness.
is
motivated by explicit goals.
if it is
to realize that
I
think about
fact.
We
as already past. For it
that
can think about
exam-
as already completed.
meaning isn't determined beforehand.
always produced after the fact through a backward glance. Meaning
occurs through the conscious act of an individual picking out from the stream of experience a particular object as the focus of attention. I
want you
to notice
something about the above statement (be conscious of it: turn
your attention to the past statement). Schutz understands meaning attribution individual, subjective process.
Thus
not only different from Weber's,
meaning speech for
is
act:
produced
it
Schutz's understanding of is
also different
in social interaction.
It
meaning
is
social
and
flexible.
an
attribution
from Mead's. Mead argued
is
that
emerges from the three phases of the
giving a cue, responding to the cue, and responding to the response.
Mead, meaning
as
But for Schutz, meaning
is
subjective
Thus
and
is
much less likely to change. One of the things this emphasis implies is that Schutz is also concerned with the problem of intersubjectivity. When we talk of subjectivity, we are referring to
then,
is
something that
exists in the
the linking or interrelating of
consciousness of one person. Intersubjectivity,
two consciousnesses or
Intersubjectivity refers to the sense that
emotions and thoughts that
I
subjectivities.
we experience shared
worlds, that the
experience are understood and shared by another.
The Problem of Meaning and
number of ways
Schutz explains a
argument
basic
that
is
"stocks of knowledge." Language
ing for the sender
and
And
me.
to
and the
social
is
receiver
through
it is
which
intersubjectivity
—
it is
it is
thus reciprocal:
how
upon
he characterizes the
it
would
you the
serve us well to talk a bit
scientific viewpoint. Recall that science
their lives. Collapsing these together, is,
we can
How
scientists
the scientist
is
viewing an atom than
if
look
she or he
to control the
is
is
looking at society.
is
is
cautious about the scientific perspective in "social science."
knowledge about the
that he denies scientific
all
is
a social
the sticky problem that every social scientist must face.
Schutz
much
is
phenomena as more intuitively
at
the researcher can stand outside of society while the individual
being
that
if
based
say that science
they are not part of what they are observing. That position
acceptable
is
empirical, operates according to law-like
is
based upon an objectifying point of view. That
meaning attribution
constructed. In labeling
everyday knowledge
Second-order
knowledge
more immediate
is
more
is
common
all
and
so
he argues
Schutz charac-
scientific
mean-
knowledge about the world
as first-order,
human
to the
and subject
abstract
actor.
as first-order constructs
ing as second-order constructs. According to Schutz,
It isn't
social world; rather,
knowledge of society must begin with the subjective
terizes subjective
is
to
the
and humans can discover those principles and use them
environment of
same
we can experience
of shared inner worlds.
social, creates a sense
certain assumptions: the universe
principles,
if
means
it
of language that
Before concluding this introduction to Schutz,
about
refers to as
and by its very nature has the same mean-
this feature
other person. Language, because
—Alfred Schutz
produced, but his
is
produced through language, or what he
is
it
in
Reality
he
is
recognizing that
experience in the world.
to other considerations, like the laws
of logic. These second-order constructs are basically the same as Weber's ideal
understand the social world, the
types. In seeking to
scientist
must construct con-
cepts with an eye to the subjective interpretation of the actor. In other words, our ideas about situation
vance,
by
what
would
we run
is
going on in any situation must match
interpret the
thing. If
we
in that
ignore this tenet of subjective rele-
the risk that "the subjective world of social reality will ... be replaced
a fictional non-existing
1964,
same
how someone
world constructed by the
scientific observer" (Schutz,
p. 8).
Taken together, then, Schutz's perspective focuses on meaning, and there are three
main concerns that the social ity
that result
this focus.
is
first
issue
problematic. However, Schutz
ontology of the world, but rather
real.
Schutz
real.
The second
is
The
surrounding meaning
world and the physical universe are not the same. Therefore, the
of the social world
tive
from
how people
isn't
Schutz argues that meaning
experience a meaningful world as
and how
comes from focusing on meaning produced
is
as individuals
is
its
and
from the second:
if
jectivity? reality,
To think
and
like
is
subjective,
Schutz, then,
is
how
to be
intersubjectivity are produced.
appears
become conscious of certain
exists in the individual consciousness.
meaning
it
production.
elements in the flow of experience through a backward glance. Meaning ated after the fact
real-
concerned with objec-
interested in the lifeworld of everyday existence issue that
is
The
is
thus cre-
third issue emerges
can people have a sense of intersub-
concerned with
And
how a
sense of meaning,
to think like Schutz
is
to have the
position that sociology must begin with the subjective experience of the individual
319
320
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
The
rest
of this chapter
we
the Lifeworld,
the world around them. ality,
meaning and
that
become aware
is
divided into three main sections. In Being Conscious in
human
will see that
And
beings have a particular
it is
through
reality are
formed.
Yet,
intentionally aware of the world for
We
socially fashioned.
is
Lifeworld
—Creating Human
are social,
means
it
that
we
way of being aware of
this special awareness, called intention-
it
even though we as individuals must
to exist, the lifeworld of which
Reality.
is
are
And because our reality and meaningful world what we
are intrinsically connected with others. But
see in Connecting With Others
we
consider this important point in Ordering the
way in which we
that the
are aware of
with other people varies by anonymity. All through our discussion,
I
will
and connect
would
like
you
to be aware of five important subthemes: consciousness, objectivity, intersubjectiv-
ordering, and continuity. These ideas weave themselves throughout Schutz's
ity,
works and our discussion
want
also
I
to advise
as well.
you about something
in advance.
We are going to
ing our concepts layer by layer throughout the chapter. In other words,
duce
a
concept in one section and then return to
and expanded. There
will see concepts repeated this,
but the most important
when you
is
and theory more
his concepts
Being Conscious
in
again in a later section. So you
many good
are
—we
remember
to
pay more attention, not
day. If
I
my
their
I
am
& Luckmann,
a drunkard?). (Schutz
someone about our
day."
"How was your day?" At even
tell
A common
We
life,
summarily
obtain monothetically
it
huge
"come about"
1973, p. 57)
experience for most of us
is
"telling
We come home from work or school and a loved one asks, that point,
ourselves stories
we
will tell
them
about our experiences
However, what we experience and telling
I
up courses of days (how has
Lived experience and intentionality:
We
meaning, then
of
grasp, in such post hoc interpretations of the greatest span,
stretches of polythetically built
that
less,
step.
superimposed over
is
reflectively attend to past periods
them and examine
to survey
by
the Lifeworld
rhythm of the
within
reasons for doing
are building our understanding step
[T]he biographical articulation [of the course of the day] the
be build-
will intro-
that this approach to Schutz will help us understand fully. So,
see an idea repeated
it
I
how we
a story
about our experiences.
in a day, a
experience
it
week, or a lifetime.
are quite different than our
of those lived experiences. live life as a
stream of undifferentiated experiences, in what Schutz terms
"internal time-consciousness." For Schutz, lived experience
through a
valley:
it
is
like a river that flows
has neither beginning nor end and every drop of water
nected to every other drop of water by a never-ending flow. That's exists in its natural state.
One
experience
is
is
con-
how our day
connected to every other experience by
our continuing movements through time. Telling such a tale about our day in
(and
my
it
left
would
take an entire day to
arm forward
at the
its
tell it)
same time
I
natural state
because
it
moved my
would be exceedingly boring
would
lack meaning: "I
right leg
and
foot.
moved
As the
arc of
The Problem of Meaning and
Reality
—Alfred Schutz
my left arm and right leg reached its highest point, began to move them back and my right arm and left leg forward." Yuck. This kind of pure experience is called I
duree (pure duration or unmarked time).
To
the story of our day,
tell
meaning
is
And pure experience is without meaning.
we must bring
into our consciousness. For Schutz,
it
a constant construction that can only be understood
tension between
lived experience
make of
we're going to
by analyzing
this
and consciousness (what happened versus what
To understand and explain the tension between con-
it).
sciousness and lived experience, Schutz employs Husserl's concept of intentionality.
From a phenomenological point of view, reality and meaning come to exist for humans through intentionality: turning our attention to an already lapsed experience. The concept of intentionality comes from the work of Franz Brentano and it kind of mental exertion that
refers to a is
the foundation of
human
is
directed toward an object. Intentionality
of the keys to understanding intentionality
that
is
always aimed at an object,
it is
experience, or emotion that has already occurred.
always takes place after the
One
consciousness and meaning, according to Schutz.
Meaning construction,
then,
fact.
we become conscious of being awake in the morning only after we already awake. Or let's use another example: You're walking home from campus
For example, are
late at night.
As you pass a dark
alley,
you think you hear
You catch your breath and your heart are afraid? lar set
fear, fantasy,
fear
is
feared,
of,
you experience
fear after
about
it.
ourselves toward
The
remembrance
every remembrance
remembered"
acteristic
(p. 103).
and
remembrance of the
movement.
"fear" (that particuis
no such thing
a thought
is
object that
as
every
of,
thought,
is
We not only feel pain; we can think about that feeling and intend
it.
and intended
is
which the person
that toward
But
actions.
a series of related intentional objects
an "intentional horizon of
to us in
as such; every thought
is
see
aware that you
Human consciousness, then, has an intentional char-
intentional object, then,
his attention
this attention
and
later
beginning point for
just the
Each intentional object appears
actions.
phases of
is
directing her or
is
activity,"
each of which
we
see to
completion or to a point where we say to ourselves "and so on."
its
For example, outside ceive rain
and wind
been the subject of
my home it's currently raining hard with high winds. permy house, because there is another object that has I
as threats to
my
intentionality: the large
from one of the neighbors'
me
as
I
see
them
our house was
trees.
The wind and
branch that rain
become
is
hanging by a thread
real
and meaningful
to
in a matrix of other intentional objects that include past (last year
hit
hard by
to call the tree service; is
a noise
When do you become
of reactions and sensations). As Schutz (1962) says, "there
thought, fear
You become conscious of
races.
if I
falling tree limbs)
don't,
I'll
have to
and future objects of intention
call
the insurance company;
(I
need
how much
my deductible?). The notion of
noema
is like
intentionality for Schutz also includes the idea of "noema."
an intermediate
set
of mental properties that would
object suitable for intentionality, even
words, ily
we can
need
if
What
this
The
a target
the exact object does not exist. In other
take a thought or belief as an intentional object.
a physical object.
make
means
is
that
it is
We
don't necessar-
possible for Santa Claus or
the Goddess to be an object of intentionality and thus
become
a real object for
321
322
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Intentional Horizon
Figure 9.1
people. This conceptual
can
exist
movement, of
course, implies that entire symbolic worlds
for humans, worlds that have no basis in brute or physical
The concept of intentionality also implies
a relationship
reality.
between ego and
object;
or the I-Pole and the Object-Pole of intentionality. In other words, consciousness isn't
simplv attention,
pose.
We
relate
our
it
also contains relationships.
self to
tionship also implies that
It is
thus awareness with pur-
an object through possible actions and goals. This all
meaning
is
subjective
—
it
rela-
exists internally to the
individual. I
have illustrated these three characteristics of intentionality in Figure
will see that
time
is
moving forward, but meaning
time. Notice also that see not only
it
when an
but also
all
object
attribution
9.1.
You
moves back through
becomes the focus of our intentional
gaze,
other objects and possible actions associated with
it.
we
This
horizon forms the meaning context. And, finally we can see that intentionalitv creates
pragmatic relationships
forth,
and the individual
However,
this idea
among
the intended objects, actions, goals, and so
ego.
of subjectivity does not lead us to solipsism, an extreme
version of idealism where the self can states.
Nor does
this
know nothing
ogy
is
own
thoughts and
interesting just to philosophers
and psv-
No, Schutz's ideas of meaning, consciousness, and intentionalitv lead us
quite naturally to sociological concerns
Here
its
notion of intentionalitv leave us with onlv internal processes.
which would mean that Schutz would be chologists.
except
and problems.
the important bridge that Schutz forms from
Intentional objects, objects of which
we
are cultural objects, according to Schutz.
are aware
phenomenology
to sociol-
and which are meaningful,
He maintains
that the ego
becomes
The Problem of Meaning and
Reality
meaningfully conscious through an already existing lifeworld of culture. subjective intentionality confirms this to us as
other words, in the natural attitude,
this world. In
ture as a given, results
I
when
I
then,
is
I
not only take the world of cul-
$50
I
bill is real,
the reality of the culture
is
I
confirmed. Reality,
reflexively constructed.
produced from
me
let
And our
my behaviors as if culture is real. And when do, get the confirming my belief in that cultural world. For example,
expect, thus
act as if the
323
orient ourselves pragmatically to
organize
I
All cultural systems are built
but
we
—Alfred Schutz
their
you
give
own
just
up through
reflexive construction.
That
is,
they are
elements. There are countless ways in which this
one example. The evidence for the
is
true,
of any system
reality
is
always reflexively provided. Consider the incident of two automobiles colliding.
What
is it?
Well,
you might say
that
it is
an accident. But what does that simple
statement assume about the universe as a whole? Accidents can only happen is
no such
thing as fate
dents can only happen in a natural world. But car
a born again, evangelical Christian.
is
"God's
let's
suppose that the driver of one
What does
It's
incident
becomes
an accident or an act of God, depending on the assumptions of the people
is
it.
Once
taken as proof that that
an accident
will say to herself
the definition
is
how
is
applied, the
the universe works.
hand
On
inci-
calls
its
it
the other hand,
in their lives. Either way, the collision
used to legitimate an already existing reality system or that system
meaning of the
The person who
and others "See? S*** happens."
the Christian will see proof of God's
here.
become?
the event then
God is either testing or chastening the individual. how the incident becomes what it is assumed to be. The
experiencing or viewing
dent
there
will."
Notice either
if
or spiritual forces behind the universe. In other words, acci-
definition, as
is
proof for
provided by that self-same structure. I'm not just singling out religion
is
How does science prove itself true? Science proves itself by using the scientific
method.
An odd
sort of
proof system,
isn't it? All
elements of our culture become
real reflexively.
Ordering the Lifeworld Reality as social order: In the
Four Corners. borders
come
There are no
It is
in each state
Let in
me
middle of the Southwest desert, there
rivers,
visit
the place.
New
Mexico, Colorado, and Utah
They spread out on
their picture taken.
you another
all
They look
illustration before
many Southern
tion of African Americans. isn't.
Yet
lightest skin
would
if
all
we
fours with a
touch there.
It
cities,
get to
we have
seems pretty easy to
we took every
tell
is
really
a foot
with smiles.
our subject matter.
