Exiled from Jerusalem: The Diaries of Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi 9781838605391, 9781838605407, 9781838605414, 9781838605438

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
List of illustrations
Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi: a short biography
Foreword: a historian’s perspective
Acknowledgements
The historical and political context of the diaries
The diaries
Afterword: about the diaries Leila al-Khalidi
Editor’s postscript
Notes
Index

Citation preview

Exiled from Jerusalem

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Exiled from Jerusalem The Diaries of Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi Edited by Rafiq Husseini

I.B. TAURIS Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, I.B. TAURIS and the I.B. Tauris logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2020 Copyright © Rafiq Husseini, 2020 Rafiq Husseini has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editor of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xiv constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design: Adriana Brioso Cover images [background] © Nikola Vukojevic/Getty Images; [top] From the Private Collection of Leila Khalidi; [bottom] Members of the Arab Higher Committee, 1936 (© Library of Congress/Alamy) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Data. ISBN: HB: 978-1-8386-0539-1 PB: 978-1-8386-0540-7 ePDF: 978-1-8386-0543-8 eBook: 978-1-8386-0542-1 Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

Contents List of illustrations Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi: a short biography Foreword: a historian’s perspective  Rashid Khalidi Acknowledgements The historical and political context of the diaries The diaries Afterword: about the diaries  Leila al-Khalidi Editor’s postscript

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Notes329

Index349

List of illustrations 1

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3 4 5 6

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8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Dr H.F. Khalidi (R) standing next to Haj Amin Husseini and Ragheb Nashashibi following the establishment of the Arab Higher Committee (Jerusalem, spring 1936) Palestine deportees in the garden of Villa Curio, Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles: (R to L) Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Rashid Haj Ibrahim, Yacoub Ghossein and Hussein Fakhri Khalidi (autumn 1937) Photo of Wahideh, H.F. Khalidi’s wife, in Jerusalem, sent by her to him (summer 1938) Photo of H.F. Khalidi’s daughters Leila (R) and Ameerah in Jerusalem, sent to him (summer 1938) Photo of Port Victoria and the ocean taken from Villa Curio (1938) Copy of the order to arrest, deport and detain H.F. Khalidi in the Seychelles issued by W.D. Battershill, officer administering the Government of Palestine (30 September 1937) Photo of H.F. Khalidi with his family members (L to R) standing: Hassan Shukri (brother), Thabet Khalidi (Wahideh’s brother), Ahmad Sameh (brother), Ghaleb (brother) and Hussein Fakhri. Seated: Yacoub (brother), Haj Ragheb (father), Salim Salaam (Ahmad Sameh’s father-inlaw) and Ismail (youngest brother) (circa 1930) H.F. Khalidi – in deep thought – contemplating in the lounge of Villa Curio (autumn 1938) H.F. Khalidi (R) with Fuad Saba holding their rabbits in the garden of Villa Curio (1938) H.F. Khalidi reading in his bedroom in Villa Curio (winter 1938)  The Seychelles Clarion reporting on H.F. Khalidi’s libel case against its owner Dr Bradley (November 1938) Commemorative photo of Rashid Haj Ibrahim with hospital staff after hearing of his (and his fellow Palestinians) release Formal photo of the Lahj six exiles in the Seychelles who were allowed to go back to Aden in January 1940 after an exile that lasted for six years H.F. Khalidi and his fellow Seychelles deportees sitting with Egyptian ex-Prime Minister Nahhas Pasha (with stick), who also signed and dated

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List of Illustrations the photo. Nahhas was himself exiled to the Seychelles in 1921 (Cairo, January 1939) 15 H.F. Khalidi (second R) meeting with a women’s delegation in Cairo after their return from the Seychelles. Hilmi Pasha is seen in the middle with Haj Ibrahim to the right (January 1939) 16 H.F. Khalidi (first from L) and Fuad Saba (fifth from L) meeting with Haj Amin Husseini in Lebanon. Also in the photo are Jamal Husseini (second from L), Izzat Darwazeh (fourth from L) and Awni Abdulhadi (first from R) (spring 1939)

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Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi: a short biography Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi was born in Jerusalem in October  1894. He completed his primary and secondary education at St George’s School and English College in Jerusalem. In  1911, he began his medical studies at the Syrian Protestant College (which later became the American University of Beirut). At the outbreak of World War I, he was drafted into the Turkish Army, but then sent to the Ottoman Medical School in Istanbul in 1914 in order to finish his medical degree. On completion of his degree in  1915, Dr Khalidi was given the rank of First Lieutenant and was sent to Sinai to join the Turkish Army, where he served at the hospital of Palm Castle, the then capital of Sinai. He was later moved within both the Sinai and Negeb Deserts, including Arish and Bir El-Sabe’ (Sheba). He witnessed the Battle of Gaza between the advancing British troops and the Turkish garrison, followed by the battle for Jerusalem. He was injured twice and was sent to Damascus hospitals for treatment and recuperation. He was then re-allocated to the TulkaremQalqilya front (in northern Palestine), which at that time was led by General Kemal Ataturk, the future President of the Turkish Republic. Shortly before the end of World War I, he was dispatched to work as a physician with the Turkish army in Deir El-Zor (northeast Syria) then in Aleppo (northwest Syria). In October 1918, al-Khalidi joined Prince Faisal’s Hashemite Arab forces as they approached Aleppo and, soon after its capture from the Turkish Army, he was assigned as a physician in the Aleppo Municipality. In 1920, he returned to British-occupied Palestine, where he worked as a government doctor in Jerusalem and later as head of forensic medicine. In 1931, he was appointed Deputy Head of Government Physicians in Jerusalem and then Deputy Head of Government Physicians in Nablus and Galilee. In the summer of  1934, he resigned his post in Jerusalem as Head of the General Medical Board and Head of the Infectious and Epidemics Department in order to run for political office. After being elected to the Jerusalem Municipality, he was appointed Mayor of Jerusalem in February  1935. He was also one of the founders of the newly formed Palestinian Arab Reform Party and was elected as its Secretary General. When the Palestinian Rebellion started in April  1936, the six main Palestinian parties united and formed the Arab Higher Committee (AHC), of which al-Khalidi became a member. On  1  October  1937, he, along with four other AHC members, was exiled to the Seychelles Islands by the British authorities. They were released on 1 January 1939, upon which al-Khalidi became part of the delegation representing Palestine to the London St James Conference. He was not permitted by the British Mandatory authorities to return to Palestine, so he stayed in Lebanon for almost four years.

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He was allowed back to Palestine in 1943 during the difficult days of World War II. In 1946, he was elected as Secretary of the Arab Higher Commission, the newly formed representative body of the Palestinian people. He remained thereafter in Jerusalem and witnessed the endorsement of the Partition Plan by the United Nations (UN) in November 1947, the gradual withdrawal of the British Army during the first few months of 1948, the disintegration of Palestine and the birth of Israel in May 1948, after Jewish militias forced approximately two-thirds of the Palestinian population to flee their homes and captured 78 per cent of the land of Palestine, despite the foreseen allocation of only 56 per cent of the land to a new State of Israel by a UN resolution (UNGA 181) in November 1947. In mid-1949, al-Khalidi was asked to join the All-Palestine Government in Gaza, headed by Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, a fellow Seychelles exile. He refused for political reasons and decided to take a break from politics by staying at home and writing his memoirs. In 1951, after the unification of what was left of Palestine – the West Bank (including the Old City/East Jerusalem) – with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, al-Khalidi joined the Jordanian Government as Custodian of Holy Sites in Jerusalem, then as Foreign Minister in 1953 and 1956. In 1957, he became Prime Minister of Jordan, but resigned after ten days, bowing to popular pressure. He was appointed to the Jordanian Senate and remained a Senator until his death in 1962.

Foreword: a historian’s perspective I was beginning a book on the hundred-year war on the Palestinian people in which I planned to personalize key aspects of this history when, in 2014, my cousin Leila Khalidi and her family published the three-volume memoirs of her father and my uncle, Dr Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi, entitled Mada ‘ahd al-mujamalat.1 These memoirs were invaluable to me in writing about events in which my uncle was involved through his eyes. They are now publishing my uncle’s Seychelles diaries, which he wrote in Britishimposed exile during a crucial period in the late  1930s and which I regard as a companion volume to those memoirs. Dr Hussein (this is what everyone except his immediate family called him) composed these diaries in English after the British mandatory authorities exiled him to the Seychelles Islands in the Indian Ocean from October 1937 to December 1938. Entries in the diary cover his arrest and deportation, the fifteen months of exile in the Seychelles, his participation as part of the Palestinian delegation to the St James Conference on Palestine in London in February and March  1939, and the first few months of his subsequent four-year exile in Lebanon following the refusal of the British authorities to allow him to return to Palestine. The reader of these diaries will find a great deal that is fascinating in this story of exile of a Palestinian leader by harsh colonial authorities. Scholars of Palestine, the Middle East and British colonialism will find much material as well. The almost daily entries cover personal details of daily life, but they naturally give much attention to politics. Dr Hussein’s standing as elected Mayor of Jerusalem and as a leading member of the Arab Higher Committee (AHC), and his influence as an independent with relatively good relations with most other Palestinian leaders mean that these diaries will be particularly valuable to historians of this period. Because they do not appear to have been written for immediate publication, the entries are lively and often very revealing, more so than some other kinds of sources. Dr Hussein knew his colleagues in the Palestinian leadership well. He had a jaundiced view of the capabilities of some of them, while it is clear that he greatly respected others, so the diaries offer us interesting insights into the personalities and characters of several of them. Dr Hussein’s attitude towards the Mufti, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, is fascinating. Although they were political allies at the time he was writing these diaries, the Mufti having supported Dr Hussein’s successful 1934 Jerusalem mayoral campaign against Ragheb al-Nashashibi, their tone is very balanced where al-Husseini is concerned. Neither harshly critical nor blindly loyal, the diaries offer a relatively dispassionate view of the Mufti, who after the death in 1934 of his distinguished older relative Musa Kazim Pasha al-Husseini had become the paramount leader of the Palestinian national movement, but whose personality and approach polarized Palestinian politics and society. The diaries report severe criticisms by others of the Mufti’s policies, but also

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show that on some issues Dr Hussein agreed with him. The portraits in these diaries of Ahmad Hilmi Pasha and the rest of the exiles in the Seychelles, and of other leaders like Musa Alami and Jamal Husseini, are highly nuanced. They are not always flattering. One of the most interesting features of these diaries is that they contain much about the personal relationships between these five exiles, of whom we usually have a onedimensional, political view. These men were trapped together in their Seychelles exile in two separate houses under punitive rules of house detention that forbade them from moving without permission or from speaking to anyone, whether the locals or other exiles, except the British officials who controlled their lives. This meant that they were obliged to spend most of their time together, which was at times uncomfortable for independent personalities like them. There was also constant friction with their British captors. The exiles did not know how long they would be detained or when they would next see their families and friends or their homeland, which was suffering through the upheaval of the great Arab revolt of 1936–9. Living in stressful conditions in an unforgiving tropical climate to which they were not accustomed, and suffering from illness as they often were, relations between the five were not always smooth, although at times their solidarity with one another is quite touching. Because of their intimate form, the diaries offer striking insights into these personal relations and into the exiles’ relationships with their families, especially that of my uncle. He was very close to his large family, which it is obvious both respected and liked him. His wife, brothers, sister, nephews, cousins and other relatives played a big role in supporting him while he was in exile and otherwise, and the personalities of many of them come through clearly from his descriptions of them. There is much material here for the social historian and for the historian of gender, as well as for the historian of the politics of Palestine, the Arab world and the British Empire. After finishing these diaries, the reader feels that she or he knows much more about not just Dr Hussein and his five fellow prisoners, but many other Palestinian, Arab and British figures of this epoch, and the world in which they lived. Another aspect of the diaries was highly revealing to me. This related to Dr Hussein’s increasingly hostile attitude to the British mandatory authorities. He had worked with them as a senior medical officer for more than a decade, and the diaries show him to have been unbiased against individual Britons, many of whom he speaks about positively and even warmly. Long before being shipped off to the Seychelles, Dr Hussein was already firmly opposed to Zionism and was harshly critical of British support of this colonizing movement that Palestinians by this time fully understood intended to usurp their homeland. However, his exile without charges or trial, the petty and humiliating conditions imposed on the exiles and the refusal of the British authorities in the Seychelles or in Palestine to operate by their own much-vaunted rules embittered and alienated him. It is clear that because of his exile and confinement, he became an even more resolute foe of the British. These diaries make clear the personal as well as political reasons for his anger towards the British authorities that is so apparent in his memoirs. This anger also strongly coloured his view of Palestinian and Arab leaders who worked closely with the British, as is apparent in both the diaries and the memoirs. This harsh attitude towards the British and those Arabs who collaborated with them was not the result of mere pique on the part of Dr Hussein. The diaries illustrate

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aspects of the real nature of British colonial rule from below as it were, as viewed not by the colonial masters, but by a ‘colonial’ who knew extremely well the ways of the colonial masters, who had worked in their government in a senior position, and who spoke and wrote English fluently. Of course, the many Palestinian rebels executed by the British, or those whose homes were punitively destroyed, the Palestinian prisoners who were shackled together to serve as ball-boys for British officers as they played tennis and many others suffered more from British repression than did Dr Hussein and his fellow exiles during this period. Nevertheless, these diaries give us a unique view of the arbitrary, capricious and cruel nature of colonial rule of any sort, and particularly its specific vicious variant in Palestine, where the aim was to serve not just the British Empire, but also the Zionist colonizing project. Forced at times to deal with the exiles on their terms and in particular with the well-educated, worldly and articulate Dr Hussein, who was generally their spokesman, the British authorities are revealed in the diaries in all their provinciality, prevarication, deceptiveness and hypocrisy. Given his acid descriptions of the British colonial officials he interacted with in the Seychelles, it is little wonder that my uncle loathed them. At one point in the diaries, he reflects on the example of India and other colonized countries, where nationalists simply refused to cooperate with the British, and he seems to be wondering whether such a course might not have been a better one for the Palestinians than the one they followed. In spite of the difficult conditions he and his fellow exiles faced while in exile, Dr Hussein comes through as a complex and interesting human being, sometimes frail, sometimes testy, but full of affection for his family and of understanding for the personal idiosyncrasies of his fellow exiles. Frequently ill during his fifteen months in the Seychelles, he lost 11 kilograms over that period, and photos of him before and after his exile show the effect of illness and stress induced by this ordeal. As an experienced doctor, he was deeply offended by the poor quality of the medical treatment he received for his illness and by the continued refusal of the local British doctor to take his complaints seriously. His angry protests finally forced the authorities to send a British specialist to the islands, who recognized the actual nature of his ailments and who seconded his own diagnosis, to his immense satisfaction. By then, however, facing continued armed revolt in Palestine and the prospect of an imminent war looming in Europe, the British Empire had decided to change course in Palestine and to negotiate with the Palestinian leaders they had imprisoned and exiled. As a consequence, the British summoned the five detainees back from the Seychelles in December 1938. They invited Dr Hussein and others to take part in the St James Conference, convened in London in early 1939 with separate Arab and Zionist participation in order to calm the situation in Palestine and supposedly to find a lasting resolution to the conflict. Dr Hussein participated in the conference, but the British did not allow him to return home, having to endure several more years of exile, this time in Beirut in less harsh conditions together with his family. While Dr Hussein and his colleagues were languishing in exile in the Seychelles, Jewish immigration to Palestine, land purchase, and armament by the British had been proceeding rapidly, greatly strengthening the Zionist movement. The Jewish population of Palestine had grown from 18 per cent of the total in 1932 to 30 per cent in 1939, and the Jewish sector of Palestine’s economy had become larger than that of the Arabs. As

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a result, after tens of thousands of British troops were brought in to crush the 1936–9 Palestinian revolt with the aid of Zionist militias, by the time World War II began, the Zionist movement had in place all the elements of the state it had been working to build. The period during which my uncle and almost the entire Palestinian political leadership were exiled or imprisoned (during which the British killed or executed many leaders of the armed uprising) therefore marked a crucial turning point in the struggle between the Palestinians and the Zionists who were aiming to take their place and take over their country. As an example of the profound impact of these events, the scholar Walid Khalidi (one of Dr Hussein’s nephews, who is mentioned with affection by him in the diaries) has calculated that during the 1936–9 revolt, 10 per cent of the adult male population of Palestine was killed, wounded, imprisoned or exiled. The  1939 White Paper – the main result of the St James Conference – limited Britain’s previously unlimited support for Zionist aims and was seen as a betrayal by the Zionist movement. But by then, the Zionists no longer needed the British, whose support for them over more than two decades had been indispensable. By this point, they had already developed close relations with the super-powers of the post-World War II era, from which they were soon to benefit enormously. The grim results for the Palestinians that followed in  1948 – the catastrophe for Palestinian society that has come to be called the nakba – had therefore already been prefigured by what happened in the late 1930s. Having obtained the support of both the USA and the USSR, by  15  May  1948, when the Zionists formally established their state, their heavily armed and well-organized militias had already overcome the desperate resistance of the Palestinians. This enabled them in April and early May 1948 to overrun several of the most important Palestinian urban areas, including Jaffa, Haifa and the Arab neighbourhoods of West Jerusalem, where my uncle lost the home in the Baq’a neighbourhood to which he had only been allowed to return a few years earlier. After 15 May 1948, these militias were re-baptized as the Israeli Army and continued to drive hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians out of their homes, eventually expelling more than half the total Arab population of the country. In the subsequent months, they also defeated four Arab armies. These diaries provide a unique insight into the role of a number of key figures in the Palestinian leadership in this crucial period of the late 1930s, which was the precursor to these catastrophic events for the Palestinian people. For this and many other reasons, they should be of interest to a broad range of readers, whether those concerned with the history of Palestine, in the peculiarities of colonialism or in a very human story of a man who was a leader in his people’s struggle against both British and Zionist colonialism. Dr Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi’s diaries of his Seychelles exile were written at the end of the two decades between the two World Wars, a period when not one single colonized people, with the sole exception of the Irish, achieved full independence from their imperial rulers. His struggle, and that of the Palestinian people, against the British and against the Zionist movement they sponsored was unsuccessful, like that of every other colonized people in this period. These diaries can nevertheless help us to understand why this happened and they give us a unique perspective on this struggle, which continues to this day. Rashid Khalidi, Edward Said Professor of Modern Arab Studies, Columbia University

Acknowledgements I would like to thank my mother Mrs Leila al-Khalidi for entrusting me with editing her father’s diaries regarding his exile to the Seychelles in 1937 and who, by virtue of her excellent memory at the age of ninety plus, helped identify relevant names and incidents otherwise undocumented. I would also like to thank Professor Rashid Khalidi for his insightful introduction and pertinent comments. My sincere gratitude also goes to Mr Talal Husseini, MA, for transcribing the handwritten manuscript and providing preliminary comments, and Sara Husseini, PhD, and Cindy Inglessis, MA, for extensive proofreading.

The historical and political context of the diaries The battle over Jerusalem municipal elections in 1934 In the summer of  1934, Sir Arthur Wauchope, the British High Commissioner for Palestine, authorized the holding of municipal elections in Palestine in September of that year. The last elections had taken place seven years earlier in 1927 and were due to be held in 1931, but the British postponed them indefinitely. The High Commissioner had been briefed – and was convinced – that, following the death of Musa Kazim Husseini,1 leader of the Palestinian national movement, and the fragmentation of the ‘nationalist’ camp thereafter, new municipal elections would boost the pro-British ‘moderate’ mayors and councillors, thus countering the growing more radical approach of Haj Amin Husseini (the Grand Mufti and Head of the Supreme Moslem Council) and his camp.2 With regard to Jerusalem, the British government decided that, due to the increase in the number of immigrant Jews in the city, the municipality would be comprised of twelve members: six Arabs and six Jews (instead of eight Arabs and four Jews), but the Mayor would remain Arab. Encouraged and supported by the British authorities, Ragheb Nashashibi, the incumbent pro-British Mayor of Jerusalem since 1927, was confident of winning. He nominated himself in the First Constituency, which had 650 eligible voters, of whom ninety-five were Jews. Opposing Nashashibi was the Mufti Haj Amin Husseini and his ‘nationalist’ camp, who wanted him defeated.3 The Mufti had a bone to pick with him since  1920. In  1918, Ronald Storrs, the British Military Governor of Jerusalem at the time, had appointed Musa Kazim Husseini as Mayor to succeed his younger brother Hussein, who died earlier that year. Two years later, following the Nabi Musa disturbances4 in April 1920 – the first serious incident since the British occupation in December 1917 – and due to Musa Kazim Pasha’s continued objection to the Balfour Declaration which was incorporated into the articles of the Mandate, Storrs summoned the Pasha to his office and told him of the decision to dismiss him for persistently leading anti-government demonstrations and inciting the populace against the ‘Jewish National Home’. The Pasha was reported to have told Storrs that he would not find any credible Palestinian to replace him. But he was mistaken because, as Storrs informed him, Ragheb Nashashibi had accepted the post.5 The Mufti’s camp had contemplated nominating a candidate to run against Nashashibi. Jamal Husseini and Aref al-Aref, two prominent and pro-Mufti

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Jerusalemites, were suggested, but the Mufti was not sure of their ability to defeat the incumbent, since he had British backing and there was a sizeable Jewish vote in that constituency which would overwhelmingly go for Nashashibi against any pro-Mufti candidate.6 Forty-eight hours before the close of nominations, Dr Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi submitted his resignation as Chief Physician of the Jerusalem Public Health Department and nominated himself for the municipal elections in the First Jerusalem Constituency in direct opposition to Ragheb Nashashibi.7 Al-Khalidi, son of a prominent Jerusalem family, had always been a civil servant. He had worked as a government physician since his return to Palestine in 1920. Prior to that, his one and only major ‘political’ act was to desert from the Turkish Army and join Emir Faisal’s Arab forces in 1918. But he was ‘a gifted man, a good speaker and an outstanding chief physician’.8 Al-Khalidi recalled that Mousa Alami9 arranged for a meeting between him and the Mufti at Alami’s home in the presence of the Syrian leader Ihsan Jabri. Although the Mufti and Khalidi had not seen ‘eye to eye’ in political terms before, they forged a temporary alliance and the former promised the latter full support against their common enemy.10 The municipal elections took place on  26  September  1934 and the results were announced the next day, confirming the election of al-Khalidi with a majority of 151 votes, reflecting his popularity as well as the full support of the Mufti.11 Two other Muslim pro-Mufti nationalists, Saad el-din Khalili (a relative of al-Khalidi) and Ibrahim Darwish, won their constituencies, while the fourth Muslim seat went to the pro-Nashashibi candidate Hassan Sidki Dajani when his name was first to be drawn from a hat, after tying with the pro-Mufti candidate. The two Christian seats were won by the ‘Opposition’12 pro-Nashashibi candidates, Yacoub Farraj and Anastas Hanania, by narrow margins.13 The six Jewish councillors, representing secular and religious Zionism, secured their seats by acclamation (since they had been unanimously agreed upon by the Zionist leadership in Palestine). Although the 1934 elections brought about several ‘moderate’ (anti-Mufti) mayors as the High Commissioner had hoped for,14 the defeat of Ragheb Nashashibi was a blow not only to the Opposition camp, but to the British administration too, since he was the unrivalled leader of the Opposition. Appeals were lodged against the result, calling for its annulment, but after several months of court hearings presided over by a British judge, the election result was upheld and Khalidi was appointed as Mayor in February 1935 by a reluctant Sir Arthur Wauchope, more than four months after the elections had been held.15

Launching political parties In response to his election defeat in September  1934, Ragheb Nashashibi hastened the formation of Hizb al-Difa’ Al-Watani (the National Defence Party (NDP)) in December 1934, to which he was elected leader, with several past and present mayors on its Executive Committee (such as Suleiman Touqan, Mayor of Nablus, and Assem el-Saeed, Mayor of Jaffa).

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Responding to the formation of the NDP, Nashashibi’s opponents also started to form new parties and activate the already-formed ones. The Istiqlal (Independence) Party, formed in December  1932, was revived in  1935 by – among others – Awni Abdulhadi (a leading Jenin lawyer), Ahmad Hilmi Pasha (a prominent banker) and Rashid Haj Ibrahim (a leading political figure from Haifa). In that same year, al-Hizb al-Arabi Al-Falastini (the Palestine Arab Party) was formed. Led by Jamal Husseini, Qassem al-Nimer, Emile Ghoury, Alfred Rock and others, it declared allegiance to Haj Amin Husseini and became known as the Mufti’s party.16 The Al-Islah (The Reform) Party was also formed in 1935 and was led by Dr Hussein al-Khalidi, Mayor of Jerusalem, which included figures such as Mahmoud Abu Khadra, Thuraya Budeiri and Issa El-Bandak, Mayor of Bethlehem. The Al-Kutlah Al-Wataniyyah (National Bloc) Party was led by Abdul-Latif Salah from Nablus and Hizb Mu’tamar al-Shabab (Palestine Youth Congress) was led by Yacoub Ghossein from Ramleh.17 It is worth mentioning that all the above-mentioned parties were intrinsically secular, with Christians and Muslims on their executives.

The strike and uprising of 1936 By the end of  1935, Palestine was reaching boiling point. Jewish immigration had reached an all-time high with a figure of 61,900 immigrants in that year, exceeding the total number of Jews who were residing in Palestine at the beginning of the British Mandate in 1920. This also meant that the Jewish population in Palestine had risen from 61,000 (representing 10 per cent of the population) in 1919 to 355,000 (29 per cent of the population) in 1935.18 In October 1935, Sheikh Izzeldin al-Qassam, a Moslem preacher based in Haifa, decided to take radical action. Leading a small armed band of around  50–70 men, he declared rebellion against British rule and headed towards the Galilee Mountains. Following several skirmishes and encounters, the British sent a strong force which tracked and surrounded al-Qassam and twenty-five of his followers in the Jenin region in November 1935, eventually killing him and many of his followers and wounding and/or imprisoning many others. His death caused an uproar amongst Palestinians, who chanted ‘Revenge, Revenge’ during his funeral.19 All that was required was a spark to ignite the flammable streets of Palestinian towns and villages. On  15  April  1936, that spark came. Armed Arabs, apparently followers of alQassam, killed two Jews near Tulkarem. This was followed by a militant Jewish group killing two Arab workers near Jaffa. During the workers’ funeral, Arabs in Jaffa attacked Jews, killing nine.20 At the same time, Arab activists assembled in Nablus and declared a strike, which quickly spread throughout the country. Local committees were established to organize what was coming to be a general strike. The Mufti called for a united front and, within a week, Palestinian political parties had established a joint leadership, the Arab Higher Committee (AHC),21 headed by the Mufti himself. Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi, then Secretary General of the newly established Reform Party, became a member of the AHC, as did Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Yacoub Ghossein and Fuad Saba (all were to be exiled to the Seychelles in October 1937).

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Ragheb Nashashibi and other members of the ‘Opposition’ parties also joined the AHC, which declared an open national strike in support of three basic demands: cessation of Jewish immigration; an end to all further land transfers to the Jews; and the establishment of an Arab (Palestinian) national government. As the strike continued for almost six months and was widely observed by the Arabs of Palestine, violence increased. Attacks on British troops and police posts and Jewish settlements became more frequent, including the sabotage of roads, railways, pipelines and electricity lines. In response, the British authorities sent in troop reinforcements from Britain, Egypt and Malta, imposed curfews and collective fines, and resorted to mass arrests and internments. But law and order could not be fully restored. The failure of the British to suppress the strike – and the accompanying revolt – by military means led to political action. In August  1936, the British government announced the appointment of a Royal Commission headed by Lord Peel to investigate the causes of the disturbances in Palestine and, at the same time, turned to the rulers of other Arab states for intervention. On 10 October 1936, the Arab Higher Committee published the text of identical letters from King Abdul Aziz-Ibn Saud, King Ghazi of Iraq, Emir Abdullah of Trans-Jordan and the Imam of Yemen in which the four rulers called upon the AHC ‘to resolve for peace in order to save further shedding of blood … In doing this, we rely on the good intentions of our friend Great Britain, who has declared that she will do justice. You must be confident that we will continue our efforts to assist you’.22 The strike was called off on the following day,  178 days after it had begun. The country settled down into a period of relative calm awaiting the arrival of the Peel Commission. The official count of casualties during the six months of strike was 275 dead (195 Arabs and 80 Jews) and 1,112 wounded (804 Arabs and 308 Jews), although Peel’s Royal Commission’s estimate was around 1,000 deaths.23

Armed rebellion following the Peel Report The long-awaited report by Peel’s Royal Commission was issued on 7 July 1937. Apart from recommending that the government must not tolerate the subversive activities of the Mufti any longer, whose Moslem Supreme Council (MSC) was described as ‘Imperium in Imperio’,24 the Commission’s main recommendation was to partition Palestine into an Arab state on 70 per cent of mandated Palestine and a Jewish state on the remaining 30 per cent. Such a partition would have entailed the transfer of 25 per cent of the Arab population of Palestine (225,000 out of a total population of 916,000) from their villages and lands, in contrast to the transfer of 1,200 Jews.25 The Commission’s recommendations were met with support from Chaim Weizmann and David Ben Gurion,26 but were met with immediate rejection and denunciation from the AHC and resulted in an immediate renewal of violence, leading to the assassination of Lewis Andrews, Assistant Commissioner of the District of Galilee, on 26 September 1937. In response, the British authorities proscribed the AHC, arresting five of its members and deporting them to the Seychelles, while others such as Awni Abdulhadi

The Historical and Political Context of the Diaries

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and Jamal Husseini escaped. The Head of the AHC, Haj Amin Husseini, was able to avoid detention by taking refuge in the sanctity of al-Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem for a while, then escaped undercover to Lebanon by boat from Akka. Ragheb Nashashibi and Yacoub Farraj representing the NDP had already resigned from the AHC at the beginning of July 1937, citing ‘the condoning of terror activities by the Mufti’, and were therefore not arrested.27 The diaries of Dr Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi cover the period of his exile with four other colleagues to the Seychelles at the beginning of October  1937, their release in December  1938, his attendance of the London Round Table Conference in February  1939 and the start of his residency in Lebanon in the summer of  1939 following his refusal for a ‘conditional’28 return to Jerusalem.

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Thursday 30/9/1937 When I awoke at about 7am on Thursday the 30/9/37, I never dreamt that next day I would be on board one of H.M. ships bound for an unknown destination. Well, this is going to be the record of my trip to Seychelles and a diary of our stay there. I am writing now while sitting on the north western veranda of Villa Curio in Port Victoria – Mahé Island. I think I better record what happened on Thursday before I left Jerusalem. I had a very busy day before noon at the [Jerusalem] Municipality preparing the agenda for my Council meeting due at 3pm in the afternoon. I went home at about 1pm and returned to the municipality at 3pm sharp. Farraj,1 Darwish,2 Dajani3 and [Hashma] Schwilli4 did not come, all the others5 were present. We had a long agenda to deal with. With the exception of a few hot words between me and Auster6 on the question of the cadre, the meeting terminated successfully at  7.30pm. I thought that before going home I better clear all my trays and issue the necessary instructions to Heads of Departments, arising out of the meeting. In fact, I left nothing outstanding. At 8pm Rasem [Khalidi]7 came to the municipality and we stayed there till 9pm. He told me all about his trip to Gaza, Beersheba and the North. From the municipality we went to uncle Moustafa’s8 house where we stayed about an hour and then went home. Rasem stayed with me till 11pm. I stayed late tonight chatting with Wahideh9 about the children’s schools and so on, when I ultimately went to sleep at about 12 midnight.

Friday 1/10/1937 I was just opening my eyes and still dozing when one of the children, I think it was Leila,10 came into our room on tip-toe and whispered something to Wahideh. My wife got out of bed and returned a few minutes later to awake me. She told me there was a police officer and two constables outside asking for me and [she] looked scared and worried.

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I did not believe it at first, but when I realized I was not dreaming, I got out of bed, pulled an overall over my pyjamas and looking out of the window saw about four British constables in my garden. I entered the sitting room to find Mr Riggs11 of the C.I.D. [Criminal Investigation Department] waiting there. He had a worried and troubled look. He began by saying: ‘Well my dear doctor, I am so sorry, it is my unpleasant duty to inform you that you are under arrest.’ ‘Under arrest!’ I couldn’t believe my ears. ‘What for? May I know?’ I said. ‘I am afraid I don’t know’, he replied, ‘It’s the instruction of the A/IG Mr Rice.’12 ‘But I think I am entitled to know the reason Mr Riggs’, I said. ‘Will you allow me to ring up Mr Rice?’ ‘Surely you can’, he said.

I rang up Rice whom I fortunately found in his office. He couldn’t tell me on the telephone. But he would come to my house if I told Riggs. I conveyed the message to Riggs. He left at once. I returned to Wahideh who was waiting patiently to hear the news. I could not tell her at first that I was under arrest. I had to say something and soothe her. I said they wanted me at Police Headquarters to ask a few questions. She would not believe what I said, because she was expecting something one day and especially deportation. In a few minutes Rice arrived. He was very kind and said he has nothing to do with it, neither did he advise the government to take such a step, that the orders came from the OHC [Office of the High Commissioner]13 and I [should] pack up a few articles of clothing, as I and others were going for a trip to Haifa. I thought of the Acre Concentration Camp14 at first, but he said he was under the impression that we are going to sea. I asked for half an hour to shave, dress and prepare. ‘You will shave on the ship’, he hinted, ‘if you will be ready in about 15 minutes, I will be thankful. I have arranged for you to go in a closed car and not in a police van, and I shall tell Riggs to send off the constables to take you in his private car. Fuad Saba15 will be going with you.’ ‘I wish you a good journey’, he said. ‘And God be with you.’ I could just see a tear in each eye, as he gripped my hand firmly and said goodbye. I think Rice is a fine man and I am grateful for his coming in person to explain matters and say goodbye. I am sure he has nothing to do with our deportation. I told Riggs to wait for me while I dress. Wahideh was waiting for me to hear what Rice had to say. ‘Well, old girl’, I said. ‘Will you pack up my things as quickly as possible. I am going on a sea-journey.’ Wahideh began weeping. I tried to say a few consoling words. I know I stammered something, as tears flew out of my eyes. I dressed hurriedly while Wahideh was packing. The children with open eyes were around us wondering what it was all about. I turned to [eldest son] Adel and told him that now his turn had come. I am leaving them God knows for how long, and I wanted him to behave properly towards his brother and sisters, and I told him that I depended upon him to take my place at home and be a good boy. His eyes sparkled and he promised he would. I am sure I can depend upon him. I had to say goodbye and kissed my wife and children again and again. Wahideh was weeping bitterly and when I sat in the car and waved my hand to them for the last

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time as they were standing on the veranda, I felt a lump in my throat and tears rolled out of my eyes. Who knows whether I will come back one day to see them all fit and healthy? Riggs was very touched and he gulped and there were tears in his eyes also. We drove up to Mt. Scopus Police Training School, I and Mr Riggs. We were met there by Inspector Black.16 He was very kind too – knowing all my first aid services to the Police Force. Riggs left and I stayed in Black’s office awaiting further orders from the I.G. [Inspector General]. At about 8am Fuad eff[endi] Saba was brought into the office of Inspector Black too. He told me they came to his house at about 6.30am; but he was still unaware as to where we were to be taken. He thought we were going to Acre. But I gave him the hint and informed him that we were going to Haifa to the sea. We waited for some time until his bags came from home. I again spoke to Rice on the telephone. He said that we were going on board a ship but our destination was still unknown to him. At 9.15 sharp, word was passed that the cars were ready and we were to proceed. Our luggage was put in a police tender carrying a machine gun and a crew of four British constables. We drove in an Austin with a constable in plain clothes on the wheel and another constable in Arabic dress with a drawn revolver in his lap. I thought we would take the Nablus Road [out of Jerusalem] but to my astonishment we took the Nablus Road into Jerusalem and then the Jaffa Road. Many Arabs saw us especially Lifta17 villagers who stood gaping at me. I asked the driver which direction we were going and he said it was Jaffa. I was a bit perturbed as I am sure Rice told me we were going to Haifa. Possibly they have changed their minds. When we at last reached the outskirts of Jaffa near the square opposite Assem Bey’s18 house, a police officer stopped us and directed our car to Tel Aviv! A motorcycle driven by a British constable went before us with two police tenders behind. The motorcycle driver was stopping all cars on the road to open a way for us and I felt like a High Commissioner. It was great fun, I told Saba. We drove out of Tel Aviv with Jews glaring at us – they didn’t realize however who were the two occupants of the touring car. We passed Petach Tikvah19 after having thought we were to embark at the Tel Aviv Jetty. But not until we passed that blooming colony, heading for Haifa, did we realize that the authorities did not want us to pass through Nablus and Jenin. They may have been afraid of Abu Jildeh20 coming to the rescue. On the outskirts of Haifa, we were met by another British police officer with two tenders of Constables armed to the teeth, who diverted our car driven to follow. We did that and by God they were driving at 70 and 80 kilometres [an hour] through the streets of Haifa. I thought they were mad. We narrowly escaped two or three collisions with other cars. When we passed the port area and headed on to the Nazareth road, I looked at Fuad. Could they have changed their minds again and are taking us to Acre? But as soon as we reached Shell [Petroleum] bridge the car swung to the left and we entered the oil area. From there we could see a few ships and a man of war standing outside the port. We wondered whether it would be a merchant or a battleship. At 12.15 we reached the Shell’s Jetty and there in front of us was a motor launch full of British navies. We now naturally knew our destination. Our luggage was transferred to the launch. Our car was surrounded with constables with drawn revolvers. We went on board and headed for the battleship. It was another

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big one, and when we came near, we saw it was H.M.S. Sussex,21 a cruiser of over 10,000 tons carrying about 600 sailors and officers. We went aboard and were met on the ship’s stairs by a senior officer and about a dozen sailors standing in a line. When we passed them, they and the officer gave us a naval salute. Fuad tells me he saw Mr Keith-Roach22 – D.C., Pasha of Jerusalem, standing bare-headed behind the row of sailors. I didn’t see him myself. He didn’t seem to take any notice of us. If I meet him again, I shall tell him what I think of him. They took us into a small room which looked like a small dining room. We had lunch in a suffocating atmosphere as it was so hot, we were sweating like hell, in spite of the constant motion of two electric fans. At 1.30pm all of a sudden, the door opened and in came Rashid el Haj Ibrahim23 the branch manager of the Arab Bank at Haifa. He was astonished to see us there as he thought he was to be all alone. ‘Well, three are better than one’, he said. He had lunch and told us that while at the bank about 10am he was requested to see the D.S.P. [Deputy Superintendent of Police]. He realized he was being arrested and would be taken to Acre. He was detained at Police barrack for two hours where he hurriedly arranged his affairs with his son. At last he was put in a car, brought to the Shell Jetty, and taken on board the Sussex. He also had a naval salute. At 3.30pm I heard some movement on board and I saw [Ahmad] Hilmi Pasha24 descending the stairs. We had been moved into an enclosure of canvas hurriedly prepared for our detention with a few cosy chairs, a writing pad, and a pack of cards. There was a captain in charge of us with four sentinels. The place was suffocating and I felt very tired and oppression around the heart as if I was having a heart stroke and was on the point of calling the ship’s doctor. We asked them to have a fan prepared in the enclosure which they did at once. The treatment up to this hour was rather courteous but with a reserved attitude. We were not allowed to leave the enclosure without escort. Rashid effendi was asked whether he would like to order anything from shore provided his letter was written in English. I arranged that for him and he asked for his baggage and a long list of articles. Well, so far so good. After the arrival of Hilmi Pasha we again said: ‘Four is better than three.’ We discussed matters and we realized that the authorities were arresting the AHC25 [members] for deportation and we began wondering what happened to the other members? And where will they send us? We thought of Malta, Cyprus, Perim26 Islands and even Seychelles. But why have they arrested Haj Ibrahim? He is not a member of the AHC. We laughingly said he was [there] in lieu of Awni Bey [Abdulhadi].27 The Pasha then related his story. He was at his orange grove at Beit Hanoun near Gaza. Early in the morning, his son came in to his room and informed him that the house was surrounded with policemen. He dressed hurriedly and met a British and a Palestinian officer (a Jaouni)28 who informed him they had a warrant for his arrest. He protested, but what was the use of protest! He was put in a car and had a police tender as escort. Poor Pasha … he had nothing with him except a small valise with one pyjama and a few old articles. He was driven through the new Jaffa-Haifa road and then to the Shell Jetty and was brought on board. When the Pasha arrived, I received a letter from Mr Rice which read as follows:

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From Rice to Dr Khalidi, Haifa. Mrs Khalidi asks me to pass the following message. That the children are well, you are not to worry. Take care of your health and whenever it is possible for you to write, say where you are and how you are. Ends Adieu. Your wife is very brave. Good Luck. Rice

At 8pm we were called to dinner. The food was good and the fruits plentiful. After dinner we returned to the hellish canvas enclosure where we stayed till about 11.30pm. A naval officer came and escorted us to our sleeping quarters. We had to pass the seamen’s quarters, most of whom were hanging in marajih [hammocks] attached to the roof and peeking at us as if we were strange creatures! We at last came to a big ward with eight beds which looked like the ship’s hospital – which, in fact, it was as we learned afterward. Saba slept on the lower bed and I slept in the upper one, while the Pasha and Rashid slept on the two lower ones. There was plenty of air circulation from special ventilating holes like a ball with a mouthpiece worked by a special air pump. I thought I must have a bath as I have perspired more than I have ever done before in my life. I went into the bathroom and gee w[h]iz! There was no douche but a bath tub and one or two basins. I could not manipulate the hot and cold water. One was boiling water and the other freezing. I decided to risk it and preferred the cold water to the boiling. Well, it was most refreshing and I felt a changed man after it. I slept well that night but had to remove all the coarse woollen blankets and had a light cotton cover only.

Figure 1  Dr H.F. Khalidi (R) standing next to Haj Amin Husseini and Ragheb Nashashibi following the establishment of the Arab Higher Committee (Jerusalem, spring 1936).

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Saturday 2/10/1937 I rose early in the morning, had a shave and another cold dip, and dressed ready for further and new events. The captain came at  6.30am and told us to be ready in  15 minutes as we were wanted on deck. He then said we could have a little more time. 7.30 would do. He asked whether we would like to have anything. We asked for tea and cigarettes. He went himself and brought Turkish and English cigarettes and we thanked him. I must say he was very polite and obliging. A fair-haired officer with small moustache. I wish I took his name. He remains standing near the door of the hospital all the time.29 At  7.30 sharp a senior naval officer, who seemed to be the second in command, came into our cabin and said: ‘We have tried, gentlemen, to make you as comfortable as possible on this ship. We have done our best. You will now be transferred onto another ship.’ We were asked to see that our baggage is OK which we did. A minute later an officer called: ‘Mr Mayor, will you kindly come with me. One by one please.’ I did so. We walked in front, and I was escorted by two sailors with my overcoat on my left arm and my walking stick in my right hand. My face must have looked rather serious and grave. I had a feeling of a man who was being taken to face a firing squad. But I didn’t mind it really. My conscience is absolutely at rest. I walked along – mounted stairs and was on deck of the Sussex. I looked out and the shore was far away and we must have steamed out of Haifa harbour when I was asleep. Lying by the side of the Sussex was what looked to me like a big steam launch. We went on board the small ship, from hanging stairs, walked a few metres and descended into a cabin. There was the usual row of sailors, a tall officer (a rather big man, surely a plus six-footer) and another officer. When all four of us arrived, an officer came in and informed us that he was instructed to search our baggage, which he did. Naturally we had nothing, but apparently it was a matter of routine and formality rather than actual searching. I had already handed my revolver and its licence to Capt. Riggs Friday morning. After the search, the officer showed us a bell which we had to ring twice for the steward in case we needed anything like drinks or cigarettes. He was assisted in the search by another officer whom I was informed was the Assistant Medical Officer of the Sussex, and who was detailed to accompany us on our journey to look after our health, as small ships like the one we were on now do not carry doctors. The cabin we were in was rather a nice one. It contained one bunk, a small camp bed and a sitting room with two comfortable armchairs, an improvised couch, 2 chairs, a good table, cupboards and chest of drawers, a book case, a map of Spain and a few other articles. It looked cosy and nice. At 8am sharp the ship began to move head straight west to south. We began guessing our course. Rashid said it was Cyprus, the Pasha, Malta, I thought it was Egypt. When we were told that we could use the drawers to put our things in, I at once noticed that it was not a short journey. We tried to get some information from the officer, but his reply was that he did not know himself. They receive orders to proceed to a given direction and not to a known destination. We knew now that we were on board H.M.S. destroyer Active, known as H.14 carrying 120 men and its tonnage 1,330.30

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Well, compare  1,330 tons with  10,000 tons and you will realize the difference between the Sussex cruiser and the Active destroyer. We further knew now that we were accommodated in the captain’s cabin (the six-foot gentleman) and that the officer searching our baggage was the second in command called Mr Barker,31 aged 31 and married, and the doctor called F.W. Baskerville32 a 1933-graduate. Married also. At 11am we were allowed to go on the rear deck which is usually called the quarter deck and is reserved for the officers. Three deck chairs were at our disposal and two other smaller chairs. The sea was quite calm and we felt relieved breathing the fresh and cool air of the Mediterranean Sea. We were informed by Barker that he used to be on board another destroyer called H.M.S. Hunter. It was a brand new one launched this year and detailed to carry [out] anti-piracy work in the Mediterranean. It struck a floating mine off the shores of Spain and sank with 8 men killed and 30 wounded. He was one of the survivors.33 They were transferred to the Active, which was built in 1929 and was lying in reserve at Portsmouth. Men were recruited and she was brought to Malta, when she received orders to proceed to Haifa and meet the Sussex. It carries eight torpedoes, four  4.8  inches guns and about  50 deep water charges (explosive barrels as big as the asphalt one). Her principle work was hunting for submarines, which, if sighted on the surface, will be shelled and if below the surface, would be followed and a series of deep-water charges thrown. These explode at given depths and, if effective, are more than efficient to blow up a submarine. At about 11.30 and all of a sudden, the destroyer changed her course and turned north-east. We were astonished and tried to find the reason but no one would tell us. The ship continued changing course; at about 12.30 we were asked to go below to have lunch. We came to the cabin and found all port holes closed. We asked the sentinel to open them, but he replied they had to be closed till further notice. At about 2.45 I looked out of the closed port holes and found land. We were approaching Jaffa port. Again, we asked have they changed their minds? And are they taking us back to Acre? At about 2pm we saw two motor launchers heading from the port to the destroyer. When the first came near we saw a police officer and one or two in civilian clothes. It was the port’s boat. All of a sudden, we saw Yacoub Ghossein34 in it and we realized why the destroyer changed course after heading for Egypt. Ghossein had the usual naval salute and there he was, a few minutes later, sitting with the four of us. We were now five. And here is the story he gave us: On Friday morning rumours circulated of Government’s action in arresting leaders. He thought of buzzing off, which he did. Police came and surrounded his house at Wadi Hnein35 but did not find him. On Friday afternoon the government issued a proclamation, he said, to the effect that: Whereas of the state of unrest prevailing in the country for some time and the acts of terrorism which were aroused lately by the murder of the late Mr Andrews,36 Government considers the AHC responsible morally for this state of affairs and it has therefore decided to arrest and deport the following gentlemen: Jamal Husseini,37 Hilmi Pasha, Dr Khalidi, Rashid Haj Ibrahim, Yacoub Ghossein and Fuad Saba.

The declaration further said that Government has further decided to deprive the Mufti Haj Amin Husseini38 of all his official posts. Govt. also dissolved the AHC and

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all other political bodies and organizations. A lot of other people were being arrested including Fahmi Husseini,39 mayor of Gaza, and confined at Acre concentration camp. The news worried us a lot, especially Government making the AHC morally responsible for the terrorism taking place in the country. They know mighty well that I have nothing to do with terrorism. It is only to please the Jews and their daily paper, the Palestine Post, which has been hammering at Govt. for the last 6 months to arrest and deport members of the AHC. Well, Deputy Auster and Co. will have a good time at the municipality during my absence. At 4.30pm we had our tea on deck. Barker and the doctor came and sat with us. Still they would not tell us where we were heading to. At 7.30 we had dinner and a quarter of an hour later we sight Port Said and Port Fuad and were entering the [Suez] canal. We now knew at last that we were heading for the Red Sea. A pilot boat met us and we were escorted through. When coming opposite Kantara, I remembered those days when travelling to Egypt by train and waiting at Kantara West to take the train to Cairo. Well these were better days in 1929 when I was there to have my postgraduate course in Legal Medicine, although also post riots days. I went to sleep on my face as they say this [in Arabic]. We were accommodated as follows: Ghossein, who is  127 Kilograms, was allotted the captain’s bunk as no camp bed would hold his weight. We told Fuad to sleep with him as he is a sound sleeper and would not mind Yacoub’s dreadful snoring. I, the Pasha and Rashid had our 3 camp beds (low ones) in a row in the sitting room which we also use as our dining room. All fans were left on, together with the ventilating holes, which made the atmosphere in the rooms rather fresh, cool and tolerable. I could not sleep well this first night as the camp bed was very low, only half a foot, and very narrow.

Sunday 3/10/1937 I rose early this morning at 5.30. We were approaching Suez town and could see the two banks of the canal. We were not allowed to go on deck and our port holes were also closed. At 7am we were opposite Suez Town and after a few minutes were passing the end of the canal, marked by a column and a crouching lion in stone on both sides. The destroyer slowed down and a motor boat came on side, something was taken and given and a few minutes later we were steaming at a good speed. I understood from Barker that we were steaming at 22 knots in the Mediterranean and that [when] we entered the Suez at Port Said all traffic was practically stopped to allow the destroyer to proceed in spite of the fact that many other steamers were before us; i.e. we were given priority of passage. Isn’t that grand? The Pasha awoke feeling sick. We had to call the doctor who saw him and prescribed some medicine. It was gastritis possibly from the food. He felt better after his first dose of medicine. Fuad, being a Protestant, was asked whether he would like to attend a short prayer service on deck [it] being Sunday. As there was no chapel on board the captain conducted the service. They sang one or two hymns and the service was over in about ten minutes. We went on deck before noon and were passing through the Gulf of Suez at top speed.

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At  4pm we were out of the gulf and into the Red Sea. We could see the barren mountains on both sides. Rock and sand and nothing else. We were now practically positive we were being taken to Seychelles. The officers would not confirm or deny it. After lunch we went on the quarter deck and sat with the officers. They were really very kind to all of us. The doctor was worried about the Pasha as he looked so thin, bony and anaemic. Rashid eff. played a game of chess with three of the officers and beat them all. We were glad and we had to register this victory of Rashid. Barker then brought us an atlas and we studied the site of Seychelles Islands in the Indian Ocean and he also brought a book published by the Ministry of Marine on navigation in and around those islands. We found in it the following information about Seychelles: Although as stated it dealt with navigation and manoeuvres and dangers of coral reefs and so on, it said that there were about 29 small and big islands with a lot of coral reefs. The four important and bigger islands were Mahé, Praslin, Silhouette and La Digue. They contain high mountains, plenty of water and [are] thicklywooded. Praslin contained a tree called Coco-De-Mer which is the only place in the world where it grows, also Government house at Mahé. It has two cocos in one shell and its shell is very hard. In 1928 the population was over 28 thousand. Entrance into the port was dangerous and needed careful navigation. Mahé is the biggest island, has high hills, altitude  3,000  feet – about  914 metres, with small rivulets and cascades, reddish sandy soil and has comparatively good roads. The highest mountain is Morne Seychellois with four peaks ranging between  2,764–2,993 ft. i.e. (842–912m). The most important part of Mahé is Port Victoria which is the Government’s residence. Port Victoria is also on cable with all parts of the world and has a wireless telegraph office. The average number of ships passing annually is one per week.

Monday 4/10/1937 We awoke as usual at about  6am. We were still steaming towards Aden. After my friends had breakfast, we were handed the news (Reuters telegrams). We were told that after 9pm, the wireless operator sits for news. If there are no instructions from the Admiralty then he gets the news unless intercepted. A few minutes later the captain was kind enough to send us the news. It said: The Grand Mufti defied the Palestine Government (as a reply to their proclamation) that he was elected by the Moslem community and therefore no power can deprive him of his duties as President of the Supreme Moslem Council except by elected Moslems; the Mufti is taking refuge in the Haram area, where he escaped from arrest. He issued a proclamation for all Arabs to return to their duties! (This we did not understand; it may mean anything. There may have been a strike going on after we left.)

The dispatch further stated that all was quiet but many Arab shops are closed. Transjordania is reported quiet.

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Tuesday 5/10/1937 We awoke at  8am according to our new time (7am Palestine). It was rather hot. Apparently, we were approaching the Equator. Barker says no – we are in the Red Sea – we have the Arabian desert east and the Egyptian desert west. Our life on boat became a bit monotonous. We awoke, shaved, had a bath, played cards until 10am and then went on the quarter deck to relax a bit on deck chairs. Whether in cabin or on deck, or going for a bath, we had two escorts with revolvers on waist. Damn it, after all none of us ever dreams of throwing himself in the Red Sea (he would be nice food for the sharks abounding there). But there it is, the two sentinels seem to be inevitable. Those sentinels of ours were constantly changed every hour. We were really interested to know the cost of our trip. On enquiry from the Chief Engineer, we were made to understand that the cost in fuel for a destroyer from and back to Haifa would be about £3,500 and other expenses £1,500, total £5,000. I was really astonished – why was the Palestine Government (I am sure the bill will be forwarded to them) incurring such expenditure in transport only, to get us out of the way! They could open dozens of schools with that amount – nay they could make dozens of improvements here and there. The sea is so calm, God bless Neptune. We sat on deck watching swathes of fish all around us jumping or flying out of sea, with dozens of sea birds flying overhead. We encountered a shoal of dolphins also. At 11am we passed an island called Jabal al-Tair40 (Bird Island) with a big lighthouse hoisting the Union Jack. It is a God-forsaken island – Volcanic and no signs of life. I  tried hard with the doctor’s binoculars to see any hope of life – no use! An hour later we passed the Zubair Island,41 then the Saba Island. We told Fuad that his grandfathers must have come from there! The Pasha however did not agree and said it cannot be Saba but Sheba where the Queen of Sheba stopped on her way to meet King Solomon of the blooming Holy City. At about  5pm we passed Zuqar Island42 and other small volcanic islands with a lighthouse here and there. We were now nearing Bab-el-Mendeb,43 called by the sailors ‘Hell’s Gate’ on account of the heat which was beginning to make us rather uncomfortable. At 6pm we passed Perim Island and after that we were passing the Gate. Barker was kind enough and handed us the news bulletin which is usually received by the ship’s wireless at night when no admiralty orders are flashed. It contained an item of news about Palestine: Although the strike at Jerusalem and at Jaffa is on yet the closure of shops is hardly  noticeable; here tranquillity is prevailing especially after the parade of troops in the streets. It is reported from Amman that the pipeline between Mosul and Haifa was blown up in Transjordania, and the culprits – after cutting the telephone wires – escaped.

Well, I don’t wonder why Reuters is saying the strike is unnoticeable. It used to say that in 1936 when every Arab shop was closed. One of the officers asked us about the Palestine problem and we explained it to him in detail.

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Wednesday 6/10/1937 I opened my eyes at about  5.30 and looking out of the port holes saw we were approaching shore. At 6am we were at Aden. At one side I could spot a smooth shore with trees and houses nearby. The rest of the place was hilly and mountainous – blackish and volcanic with no trees. It was very hot here and Aden seemed like a God forsaken town. They say the hot monsoon winds blow for about 7 months a year. I told Barker whether word can be sent to Stewart Perowne44 our old friend who is now at Aden as Political Secretary. I am sure if he hears that I am on board the destroyer he would surely come to see me. Barker said he would do his best to transmit the message. He regretted he was not authorized to allow us on deck and that we must stay in the cabin. From the port hole I could see dozens of ships anchoring and small boats and motor launches buzzing about … officials, merchants and inquisitive folk. Word came at last from shore. Perowne was not found, in fact he doesn’t live in Aden but about 10 miles far in the hills. Further a new governor45 had reached the colony and today at 10am he was to be sworn [in] by the Chief Justice. Naturally Perowne will not come. What a pity, I would like to have seen Abu Nessim46 and told him what I think of the Government of Palestine. Everything was filled up with petrol, even the air we were breathing, as the ship was fuelling. We asked whether we can send a cable and letters. The captain promised to see the authorities. He replied after some time that it was not possible to send a cable, but we could write some letters. I wrote first to Wahideh, Uncle Mustafa, Father,47 Ahmad48 and Rasem in English. They were to be taken and sent to the Palestine Government for censor. If they even reach, they will surely soothe Wahideh and my relatives about our health. At 12 noon the destroyer raised anchor and began to move. We were leaving Aden at last after a 6-hour stay there.

Thursday 7/10/1937 Awoke at about 6 feeling rather cheerful and gay, I don’t know why. I found, however, I had no appetite. At about 7.30 we spotted the last lighthouse on our ocean boundary in Italian Somaliland. Why not jump overboard and swim to shore? This is what I told Rashid. Before we even reach the shore, we will be gone and the sharks will have a wonderful dinner of our bodies. We both laughed heavily at the idea.

Friday 8/10/1937 I awoke at 6.30 although the sea appeared calm and no wind, yet there was some rolling both vertically and laterally and I felt a little giddy, and rather nauseated. Fuad felt it more than me and seemed to look sick and miserable.

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It was what they call the ocean swell which is the movement of deep water in a rolling manner. At noon Yacoub also felt it and he and Fuad went below to bed. Rashid and the Pasha felt cheerful, while I felt miserable and refused to eat anything all day.

Saturday 9/10/1937 We awoke early. The swell was a bit better, but I still felt rather uncomfortable. As we were approaching the Equator, we were informed that a certain ceremony is always performed before we cross and another just as we cross. A sailor and an officer with a long white beard and dressed as Neptune would step on board and hail the captain. The ship stops for a minute and the following conversation takes place: Neptune stepping on board: ‘Hail Captain, who art thou and what is thine name. What is this ship? Whence have you come from and where are you proceeding to?’ Captain: ‘Hail Neptune – God and king of the Seas, I am Capt. (so and so) of H.M.S. destroyer Active – coming from Aden and proceeding to Seychelles.’ Neptune: ‘Proceed Captain and thy ship in Peace.’ They salute and then Neptune is supposed to step into the sea.

This ceremony was done at about 9 am this morning and we were to await next day’s ceremony at 10 when we cross; which means too that we are nearing our destination (240 miles to Seychelles from equator). The sea is calmer this afternoon and the swell better. The doctor saw me before lunch and insisted that I should have something to eat which would relieve the peculiar sensation in my stomach pit. I had a piece of cheese with bread at lunch time with two bananas. I really felt better in the afternoon. The doctor, who was at first rather reserved to discuss Palestine, sought some information. I grasped at the opportunity and told him all about our cause in detail. He was very struck by the information I gave him and never imagined that the Arab case was such. He sympathized a lot and he and Barker and others told us what they all thought … too much good blood has been spilt in Palestine that it is high time that the authorities concerned should awake and put a stop to more blood shedding in that Holy Land looked at with reverence by Moslems, Christians and Jews. All the officers were struck with what I told them and I remember Barker saying that the time will not be long when the British will realize the damage to their reputation of fair play and justice. He further said, that with all the first hand and impartial information we gave them, if they ever go to Palestine and meet any Jews, they will tell them what they think.

Sunday 10/10/1937 Every one on board seems to be preparing for the ceremony which was to take place, we were told, at exactly 10.40am. Out of a total of 120 (including officers) only 19 had

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passed the equator before and the remaining  101, including the Captain, had to go through that ceremony. At 10am we were asked to come to the front of the ship. At  10.30 the ceremony began by Neptune (the chief engineer) with his wife (an officer) heading the procession followed by eight (seadogs) in peculiar dress. The seadogs were naked and had rope stuff around their waists and over their elbows and wearing wigs. Their faces, chests, backs smeared with black paint. Followed [by] a few musicians with mouth organs. Neptune with his wife mounted his throne and sat beside us when his assistants (barbers) and the seadogs went around the canvas tub filled with sea water. A spokesman read out the names and a few poems in languages that made everybody laugh. They began with the captain who was wearing a white suit. He sat on a stool with his back to the tub which was now full of swimming sea dogs. A poem was read and the two barbers, one with a huge shaving brush, applied a soapy material from a bucket containing flour, soap and a blue paint, all over his beard, face, nose, head, brushing briskly. Another put a big pill of soda and citric acid in his mouth to make it effervescent. The other barber with a huge wooden razor began imitating shaving, sharpening the razor with his shoe. You should see and hear the cheers of the sailors and their roars of laughter. As soon as the shaving was complete, the captain, with full clothes, was thrown backwards into the canvas tub full of sea water, to be caught by the seadogs each holding a limb who gave him four dippings under water by hoisting him up and dipping him again, with the pill fizzing in his mouth. He was then thrown out. This was repeated with Barker, the doctor, and every one of the 101 men. We are now steaming to the south of the equator and approaching our destination. We were informed we shall be at Mahé at 10am tomorrow morning.