I
work
somewhere over
a noticeably large popula-
who
is
African American and
them up from the we would see? Chances are we with no clear breaks among groups.
adult living in the area and lined
tone to the darkest, what do you think
see a gradual gradation of color
hand or
like giant spiders
Greensboro, North Carolina. The population of the area
100,000 people. As with
who
a place called
mountains, or other natural boundaries there. People act
and have
give
is
the only place in the continental United States where four state
together. Arizona,
funny when they
—Creating Human Reality
324
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
What do
these
two
and
common? In both cases, we human world. As Robert M. Pirsig
illustrations have in
of symbolic boundaries to order the
see the use
Zen
says in
the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance,
[T]here
is
a knife
moving here. A very deadly one: an
and so sharp you sometimes don't
see
those parts are just there and are being
named
quite differently
intellectual scalpel so swift
moving. You get the
it
named
and organized quite
But they can be
as they exist.
differently
illusion that all
depending on
how the
knife moves, (p. 66)
Of course, what we Zerubavel (1991)
We order,
we
an ordered world. But the order
live in
which
are in the presence of in
is
my two
illustrations
isn't a
natural one;
what Eviatar
is
calls a "social scalpel."
why
people in different cultures
will use natural borders, like the
live in different
a cultural
it is
worlds. Sometimes
Rio Grande between the United States and
Mexico. But they don't in and of themselves order our world. The world
is
ordered
symbolically through what Schutz refers to as stocks of knowledge at hand.
Ordering through stocks of knowledge: Stocks of knowledge are the rules, recipes for action, ideas, typifications, interpretive
generally available to
we have world.
at
all
of
it is
you might have
in
your garage, or the sewing
in the closet. In the kit,
sew
car or
Now, to the
man
natural
schemes, and so on that
is
every piece of cultural knowledge that
our disposal for knowing about and negotiating our way through the
like the toolkit
It's
us. In short,
sum of known
all
you have what you need
you have
kit
work on
to
a
a shirt.
his
These stocks of knowledge are fashioned through experi-
past experience are present as
ence.
ordered, as knowledge or as
awareness of what to expect, just as the
The
largest part of
our stocks of knowledge
is
formed
through what has already been experienced, and most of
what we have experienced has been experienced by
whole external
others.
We
learn our basic stock of knowledge through families
ordered. Ordinarily, and unless
and
peers. This knowledge, then,
he
available to everyone
world
is
is
present to him as
forced to solve a special
kind of problem, he does not
ask questions about
how
there for everyone,
this
ordered world was constituted. (Schutz, 1967, p. 81)
who is
it
is
collective
belongs to
us.
and
And
and
is
held to be
because
seen as objective and
is
it
By the way, the phrase "everyone who belongs
acts as a
kind of technical term for Schutz.
to us"
He employs
it
emphasize three ideas that we see repeated throughout
objective because
that stocks of
it is
not dependent upon individuals but
knowledge are group-specific
The most important element found
— they
experiences, create a general type
upon which
and they ignore individual and unique situations, objects, others,
Here's
and even
how it generally works.
survive because
we
to
to
his
fact that cul-
available to
all;
are available to us as a group.
in one's stock of
tion. Typifications function like average expectations.
is
is
taken for
granted.
work: his concern for the everyday lifeworld; the ture
is
knowledge
They
is
are built
the typifica-
up from
past
future anticipations can be based,
characteristics. Typifications are applied to
our
Survival
self.
is
a
group problem
for
human
we we work
beings;
are social. In attempting to solve problems of survival,
The Problem of Meaning and
As we come up with
collectively.
we
babies) that works for the group, solve the
how
a solution (like
Reality
—Alfred Schutz
to plant food or socialize
same way in order to come up with new solutions all
habitually behave in the
same problem. That way we don't have
to
the time.
As we
manner, we begin to see the behaviors
collectively act in this habitualized
And we
of the individuals as types of behaviors, rather than individual behaviors.
begin to see each other as social types, not individuals,
out
scripts.
more
easily as a group.
tions, they
and acting
positions
filling
These typifications come to be held reciprocally so that we can survive
come
Through our mutually holding and using these
to be seen as objective, living outside of the individual.
reciprocally held typifications
How do you
relate to the
home, how do you
And
these
produce the relations that we have with other people.
person standing in front of your
relate to
typifica-
class? Or,
even closer to
We relate through the typificaWe even understand our self as a type
your significant other?
tions of gender, spouse, professor,
and so on.
of male or husband or musician.
People rarely examine their stocks of knowledge. They are there, and as long as they work, people leave
them
alone. In other words, as long as recipes for action
generate satisfactory results and as long as the beliefs give satisfactory explanations, the stock of knowledge will remain intact.
evant stock of knowledge can't explain stock
then examined. But
is
it is
it
When
a
problem does
arise
and the
rel-
or doesn't provide a script for action, the
examined pragmatically: knowledge
is
only exam-
ined enough to suffice. In other words, consistent, or clear
most people
are not interested in constructing a coherent,
body of knowledge. The
typical person
on the
street
is
only
we don't begin to doubt the reality of our culture. In fact, according to Schutz, we aren't all that efficient or rational when a problem does arise. When faced with a problem, we don't question the world as it exists; we simply search for a solution that suffices. We are only interested in the pragmatics of the moment. interested in
what works. Even
in the face
In the natural attitude, the self
is
experienced as the working
my knowledge
completing projects. So, for example,
and incoherent that
I
about
at best.
know what
my
to
do
But that
really doesn't
to get a
problem
is
working
go to the doctor. The same
having sufficient knowledge to make our way
pragmatically through this
at
and
is
true
solution" something
or problematic situations are thus built
—
We have a typified image of a dog tail, and barks. When we encounter
dog.
contained in the type,
we
in
it is
is
something "old." (Schutz &
example of a
Luckmann, 1973,
four-footed, wags
four-footed, wags
typifications
create a sense of continuity in the lifeworld.
remains basically the same.
We either
its tail,
We
add
a
barks,
and
bites.
it.
new
and stocks of knowledge help
Our meaning
to
context for actions
subjectively experience those portions of the
which we have learned from others)
"new"
becomes consequently
already
don't reject the type but simply modify
which we modify our
objective stocks (that
upon
something new or not
element to our typification of dog: dog
The ways
Through every "problem's
life.
existing stocks of knowledge. Schutz gives the
its
matter to
fixed:
self,
human body is sketchy me. What is important is
of the
knowledge about computers or botany What
matters for us
New
of a problem,
as they pragmatically
fit,
p.
231)
325
326
EXPLORATIONS
or
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
we modify them
We
as little as possible.
thus synthesize various elements of the
stocks of knowledge to
form contexts of meaning
when you began
you had a typification of teacher and classroom. But
college,
brought those into the university
now
are
professors
our actions. For example,
for
as
you
they were modified because the teachers
setting,
and the expectations of the classroom
are different.
And you
continue to modify and synthesize them as you encounter further differences.
Each synthesis can be added to other syntheses, and the meaning-context grows larger with every
new
experience. Schutz (1967) argues that "this constitution
carried out, layer by layer, at lower levels of consciousness
is
no longer penetrated by
the ray of attention" (p. 77). These different meaning-contexts form our stock of
knowledge, are always taken for granted
in
terms of their existence, and provide an
ever-expanding context for experience.
Social distribution of stocks of knowledge: Stocks of knowledge are socially distributed.
There at
is
a general stock of knowledge that constitutes the culture of any given society
any given time. But the actual stock of knowledge
at
hand
differs
according to the
my stock my car. The general way
particular place an individual occupies in the social structure. For example,
of knowledge
is
different than the
mechanic who works on
and known
these differing stocks are transmitted tax of everyday language.
The way we
about things in the everyday world of our
talk
groups contains a language of named things and events. Each name contains
social
typifications that refer to things that the social Let's take a
beer.
say, "that
group deems
commonplace example. I hang out with
There are some beers
knowledge we use
and
through the vocabulary and syn-
is
to
I
and others
really like
convey our
and
likes
has a sweet malty nose,"
I
a
group of people who drink
And there is a stock of when I take a drink of beer
don't.
So
can share that experience with others in
group, and they would understand what
experienced that beer
dislikes.
I
relevant.
I
yet.
What would happen
if
I
Would you tell me about why wouldn't you? Is there
gave you a taste of this beer?
the "sweet malty nose"? Perhaps not. If you wouldn't,
something wrong with your
taste
buds? Well, presumably, there
that
we
interact with different kinds of groups
around
beer. In
anything
isn't
wrong your taste buds. The reason you wouldn't tell me about or even is
my
mean, even though they might not have
my
taste the
malt
group, we've
accessed a stock of knowledge, a language, to convey these tastes and you probably haven't.
So we can use that language to share our personal beer experiences with the
group, thus creating a group-specific world and intersubjectivity Notice something
important here: Because we have language to for
my group
and
it
exists
for me; but
You haven't divided the beer world up the experience; the experience
This
is
a pedestrian
is
is
about a sweet malty nose, malty nose does not
like that. It isn't really the
produced
example and
talk
this sweet
in
my group
beer that contains
through our language.
divided stocks of knowledge that are important, like race, it
Pierre Bourdieu (1984)
may
class create different lifeworlds.
class,
and gender. Each of
a different stock of knowledge.
different stocks create different worlds for each of these
The work of
exists
of little consequence. But there are groups and
these groups and subgroups has within
based on
it
exist for you.
And
these
groups to inhabit.
help us see
how
stocks of knowledge
Bourdieu argues that one of the things
The Problem of Meaning and
our
class position affects is
informal social
and
strates,
is
—Alfred Schutz
of cultural capital. Cultural capital refers to the
level
habits, linguistic styles,
skills,
Reality
and
tastes that
an individual demon-
thus similar to Schutz's stocks of knowledge. Bourdieu contends that
cultural capital
distributed differently through education
is
and what he
calls
the
"distance from necessity," both of which are ultimately functions of class position.
Culture, in particular language,
Schooling
standardized through the education system.
is
used to impose restrictions on popular modes of speech and to prop-
is
agate a standard language. So
been changing the way you intent of education
is
all
talk
through your education experience, teachers have
and
you into
write, forcing
nowhere seen more
a standard
clearly than in the debates
mold. This
surrounding
Ebonics, or African American Vernacular English (AAVE).
Beyond
this general function
of education, higher levels of education are associ-
ated with a particular kind of language and thinking. Bourdieu argues that school-
and conceptual
ing provides different linguistic scholasticism (simple
At the lower higher
knowing and recognition of facts) and
knowledge based on the
aesthetic
levels
tools to individuals.
classics)
The amount
classicism (critical
of
and
required varies by the level of schooling.
of education, the degree of scholasticism required
is
high; at the
levels, classicism is high.
In other words, in your primary
and secondary education, you were
basically
taught facts and your job was to memorize them. But as soon as you hit college, things began to change.
You
are
no longer asked
to accept things at face value or as
simple issues. You begin to see things in terms of abstract relations. For example, as
you might hear
a school child,
a piece of
music and characterize
it
as boring, adult,
or elevator music. If you have a bit of knowledge, you might say that
But
as the result
now
it is
classical.
of taking a music appreciation course at the university, you can
understand that piece as baroque and see
it
in terms of
its
relation to the
evolution of Western music. Thus, individuals with higher education tend to be
disposed to see additional levels of meaning in objects, to understand them in
complex
sets
of relations, and to classify and experience them abstractly.
In addition to education, cultural capital
tance from necessity. This concept gets at
needs of life (food,
shelter,
experience a world that tute
an end
aesthetics
—
is
is
differentially distributed
how close we live to
through
dis-
only meeting the basic
and
clothing). Distance
from necessity enables people
free
from urgency and
to practice activities that consti-
in themselves. This ability to conceive of
to
form rather than function
dependent upon "a generalized capacity to neutralize ordinary
is
urgencies and to bracket off practical ends, a durable inclination and aptitude for practice without a practical function" (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 54).
"Practice without practical function" class differences.
is
a provocative
way of capturing
these
People in the upper classes can spend their time doing things that
have no practical outcomes. They are done for the pure enjoyment of doing them. I
know
a
man who own
hours tying his he always necessity,
fishes. flies
But he only fishes to have fun.
sets the fish loose
my
friend
is
and never
Upper-class
eats
more concerned with
Thus, the upper classes prefer abstract art.
He spends hours upon
and reading books and seeking the prime
members
art;
them. Because of his distance from the aesthetic experience of fishing.
lower classes tend to
prefer music that
is
fishing spots. Yet
like representational
complex and provocative, while the
327
328
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
lower classes generally prefer music that one can dance or sing
economic necessity implies
that
and economic
because
class,
necessity, interacts in
how
Taken together, we can see
Distance from
natural and physical desires can be sublimated
all
and dematerialized. The working
to.
more
immersed
is
it
in physical reality
physical ways than the distanced
elite.
the level of education and distance from neces-
sity create distinctly different stocks
of knowledge based on class position.
It isn't
simply that the upper classes use fancier words; class-based stocks of knowledge
determine
how the world
appears to
The
us.
greater the level of education
and
dis-
tance from necessity, the greater will be the tendency to see the world as contingent, abstract,
and complex. Conversely, the lower the
the distance from necessity, the as certain, concrete,
more
likely will
and straightforward.
Individual ordering through relevance structures:
our particular
status or class,
of education and the closer
level
be the propensity to see the world
Beyond the
social group's stock of
differences based
knowledge and lifeworld
is
on
fur-
ther ordered through an individual's structures of relevance. Relevance structures
made up of
are
through her or
those contexts or domains that the individual finds important
his multiple interests
kinds of relevance structures, tional,
are three different
and motivational.
Thematic relevance simply
Remember
intentionality.
of
and involvements. There
of which are interrelated: thematic, interpreta-
all
that
refers to it is
something that becomes the object of our
intentionality that creates
Different parts of our stock of knowledge
reality.
important to us unfamiliarity
|
— and thus more meaningful and
like
offered a cigarette up, or because
we
your
),
first
or they
date
)
real
or social pressure
may become
(
-
— through
like the
a sense
thematically
imposition by
time you were
first
we voluntarily take them (as when you consider the
relevant because
are presented with a hypothetical case
possibility of time tra
meaning and
may become
m
Different elements of the stock of knowledge are also routinely important for interpretational activities.
As our
life
course brings different objects into our world,
those elements of our stock of knowledge needed for attributing meaning relevant. This generally
happens automatically But when
a
become
match cannot be made
between an already constructed meaning-context and an observed phenomenon, the individual becomes "motivationally conscious" and begins the "process of explication."
The process continues
seen, this solution gets
until the
appended onto
problem
is
sufficiently solved.
And,
as
we've
the alreadv existing typifications, recipes,
and so on.
We
also
make
certain elements of the available stock of
knowledge relevant due
to our individual motivations. There are two kinds of motivational relevances,
"in-order-to" and "because-of." In-order-to motivations are explicitlv linked to per-
sonal projects.
You have the personal
project of getting a college degree. In order to
complete that project, there are different arenas in the available stock of that
you were motivated
financial aid. Thus, at leral
to
my
make
and
relevant, such as curriculum requirements
universitv,
Education Core) and
knowledge
CAR
vou would access knowledge about College Additional Requirements'.
GEC
If
vou
attended this university these elements in the available stocks of knowledge would
The Problem of Meaning and
\nr\ types of action.
Parsons argues that people tend to interact with others
similar orientations
whom
action, with
we have come
into specific types. In brief,
this far: voluntaristic action -> unit act -^
From
and
will
I
actors. So, if
I
want
to
engage in
strategic,
be most likely to interact? For instance,
a guitar that has
been advertised
interested in interacting with
in the
paper
someone who wants
if
share
instrumental
I'm interested
(strategic),
to talk
who
then I'm not
about the
evils
of rock
music (moral) or the beauties of a Shakespearian sonnet (expressive). Obviously, I
will seek
we
out others
who want
the
interact over time with people
same kind of thing out of the
who
are likewise oriented,
Status positions
tell
us where
we
fit
in the social hierarchy
roles are sets of expected behaviors that generally
position (for example, a professor
is
interaction.
we produce
of interaction and a corresponding system of status positions,
roles,
As
patterns
and norms.
of esteem or honor;
correspond to a given status
expected to teach); and norms are expected
behaviors that have positive and/or negative sanctions attached to them. Together, these
form
a social
system
— an organization of
together for the good of the whole. Society
is
interrelated parts that function
composed of various
social systems
like these.
For
this,
Parsons gives us a theory of institutionalization. The notion of institu-
tionalization is
the
is
357
very important in sociology. Generally speaking, institutionalization
way through which we
create institutions. For functionalists such as Parsons,
EXPLORATIONS
358
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
institutions are enduring sets of roles, norms, status positions, that are recognized as collectively
meeting some
and value patterns
societal need. In this context, then,
institutionalization refers to the process through
which behaviors, cognitions, and
emotions become part of the taken-for-granted way of doing things |
way
"the
diagrammed Parsons' notion of
I've
that
in a society
things are"j.
we move from
institutionalization in Figure 10.3. Notice
and modes of orientation
voluntaristic action within a unit act
to social systems. In this way, Parsons gives us an aggregation
One
theory of macro-level social structures.
become ce^e'^e": wis af a
-.iv.
;rd
ter,
comes
what conditions not
will
call
problems in sociological theory
and macro
classic
will
ano
gists
forth the
of society. In other words,
How do we get from
are the lev-
Most
sociololevel or
another for analysis. Here
and the
betwee
how
simply ignore the question and focus on one
related?
-
levels
of face-to-face interaction and large-scale institutions
els
to be set up of
one
to the other?
Parsons gives us the link
through
the process of institutionalization. Large-scale institutions
conditions and the reactions
are built
becomes as such part of the meaning system of ego's
tions and values
up over time
with particular motiva-
as individuals
interact with like-minded people, thus creat-
ing patterns of interaction with corresponding roles, norms,
:ation to the situation.
(Parsons. 1951, p.
of the
the link between the micro
or the
a conditional
"gratifying" reactions, relation
is
and
"
status positions.
micro-macro prob-
There's a follow-up question to the
how do
lem: once created, interaction? For
Durkheim, the
act independently
upon
It
back to the
entity that can
does this through
the presence and pressure of something greater than them-
force.
selves
and conform. For Parsons,
feel
becomes an
the individual and the interaction.
moral
People
institutions relate
collective consciousness
though he does acknowl-
a bit different, even
it's
edge moral force. According to Parsons,
all
social arrangements,
whether micro or
macro, are subject to system pressures. Thus, institutions influence interactions not
much because of their independent moral force, but rather, because interactions function better when they are systematically embedded in known and accepted so
ways of doing things. In addition, rather than being dependent upon individual people or interactions, or having
have
it,
society
is
its
under Parsons' perspective) because
The
it is
-------
--
= ':
_t;
Pane";
-------
^
:"
Granted Roles.
Interaction '.-.
Across Time i
1
BCS
—
-
a-~
Status
It
-1
s
"
:-£—
''-- .es
Institutions
Figure 10.3
Durkheim would
;• ------
Interaction
":•.
nature as
a system.
Unit Act
E~e-: -z Types of
.
own whimsical
subject to self- regulating pressures 'see the Equilibrium section
~-e Proa ?ss of
Instituti onalization
The Social System
The
System
Social
—
Talcott Parsons
Getting back to the actual process of institutionalization, Parsons argues that
has two
levels:
the structuring of patterned behaviors over time (this
we've been looking
and individual internalization or
at)
359
it
the level
is
socialization. Parsons
understands internalization in Freudian terms. Freud's theory works
like this:
people are motivated by internal energies surrounding different need dispositions.
As these
different psychic motives encounter the social world, they have to
order to be
in
cessful (repressed),
but the point to notice here
changes as a result of
ual's personality
The superego
the social world.
important point
is
is
this
that the structure of the individ-
is
encounter between psychic energy and
formed through these encounters. For Parsons, the
that cultural traditions
become meaningful
need disposition of individuals. The way we sense and
by
internally
conform
Conformity may be successful (well-adjusted) or unsuc-
satisfied.
culture. For Parsons, then, the motivation to
to
and part of the
our needs
fulfill
structured
is
conform comes
princi-
from within the individual through Freudian internalization patterns of value
pally
orientation and meaning. As the
same
set
of value patterns and role expectations
by others, that cultural standard
internalized
is
said to be,
is
from the point of view of
the individual, institutionalized. It is
worth pointing out that Parsons argues that the content of the
solutions to societal needs doesn't matter. So, for example, lective perpetuates itself biologically is
it
institutional
doesn't matter
is
a colit
What
is
defined) or through an institutionalized hatchery like a chicken farm.
important
if
through the institution of family (however
that the perceived solutions are a set of highly ritualized behaviors that
are seen as typical, belonging to particular settings (like church rather than school),
and
are believed to
meet
collective problems. I've
diagrammed Parsons' bottom-up
theory of institutionalization in Figure 10.3.
System Functions and Control some
Systems needs: For quite tions.
One
time, sociologists have been analyzing social institu-
of the ways they have tried to understand these structures
abstract analytical schemes. For example,
gion, but
we
you
why? What
need
all
is it
to believe in
to see things
more
we might
say that societies
that religion does that society needs? Well,
is
all
through
need
you might
reli-
say,
something. Okay, but why? Obviously, I'm trying to push
abstractly,
which
is
exactly
what Parsons does.
Parsons argues that every system must meet certain needs in order to survive. This
is
where Parsons' grand theory comes
in:
he argues that these functions can be
applied to any system (whether social, biological, personality, cultural, or any other).
He
proposes that every system has four needs: adaptation, goal attainment, integra-
tion,
and
maintenance. Generally speaking, Parsons includes the three
latent pattern
requisite functions of Spencer as well as the single requirement that
posed. As
To
we
talk
about the requisite functions, see
get us thinking, let
now, but sooner or really
food per
later
se that
me
you
if
you can pick them
ask you a question: Are you hungry?
will be,
Durkheim pro-
because every body needs food to
you need. You need the nutrients
out.
Maybe you live.
Yet
aren't it
isn't
that are in the food to
360
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
When you eat something, your body has a system that extracts the necessary
survive.
resources from the food and converts
body doesn't
really
adaptation because Let's
need it
a steak,
into usable things (like protein). So, your
it
needs what
it
in
is
Parsons
it.
function
use a larger illustration. Every organism, society, or system exists within and
because of an environment. For example, ducks are not found
penguins
and
calls this
adapts resources and converts them into usable elements.
from the surroundings what
extracts
society. In
South Pole but
at the
Each of these organic systems has adapted to a given environment
are.
order to
it
needs to
exist. It is
each and every society must adapt to
exist,
inventing ways of taking what
needed for survival
is
its
same with
the
environment by
(like soil, water, seeds, trees,
animals) and converting them into usable products (food, shelter, and clothing). Society
must
member
also
move
(or at least
The economy
those products around so that they are available to every
most members). In society we
moves the commodities from
usable commodities, and I
want you
to be careful about
subsystem the economy. into
place to place.
something here. The economy and adaptation are
not the same thing. The economy tion need. In the body,
call this
raw resources from the environment, converts them
extracts
is
the subsystem in society that fulfills the adapta-
the digestive subsystem. Yet the digestive system and the
it's
economy are obviously not the same things. They fulfill the same function but in different systems. The reason I'm taking such pains here is that it is important to see that Parsons'
you
scheme
be clear on
to
is
very abstract and can be used to analyze any system, so
how to
the adaptation function
apply
it.
(In addition,
and you say
that
if
your professor asks you
same
in the
guides
human
the parts toward a specific goal
all
same
direction or toward the
system as goal attainment. In the
is
goal.
is
energized and
Parsons refers to this sub-
body, the part of us that activates and the mind.
tain goals, things that
The mind puts before
we need or want to do. We mind invests emotion
a fundamental one
theory of action.
It
is
is
goals. Let's say that
the
in
mode
a
relation of the units of a
us cer-
feel
vated to action because our
The concept of "integration"
want
the economy, you'd be wrong.)
it is
Every system also needs a way of making certain that every part
moving
I
to explain
moti-
into these
you have the goal of becoming the next
Jimmy Hendrix. So you
set
endary rock
CDs, reading
about listening to
all
of the leg-
of
system
Hendrix 's
by virtue of which, on the one
a job
hand, they act so as collectively
guitarist's
style,
the books about
six
hours a day. You also work
that
you can buy the same kind
and practicing
and save your money so
all
to avoid disrupting the system
of guitar and equipment that Hendrix used so you can sound
and making
just like
maintain
it
impossible to
its stability,
him. You are motivated. Your mind has caught the
image of yourself playing guitar and has controlled and coor-
and, on
the other hand, to "co-
dinated your fingers, arms, and legs
operate" to promote
ities
its
functioning as a unity.
—
to
move you toward
going to be
a big
ferent parts of
all
meet the goal of doing well the different actions
institution that
in short, all
On
your
meets
meaning, different word).
star,
so
who
all,
you're
needs school? So the
dif-
your body are not energized and coordinated
in school. In the body,
and subsystems
this
rock
activ-
the other hand,
perhaps you aren't as motivated about school. After
(Parsons, 1954, p. 71n)
to
—
that goal.
it's
the
mind
that coordinates
to achieve a goal. In the social system, the
need for goal attainment
is
government or polity (same
The
Social
System
—
Talcott Parsons
Systems also need to be integrated. By definition, systems do not contain a single
many
but
part,
a whole.
and these parts have
different parts,
Have you ever watched
larly in a
to be
haphazard manner, their actions are coordinated and integrated. The
dictionary defines integration as
meaning
to form, coordinate, or blend into a func-
tioning or unified whole; to unite with something larger unit.
For
The geese
human beings, it
and mores
brought together to form
a flock of geese in flight? Rather than flying singu-
are able to a bit
is
form into
and
to incorporate into a
mostly because of instincts.
a larger unit
more complex. Humans generally use norms,
to integrate their behavior.
rounding our behavior
else;
Norms can be
informal
folkways,
norms
(like the
Formal and written norms are
called laws.
Laws help
our behaviors
to integrate
we can function
so that, rather than millions of individual units,
as larger units.
Parsons refers to this function as integration, and in society that function
formed by the
legal system.
and unites them
The
is
it
legal
for example,
together, even
to.
As should be apparent, polity and the
system are intimately connected,
legal
because these two functions are closely related. In our bodies, for instance, the functions as the goal-attainment system and actually
move
full
mind completely
mind
uses the central nervous system to
mind and
the central nervous
A person can be completely paralyzed and still have
mind; or the body can be in perfect working order with the
access to her or his
The
it
the different parts of the body. But the
system are two different things.
per-
Apple Computer crosses the
makes them work
the legal system that
though they probably don't want
is
system links the various components together
When,
as a whole.
boundaries of IBM,
sur-
an elevator) or they can be formal and written down.
in
gone. In the same way, polity and law are related but separate.
final requisite
function that Parsons proposes
Every system requires not only direct management,
is
latent pattern maintenance.
like that
performed by a gov-
ernment, but also indirect management. Not everything that goes on in our bodies is
directed through cognitive functions. Rather,
ing, are
managed and maintained through
system that maintains patterns with
some of these
functions, like breath-
the autonomic nervous system, a sub-
little effort.
Society
is
the
same way.
It is
too
make people conform to social expectations through government and law; has to be a method of making them willing to conform. For this task, society
costly to
there
uses the processes of socialization (the internalization of society's norms, values, beliefs, cognitions,
sentiments,
etc.).
The
principal socializing agents in society are
the structures that meet the requirement of latent pattern maintenance
such as religion, education, and family. (By the way, the word Parsons gets his term, means not
visible,
latent,
—
structures
from which
dormant, or concealed.)
Parsons argues that these four requirements can be used as a kind of scheme to
understand any system. that
must be done
scheme allows us
is
When
to categorize
whole. In Figure 10.4,
beginning a study of a system, one of the
to identify the various parts
1
any part of a system in terms of
have diagrammed the way
four functions are noted by the
initials
AGIL. The
this analytical
larger
a whole, which, of course, needs the four functions.
its
used adaptation in
this case,
things
function for the
scheme
box represents
looks.
The
that system as
Because they function as systems
themselves, each of the four subsystems can be analyzed in terms of the I've
first
and how they function. Parsons'
same scheme.
but the same can be done with each of them.
361
362
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
GOAL ADAPTATION
ATTAINMENT
G
A
G L
I
G
1
L
I
L
I
LATENT PATTERN MAINTENANCE Figure 10.4
INTEGRATION
AGIL-Functional Requisites
Systemic relations: Further, Parsons gives us a tional relations. This
is
important but
as institutional analysis
is
way of understanding
explored ground.
little
What
inter-institu-
usually passes
within an institutional sphere rather than between. For
we might look at the institution of family in the United States and see that changes are occurring. Some of these changes are society- wide (like the increase in single-parent homes), some are the subject of much moral debate (such as whether or not to define gay couples as family), and some are present but not part of the public discourse (like an acquaintance of mine who introduced me to his wife, the mother of this children, and his girlfriend three different women, all four people example,
—
living happily in this arrangement).
birth
and death
rates,
We can
also look at marriage
proportions of families under the poverty
and divorce line,
rates,
and so on.
These kinds of research agendas can be enlightening, but they are also quite limited.
As we've noted, each subsystem
to the other.