Monday 11/10/1937 I awoke early this morning at 5.30, shaved and had a small bath and dressed hurriedly. Looking out of the port hole I could see the flash of a lighthouse on one of the Seychelles islands. We have arrived at last. We all feel happy and thanked God that our sea trip passed without any event. Ten days at sea on board a small destroyer through the Red Sea and Indian Ocean is no small matter. All of us went up to the quarter deck and we began watching the islands on the far horizon. As we drew nearer, we could see that all practically were of a green colour which confirmed the fact of them being thickly-wooded. We passed one called Silhouette Island, another Round Island and a third rather big one called Praslin (pronounced Pralin). Mahé, a rather elongated big island, was now in front of us and nearby lay about nine other small ones. As we passed some of them, we could see that they were all covered with trees and we could just distinguish the coconut palms. Sea and land birds were beginning to fly around us screaming and uttering shrill cries. One was a lovely tribute bird with a long white tail just over a foot in length. It looked wonderful in the early hours of the morning. We could now see all the red roofs of houses in Victoria and in reality, the island looked like a veritable paradise. There were high mountain peaks surrounded with clouds and fog and as the sun was shining, we could see cascades of white glistening water falling over the surface of the black granite rocks. The destroyer’s speed slowed down

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as we rounded St. Anne island heading for Victoria port. Midway between this island and Mahé we were met by a small steam yacht manned by two dark men and a tanned fat Englishman. The captain thought he was the pilot and the engines stopped. The yacht came aside and the Englishman said that he was not the pilot but an amateur yachtsman. He however came aboard and told his yacht to lead the way. We steamed slowly in between floating bogs evading the dangerous coral reef surrounding the island. It was now about  10.30am. We sat silent and in amaze[ment] admiring the lovely scenery. The place here seems surely to beat the Lebanon Mountains. We were now approaching the pier and we could see hundreds of natives in white dress standing and gazing. The visit of a man of war was, we understood, rather an occasion. As we approached, a government steam launch came near with the usual yellow flag. It was the doctor’s launch. With him were another gentleman in Khaki and a police officer. They all came on board and went straight to see the Captain. The Island doctor was introduced to the ship’s doctor and they both chatted for some time. Our doctor was telling him about the ship’s health bill and our own during the journey. They came to where I stood and we were introduced. He was Dr Lanier,49 A/SMO of the island. While the officers were busy tying up at the pier, I took the opportunity and asked the doctor a few questions. There were no Malaria cases on the island. Yellow Fever does not exist and they take very strict control of steamers coming from infected areas. Few cases of dengue fever occurred sporadically. There was no typhoid and no other infectious diseases. But there were a few cases of amoebic dysentery. The climate of the island was very healthy. The A/SMO was a short gentleman with spectacles and his accent did not seem to be that of an Englishman. From his name I thought he might be an islander. The police officer then left the ship and in passing I thought I have seen his face [before]. I shall know this later on. Policemen here dress exactly like Palestine. It began to rain while we were sitting on deck and on the pier, we could see crowds of natives gaping at us from a distance of some 50 or 60 feet. A motor boat with three white women began to go around the ship. Without notice, a heavy shower of rain began to fall and in half a minute everybody on land took cover. Apparently, we were in the rainy season. Barker told us pointing up a hill where a cluster of red tiled houses stood, that two places were reserved for us as they could not find one big house to accommodate us all. They were not ideal he said but the best that could be hired. I felt rather depressed when I heard that and wondered what kind of house would they be, those red bricked roofed one, and why two houses and not one? It seems that the houses were not ready yet, we were therefore to have lunch on board, but would be taken ashore at 2pm. I refused to have lunch and ordered a cold lemon squash and smoked cigarette after cigarette plunging into deep thought. I was so far from home and Wahideh and the children that I felt I wanted to weep like a child and stood half an hour gazing at the black mountain’s rocky peaks, and thinking of Jerusalem and Palestine. Are we to return soon one of these days or will we remain here for years – God knows. Zaghloul Pasha50 and his friends remained 6 months only. Would this be our fate too? Would we stay 6 months only? That depended on conditions in Palestine. At 2pm a motor launch came aside with a boat towed to it for our luggage. Barker informed us that

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the destroyer is staying till Friday morning to clean the boilers, and to give the boys a chance of enjoying themselves on shore before their homeward journey. Practically all the officers, including the captain, were waiting for us near the ship’s stairs. I came forward and on behalf of my friends thanked the captain, officers and all other ranks for their kindness, courtesy and hospitality shown to every one of us during the trip which was a wonderful one. He replied to my speech thanking me for all what I said, stating that they had all enjoyed our company and hoped that they had made us as comfortable as possible. We shook hands with all the officers, and as we went onto the motor launcher we waved to each officer until we were out of sight. The police officer came with us and I then knew that his name was Mr Mumby51 and that he was in Palestine four years ago. He knew me well. I remember he was one of my students in First Aid when I was still at the District Health Office. We headed for the customs office and there we met the legal advisor, the local magistrate, the clerk to the Governor, a retired British medical officer, Dr Bradley,52 the ex-SMO of the island now editor of a bi-weekly paper and correspondent to the United Press and other papers, and an Indian Moslem merchant and the chief of the Moslem community called Sayed Souleiman Adam Moussa.53 We were asked whether we had anything to declare and were informed that the customs official wanted to search our belongings. I addressed the legal advisor, who seemed to be the most senior amongst those present, and informed him of my astonishment. I didn’t see any reason for searching our baggage, taking into consideration that we were given fifteen minutes to pack our clothes and the fact that they were thoroughly searched by the Second in Command when we came on board the destroyer. They conferred for a minute and then the customs officer came and said politely: ‘Excuse me sir, but duty is duty.’ ‘I realize that my dear man’, I said. ‘Go ahead and do your duty.’ He searched our belongings. Well after all it was a formality which he had to do and complete. As soon as this was completed, our baggage was put on a bus while two cars were waiting. The Pasha and Rashid eff. took the small Austin and I and Fuad took the back seat of a Chrysler touring car, while Yacoub sat near the driver. Two cars followed carrying the gentlemen who were waiting in the custom house. The cars moved, in two minutes we entered the streets of Victoria. They were lined on both sides by natives gaping at us in amazement and wondering who were these five tarboushed gentlemen coming to their Island? You could see Africans, Indians, Chinese, half cast[e]s and Europeans. We passed through a wide street lined with big trees. There were a lot of shops on both sides. After five minutes we began to climb the hills on second gear. The road was rather narrow but not bad. We passed species after species of trees and were really spellbound from the beautiful scenery. It was really a ‘Garden of Eden’. The cars stopped before a nice bungalow and we were asked to get out of the cars. This was the one allocated to the Pasha and Rashid. It has a nice large veranda, a green lawn and big dining room, two sleeping rooms, kitchen, etc. Well that was not bad after all. The sleeping rooms were spacious. Black boys stood at attention. We went over the place and after the luggage of both was brought down, we took our car and mounted still higher up in a winding road. Another five minutes and we stopped opposite another bungalow which was to be our residence. The lower

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one was known as the Rockies and ours had a sign plate Curio. Every bungalow in Mahé seems to have a name. We passed through a lane with green hedges into a lovely rose garden, mounted a few stairs into a terrace with lawn grass also full of dozens of rose trees and shrubs and then a few stairs more saw us inside the veranda of our residence. A quite spacious one 15x8 metres. A big dining hall – same dimensions. Three sleeping rooms and other accessory rooms. The furniture was simple but rather comfortable. We were  600  feet above sea level overlooking the town harbour and a beautiful island. Behind us were a forest and three high granite peaks more than 2,000 ft above sea level. Well, after all this is not a bad place. I chose a room overlooking the sea to the west north of the bungalow. It had a comfortable bed, a chest of drawers, a table with mirror, hangers, a deck chair and all other washing utensils. As for the servants we had a cook called Jean, a boy called Pierre, a maid named Florence, a small boy (messenger) Betsie, a gardener and a guard (an ex-policeman). A Police clerk, Mr Westergreen,54 was to be our liaison officer attached to us to look after all our demands and requirements. As soon as we had all our things in, we assembled at the veranda and were handed a letter addressed to Hilmi Pasha being the eldest member of the party which reads as follows: Victoria, Mahé Seychelles 11 October 1937 Sir, I am directed by the Governor to inform you and your companions that H.E. has been pleased to appoint a committee composed of the Superintendent of Police, the clerk to Governor and myself as Chairman to be in charge of you, and to request you and your companions to give an undertaking in writing as follows: 1.  That you will not escape or attempt to escape. 2. That you will not communicate or attempt to communicate directly or indirectly with any foreign country except through the proper channels, i.e., through the Governor. 3. That you will not leave this area contained in the following limits: St. Louis Gap, Slaughter House, Sans Souci and Zig-Zag. Or go to the sea without the permission in writing of the Committee. 4. That you will not leave your residence between the hours of 9pm and 6am without the written permission of the Committee. 5. That you will not leave your residence between the hours of 6am and 9pm except by arrangements approved by the Committee. 6.  That you will do nothing to embarrass this Government. I am to add in conclusion that any request which you may wish to make should be addressed either to the Governor or the Committee. I have the honour to be sir.

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Your obedient servant, Signed M.C. Nageon de Lestang55 Legal Advisor and Crown Prosecutor and Chairman of the Committee Ahmad Hilmi Pasha Esq. Victoria

We translated this letter to the Pasha and Rashid and informed the three members of the Committee who were with us that we will forward them our reply in due course. We were also informed that H.E. wishes to see us tomorrow at 10am and that the car will be sent to us at 9.50am. We understood that there [are]  3 local papers published on the Island. A very small one Le Reveil Seychelloís in English and French (two pages), L’impartial (four pages) in English and French and the largest The Seychelles Clarion (eight pages) mostly in English edited by the retired SMO Dr Bradley which publishes about twice weekly Reuters telegrams, on Fridays and Tuesdays. Here is what this paper wrote on 9/10/1937 before we arrived: Political Prisoners from Palestine. Seychelles has long been the home for deported potentates and other political prisoners. Here in the salubrious climate of Seychelles surrounded by beautiful scenery they come for a rest from their political and dangerous activities. We expect some time at the end of next week the political prisoners of the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine and arrangements have been made for their reception at Bel Air, the best residential locality in the Island. Subject to certain restrictions which will be duly published in the Government Gazette they are free to live their own lives. There are no stringent restrictions. The colony is famous for its hospitality to political offenders and this time there will be no exception to the rule. The famous Zaghloul Pasha – Premier of Egypt – and the heads of his cabinet were our last distinguished political prisoners, although we have actually in our midst four Shiites as political prisoners from the hinterland of Aden. The late King Prempeh56 (of Zanzibar) for over 30 years resided as a political prisoner in the Seychelles. When leaving the colony, these political prisoners always speak very highly of the kindness and courtesy shown to them not only by the inhabitants but by the Government of the colony, and we are sure that the Arab political prisoners will find no change to our invariable rule of kindness, courtesy and hospitality to the strangers in our midst. We understand that the Palestine political prisoners will arrive shortly in the destroyer H.M.S. Active, but naturally the Government is reticent to publish the date of arrival and for political reasons there is the official veil of secrecy.

We were glad to be on land at last and after a nice dinner prepared by our cook and after taking a well-deserved bath I went to sleep and did actually sleep very soundly.

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Tuesday 12/10/1937 Woke up at about 6am, shaved, had a bath and a cup of tea and felt very refreshed. Went for a stroll in the garden to breathe the pure morning breeze and sat under a huge tree, the name of which I do not know. It was really wonderful. All the rose bushes were in full bloom, yellow, red, pink, white, etc. The atmosphere sweet of roses, and the view of the small islands in front was marvellous. We saw the L’impartial newspaper, it contained the following: Nos prisonniers politiques Hussein Khalidi – Doctor and Mayor of Jerusalem Fuad Saba – Accountant Ahmad Hilmi Pasha – Manager Arab Bank Jacoub Hussein – Banker [sic!] Raschid Haji Ibrahim – Bank Manager.

I forgot to mention that after we arrived yesterday, we forwarded the following cable: 11/10/37 Accountant – Jerusalem. Arrived Seychelles – good health, inform families HilmiKhalidi-Ibrahim-Ghossein. Writing. Love. Fuad.

We thought that instead of incurring extra expenditure, Fuad would cable and his wife would inform our families on the telephone. We dressed and awaited the cars to take us to the Government House. They came at 9.50am sharp. We descended the hills to town and entered the grounds and gardens of Government House which were wonderfully kept. We went up the drive till we reached the main gate of the building. Westergreen was with us. We were ushered in by a Chinese butler and asked to wait in the veranda. In two minutes Mumby the Supt. of Police came from within and led us to the office of H.E. the Governor. It was a very big office with a table in the middle, H.E. rose as we entered. I liked his looks. He was a man of medium height, rather thin. We shook hands and I introduced my friends and sat down. Mumby served cigarettes. He was addressing me and I acted as translator. He began by saying that he had tried to find the last available accommodation on the island and regretted he could not find one house to take us all. The government hired two bungalows and he wished we would be as comfortable as possible. As to the matter of expenses, he was informed that some of us were wellto-do and taking into the consideration the limited revenue of the Colony, he must economize and would not like to incur extra expenses. He had not received yet any information or instructions from the Palestine Government at this point. He had wired and will be expecting a reply soon. I replied that as far as accommodation was concerned, we would have preferred to be all together. He agreed. Although I pointed out that such accommodation was not ideal but we were sure it must be the best available and we are thankful. As to

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expenses incurred during our stay, we do not wish at all that the Colony’s Government should meet it. The Government of Palestine which had incurred some £5,000 for our transport to this island will have to incur all our legitimate reasonable expenditure. It is a rich Government with even 6 million pounds surplus. It is true we are all men of means but we insist on our point regarding expenditure and wished him to write to our Government accordingly. He would write to Palestine and in the meantime, we would order what we required until this point is cleared. He further stated that, if any of us needed money on loan until we receive a supply from home, he is prepared to authorize that too. He further informed us that he had appointed a committee and had to make certain limited restrictions in our movement, correspondence, etc. to satisfy the Colonial Office that all reasonable precautions are being taken to keep us on the island, but he would see that such restrictions would not be felt by us. As regards correspondence it would all have to go through him and he would dispatch it to the Palestine Government for disposal. We thanked him about the money affairs and replied that we had received a letter from the Committee to that effect, and that we are acknowledging it and confirming his instructions. We are all responsible men and know perfectly well what responsibility means. We were no ordinary men and we did not want to do anything which will embarrass him or his Government. He appreciated what I said and admitted that we were no ordinary men but political and administrative men of distinction. I protested on behalf of my friends on the way we were arrested at Palestine and brought here with no warrant at all. Up to now we did not know why we are here. Most of us were given a few minutes’ notice only and we [were] rushed by the authorities like a lot of criminals. He was astonished and took note of what I said and promised to send a dispatch to Palestine with copy to the colonial secretary. He had said the warrants signed under the hand of Mr Battershill57 the O.A.G. [Officer Administering the Government] in Palestine dated 20/9/1937. We asked for a copy of the warrant and he promised to consider this matter. We pointed out that our financial affairs will suffer greatly especially the Arab Bank which had great liabilities and assets toward the general public. No time was given for the Pasha to sign power of attorney and we hold the Palestine Government responsible for any damages. He took note of this also. We asked him to be good enough to send a message of thanks through him to the captain of the [H.M.S.] Active for their kind and hospitable treatment during our sea journey and I further asked him whether they will be good enough and come and have tea with us tomorrow at 4.30pm. Finally, he was willing, he said, to convey any application we wished to make to the Palestine Government. The interview terminated and on rising he asked whether I was in government service. I pointed out that I was SMO [for] Jerusalem for 14 years and Acting SMO – Jerusalem, Samaria and Galilee, that I resigned my post in  1934 and entered the municipal elections and [was] elected and appointed mayor of Jerusalem, a post which I hold up to now. We left Government House at about 11.20. The interview was rather a pleasant one and H.E. was rather kind and obliging.

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Wednesday 13/10/1937 Rain – Rain all day long and during last night. Reuters news were brought to us this afternoon. They read as follows: 1st Oct 11am London. Hussein Khalidi the Mayor of Jerusalem and a member of the AHC Fuad Saba the Secretary to the Committee have been arrested at Cairo (sic!). An unconfirmed report states these arrests followed the reflection by the authorities of the Arab demand for the release of 200 people arrested in connection with the murder of the D.C. Andrews. Cairo. It is believed that Khalidi and Saba will be taken aboard the cruiser H.M.S. Sussex at Haifa. It is reported that the authorities have decided to round up all members of the AHC. The Grand Mufti is said to have taken refuge in Mosque of Omar. All telephone communications in Palestine are reported to be suspended. In London no official information has yet been received. Jerusalem. An official communiqué states that the AHC and all its constituent bodies have been declared illegal. Following the recent murders of British officials, it has been found recently to institute actions against certain persons whose activities are prejudicial to the maintenance of public security and who must be regarded as morally responsible for these events. Warrants have been issued for the arrest of a number of leading Arabs who will be deported from Palestine and the Grand Mufti will be deprived of his office as Chairman of the M.S.C. (Moslem Supreme Council). Jerusalem. The manager of the Arab Bank has been arrested. All the land frontiers are reported to be strictly guarded. The feeling of tension has increased as the news of today’s developments spread throughout Palestine. The possibility of more serious troubles is not being ignored but the authorities have a pre-arranged plan ready to cope with any situation. Jerusalem. A British sentry this morning was shot dead [by] an Arab who refused to halt when challenged. Jamal Husseini the president of the Arab Party; for whose arrest a warrant was issued is believed to have fled the country. Jerusalem. Besides Hussein Khalidi there have also been arrests of Fuad Saba and Ahmad Hilmi Pasha who have been arrested and taken aboard the cruiser H.M.S. Sussex which is going to Seychelles when the arrests are complete. There were many arrests and searches this morning but tension is lessened. The D.C. has sent a circular to the newspapers announcing that he has appointed a censor and forbidding publication of news comments apart from official communiqués. Husseini was arrested at Beersheba. The departure of the Royal Sussex regiment58 for Egypt has been cancelled. The Black Watch regiment59 arrived as scheduled. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, his candidature for the Presidency of the M.S.C. has been invalidated by an order published in an extra-ordinary Gazette. All is quite now all over Palestine. In Transjordan the British Police and military are scanning the main highways. All police leave has been cancelled.

The Diaries London. 2/10/37 9.06am Jamal Husseini, the President of the Arab Party, who was at first thought to have fled from the country, was arrested at Beersheba. Yacoub Ghossein, the leader of the Arab Youth Organization has up to now escaped arrest. London. 2/10/37 12.12pm Jerusalem. It transpires that Yacoub Ghossein has been arrested. Up to now Jamal Husseini has escaped. London. 2/10/37 1.22pm Jerusalem. All shops are closing and likely to close in other towns. A number of minor Arab leaders are endeavouring to form a new Committee. It is reported that so far, the movement has not yet met with success. London. 2/10/37 4.21pm Jerusalem. A notorious agitator has been arrested in Jerusalem and is believed to be the person inciting to the closing of shops, he is Subhi Bey.60 London. 2/10/37 9.40pm Jaffa. A general Arab strike is threatened here on Sunday. Jerusalem. A general feeling of relief has resulted from government’s firm action, though the possibility of serious repercussions in Palestine and neighbouring countries is not ignored by some circles. The Arabs so far appear to be stunned by the authorities taking these unexpected measures. London. 3/10/37 6.37pm Jerusalem. The Grand Mufti has issued a proclamation from the Mosque of Omar, urging the Arabs to return to their work. London. 5/10/37 Jerusalem. The press censorship ceases at midnight. The Legislative Council enacted a new law dispensing with the necessity of corroborative evidence in murder charges. London. 6/10/37 2.12pm Jerusalem. The Grand Mufti has sent telegrams to three Arab leaders urging them to intervene with the British Govt. to restore justice to the Arabs in Palestine. London. 7/10/37 6.59pm Jerusalem. All incoming newspapers from Egypt and Syria will henceforth be scrutinized prior to their sale. London. 7/10/37 7.15pm Baghdad. A friendly protest against the strong measures taken against the Arab leaders in Palestine was handed to the British Chargé d’Affaires by the Iraq Government. London. 11/10/37 11.32am The Arab leaders who were deported from Palestine have arrived in Mahé, Seychelles.

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Thursday 14/10/1937 This morning at about 10am, we met the Committee at our request to make things clear especially with regard to our movements. We first handed them the letter in reply to theirs of the 11th inst.61 It ran as follows: Mahé 13/10/37 Legal Advisor, Government of Seychelles – Mahé Sir, we have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 11/10/37 and in reply thereto, we do hereby note, confirm and undertake to abide by the conditions mentioned therein. We beg to remain Sir. Yours respectfully. (signed) Ahmad Hilmi – Dr Khalidi – F. Saba – Y. Ghossein – R.H. Ibrahim

We then discussed the contents of the Committee’s letter. We noted para. one and para. two. As to the area it was provisional and included the Town area in which we were free to move. They promised to send a map. As to para. four. This was too much. After discussion and upon giving them our word of honour that after 9pm we will only go to or from each other’s residences and not necessarily the two or three together. As to [para.] five we were at liberty to move from 6am to 9pm within the area one or move with Westergreen as chaperon. Para. six was noted by us. We then pointed to the question of transport and other necessities. Pending the arrival of further information from Palestine, we were to order what we wanted through Westergreen and call for a car when required. There were often repairs to be done to the house which they inspected and promised to have done, i.e. a few more electric lights, furniture and a shower for the bath. We spoke about having a radio and they had no objection. The difficulty was there were none in stock and we cannot get one on loan.

Friday 15/10/1937 Awoke at 6.30am just as the destroyer was beginning to steam out of harbour. We went out on the veranda and tried to wave to them. We naturally saw no response, but it may be that they saw us with their eye-glasses. We understood from the officers yesterday that they played football with four Seychelles teams and were beaten every time. The most interesting match was with a black native team, who all played bare-footed and are very quick. I wish I could see them play bare-footed. Westergreen our chaperon came with a note from Nageon, it read as follows: The clerk to Governor has asked me to inform you for the information of the Arab deportees that H.E. has approved their request made to the Committee in the 13/10/37 letter:

The Diaries

(a)  to be allowed to obtain local papers, (b)  to subscribe to the Carnegie Library, (c)  to buy Kodak and radio, (d)  to obtain blue books.62 Their fifth request to have certain alterations made to their dwelling houses has been conveyed to Mr Hunt (the owner) who has agreed to do what the deportees request. Their sixth request to be supplied with a copy of their deportation order: A decision on this point will be communicated to them in due course. H.E. has also approved their request to be allowed to visit each other during the daytime unguarded and for more freedom of movement within the limits assigned to them. Signed, M. Nageon

We at last saw Reuters published this afternoon by the Clarion: London. 14/10/37 9.22pm Jerusalem. The Govt. has ordered the exclusion from Palestine until further notice of the five remaining members of the AHC including [Awni] Abdulhadi, who has been lobbying at Geneva for the Arab case, and Izzat Darwazeh63 at present in Baghdad conducting pro-Arab propaganda. There were several outrages today in which five people were killed and a number injured. The train from Lydda – Haifa was blown up by a land mine near Qalqilya this evening. Driver and firemen with several passengers of the train which was blown up were injured. There is a report that three passengers were killed up to now. This is unconfirmed. A policeman accompanying the train was reported to have been shot dead by two Arab attackers. Jewish bus was ambushed near Jerusalem and an Arab passenger killed and five Jews were injured by rifle fire. Arab was killed by a bomb he was preparing to throw at a Jewish bus. According to a report from the Jewish Settlements in the Beisan Valley, the Iraq pipeline was pierced in two places and the out-gushing oil ignited. London. 15/10/37 1.38am Jerusalem. A troop train conveying the Royal Sussex Regiment to Egypt was ambushed and fired on from the Judean Hills. There were no casualties. The fresh troubles which have flared up all over the country bear undoubtful signs of being organized effort, and a declaration of martial law seems to be the Government’s likeliest reply. Various acts of violence and sabotage are reported ranging from the district of Beisan to Beersheba. The police occupied tonight strategic points in the city while tenders with mounted Lewis guns64 patrolled the deserted streets. A detachment of the King’s Royal Rifles65 is scouring the Arab villages in the vicinity of the train explosion which was mentioned earlier. Jerusalem. An eye witness of the train explosion confirms the news that the engine was overturned thereby injuring the driver and a fireman, but without

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Exiled from Jerusalem hurting the passengers. A party of armed Arabs lined the embankment, some entered the train, demanding if there were any Jews; on which one English and one Arab constable fired killing two of the Arabs, wounding a third and routing the remainder.

Well, these are rather disquieting news. Apparently, the situation is very serious. Government [officials] must blame themselves. I wonder whom are they going to blame morally, after our deportation. I wish we could hear the news daily rather than wait till Tuesday next. I wonder what is happening now to Wahideh and the children in their days of trouble. I am sure Ahmad my brother and the others will be looking after her. Poor girl. When are we going to meet again?

Saturday 16/10/1937 The Clarion of today contains a description of the Active:



This destroyer of 1330 tons mounting five guns of 4.7 inches with a crew of about 120 men arrived at port Victoria on Monday the  11th inst. with the five political deportees from Palestine. She left on Friday morning 6.30 for the Mediterranean. We welcome to Seychelles the officers and men of the destroyer, the officers aboard being: 1.  Lt. Comm. B.J. Scurfield (Albert Medal) in Command. 2.  Lts. J.F. Barker and P.N. Humphreys. 3.  Lt. (E) C. Sperning M.B.E. 4.  Sub. Lt. K.P.B Pearson. 5.  Gunner F.C. Tibbs. It may be of interest to our reader to learn that the present ship’s company and officers formerly belonged to H.M.S. Hunter which was mined off the coast of Spain on 13th of May of this year.

The Clarion of today also contains an article under the heading of: ‘The troubles in Palestine: Arrival in Seychelles Monday 11th October of Palestine political deportees.’ By the cables our readers have followed the series of outrages in Palestine culminating in the disgraceful assassination of D.C. Andrews. A wholesale state of terror had taken place in that mandated territory and the Royal Commission on Palestine – of which we give above a photograph of its members; with its proposed position of the country, failed to satisfy Arabs and Jews. After the cold-blooded murder of Mr Andrews, the British Government moved swiftly, it struck with rapidity and deposed the Grand Mufti from his place of honour and arrested several prominent leaders of the Arab Community who were deported to Seychelles by the destroyer Active. There were two photographers who intended to take press photographs of the arrival of the deportees. They left before they disembarked stating that the police

The Diaries informed them that no photographs would be permitted. We regret therefore that the proposed photos of the arrival of these political deportees cannot be published by the British Press. With the exception of a few Government officials and the Customs officer on duty, the general public took not the slightest interest in the landing. Nobody was present except Mr Souleiman Adam – the leader of the Moslem community in Seychelles. Only those whom duty compelled were present at the short pier when the deportees disembarked, and on their drive to Bel Air except for a few curious spectators in Victoria Street, the general public paid no heed to their motor cars. After the Custom’s examination of their baggage, the deportees left accompanied by Captain Mumby in two motorcars for Bel Air, the aristocratic and residential suburb of Victoria. Here, two beautiful and well-furnished bungalows overlooking the town and harbour have been placed at their disposal. The necessary servants and cooks had all been engaged prior to their arrival and, as four of the prisoners are Mohamedians, special arrangements have been made to comply with the Moslem dietary laws. One of the prisoners, Fuad Saba, is a member of the Anglican Church. Shortly before 8am, the lookout post signalled H.M.S. Active as being in view and at 9.15am the destroyer was seen steaming slowly off St Anne Island, then it entered the inner port and at 10am anchored off the end of long pier. At 2pm, the five political deportees arrived in the Government launch Pearl at the short pier. They were accompanied by Captain Mumby, the Inspector of Police and Captain T. Voss, Port Officer. Their luggage accompanied them in a canoe which was towed by the Pearl. All the 5 deportees appeared in excellent health on arrival. They had a pleasant passage through the Red Sea aboard H.M.S. Active. They said the British navy lived up to their providential courtesy and kindness, as their treatment by officers could not be better. They smiled as they looked at the beautiful green hills and the furling landscape of the colony, and considered that as political deportees they had come to a lovely island, which one of their members described as the ‘Garden of Eden’ … On Thursday the  14th inst. at  4pm the Arab political deportees invited the officers of H.M.S. Active to Bel Air, to a small reception given by them, to a small party, to mark their appreciation of the kindness shown to them on H.M.S. Active on the voyage from Haifa to Seychelles.

On the 16/10/37 Le Reveil Seychellois wrote as follows: Les Deportés de Palestine. Le contre-torpilleur Anglais Active a mouillé dans notre Port Lundi matin à 10 heures, ayant à son bord les  5 personnes de Palestine qui ont été envoyés aux Seychelles. Ils sont: Hussein Khalidi, Doctor and Mayor of Jerusalem Fuad Saba, Accountant

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Exiled from Jerusalem Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Manager Arab Bank Yacoub Ghossein, Banker [sic!] Raschid Haji Ibrahim, Bank Manager Nous ignorons encore les raisons pour lesquelles ces personnes ont été déportées et avons vu que le Gouvernement d’Irak a protesté contre cette déportation d’après un télégramme de Reuters. Nous sommes encore heureux de recevoir ces personnes remarquables de Palestine, et espérons que, comme les autres détenues de l’Arabie et de l’Afrique, ils jouiront de l’hospitalité bien connue que reçoit tout étranger sur notre sol. Nous leur souhaitons la bienvenue et une bonne santé.66

Here is then what two local newspapers wrote about us in English and a French one. Dr Bradley wants to show in his reserved egoistic English manner that nobody on the Island took notice of our coming. Well, that is the English way to put it; you may read Reuters about Palestine. He should have seen the rows – nay hundreds of Seychellois lining the streets of Victoria when we passed that afternoon of the 11th inst. to our bungalow in Bel Air. Oh well, I don’t mind it a bit; we know who we are – and Dr Bradley is rather senile; he looks it, at least when we saw him at the short pier. At 4.30 I had my usual afternoon bath, felt refreshed but still rather dullish. It may be from lack of exercise; I don’t know. Souleiman Moussa told us some very disquieting news which he heard over the radio. Two British officers killed at Bethlehem. I wonder whether that is correct. We shall read Reuters at last on Tuesday. They say we are to see a Dutch steamer tomorrow – coming from Mombasa. We can send no mail and have to wait till 7/11/37.

Sunday 17/10/37 Awoke at 6.30am. Last night there was a lot of rain. I could hear it hammering on the galvanized iron roof of the bungalow. In the outer harbour was the Dutch steamer we heard about yesterday. I understood it brought some passengers from Durban (South Africa): Ten white tourists and some Africans and Chinese. She left harbour at  10am for Singapore. Yacoub went after breakfast to the Rockies. Saba left in a car with Westergreen to attend Church, and I  remained alone at Curio.

Monday 18/10/1937 As I sat in bed at 6, I began thinking of home. It is now still 4am in Jerusalem, and I wonder whether Wahideh is still sleeping. I tried to do some wireless brain transmission and, concentrating, began calling her name. Did she hear I wonder? I shall ask her when I return home. I then instilled my usual time to Leila. Pierre came in and asked what I wanted. Damn it, I don’t want Pierre, I wanted Leila to come in. Well I did

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not want to disappoint the boy and told him to get me a cup of tea and hot water for shaving and prepare the bath. I have just finished the draft of the memorandum which we intend to submit to O.A.G. Palestine through H.E. the Governor. After consulting the Pasha and my other friends I will put it into shape and will enter its full text in my diary. I wrote twelve foolscaps. Fuad thinks it is rather good. Westergreen brought us two Kodak boxes; they are not good. He said the photographer had one – a German – I forget the name, but it is exactly the one I brought to Ameerah from Beirut. I think it will do until I get my Kodak from home. He promised to get it in the afternoon if possible. I have now before me the meteorological return for 1934 as published in the annual report of the Medical and Health Department of Seychelles. What interesting figures it has: Temperature Solar Maximum: 96 Fahrenheit (Nov); 118 F (July). See the rain fall (in inches) in 1934: Jan. 13.85 May 5.65 Sept. 23.25 Feb. 21.36 June 2.54 Oct. 4.84 March 6.63 July 22.90 Nov. 8.53 Apr. 4.16 Aug. 14.30 Dec. 18.05

The total for the year is  145  inches. Isn’t that grand? Now compare with the average 24 inches in Palestine and one can realize the difference and what rain means in the Tropics. It seems quite natural. Rain falls and is at once evaporated into clouds which form again – and then rain – evaporation – and the cycle continues. I shall tell Wahideh and the children all about it Inshallah [Arabic: God Willing]. The relative humidity % ranged from a minimum of  67.0% in April to  80.2% in December in  1934. Compare this also with what humidity we have in summer in Jerusalem, and one will see why poor asthmatics like me have to suffer in a long stay on the island. I have always hated humid air, and I shall see how I get along. At 4.30pm, our boy Pierre came in to say that our car was ready to take us for a drive. I dressed hurriedly and missed my afternoon bath. At five we started. Pasha and Rashid were waiting for us at the Rockies. After about 3 miles drive, we halted in front of a big villa built of stones. The place looked quite sinister and we were met by several dogs barking at us. We thought we better stop until the owner came forward. Westergreen informed us that this was the French Chateau H.E. had informed us about. It belonged to a certain Mr Pilliéron67 who had died a few months ago, leaving a widow and two daughters. He was a planter and land owner of the islands. As we were standing at the door of the chateau trying to evade four barking dogs, I saw to my astonishment a lady clad in white, running down the chateau’s steps and calling to the four dogs. As she approached, I could see her clad in immaculate white gown – quite young – I would not give her more than 20 years of age – she gave the dogs a few orders in French and they seemed to disappear. She then turned around to us, leaned quite gently and asked us to come in. We are now inspecting a house for our residence with two beautiful women standing by. We did not take [to] the place and

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we preferred to stay at Bel Air. Anyhow we were ushered in and were met by a very charming woman, which we knew was Madame Pilliéron, wife of the deceased owner of the house. We inspected the ground floor. It was, as H.E. said, a wonderfully built house and had a sitting room and a dining room. We saw the top flat. Only some rooms were completed. We did not like this place. We bowed on leaving in the gallant French manner. I was told by Westergreen that Madame had two daughters in Africa, and that Mademoiselle was her cousin, a certain Miss Jumeau. Her father lived to the South of Victoria 17 miles away, that she was keeping company with Madame. We returned back home and sat on the lawn till 7pm when the Pasha and Rashid left. Westergreen had brought us the Voigtlander camera. I told him I would try a few films. If they are alright, we will buy it for 30 rupees. We discussed the Chateau again when dining and we, at last, preferred the mountain climate to the damp, depressing and smelling atmosphere of the sea shore – Demoiselle or no demoiselle.

Tuesday 19/10/1937 I awoke early as usual, but felt lazy that I stayed in bed till about 9am. Fuad and Yacoub thought I was sick. I coughed a lot this morning. Westergreen came at 10am. I hinted at the fact [that] we were accustomed to social life in Palestine. We entertained there and we would like to visit and be acquainted with some of the good families on the islands. He did not say anything. Apparently, we are under observation and not allowed yet to visit or accept visitors. We must be a dangerous lot, they think. Anyhow ‘Wait and See’ has always been my motto. It shall be so on this island too. After some time and some difficulty, we got hold of Reuters. The following is the information regarding Palestine: London. 15/10/37 8.12am Jerusalem. Two British constables were killed in an engagement with a large hoard of armed Arabs, near Bethlehem early this morning. Jerusalem. Authoritative circles deny that the troop train conveying the Royal Sussex Regiment was fired upon. London. 15/10/37 1.46pm Jerusalem. Curfew has been enforced all over the city from 6pm. There were many arrests today in different parts of the country; those arrested are confined in the Concentration Camp at Acre. London. 16/10/37 1.11pm Jerusalem. Today it is understood unless the situation in Palestine becomes considerably worse, martial law is not likely to be proclaimed. This decision, it is believed, was reached after a number of meetings today between the A/H.E. and police and army chiefs.

The Diaries London. 16/10/37 7.18am Jerusalem. The Grand Mufti has fled the country and reached Syria. London. 16/10/37 8.06am Jerusalem. The Customs shed, the wireless room and other buildings at Lydda Airport were burnt out at 3am this morning, the fires are suspected to be due to sabotage. London. 16/10/37 12.38pm Jerusalem. There was a dramatic dash in a motor off the shores of Palestine to Lebanon, which is understood was made by the Grand Mufti after secretly leaving the Mosque of Omar. The launch miscalculated the position in Lebanon where the motor car awaited him. A French coastguard cutter overhauled the launch, which was boarded by a French official who found a man garbed in Bedouin attire, but whose papers revealed that he was the Grand Mufti, who was then escorted to Beirut. The Lebanese authorities requested the Grand Mufti to leave Lebanon and he accordingly went to Damascus. London. 16/10/37 3.02pm Rome. Chiefs of most of the Arab tribes in Libya have telegraphed to Signor Mussolini, assuring him of their solidarity with the Arabs of Palestine over the recent events there ‘in consequence of the measures resorted to by the mandatory power’. The tone of the Italian press during the recent incidents in Palestine is markedly anti-British. London. 16/10/37 6.54pm Jerusalem. The Palestine Government has taken over the Moslem religious endowment and trusts previously controlled by the Grand Mufti. It proposes to appoint a commission to administer them temporarily in accordance with the law and for the benefit and objects for which they were founded. London. 17/10/37 11.18am Lucknow.68 A demonstration of Moslem Solidarity of India was the out coming feature of the all India Moslem League at a conference here, which concludes on Monday. The conference passed a resolution condemning the British Policy towards the Arabs in Palestine. It is not unlikely that several of the most prominent Moslem leaders of India will shortly visit Palestine in order to gain first-hand knowledge of the situation there. London. 17/10/37 2.07pm Jerusalem. Sporadic attacks on Britons and Jews continue; but the situation is generally regarded as greatly improved. According to Arab sources, the Arab rulers of states around Palestine sent a memorandum to the British and Palestine Governments offering their mediation to secure the return of the exiled Arab leaders; pointing out that their presence in Palestine was necessary in connection with the forthcoming arrival of the new Palestine Commission. London. 17/10/37 11.59pm Jerusalem. Apart from a few shots which were fired tonight in Jerusalem, all is reported as quiet.