If,
affect the rest If all
for illustration,
of the
car,
there are changes in
I
is
part of a whole and, as such, each
is
related
put dirt in the fuel system of an automobile,
not just the fuel system
itself.
one subsystem, those changes
The same
is
it
will
true for society.
will ripple their
way through
of society. Family, in our society,
this
is
usually thought of as a married couple with 2.5 kids. Yet
model, called the nuclear family, has not always been the norm. In
pretty recent model, historically speaking.
family were far
more important
politically
Up through
fact,
it is
a
feudalism, marriage and
and economically. People got married
to
avoid wars or to seal economic commitments. As a result, the kinship structure was
The
considerably
more
were
important. Today
socially
we think
ing principally for the individual
when we bemoan
we conceptualize marriage as
and being motivated by
the loss of "family values,"
states
emerged
and war (using
and forced
Talcott Parsons
exist-
love.
a historically specific set
it is
of society. As
in the rest
and adaptation functions were no
institutions differentiated, the goal-attainment
upon
—
that marriage exists for the individual.
of values. These values came about because of changes
longer dependent
System
and marriages were generally arranged because they
extensive
Marriages in the United States are not arranged;
Thus,
Social
same ways. Bureaucratic nation-
or related to family in the
that were able to negotiate their interstate relations through treaty a standing army); the
families to
move from
economy
shifted to industrialized production
home
their traditional
where most of
to the city
the relationships that people have are not with or associated with family, as they
were
in traditional settings.
talistic
Many
other changes, such as the proliferation of capi-
markets and the de-centering of religion, also influenced the definition,
functions,
and value of family.
The point
we must
see
that I'm trying to it
in
Parsons gives us a
its
make
is
that for us to truly understand
institutional context, in
way
to
do
its
just that using his
institutions in the social system as relating to
an
institution,
relationships to other institutions.
AGIL scheme. He
conceptualizes the
one another through "boundary
changes." Each subsystem provides something for
all
inter-
the others. In Figure 10.5, I've pic-
tured the boundary interchanges that Parsons gives us.
What you
will see
is
that each
GOAL ATTAINMENT
ADAPTATION Productivity
Capital
Contingent Support
The Economy
The
Polity
Labor Services
Imperative
Consumer Goods
Co-Ordination
and Services
The Law
The Family Motivation to Pattern
Conformity
LATENT PATTERN MAINTENANCE Figure 10.5
INTEGRATION
Intennstitutional Relations
363
364
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
relationship
defined in terms of what one subsystem gives to another. Both Spencer
is
and Durkheim argued dent, but neither of
look
Let's
at
them
explicated the dependency.
family for a
moment
Here Parsons does that
it
socialization, family provides political loyalty to the
content of socialized patterns of
through each of these thing to glean at
is
relations;
is
that
become
law.
it
right
tems surrounding
you can do that on your own. The most important
we may
sophisticated in our analysis of the associations, the
where Parsons does: the functional dependencies.
human
integrate.
life
The model
is
matic control system in the
human
nervous system and control
is
model of how the
body. The system
the study of the auto-
is
formed by the brain and
is
created through mechanical-electrical
devices. In using the
term
sys-
called the general system of
action or the cybernetic hierarchy of control. Cybernetics
and
don't want to take us
I
Cybernetic hierarchy of control: Parsons develops an overall
tion systems
government;
influences the moral
the idea of interinstitutional relations. In addition, while
some point become more
place to begin
norms
com-
provides for the other subsystems.
provides a compliant pool of labor for the economy; and
it
for us.
in the figure. Follow each of the arrows
ing from family. These are the functions that
Through proper
become mutually depen-
that as institutions differentiate, they
communica-
cybernetic, Parsons tells us that control
and thus integration
are achieved primarily
cybernetics, control
is
through information. Also note that
achieved automatically, through what Parsons
in
calls latent
patterned maintenance. I've
outlined the control system in Figure 10.6. As you can see, the cybernetic
hierarchy of control I
is
understood through Parsons' AGIL system. (In the model,
have also expanded the social system to indicate what we have already seen: the
social
system
is
understood in terms of AGIL
as well.
)
There are thus four systems
that influence our lives: the culture, social, personality,
culture system
is
at
and organic systems. The
human
the top, indicating that control of
behavior and
life is
achieved through cultural information. This emphasis on culture would obviously
not be true for most animals. Regardless of the recent news and debates about apes being able to use and possibly share sign language, culture
mation system
for
is
not the primary infor-
any animal other than humans. For most animals, information
comes generally through sensory
data, instinctual predispositions,
and habitual
patterns of action.
The position of culture to sustain.
at the
it
requires the
most energy
As information flows from the top down, energy moves from the bottom
up. Culture has
no
intrinsic energy.
are lower in the hierarchy for to exist.
top also indicates that
its
It is
ultimately dependent
existence.
upon
the systems that
Without such energy, culture
For example, anthropologists and archaeologists
know
culture existed at one time. That knowledge of past existence culture, but the Babylonian culture has long since died because
is
will cease
that a Babylonian itself
its
part of our
support mecha-
nisms have passed away. Culture is
also
is
most immediately dependent on the
social
dependent upon the personality system, because
internalize
and enact
organic system (the
system for
it is
culture. Since the personality system
human mind
needs the
human
its
existence.
It
humans who dependent upon the
individual is
body), culture
is
indirectly
The
Social
System
—
Talcott Parsons
Ultimate Reality Information
and Control L Culture
System
Education, Family
L: Religion,
1:
Law
G: Polity
A:
Economy
G Personality
System
Energy
for
Action
Physical Environment
Figure 10.6
Cybernetic Hierarchy of Control
dependent upon
as well. I'd like to
it
argues that culture
is
pause here and mention that recent theorizing
(1984), for instance, argues that culture cognitive
on the organic body.
also directly reliant
and emotional elements
form part of the way our bodies
Through our
culture
and automatic behaviors. For example, our
upon our
culture;
and not only
is
are not simply
in culture. Culture also contains practices that
exist.
positions,
it,
Pierre Bourdieu
becomes embodied. There
our language
we develop
taste in
cultural, but so
food is
the
is
tastes, dis-
dependent
way we speak
as in regional accents.
Notice also that
human
life is
contextualized by conditions of ultimate reality
and the physical environment. Parsons never makes any comment about what mate
reality
is,
but
its
understood existence
system.
Remember
truths,
and these truths are
that our
ded
in
One
are
framed
in
terms of ultimate
religious in nature. Parsons, then, sees religion as
an
in general.
moves down and energy moves
and dependent upon the other
another.
ulti-
extremely important for the culture
most important values
important influence on the culture system Overall, information
is
—systems
up. Each system
is
embed-
are reciprocally related to
one
of the things that Parsons wants to point out with this kind of model
365
366
EXPLORATIONS
is
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
that differentiated,
exchange for
complex systems
facilitating
diversified parts. For example, in a distinct goals, values,
producing
dependent upon generalized media of
are
communication and cooperation among and between the complex
norms, and so
society,
forth.
The
each of the major structures has
capitalist
economy has
the goal of
while the education system has the goal of producing
profit,
may
thinking. These value-oriented goals
at
critical
times clash, but a generalized media of
exchange will tend to keep the system in equilibrium. Parsons offers language prototype of such generalized
money (from
medium
the adaptive subsystem),
as the
of communication and explicitly identifies
power (from goal attainment), and
influ-
ence (integration) as other such media.
Social
Change One
Equilibrium:
of the critiques that
is
leveled against Parsons
is
that he only sees
systems in equilibrium and his theorizing thus maintains the status quo. The
cism
is
not entirely correct. Parsons does assume that systems are in a
librium; that that
any
is,
thus, "there
must be
a
toward equilibrium the 482). However,
it is
fair
feels
degree of permanence, and
tendency to maintenance of order except under exceptional
&
circumstances" (Parsons
(p.
He
the forces of integration and disintegration are balanced.
system worth studying would have a
social
criti-
of equi-
state
Shils, 1951, p. 107).
"first
Parsons (1951)
law of social process"
(p.
calls this
tendency
205) and the "law of inertia"
He
not the case that Parsons ignores social change.
actually
has a notion of revolutionary change in addition to slow evolutionary change. Like
Durkheim, Parsons argues
And
ferentiation.
like
that the principal
dynamic of evolutionary change
is
dif-
Spencer, Parsons sees that structural differentiation brings
about problems of integration and coordination. Parsons argues that these problems would create pressures for the production of an integrative, generalized valueculture
and
a generalized
that culture
is
media of exchange. Thus,
the most important
that provides the
facet of a
norms, values, and
like
complex
Durkheim, Parsons argues social system.
beliefs that allow us to interact,
It is
and
culture cul-
it is
ture that provides the information that the social system needs in general in order to operate.
Cultural strain: But the process of culture generalization, Parsons (1966) notes, also bring
about severe
conflicts:
generality in evaluative standards appears to be a
commitments" ues to
is
just
(p. 23).
such an
new levels
may
"To the fundamentalist, the demand for greater
demand
For example, in U.S. society, the
to
call to
abandon the
issue. Societies that are able to resolve these conflicts
of adaptive capacity through innovation. Others
'real'
return to family val-
move ahead
may "be so
beset with
internal conflicts or other handicaps that they can barely maintain themselves, or will
even deteriorate" (Parsons, 1966,
It is
at this
ally allows
p. 23).
point that revolutionary change becomes
people and other social units
us with a language and value system.
(like
When
more
likely.
Culture gener-
organizations) to interact.
It
provides
people or organizations begin to value
The
System
Social
different kinds of things or to speak different languages, the situation
Parsons sees this kind of problem as a type of strain; strain
conflict.
disturbance of the cultural expectation system.
do not know what
processes, but these processes
may be
may take
a
—the
Marx and
Change due
movement; and
as "setting the tone" for the society
Talcott Parsons
ripe for
defined as a
is
we
have different values, sets
up
re-equilibrating
long time to reach balance and the system
substantially different as a result.
phases: 1) the ascendancy of the
part that
When we
an encounter. Strain always
to expect in
is
—
two
to revolution occurs in
2) the
adoption of the movement
re-equilibrating process (this latter
is
the
out of their theories of revolutionary
critical theorists leave
change).
Revolution: There are four conditions that
ment
must be met
to be successful. First, the potential for
this potential as "alienative
change the system inevitable
for a revolutionary
change must
exist;
motivational elements." People
as the result
move-
Parsons refers to
become motivated
of value inconsistencies. These inconsistencies are
and continually present
in
an empirical system of action, particularly
one that has been generalized to incorporate a number of diverse groups, such United
in the
States.
to
as
For example, the term equality has been stretched to include
groups not intended by the founding principals. The term has become more general; yet at
ists
—
same time, the
the
more groups
see the generalization as
with the system
must
also
enables
generality of the term sets
see themselves as disenfranchised,
movement away from
alternative set of
conflicts as
more and
— the fundamental-
truth. Second, dissatisfaction
not enough to begin a revolutionary movement; the subgroup
is
become organized. The organization of
members
up
and others
to evade sanctions of the
a
group around
main group,
a subculture
create solidarity, create an
normative expectations and sanctions, and
it
enables expressive
leadership to arise.
Third, the organized group must develop an ideology that incorporates symbols
The
of wide appeal and can successfully put forward a claim to legitimacy
develop an alternative claim to legitimacy the central value system of large societies ceptible to appropriation strains
facilitated
is
is
by two
often very general
factors.
and
is
by deviant movements. The other factor
and inconsistencies
in the
implementation of
ability to
One
is
that
therefore susis
that serious
societal values create legiti-
macy gaps that can be exploited by the revolutionary group. The fourth condition that must be met is that a revolutionary subgroup must eventually be connected to the social system.
It is
this
connection that institution-
movement and brings back a state of equilibrium. There are three issues The Utopian ideology that was necessary to create group solidarity must bend in order to make concessions to the adaptive structures of society (e.g., alizes the
involved: 1)
kinship, education)
—
in other words, the revolutionary
group must meet the
real-
ity
of governing a social system; 2) the unstructured motivational component of
the
movement must be
institutionalize
its
structured toward
its
central values
and the movement must
values both in terms of organizations and individuals; and 3) out
groups must be disciplined vis-a-vis the revolutionary values that are values of society.
now
the
new
367
368
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Thinking About Modernity and Postmodemity and modernism: Parsons
Parsons, science, nity. In fact, his
position
is
isn't specifically
concerned with moder-
decidedly in the direction of creating theories that tran-
scend time and space and can be used to understand any society
However, that position
Modernity
is
is
kind of culture.
and nation-states dominate,
We
saw
Durkheim's notion of a generalized ernists as a Scientific
it is
also defined
by
a particu-
our chapter on Durkheim.
specificaUy in
this
any time.
at
modern by postmodernists. a period of time when indus-
characterized as
not only defined in structural terms, as
trialization, capitalism, lar
itself
collective consciousness
seen by postmod-
is
kind of grand narrative, a distinctly modern idea of cultural unification.
theory that transcends time and place
There are
is
also seen a
grand narrative.
a couple of reasons for this position. First, science has a value base.
This statement
is
a bit startling because science
is
supposedly value
free.
That
is,
sci-
ence claims to be in pursuit of pure knowledge through the discover)- of what empirically exists. science
is
tion. This
Many postmodernists, however, argue that the objective stance of
simply the technical arm of the ideology of European Western
brand of civilization defines progress
in
and morality, and
rather than humanistic ethics
the ability to feel themselves superior to others.
it
gives a select this
It's
movements of Western European
value position (the universe
an object that
is
is
and science
it
has no is
more
societies
and undergirded the
nations. If science
available for
human
is
based on a
use and control,
must be respected and hon-
rather than an equal part in the sacred universe that ored), then
group of
combination that helped
create the doctrine of manifest destiny in the United States
colonization
civiliza-
terms of technological advance,
any other knowledge system,
basis to claim truth than
reduced to an ideological language in competition with other
language games.
Another reason why
science,
the project of modernity
is its
refers to a gradual building
and
particularly scientific theory,
belief in the
is
up and combining
into one;
and
scientific
based on the cumulation of knowledge. Science progresses as theory ified,
and
restated.
seen as part of
cumulation of knowledge. Cumulation
As Robert Merton 1967) 1
explains, science
is
is
theory
tested,
is
mod-
guided by the rule
of "obliteration by incorporation." Each work builds upon and incorporates the
work before it. The very meaning of scientific work is that each accomplishment ill raise new questions and new problems to be solved. Each previous work should then be overshadowed and outdated by the next. Sir Isaac Newton embodied this scientific
approach when he
said, "If
I
have seen further
it is
by standing on the
shoulders of Giants."
This kind of approach to knowledge and theorv Parsons. The Structure of Social Action, Parsons' thesis of four classic theorists: Marshall, Pareto, cal synthesis is a
cumulative enterprise;
a whole. Parsons
major work,
one espoused bv
is
explicitly a svn-
Durkheim, and Weber. A
theoreti-
brings together different theories to
be emphasized
"The keynote
book;
a study in social theory,
obliteration
exactly the
form
1949) clearly states this kind of cumulation as his goal in
Structure: it is
it
first
is
to
by incorporation
not
as the
is
perhaps given in the subtitle of the
theories'
p.
v
.
Parsons sees cumulation and
proper path for sociological theorv.
The
Social
System
—
The problem of logocentrism: So, what's wrong with theory cumulation? From
postmodern a
grand narrative. As theory
rative, that presents itself as the
We
your hand as an
telling.
illustration. In writing this
book,
Du
Bois,
only a recent trend.
I
itself
inten-
It
Harriet
—
it
refers to the third
in the year
scripture
medium
form of of truth.
disputes the scientist claim
knowledge It
consensus-building agenda of science.
church council of Carthage, which
It
contests the
modernist idea that theory has as
was thus limited to
not; the Bible
a privileged
takes issue with the unifying,
397 decided which books could be considered
and which could
the
can be securely grounded.
of classical theory. The word canon has an ironic connotation
is
that only scientific
been called "expanding the canon"
It's
...
reason or the
inclusion
at
criticizes
modernist notion that science
the act of cumula-
Martineau, and Charlotte Gilman. This attempt is
Postmodernism
The
can take the theory book you hold in
included the work of W.E.B.
tionally
a theory, or nar-
is
only story worth
many stories and
that there are
is
tion ignores them.
a
in this sense functions as
cumulated, the specifics of
is
each theorist are discarded. The end result
problem
Theory
position, there are a couple of issues.
369
Talcott Parsons
its
social
chief role the
securing of conceptual grounds
Old Testament and the 27 books of the
the 39 books of the
New
for social research.
Testament. Until recently, sociological theory was can-
Wagner, 1992,
p. 6)
onized as well, being understood in terms of a restricted
group of white men. The voices of
Du
many
They were
race
others were and are silenced.
and gender were not seen
From classics
has
is
New
silenced for obvious value reasons:
most insidious
what Mark Gottdiener (1990) is
and
important sociological concerns.
the postmodernist's position, the
connotation again: logos in the
as
Bois, Martineau,
effect that
canonizing the
"logocentrism." (Notice the ironic
calls
the Greek term for word, which
a
is
name used
for Jesus
Testament.) Logocentrism refers to behind-the-scenes validation stan-
new
dards for sociological work. According to this point of view, in order for a
ory to be seen as implies that it
if
I
valid,
If
must invoke one or more of the
were to write a new theory,
didn't refer to the
canon.
it
it
classical theorists.
work of Marx, Durkheim, Weber, or
dard of legitimacy
is
then using a limited
list
control the discipline and maintain their privileged position.
on
social theory
Sociological
is
inclusive,
and
is
guided by val-
of classics as a stan-
by established theorists
in fact a political ploy
if
others in the accepted
the legitimation of certain previous theorists over others
ues, as the history of theory indicates,
the-
This idea
would automatically be held suspect
who want
to
The postmodern stand
not exclusionary.
social theories:
At
this point in
our discussion,
I'd like to
point
out a distinction that some make between sociological theory and social theory. Before
I
begin to
I'm going to say
make comparisons, is
tinctions between sociological entirely true
I
want
to first
make
a disclaimer: everything
generally but not necessarily specifically true. That
and
social theory are
broadly based and
is,
the dis-
may not be
about a specific theory that claims to be sociological or
Generally speaking, then, sociological theory
is
thought, and behavior. thing to be discovered,
The key elements it
must
first exist
are "discover"
and
human
feelings,
"explain." For
some-
independently of the discoverer, as when
Clyde Tombaugh discovered the planet Pluto on February that are discovered exist as objects.
social.
understood to be oriented toward
the discovery and explanation of the social factors that influence
To explain
18, 1930.
Thus, things
this object implies that
we
(Seidman
are
&
370
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
simply describing whatever explanation, nor are
theory
On
is
around
ought to be
and
aren't
adding anything to the
we making any kind of value judgment about
oriented toward explaining
creating dialog
we
exists;
it
how the
the other hand, social theory
theorist social
as
is
it
and
political situations
it.
Sociological
world works.
generally concerned with explaining
is
social issues. People
politically
social
who
espouse social theory argue that the
To separate theory from the
socially involved.
of the theorist
is
and
to
deny theory's source. Social theory
emerges from the questions that the theorist generates from her or
his experiences
and the experience of others
as social beings. Notice that social
theory emerges
through
not involved in discovery because the theory and the
social experience;
it is
theorist are intrinsically part of the issue. Social theory, then, doubts the ability of social actors to create society. Further, social
an objective stand from which
theory
is
meant
to be
somewhat
to gaze disinterestedly at
critical
and
it is
intended for
audiences larger than the scientific community, which usually constitutes the audi-
ence for sociological theory. Social theory
designed to incite social discourse.
is
Again, these are general distinctions, but they are informative and cause us to reflexively evaluate
where we stand and the kind of theorizing
which we want
in
to
engage. In addition, sociological theory and social theory are not mutually exclu-
though they are
sive,
found
rarely
in the
same
individual.
one who embodied some of both approaches
society
works
(practically
—
it is
and
what drives
history.
Karl Marx.
is
material dialectic in historical, mechanical terms.
A good example of some-
The material
He
described the
dialectic
is
the
way
At the same time, Marx advocated praxis
politically applied theory),
wrote
pamphlets, and headed
political
political organizations.
Complex systems and
neo-tribes:
There
is
another point of the modernity/
postmodernity issue that we can focus on with Parsons' theory. As we've seen, Parsons as a
is
a systems theorist. For Parsons, a system
whole are
relatively self-sufficient.
the area of postmodernity argue that society
tion,
people
a set of interrelated parts that
Such systems are comparatively
toward equilibrium, and have rather predicable
Zygmunt Bauman
is
results.
stable,
tend
Some people who work
no longer functions
as
in
such a system.
(1992), for example, argues that as a result of de-institutionaliza-
live in
complex, chaotic systems. Complex systems
differ
from the
mechanistic systems that Parsons talks about in that they are unpredictable and not controlled by statistically significant factors. In other words, the relationships
among
the parts are not predictable. For example, in a complex system, race, class, and
gender no longer produce strong or constant concept. Thus, being a
woman, for
and not have any meaning
effects
on the
instance, might be a
at all in another;
together in a specific setting in unique and
and
race, class,
random
individual's
disability in
one
life
we want
a central value system, as Parsons
and fancy of their
members and
The absence of any tends to create a
to.
and gender might come
And the groups exist
would
we join
or
not because they
reflect
due
whim
argue; instead, they exist
to the
the tide of market-driven public sentiment.
central value system
demand
self-
ways. Within these complex sys-
tems, groups are formed through unguided self-formation. In other words, leave groups simply because
or
social setting
for substitutes.
and
firm, objective, evaluative guides
These substitutes are symbolically, rather
— The
than actually or in
The need
socially, created.
what Bauman (1992, pp. 198-199)
for these symbolic
calls "tribal politics"
System
Social
group tokens
and defines
—
Talcott Parsons
371
results
as self-
constructing practices that are collectivized but not socially produced. These neo-
function solely as imagined communities and, unlike their premodern name-
tribes
sake, exist
only in symbolic form through the commitment of individual "members" of an identity. But this neo-tribal world functions without an actual
to the idea
group's powers of inclusion
and
exclusion. Neo-tribes are created through the repet-
and
itive
and generally individual or imaginative performance of symbolic
exist
only so long as the rituals are performed. Neo-tribes are thus formed through
rituals
concepts rather than actual social groups. They exist as imagined communities
through a multitude of agent acts of self- identification and
them
use
exist solely
because people
as vehicles of self-definition: "Neo-tribes are, in other words, the vehicles
(and imaginary sediments) of individual self-definition" (Bauman, 1992,
me
Let
you an example
give
1960s, there
was a youth-based
distinct culture.
to illustrate
what Bauman
movement
social
They were generally
getting
is
at.
p. 137).
During the
called hippies. Hippies
had
a very
and valued
against war, practiced free love,
psychedelic drugs for their mind-expanding properties. Hippies often got together
and
interacted.
And
so on.
They had
in particular the peace
tee-shirt
was
them back idarity
sit-ins, love-ins, readings, protests,
then. If
symbol and tie-dye
make one
to either
you were
tee-shirts.
made
or have one
a hippie, there
when you saw someone wearing
The only way
for you.
And
to get a tie-dye
only hippies wore
was instant group recognition and
one.
sol-
You knew what the person believed
in
and how
to
and what she or he practiced. You knew how act
marches, concerts, and
they developed cultural symbols that demarcated group boundaries
to talk with the individual
toward her or him. I
saw one of my students the other day wearing
he had purchased later
it,
and he
told
me
wearing a Boston Marathon
Internet.
He was
at
tee-shirt,
as a
cowboy, yet
he's
I
I
asked where
saw the same student a week
which he said he'd bought over the
neither a runner nor a hippie.
month. He was dressed
a tie-dye tee-shirt.
Wal-Mart.
I
saw
from
a professor
New York
I
know at a bar last
City. All
of these bits
of clothing function as symbolic group tokens, and they create imagined nities
—communities
that exist in the
moment, with no boundaries
exclude or include. The professor became a
member
commu-
or ability to
of a neo-tribe: groups that
only exist because individuals are creatively defining themselves. He's not a cowboy, never was, and never will be.
He
will
probably be
at a college
bar next week
listen-
modern rock and dressed post-grunge. And neither the rockers nor the cowboys can tell him to get out of the group, because there is no real group there. ing to
Summary •
Parsons
is
the individual
who
is
usually associated with clearly articulating a
systems approach in sociology. This kind of theoretical method encourages us to see society in terms of system pressures
and needs. Two
important: the boundary between the system and
its
issues in particular are
environment and the internal
processes of integration. Parsons divides each of these into two distinct functions.
372
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
External boundaries are maintained through adaptation and goal attainment; internal-process functions are fulfilled by integration
and
main-
latent pattern
tenance. Systems theory also encourages us to pay attention to the boundaries
between subsystems,
in
terms of their exchanges and communication. Because
smart or open systems have goal
atively
rel-
information, and contain
states, take in
control mechanisms, they tend toward equilibrium. Parsons conceptualizes society
such a system. In addition, because Parsons sees everything operating sys-
as just
temically, his theory
any and
all
is
cast at a very abstract level
and
is
intended to be applied to
systems.
Parsons builds his theory of the social system from the ground up.
•
with voluntaristic action occurring within the unit
act.
Humans
He
begins
exercise a great
deal of agency in their decisions; however, their decisions are also circumscribed by
the situation and normative expectations. are
where human agency
is
and values hold sway. These
The normative expectations
most expressed and where different motives
culturally
in particular
informed motives
and values orient the actor
to the
sit-
uation and combine to create three general types of action: strategic, expressive,
and moral. People tend of action. As
tend to create tions, roles,
to interact socially with those
a result, interactions sets
become patterned
of status positions,
and norms
roles,
who
share their general types
in specific ways,
and norms.
which
in turn
We may say that status posi-
are institutionalized to the degree that people pattern their
behaviors according to such sets and internalize the motives, values, and cultures associated with them. •
Different sets of institutionalized status positions, roles,
tered
around
are four general needs that
and
and norms
are clus-
different societal needs. Because society functions as a system, there
must be met: adaptation, goal attainment,
integration,
latent pattern maintenance. In complex, differentiated societies, these func-
tions are
met by separate
institutional spheres.
The
different institutions are inte-
grated through the system pressures of mutual dependency and generalized media
of exchange. The social system
human
only one of four systems that surround
itself is
behavior. There are the cultural, social, personality, and physical systems,
each corresponding to
upon information,
AGIL
functional requisites. Because systems are dependent
the culture system
is
at the top.
down, and the energy upon which culture
is
Information flows from the top
dependent flows from the bottom up.
Parsons refers to this scheme as the cybernetic hierarchy of control. •
Systems tend toward equilibrium. They can, however, run amiss
tems are not properly integrated. In the strain.
more
As
societies
become more
general. In this process,
social system, this
differentiated, the
it is
possible that
the dysfunctional culture. This case sets
up
if
the subsys-
happens through cultural
media of exchange must become
some groups
will seek to
hold onto
a strain within the system, with
some
subsystems or groups refusing to change and other subsystems moving ahead.
Motivation for social revolution
is
possible under these conditions. After people are
motivated to change society, they must then create a subculture that can function to unite their group
and
create an alternative set of
must eventually have wide enough appeal
norms and
to successfully
make
values. This culture a claim to legitimacy.
The
In a revolution, either side could
win
Social
System
—
Talcott Parsons
(the reformers or the fundamentalists), but
in either case, certain steps are systemically required to reintegrate the system. After
the revolution, the subgroup
must produce
Institutionalization occurs at this point as iors patterned
and people
socialized
it
can unite the system.
a culture that
does
around a
at
any other time: through behav-
set
of status positions,
roles,
and
norms. •
Parsons' theory allows us to focus
tal issues
on some of the broader, more fundamen-
represented by postmodern theory. Postmodern theory proposes that
society has
changed
at its core, in
a predictable system. Society
is
the
way
it
works
—
society
no longer functions
as
better understood in postmodernity in terms of
complex or chaotic systems. Simply put,
this
means
that social elements can
bine in nonlinear and undetermined ways. Bauman's notion of neo-tribes
example of this thinking. Postmodernism
also challenges the
com-
good way in which we conis
a
postmodernism isn't simply about the possibility that we may be living in a new kind of social world; it is also a critique of how we know what we know. Science and its methods are value laden; they came into existence in struct knowledge. Thus,
response to and support of the nation-state and Western colonialism. Science pro-
duces technologies of control, for both the physical and is
thus a part of modernist philosophy.
must be
set aside for
more
The
and
collectively
way of knowing
ways of knowing. Rather than
we must
give equal place to multiple
voices. Rather than seeking to control the social world,
ourselves within the context
environments, and
objectifying, linear
subjective, language-based
giving truth-value over to one voice (science),
human
we must
reflexively place
work, through inclusion and dialog, to
allow social worlds to emerge.
Building Your Theory Toolbox
Conversations With Talcott Parsons
—Web Research Web
sources for
that he sees things as a system. Recall
what makes
Unfortunately, as of the writing of this book, there are very few Parsons,
none of which provide "conversational"
material.
Passionate Curiosity Seeing the World (using the perspective) •
Parsons' primary point of view
a system a system
and analyze
is
this society in
what ways does
terms of a system.
Is this
so, in
what ways?
level:
analyze the university you attend in terms of system qualities.
If not, in
about your classroom?