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So ends the Tuesday news about Palestine. It may be we have to wait till Friday afternoon. We met Dr Bradley coming back from our visit to the Botanical Gardens. He chatted with us, informed us the news in brief and said that he is doing his best to get us a wireless set. He had told Souleiman and may be tomorrow night we will be sitting down to hear the news. We objected to his calling his bungalow Shalom. We said he must change it to Salaam. He is a very inquisitive and talkative chap this Dr Bradley. We thought the news about the Mufti were grand. He is now in Syria where an AHC can really amalgamate and function properly. We wondered however; who would dare to accept appointment on the new committee appointed to direct the affairs of the M.S.C. in the Mufti’s absence? We all thought that no Arab would dare to accept such a post. I am going to bed and am not sure what tomorrow may reveal. From what I heard today I am beginning to feel rather optimistic. Our stay on this island is not going to be longer than December 1937 and I hope that before the coming new year we may be either back in Palestine or on our way to it.

Wednesday 20/10/1937 In the afternoon Souleiman Moussa came with the wireless set (a battery one) … Souleiman fixed the radio at about 5pm. All was ready and we heard for the first time some good music from Manila (Philippine Islands). Then we got the news about Palestine from London: practically the same as those we read in Reuters yesterday.

Thursday 21/10/1937 I woke up early, opened my east south door overlooking the ocean and several of the green islands; and then lay down on my bed admiring the view. It was so picturesque. I thought of Wahideh and children, in fact I think of them every hour in the day and night. Why can’t the sea voyage take a shorter time, I would surely have told them to come. It is now three weeks since I left home and I still think of that eventful Friday morning 1/10/1937 when Riggs came to my house. I shall never forget that Friday, as I shall never forget the 20/8/1920 that eventful day when our train from Damascus to Haifa was attacked at the Khirbet el Ghazaleh station by the Druze. As there is nothing else to do this morning, I think I better record a few facts now about our islands. The information I record is taken from The Seychelles Hand Book  –  1928 written by a certain Mr S.H.C. Hawtrey. Here is a description of the Archipelago: The Seychelles Archipelago consists of  90 islands and islets lying in the Indian Ocean. The main island Mahé is 970 miles east of Mombasa on the African coast

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with an area of  55 sq. miles. The total estimated area of all the islands in the Archipelago is about 156 sq. miles. The climate is healthy and Malaria unknown. Population in 1928 is about 30,000. Mahé is the largest and most populated of the Seychelles. It is 17 miles long and about 7 miles broad at the widest part, rising abruptly from the sea to a height of 2,900ft. Mahé is the seat of the capital and focus of civilization of the Seychelles.

History of the Islands: Seychelles are named after Vicompte Hérault de Séchelles69 and are said to have been discovered either by the Portuguese navigator Pedro de Mascarenhas70 about  1505, or by the redoubtable Vasco de Gama71 three years previously. The Portuguese made no attempt to colonize the islands. Previous to French occupation, they were the resort of pirates or corsairs who infested the Indian Ocean, some of whose names are still home borne by their decedents in Mahé at the present time. The abolition of slavery in  1853 caused the usual economic upheaval of all the tropical countries which experienced it. But Seychelles was perhaps favoured in that British warships scouting between Mozambique and the Red Sea to capture slaves, would often sail to the harbour of Victoria to put on shore a number of captives whom it would not have been safe to release on the African coast. They were indentured to the settlers and were treated well. A few of them, captured as children, are still alive to the present day. Such is then a brief summary of the island on which we are destined to live for God knows how long. At times, I am optimistic and think that our stay is not going to exceed a few months. At other times, I feel depressed and pessimistic and say who knows we might stay for years. Are not the Lahj chieftains here more than 4 years now? Was not the Sultan of Zanzibar here for 20 years? Were not the African kings for years here? And were not some of them even buried on this island? What is the use of all this thinking? We are here and therefore let us make the best of it. If only we were allowed more freedom and meeting respectable people every now and then. As it is with Fuad and Yacoub only it is dreadfully monotonous.

Friday 22/10/1937 I wonder whether Wahideh is now thinking of me as she awoke. I am sure she will not forget me. She may now at this moment be talking to me. I wonder what she does all day long alone when the children all go to school. That was what passed through my brain as I sat in bed gazing at the wooden ceiling and massaging my massive abdominal pad of fat. I do this every morning and I think I am reducing. Fuad came into my room with his ‘Seychelles – Palestine’ first edition. I am the proprietor, Yacoub the manager and Fuad the responsible editor. It contains the news he got over the radio and an advertisement of the Curio Pension good food and plenty of it – healthy climate and so on. Fuad sent it down to the Rockies with the boy.

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Shave, bath and breakfast – coco-de-mer which Souleiman sent us yesterday from Praslin, a huge thing with four nuts in it as big as a big orange each and like white jelly with a nice sweetish taste. It is eaten iced and with sugar if necessary. Cook brought us Ishta [Custard Apple fruit] too, it is 5–6 times as big as the Jaffa one and not so tasty, rather like white butter. Westergreen brought the 11 snaps I took with the Voigtlander. They are good and I shall send a few to Wahideh with next mail. I must have a few snaps of the botanical garden views and different palms, trees and shrubs. In the afternoon Souleiman came with the Clarion and Reuters’ telegrams. The Pasha and Rashid came with him in his car from the Rockies. He is a veritable Indian gentleman and very well mannered. We still hear of disquieting news on the radio. The Jewish Inspector of Education was shot while entering his department, it must be Avinoam Yellin.72 Poor Yellin I don’t think he deserves it as he is one of the best Jews. And here are Reuters news: London. 18/10/37 9.12am Jerusalem. An Arab was shot dead in the main thoroughfare this morning and another was wounded in the suburbs of the city when rifle shots were fired at a party of Arab labourers on their way to work. 18/10/37 9.58am Jerusalem. It has been learnt that the victim of the outrage in the main thoroughfare is an Armenian who was wearing a Tarboush and was at first mistaken by the assailant for an Arab. He has been sent to hospital; his condition has been looked upon as critical. London. 18/10/37 8.27pm Jerusalem. An extraordinary Government Gazette announces that the new commissioner to manage the Moslem Religious Endowment Trust73 (See 16/10) consists of Judge Green who has recently arrived from Cyprus and Mr Kirkbride Assistant Government Secretary. Hussam el-din Jarallah74 is one of the most likely successors to the Grand Mufti as president of the M.S.C. and whose agreement to serve on the new commission is regarded as significant. Also, it is expected that the four remaining members of the Council will cooperate with the Commission. London. 19/10/37 10.02am Beirut. The Grand Mufti is staying at the residence of Dr Sameh Fakhouri75 whose house is being closely watched by the French Police. The Grand Mufti is forbidden to publish any statement. Paris. France is preparing to deport the Grand Mufti according to Pertinax76 writing in the Écho de Paris, which adds that the developments in Palestine may easily aggravate the Anglo-Italian conflict. London. 19/10/37 12.12pm Jerusalem. Palestine had the most peaceful night since the recent outrages. Stringent punitive measures are being taken; the precautions include armed British Police guards on the trains.

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London. 19/10/37 2.17pm Jerusalem. The Village of Dahiriah (Hebron District) which was the scene of an attack on the police station has been fined £2,000 and a number of houses corresponding to the number of rifles stolen from the Police station have been marked for destruction, one house however will be exempted for every rifle returned. According to Arab sources from Jerusalem, a new AHC is being formed in Syria, comprising the refugee members of the old AHC. London. 19/10/37 7.09pm Jerusalem. The curfew order at Jerusalem has been rescinded, thus indicating that the authorities regard the situation as greatly improved.

A further cable received on the  21/10/37 states that Avinoam Yellin was shot and condition critical. Spicer77 not returning. Saunders78 appointed I.G. (now in Nigeria) and Sir Charles Tegart79 ex-India Police arriving Palestine to advise police. Ormsby-Gore80 in House of Commons said in reply to a question [that the] immediate duty of Govt. [is to] restore order by taking vigorous measures to combat terrorism and protect lives of British officers and restore effective authority of British civil administration. Secretariat initializing scheme of added appointment of administrative, judicial and settlement staff. Mufti was working during his tenure of office against British authority etc. It still appears that condition is serious in Palestine. Told the Pasha why not wire the Hedjazi delegation in Cairo protesting about deporting him being a Hedjazi subject. Am sure this may lead to his release. The idea appealed to him but not to the other friends especially Rashid. Anyhow I thought he better think of it and we will discuss it again. Two hundred metres from our bungalow is another dilapidated one, inhabited by a black Seychellois family. They seem rather interested in us, as I see them sometimes during the day looking at us and trying to salute. At night I hear them whistling and flashing with an electric torch.

Saturday 23/10/1937 I woke early this morning at about 3.30am. I heard the rats moving about the roof. I slept again at 4.30 and awoke at 7am. The weather is rather warm and depressive. The sea was like a mirror dotted with canoes fishing. I asked Westergreen to make me an appointment with Dr Lanier the SMO to visit the Public Health Department and the hospital. I would like to see the place. There are a lot of tourists about this place and I told Fuad we should go some afternoon to the Palms Hotel to have tea. We may possibly meet some and have a chat. The mail is not due to arrive before the 7/11/37. I wish there was a weekly mail in this God-forgotten Island. I am really beginning to get fed up from our exile. It is so lonely here.

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A certain Mr Francis S. Moller, a retired old Englishman in Mahé – rich and land owner – came a few days ago and deposited his cards. The boy said he was drunk. I asked Westergreen about him, he said he was a respectable gentleman, but boozes himself rather too much. I do not wonder if he does so, because he apparently also feels lonely here: that is why he resorts to Bacchus [God of Wine] frequently. We gave Westergreen our cards and told him to return his call. The children are at home today. They have not gone to school, and I wonder how they are behaving and what is Wahideh doing for today. I am sure Ahmad and Anbara will visit them this evening. What does Ahmad [brother] think about Avinoam I wonder? The news must have shaken the Education Department. I am sure no Jewish official will come to the department. And they will ask for its transfer to a more central place. They did it with the D.C. offices and they succeeded. They seem to get everything they want with the Palestine Government. And Auster, what is he doing at the municipality? And how are the Arab members behaving? I wish I could get news about the municipality. I am sure Thuraya81 and Ribhi82 will both write. We went for a long walk this afternoon. I, the Pasha, Fuad, Yacoub and our guard Jumeau. It was to the western side of the island. One felt in Africa in this part of the island with its luxuriant vegetation, impenetrable in some places and all kinds of trees, the names of which I cannot remember. But cinnamon seems to be growing everywhere; here and there one can see the native huts amongst the trees and tiny black babies running about semi-naked. We saw a few springs too and small cascades and waterfall. The place seemed full of coco trees, breadfruit and huge Gazanias. There were no news on the radio – only one about somebody shooting at an Arab engineer who was seriously wounded. They gave no name and therefore I am really worried. Who can he be? [Afif] Touqan of the P.W.D. [Public Works Department] or Thuraya of the Municipality. It must be retaliation on the part of the Jews for the shooting of Yellin. We heard this night that Yellin died and the Government has announced £P 1,000 for information.

Sunday 24/10/1937 Fuad left for church with Westergreen this morning and Yacoub went to the Rockies. I remained alone. Breakfast as usual and writing my diary. How long are we staying on this island? Jumeau tells me that the general impression of the Seychellois public – he also heard it from our advocate – is that we will leave before the end of December 1937. It is good after all to hear the local gossip and I usually have a talk with our guards on local affairs. For example, I had a talk with him on labour. He informs me that a black person and his family employed on a plantation by the whites get from 5–6 rupees a month, i.e. 42 piasters as an average of 1.5 piasters a day. Isn’t that sheer slavery? They speak about cheap labour in Palestine and what government and the Jews have done to raise their wages and standard of living. And the rascals call Seychelles a Crown Colony and yet look at labour wages here; I would

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like to see Ben Zvi83 and tell him all about it. And these wages are paid in Victoria – the capital. What about the outlying islands? I am sure they get only half those wages. I was told that as the first of January is a national feast to the Seychellois, many of the inhabitants economize all the year round as everybody must have plenty to eat on the first three days of every new year. There is a lot of feasting – eating and booze. Dancing, singing and plenty tom-tom beating. If we stay till January, we will watch this rather interesting occasion. When I told Jumeau that the wage of an unskilled Arab labourer was over two rupees – three sometimes – and the Jewish labourer from 5–6 rupees per day he was astonished. A labourer in Jerusalem gets in one day what an African gets even in a month; and they dare say that slavery is abolished. Yacoub was imprisoned today at the Rockies on account of the rain and I had lunch alone with Fuad.

Monday 25/10/1937 Here is our twenty fifth morning since we left Jerusalem. This reminds me of the Central Prison in Jerusalem, when I happened to be in charge. I would ask a prisoner – how long have you been here? He would think a bit and say, for example, ‘35 months and 11 days’. I used to wonder how do these people remember. Did it occur to me that I would also one day count the days – nay possibly the months? I was thinking of that when I awoke this morning at 7am. My thoughts went to the children. Leila and Ameerah would be dressing and hastily taking breakfast to be in time for the bus. I wonder whether they go to school in these days of tension in Jerusalem? Adel and Hatem would; as their school is in a purely Arab quarter. I was so depressed this morning – in fact I felt pains down the back of my neck and shoulders. I thought I would remain in bed. At 8am Florence came in and said ‘good morning’ as usual. I had my cup of tea in bed, and remained there till 9am. Fuad and Yacoub were already dressed and went down to the Rockies. I dressed at 10am and went down to meet my friends. Westergreen was coming up. Midway we met the English Captain who left his cards. He stopped and we shook hands. He had a huge Wolf dog with him. He said he wanted to come and visit us and that he had already applied to the Legal Advisor. I thanked him and said how pleased I was to make his acquaintance. He is almost 55 and looks a sport. He must be some retired colonial official. At 12.30 we went back to our bungalow. It takes 15 minutes to walk there. It was raining and we had a nice ducking. Sleep in the afternoon and more rain, fog and clouds. Pasha and Rashid came in Souleiman’s car. Westergreen said our Committee was meeting tomorrow. Is there anything we wish to submit? ‘Two things’, I replied: ‘More freedom and visitors.’ We are beginning to crave for company, if the Committee do not allow this – God help them! Shall I go on hunger strike? If Wahideh hears this threat she will be mad and may rush to Seychelles to the rescue.

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The Pasha and the lot left us at 7pm and we turned as usual to the radio. We could get no news from Manila except that in Algiers there had been a fight in which cries of ‘Down with the Jews’ were heard. We not only said ‘Down with the Jews’ but damn them. They are the cause of our exile. I doubt whether I can sit again with any one of them. We got a very nice station – it looks like an African one – with some oriental music – it may be African but I can hear a Daff [Middle Eastern tambourine] with it and that reminds me of Palestine. As I sit writing at  7.50 waiting for Daventry,84 I can see the port’s lighthouse twinkling in the distance with Victoria 600 feet below. What nightlife, I wonder, can Victoria offer? I presume very little. There are no cafés – no other amusement places. No woman, I understand, can walk the streets after 9pm alone. It is a crime, and she may have to appear before a local magistrate. But what do the whites do? I presume English families dine together and play bridge as usual; and the French families like Madame Pilliéron and Mlle. Jumeau! What do they do? There must be Seychellois families who visit them. We could not get any news from London. The voice was so faint and far away. Bari was however different. It said there are still troubles in Palestine. Supplementary Police was enforced in 18 villages (11 [around] Jerusalem and 7 Gaza) for acts of sabotage. Two villages in Nazareth were fined £P 50 each for interfering with the oil pipeline. One home was blown up in the Jordan Valley for the same reason. The guards at Lydda station were fired at. A bomb was found under the rails near Gaza. A Jew was shot at in Haifa. Naji Suwaidi85 of Iraq is forming a new party taking up the Palestinian cause. The AllMoslem Conference was meeting shortly in India on account of Palestine. The foreign minister of Iraq stated all powers signing the oriental pact were against partition. France allowed the Mufti to stay in Lebanon and Syria. There were riots at Al Azhar [mosque] in Cairo.  12,000 students went on strike and a clash took place between them and the police resulting in five police killed and several students arrested. Riots in Algeria for Palestine against the Jews – 75 arrested. This was a bit of news after all and Palestine seems not to be forgotten by the Moslem world. If this continues all will be O.K. and may shorten our stay here.

Tuesday 26/10/1937 Woke up early but remained in bed. For the last few days I have been watching my pulse. I am having bradycardia86 instead of my usual tachycardia87 in Jerusalem, especially after lunch. I remember some day in Jerusalem, coming back from working all morning and lying down after lunch; my pulse was over  120  p.m.88 and sometimes up to  140  p.m. I must go and see Dr Lanier sometime to have my pressure recorded. Rashid had a talk last night with Adam Moussa about the existence of a mosque. There is no mosque in Seychelles. We thought why not build a small one, and today we shall go in the afternoon to see a suitable site. It will cost a few hundred pounds. The Moslem Indians will contribute, and we also, and an appeal to the Moslem world

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may bring the rest. I think if we succeed, we would leave a memory which would be everlasting on this island. At 5pm we received Reuters and here are the news: London 21/10/37 5.44pm There was a large attendance of members in the House of Commons on resumption after the summer recess. Ormsby-Gore at question time recounted the recent developments in the Palestine situation, and added that the appointment of the proposed new commission on Palestine was a long way off, as it is clear until the ordinary rules of law are obtained in Palestine, the sending of another commission was out of the question. Mr Spicer the Inspector General of the Palestine police was returning at the end of year due to ill health; he will be succeeded by Mr [Alan] Saunders, the Inspector General of the Nigerian Force. London. 22/10/37 at 8.42am. Jerusalem. An Arab was shot at and seriously wounded in the main thoroughfare this morning. London. 22/10/37 at 11.36am. Haifa. Two Arabs were shot this morning, one subsequently died, the assailants are unknown. London. 24/10/37 3.39pm. Jerusalem. Sections of the railway line near Jerusalem were found torn up this morning. Nearly all travelling in Palestine is now done in the daytime, and train service is suspended at night. The main roads are almost deserted except for police and military patrol cars, but most of the ambushes are just before sunset, thus enabling the snipers to take advantage of the light and then escape under cover of dusk. Five thousand people including British officials attended the funeral of Mr Yellin. An Arab house in the vicinity of the place where the Iraq pipeline has been continually punctured was blown up as a preventative measure.

The situation remains serious as usual and as last year. Even the words of OrmsbyGore are practically the same as those he used to utter last year in the House of Commons. And the preventative and punitive measures are also the same – but what was their effect? Can’t these British authorities see at last the futility of what they are doing? They think that terrorism can be fought by counter terrorism as they do in Africa and India. I told Professor Coupland89 of the Royal Commission when discussing representative councils and Government, that Palestine is not Africa or India. If the African colonies and the Indian people know how to ask for their rights, as we in Palestine do, England will not have an easy time there. I wish to God that the general British public opinion may at last awake to what is happening in Palestine and oblige their government to maintain British prestige and justice, and friendly relations with the Arab nation. The Jews are all Bolsheviks. They have destroyed Russia, and if the British are not careful, who knows whether the tragedy will not be repeated again. I

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understand Great Britain defending the rights of British Jews – but I can’t imagine Great Britain defending fanatic rights of alien Jews – Jews who have fought against her in the Great War. The Pasha told me that he enjoyed his afternoon walk in the town – where they saw a lot of nice Bints [women]. He also saw, he said, ‘Our lady of the Chateau’. They inspected the mosque site, and the Moslem Indians had already contributed £ 200.

Wednesday 27/10/1937 I awoke at about 2.30am and could not sleep. Fuad told me he felt the same and thought it may be due to the hardness of the coconut mattress. It rained a little in the early morning. One thing we practically don’t know in this country is ‘dust’. The Mufti, we understood, is still in Lebanon. Negotiations are still on between England and France as to his further fate. He was offered to stay in France, it is stated, but he refused and it is likely that he will be requested to stay in a small village in Lebanon under observation and will not be allowed to communicate or leave the place. In other words, he is like us in the Seychelles. I wonder what are his impressions about general matters after what Govt. did? Would it not have been more honourable for him to be with us at Mahé? To avoid that dramatic rush in a motor launch to Lebanon. What happened too to the other Husseinis? And his officials at the M.S.C.? ‘Wait and see – my dear boy’ is what I usually say in such circumstances. Fuad tells me that the London news at 7am stated that a Jewish labourer was killed and an Arab policeman was wounded in a lorry coming up from Jericho. It may be the Potash Company’s lorries. It is also stated that two Jewish constables were shot at in Jerusalem, one of them was slightly wounded. This is why one craves for a radio in this country. You get the news daily instead of having to wait for Reuters here, twice a week. I forgot to mention that we were attacked last night by big swarms of white fly ants and big black ants and small white moths. They made us feel miserable and our African boys were engaged for about an hour beating them with brooms. Pasha and Rashid came at 5pm and we had our usual talk about Palestine and how long we are to remain on the island. The Pasha gave up the idea of sending a despatch to the Saudi legation at Cairo about his nationality. That may complicate matters. He had so many financial interests in the country that he could not afford to be turned out, [and] prevented from residing there in future. At about  6.30pm Major Moller called and we had a long talk. He would have nothing to drink, as he was a teetotaller, he said. We touched on the Palestine problem and I naturally did not want to discuss the matter in detail with him for the first time. It appears he is an intimate friend of the Governor, Mr Grimble. He invited us to have a cup of Turkish coffee with him tomorrow at 11am. His cook knows how to do it, as he used to be Zaghloul Pasha’s cook when he was deported to Seychelles years ago. He also invited us to drop in every now and then to his bungalow the Mon Rêve whenever

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we felt tired coming from or going to the Rockies. He seems to be a charming man and very hospitable and obliging. He is a retired army major and apparently very rich – married – but his wife is in England and is coming soon. He came to the islands in January  1937. He liked the place and bought a piece of land and is building a nice bungalow at Sans Souci and will live permanently here. He left at 7.30 followed by the Pasha and Rashid. There were some rather interesting items from the Bari station. It said that the Ulema90 of Acre have telegraphed H.M. the King asking for the return of the Mufti and the release of interned Ulema. There were other identical telegrams and protests from Iraq and India about the Mufti. But nobody seems to mention the deportees of Seychelles. I was furious about it and I said in a clear and frank manner to my two friends what I thought of it. Darn the Ulema and the Iraqis. As if we were of secondary importance and the case of Palestine is that of the Mufti! If the Mufti comes back then all will become quiet. Apparently, somebody is acting again and we are to see the repetition of the 1920 comedy! ‘If you appoint Haj Amin as Mufti, then all will be quiet’, said the late [Musa] Kazim Pasha [Husseini] to Sir Herbert Samuel, the then High Commissioner. ‘If you return the Mufti before Ramadan, then the country will be quiet’ is the slogan of the day! They are beginning to bargain again – the Husseinis! If the Mufti was a real leader he would say – even if you permit me to come back, I shall not do so before the deportees of the Seychelles come before me. But what does he care about the deportees? Isn’t his chair of President of the M.S.C. worth more than dozens, hundreds of deportees, interned and imprisoned? I couldn’t help it. I had to say everything that occurred to me at the moment. I revealed what happened in the past and Yacoub was with me although Fuad tried to find excuses for the Mufti as usual. Would it not have been better for the Mufti to remain at the Haram [al-Shareef] during Ramadan? Rather than flee the country – as he did in 1920? As long as he remained within the precinct of the Haram area, he was surely immune from arrest and he knows that. When we meet again, I shall tell him what I think of him. I have advised him time after time not to desert, but stick to his post. Now that he is working for himself – we are being treated as second handish or rather as a zero to the left!

Thursday 28/10/1937 At 11am we went to Mon Rêve bungalow to pay a visit to Major Moller. We found him waiting for us with a certain Captain Wardlaw. We were introduced and sat down on his veranda. It is a gorgeous sight from here. You can see the town, the harbour, long pier and 19 of the outlying islands. His Wolf dog, a smaller one and a white cat seemed to be all en famille. It was great fun seeing the two doggies playing with pussie. Captain Wardlaw is a short rather well-built spectacled gentleman with a reddish round face. He seems to be also a retired officer. He had been on the island for one year and intends to stay another year. He lives next door to Major Moller and is

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writing a book we understand. He lives alone and seems to be a bachelor. He knows a little Arabic. He was in Sudan and the Sinai desert. He came to Jerusalem twice, he said, in 1922 and 1935 with Jarvis Bey Governor of Sinai.91 I told him I met Jarvis at Government House in Jerusalem at a dinner given by H.E. He was also there he said, and I think now I remember his face. We spoke all about the [Sinai] desert. Nakhel, Thamad, Gharandel, Kosaimah, El Arish and other places. We spoke about Palestine and Jerusalem. He was struck by the difference in 1922 and what he saw in 1935. We spoke about books, Lawrence92 and others. For the first time, I hear from him that Lawrence was offered the post of High Commissioner in Egypt after Lord Lloyd.93 He heard it from Peake Pasha94 who in turn heard it from Winston Churchill when he visited Palestine and Transjordania. But Lawrence refused this very high post. In fact, both were really very kind and obliging and we spent there about an hour. He gave us Turkish Coffee and I think it is the best coffee I drank since I left Haj Ali of the municipality and Maryam.95 Well it was done by the cook of Zaghloul Pasha and he still remembers how to do it. The Major asked whether I have anything to criticize it. I said yes, it can be improved by less roasting, less sugar and less thick. He promised to tell his cook about [it]. I think the sight of Mon Rêve is one of the best on the island; and is very nicely furnished – much better than our bungalow. The Major told me he pays 60 rupees a month furnished and with water and I think electricity, i.e. £ 4.50. You can’t get one furnished room at Jerusalem for this amount. I am told that the Major is a very rich man. He has got an income of about 5,000 rupees a month. Pasha and Rashid were invited to have lunch with us and behold we had a stuffed chicken Mahshi – comme il faut. It was very well done indeed and he congratulated cook, and both he and Rashid said that this was the first real meal which they ate since leaving Palestine. He wanted to come bag and baggage to live at Curio he said. Major Moller was kind enough and gave me a book to read. It is called Desert Encounter written by a young Danish writer called Knud Holmboe. He was a convert to Islam and travelled in Arabia. He was said to be murdered by Bedouins in Transjordania, near Aqaba, a few years ago, while trying to go to Mecca. The book deals with his travels across Morocco, Algeria, and Syria. I have read part of it this afternoon and I think it is a rather interesting one. There was a slight shower before sunset and the sky cloudy. I don’t think they even have an all clear sky at Mahé at all. That was the impression of Major Moller during his ten months stay on the island. The boat is coming from Bombay on the  2/11/37 – Balfour [Declaration] Day – what a coincidence. I wonder whether we have any letters with the mail. Everybody knew that we were heading for Seychelles on the second or third of October. And there is no reason why they should not write. I wonder whether I will have a letter from Wahideh. It will be grand I am sure. The boat is returning from Mombasa to Mahé on the 7/11/37, so that there is a chance of sending some more letters via Bombay. There is a lot to write about especially to Wahideh and the children. I shall not forget to write to Uncle Saad el-din.96 Now that I am exiled and the M.S.C. no more, that appeal case to the King’s Council may not be lodged and I am sure Uncle Saad el-din will do his best to collect my share in the expenses as arranged. Mother may send my share too, if she cashes her sum.

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What is Ahmad doing tonight? He may be at Abu Salah’s house or they may both be with Wahideh. I wonder whether they think of me whenever they meet. I hope Ahmad is not teasing Wahideh with all his usual stuff and nonsense. ‘Didn’t I tell you he must leave the AHC whatever may be the results?’ and so on as he used to say time after time when I was in Jerusalem. Well, Ahmad may be right after all and I should have left and delegated to [Mahmoud] Abu Khadra97 or [Thuraya] Budeiri. It is Kismet [destiny] as we usually say in the East. Had I taken all my three months leave (August, September and October) and spent them in Lebanon, I should have not been here now. Nothing special from Bari; and at  9.30 I was fed [up] and went to my room. At 10.10pm Fuad came rushing in. It was stated in the House of Commons by the Colonial Secretary that Sir Arthur Wauchope98 has submitted his resignation – that he would return to Palestine in mid-November and would retire at the end of the year. That ill health was the cause of his resignation before the expiration of his term of office. The Colonial Secretary thanked the High Commissioner for his excellent work during the last 6 years in spite of the great difficulties etc. This is good news. Sir Wauchope does not resign from ill health. He has nerves like steel. It is evident that while on leave in England he must have been conferring with the Colonial Office about Palestine affairs. I am sure he disagrees with the measures they are now taking in the country and has therefore no alternative but to submit his resignation. He should have done so last year. He would have saved his name and honour and the prestige of Britain and its straight forward administrators. We will hear later who is to replace him. It may be Admiral Cheltwood. I wish they could send a rather sensible man.

Friday 29/10/1937 I was awake again at 4am this morning. It seems it is becoming a habit with me to rise early. I took hold of Knud Holmboe’s book and read for about two hours. I will write my impressions about what the author saw in Italian North Africa as soon as I complete the book. It is written in a very frank manner and criticizes the Italian rule and their atrocities in a merciless manner. His trip was done during the Senussi riots,99 headed by the late Omar El Mukhtar100 – the old and vulnerable man – who was shot by the Italians after he surrendered. We heard that four Jews were wounded (one killed) in Jerusalem streets; therefore, curfew was imposed in the city. Things are still flaring up in Palestine.

Saturday 30/10/1937 I again woke up this morning at 4am and had a rather nasty fit of coughing. We got the Clarion newspaper and Reuters today. There is only one item of news in it about Palestine. It says:

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London. 27/10/37 4.46pm Jerusalem. Thirty Ulema in the Gaza district published a manifesto in the Arabic press in connection with the imposition of collective fines and arrests in their area. The manifesto condemns terrorist bombing and sabotage and declares that the Ulema have decided to conduct a propaganda campaign to end outrages.

I wonder who are the blighters who have signed that manifesto? And what do they mean by it? Ragheb Nashashibi101 is behind all this. In our interviews with the Governor when we reached Mahé, we had asked for a copy of the warrant of our deportation. This was sent to us today and I thought I better record it here: In exercise of the powers vested in me by Regulation  15 of the Emergency Regulations of  1936, I, William Davis Battershill, Officer Administering the Govt. of Palestine, as hereby order Dr Hussein Khalidi to leave and remain out of Palestine. I further order that the said Dr Hussein Khalidi be detained in Seychelles until further order by me, and I further add the Inspector General of Police to take Dr Hussein Khalidi and place him on board His Majesty’s Ship Sussex, and I direct the Commander thereof to convey and arrange to have conveyed the said Dr Hussein Khalidi to Seychelles and there to hand him over to such person as the Governor of the Seychelles shall direct. Ordered under my hand this 30th day of September 1937 Signed W.D. Battershill Officer Administering the Government

Westergreen brought us a letter from the Committee about our finances, it is now as follows: Legal Advisor’s Office Seychelles 29/10/37





Gentlemen, 1. I have the honour to inform you that it has been decided with the approval of the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State, to grant you as from the 1st of November, a maintenance allowance at the rate of six rupees per head per day payable from Palestine funds. 2. House rent will be paid by this Government as it falls due and later recovered from the Government of Palestine, but the cost of servants, washing and lighting will have to be met from the maintenance allowance granted. 3.  The rates of pay have been agreed upon with the servants at present employed are: Cook (Jean Chelty) 30 rupees p[er] m[onth] Houseboy (Pierre Simon) 15 rupees p.m. Maid (Florence Cecilia) 8 rupees p.m.

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Washerwoman (Mrs C. Labrosse) 18 rupees p.m. Boy 4 rupees p.m. Gardener 12 rupees p.m.