Is it
it
not meet the criteria?
a system in Parsonian terms?
Can you
society a system? If
Let's take Is
it
it
down a What
a system?
analyze your friendship
373
374
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
network
in
systems,
how are
What about you? Do you
terms of systems?
they linked together?
exist as a
system?
these are
If all
Do you think systems analysis breaks down
at
any
point?
Can we understand
•
globalization
from
question with Spencer, but Parsons' theory
is
a systems perspective? (I asked a similar
more
robust.)
Engaging the World (using the theory) According to Parsons, what
•
Why
cultural strain?
is
Under what conditions does
cultural strain
ripe for cultural strain? If so,
why? What kinds of cultural
a Parsonian approach, •
what
are the effects
Earlier in this chapter,
I
together a theory of society.
begins with the unit benefits
scheme use
it
I
cultural strain important?
come about? Take
we might
a look at this society.
strain can
you
identify?
Is it
From
expect?
asked you where you would begin
if
you were
to put
Where would you begin? Parsons What could be some
ask you again now:
Evaluate the unit act as a beginning point.
act.
and drawbacks from such (see Figure 10.1) to explain
How
Use Parsons' unit
a starting point?
your behaviors
at
in at least five different settings (like school,
beach, and so on).
is
act analytical
school today. Take the scheme and
home, shopping
mall, crosswalk,
does his scheme hold up? Were you able to analyze
all
of the
behaviors equally well? •
Parsons talks about generalized media of exchange. In doing
something that Spencer
pendency of
do you think ing
if
— and
institutions. exist
the media
to a lesser degree,
Choose two
Durkheim
institutions.
between these two institutions?
you propose
are actually at
What
—
so,
he
is
clarifying
glossed over: the interde-
generalized media of exchange
How would
you go about determin-
work?
Weaving the Threads (synthesizing theory) •
One
of sociology's abiding concerns revolves around the issue of social change. In
the chapter social
on Durkheim,
I
asked you to consider Spencer and Durkheim's theories of
change and the problems of integration. In the chapter on Weber,
compare and contrast Marx and Weber on the
How
issues
of inequality and
I
asked you to
social change.
does Parsons' theory of revolution and change include the issues from the
Spencer/Durkheim synthesis and the Marx/Weber synthesis? In other words,
to
what
extent does Parsons' theory include both conflict and functional issues of social change?
What does •
Parsons' theory leave out?
Throughout these
the chapter
on Simmel,
chapters, I
we have been weaving
together a theory of religion. In
asked you to bring together the work of
gion. If you did, you would have a robust theory of religion in
approach religion? What function does religion play
five theorists
society.
in society,
Parsons' approach
compare
to the other theorists?
reli-
according to Parsons? In
terms of the cybernetic hierarchy of control, where would something
How does
on
How does Parsons like religion fit?
The
•
with Parsons'.
lists
Where does Durkheim's function
and
System
—
Talcott Parsons
Spencer and Durkheim both propose requisite functions. Compare and contrast
both Spencer's and Durkheim's
•
Social
Does Parsons
fit?
Another of sociology's abiding concerns
Sometimes
society.
this
problem
is
is
Where do
Spencer's functions
fit?
leave anything out?
the relationship between the individual
phrased in terms of agency
(free will) versus struc-
link. How are How do the actions of people in face-to-face encounters get translated to macro-level structures? How do structures influence actors? Parsons doesn't
ture (determination),
and other times
it is
talked about as the
micro-macro
the individual and society related?
answer
all
these questions, but he gives us
one of our
of the micro-macro link. According to Parsons,
first
how do
face encounters get translated to macro-level structures? to
detailed theoretical explanations
the actions of people in face-to-
Does
his theory
seem reasonable
you? Can you think of how Durkheim or Weber or Simmel would explain
How different or similar
nomenon?
Further Explorations Alexander,
J.
are their explanations
compared
this
same phe-
to Parsons'?
— Books
C. (Ed.). (1985). Neofunctionalism. Beverly Hills,
CA:
Sage. (Collection of articles
and
chapters that help define Neofunctionalism and Parsons' influence)
Hamilton,
P.
to the
(1983). Talcott Parsons.
work and
life
New York:
Tavistock. (Good, short, book-length introduction
of Parsons)
Lidz, V. (2000). Talcott Parsons. In G. Ritzer (Ed.), rists.
Maiden,
Robertson,
R.,
MA:
& Turner, B.
CA: Sage. (Leading
The Blackwell companion
to
major
Blackwell. (Good, chapter-length introduction to Parsons' S. (Eds.).
(1991). Talcott Parsons: Theorist of modernity.
social theo-
work and
life)
Newbury
Park,
theory to explain modernity, postmodernity,
social theorists use Parsons'
and globalization) Trevino, A.
J.
(Ed.). (2001). Talcott Parsons today: His theory
Lanham, MD: Rowman
&
Littlefield.
and
legacy in contemporary sociology.
(Ten international scholars reappraise and extend
Parsons' theory)
Further Explorations
—Web Links
http://www2.pfeiffer.edu/~lridener/DSS/Parsons/parsbi01.html (Extensive biographical sketch of Parsons'
life)
—
Further Explorations Web Links: Intellectual Influences on Parsons Sigmund Freud: http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/freud.html
(Site
maintained by Dr. C. George
Boeree, professor of psychology at Shippensburg University; clear presentation of Freud's basic ideas
Max Weber: iVlitA
and
his life)
http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/WeberAVhome.htm
by Frank W. Elwell ates
at
Rogers State University;
site specifically
(Site
maintained
oriented toward undergradu-
and contains good explanations of some of Weber's concepts)
375
376
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
1 Emile Durkheim: http://www.relst.uiuc.edu/durkheim/ (The Durkheim Pages; contains reviews,
summaries of Durkheim's work, timeline of Durkheim's
life,
glossary,
and discussion threads
that everyone can post to)
Bronislaw Malinowski: http://www.lse.ac.uk/lsehistory/malinowski.htm
(Site
maintained by the
London School of Economics; short introduction to Malinowski) Vilfredo Pareto: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/pareto.htm (Site maintained by the
Department of Economics,
New
School; extensive background and introduction to Pareto's
theory)
Alfred Marshall: http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/marshall.htm (Site maintained by the
Department of Economics, theory)
New School; extensive background and introduction to Marshall's
CHAPTER
11
Theorizing Society
What
• •
How
— Provocative —Tools of the Trade
to See to See
To theorize the art
is
Possibilities
to
engage in the art of explanation. People
know how
clusions in the
378
381
to collect ideas,
who master
analyze content, and marshal con-
most cogent reasoning possible. (Mithaug, 2000,
p. ix)
Final chapters are sometimes very difficult to write. We have come a long way and covered
religion
and
ground; how can I wrap up something like this? I would down and bring it all together. What did everybody say about What are the important dynamics of modernity? What kinds
a lot of
love for us to
sit
culture?
of things are leading us into the possibility of postmodernity?
How
do markets,
money, communication technologies, transportation technologies, production, the division of labor, the centralizing of government, society
and our
and so on
— how do they
As interesting and important
more important
task in
mind
as
I
think a discussion
like that
for this final chapter. In the
a perspective that
and
values.
We
the theorist
affect
is
formed around two primary
issues:
would
be,
I
have a
opening chapter, we con-
sidered a couple of ideas surrounding theory and theorizing.
do. Theorizing
all
lives?
We
saw that theory
assumptions about
simply what we know,
is
society,
something we
also
saw that theory
isn't
an
active, reflexive,
and ongoing relationship between the mind of
is
and the
social
it is
environment. To theorize, we must actively think and ask
questions. In this, our final chapter, I'd like to be a bit
more
proactive in passing
on
the torch of theory to you.
377
378
EXPLORATIONS
What
to See
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
— Provocative Possibilities
Ontology and values: This seeing: they are positions
made up are
a
is
book about
from which
What
is
how
does
it
We've seen that there society:
What is the essence of society? Does society have an own set of laws? Or is society and everything therein an
exist?
objective existence with idea, a
beliefs.
our theoretical perspective about
to
society (a question of ontology)? Phrasing this question differently, society
but
exists,
view and attribute meaning, and they are
to
of language, values, sentiments, norms, and
two basic questions that contribute
and perspectives are about
perspectives,
its
symbolic network through which we create and
The second question
one of
is
should our values be about
live
by means of meaning?
What should we do about
values;
What
society?
Should we seek out those
this entity called society?
things that produce inequality and heartache and try to change them, or should
remove ourselves and simply describe
society as
exists?
it
The answers
we
to these
questions run on continuums that overlap at different places. Thus, in response to
two basic questions, we
these
and diverse perspectives
are able to create multiple
that contain languages, values, feelings, beliefs,
and
scripts that tell us
how
about doing the business of sociology. Once produced, these perspectives
what
to see
The
and not
theorists
definable
world around
see in the
we have considered
way of viewing
in this
go us
us.
book each have
Some
the social world.
to tell
of them,
like
a perspective, a clear,
Durkheim, argue
fer-
vently for an objective, scientific approach to society. Others, like Weber, aren't so sure,
and they approach Some,
to ever)' nuance.
interaction;
and
social stocks
social like
phenomena
Mead,
others, like Schutz, see
emerging out of negotiated symbolic
meaning created by the individual out of
of knowledge and the backward glance of intentionality Adding the
value question,
we
get even
more
facets.
Mead
simply wants to describe
sciousness arises out of symbolic interactions; but
standing of the same basic processes that
Mead
Du
Marx
is
likewise critical
and
Another defining
our
at
and the micro
theorisits are clearly linked to
dynamics of tions;
social
Gilman,
change and
one
level
of face-to-face encounters.
level or another.
being
is
their level
level
macro
of orga-
Some of our
Thus, for Spencer, the basic of entire societal popula-
stability are at the level
like Spencer, sees the
it
three distinct levels: the
of historical, structural dynamics and relationships; the meso
nizational structure;
sees that the
than culture or interaction.
theorists' perspectives
of analysis. As we've seen, social phenomena occur level
— Du Bois
relations, rather
issue of
con-
and thus divergent conscious-
interested in consciousness, but he sees
produced through structured economic
Levels of analysis:
how
Bois gives us a critical under-
about
talks
culture of race creates different kinds of interactions nesses.
pay attention
cautiously, being certain to
see society
dynamics of society
in
terms of large-scale evo-
lutionary development, but she, unlike Spencer, lends a critical perspective,
—
Marx with a specific category of people in this case, gender. On the Mead sees negotiated symbolic meanings behind social change and stability that occur only at the level of the interaction and self. Some other theorists are an interesting blend: while we generally think of Parsons as a macro theorist, he concerned
like
other hand,
in fact begins at the level
of the act and builds a theory of institutionalization
—
in
Theorizing Society
other words, Parsons gives us a levels.
People
like
torical milieus
Du
Bois and
way of seeing the Weber
link
between the macro and micro
see the individual or
and then wonder about the
effects
379
micro
within his-
level
of such historical processes upon
consciousness and subjective experience. In Table 11.1, I've
begun
a task
I
encourage you to
finish.
As you can
see,
I
note
the theorists' general perspective of society (objective/subjective), their position con-
cerning values (critical/descriptive), and their level of analysis. After noting these issues, I've written a brief
value of such a table
is
statement that
that
it
I
think encapsulates their perspective.
The
gives us a quick reference to specific perspectives. In
turn, these perspectives give us eyes to see distinctive questions.
The questions
that
each of our theorists asks are intrinsically linked to the kind of perspective each has. Accordingly, seeing the world through a Marxian perspective will enable you to ask
questions that are distinctly different than
Durkheimian
eyes. This kind of effort
—we
with a base perspective sciously, or
our perspective
is
you
if
fundamental
you
be a result of happenstance.
will
to not only be reflexive
Flexible theorizing: Flexible theorizing
are not right or
all
comes out of the
useful.
thus,
assumptions (and perspectives) are taken on
The
Table 11.1
less
theorizing can
flexible as well.
realization that perspectives
wrong, they are either useful or not so
wrong, but they can be more or
Good
about your theorizing but
wrong? Because they are based on assumptions that
right or
and con-
of our theorists in such a
right or all
Theorizing begins
will either construct this base reflexively
only be built on a consciously adopted base. Putting table will allow
the world through
see
to theorizing.
Why
can't they
are never tested,
be
and
faith. Perspectives can't
be
powerful in yielding and informing
Theorists' Perspectives
Theorist
Society
Value
Levels
Herbert Spencer
Objective
Descriptive
Macro
Spencer views society as progressively evolving due to the same objective elements (matter, force, motion)
and dynamics universe.
(instability of
homogeneous
units, multiplication of effects, segregation) as
structural relations. Spencer's perspective
is
oriented toward the macro
of functionalism and eyes to see the interconnections Karl
Marx
Marx views
Objective society as determined by
but for outcomes Marx
foundation for
critical
is
and
economic
relations
Macro -> Micro
and changing
in
response to dialectic elements
oriented toward the macro level level (consciousness); in
and gives us eyes to see the
doing
in
terms of dynamics,
so,
he
lays
down
the
effects of oppressive structures
potential.
Emile Durkheim
Objective
Durkheim sees society as a symbols that society,
is
concerned with the micro conflict theorizing,
he gives us the basic tenets
level;
structural units.
Critical
within the economic structure. Marx's perspective
on human
among
the rest of the
and the dynamics around
For society, the basic elements revolve around population size
come from
result of
Micro -» Macro
Descriptive
emotionally infused interactions; once born, the morally infused
interaction take
on an objective
life
of their
own. The micro
but macro-level cultural elements strongly inform what happens
us eyes to see the issues surrounding cultural integration of society.
in
level
interactions.
is
the basis for
Durkheim gives
380
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
certain kinds of theoretical questions. For instance,
structure
and oppression, whose perspective would
you
if
are interested in class
yield the
most
insightful ques-
tions
and answers? Marx would be the most obvious answer. However, what
want
to ask questions about the intersection of race
turn? In this case,
Marx would not be
as helpful
class?
are not so interested in
race
come
about, as in
interactions? In that case,
you would turn
to Mead's perspective.
On the other hand,
perhaps you don't think the macro structures of Marx or Weber are the
and you don't buy into Mead's reduction
do you turn? Well, maybe the
give
you
this perspective?
and not
at the
meanings
more meso
real issues
Then where
in interaction.
between race and
class actually
subjectivities of the people in interaction.