4.  The monthly charge for electric light is 12 rupees per unit. 5. I have prepared a voucher for the allowance for the month of November and I am arranging for the amount, i.e. 540 rupees – to be drawn and paid to you for management by yourselves. I have the honour etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang Hussein Khalidi, Ghossein and Saba.

A similar letter was sent to the Pasha and Rashid, but their allowance was 7 rupees per head per day. This is because they were only two and had to pay a similar amount in rent and wages. We discussed this matter in detail with each other and made our calculations accordingly. We found we needed more to cover all expenses including drinks and cigarettes and especially transport expenses. We also found after careful investigation that the food was not as cheap as we thought before. With the exception of fish, everything seemed to be cheaper in Palestine especially taxi fares. Pasha and Rashid were of the same opinion and we decided to take the money and submit our protest to Palestine through the Governor. Apparently, they are under-estimating our standard of living, or maybe it is on the advice of the local government that this maintenance allowance was fixed. I shall prepare the draft tomorrow. Fuad will translate it and if everybody agrees to it, we will forward it. I think it must be a stiff and nasty one this time without offending the local authorities. I read a very interesting book which we took from Major Moller the other day on life in Seychelles. It is written by the Rev. Archdeacon J.A.F. Ozanne who stayed four or five years as protestant minister and is called Coconuts and Créoles, published by Phillip Allan and Co. Ltd. in 1936 at London. I must order a copy of it and keep it in my library. It contains every information one may wish about the Seychelles islands and its inhabitants. It is now  8pm and we want to hear something about Palestine. It is reported from London that the authorities have closed five of the seven gates of the Old City of Jerusalem and declared curfew within the wall limits till further notice, and that this is the first time that such an act was resorted to or done since the old Turkish time. This is rather interesting and the doors they must have closed would be the New Gate or Damascus Gate – Herod’s Gate – Sittna Maryam or St. Stephen’s Gate – Dung Gate (Haret el Maghariba) and Zion Gate. This is to allow access to the Old City possibly through Jaffa Gate only to ensure more control, less smuggling of arms from and into the Old City. I wonder who thought of it. It cannot have come from Maclaren

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Figure 2  Palestine deportees in the garden of Villa Curio, Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles: (R to L) Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Rashid Haj Ibrahim, Yacoub Ghossein and Hussein Fakhri Khalidi (autumn 1937).

the D.C.102 He is a microcephaly and has no Mukh (brains!). It may be from Badcock,103 his assistant. He is a fascist fellow that assistant! His eyes look it.

Sunday 31/10/1937 Awoke at my usual hour 4am and remained tossing in bed until I heard Pierre’s knock at my door getting the morning cup of tea at 7am. While enjoying the cool tub the reply to the letter came to my mind and after I completed my bath, I sat down and wrote it. I handed it to Fuad for additions or deletions, and asked him to translate it for the other three. I have been thinking what to do if the Palestine Govt. does not accede to our request in increasing our maintenance. I am really fed up from this life. I am honestly thinking of going on a hunger strike, and have nothing but water. What will happen? I don’t care. I will first make my threat and then put it into effect. I am sure I can live 30 days on water; and if I die at the end – well Ma-Salaameh [Goodbye]. It is really a matter of principle and one must do something about it. The Govt. here will inform Palestine. There will be an exchange of cables, informing them of my condition day by day. Poor Wahideh may happen to know about it. She will surely cable asking me to refrain from continuing. I will refuse and she may come rushing by plane to Nairobi and then to

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Mombasa and Mahé. She may be able to reach before I pass away, and then I don’t know what the consequences of her coming may be in persuading me to stop my fast. But would that be fair towards my family and children? Why punish the innocent? And who will look after them? God knows! I am sure Wahideh will not live long after that. But she must for the sake of the children. Anyone noticing what I am writing now, may think that I have gone mad. I am surely not. Damn it after all. What is the use of living under such surroundings and with no idea as to when are we to be allowed to return to our country? We have not been created to sleep and drink and eat only and be treated like birds in a cage. I don’t know why I feel so depressed, but in reality, there must be something wrong – I am in what may be called the ‘biting mood’. My two friends with whom I live noticed that. In fact, Yacoub began by trying to pacify me. I would not listen to them. Something seemed to be wrong with me. I could not have any sleep in the afternoon – not at all – I tried to, but in vain – I began reading all about the colonies. I think it was the Crown Colonist or a similar magazine. At 4pm although awake all the time I missed my afternoon bath and had to dress hastily, as I could hear the car hooting. I was all dressed and ready and suddenly it began to rain – and rain it did till about 4.30pm. We could not decide whether it was worthwhile going out or remaining at home. At last it stopped and cramming ourselves in the small Austin taxi we went to the Rockies. The Pasha, Rashid and Westergreen were waiting for us impatiently. It was not our fault but the skies! How were we to know that it was going to rain this afternoon? We drove into Victoria and then to the Palm Hotel. We proceeded to the north western veranda of the hotel expecting to find company i.e. tourists. We found none; and in a few minutes a waiter whom I thought to be an Indo-Chinaman, came and bowed. I ordered a soda, Fuad a ‘chop’ of beer and the rest lemonades. Our order was attended to at once. Madame the manageress at once changed costumes. A bluish pyjama pants and a white shirt. She looked marvellous although I am sure she has seen the best of forty-five years. Drinks were served and all of a sudden, a medium rather stoutish fellow in shorts came forward and bowed. Westergreen introduced him as the owner manager and proprietor of the hotel. The usual ‘how do you do’s’ were exchanged, ‘and I hope business is flourishing’ and so on. He went inside and a few moments later he came again and bowed. ‘Who is the Mayor of Jerusalem?’ he said. ‘It is me’, I replied. ‘Well Sir, I am honoured’, he said. ‘Very pleased to make your acquaintance.’ I replied accordingly. ‘I have been to Jerusalem every year’, he said, ‘since 1927–1931 as a tourist agent of Jamal Bros.’ ‘You should visit Jerusalem after the King David Hotel was built’, I said. ‘Is it better than the Semeramis?’, he asked. ‘I think it is the most luxurious hotel in the Near East’, I replied.

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He mentioned Zeiler and when I told him that Baehler104 was dead two months ago he was quite shocked. He retreated and few minutes later came back with the most wonderful mango fruit that I have ever seen on the Island. ‘This is for you, Sir’, he said bowing in the most elegant French way. After having two ‘sun downers’ we thought we better have a move. We told the hotel people we were going to the Jardins Botaniques. Would they be kind enough to direct our drivers accordingly? Madame in her blue pyjamas bowed. I looked at her for the first time – and by Jove her face made me think of Madame Mancini105 – but en bas she is not the same … But she is nice to look at – dark blue eyes – round face – a smiling mouth and some grey hairs in her head. We walked slowly. Everybody seems grinning at us. We passed many a bungalow – quite respectable looking with many an eau oxygenée haired demoiselle sitting on the veranda. We entered the Jardins Botaniques. They are a real gem in Mahé but they were practically deserted. I said to Westergreen that on a Sunday I thought the place would be crammed. He shrugged his shoulders. ‘Mais non’, he said. ‘Les Jardins Botaniques are only the places of rendez-vous.’ ‘There must be many rendez-vous les dimanches’, I said. ‘Mais oui c’est vrai – But it is the rains!’ ‘C’est ça – Damn the rains’, I replied.

Figure  3 Photo of Wahideh, H.F. Khalidi’s wife, in Jerusalem, sent by her to him (summer 1938).

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Figure 4  Photo of H.F. Khalidi’s daughters Leila (R) and Ameerah in Jerusalem, sent to him (summer 1938).

Well we left the blooming gardens and putting down the hood of our car, which met us there, we drove back to Victoria. En route dozens of black and other girls ‘whippied’ while we passed. We ignored everybody, especially I had a very stern looking face. We drove up to the Rockies and then to Curio. Just as we were alighting, we were met by a heavy shower and we had to run. Adam Moussa had sent the ‘trick-track’ we have ordered. It is a small one with a big dice, but I managed to have a game or two with Yacoub followed by Mahbouseh.106 He is a novice although he pretends to be a grand player! Well, I can beat him easily in both.

Monday 1/11/1937 Awoke at 7am. In spite of the fact that I slept soundly the whole night, I had a nasty fit of coughing which lasted about  15 minutes and my chest was wheezing like a harmonium. I think the climate of the tropics is beginning to affect my health.

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This is the first day of the second month since we left Jerusalem, and God only knows how many first days of how many months are we going to count until we are released. All of us are awaiting tomorrow’s mail. Will we be disappointed? And receive nothing, or will we be lucky? I wish we were awaiting that big steamer to take us back. It is the first of November today and as such the first of Ramadan. The evening gun would go ‘bang’ today. Who knows what Auster may do about the expenses of this gun shooting for feasts done by the municipality? He may refuse to meet it – but I don’t think he would dare meddle with the status quo. This is the first Ramadan I spend out of Jerusalem ever since 1920, will it be the last? The Sultan of Zanzibar spent twenty Ramadans here. I wonder how do they feel about it at home and what are the Moslems doing in Jerusalem after the dissolution of the M.S.C.? We have not yet heard anything about this institution; neither about Sheikh Hussam Jarallah. And what about the mahya?107 Who will attend to it instead of the Grand Mufti! Fuad went with the Pasha and Rashid to the Roman Catholic Church this afternoon to attend mass. It being All Saints Day and an official holiday too. From there they went again and visited the Botanical Gardens. We passed the evening in the usual way – ‘trick-track’ with Yacoub – music from the radio and listening to the news. There was nothing special from London tonight. We thought it would be better first to go and meet the Committee with regards to our maintenance allowance. They may [be] convinced verbally before we declare war!

Figure 5  Photo of Port Victoria and the ocean taken from Villa Curio (1938).

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Tuesday 2/11/1937 I awoke early this morning at 6.30 and loitered about the garden in my short pants and supervised the gardener doing his work and ordered him to plant some flowers here and there. I went back to bed and dozed for an hour. I read an old weekly El-Fateh edited by Muhib el-Din al-Khatib at Cairo. It is a Moslem affairs paper. I did not miss even the smallest advertisement, as I have nothing to read this morning. It had not occurred to me that today was the Balfour Declaration day, until Fuad came this morning with his ‘Seychelles – Palestine’ with a black band surrounding it. Our paper is even mourning for the sake of Palestine. I wonder would there be any black flags on Arab shops in our country? Who is going to organize that? Ibrahim Darwish and party are safely locked in Acre. There are a few items of news this morning. A question in Parliament about demolition of homes as a punitive measure and a reply from Ormsby-Gore that it is not intended to withdraw such a measure at present. One Arab and one Jew seriously wounded in Jerusalem. The great floods to the north east of Damascus are subsiding; and the court dismissed the case of the person accused in plotting against Emir Abdullah. He is Jaouni I think and Hassan Sidki Dajani is defending him. Dajani would surely be overwhelmed with joy at his success. He thinks too much of himself and he has already cashed his £P 70 from the poor Jaounis. The steamer is steaming in very slowly now. It has now stopped in the deep harbour and is anchoring. Mail – mail – mail, that is what I now want, and some letters from Wahideh and others, or have we got to wait till the 30th of November when Kenya’s sister ship comes on her next trip? All the motor launches in Mahé seem to be heading towards S.S. Kenya and at about 11am she was surrounded. At  3.30 the cars came and we went to see what was happening at Mont Fleuri Cemetery. It is All Saint’s Day. We drove across the Mt. Fleuri road. Constables were on duty here and there. We arrived and descended from our cars. It is a big cemetery nicely arranged. What strikes one at first is the abundance of flowers in all kinds of pots. Porcelain, iron, brass of all sizes – shapes and designs placed on the graves with young ladies tidying them up and cleaning the ground from pebbles, grass and so on. There are hundreds and hundreds of those pots full of all kinds of wonderfully coloured flowers. The ascent through the cemetery which is of hard granite rock, leads to a sort of amphitheatre surrounded to the west-north by sinister looking granite blocks and mountains. The place seemed to be full. All the inhabitants of Victoria were out. There must be a few thousand attending, mostly blacks garbed in white and the girls in white also or multi-coloured frocks. All were listening solemnly to the sermon of a tall bearded Roman Catholic priest speaking in fluent French. He was standing on a boulder, his face to the sea shouting with the top of his voice and gesticulating with his long arms. He is a speaker, that fellow, and everybody seemed to be spellbound by his eloquence. He was constantly addressing the crowd Mes Chèrs frères – I did not hear him once say Mes Chères soeurs

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although  75% of those present were ladies. He was speaking about the ‘dear dead ones’ and ‘la purgatoire’, ‘les agonies et les douleurs’ and so on and so forth. He was endeavouring to cleanse the spirits of the members of his community. It occurred to me as I was listening and watching the masses ‘crossing’ their faces and chests; what would be the effect of a Moslem preacher of that calibre and fluency, rising up and addressing them in the language they understand about the teaching of Islam? Telling them in plain language about the simplicity of Islam and its teaching. I am sure after a few speeches most of them will be converted. Islam appeals to the simple mind of the average African. ‘There is no god but God and Mohamed is his prophet’, followed by a few of the fundamental rules in Islam and the whole thing will work like magic. I wish we had big missionary societies like the Protestants and or the Catholics. Adam Moussa came at  7pm with Reuters. There was nothing in it except the following: London. 28/10/37 4.41pm General Wauchope the High Commissioner for Palestine has been granted permission to be relieved from his duties early next year. Ormsby-Gore announced this in the course of a written reply stating that General Wauchope suffered from illness since he left home last September. He hopes to resume his post about the middle of November but has intimated that he feels his health will not permit the completion of his full second term of office. Ormsby-Gore expressed the Government’s deep appreciation of General Wauchope’s services to the State.

There is an item of news about the Damascus flood in which 1000s were drowned and about 10,000 rendered homeless as the result of terrific rains. The damage being heaviest at Kalamoun108 district. Sheikh Yousef Yassin109 and Ibn Saud’s chancellor who were travelling to Baghdad in a car are reported missing and are believed to have perished in the floods. Adam Moussa is going to Bombay on Sunday where he will remain six months. We invited him to come and have lunch with us on Friday. There are no news from Palestine except Reuters says that there were no black flags displayed on the second of November. I thought so myself, and stated before that Ibrahim Darwish and Co are locked up. An item from Bari says a manifesto signed by some Arabs was issued protesting against the dissolution of the M.S.C. and asking for the re-instatement of the Mufti and return of the deportees. Those who signed it will go to Acre [detention camp]! Floods in Beersheba too, and several Bedouins drowned. Reuters will mention that and state relief measures taken by the benevolent Palestine Government.

Wednesday 3/11/1937 Awoke at 3.30am and could not sleep at all. Wheezing and coughing as usual. Even our asthmatic gardener whom I saw at 4am told me he could hear me cough at night from his distant hut. Then the other thing he asked was ‘Did Monsieur get a letter from

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Madame?’ I sighed and replied ‘Alas, I don’t know yet. I am awaiting the coming of Westergreen.’ He grinned and said ‘I know what it is to be far from one’s family’. Westergreen came while I was having breakfast. There is one letter only, he said for Fuad – addressed care of the Governor. He is lucky, but we have to wait till the 7th inst. or till the 30th inst. It is really so disappointing. Have they forgotten all about us in Palestine? On the 2nd October everybody knew where we were heading to, Seychelles. Why the devil then couldn’t somebody scribble a few letters and forward them to us c/o of the Governor as Fuad’s people did? I shall give everybody hot when I return, if ever we do! Fuad had received a letter from his brother Aziz by air mail. It was dated the 7/10/37, went by airmail to London where it reached there on 10/10/37 – back to Karachi – then Bombay and to Mahé – i.e. it took 26 days to reach its destination. Apparently, Aziz only knew of our address on the 7/10/37 and he tells Fuad in his letter that having got hold of our address, he had the same day communicated it to my people in Jerusalem. There are no local news, it seems they know that letters are censored. Fuad had two copies of the Weekly Times, the last dated the 7th October. Under news of the week it contained an item headed ‘Action in Palestine’. It speaks about the Nazareth murders, and that on Friday (1/10/37) Govt. took action … The mayor of Jerusalem, and several others were at once secured for deportation and the Grand Mufti was deprived of his offices. In a letter from the Times correspondent in Jerusalem under the heading of ‘Arab Leaders Proscribed – Ban on Higher Committee – An Answer to Terrorism in Palestine’, the correspondent describes what happened and how the arrests were effected Friday morning. He further says that apparently it is not intended to arrest the Mufti – some consider this course to be a sign of weakness, but others claim that the important thing is that he has been deprived of control of funds of the M.S.C. He then says: Arab opinion professes great surprise at the deportation of Dr Hussein Khalidi, Fuad Saba and Ahmad Hilmi Pasha who are considered to be incapable of subscribing consciously to any action leading to murder. The last was included since as Director of the Arab Bank, he was in a position to transfer illicit funds. The Government announcement refers to these three as ‘morally responsible’ a phrase from which it seems that owing to lack of evidence, there is no intention of instituting legal proceedings against them. Jewish circles express great satisfaction at the measures, which they have long urged.

Please note – dictating again! He then gives the communiqué which I think I ought to record as it is of singular interest for the future. The Palestine Government has been gravely concerned by the existence of an organized campaign of terrorism and assassinations directed against individuals in this country. During the last four months this campaign has become intensified in its activities. The action now being taken is a direct result of this murder campaign. On June  13, an attempt was made to assassinate Mr R.G.B. Spicer the I.G. There followed a number of assassinations of both Arabs and Jews, the

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The Times also contains an editorial called ‘Action in Palestine’. The communiqué does not explain why it has taken the local and Imperial governments over three months to make up their minds to take drastic action against individuals who were morally responsible for the disorders and terrorism which have afflicted the Holy Land … that the Jews felt an intense relief (and so on).

I wonder who is the Times correspondent who wrote that article. It may be Lumby111 or Eamon Bridgeman. We shall see later on. I read a French book brought by Fuad from Major Moller. It had just arrived with his mail. It is called Histoires de France – Les Derniers Terroristes par G. Lenotre (Librairie de Paris Firmin-Didot et Cie). It is rather an interesting book. It deals with a plot of an infernal machine which exploded while Napoleon was going to the Opera; and how he ordered the deportation to Seychelles of some 100 known anarchists and terrorists, and their sea trip round the cape to Mahé and sojourn on this island and their departure and the difficulties and misery that confronted them and how they died out later. Fuad went with Rashid and the Pasha to the small bazaar held by the Protestant community. They brought some needle work and coconut fibre articles. Not very impressive but souvenirs. It is very hot and I am sweating and white ants are buzzing around my head and creeping over my arms. I was telling the Pasha this evening that as long as Ragheb Nashashibi is still in Palestine, I am afraid things will settle down and the people will begin to accept the fait accompli. The next Commission will come – He and his party will cooperate and we will not [leave] here until everything is settled. It may take a few years. What are we going to do about it? He said he was telling Rashid this only last night and he agreed with me. The Mufti should not have left the mosque area – whatever may have happened. Ramadan was approaching and no one would ever dream of getting him during that month. Fuad was telling me just now that he had met the Chief Justice of the Island at the bazaar. He is a venerable old Englishman. Chief Justice of Hebron and district! Three times as big as Seychelles. He seems to be fed up from the laws of this country which are predominately French and he had been brought up in the English Law. What a contrast to Palestine!! Imagine Great Britain cannot change the rules and laws of Seychelles Islands (occupied only for less than half a century by the French) and whose inhabitants speak French and are Roman Catholics. But the same Great Britain comes to Palestine

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(which is not a Crown Colony but a mandated Territory) and whose rules and laws were Ottoman i.e. French Napoleonic code (the same as Seychelles) and which were practiced and enforced for the last 400–500 years. And yet in less than twenty years – Ottoman Laws, i.e. the French code to which the inhabitants of Palestine are accustomed, is blown off and English law enforced! And they say that Great Britain is friendly towards the Arabs and the Moslem world. She dares not face a few hundred French Seychellois – with two Catholic papers, backed by the Roman Catholic world. ‘Rule Britannia’ they say and she really rules. Unless we put up a fight and a darn good fight too – Great Britain will not – or does not want to understand – no matter how dear the English blood may be. Empires come and empires go. One day we will see their turn and I hope it will be a peaceful one. I wish I would be appointed as Governor of the British Isles. A ‘Khalidi’ in London – just like the ‘Grimble’ at Seychelles. Well, I am going too much in my dreams, and I better ‘close’ up as we are beginning to hear ‘This is London calling’!

Thursday 4/11/1937 I had a very restless night. After a troubled sleep I awoke at about 3am and could not sleep again. Mosquitoes were buzzing about me. Rats were racing over my head on the wooden roof and clattering with their feet. How exaggerated the noise became at night! You could not believe it was only rats making that noise. I felt as if they were small dogs running; and how the wood creeks also at night. You feel as if someone was walking in the hall, and suddenly one or two rats entered my room, running about. I saw the huge beasts [and] I could stand it no longer. I came to the veranda and sat near the radio, I switched on and heard London still going. At about  6am I went into the garden and had a walk through the near forest. I returned to my room when the sun’s rays became rather hot and had a really hot bath followed by the usual delicious fruit breakfast. I was reading the Weekly Times edition dated the 30/10/37 after Andrews’ murder, a laden article under the heading ‘Murder in Palestine’ says amongst other things: Since the Jews began reprisals, the attacks on them have decreased. The Higher Arab Committee have expressed their horror and condemnation of the latest crimes. They could scarcely have done otherwise … They now deplore the murder of a distinguished official by men who have escaped from their control … … This responsibility however cannot be thrown on Arab shoulders alone. His assassination (Andrews’) gives painful evidence of the incapacity of the Government of Palestine as now constituted, to protect one of its ablest servants. The methods of conciliation which were attempted during last year’s outbreak have notoriously failed, but the lessons of this failure have not been taken to heart – ‘Today’ the Royal Commission reported in July, ‘It is evident that the elementary duty of providing public security has not been discharged.’ More than two months have passed since the publication of this report, but terrorism is still unchecked.

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I wonder whether this, and similar attacks were not the direct cause of Sir Wauchope’s resignation. We have been repeatedly saying that his policy has failed and he should have tendered his resignation last year. Fuad went with the Pasha and Rashid to attend the Legislative public meeting of the 1938 budget and I stayed at home with Yacoub playing trick-track. Fuad returned at 12.30pm. For about two hours Grimble was speaking on the budget and explaining its details both revenue and expenditure (I passed my municipal budget of Jerusalem, which is five times as big as the Colony’s in 15 minutes).

Friday 5/11/1937 The news from Palestine are encouraging. Disturbances are going on. Firing at a police station in Beisan. Firing at Jewish houses. Disturbances at Tulkarem and arrests. Closure of all roads leading to the Jewish Qtr. of the Old City with iron gates and so on. Ragheb Nashashibi issued a statement that Arab demands are the same as those repeatedly asked for by the dissolved AHC. (They must have been issued by the Big Nash under pressure and threat – serves him right.) The Pope is calling for an extraordinary meeting of the Cardinals and magnates of the Catholic Church in the Near East to discuss Palestine. He is against partition. In an order in the Gazette – Ishak Darwish112 is banned from entering Palestine. We have not [been] forgotten after all and the thing continues in spite of drastic measures advocated by the Jews and pro-Jewish papers. We shall see the end one day. It is so hot – damp and cloudy today that I can scarcely take a deep breath. Apparently, the N.W. monsoon is approaching and we shall see more heat-dampness and torrential and equatorial rains. In coming back yesterday along the Sans Soucis road, I had an interesting talk with our guard Jumeau. He is an ex-police corporal who had been prematurely invalided from the service on account of bronchitis he said. But this is not the real case. His Sgt Major was a black chap and very strict with whites. Some time ago a widow of the island lost her ring worth 500 rupees. After two years he found it for her and she gave him 10 rupees. and because he did not give the Sgt Major a part of the tip, he was very cross with his corporal and reported him, and therefore he has to retire on account of Bronchitis – just an arrangement with the Medical Board – to be able to get a pension. ‘Is there any harm in taking such a tip? Everybody does so here’, he said in a very natural and innocent manner, ‘especially when you have a wife and eleven children and you are underpaid.’ That is a very good standard of police discipline and morals – I congratulate you Mr Mumby of the Police! Jumeau is right, I think with the exception of Britishers, two or three heads of department, all officers are very underpaid – a girl teacher is lucky to get a post at Rs. 5 per month – hear Oh Ahmad. I don’t blame them for taking tips. As Westergreen said to me one day, ‘our pay is just sufficient to keep us from starvation’.

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I asked our guard about the local aristocracy. He mentioned the Nageon de Lestangs, the Pilliérons, the Jumeaus and other names I could not pick up easily. In questioning him about living a la ménage, he said that was quite common. In fact, 50 per cent of marriages are a la ménage and are practised by blacks and whites alike. Nobody seems to think it is wrong. He corroborated what the Archdeacon writes in his Coconuts and Créoles. Morals on this Island are very loose. Since the advent of motorcars and motorcycles with sidecars, he said, and especially mixed swimming; all boys and girls have become corrupt. They go to picnics in bathing suits, they take with them a gramophone, food and drinks. They eat, dance, drink whisky and naturally they enjoy themselves to their full heart’s desire. The parents of the girls do not mind it in the least – why not? Quelles s’amusent they say. He further remarked that such behaviour is more prevalent amongst the aristocrats and educated people than the middle or lower classes. There is also no ban on marriages or ménage life between blacks and whites. Fuad came back from his interview with the Committee. He gave them our point of view and backed it by figures he said. Apparently, it is not their fault here. Nageon read an extract from the Palestine Government’s dispatch. It said we should be provided with funds ‘sufficient for bare maintenance only’. What they mean is then shelter, bare food and water to keep us living only. As to giving us money on loan when necessary Palestine says NO! We are not to be given that even. They had informed our families, the dispatch says and told them that they have no objection to their sending us any amount of money they wish. Well, Johnson113 is back at his seat in the Treasury and he has to spend a lot of money from his surplus for the troops and other expenditure arising from the application of Emergency Regulations. He must economize and the only item of economy he can think of, is curtailing the maintenance allowance of the deportees, to a bare minimum. I shall tell the hussy what I think of him when I see him next. As if he is paying from his pocket. Fuad brought a letter from the Committee about certain requests we had made some time ago. The reply is: (1)  Agreed to allow us to move within Bel Air area without guard. (2)  For the present, approval must be attained for every visit. (3)  Hunt refuses to do repairs unless we tell him the probable period of our stay. (4)  Dr Khalidi may have a stethoscope. I have asked for that stethoscope 15 days ago until I got Committee’s and Governor’s approval. What if I had asked for a machine gun! As to number (3) ‘High Commissioner for Palestine – Please reply!’ At 4.30 Camille our barber came to cut our hair. As all barbers – he will speak if he is encouraged and he did speak when I asked him about our neighbours the Ferraris, who was a Captain and died leaving a widow and a girl. The wife re-married a black and both drink Bacca – fermented sugar juice. Westergreen promised to get us some to taste. It is a very good beverage he said. Camille told me all about the marriage a la ménage. The father of Dr Lanier the S.M.O. lived that life. Everybody on the island does it too.

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He quoted a case of a gentleman who had about 10 girls living with him a la ménage. ‘What about their parents?’ I asked. ‘It relieves them of expenses – Mlle veut une petit chapeau, et de sous biens et des zoli bas aussi’, he replied smiling. ‘My grandmother is the illegitimate child of a certain rich monsieur of the aristocracy in this Island.’ And he is proud of it! Camille is a personality. ‘Ze sais toulemoun içi’ he says in Créole. He related many other similar stories.

Saturday 6/11/1937 Fuad came with the news this morning: Two British soldiers killed in an encounter with an Arab band near Jerusalem. Firing on Jewish busses and similar incidents. Trouble in Transjordania. Curfew in Old Jerusalem. And so, the thing still goes. Sir Wauchope who should have left for Palestine on Thursday was detained due to a cold! Poor Sir Arthur – I think you better remain in England. Palestine will give you the chill if you return … Don’t mind what the Times and its editorials say. Go home and have a long rest – you deserve one. Fuad came back from town. He brought a letter from the Committee regarding yesterday’s interview. It says: ‘I am directed by the Governor to say that it will be necessary for you to make representations in writing in order to enable H.E. to forward them to O.A.G. for consideration.’ We shall prepare the draft tomorrow. We have to translate it and get the approval of the occupants of the Rockies as usual. I hope they agree that it should be a nasty one. I forgot to mention yesterday that we invited Souleiman Moussa to have lunch with us. He is leaving with his family to Bombay today to celebrate the marriage of his sister. Pasha, Rashid and Westergreen were also invited. I asked Souleiman to send us ‘plenty’ of newspapers and short story magazines and illustrated journals. At about 12am, Major Moller passed to see us bringing with him two jig-saw bags. Dear old Major – he is most obliging and wants to make our stay on the island as comfortable as possible. He stayed for about 10 minutes and left. He had come to see how I felt today, as he had heard from Fuad that I was not feeling well yesterday. Fuad brought a copy of the weekly News Review given [to] him by Capt. Wardlaw dated  7/10/37. It contains a nasty article about us. It reproduces that nice picture of  mine taken on the eve of my municipal elections and underneath it is written: ‘Dr H.F. Khalidi – Mayor of Jerusalem. He lost his keys’! It calls me the extremist mayor of Jerusalem and goes to tell a story of how I refuse to hand the keys of my office drawers to anybody and how when I went on leave this year, Auster my deputy nearly had a fit because I refused to hand him over the keys. Well if this is the stuff that such cheap weekly’s give to their readers, I think they are wasting their money – every word written is a sheer darn lie. It speaks of Ragheb [Nashashibi] as the moderate ex-mayor who was tricked out of his office by Jewish votes. As to Souleiman Touqan114 they say of him that ‘moon face mighty pillar of the Defence Party who refuses to participate with any anti-British policy’. Ragheb is ticked as the coming ‘Premier’ of Palestine and Transjordan.

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As to the AHC, he charges us with being agents of Italy. By God! They should  know  by now that we hate Italy like hell, having known how she handled the Arabs in Tripoli and Libya. If one is going to heed what every Jewish-paid paper is going to say there is no end to such articles. The Jews are masters in the art of propaganda. By 4.30pm Pasha and Rashid came. We sat on the lawn and had a long talk. Just after sunset we were attacked by the white ants and we had to go in and shut all doors and windows.

Sunday 7/11/1937 There was one item of news this morning. It is stated that the Arab band, who killed two soldiers, was traced to the village of Silwan.115 There was a search. Reuters says that, as the villagers resisted the searching, there was shooting, and an Arab was killed and another seriously wounded. The others were arrested and their houses marked for demolition. This beats the Italians. Has it occurred to any Britisher at home, that people are deported on suspicion and others shot on suspicion too – Dogs! Evidence? For the first day since we left Jerusalem, we had [mutton] meat for lunch. Souleiman had slaughtered a sheep according to the Moslem rites and he sent us a big piece as a present. He would take no money. Fuad had instructed Cook to make a dish of Kufta with tomato juice. It was not bad at all and we enjoyed it. I slept for two hours in the afternoon. I awoke to see Major Moller on the veranda with Fuad and Yacoub. He brought two books, one – The Seven Pillars of Wisdom, the other Lawrence by His Friends. We had a long chat. He knows Miss Ferrari our neighbour and takes her often for a ride in his car. Although above 55, his ‘Spirit is Green’!116 He does not agree with everything the Archdeacon writes in his Coconuts and Créoles. He believes there are more than  20 families on the island of pure French descent, white and originally from Mauritius. The other white families have African blood in them, and he believes them to be mostly descendants of the 100 Frenchmen deported by Napoleon. He left us and went straight to the Ferrari bungalow. The Pasha and Rashid were invited by Captain Wardlaw to have a drink. The Captain told them it is very good that our visitors are limited otherwise we would have been pestered by loafers all day long – both men and women. Some people in town were astonished by our dress and behaviour. Before we  arrived, the local news circulating described us as a band of gangsters who have been killing Jews and Englishmen. They expected to see tall stout men, with glaring eyes and huge beards and moustaches chained together and marched into the local prison. When they saw we were whites, knew how to dress and behave, spoke English and French fluently, and went about (as Rashid does) with big roses in our button holes – they were verily astonished. This is the story that Jumeau our guard brought.

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Monday 8/11/1937 Awoke at 7am. At about 9am Westergreen came but there was no mail. The Governor’s office had not yet opened. I was furious. What right have they got in intercepting our incoming mail? Fuad promised to go downtown to see the legal advisor and Yacoub went to the Rockies. I stayed at home writing. Major Moller sent the Times dated 14/10/37. It contains an article: ‘Palestine after the Round-up – Arab Leaders in the Seychelles.’ It says A.S. Kirkbride117 was appointed temporarily as D.C. Galilee. Minor incidents reported, seven cars stopped and robbed near Nakura.118 The five Arab leaders deported, who arrived at Mahé on Monday in H.M.S. Active were taken in motorcars to the residences in the hills which they will occupy. (Then he gives the names.) In reply to a representation [by] Iraqi delegation, Mr O. Scott, the British Charge’ d’Affaires, said that the strong measures taken had nothing to do with British policy in Palestine but were merely intended to suppress grave lawlessness. Sir Ronald Storrs speaking at Ealing last week referred to the recent murders in Palestine. ‘That is all sad and melancholy’, he said, ‘and the reason for it, I think, that both the Government and the League [of Nations] when they accepted the Balfour Declaration – did not stop to think what it meant to the people of that country. The Arabs ask why, on the strength of a book – the Bible – written about 2,000 years ago, they should have to make room in their small country for thousands of people who do not speak their language, who were cleverer at making money and who were backed up by all the might of the bayonets of the British Empire. If the Duce decided tomorrow to put the Italians back as Roman soldiers into Great Britain because they were here 2,000 years ago, some of us even, might go so far as to protest. That is not quite a parallel, but it is what the Arabs think and it has made them so furious that these terrible results have occurred.’ One must admit that Storrs has ‘whitened it’119 at last. I think the way he put the Arab case before his listeners is a damn good one; and I don’t know how Mr Editor ([Philip] Graves of the Times) had allowed that speech of Storrs to be printed. It is a very convincing argument! I thought with his Shalom’s to the Jews – Storrs would not dare to say what he said. ‘Our vote of thanks – Sir Ronald, I hope in your next speech you will put a kind word about the deportees too!’ Another item of news in the Times is that Palestine has been suffering from a heat wave with temperatures approaching  100 degrees Fahrenheit in Jerusalem. I hope Wahideh and the children are not feeling it very much. The temperature there has not exceeded 80°F. At about 12.30 Westergreen came with letters for me. Fuad had received five and Yacoub one. The Pasha, Rashid nothing. Mail has arrived at last. One was from good old Thabet120 dated the 22/10 and the other from Wadie Boustani121 dated 16/10. I was so disappointed for not receiving any from Wahideh. If Thabet could have written then, why not she? It is very good news of Boustani to remember me and write a nice letter. Thabet says she [Wahideh] has not yet revived from the shock of that Friday morning. But it is cheering to hear that all is ‘as you like it’ as Thabet put it. Fuad had four letters from his

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wife numbered and written regularly with chits122 from his son also, and I not a single line from my wife. I did not sleep in the afternoon. And I continued reading that interesting book about Lawrence, which contains many facts about the Arab case I did not know before. Westergreen came at about  5pm. He had some news and new instructions. We are to receive no visitors at all. Even the permission granted to Major Moller and Captain Wardlaw was withdrawn. Furthermore, wherever we go even from Rockies to Curio and vice versa, we are to be with a guard. He did not know whether these instructions were issued locally or from Palestine. We thought it was the latter and we therefore wrote a letter to Nageon asking him to give us the text or extracts from the Government of Palestine’s despatch which must have arrived with the mail on Sunday. When the Pasha and Rashid came in the evening, we discussed with them this matter and were even awaiting stricter restrictions on our visits to town. They want us to feel as if we were in a concentration camp, rather than in exile.

Tuesday 9/11/1937 There were no direct news from Palestine this morning, although Bari reports unrest in Aden, Hadramout,123 Syria and around Akaba.124 What truth there is in such reports? I don’t know. From what I read in that beastly article in the News Review it seems Bari is well informed. The article quotes the shooting at Government House one night while H.E. was dining with some guests. It says that in spite of five British officials in the censor department doing their best to su[p]press any news about that incident, Bari got it and broadcasted it too. We may take it therefore that much of what Bari reports is true. I am not feeling well this morning. Is it the weather changing a dozen times daily? Or am I smoking more than is good for my health? I really don’t know. It may be both and the tropical climate. Westergreen came at 4pm with a letter from the Committee dated 9/11/37:



I am directed to say that following instructions received concerning the system of surveillance, the Committee is obliged to withdraw forthwith some of the facilities of movement which you have hitherto enjoyed, to enforce the following restrictions viz: a) No visitors and no visits are allowed without special permission in every instance. The Chief Guard will be present when visitors are received and visits paid. b) Total prohibition of communication with any member of the public in any manner whatsoever without the permission of the Guard and in his absence. c)  Disallowance of movement outside the place of residence without guard. d)  Disallowance of presence in Town on mail days. e)  Conversation with any member of the public is always in English or French. f)  Requirements and representations on any matter to be submitted in writing.

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Well, here at last are the Government of Palestine’s instructions to the Governor restricting our movements and visits. Adding insult to injury – that is what it amounts to. The Pasha came. Everybody suggested an answer. No one was satisfied with the other’s suggestion. It is no use protesting I said – a move, a real gesture or something drastic. Return the money, and threaten to go on hunger strike. I left them talking in high tones. It is useless to argue with the Pasha or Yacoub sometimes. Different mentalities. Fuad takes the go between – take and bargain.125 He wants arguments to be arithmetical backed by figures and data, as he did before the Royal Commission, but unfortunately failed to impress the members. Reuters contains the following from London: 4/11/37 12.11pm Jerusalem. An armed Arab gang was reported last night to have stormed the police station of Beisan, firing several hundred shots. During half an hour the police replied and drove off the attackers. 5/11/37 6.38pm Jerusalem. Two soldiers of the Black Watch carrying only side arms were shot and killed by two Arabs in the main thoroughfare below the city walls. The Arabs were armed with revolvers, they fired at close range after which they escaped. 6/11/37 10.59am Jerusalem. One Arab was shot dead and another most seriously wounded this morning, when they resisted the Black Watch troops during their search in connection with the murders of last night of two soldiers. Two people have been arrested.

When Westergreen informed the Pasha that he and Rashid had received five letters, but because they were in Arabic and not censored, they could not be delivered to them, he was simply furious and his moustaches began to shake with anger. Our chief guard was under the impression that these were the Government of Palestine’s instructions. The Pasha began dictating protests to Fuad while I stood further away smiling. We just sent a call to the Arab Bank to submit all correspondence for censor before despatch otherwise they will not be delivered. Then we decided on the text of another cable to D.A.G. Palestine. We had a long discussion and ultimately decided to think the matter over and meet tomorrow and have lunch at the Rockies. At 8pm we heard the news from London that five Jews including a constable were shot dead near a quarry to the south of Jerusalem and that all Jewish shops were closed for two hours in Jerusalem, and directly after, two Arabs were shot at near a Jewish suburb, one of whom was wounded.

Wednesday 10/11/1937 Awoke at 7.30. Although I seemed to have slept soundly tonight, I am still not feeling well – my chest is wheezing and again I am beginning to worry about my throat. There seems to be some lump inside. God knows what it is, or is it the weather again?

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I stayed in bed reading till 9.30 about our friend ‘Aurans126 Bey’ and I am reaching the end. We discussed yesterday’s proposal and at last we agreed on a text, which was handed to Westergreen for immediate dispatch. It runs as follows: O.A.G. – Jerusalem Our deportation to a remote island for so-called moral responsibility resulting (in) our financial ruin, and (so) declared to satisfy Zionists dictating Palestine policy, strict (&) unreasonable restriction (of) our freedoms (and) neglect providing maintenance compatible with our positions, prohibition (to) hand us our Arabic letters uncensored due to neglect Palestine posts, while outgoing letters are sent open through Government; all these point Government’s intention (is to) insult (and) ruin us. Such unjustified measures are blot recorded in British history. Strongly protest and request forward copies (to) Colonial Secretary and Mandates Commission. Hilmi – Khalidi – Ibrahim – Ghossein – Saba.

At 2.15 the car came to take us home, and in it was a brand new 10 valve radio set for Rashid. We left him fixing it. Tomorrow is Armistice Day. Westergreen asked whether any of us wanted to go downtown to attend. ‘To hell with your Armistice Day’, I replied. For the first time just at twenty minutes to eight; i.e. (5.40pm Palestine time) we hear the Palestine broadcasting station as I am writing my diary. The voice is very weak and there are a lot of atmospherics. We managed however as we stood huddled around the radio set to hear the Arabic announcer reading an official communiqué about declaration of Martial Law – the institution of military courts – death sentences by two officers – and no appeal from the sentences of such courts. We naturally missed a lot of what was read, due to atmospherics – which is dreadful and drives one practically mad. At  8pm the news about Martial Law were confirmed from London. The death sentence would be passed on men shooting at the troops or in possession of fire arms and bombs or who commit acts of sabotage. This is to begin not henceforth but as from the 18th of November. Well, here again one can smell Jewish influence and dictation. They have been howling for Martial Law! England is doing at last what the redoubtable Marshal Graziani127 did in Abyssinia after its occupation. Shooting thousands who were found in possession of arms. What effect will it have (that is Martial Law) on the present condition, I cannot foretell. There will be a few executions by a firing squad at first, and the Civil and Military authorities will await the effects. It may crush the movement or it may be the match to ignite the powder magazine in the Near East and/or the Mediterranean shores – Wait and see, I always say. There were two other items of news; a Jew was seriously wounded in the Old City, and an Arab sheikh, Dahud Ansari, was shot and critically wounded. His assailant took refuge in the mosque and the police have surrounded the mosque area. I do not remember any Ansari by the name of Dahud. It may be Sheikh Mahmoud’s alias, the Abras128 – If so, he not only deserves to be shot – but torn to pieces. He is a rascal and a paid C.I.D. agent.

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Figure 6  Copy of the order to arrest, deport and detain H.F. Khalidi in the Seychelles issued by W.D. Battershill, officer administering the Government of Palestine (30 September 1937).

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Thursday 11/11/1937 Today is Armistice Day. Westergreen came with a red ‘poppy’ in his buttonhole, and he seemed proud of it. Although Seychellois are of French descent, they take pride in being British subjects. I really cannot understand this. Frenchmen are known to be extremist patriots, and very proud of mother France. We (or rather I) disappointed three Seychellois lassies who came up to our bungalow with red poppies for sale. Fuad asked me what to do. Shall we buy a few? Off they go, was my reply – why should we contribute to a fund for disabled British soldiers, whose relatives and nationals are shooting Arabs to impose the Jews on us. Admitted[ly], it is a humanitarian appeal and would not have minded contributing any amount, but under the circumstances it is far much better to help orphans and widows of Palestine, whose supporters were shot and bayonetted by British soldiers. I even refused to see the girls! It occurred to me just this afternoon that when I was appointed mayor I was flooded with telegrams, cables and letters – hundreds of them. But here are five of us, deported in the well-known manner, and residing on this island for a month now – and yet we have not received one cable of encouragement; neither from Palestine or from outside. I couldn’t understand it, and I mentioned it to the Pasha and my other friends. It didn’t occur to them also and they were really astonished. We should have received and still receiving dozens of them. Couldn’t Awni [Abdulhadi] or Haj Amin wire a word of sympathy, greeting, or encouragement? And where are the other Arab institutions, bodies, committees, etc. etc.? We all cursed and cursed – Rashid remarked with an impish smile that when we go back to Palestine, everyone will meet us and shower us with telegrams of congratulations! Let us forget all about it for the moment. At 1.35, I am just hearing Palestine. Miss Shammas129 is speaking to the children and addressing Widad and Souad el-Ouri and Nada Canaan el-Masri, and is just beginning to tell them a story … but the sound is faint and fading. It is good to hear the voice of Miss Shammas, as she sits 5,000 kilometres away in a chair opposite the microphone in the Empress of Abyssinia’s building – Musrara Qtr. – just opposite where I lived during the municipal elections in 1935. I am going to write a nice letter to Ibrahim Touqan130 about our reception here in Seychelles. We heard some news from London tonight. A bomb was thrown by Jews on an Arab bus stop. One Arab was killed and 6 wounded and another bomb exploded harmlessly. Another was shot in a Jewish suburb north of Jerusalem. Retaliation again by Jews. Will the Arabs do the same tomorrow? There is nothing to do after dinner. We had a few jokes with our Ferrari neighbours tonight. Signalling with a torch light, singing I and Fuad, followed by singing and piano from Miss Ferrari. She has a sweet voice that girl. Then she began imitating my wellknown coughing too. We had great fun about it with Fuad. After all it was some means of passing time.

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Friday 12/11/1937 As I am writing just at 7.30pm we could hear Jerusalem Calling. Akram Husseini is the announcer. I recognized his voice at once. It is very clear, although not strong, but we can hear every word. Curfew is tonight in Jerusalem, from 5pm – 5am tomorrow. And then hear the Hebrew announcer. We spat at him – Fuad, Yacoub and myself – in the usual oriental method and we switched off. There is nothing in Reuters. It mentions the five Jews killed and how they were killed and the institution of military courts. ‘This does not connote Martial Law’ it says, ‘but it is half way in that direction.’

Saturday 13/11/1937 I wondered, if we have had complete freedom of movement and visiting, whether our life would not have been less monotonous. After the latest restrictions, I felt reluctant to have the committee’s approval for each visit prospected and preferred seclusion, in spite of the fact that I am fed up from our uninteresting company … Alas I have to endure, God knows for how long. I retreated my steps in deep thought and looking very depressed … Why is it that I should have sacrificed myself? If I am out of the municipality, I am about ruined. What prospects for the future when I return? With a wife and four children accustomed to live a decent life. I am sure I am not going to die of hunger, but with my £P 2,500 debt – How am I going to settle for the future? I got hold of Seven Pillars and plunged into it. The more I read of it, the more I realize how the Arabs were betrayed. Lawrence knew it – that’s why the shame of it after victory drove him into retreat and seclusion. He says clearly knowing, what he always knew, if he was an honest advisor to [Emir] Feisal,131 he would have told him and his followers to go home and not sacrifice their lives. He was caught between two fires – honesty and loyalty to his country. The last one won … British interests before everything – even his frankness and honesty. He calls Sheriff Hussein ‘that half-witted gentleman’! The Pasha and Rashid came as usual at 5pm, and we had our usual talk. Send a cable – protest – followed by a memorandum on this subject and that and so on and so forth. The Pasha often repeats his exploits during the war in Iraq. He forgets that he had already told and retold the same story to us several times. Well we have to listen sometimes and applaud what he did with plenty of Mashallahs132 and Wallahis!133 I like some of his jokes sometimes although they are ‘from the waist downwards’. He is full of them – the old skinny Pasha. 7.30pm – Fuad manipulating the radio set with his deftly fingers. He is our news reporter and radio-craftsman. Cook, on our request, has prepared some potato chips. They are delicious, although a bit too salty. After my drink and chips, I am beginning (just!) to feel grand. Had it not been for constant scratching from mosquito biting around the neck, and white ants and my white cheap Japanese shirt and pyjama trousers; I would have thought myself sitting on the veranda of King David Hotel.

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Sunday 14/11/1937 A rather hot and monotonous day with nothing to do except sleep, bathe, eat and sleep again. We could not hear Palestine properly tonight and all what London gave was ‘that in spite of the institution of military courts with powers to impose the death penalty, acts of violence continued throughout the week’.

Monday 15/11/1937 Fuad left for town to buy a few odd things from the market and Yacoub went to the Rockies. I stayed behind and spent most of the forenoon preparing the second memo to be forwarded to the Palestine Government. Fuad returned at 12.30. He had been to the Legal Advisor’s office to see about the Arabic letters. He informs me that one of them is for me and with the permission of Nageon had seen that there were three sheets in it. One signed Wahideh, the other Adel and the third Ahmad Sameh. After all I was mistaken when I recorded a few days ago my disappointment at Wahideh for not writing. She did the dear soul. But why couldn’t she have written in English or French? Didn’t I write from Aden in English telling them that that was easier from the censor point of view. You may imagine the cruelty of the Palestine Government in issuing instructions to Seychelles not to deliver any Arabic letters if not censored, but they should be returned to Palestine for censor and then re-mailed it will not reach me before mid-January 1938. I shall write a letter tomorrow to the Governor asking for the release of my letter which I will translate for his information under oath word for word. It really makes one furious to know that a letter awaits him from his wife, son and brother, and yet cannot know the contents, awaiting to have it censored and redelivered two months hence. At about  5pm while dozing Fuad came in with news heard from the Manila station. There has been some rioting and clashes between Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem resulting in about nine Arabs and two Jews killed, several injured. Shooting, bombing and so on. I was very worried and every one of us seemed to say why is it that Jerusalem is carrying the load. Are there no other towns and districts in Palestine capable of shouldering the burden? Fuad had to go down to the Rockies to translate the memo I wrote and get their opinion. At 6.30 I got some news from Colombo. It states that the clash referred to in Manila’s broadcasting took place last Saturday between Arabs and Jews with 5–9 killed and 25 injured. It began by Jews shooting at an Arab bus killing three and seriously injuring six. Fuad came back at about 7pm; he says that he had translated the memo to Rashid and the Pasha who think that the first part is very good. As regards the questions of maintenance, restriction of movements, Arabic letters and so on; this needs modification. I was really very up-set [sic]. It was they who had to make us send that miserable cable to Palestine about the letters (under the impression that the 5 ­non-

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delivered ones were their own) costing us about 100 rupees to satisfy the Pasha, and Rashid. Fuad was full of excuses! I swore at him and cursed too! By God I am not going to spend a whole forever writing a memo of 16 pages and then be let down … I shall write my own letters and my own impressions and representations to the Governor of Seychelles. We heard the news about Jerusalem from London. There was rioting all day long  it  appears and business was practically at a standstill. They must have had a bad  time. Wahideh would be worried to death with me far away from her. Thank God it is a Sunday and the children are at home and not at school. This then sounds better.

Tuesday 16/11/1937 Woke up at  7am. Again, no rain during the last  24 hours. Fuad was re-writing the memo for typing and asked me to help him. ‘To hell with the memo’, I said, ‘I am not feeling well.’ At 2pm I went to bed and slept for about 2 hours. Alas when am I going to meet Wahideh again? And see the children? This sensation drives one mad. Blast the Palestine Government and Battershill too. At 5pm Pasha and Rashid came. We discussed the para in the memo concerning the maintenance allowance. The Pasha was of the opinion that as long as a copy of the memo was going to the League Council and the Mandate’s Commission, we better omit this para; and he insisted. I didn’t like to argue much about it but I only said that if this para was to be omitted, we should return the £P 12 allotted for each, and he should not have signed the voucher as if he was receiving a salary from Government. I had mentioned that from the first beginning too. He agreed and said he repented signing the voucher. I closed the subject. We read Reuters. It contains the usual items of news we already heard from London. One however was new and rather interesting. It said on the 14/11/37 that the leaders of the Defence Party will meet the acting High Commissioner tomorrow, i.e. the  15/11/37. The stage is at last empty and there is nobody to appear except Ragheb Nash[ashibi] and the moon-faced mayor of Nablus. It is very important to know whether they have asked for the interview or whether the O.A.G. invited them. It must be in connection with the rioting in Jerusalem on Sunday. I wonder who will be present in the interview. Kanasil134 will surely be there too. What is [Rouhi] Abdulhadi135 doing these days at the Secretariat? They must be listening very attentively to his most valuable advice! Here is the opportunity for Ragheb now. What about Emir Abdullah too? The Pasha did not look his own today. He looks pale, thin and skinny. There is  usually a humorous sparkle in his eyes. Today they are dull and sad looking. I asked  him what was the matter? It appears he did not sleep last night, and has an attack of prickly heat. I am sure he is very anxious about his financial affairs. His bank may explode someday. Shouman136 and his American kid137 cannot manage it alone.

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Wednesday 17/11/1937 Awoke at 6am just as the sun was rising. It is rather hot and stuffy. Just as I was looking out, it began to rain. It is now about 12am and it is still raining. I completed the few letters I had written yesterday and handed them over to Westergreen for despatch. Yacoub has scribbled about 30 postcards in envelopes. He made me laugh as I have never done before on the island. An envelope was addressed to somebody as follows: ‘To Mr So and So at address so and so; and if he is not there, to any other place he may happen to be in.’ I slipped into my room and nearly burst with laughter. But I did not make him know the reason, lest he should feel offended. How I want to laugh sometimes when he begins telling me about his exploits. He thinks I believe all what he says, when I try to follow him with my Mashallahs. Fuad came in with his news bulletin after having got extra news from Rashid. The Jerusalem municipal councillors, it says, both Jews and Arabs, issued an appeal to the inhabitants of Jerusalem to maintain peace and order. Well, Ben Zvi at last managed it; and I wonder who were the Arabs on the Council  who signed that appeal – curse them even with Saad Eldin too. They tried this stunt upon me once arguing that the Tiberius council has done it, but I defended and defended this matter, until I put it off saying that it has already been decided in Council not to discuss politics; and there it ended. How Auster will be proud of it. He will tell the D.C. the difference between an Arab mayor and a Jewish deputy acting as mayor. Somebody should be able to give me the full story someday. We understood that three members of the Defence Party met the O.A.G. yesterday. We may be able to get the news tonight about this interview. We sat on the veranda, I and Fuad and Yacoub. The Pasha and Rashid did not come. Yacoub told me how he was arrested in 1933 and beaten and sent to Acre. He says he prefers to be there now. I said I would stay here one year for each week there. One thing I cannot stand is insult. I am here as a political deported leader. There, I would be a prisoner like Ibrahim Darwish, and I shall not forget yet the way he is being treated. From Colombo in Ceylon, we have just heard that a big Arab band was located in the mountains around Safad. Heavy firing heard, points that the three companies giving pursuit are in touch. Three soldiers were killed and one wounded. This was not quite clear and we will confirm it from London tonight. It appears that armed bands from Syria are beginning to cross the frontier. Well this will make the army busy. This shows the determination of the Arabs in their fight against the yoke of Zionism. In spite of Martial Law and death sentences, how they are out in the hills with primitive rifles and a small quantity of ammunition fighting like lions. One should drink to the health of such brave and courageous grim fighters. They say they are paid – damn them, no one is going to sacrifice his life and lead a fugitive one for the sake of a few quid. They are not paid and are fighting for their country, although called by the Authorities rebels, gangsters and outlaws.

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Thursday 18/11/1937 Awoke at 6am and lying in my bed I have a wonderful view with the door open of the outer harbour and the steamer with the whole of St. Anne bringing the rear of  the picture. I admired this view till about  8am. I was thinking however all the time of home. I want nothing but to go back home. The sensation really is painful. No one can imagine this home craving and its aches except when he tries. It is a peculiar feeling difficult to describe. Fuad came in with the news: The appeal of the Municipal Council of Jerusalem was taken at a meeting. A delegation of Arab ladies interviewed the O.A.G. He impressed that Government will stamp out terrorism. Two military courts were instituted at Jerusalem and Haifa. The Arab band at Safad was not caught. A Jewish labourer shot seriously at the Emek.138 O.A.G. met an Arab deputation and then a Jewish deputation. Imam Yahya139 invited the Mufti to go to Yemen. The Mufti declined. He may be going to Europe for the Moslem conference. Westergreen came at 9am. We asked him to tell Nageon to be good enough and forward censored mail in the afternoon. He promised to tell him. We had spinach with eggs, rice and chickens for lunch all cooked very nicely. At 3.45, I heard the motorcycle of Westergreen. I jumped out of bed thinking he must have brought us some mail. Fuad and Yacoub were up also inquiring. He came in and said that he had waited till 3.40 but was told that our mail was still at the Governor’s office and had not been passed to the Committee. I could not control my tongue, I lashed right and left, up and down like a towny or a sailor. Westergreen faded away. Cruel – cruel having to await the pleasure of H.E. until he passes the bloody mail to Nageon and Co. I stopped automatically and as quickly as I begun. What is the use of cursing; are we not at their mercy? What does the Governor care about five political Arab deportees who are morally responsible for rioting and violence in a Britishmandated territory! Let them wait ten days. Beastly cowards is what I call them. Westergreen brought a letter from the Committee. On the 12/11/37 we had written to them about the imposed restriction, protesting and stating amongst other things, that ‘it goes without saying that if our written undertaking is to be honoured by the Palestine Government – then it should rather be considered as null and void’. This threat seemed to scare them. The phrase alone is rather elastic and ambiguous. It may mean that we have withdrawn our undertaking or that we are bluffing. We really meant the second. And here is the answer of the Committee dated the 18/11/37: They refuse to give us the text of the Government of Palestine’s instruction re our maintenance and surveillance. H.E. views with real regret the withdrawal of our undertaking to abide by the rules set for our obedience. Such a withdrawal would deprive H.E. of justification for maintaining the moderate latitude (hear! hear!) at present accorded to us. We have to state clearly for H.E.’s information whether we wish to declare our undertaking null and void or to re-affirm it. And they were as usual, our most obedient servants! Well, well, well! What reply? We have to await the Pasha and Rashid. Both came at 5.30pm. We discussed matters. We were all of opinion that we should not offend the Local Government here and our reply should be nice and elastic. We have not

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withdrawn our undertaking but may do so after we receive a reply from Palestine to our long memo of today. We decided to postpone the reply till two or three days. The effect of tonight’s sunset is wonderful. A whole lot of clouds on the eastern horizon seemed to be aflame, and then after dark the full moon rose with all its splendour. It wants a Lawrence’s imaginative pen to describe it, as I sit looking at it, and scribbling in my notebook. I am not going to write anymore tonight, it being a full moon. The more you look and gaze and stare into the face of a full moon; the madder you become; and this lonely sojourn on this island is about driving me mad. I am craving for my wife and for my dear four children. I had a last look at the moon; and look at him! He is smiling the beggar and showing his tongue: ‘Who are you to oppose Great Britain! We have armies – warships – aeroplanes – poison gas etc. etc. And you [are] only a handful of Arabs. We need the Jews, they have money and plenty of it.’

Friday 19/11/1937 Awoke at 6am. The sky is very cloudy and the Trois Frères are shrouded in fog. It smelt like rain. At about 8am it began to drizzle followed by downpours. At 9.30 Westergreen came with a band of letters in his hand. I had four, Fuad five, Yacoub two. The Pasha two, but poor Rashid had nil. I was so excited when I saw the handwriting of Wahideh on one of the envelopes. Wahideh had managed to scribble less than one sheet, another from Adel and Fouz [Touqan].140 The other letters were from Thabet, Jamal Touqan141 and Mahmoud Abu Khadra. Wahideh says in her letter, that she expects I will have a lot of letters as she had given my address to many relatives and friends but that’s disappointing to have only four letters after waiting two months. Every one of us should have received at least 50 letters. I was also disappointed from Wahideh. Couldn’t she have written more than one sheet? She gives me no news at all. Touqan wrote five sheets full of news and says that naturally I will get more news from home. Abu Khadra wrote a short letter. He mentions however an interesting item of news. Falastin [newspaper] published at the end of October a small article stating that they hear from reliable sources that Government are considering my return to Jerusalem as a solution to the Jerusalem municipality. I can’t understand what that means? Could it be that Auster is not capable to run the municipality in these days of tension? And the Arab councillors are not co-operating and this Government is reluctant to dissolve the Council and appoint a Commission? I think affairs must have now changed after the joint appeal by Arab and Jewish councillors for peace and order. It is another of Ragheb Nashashibi’s stunts. He did not want Government or the Jews to believe that nobody can run the municipality these days except Khalidi, he therefore must have instructed his three councillors (Farraj, Dajani and Hanania) to attend the meetings and issue that joint appeal. I can’t think of any other attendance. I was satisfied after all of receiving at least four letters. When Fuad came from Rockies at 12.30pm he tells me that the Pasha is furious and cursing, for having received only two letters and Rashid nil. He agrees with me that the so-called friends are nothing but a lot of blooming bloody beggars. We should

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have received hundreds to show the people here that we are Arab leaders and not mere individuals. Rain is practically continuous throughout the day and more seems to be expected tonight. The Pasha and Rashid were unable to come as the result of the torrential rains.

Saturday 20/11/1937 Awoke at 6am. It was still raining but not like last night. Some 6 inches have fallen during the last 24 hours. Our news bulletin said that curfew was raised [sic: lifted] in Jerusalem. This means that the situation is better. The High Commissioner left England for Palestine. Reuters bulletin contains, besides the news we already heard over the radio, the fact that Sir John Anderson refused to succeed Sir Arthur Wauchope, and that many applications from the military were received, but it is thought that a civil person will be appointed. This is also rather significant. They are beginning to realize in England that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by force only and needs diplomacy. Will it be then Lord Lloyd? In the press cutting which Thabet sent, it says that Lloyd will not accept the post. He is a snob and will not accept Palestine after Egypt, unless they consider Palestine these days to be more important than Egypt. Fuad and Yacoub went downtown. When they returned, Fuad tells me that one of the undelivered Arabic letters is addressed to me and written by Rasem. I can’t understand how it slipped the censor. Couldn’t Rasem have written in English? Horner, the clerk to Governor, told Fuad that they had written to Palestine a long despatch about such letters and he hopes to receive a favourable reply.

Sunday 21/11/1937 Awoke at 6am groaning and coughing. I dozed however till about 8am, when Fuad came in with his bulletin. There was nothing about Palestine except from Bari. It says that Ragheb Nashashibi (mayor of Jerusalem! (sic)) has published a Bayan142 in all Egyptian papers in a conspicuous place, stating that the demands of the Arabs are still the same as those reportedly asked for and that peace cannot be maintained until the suggestions of Egypt, Iraq, and others in the League Council are fulfilled and the country given a local Government with full guarantees to the minority rights. Nashashibi is trotting the stage all alone and wants to prove at least outwardly that he is a patriot. If this is the case, why don’t they get him to Seychelles? I have not said more than what he is saying and I am no more morally responsible than he is. What is the use? Everybody knows that he is an opportunist. Fuad went to Church and Yacoub to the Rockies. I am left alone to write my diary and a few more letters. As Yacoub is fasting (this being his first day of Ramadan) I had lunch alone. Chicken and curry. There were huge mangos, but I did not taste them.

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At 5pm the Pasha and Rashid came. The Pasha is fed up with Rashid, his radio and cooking. He starts the radio at 6pm and ends at midnight. He sometimes rises at 3am and turns the radio on. As to his cooking (he spends two hours daily in the kitchen) it is abominable, says the Pasha. The Indian partner of Adam Moussa and his friend visited us at 5.30. They only speak Créole, and we managed to understand each other. Just after they arrived two guards (Gordon and Singwell) surrounded us. Apparently, they have strict instructions to hear all what we say to visitors. I don’t blame them; orders are orders after all. Yacoub had his Iftar at sunset and, at 7pm, there was a heated discussion about the Grand Mufti. Yacoub and myself gave him hot … Why not remain within the sacred walls of the mosque? Or why not come here to Seychelles? We all agreed that he had played his role and proved unfit for leadership. He will die in some Moslem corner of the Moslem world disappointed! As it is Sunday the only news we got from London is a small summary about Palestine. It said: ‘Acts of violence continued throughout the week, but less than last week especially after the joint appeal of Arab and Jewish councilors of Jerusalem.’

Monday 22/11/1937 I awoke at 4am with a fit of coughing which took hold of me till about 9am at intervals. I felt like remaining in bed. Fuad went with Westergreen to town and Yacoub to the Rockies. I told Florence this morning about the smell of our washing. The washerwoman must use better soap and be more careful, otherwise I will give her the sack. She is taking 18 rupees per month and another 18 from the Rockies, which is a good salary for a washerwoman. Florence only takes 8 rupees although she works hard. Fuad came back at 12.30 as usual. We have received a cable from Dr Fuad Shatara143 from New York; it says: ‘Greetings to Arab deportees of Palestine. Assurances our loyalty and admiration for your patriotism and sacrifices.’ It is really very good of Shatara to remember us on behalf of the National Arab League. Shatara was my classmate at the English College. Couldn’t all the other national leagues send such nice cables? They do send dozens of them on less than such occasions. Yacoub is fasting again, so I had lunch with Fuad alone. The Pasha and Rashid came in the evening as usual and Rashid has just started to take book keeping lessons from Fuad. One can imagine a Branch Manager of an Arab Bank, just starting at the age of 50 to take lessons in book keeping. And they say the Arab Bank is not a marvellous institution. We discussed Shatara’s cable and the Pasha swore at the Mufti and Awni [Abdulhadi] and partners. Yacoub suggested a cable of greetings to the Mufti and the Pasha one to Thaalbi144 at Tunis. I blankly and bluntly refused. Why should we? Was it not their duty to do so at first? They left us at 7pm and I sat writing my letters. Then dinner and to bed at 10pm.