Simmel, of course. Or maybe
macro
at the
to
intersections
forms that colonize the
not constructed
you
To
how historical, structural relations between class and how race and class intersect and are produced in face-to-face
you
as social
if
whom would you Weber as and/or Du Bois. What if and
level
of structure, or
of social forms.
level
class
at the
What
if
operate
Who can
and race crossroads
micro
level
are
of interaction,
they are part of the stocks
of knowledge and relevance hierarchies that individuals use to construct meanings in
We
and Thou
There
is
cant begin tives.
ter
The
relations?
best person to turn to here
obviously an important, general point to
I
is
want you
Schutz. to see in
you
all this:
think about different possibilities unless you can take different perspec-
The more
perspectives with which
you
are familiar
and comfortable, the
bet-
prepared you are to see multiple, provocative possibilities in the social world
around you. Theory around
a social
stagnant;
isn't
is
it
a living, breathing thing that
phenomenon, granting us new
insights into the world
moves us
around
us.
How many different kinds What can you see, what can you own your knowledge; that's why I'm asking you to
How many different kinds
of perspectives do you own?
of lights can you shed on the world around us?
Now is the time for you to complete the table, rather than my doing it for you. Don't be satisfied with only seehear?
ing part of the world, or having
someone
tell
own your own knowledge and
to see the
world
by being able
you what in
to see
— make
which you
live
it
your goal to
more complexly
to use multiple perspectives.
In addition to perspectives, I've emphasized two other issues throughout these chapters: recurring in
themes and our
an age of transition
historical era.
a stimulating idea.
is
age of transition: the birth of modernity. tain kinds of questions
The
Most of our
possibility that
we
are living
classical theorists lived in
They became preoccupied with asking
about their world. They were interested
in religion, culture,
the state and economy, equality and oppression, social integration, and change.
of the possibilities that the kinds of questions
postmodern on. At the
want us
we
to consider
same time,
I've
is
that society
ask. In particular, I've
theory, such as advertising,
informed by the link
I
made
it
classical theorists.
many
changing, and with
institutionalized doubt,
it
and so
of these questions are or can be
For example, Marx's theory of consciousness (the
between the mode of production and the way we see the world and ourselves)
forms the basis of Jameson's version of postmodernism; and Weber's ideas of
and
One
brought out certain features of
mass media,
clear that
is
an
cer-
status
class
groups informs Lash and Urry's postmodern theory. In addition, we've
seen theories that
may
provide an answer to some of the typical postmodern prob-
lems, such as Mead's idea of fusing the
I
and the Me.
Theorizing Society
One
of the things that
—
ahold of you
and
I
want
is
our
obviously want you to get ahold of
I
historical possibility: this
that to fire your imagination. But
more mundane. Throughout end of the chapters
do so
you
is
to
"Compare and
it is
be the beginning of a
synthesizes.
model the
about the
there
is
first
bit
of theorizing
you opportunities
It is
is
an activity that questions, compares,
an activity that begins with reading.
step in theorizing I
is
may be
reading, which able to orient
See what
is
you
—Tools of the Trade
I've tried to intro-
Durkheim's theory,
to
nothing that substitutes for reading Durkheim. That's one of the reasons
that these people's insights.
age,
Durkheim, and Simmel on religion" may sound much more. Those kinds of questions are the very ways sociologists theorize. It's how I linked classical theory
book. While
this
activity
get
common themes. Asking
How to duce you to in
new
hoping for something a
also
theorists, I've given
theorists say
with the possibility of postmodernity. Theory
Reading well: The
it
so
through which professional
and
have
contrast Marx,
question, but
contrasts,
am
better,
your theory toolbox; one of the important ways to
to build
by weaving together what the
like a test
may
I've tried to
As we have made our way through the
for you. at the
book,
this
I
—or
works are considered
classic
However, chances are you don't know
—repeated
how to
read.
new
reading gleans
Oh,
I
imagine you can
read well enough; otherwise you wouldn't have progressed this far in the book. But
perhaps you don't is
know how to
the challenge and
saying, the are
•
Tenet
1:
read in a
—
of theory
thrill
way we view
two tenets and
way
we
if
that will
really get
And that Martineau or Mead is
remake your mind.
what
a
the world will be changed forever. In reading theory, there
several questions to keep in
Read the work repeatedly
and no, you
do
can't
immersing yourself
a
—
mind.
at least three times.
No, I'm not kidding;
good job of understanding the
in the
theorist without
work. Read with a notepad and pencil; each time
you read through the work (or section of the work), write down observations and questions (and answers •
Tenet
2:
to
your questions.).
Use your imagination. Whatever
that theoretical
work always
else theorizing
involves the imagination
understand and also to think outside the
lines.
may
—the
be,
remember
ability to see
Every theorist
is
and
one who has
seen something that no one else has seen. Look at your world imaginatively;
read the works using your imagination. •
Questions to ask of the work: The following questions are meant as starting issues only.
Your understanding
these questions. Use these to help
the sets of tensions
we
will
not be complete
if
you simply answer
you ask more questions. Also keep
talked about earlier.
Most
classical
in
mind
theory will address
some of these. In general, you want to discover the argument. Remember that these people are addressing an issue or question. What is it? Everything else in the work should revolve around it. After you've discovered at
381
least
the central point, find the stepping-stones that the author uses to lead us to the conclusion. In particular ask,
382
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
What are specific
know
the general contours of the
We
phenomenon.
exactly
what
phenomenon? Every theory pertains
can always creatively extend a theory, but
a theory
about.
is
The
largest defining issue here
we
is
to
some
first
must
the question
You cannot understand the theory unless you know the question. For example, Durkheim had two issues in mind when he wrote The the theorist
addressing.
is
Elementary Forms of the Religious
Life.
The
first is
obvious: he wanted to
constitutes the basic elements of religion, regardless of
of religion
under consideration. His second purpose was
is
for the basic categories of
knowledge that we use
know what
when, where, or what kind
(like
to
uncover the source
time and space)
—he was
how we know what we know). Unless we will be confused by some of what
arguing for a social epistemology (studying
we keep in mind each of these purposes, Durkheim is saying. In addition to the chief questions,
here are
some other ways
to
understand the general contours of the phenomenon:
•
What
is
the level of analysis?
between these false?
the theory concerned with macro-, micro-, or
phenomenon? Does
meso-level
•
Is
What
levels? Or,
the theory argue for bridges
and provide
to be described
Identify the limits of the
definition.
its
Is
phenomenon
the theory about the economic
structure, the state, inequality, self/identity, authority structures, or
What
or
presented in their stead?
is
What are the theory's scope conditions?
else?
among
does the theory argue that those distinctions are
are the other limits?
Is it
something
only concerned with traditional, modern,
or postmodern societies? •
What
for the processes to
What logically
dimensions of the theory?
are the temporal
work?
Do
they diminish over time or increase?
are the major concepts?
As we've
sound argument
built
the building blocks of
make our theory
all
specific
that
is
said,
theory
tell
•
Look
and
an insightful, formal, and definitions.
Concepts are
us what to see and the definitions
replicable. So, every theory will have concepts
they are the single most important element. Under analogy, types,
is
from concepts and
theory. Concepts
and
How much time is involved
"concepts,"
I
am
and
also including
analytical frameworks.
for repeated ideas.
Are there concepts that appear over and over? Also
be aware that concepts that are repeated often indicate more complex
rela-
tionships than simple, linear ones. •
Look
for linchpin concepts
ment would
fall
apart.
It is
—those concepts without which not the case that
all
the entire argu-
the important concepts are
repeated over and over. Sometimes they are only spoken of once or twice. But if
you remove
that concept, the
work or
the theory
becomes incomprehensi-
ble (or at least impoverished). •
Look
for
concepts
Unfortunately
it
is
for
which the author
exact definitions for their concepts.
of theory. However,
gives
explicit
definitions.
not always the case that theorists intentionally give us
if
fairly certain that the
We
oftentimes have to infer this element
the theorist does give us the definition, then
concept
is
important.
we can be
Theorizing Society
•
Remember
which means that
theoretical concepts are technical terms,
this:
they have special kinds of definitions. You can't define a theoretical term the
way you would any other word. For example,
to define
Durkheim's concept
of collective consciousness as culture or even as the norms, values, and beliefs of a society,
falls
you should look
well short of the mark. Generally speaking,
handy acronym
for four attributes of a theoretical concept. Here's a
you remember them
— BEVO: Boundaries (What counts (What
are the defining features?); Effects
is
created?
(How
to help
an instance? What
as
How does it influence the
What produces higher or lower amounts?); Operation (How does it work? What are individual, group, or society?); Variation
the internal processes?).
but
Can
the concepts/issues be
produce a
Not every concept
a theoretical concept,
if it is
will
it
have
it is
of these attributes,
wanting to
better to think of abstraction as
Concepts are not simply empirical or abstract
The more
all
theory that can be used in more than one setting,
then the concepts have to be abstract. Actually,
abstract.
will
have one or more of them.
abstract? If we are looking at or
made more
scientific theory, or a
a variable.
does the concept vary?
abstract a concept
is,
the
—they
more powerful,
more or
are
in
less
terms of being
usable in multiple settings (explaining, predicting, controlling).
What
address the issue of the tain kinds of theories
and so
among and between the concepts? Here again we must kind of theory we are reading or using. Remember that cer-
are the relationships
forth).
do not propose relationships
So be aware that sometimes there
in symbolic interactionist theories).
tionships
and
their nature
will
schemes,
not be any relationships
(like
Determining whether or not there are
rela-
extremely important. Often, the author will
kind of theory she or he
straight out the
So you
is
(ideal types, analytical
will
is
using, but
many times
tell
you
the author won't.
have to search for the relationships. Occasionally, the relationships are
explicitly laid
out in models or propositions, but most of the time they are buried
in the text.
•
•
Look
for such
ment
of,"
"consequence," "doing away with," and the
Keep
in
mind
words and phrases
as "results from," "increase in," "develop-
the kinds of relationships you might encounter: positive,
negative, linear, curvilinear, additive, multiplicative, •
Remember about. tell
this:
like.
theories of this sort explain
They should
read, then, like a mechanic's
you exactly what you have
to
do
cookie recipe, for example, explicitly
and so on.
how something works manual or
recipe.
to get a given result. tells
me what
My
or comes
A recipe will
chocolate chip
ingredients to use,
what
to
when to put them in the oven, how hot to have the how long to bake them, and so on. Marx's theory of class consciousness very much like that. It has specific ingredients that come together and work
do
to those ingredients,
oven, is
in precise tion,
ways
when you
in order to
In the case of critical theory, tions of power?
produce
Which groups
what
paper or examina-
class consciousness. In a
write a scientific theory,
it
should have these
ideologies are being exposed?
are systematically excluded
qualities.
What
from the
are the rela-
social
system
383
384
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
and which
on top? What kind of society
are generally
What
the values of the theory?
action
is
ence),
and
all
mentioned,
I
culture
all
theory
is
culturally based or
based on values. Even social
is
What
being espoused?
what values are present but not
In the case of non-critical theory,
acknowledged? As
is
are
advised? reflexively
informed (even
sci-
have values,
scientific theories
even though they are generally not acknowledged.
Transforming theory: After reading (there really
be ongoing), there are
few approaches we can use
a
isn't
an
"after"
in theorizing.
— reading should We can
modify an
a number of methods we can use to make this we can expand or reduce a concept's definition. Take Durkheim's notion of ritual, for instance. By ritual, Durkheim generally meant patexisting theory in
some way. There are
modification. For example,
terned behaviors that create emotional effervescence. explicitly including the
important social event. By doing
on during
We could expand that
concept of dramatic enactment this,
we
be able to see more of what
will
idea
by
—the picturing of some is
going
a ritual like the Fourth of July. Fourth of July celebrations not only have
the potential of increasing the level of experienced emotion, thus producing a
sacred quality around the symbols used, they also emblematically picture certain events in
American
Quite a
bit
history.
of theoretical progress
Often, these changes are
may disagree with
is
made through
made through expansion and
contraction.
processes of disagreement. For example,
Marx's theory of estrangement. As
it
stands,
it is
we
a critical theory
of capitalism and alienation that occurs within the context of human beings cut off
from species-being. Perhaps we don't buy into Marx's notion of species-being and
maybe we
don't want to
to be able to talk line.
In this case,
condemn
all
of capitalism, but
about some of the alienating
we can argue
—
it
at the
same time we do want
of working on an assembly
against Marx's overall critique but accept
idea of alienation. But be aware that taking
meaning of the term
effects
constricts
it
in a
it
way
and use
his
out of Marx's context changes the that
makes
it
usable in our theory.
Notice that in order to expand or contract a concept, we must
first
understand
completely what the theorist originally meant.
We can also
synthesize theories.
To synthesize means
to
combine or put
together.
So we can put together elements from different theories to form something new. That's basically (self
what George Herbert Mead
did.
He took
and consciousness), Wilhelm Wundt (general
(looking glass
self),
will),
and formed what became known
This approach to theorizing
is
fairly
ideas
as
from William James
and Charles H. Cooley
symbolic interactionism.
common. The contemporary theorist Anthony
Giddens draws elements from structuralism, functionalism, phenomenology, dramaturgy, symbolic interactionism, and psychoanalytic theory to form his approach, called structuration theory.
We can synthesize the theories we have looked at as well. Let's say that we want to how the self is formed in modernity and what its unique characteristics None of the theorists that we deal with in this book try to answer those directly. However, we can take Mead's theory of self- formation (role-
understand
might
be.
questions
taking and generalized other) and combine
it
with elements of Simmel's theory of
Theorizing Society
the metropolis
and mental
(urbanization, rational group membership, cognitive
life
form
stimuli, blase attitude) to
a theory that
would answer those
Theory modification and synthesis are the two main ways produced and "progresses." One of the main reasons for been done up to
that has
this point. You've
under the sun." That may not be exactly explicated
much
this
is
questions.
which theory
in
the
is
amount of work is nothing new
heard the saying, "there
true,
but
it is
we have
certainly the case that
of the social world and reinventing the wheel
is
a
meaningless
effort.
Grounded
Theory can
theorizing:
be produced through what
also
"grounded theory." Grounded theory (and approaches interpretive theory
human
is
shaped.
It
begins
action and interaction. As
theory approach attempt to tions as possible.
come
They want the
at the
much
ground
as possible,
to a social
situation
like it) is the
level, in situ, in
people
who
phenomenon with
and the participants
as
way
is
called
in
which
the context of
use a grounded
few preconcep-
to speak to them.
are interested in how the actors themselves view, interpret, and act within own context. One of the problems with grounded theory is that it is based on the exclusion of all preexisting concepts. Many researches feel that getting rid of all concepts is not
They their
possible.
To help solve
approach that he
problem, Derek Layder (1998) proposes an intermediary
this
calls
"adaptive theory." This approach recognizes the worth in
being grounded in the situation, but also acknowledges that existing theoretical ideas
and frames have value (and
mends
that
we move back and
of the theory, then, is
concerned with
in the context.
and
definitions.
analytic.
how well
The
Do
forth between the situation
measured
is
recom-
are really tough to get out of your head). Layder
in
and theory. The adequacy
two ways. In subjective adequacy, the researcher
the concepts reflect the lived experiences of the people
researcher constantly asks the participants about the concepts
they
make
sense to the subjects?