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Tuesday 23/11/1937 I could hear the rain early this morning at about  2am as I awoke and then dozed alternatively. It continued practically all night long. There were no important news except from London where it said that the police have arrested Sheikh Farhan Saadi145 and the others in a cave near Jenin. He was one of Qassam’s146 men and wanted for a long time. He will have to face the Haifa Military Court and who knows whether he will not be condemned to death. It all depends on evidence. He knew while in the hills that he is facing that doom one day. Fuad went downtown and came back at  12.30. He only went to the library as it was raining all the time and he could not go about. He had seen there a copy of the Times dated the 21/10/37. It contains a lot about Palestine and speaks about the first week (14-21/10/37) and the many acts of violence which took place. There were many incidents not reported by Reuters on the radio. In fact, what is broadcasted seems to be less than half [of] what is actually taking place. It goes further to say that in spite of the deportation and arrests of extremists, these acts seem to be organized and the whole rubbish very typical of the pro-Jewish Times. One thing they fail to realize [is] that the Arabs are not rioting for nothing. They have protested and protested for the last twenty years with no avail. Jews are still being dumped on them by tens of thousands every year, to such an extent that they will be evicted in a few years east of Jordan. I wonder what nation of the earth would accept such a doom. Damn it after all a bird or an animal struggles before he is killed or butchered. Are the Arabs less than animals? You have only to read Lawrence and see what they had been promised. De Valera147 said in the League of Nations when Palestine was discussed: ‘You have given many promises to both sides, knowing very well you are not going to fulfill them.’ It is like a man admitting having signed a bill, but he never had the intention to pay or honour his signature. Is this Great Britain’s honour? Pasha and Rashid came. I wonder what is the matter with Rashid these days? He pretends to be 50 years old but I am sure he is over 60. He informed us that somebody had told him that the authorities here are going to employ three more guards and that they will prevent us from visiting each other and so on. He would not tell us from whom he heard the news, and he thinks all these restrictions are due to the advice of Westergreen, the chief guard. He looked so worried and nervous about this rumour. Dash it, after all let them do whatever they like. We know we are not tourists but prisoners; and as far as we are concerned, we are an honourable bunch. We have done nothing contrary to restrictions imposed and I think we are fully honouring our written and verbal understandings. Yacoub, Fuad and myself were very cross at the attitude taken by Rashid. An interesting item of news tonight from Colombo. An MP had asked how could two British subjects be interned in Batavia (Java)148 without any legal proceedings being taken against them. Hear what the [British] Foreign Secretary replies in the house: ‘This act is not consonant with any known sense of equity and justice.’ Great Britain then seems to have two balances for justice. What is good for them is not so for others? Interning 1,000s in concentration camps and deporting half a dozen without any legal proceeding and no chance of defence is consonant with equity and justice in Palestine. This is politics – They prostitute justice!

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Wednesday 24/11/1937 Awoke at about 7pm. After hearing what the Times wrote on 21/10/37 I am not going to believe all that London broadcasts. There was a clash between Arabs and Jews in a Jewish Settlement in the Emek. Two Arabs and two Jews were wounded. Serious floods in Gaza district. Houses destroyed and three drowned. Yacoub is beginning to feel a bit worried about his orange grove at Beit Hanoun. Fuad has gone downtown with Rashid to look for a house large enough to take all 5 of us. After yesterday’s news he is scared and afraid lest they divide us and prevent our daily meeting. Yesterday evening Westergreen informed us that the Legal Advisor’s only child (a  boy of three) was very dangerously ill with meningitis. We had seen him only about  15 days ago in the car with his father and mother and looked so sweet and healthy. This morning Westergreen informs us the poor mite is dead. I was shocked to hear and really sympathize with Mr and Mrs de Lestang. The funeral was to be at 10am today. I told Fuad that, if Rashid agrees, it will be very good indeed if he goes to church and attends the funeral on our behalf. Furthermore, we will send our written condolences to the legal advisor and his wife. How much I wished I could have seen the baby yesterday in consultation with Dr Lanier. But as I told Fuad yesterday it is against etiquette for a doctor to impose himself against a patient. I may have given a hint to Lanier with my 20 years of experience in infectious diseases? Fuad came at 12pm. He had attended the funeral with Rashid. Both Nageon and his wife were broken down with grief. There were a lot of people attending.

Thursday 25/11/1937 Awoke at 6.30am, tired and coughing. Then slept again till 8.15am. On to the Bulletin, it said that the military court at Haifa has condemned Sheikh  Saadi to death by hanging and that in the official gazette it was ordained that the High Commissioner had no right to use his clemency powers in death sentences, which would only be approved by the G.O.C. and executed. The news further said that Sir Arthur [Wauchope] had reached Port Said and flew from there to Jerusalem. Jews in Poland are sending a delegation to London to ask for an increase in the Labour schedule certificates. And to offer the services of young strong Jews to help the British Army maintain peace! [As] if the British Army cannot maintain peace and order and needs the help of the Jews. Damn impertinent – that’s what I call it. The beggars were no good as musketeers during the Great War in Gallipoli and Sinai. Now they want to fight. I am so lazy today and tired – my fingers and hands are shaking and trembling. Fuad feels like that also. So that there must be one common cause. Yacoub went to the Rockies with Westergreen but Fuad remained with me. I have not left the bungalow for the last 15 days.

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Friday 26/11/1937 Awoke at 6am rather tired and run-down, rolling in bed and groaning. The morning news say that Ragheb Nashashibi had written to General Wavell to use his authority for changing the death sentence of Sheikh Saadi into imprisonment. He also wrote to Sir Arthur who had arrived in the Country. The G.O.C. approved the death sentence. It appears that since the  18/11/37 no incidents occurred in Palestine. This is an argument which will be used by the Jews and their friends. They would now say, had Government accepted their advice for instituting military courts and martial law last year, the rioting would not have been prolonged. Poor Sir Wauchope, the whole blame will fall on his shoulders. If I was in his place I would not have returned back to Palestine.

Saturday 27/11/1937 Awoke at 6.30. My rash itching very badly. The ointment did not seem to work. I had a warm bath and applied talcum. I felt better. Fuad brought the news. In Haifa shots were fired at a Jewish bus. A police post of 10 men was imposed on the Arab quarter concerned. Due to acts of sabotage – curfew was imposed all over the railway lines in Palestine. The Pasha and Rashid came in the evening. Usual talk and discussions. We heard Palestine tonight, and Egypt too. Both were very clear and the best reception up to the present. A few discs of Umm Kalthoum149 music and I could hear Ibrahim Touqan announcing. His voice is rather depressed tonight. How can I know the cause? I shall write to Thabet today about it.

Sunday 28/11/1937 Awoke at 7am. Groaning and coughing as usual. Maybe I am using too much of those mosquito rods, which give a strong smell. The news today: Three Jews were seriously wounded in a bus. The Sheikh [Saadi] was executed yesterday at Acre Prison in spite of several protests, on account of his age which is supposed to be 80 years. Surely a man 80 years old does not take to the hills because he is a brigand and wants to plunder. Why can’t they understand that he is fighting for an ideal and principle! Troops were fired at and shots were fired at many places in Palestine. A police post near Tiberius was attacked. All three incidents occurring in spite of military courts and death sentences. The country will not give in by terrorism. Westergreen said this morning they had appointed a further guard of three men. (Three more heads of families to draw a few more rupees a month – The Government of Palestine is rich.) What are they afraid of? I can’t understand, seeing as I hate to leave my bungalow even to visit the Rockies. I read part of Amin Saeed’s book The Arab Kings. It is an interesting one and from it I know the reason for exiling the Lahj150 people to the Seychelles. The ruling at Lahj for

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appointing the successor to the Sultan after his death was by election from the Sultan’s family and approval by the various Sheikhs. The present Sultan wished to appoint his eldest son as successor contrary to Orf and Aadeh151 and must have had the approval of the governor of Aden beforehand. His wish was acceded to and his son called for a Sheikhs’ meeting to tell them the decision of his father. Four brothers of the ruling family (cousins of the Sultan) heard the news and assembled to discuss what was to be done on the death of the Sultan. They submitted a protest to the British authorities and asked that this would-be successor should not be recognized by the British. It seems that one of their hot-headed followers shot ‘the Prince of Wales’ with a revolver and hit him in the face and leg. He was taken to the hospital at Aden and his assailant killed. The Sultan in conjunction with the British authorities ordered the deportation of the four brothers to the Seychelles, and here they are and will remain until their death. They have been in Mahé for the last four-and-half years. Would that be our fate I wonder? At  4.30 we took the cars and drove about four miles to north Mahé to see the bungalow of Mons. Delaroi. Zaghloul Pasha did not stay there but he came and saw it and thought it was far away from town and did not like it. It is near the seashore but it is an old bungalow and dilapidated and no electricity. The owner said he would do all necessary repairs. But we unanimously refused it saying it was too far. When we went to see the top flat, there were two coffins in one of the rooms. It made us shiver. Damn the beggar. He knew we were coming to see the place. Couldn’t he have removed or covered them at least. This in itself is quite sufficient to condemn the place. I asked Fuad today what was the matter with him the other day with Yacoub. He said that Yacoub was a bit rude. He told him what he heard from Ragheb [Nashashibi] that he (Fuad) was a spy and Yacoub, from the manner he spoke, seemed to suspect him. Fuad was naturally very cross. He had told the Pasha, he said, that if Yacoub is going to be rude again, he would leave us and live separately. Fuad is a really very good and decent friend. I told him not to worry about what Yacoub says. We have to bear all what he says. It is an obligatory residence after all and we have to do the best of it.

Monday 29/11/1937 Awoke at 6am. Feeling rather refreshed. I stayed in bed reading till about 9am. London [radio station] gives a weekly resume and compares the quick and drastic action taken lately in Palestine with the lenient attitude adopted in the past. (Another stab to Sir Arthur Wauchope) but Reuters adds also that in spite of the military courts and drastic measures, acts of violence continued throughout the week. This is rather significant. Sir Arthur can say: ‘Well, during my absence – you have taken what drastic action you have found necessary. You have deported – dissolved – interned – imprisoned – instituted military courts – condemned to death etc. What then? For two months the country is still boiling. You have humiliated me, and have during my absence passed legislation that I can’t use my clemency powers etc.’ If I were him, I would say: ‘Who is the High Commissioner and Commanderin-Chief? I or Wavell?152 If it is me then “Clemency” is mine. If not, it is Wavell’s – then here is my resignation. I am an honourable soldier and a Wauchope!’ He may have returned to Palestine just to prove to the Colonial Office that he is right and

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they are wrong. Who knows? He may still be able to repair the damage done by Battershill and Wavell. When we were yesterday at Mons. Delaroi’s bungalow we saw a slim white girl of about 18 years I thought. On inquiry again from Westergreen he told me she was his concubine living with him a la ménage. What I can’t understand, is how can one commit polygamy in a so-called Christian Catholic country under the nose of the British Raj? In Palestine, which is a predominantly Moslem country, where polygamy is allowed according to the Moslem rights, there is an article in the criminal code recently promulgated which makes polygamy a crime to non-Moslems, punishable by seven years imprisonment. If the British Government can pass such a legislation in a mandated territory, I fail to understand why they can’t do the same in a Crown Colony.

Tuesday 30/11/1937 Awoke at  7am – opened my door, but the Kenya was not there. At about  9am she appeared and came steaming slowly into deep harbour. Launches shot out as usual to meet her. We hoped for mail but we can’t have before noon. At 3pm Westergreen came with a big fattish boy. We thought there were dozens of letters. Disgusted – only one from Wahideh and Adel and it was a reply to my letter of Aden and took about 35 days to reach but there were two packets for me – four books (English) sent to me by good old Mamdouh [Khalidi]. Fuad had a letter, a packet of his weekly and twenty issues of the news item daily given resume of incidents and editorials of Arab press. Yacoub had one packet of Arabic newspapers. We opened them and sat devouring their contents. They were dated 14, 15, 16, 18 October. Full of news. As regards the Baladieh [Municipality] I learn that my offices there were reordered by the Police in the presence of Mr Badcock and Ahmad and that certain files were taken. I can see Auster gasping and chuckling and Ahmad looking stern. The Council met on the 18th [of October] to discuss the mayoralty. Arab councillors (except Saad el-din) wrote to D.C. asking either for my return, or the appointment of two new Arab councillors – one Arab Moslem to act as mayor until I return. There were dozens of other items of news. I did not go to bed until I read all the newspapers. Westergreen said there were  15 other letters not censored which the Committee were dealing with. The Pasha had a letter and some packets.

Wednesday 1/12/1937 Awoke at 6am. This is the first day in our third month. The news bulletin this morning is not so bad. Shots fired at a Jewish bus near Safad. Three Jews wounded. Shots fired near Maaloul (Nazareth) at a military patrol. One soldier killed. Resulting from [Sheikh] Saadi’s hanging there were two big demonstrations at Baghdad and Damascus. All Awqaf officials in Jerusalem, Nablus, Jaffa and Acre were dismissed. Fines were imposed on 72 villagers near the railway lines in Palestine. A young man fired 4 shots at Nahhas Pasha153 which did not hit him.

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Westergreen said that Nageon was coming to see us at 10am. I dressed and at 10am he came with the clerk to council and Mumby. We had more mail for Yacoub – and papers for Fuad and the Pasha. We talked for half an hour about our health and various other things. After they left, we sat reading the papers. More news. The country is ablaze. We had Falastin, al-Jamia and al-Difaa.154 In the afternoon the Pasha came alone. He has a few copies of Mohammad Ali al-Taher’s155 paper al-Shura. One item of news worried us. It said that the Police searched my office and my house. In the latter they ordered everybody out and searched all day long. They left in the evening after making a mess of the whole place. Fuad would not believe. The Palestine Arabic papers could have mentioned the news if it was true. It may be exaggeration after all. I will know the truth some day. A paper reports rumours of my dismissal from the mayoralty; but after getting in touch with Government sources, this was denied and I was still considered mayor of Jerusalem.

Thursday 2/12/1937 Awoke at 7am. The blasted rash in my groins is annoying me and itching like hell. I must see Dr Lanier about it. News this morning of 3 policemen disappearing from Haifa some days ago. One returned yesterday and stated that they were caught by a band of 40 Arabs, and condemned to death and shot. Two were killed and he simulated death and escaped when the band left the scene. This is a reply to the military courts. Fuad had gone to the library and read the Times issue of the 28/10/37. It contains an editorial about the dangers of pan-Arabism. It gives a word of warning for France to look out and reminds of the Syrian Government policies as the French-Syrian Treaty has not yet been ratified. (That’s exactly like Britain – she is afraid of the pan-Arab movement. They think it is a dream – it may be, but it will come one of these days.) The Pasha and Rashid came this evening and we discussed today’s news about the three policemen. It was announced by London that the three policemen were Palestinian Arabs. A big force of troops, police and air force are looking for the band of 40 strong responsible for the murder of the two. We understand from the Shabab newspaper that Dr Amin Roo, an Iraqi Bimbashi156 medical officer, entered Palestine at the head of 400 men from Iraq. The newspaper quotes Reuters for their news. Taher may be exaggerating after all.

Friday 3/12/1937 I could not sleep till about  1am and had to stay up reading. Awoke at about  8am groaning, and remained in bed till 10am. No news today. Two men from Silwan were sentenced by the Jerusalem military court for possession of arms. One to seven years and the other, being an imbecile, it is stated, was sentenced to 12 months. The rash on my body is beginning to look like some sort of Tinea (a contagious skin disease). I can’t think where I could have got it from. It may want some x-ray treatment.

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Saturday 4/12/1937 It seems that H.E. Mr Grimble has made a sensation in the islands in yesterday’s concert. Just before everybody was about to hear the ‘God Save the King’, the orchestra went into the Marseillaise, the French national anthem. Everybody was on their feet, except for H.E. Mr Grimble, Mrs Grimble and her mother-in-law. The Chief Justice, La Grand Zig as they call him here, a Britisher and Captain Mumby were on their feet; but H.E. as a reserved Englishman was still on his buttocks! It is the buzz of the island and everybody is speaking about it. It is actually the gossip of the day. Yacoub stuck to the radio hearing Palestine …. All of a sudden he began clapping his hands. He heard that tomorrow is Bairam [feast following Ramadam].

Sunday 5/12/1937 I awoke at 4am. Mosquitoes were buzzing around me. What could I do? I began kicking them right and left. They wouldn’t go! I spat – cursed, got out of bed. I burnt a coil and by God, every mosquito’s tail was trying to find a crack to disappear. They did at last and I had about two hours sleep. My head was aching as I opened my eyes again at about 8am. The car came and took Yacoub to the mosque for the morning prayers. I didn’t go [and] neither did Fuad. We started downhill towards Rockies at about 10.30am. All three were sitting on the veranda. Rashid had a tray on the table with sweets, almonds and raisins and the last remaining box of Yenifé cigarettes. It reminded me of home. Had I been in Jerusalem, I would have been receiving Govt. officials, patriarchs and consuls. The House would have been buzzing with them. Compare me sitting with our friends on the veranda of Rockies at Mahé surrounded by four civil guards! At 12.30pm a lorry came with Adam Moussa’s men and a load of food for the feast. They really seem hospitable, these Indians. We discussed whether the head guard Gontier may have lunch with us as he had already seen Westergreen have lunch with us. He (Rashid) had invited the Indian to lunch and asked our opinion. Yacoub didn’t agree. I thought not. Rashid pressed the point. Yacoub protested and said we can’t on our feast day sit and have lunch with our enemies – if Rashid insisted, he is not going to eat and he rose up shouting. Rashid was amazed and told Yacoub that it seems he doesn’t understand. Yacoub was furious and said I don’t understand! You are insulting me. Nobody ever addressed me in that manner. Rashid was indignant and repeated over and over again that Yacoub does not understand. Their voices were so raised and were on the point of attacking each other. I and the Pasha intervened and Yacoub sat down yellow, pale and shivering. Rashid was sulky; his eyes sparkling. Fortunately, none of the guards noticed. It would really have been disastrous if they had noticed the quarrel. We had lunch a l’Indienne. Chickens – meat and what not, burning with curry and spices. About six dishes and some sweets. We left at 2.15pm after I told the Pasha to get both to kiss beards before departing which he did being the friend of both. Coming back, I told Yacoub that he shouldn’t have started the fight as I am sure Rashid did not intend to be offensive or insult. He repented and said: Allah Yillaan El-Shitan157 and there the matter ended.

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Tuesday 7/12/1937 I was ready at 11am to visit the hospital. I drove with Westergreen to Mt Fleuri road. The hospital is near the botanical gardens. I was met by Dr Lanier who took me round. He is about 36 years, a Seychellois and graduated from England and is the SMO and resident surgeon and physician. He showed me his office and clerk’s rooms. Then the X-ray installation. It belongs to him and not the Government. Then we made the tour of the male and female third-class wards and the first- and second-class rooms; the maternity section, the operating theatre and the dispensary and the Laboratory where I met Dr Gonsalves the bacteriologist. The hospital is a 90-bedded one, but can take more in emergency. The nursing staff consists of a matron and six sisters – all Catholic nuns and two or three staff nurses and some probationers, all white. The patients were mostly blacks and no interesting cases. The hospital is not a very good show. But I admired the spacious grounds and verandas of the first- and secondclass wards. It is neatly kept and rather clean. I then consulted Lanier about my rash and he confirmed it being a Tinea. He prescribed iodine liniment. After lunch I applied the treatment and by God it burnt like hell for about an hour especially in my armpits. I was shaking with pain.

Wednesday 8/12/1937 Awoke at about 3am. There was a small downpour; and then dozed off after an hour till about 6.30am. No news today, except that an Arab was shot yesterday. It didn’t say who and where? Another was sentenced to life imprisonment for possession of arms and bombs. My armpits are raw from the liniment – but they look better this morning. I had to apply another coat of liniment and suffered torture. Fuad and Yacoub went for a walk at 5pm and I stayed with the radio. I heard from Colombo that the Christmas holiday of 300 British Army, Navy and Airforce officers was cancelled and they were ordered back to Egypt. The authorities are concerned over Italian troop concentration in Libya. The situation is rather serious, and I hope to God that the war would begin. Let us see what is going to happen. But what will happen to Wahideh and the children when I am so far away? I can’t think of it and I only wish I was back in Palestine near them. The Pasha came this evening. We discussed poetry – we are fed up from politics. Dinner, radio and then to bed.

Thursday 9/12/1937 Awoke at about  5am and could not sleep. I took a douche bath this morning to clean my sores and applied the liniment. Torture as usual. I nearly cried. What have I done O’ God to deserve this torture? Isn’t our deportation and all what it means sufficient?

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Fuad and Yacoub left as usual to the Rockies. I read and read and started writing a letter to Wahideh. What else can I do? I am fed up from this stinking tropical hole, the sea, trees and all. Had lunch at 1pm. Fish. Fish. Fish! I shall never taste it when and if I go back to Jerusalem. News today: Sabotage on the Jerusalem-Lydda railway and shooting at the train. Two bombs at an Arab Sheikh’s house in Jerusalem. Military court sentences and Ormsby-Gore in the House saying that all measures have and are being taken to suppress terrorism. What else could he say? Fuad had sent a letter yesterday to the Committee asking permission for visiting several people. Reply came today from the blooming Committee approving visits to l’Estang, Mumby and Horner; as to the others if there are important reasons for such visits – Deportees please state! If for curiosity and social call not allowed. Imagine the impertinency – curiosity visits! – of the committee’s letter. I told Fuad for God’s sake – we don’t want any more slaps in the face. Mine at least is of skin and flesh and not hide. Britishers in Palestine are honoured if they are entertained by the mayor of Jerusalem. I shall not visit anybody from now onwards, not even if the Committee calls. I shall remain in bed in my room. And except for visiting the market to shop I shall not go downtown even.

Saturday 11/12/1937 Awoke early at 5am and stayed reading in bed till about 10am. News: nothing special. A bomb at Haifa killing a boy and an unexploded bomb in Jerusalem. Stayed alone today before noon. My skin rash is beginning to peel but still far from being healed. Nothing special in the afternoon. Rashid and Pasha came. We had dinner and to bed at 10pm.

Monday 13/12/1937 Awoke several times tonight groaning tossing about in bed till 6am. News this morning – an Arab killed near Haifa. Mussolini delivered an inflammatory speech yesterday after Italy’s withdrawal (final) from the League of Nations. His last words were: ‘We have all the air, land and sea powers at our disposal.’ He is an actor this megalo-maniac of a dictator. Addressing thousands of fascists, he cries: ‘Shall we remain with the League of Nations?’ ‘No! No!’, comes the reply. ‘Should we then withdraw?’ ‘Si! Si!’ roars the crowd. I have not mentioned that a few days ago there was a row between the guard Jumeau and the boy Pierre which started because Pierre, the black, in bringing the tea to Jumeau, the white, did not address him as Monsieur Jumeau. ‘When you address me as Monsieur Pierre’, said the Black, ‘I will address you as Monsieur.’ Bravo Black! I brought them in both. Jumeau came and sat near me and I saw he was drunk. I told him to get out and reported the matter to the Chief Guard who in turn reported it

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to the Committee. I told Westergreen not to be harsh with him; getting drunk is not a deadly sin, had he not been on duty. On the 11/12/37 I received a letter from the Hon. Mons. Lestang stating that he has the honour to refer to the disrespectful manner in which guard Jumeau conducted himself in my presence on the evening of Tuesday the 7th of December and to express to me the Committee’s regret for the incident. (How romantic!) He then says that it was established (and beyond doubt I am sure!) that the guard was under the influence of drink that evening, and in order to prevent a recurrence of the offence he has been given notice of termination of his appointment at the end of the month. Government of Palestine – learn how to behave to[ward] the Mayor of Jerusalem! Then all of a sudden Fuad and Yacoub with Westergreen came back from the Rockies at 1pm with a letter from the Committee dated the 13/12/37. It read as follows: I have the honour to inform you that it has been decided, with regret, to withdraw until further notice the general permission which has been granted to you to leave your quarters with effect as from today.

Apparently then the information told to us by Rashid some two weeks ago is correct. And here we are not allowed at last to visit each other. We talked and talked about the whole situation, and why did they take these drastic measures? We were sure we had done nothing whatsoever to warrant such further restriction and we have stuck to our undertaking. We did not know exactly whether this was due to further instructions from Palestine or emanated locally. We thought the latter. It seems Governor Grimble is not relying on his guards or the Committee and is getting some back-hand information and gossip – the damnation of this island – from some other channel. I thought that this indeed was the limit and I sat down with Fuad therefore and sent the following letter to the Committee intended for the Governor: We received your letter of today’s date with the greatest astonishment and deepest regret and we cannot imagine what has happened to warrant stronger restrictions, during our stay on this remote island, at a time when we were expecting to be accorded better facilities and fewer restrictions. We would like to know whether the step is taken following instructions from the Palestine Government, in which case we have to submit our stringent protest to them through the usual channels, or whether it is due to any back-hand information, local gossip or a foolish and false accusation, in which case we expect to be questioned by your Committee on the subject. We feel we have to submit that we take the strongest exception to this treatment in preventing us even from visiting each other’s residences, which we feel is utterly inhuman and unwarranted. We shall be pleased to know from you the reasons for such harsh measures.

We gave the letter to Westergreen and told him to deliver it to Nageon. It appears that the Governor had seen Westergreen and has given him hot for allowing us to

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speak with one of the Lahj people some time ago. H.E. told him it is not in his power (the guard) to give us permission to speak to anybody. It is only the Governor or the Committee. We spent most of the evening discussing this new situation – the why’s and what for’s.

Tuesday 14/12/1937 Awoke at 7 and had my bath at 9.30am. Thank God my Tinea rash is improving. Today we are real prisoners – and the three of us were trotting about like caged tigers or lions – not that I do care a bit – but when you are so told and dictated, it becomes intolerable. We understood many things today. The lad ex Sgt Gontier and the Rockies boy Claud (who was dismissed by Rashid) have something to do with it. Claud was employed by Supt. of Police Mumby and was put in the Rockies to spy on us. After he was discharged by Rashid, he had informed Mumby many fabricated things. One of which is that guard Jumeau had brought one night a girl for Rashid. Gontier is also spying on Westergreen meaning to do him harm and has [been] interviewed [by] Governor Grimble more than one time. He wants to clean his record and efface his dismissal from the police service. He is a real snake this fellow. He hates us and he knows we hate him too. He had the impertinence to say to someone that he had recommended to the Governor that we should be prevented from visiting each other. Another bit of information is the confirmation of the talk going in town about the quarrel between Gov. Grimble and Major Moller. He is a dear old man – Major Moller; and he used to be great friends with the Governor. I still remember when he first visited us, he said that he was a great friend of the Governor, and that if we wanted anything presented to him directly and not through the Committee, he would gladly and willingly do it. It seems that he had a few conversations with the Governor about us and about the way in which we are being treated. On one occasion he is supposed to have asked the Governor’s permission to take us in a steam yacht for a sea trip and some fishing, and suggested that Westergreen should accompany us. Apparently, the Governor was not satisfied and insisted that he should have guards also (possibly armed guards). Moller was said to be furious in learning that and is stated to [have] replied ‘But I am a British major – don’t you trust me?’ It also seems that old Grimble insisted and the quarrel started. Apparently, Moller was not satisfied at this – he called England protesting, as such treatment does not accord with hospitality or uphold England’s prestige. He also sent cables to The Times and other leading papers in England and to both Houses of Parliament. Today is the King’s birthday and as such it is a public holiday and there is the usual ceremony. I asked Westergreen whether he delivered yesterday’s letter, and he said yes. We had already told him yesterday to tell Nageon not to be offended as the letter was naturally intended for the Governor who gave the orders. When Nageon opened and read the letter he shook his head and said he will not deal with it but will pass it to the Governor.

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Westergreen is perturbed today as the rumour is current in town that he is being dismissed and [an] English-Dutch fellow named Mr Teddy will be appointed as chief guard. He also came with further news. He had instruction to inform maid Florence of her termination of service at the end of this month. This made us more furious and we decided to write a letter at once to the Governor asking for an interview. When we sent it to the Rockies, they would not sign it and recommended that we should await the answer to our yesterday’s letter.

Wednesday 15/12/1937 Awoke at 6.15am just as the Dutch steamer was entering the outer harbour. Westergreen came at 12pm with the Governor’s reply naturally signed by the Hon. Legal Advisor. It says: I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of 13 December on the subject of the withdrawal of the general permission to leave your quarters. At the Governor’s request, I have to inform you that the restrictions imposed on the 13th Inst. was ordered entirely without reference to Palestine. Enquiry had to be made into the circumstances of conversations, which some of you were allowed by your guard to entertain with Mrs James a few days ago, and with one of the Lahj deportees some weeks ago. H.E. has satisfied himself that these conversations took place rather through the guards’ misinterpretation of his orders than through your disregard of the rules imposed upon you. The restrictions of the 13th December are therefore lifted (Bravo!). I have to make it clear to you, however that no casual conversations are allowed and that it is not in the guards’ power to permit them.

Here then is the cause – Talking with Mrs James! Fuad tells me that when they went to the night concert on the 3rd of December, over which Governor Grimble presided and was present, a certain Mrs James sitting near him asked him and his friends whether they will contribute to the Boy Scouts’ Fund and they spoke a few words each and handed over a rupee each. Here is then the deadly sin for which we were punished! Rule Britannia! The second – speaking to a Lahj deportee some weeks ago! Yacoub tells me he and Rashid were with Westergreen on the Long Pier when the man passed them. The sin is that they shook hands and said Salaam Allaikum – peace be unto you – and they departed. I should leave this subject now without any further comment. It appears that in going and coming now, if somebody happens to meet us on the road and say ‘how do you do’ or ‘good morning’ we should play the role of the deaf and dumb – just grin and shake your head and pass along – Grimble’s politique! How clever and ingenious of him! And how fatherly and kind and sympathetic, we thought – when we first met him the second day of our sojourn on this blasted and godforsaken island. I hope there would be a decent earthquake to swallow this island – our poor selves including!

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Westergreen arrived with a packet which he opened. ‘There, Doctor Khalidi. One – two – three – four – five – six – seven – eight – nine – ten air mail letters.’ Not so bad after all. I was as happy as a child. Fuad had six. The Pasha ten. Rashid only one and poor old Yacoub – the youth organization leader – none. I took the letters and went to my room. There was one from the Hon. Mrs Shuttleworth from England. I remember her now at Ahmad’s house. She is the lady who says she is a descendent of Abraham what she calls a Jehudite but not a Jew. She believes that the British are Israel and not the Jews; and that the prophecies have been fulfilled by the occupation of Palestine by Great Britain. Her party are of the opinion that Palestine should be a crown colony backed by a pan-Arab Federation. She writes and says we are not forgotten in our exile and that there are hundreds of Britishers who sympathize with us and so on and so forth. It is very kind of her to remember me. Then there were two letters from Wahideh, one in English and one in Arabic. I was overjoyed with them although the English one worried me especially about what Dr Salzberger [the throat specialist] had told her. This must have been causing her a lot of anxiety now. Ahmad says Thuraya [Budeiri] and Ribhi [Murad] were sent to Acre [Prison]. That’s why I have not heard from them. He also says that they have not paid my salary and that he is arranging daily expenses for Home.

Thursday 16/12/1937 Awoke at 7am and took another really hot bath. Neck still stiff and I notice a peculiar white rash on my fingertips. My ringworm is practically cured thank God. Westergreen came at  12pm with (encore) two letters. One contained  5 photos of Wahideh in three poses and one of the houses with Leila on the veranda and the fifth with Leila near the door and the bus ready to take her to school. The other letter was from Mahmoud Bey Abu Khadra written in English. It is not a bad endeavour after all. Had it been written in Arabic it would have been sent back as uncensored. At 4pm Rashid came early and alone. I caught him and Fuad in a heated tête-à-tête discussion. Rashid mentioned the 13th inst. incident and urged that we live together to prevent a repetition, in Rockies. I refused to live there, it being lower than Curio. I would sacrifice society for health in this island. He replied that he would come and live with the Pasha with us. He will be satisfied with the guard’s room and the Pasha will take Yacoub’s room. I had no objection and would welcome them. But to have to live at Rockies – never. He said if I would convince Pasha. I said I would try to do so. The Pasha came one hour later. We discussed matters. The Pasha would not accept to live in Yacoub’s room. We were suggesting asking Mr Hunt our landlord to build at Curio two additional sleeping rooms and a bath. This was a good idea accepted by all and we wrote a letter to the Committee to that effect. I thought the Pasha did not look himself. They left at 7pm and when I mentioned that to Fuad he told me he would explain later. As soon as Yacoub went to pray Fuad told me that when they were at Rockies before noon, the matter of dismissing the maid was mentioned. The Pasha was angry and said: ‘Surely, they may do so … I heard that Rashid asked the guard about the brothel house.’

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Rashid at once said this was not true. The Pasha felt offended and replied you tell me I am a liar and he flew into a fit suggesting that Rashid had extended his bounds and exceeded his position. The Pasha rose and trotted [to] the veranda furiously. At last he cooled down. That is why the Pasha did not look himself this evening and Rashid naturally respects him, but he is fed up and that’s why he wants us to live all together. He is alone with the Pasha and has to keep up with his old Turkish etiquette and treat him as the father-in-law of his son. We at Curio seem to be getting on together in spite of Yacoub’s eccentricities. I  happened to see Yacoub’s open diary one day. He had written in one of his entries about leadership in Palestine that he was discussing one day with the Pasha the virtues of Haj Amin and what he did to the country and his services and ended by saying that now that Haj Amin is out of the country, and if God wills me to take over the leadership of my country I shall do my best and my utmost to make this and do that. It is what I consider to be hallucinations of a megalomaniac.