Here the researcher needs to
tie
The second kind of adequacy
an
theoretical literature. In using this approach, then, concepts are developed in
ongoing manner and
in dialog
My primary motivation about the social world.
I
with the subjects, the context, and existing theory.
in writing this
hope
is
the subjectively adequate concepts to the
I
book was
to inspire provocative thinking
have planted a seed or two. Ideas drive the
human
world. Every major change and development in history has been fostered and fueled by ideas;
and behind the great ideas of human epochs
sociological theory
looked in
at in this
is
are theories. Social
part of this great tapestry of thought.
book
awe of such thinkers
are as
among
its
most
skilled weavers. Yet, while
Weber and Martineau, theorizing
You, too, can enter this creative stream.
is
we may stand
not just for the great.
And who knows? There might be
of students reading your books a hundred years from now.
and
The people we have
a
group
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A
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is
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—only
—
typology
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Adaptation:
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is
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on the
The word
something that
relative influence
itself
faces us as
work
own
behaviors or to inde-
one half of
a central debate in
of structure over individual choice.
means separation from;
it
also implies that there
an unknown or alien object; for Marx, there are four
ferent kinds of alienation: alienation
the
is
process, alienation
is
dif-
from one's own species-being, alienation from
from the product, and alienation from other
social
beings.
393
394
EXPLORATIONS
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN
Altruistic suicide: Part of to
Durkheim's typology of suicide; the word
altruistic
means
have uncalculated devotion to the interests of others; altruistic suicide, then,
is
motivated by excessively high group attachment.
Analogy: Analogy
is
used in hermeneutic theory to explain through reference and
comparison. For example, Goffman's dramaturgy explains social interaction through the analogy of the
stage.
Analytical frameworks: Analytical frameworks or models are theoretical schemes that help us to understand a given social situation.
and
explicit definitions,
They contain
but do not propose relationships
abstract concepts
among
the concepts.
Weber's ideal types and Parsons' unit act are good examples.
Anomic
suicide: Part of
rules or
norms; thus, anomic suicide
Durkheim's typology of suicide; anomie
is
to be without
motivated by extremely low normative
is
regulation.
Anomie: Used by both Durkheim and Simmel; laws.
Because
regulation.
human
to be without
literally,
norms or
beings are not instinctually driven, they require behavioral
Without norms guiding behavior,
life
becomes meaningless. High
levels
of anomie can lead to anomic suicide.
Anonymization: The process of becoming anonymous. Schutz argues that other people become increasingly anonymous to us the more
understand them. Anonymization
is
we
use typifications to
characteristic of "they" relations.
Ascetic religions: Part of Martineau's typology of religion; ascetic religions are
those that use abstinence for proof of holiness; a society wherein this type of
reli-
gion dominates will be characterized by an ever-expanding inventory of sin and an
emphasis on outward
restraint rather
than inward
ethics.
Assumptions: Assumptions are elements of cultural knowledge systems that are believed to be true but never tested. All knowledge systems are based tions.
verse
They allow the system is
to
empirical and then conducts empirical, scientific research.
From Marx;
Bi-polarization of conflict: limited to two parties. greater will be
Blase attitude:
its
As an
intensity
is
the process through which conflict
more
blase
means
to be uninterested in pleasure or is
the typical emotional state of the
the direct result of the increased emotional
associated with diverse group memberships, to the rapidness of
is
bi-polarized a conflict, the
and overtness.
The word
ern city dweller and
it is
overall principle, the
According to Simmel, the blase attitude
due
on assump-
work. For example, science assumes that the uni-
life.
mod-
work and anomie
and increased cognitive stimulation
change and flow of information.
Bourgeoisie: In Marxian theory, the owners of capital. Bracketing: For most phenomenologists, consciousness
which human beings can be nomenologists bracket or
is
the only
phenomenon of
certain. In order to observe consciousness purely, phe-
set aside all that
they
know
or presume about the world.
Finding Your
For Schutz,
it is
Way Through
which phenomenologists want
exactly that
the
Maze
—An Annotated Glossary
to bracket that constitutes
the lifeworld and the subject of sociology.
From Weber,
Bureaucracy:
a
system of organizing people and their behavior that
is
characterized by the presence of written rules and communication, job placement
by accreditation, expert knowledge,
clearly outlined responsibilities
explicit career ladders,
and an
form
and routinize behavior.
are to rationalize
An
Bureaucratic personality:
office hierarchy.
and
authorities,
The purposes of the bureaucratic
Its
superiority
is
purely utilitarian.
extension of Weber's theory, the result of extensive
use of bureaucratic methods for organization; the bureaucratic personality
is
char-
acterized by rational living, identification with organizational goals, reliance
on
expert systems of knowledge, and sequestered experiences (experiences that are
removed from
social or family life
and placed
in institutional settings).
The means of production (technology, buildings, labor) that are not owned by the people who are using the means (workers); money used for investment, the purpose of which is to create more capital (from Marx and Weber). Capital:
An
Civil religion:
creation
extension of Durkheim's idea of the importance religion has for the
and maintenance of the
collective consciousness. In civil religion, the role that
religion plays in the collective consciousness
A
Class: class
is
social structure built
around
means of production.
and
and workers
(bourgeoisie)
stratification, status
it is
specifically defined
by the owner-
In capitalist societies, class bifurcates into owners
For Weber,
(proletariat).
class
is
and power being the other two. Weber class
one of three systems of also defines class is
more
defined by the prob-
of acquiring the goods and positions that are seen to bring inner satisfaction.
determined by the control of property or market position, both of
Class position
is
which may be
positively, negatively, or
medially possessed.
Class consciousness: Being aware that class determines sciousness
is
one of the prerequisites
Collective consciousness:
and bind together any sciousness takes levels
state.
economic production. For Marx,
complexly than does Marx. According to Weber, one's ability
by and through the
carried out
issues of
the only structure that matters
ship of the
is
of
on
The
to social
and
in
collective representations
chances. Class con-
Marxian theory.
and sentiments that guide
According to Durkheim, the collective con-
social group.
a life
change
life
reality
of
its
own, particularly
in response to
high
ritual.
Commercial
class: Part
classes are differentiated
of Weber's typology of
class;
property and commercial
by the way each obtains money: the property
class
through
property ownership and the commercial class through controlling a specific
market niche,
like professors
and knowledge.
Commodification: The process through which material and nonmaterial goods are turned into products for
product for
sale;
sale.
From
this
goods must be placed
Marxian theory, commodification
is
in
point of view, nothing
is
by
its
nature a
markets in order to be commodities. In
seen as an ever-increasing force in capitalism.
395
396
EXPLORATIONS
IN
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
Commodification of
ing
human
Marx, the
labor: According to
which human labor became
good
a
that
is
through
historical process
bought and sold within a market; equat-
money.
creative labor with
Commodity fetish: From Marx; in commodity fetish, workers fail to recognize the human factor in products. Creative production is the distinctive trait of humanity. Therefore, all products have an intrinsic relationship to the people who make them. However, in capitalism, the product is owned and controlled by another, and the product thus faces the worker
as
priated. In misrecognizing their
something
own
alien that
must be bought and appro-
nature in the product, workers also
fail
to see
that there are sets of oppressive social relations in back of both the perceived need
and the simple exchange of money
Common emotional ritual
performance.
for a
mood: One of the
Common
commodity.
three variables that
mood
emotional
make up Durkheimian
expresses the degree to which the
participants in any social interaction are emotionally oriented toward the interaction in the
same way.
Common focus of attention: One of the three variables that make up Durkheimian ritual
performance.
Common
focus of attention measures the degree to which the
participants in any social interaction are cognitively oriented toward the
Compounding:
compounding
In Spencerian theory,
same
idea.
refers to increases in the level
of the population in a society brought about by adding other distinct populations
through conquest or migration. Compounding can be compared population growth that occurs through a higher birth than death Concepts, abstract:
One
is
abstract,
it
exists apart
Because two of the goals of
control, the ideas, terms, or concepts
be used in multiple
normal
of the three elements out of which scientific theory
constructed. If something specific instance.
to the
rate.
is
from any particular object or
scientific
theory are to predict and
must be general or
abstract so that they can
settings.
Humans are not simply aware, they are aware that they are aware. we not only feel pain, we are aware of that pain and give it meaning
Consciousness:
For example,
(think about the relationship between pain and gender). Consciousness, then, reflexive awareness.
Mead argues
on the other hand, argues ative labor
is
that consciousness
is
that consciousness has a material base
a product that mirrors
Coordination and control:
A
is
the result of language. Marx,
our nature back to
— the
effect
of cre-
us.
Spencerian systems problem that arises due to
increases in structural differentiation.
As
social structures
one another, coordinating and controlling
their activities
become
becomes
different
a
from
problem
that
the system needs to solve. Problems in coordination and control are typically solved
through increasing the power of government. Co-presence:
One
mance. Co-presence social interaction.
make up Durkheimian ritual perforphysical proximity of the members of any
of the three variables that is
measured by the
— Way Through
Finding Your
Credential inflation:
An
Maze
—An Annotated Glossary
extension of Weber's theory of bureaucracy,
of extensive use of bureaucratic rely heavily
the
upon educational
methods
it is
the result
for organization; because bureaucracies
credentials for job placement, the level of required
credentials tends to inflate over time as
more and more of the populace completes
higher levels of education. Credentialing:
From Weber,
the use of credentials, rather than experience or social
new
connections, for job and career placement. Credentialing results in a
of workers
—
experts
and professionals who
Critical theory: In sociology, theory that
society in
some way.
It
traffic in
class
knowledge.
directed toward changing the existing
is
contrasted with descriptive theory that seeks only to
is
describe things as they are. Critical theory generally deconstructs social relationships or arrangements in order to reveal the underlying ideology. a
good example of critical
upon which human beings at
defined as that part of the universe
is
place value, meaning,
and
significance; in Weber's
times lead social change. For Durkheim, culture
damental source of society and integration; categories
hand down from
the system of meaning that societies
is
generation to generation. For Weber, culture
may
is
theory.
Culture: In general, culture
scheme, culture
Marxian theory
and sentiments.
consciousness; culture that
When is
is
it
made up
held by society as a whole,
specific to special
groups
is
is
the fun-
principally of social it
the collective
is
particularized
and may
represent a threat to the collective consciousness and social integration. Parsons
considers the culture system to be at the top of the societal cybernetic hierarchy of control and to consist of value hierarchies, belief systems, and expressive symbols.
Simmel
sees culture divided into
two
subjective culture can be completely
objective culture cannot.
Du
specific types: objective
known and
and subjective
experienced by the individual but
Bois sees that culture can be used to oppress a disen-
franchised group. Culture can be hegemonic or ruling and can exclude the experi-
ences of others. In particular, culture stereotypes and default assumptions,
may be
and
used to misrepresent a group, create
to leave out the history
and
identity of the
disenfranchised from the national narrative. This use of culture not only provides legitimation for prejudice,
it
also creates
double consciousness for the oppressed.
Culture generalization: According to Durkheim and Parsons, as a society becomes
more
diversified, a
needed
to
hold
it
more
general or abstract culture (collective consciousness)
Cybernetic hierarchy of control: In Parsonian theory, the idea that controlled by information; the subsystem that controls
mation for the
rest
Deconstruction:
all
systems are
and provides needed
infor-
of the system (in the social system, culture).
A method
of inquiry most intimately associated with post-
structuralism. In that application, language itself
is
together and facilitate exchanges and interactions.
is
assumed
rather than to an external reality or truth.
of an expression of language,
like a text,
and
It
to represent or refer only to
assumes multiple interpretations
interprets language based
on the
philo-
sophical, political, or social implications rather than the author's intention. In
397
398
EXPLORATIONS
IN
general,
CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
ideology,
any
refers to
it
and seeks
critical analysis that
assumes that statements can contain
to uncover those elements of cultural oppression.
Definition of the situation: Part of symbolic interactionist theory,
primary meaning given important because
it
—
and
available roles
tic
it
attribution,
process that
Weber
sees as generally
specifically the use of bureaucracies; in general,
view of a world that
is
panion of rationalization social
Distributive system:
—
One
regulatory and operative).
humans
as
accompanying modernity refers to a holis-
more
relate
the
is
comand
rationally to the physical
mysterious and more controllable.
less
of Spencer's three requisite functions (the other two are
The
distributive structure
way
which work
in
from everyone doing similar tasks
moves needed supplies among is
played by markets, roads,
to each
divided in any economy.
is
person having a specialized
It
can vary This con-
job.
an important one for most theories of modernity. In previous epochs, labor
was more
worker was invested
holistic in the sense that the
made
ning to end. Thus, a shoemaker of modernity
is
the use of scientific
into the smallest for
the
it
and so on.
Division of labor: The
is
and nego-
flexible
enchantment
the various parts of a system. In society, such a function
cept
is
mysterious and uncertain; disenchantment
environments, they are seen as
mail, the Internet,
it
moment's notice and with
at a
is
Because
scripts for behavior.
selves.
A
Disenchantment:
and
meaning
a
is
other words, people can change
in
refers to the
it
definition of the situation
and
implicitly contains identities
the definition of the situation tiable
The
to a social interaction.
manageable
parts.
Durkheim, Simmel, Marx, and
the entire shoe.
product from begin-
of the distinctive
management, or Fordism,
The
division of labor
is
to divide
traits
work up
an important variable
Durkheim, the division of labor
others. For
group that may
ates specialized cultures for each
in a
One
cre-
in turn threaten the cohesiveness
of the general culture; for Simmel, the division of labor increases the level of objective culture in
any society and
Marx, the division of labor
it
is
trivializes the
understood
meaning surrounding products;
as potentially separating
for
people from
species-being (natural or forced; material versus mental).
Double consciousness: Du group have two ways
and
as full
to
members of
a disenfranchised
understand and be aware of themselves:
as disenfranchised
members of
argument
Bois'
society.
These two awarenesses war with and negate one
another other so that the disenfranchised are Duree: From phenomenology, duree
and experience
as
it
that
naturally flows
is
left
with no true consciousness.
the pure duration of
unmarked
from one event and moment
time; time
to the next without
break. Meaning, by definition, breaks the natural flow of duree into discrete
Dynamic model: Dynamic models the relationships
are theoretical statements that spatially picture
among and between
than analytic models
usually depicted as
the concepts.
Dynamic models
are different
in that they contain relationships (hence, thev are
moving). The use of space
moving
in the left
bits.
diagram
is
important
to right (thus,
in these
dvnamic or
models
two concepts appearing
as
at
*
time
the