Friday 17/12/1937 I sent a letter to the Committee this morning informing them of all ailments I suffer from, and those of the Pasha and Rashid and asked in consolation for a complete medical examination of all of us by Lanier and arrangements for periodical medical visits. I described in flowing words and medical technical phraseology what effects may be expected from the hot humid tropical equatorial climate especially on the advent of the N.W. monsoon which has really started now.

Saturday 18/12/1937 Awoke at 7am. Weather hot and oppressive, no rain last night. The news this morning were rather bad. The troops met an Arab band 30 strong somewhere near Tulkarem.158 They killed four and wounded one and confiscated their rifles and 400 rounds of ammunition. I read and wrote before noon and had lunch at 1pm. I am sure you know what we ate. Pasha and Rashid as usual at 5. We had our Souk Oukaz159 till 4pm. The P.B.S. was not bad between 7.30 and 8pm though a lot of atmospherics.

Sunday 19/12/1937 Awoke at 7.30 today rather late as I did not sleep as I should last night. My two friends go every morning to the Rockies. I don’t, because I have decided not to leave my bungalow from now onwards unless for a very urgent matter. I don’t want to be humiliated anymore by the recent restrictions. God knows we have been insulted more than enough.

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News this morning that bombs had been thrown in Haifa and Jerusalem with material damage only, that is no loss of life. The G.O.C. confirmed the death sentence on several others; and reduced certain other sentences. I am beginning to think what is the end of all these acts of violence and sabotage and where are they going to lead the country to? Undoubtedly, they show Arab determination to the last – but what would be the result? The Arabs have fought their case in many other parts of the world. Abdul-Karim of the Rif,160 Tunis, Algeria, etc. etc. Abdul-Karim fought the Spaniards for years until he practically threw them into the sea. Then what? He is now at Réunion Islands and the Rif was divided. How long will the Arabs of Palestine last? And will England give in? The troubles lasted about a year in 1936 and ultimately, we had to find a loophole – Intervention by Arab Kings and Princes! Rely on the justice and goodwill of Great Britain! Is there any solution to this impasse and deadlock? Is there anybody in the country now who can find a solution? I personally doubt it. Well damn it after all – what is going to be the end? England will not give in for the moment – for the moment at least. Her prestige is at stake – with Mussolini roaring at her like a mad wolf. We all know now the policy of European powers towards the East and Moslem countries. Hejaz – Yemen – Persia – Afghan – Iraq – Egypt (perhaps). But how long is their independence going to last? There may now be a fight between Italy and Germany on one side and England and France on the other side. What if they decide at last to put down their fight, and come to terms to swallow the remaining independent Moslem states and divide them up between them as they did with Turkey? They know that the bait may be a bit bigger than they can swallow at present. If we Arabs of Palestine give in once we are finished; that’s the whole trouble. The Jews will swiftly dominate and eviction will come one day whether we like it or not or whether Britain safeguards our interests or not. Treaties are nothing but scraps of paper these days. We can’t give in and let God do what he thinks fit. What about myself? Am I to rot on this island? But what will become with Wahideh and the children? It is alright Ahmad is providing them with what may be termed as sufficient for their daily needs. But how long can Ahmad keep that? No, how long can Wahideh tolerate living on the charities of others – and how long would I tolerate it? Father and mother are not quite rich in the sense of the word. Even if so, with me in the prime of my life can I accept to live a burden on them? What is the solution then? I swear by God Almighty that had I not been married and had there been no Wahideh, Adel, Hatem, Ameerah and Leila, I would have copied what the Mayor of Cork161 did. A hunger strike till death. If I die, I don’t give a damn. I know I will go. I know I will be mentioned here and there and everyone will talk for a year or two about what the Mayor of Jerusalem did. But after sometime there would be eternal silence. Who even mentions the Mayor of Cork these days? Nobody. As I said I would not give a damn. But if I do it (and I may still do it one day) and as I wrote before, what will become of Wahideh and the kids? Will they have to live on Father’s, Ahmad’s, Hassan’s or Thabet’s charity – and all of them swarming with their kids and other responsibilities?

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Zaghloul Pasha and the other Egyptians deported here some years ago did not mind it. Their minds were at ease as regard their families. They are swimming in money. Haj Amin Husseini does not mind it in the least. He now lives in Syria. His family will join him, sooner or later and he has money enough to keep him and his children going on for years. And so, with the next of what they call Arab leaders, except me and me alone. I sacrificed my medical career by leaving the Public Health Department. I sacrificed a good post and a good salary and pension to serve my country through the municipality. And here now I sacrifice the post of Mayor of Jerusalem the highest civic post in the country. With what result? Not a word or cable of condolences or cheer ups! And old Ragheb Nashashibi drinking his Arak162 and grinning at me from afar. He knew how to overthrow me and to overthrow the Haj. Didn’t he say to Afif Touqan163 in a drinking bout clenching his fist ‘I shall never forget’ i.e. what I did in overthrowing him from the municipality. And there he is again alone in the arena. What will he be able to do now? I have always said ‘wait and see’ and wait and see I shall, at least temporarily for another one or two months. Who knows, there may still be a loophole somehow and somewhere. At 5.30pm Pasha and Rashid came and we had a long talk. The climate is beginning to tell on our nerves and every one of us is fed up. At night we had a long talk, I, Fuad and Yacoub. This state of affairs cannot go on indefinitely. All those restrictions, humiliations and insults. We must ask for something definite and point out to the authorities what restrictions we would accept and what others we are determined to refuse and let us make a move for God’s sake. We will wire Palestine to that effect and threaten to go on a 3- or 4-day hunger strike. What of it? Why do people go on strike and close their shops say for one or two days? It is a way to show one’s protest and indignation. So why not do it. Three days’ hunger strike is not going to harm us if we stick to water only. It will show the people what we may do next. It is a fast which will not affect our health. We will get accustomed to it and the next time we will go on for five days hunger strike. We don’t want by this means to oblige Great Britain to give in and return us to Palestine. We wanted to be treated politely as befits our positions and not be treated like prisoners. We are political prisoners and not criminals. If the latter, there are courts of justice in Palestine, and there is a criminal code. The Lahj people are political deportees – free to move about in the island as they please. They are here now for four and a half years. Have they attempted to escape? Why can’t we be accorded the same treatment?

Monday 20/12/1937 No news from Palestine – no news is good news they say. Mrs Hunt has again been awfully kind and sent us a big watermelon and some mangos. I think it is very kind of her taking into consideration that we don’t know her and have not met her yet. This is the 7th time she sends us presents of fruits and vegetables. She is now doing so practically every other or third day. Fuad had been in the habit of sending her a card of thanks in the empty basket. This time I told the gardener to fill the empty basket with a big bunch of roses. What

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else can we do in return? We cannot write a letter of thanks. It will have to go through the Committee and old Grimble may take exception, or somebody may whisper in his ear that we are corresponding contrary to our undertaking and then God have mercy upon our souls. Are we to be blamed if we ask to fight for it [liberty] – that gift given by God to his humblest creatures? I sent to Nageon about the maid Florence and requested that I be informed who ordered her dismissal and the reasons for such action. I don’t know what he will reply.

Tuesday 21/12/1937 News today varied. Police officer killed at Haifa. A Jewish policeman missing, his horse returning without the rider. A band attacked a police post, killed an Arab policeman and took the rifle. Three Jews killed in Jerusalem. Jewish bus fired at – one wounded. And so the toll in life is increasing daily. I am beginning to lose my appetite these days and am worrying about my throat. I haven’t had a reply yet to my letter asking the Committee to arrange for a periodical medical inspection. I heard from Westergreen that Nageon had said he is arranging for Dr Lanier to visit us every week. Rashid and the Pasha did not come in the evening, as Rashid is not feeling well and had taken a purge this morning. Went to bed at 10.30 after delivering a long speech to our new guard (70 years old black who had been in the British Navy for 30 years and is now on pension). Our cook Jean and guard Gordon were in attendance. I spoke to them of the colour ban and what it meant and how the Westerners treated the blacks. Were we not all God’s creatures? And are not the white’s hearts sometimes more black than blacks’ skins and vice versa. I asked him how he was treated in the Navy serving His Majesty! He grunted and said ‘nigger nigger – always a nigger’. I then reverted a bit to Islam and told them how all Moslems were brothers no matter whether their skins were white, black, yellow or red. A bit of missionary work you know – not politics. I hate politics these days, and I am a social reformer. My whole heart goes to what they call the under-dogs; those who toil and toil and sweat fast to enable them to earn their bare bread and chase starvation from the huts. 3–4 pence a day a labourer’s wage! Who can ever beat that, and in the twentieth century.

Thursday 23/12/1937 Had a reply to my letter about the maid. Nageon says that this measure was thought of weeks ago and it has been taken to ease and facilitate relations between the guards and serving staff. He did not want to say it is difficult to search the female staff by the guards. The coward! I hate this atmosphere of suspicion between us and the Committee. Fuad had drafted a long letter on this and will be sending soon.

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Friday 24/12/1937 I awoke at  7am groaning and feeling sick. My stiff neck – throat – wheezing chest etc. and decided to remain in bed. At  8 Fuad came in to say that Rashid had sent word that he is sick and wants me to go and see him. I told Fuad to go with Yacoub as I am sick and if necessary, send for Lanier. At  9am Jean the cook came running into my room. There was a car waiting for me he said. Rashid eff. is very sick and Dr Lanier is waiting for me at the Rockies. I thought of poor Rashid. Had the matter not been serious enough Lanier will not send for me. I jumped into my pyjamas and robe de chambre and drove to Rockies. On the balcony were Nageon and Mumby waiting with anxious faces. I said good morning and entered Rashid’s room. He was lying in bed on his back with eyes half opened and weeping. Lanier was standing stethoscope in hand; Sgt Gontier over the head of the patient fanning him; Westergreen looking aside with anxiety in his eyes, and poor old Pasha walking about worried. I winked to Lanier and he flashed back an OK. It transpired that Rashid after taking his bath felt a shiver and fell down trembling on his bed with fits of convulsions and weeping and deep noisy breathing and thought he was dying. The Pasha was mad with fear and sent messages right and left. Luckily Westergreen was there, saw the fit and dashed running to Town, took a car and went for Dr Lanier and informed the members of the Committee who arrived before the doctor. It was very good of Nageon to come. He asked to be informed about the health of Rashid at once if anything else develops. I examined Rashid and auscultated his heart; it was alright. I consulted Lanier, and [he] prescribed something, and left promising to come in the afternoon. I spoke a few words to Rashid and swore to him there was nothing serious. I told the Pasha I think it is some sort of nervous attack – possibly hysteria accentuated by fear of being alone and probably with some homesickness. I left back and returned by car to Curio and went again to bed. Tomorrow being Christmas, the whole town and surroundings are resounding with crackers of all sorts – Boom – Boom – Crack – Crack – Crack – till late at night.

Saturday 25/12/1937 (Christmas) I awoke early, and it was still dark but the rain was coming down periodically in torrents. We distributed a few rupees yesterday to our servants as a bon fête for Christmas. The town is again full of crackers this morning. Fuad left to church and Yacoub to the Rockies. Rashid, I am informed, is getting better now. His hysterical fit is over. We had fish and a duck for lunch with salads, Loubieh [green beans] and Laban [yoghurt] and cucumbers and a nice Christmas cake prepared by Jean. From Manila I hear bad news. It says that the troops in their operations in Galilee met an Arab band and killed twenty-eight. This is a nice Christmas present to give to London and they are celebrating what they say is the King of Peace birthday. A feast needs sacrifice; what better than 28 human beings. And where? In the Holy Land and birthplace of their King of Peace. We heard His Majesty broadcasting a message of greetings and peace to the Empire at 7pm local time. I am sure they haven’t told him

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of the butchering by plane bombs and machine guns – His Majesty’s troops and air force – of 28 men in the land of peace! Shame. And how he stammers when speaking slowly. Had he known of the Government of Palestine’s Christmas present; he would have stammered more – nay possibly refused to broadcast. Went to bed disgusted.

Sunday 26/12/1937 In the evening we sat together discussing our recent situation with the governor. I had in mind several things – but ultimately gave them up. Tomorrow we are forwarding our last and detailed memo to the governor. That atmosphere of suspicion must be cleared once and for all. If we receive a favourable reply well and good. If not our next line of action must be a dramatic one at least as a gesture of our disgust and indignation.

Monday 27/12/1937 The barber came this morning for Fuad and Yacoub. Under the new restrictions we are not allowed to speak to him and Westergreen had to be present. He seemed so sorry about the whole [thing] – Isn’t that revolting? Criminals sentenced to a life sentence in a prison are not prevented from speaking to their barbers. After the barber left, Westergreen gave us a typed memo for signature. I was really furious and, in his presence discussed with Fuad, the question of a hunger strike. I don’t care if he goes and informs the Committee about it. But I think we have reached the limit. And no self-respecting man will tolerate any more of this humiliation imposed on account of some brainwave which Mr Grimble H.E. may have had. At 4pm I fiddled with the radio. Florence came in to tidy things up and sweep the  veranda. Poor old maid! What had she done to be deprived of her  8 rupees monthly salary? She is leaving on the first [of] January as per orders of H.E. Mr Grimble Esq! I understood this evening that Major Moller has again cabled England complaining against the Governor. It is stated that he paid 128 rupees for that cable. I would surely like to see the text. Here at last is a straightforward, honourable gentleman of the Army who knows how to uphold the prestige of the British population. Three cheers for Major Moller. Imagine an intimate friend of the Governor – becoming antagonistic! He couldn’t have become so for nothing.

Tuesday 28/12/1937 Awoke at 7am. It has been raining practically all night and this morning too. At  3pm Westergreen came with the mail that [was] censored at Palestine. Three letters to Yacoub. One to me from Mamdouh and three packets of papers. The Palestine

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Post164 and al-Ahram165 sent by Rasem. I read Mamdouh’s letter. Then I went through the al-Ahrams. In one of the telegrams from London the secretary of state for the Colonies was asked in the House about Mayor Khalidi, and is Government going to appoint another mayor, or a Britisher as a mayor or hold new elections! He replied that the High Commissioner was studying the matter, but in accordance with the existing Municipal Corporation Ordinance, the deputy mayor is now acting as Mayor. Then in the afternoon and the evening I started with Fuad reading the Palestine Post. The same old rattish squealing after each incident. They recommend that Government should do this and do that to combat terrorism. They have not yet said the last word … Evict all the Arabs from Palestine and shift them into Transjordania. But they will say that in the end.

Wednesday 29/12/1937 Awoke at  7am. It must have been pouring all night long. What a downpour between 7-8am! In the afternoon Westergreen came. He brought my camera and twelve films and 2 packets containing the Daily Sketch, the True Story and Wide World Magazine. There was also a letter in English from [Subhi] Dajani eff. the chairman of the Blind Arab Organization. It was very good of him to remember me. He is better than many of my so-called friends.

Thursday 30/12/1937 Awoke at 6pm. It had been raining all night and did so for the rest of the day. [W]e have plenty of material to read. Fuad got the Great Britain and the East and there is one other newspaper. They will keep us going for days. Some days ago we had sent a long letter to the Governor about the further restrictions imposed on us couched in very courteous words telling him amongst other things that we consider ourselves as guests on the island and that we had given our word of honour and written undertaking and pointed out why it was not in our interest to try to escape or correspond secretly or embarrass his government and that we [are] ready to discuss the matter more with him or the Committee if it was necessary. Here is his reply brought this afternoon by Westergreen. 30/12/37 Gentlemen, I have the honour to refer to your joint letter of the 27/12/37 commenting upon the restrictions imposed upon you. I have to inform you that this Government will continue to regard you as subject to its protection as well as its supervision. It cannot take the unqualified view that you are in the position of guests in this Colony.

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It is owing to the Governor’s confidence in your given word that he feels himself justified in adopting the minimum system of surveillance at present in force. He retains that confidence, and believes that you will continue to deport yourselves in a manner which will render further restrictions unnecessary. On the other hand, he is responsible for preventing the growth of unhealthy and troublesome public curiosity in your persons and for this reason not less than any other must maintain the restrictions at their present level. Signed, Legal Advisor

We are not guests but prisoners then and people have begun taking unhealthy and troublesome curiosity in our persons. He hints at Major Moller’s incidents and his quarrel with them and the ensuing cables of complaints sent by the Major. I was furious after reading the letter. Dr Lanier happened to come in the afternoon on an official visit to inquire after our health. Apparently, he knew that I do not leave my bungalow. He hinted at that and asked me the reason. I told him neither do I intend to leave it in the future. I don’t want to be insulted and humiliated by the ever increasing restrictions. Then I was angry and related to him how we were being treated from A to Z and I gave him the Committee’s last letter to see especially the last para. This word of ‘curiosity’ has been repeated more than once. ‘We are not monkeys in a zoo’, I ended. I even threatened that I may go on a hunger strike. His face became grave and he said you ought not to do that – things may change. I said at least as a sign of protest and indignation. We translated the letter into Arabic and sent it to Rockies with a draft copy of a cable I was of the opinion should be sent to Palestine as a complaint against the Governor. We told them we would discuss it tomorrow when they came in the evening.

Friday 31/12/1937 Awoke at 6am. Last day in 1937. Another bad year for Palestine. My God – how my chest wheezes. Pasha and Rashid came this afternoon. We discussed the letter. The discussion was rather heated. Rashid and Pasha saw no purpose in complaining about the Governor. We were under his mercy and he may impose stricter restrictions. They left rather annoyed. We invited them to lunch tomorrow to eat the turkey. Florence left today for good. I tipped her with a 5-rupee note.

Saturday 1/1/1938 Awoke at 6am. Rain – rain and mist and fog. A very still and humid day to begin a new year. Will this year be another year of clouds – mist and fog in Palestine? I would have preferred a cloudless clear sky with the sun shining and the ocean surface silvery and a

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cool breeze. Well no one can prophesize and we have to accept our fate. Will we see the first day of 1939 in Palestine or here again I wonder? How I felt lonely. Why can’t Wahideh and the kids be with me? I felt tears coming into my eyes when I began thinking of them. Pasha and Rashid came at 11am. We chatted on all subjects especially the dismissal yesterday of Nahhas Pasha by King Farouq166 and the appointment of Mohammad Mahmoud Pasha167 – the man with the iron hand as he was nicknamed when he was Prime Minister some years ago. It is bad for Egypt. Pasha spoke highly of Nahhas. I told him I don’t like him – he is a puffed headed premier and a bit of megalomaniac too. Apparently yesterday there were many incidents [that] occurred in Palestine. An Arab band in grips with troops around Tulkarem area. Several arrests in Acre and Jerusalem. Several shootings on the Jerusalem – Jaffa road and a few wounded. An important item of news is that of the Daily Herald who states that they are informed that some of the members of the British Cabinet do not approve of the drastic measures which are being taken by Government in Palestine and that there will be a secret meeting of the Cabinet to discuss this and other subjects. Well this is rather interesting and important news. Coming from the Daily Herald, a Pro-Jewish Labour paper. Those blooming Jews are well informed. There are so many Jews in important posts in the different ministries; and news do leak to their co-Jews in Palestine. Pasha and Rashid left us at 2pm. There was a lot of bowing and Salaaming. Our boy Pierre took the place of maid Florence.

Sunday 2/1/38 I forgot to mention yesterday that I received a cable from Jaffa signed Mother, Mohamed168 and Fatima,169 greeting me for the New Year. They must have taken advantage of the cheap rate for greeting telegrams. Anyhow it is better than nothing and it is good of them to remember me. No special news today except the New Year’s usual honours. In Palestine there were three. Sir Wauchope got something – 3 alphabets. Trusted170 our Chief Justice got a Knighthood. He will be Sir and Lady Trusted now, and doodé will feel very proud of her Dad these days. Plenty of young officers buzzing over her as usual. Ibrahim Pasha Hashim of Transjordania171 got something too. It must be the C.B.E. at best, like Ragheb Nashashibi. In the Colonial service, there is at least one of interest. Our Mr Grimble Governor of Seychelles got his Knighthood. He is now Sir Grimble. I wonder what Rashid would think now. If we couldn’t complain about him when he was a Mr can we now after he became a Sir? I doubt it. He is either backed by the colonial office; or it is just a small cadeau before retirement? God and the colonial office people only know. It would be fun and a great joke if we – Arab political deportees – should send him a letter of congratulations, on the well-deserved and well-earned honour for his colonial career. We did not leave our bungalow today on account of the rain – mist and fog.

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In return to our box of chocolates Mr and Mrs Hunt (who, by the way, I understand is a Seychellois about 45–50 years old and has two children) sent a card of thanks and a basket of watermelons which we thoroughly enjoyed at lunch, and some very nice apples and mangoes. Rashid and the Pasha could not come today on account of the rain. It is really the first day I felt cold on this island. It is so windy although not a storm – and rather chilly so that I had to increase my clothing in the afternoon. We heard Arabic last night from the BBC. The announcer is an Egyptian. Both his Arabic and English accents are not bad and his pronunciation good. Tomorrow is the opening ceremony. Several Arab personalities now in London will broadcast. At last England has awakened and has started to counterbalance the Arabic broadcast from Bari. It is going to be great fun hearing the competition from both stations. Or will it be a sort of tug of war? Both parties praising the Arabs and speaking about their culture and civilization. Oh … the hypocrisy of it all! The funniest thing is to hear broadcasting from Rome – the residence of the Holy See the Pope, in Arabic in praise of the Great Moslem Religion! What would you say if you heard a broadcast from Mecca in Italian in praise of the Great Christian Faith! Damn the Western hypocrisy again! Anyhow let the two big Western Cats fight it out. The Arabs should open their eyes this time. Promises and pledges are worth tuppence these days. Here is their opportunity when [the] time comes. I personally still maintain that it is in the interest of the Arabs to be on the English side and for the English to be on friendly terms with the Arabs; if only the English can open their eyes and awaken to the gravity of the Palestine situation. The Jews have money. The Arabs have on the other side men, loyalty, gratefulness and tenacity and determination. There is a proverb that the Arabs never forget a good act done to them. They have abided by the side of England and I hope they will do so in future if – I say if – this question of Palestine is settled once and for all. And the solution is to snatch Palestine Policy and administration from the snobbish colonial office and hand it over to the diplomatic foreign office. The colonial office has too many Jews! The case of the late ex-colonial secretary Mr Thomas is still fresh on our minds.172 Twenty-five thousand pounds cash and a house worth 12,500 pounds. Poor old engine driver and ex-stoker could not resist the temptation. He knew he was returning shortly. Why not make the best of it then?

Monday 3/1/1938 I have been thinking lately about some of those fools who want Palestine to become a Crown Colony. I only wish and hope that they realize what a Crown Colony is? They think that being acquired (not born mind you) British subjects, they would be living in a Paradise under British rule. If only some of them would visit Crown Colonies and see how they are now – the Governor is God Almighty and the Mussolini of that Colony. Woe be unto any head of department who dares oppose him – nay represent anything to him. That’s how I feel Mr – now Sir – Grimble, is in Seychelles. His second

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in command as it were – the legal advisor – dares not represent anything to him, or remind him even of anything. Imagine – Fuad’s valises had arrived on the 28/12/37 and are rotting at the Custom’s House, unfortunately addressed to him c/o the Governor. Nobody dares remind him for fear of being told to mind his own business. He is a terror to all offices of this colony and everybody seems to hate him like Hell. What is the use of protesting? I read a very nice article about the Sino-Japanese situation in Asia Magazine the other day by Pearl Buck173 who is supposed to be an authority on the Far Eastern side of the world, especially China. She was discussing the various incidents occurring lately and the English and American complications and entanglements after the Panay incident.174 She says protests are only eyewash. They tend to lower the prestige of the protesting parties. You get an apology and assurances of non-repetition; and then a further incident occurs the next day. If you can’t back your protests with gunfire, then don’t protest is the summary and the gist of what she writes. This is the frank and honest truth. The Arabs have been protesting for twenty years. Nay we have submitted two or three memos and three or four telegrams of protests to the Palestine [Government] since we came to Seychelles. Did we have any reply? No – why? Because the authorities concerned know that we can’t back our protests with gunfire; and that’s the end of it. I can imagine our memos and telegraphs tucked away in neat files at the Secretariat at Govt. Offices with a ‘P.A.’ on them and a date followed by some initial of a junior Assistant Secretary. Ah well, I know a bit at least of how a crown colony is governed – with its executive and legislative councils, dozens of committees and sub-committees, wages, labour and the poor underdog and how he is being treated. It is an iron grip and phobia of Great Britain’s destroyers and cruisers. But they can’t monkey with us in Palestine. We know them well and they have come to know us ever since 1936 at least. It is a story which will be told [for] some time. Damn the Crown Colony Organization for Palestine! The Jews who are asking for it will repent it if it comes one day. But they are clever … They know how to deal with their masters.

Tuesday 4/1/1938 I awoke early after midnight and was unable to sleep for about 2 hours, but dozed off later and awoke again at about 7am. The climate remains quite as bad as yesterday. News today: An Arab was executed at Acre (a member of the Galilee band); firing at trains and I.P.C. punctured twice. We heard last night at  9.17pm local time the Arabic Programme from London. The first to speak was The Sword of Islam Prince Ahmad,175 son of Imam Yahya. His voice was steady, but he spoke quickly in Yemen accent. Every word was, however, heard clearly. It impressed us all. He welcomed the opportunity and friendly relations between Great Britain and Arab nations. He mentioned his country and Palestine too. In fact, he was the only speaker who mentioned Palestine. He was followed by Abdel Rahman Hakki Bey, Egyptian Charge d’Affaires and then by Sheikh Hafiz Wehba176 of

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Hedjaz. He did not mention Palestine. He was followed by the Iraqi Ambassador Said Raouf Jadirji Bey. He also did not mention Palestine. Then Sir John Reid spoke. He is the chairman of the BBC. Followed [by] Sir Bernard Reilly, Governor of Eden. Both spoke about the cordial relations between Great Britain and the Arab nations. I give first marks to the Sword of Islam. Conditions in Egypt are not satisfactory we understand. In parliament there was an upheaval when old Nahhas wanted to speak in the name of Watan.177 He was hushed down and the lamps had to be extinguished and the press and visitors’ seats evacuated. The ‘Iron Hand’ of Mohammed Mahmoud has at last gripped Nahhas’ throat. He is being strangulated. At 10.30 Westergreen handed the much-awaited mail – two letters only – one from Ahmad Touqan178 and one from Wahideh and a small letter from each of the four kids enclosed in Wahideh’s letter. Oh, how sweet to read the children’s letters with their mistakes. Adel is writing as an adult – or attempting to write as man to man; good old Adel, I am proud of him. The letters of Hatem, Ameerah and Leila are wonderful too. At 5pm we heard disquieting news from Manila. Clashes between Arabs and Jews in Jerusalem; two Jews shot in front of a police station are seriously wounded. Several outrages all over Palestine in cities, towns and villages and communications cut here and there. At 5.30 one of our new guards came with some more mail. A bundle from London – the Daily Sketch and Argosy. Letters from Wahideh and the kids dated 12/10/37 those which were returned from the islands uncensored – ditto one from Ahmad. Others from Ahmad again – Thabet and Rasem and one from the internees at Acre. Darwish – Budeiri and Murad bidding me a happy Eid for Ramadan. Oh – how I enjoyed reading all. I sent two cables at 6pm this evening: one to Wahideh – greetings and love. She is so worried as she has not heard from me; or at least not received my letters yet. And the other to [brother] Dr [Hassan] Khalidi and mother, father, Mohamed and Fatima with my love and greetings, informing them that all is well with me. Wahideh says she is beginning to worry and feel lonely. Poor thing! She is worried about the rats and the mosquitoes too! She wants to send me a mosquito net – Dash it after all what are mosquitoes? Haven’t I been in Sinai in 1914! An exile at Kalet el Nakl?179 There were no rats there, but there were plenty of vipers and lice too. By God when I remember the lice of Nakl, I laugh. What have we seen yet in Mahé? We are spotless clean up here. It is not worse than being at the Gaza trenches fighting the British.180 No! I am sure they can’t bend my neck yet. As long as someone and/or somebody is looking after Wahideh and the kids, they will need something more to break me. And I am a transformed man now. Exile has opened my eyes to many things; and if I ever go back to Palestine, I know how to face the situation. One gets purified as it were after a few months’ or years’ exile. Those Arab political leaders of yesterday will [not] and shall not be able to raise their heads. Imagine Awni Abdulhadi the leader of the Istiqlal party – the most extremist party – meeting Sir Herbert Samuel twice in Cairo. If I or anybody else had met a Zionist leader, I would be hailed as traitor. But Awni may and can. I forgot the proverb – What is good for the goose is not good for … After dinner we listened to the Arabic broadcast from Paris, Bari and London. It is so funny to hear all three capitals seeking the favour of the Arab handsome bride.

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Wednesday 5/1/1938 Awoke at  2am after midnight. I couldn’t sleep and tossed in bed. Hour after hour passed until I dozed off at about 7am and awoke again at 9. The most important item of news today is the speech of Ormsby-Gore in the House yesterday about Palestine. The new commission, he said, will go out to study the question of partition and all other problems entailed by it and so on. In other words, he gives a brief summary about the terms of reference of the new Commission and still on the basis of partition. The Zionist Executive has also issued a statement in London yesterday to the effect (1) that the Jews will not accept the minority status; (2) that they insist on a Jewish state as part of the British Commonwealth. Here then are two concurrent statements: one by the Jews as to what they want, and one by the proJewish Colonial Secretary on a commission to establish a Jewish state on the principle of partition. I would like to know how that statement of the colonial secretary is going to affect the Arabs of the world and those of Palestine; and what the reaction will be? England has not as yet changed her mentality in spite of what is happening in Palestine. What effect would such a declaration have on our sojourn in this island remains to be seen in the near future? At about  6pm Pasha and Rashid came. Rashid does not seem to be quite as he should. I noticed that as soon as I saw him coming. Sunken eyes and sallow complexion. Rashid was very irritable. He was mentioning a few incidents that had occurred to him at home which were playing on his nerves. He was on the verge of having an attack of nervous breakdown. I began handling him – psychoanalysis – and that he must control himself and do that, avoid this etc. We showed them round our bungalow and inspected with them our own bedrooms. He took me aside and asked me for God’s sake if we can live together. He can’t stand it any longer with the Pasha alone. You have to be so careful how to deal with the Pasha and address him and so on and so forth. He has never got the chance to laugh even he said; and the poor thing was just on the point of weeping like a baby. In fact, he took out his handkerchief and brushed a few tears away. I told Fuad after they left that I don’t like the look of Rashid and I am afraid he is going to have another hysterical attack – if not tonight then possibly tomorrow.

Thursday 6/1/1938 Up at about 7am. Had a rather fair night. Climate rather windy, cool and cloudy. I had discussed a telegram last night with Fuad for despatch to the High Commissioner in Palestine with a last sentence threatening a hunger strike. I know Pasha and Rashid will not like it, but Fuad promised to take it today and see what they say about it. News are important today. The Sheikh of al-Haram of Hebron181 was arrested with two revolvers and bombs. Hebron inhabitants left the city when troops came to collect the 2,750 pounds fine imposed. A Jewish constable was shot dead in a bus. Three other Jews were wounded by bullets in another bus. A Jewish steamer was burnt in Haifa.

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And the most important is the news about the new Commission for Palestine. It is going to be a technical committee to study partition and the Colonial Secretary said that government is not bound to accept partition as proposed by the Peel Commission, neither has government accepted the proposals that Arabs in the Jewish state will be asked to leave or be evicted; but that the whole situation will be looked into again. The new Commission had the power to alter any of the Peel Commission recommendations and take into consideration public opinion on both sides; boundaries and the safeguard of minorities in both states. The Commission will also study all economic and financial problems involved; and they will spend a long time over this inquiry. If the Commission comes to a practical proposal about partition, this proposal will be forwarded to the League. This statement has been published with a white paper both in London and Palestine. The proposals in this white paper were welcomed with enthusiasm by the English press. One paper stated however that probably England will give up partition as it has pleased neither Arabs nor Jews. Other detailed proposals were broadcasted from the P.B. station in Jerusalem. The terms of reference and powers of this new Commission will be: (1) To take into consideration the Peel Commission’s report about partition and what the Palestine and Transjordan people have to say, and to demarcate boundaries – permanent or temporary in such a manner which will aim at eternal peace between the two states. (2) Boundaries to be set in such a manner also to include the minimum number of Arabs in the Jewish State and vice versa. (3) Careful consideration of all financial and economic conditions resulting from partition to include the following: (a) Consideration of the share of each state of public Govt. property – debts and obligations of each. (b) The necessary measures to be taken to guarantee all financial obligations under Art. 28 of the mandate. (c)  The management of railways – telephones and telegraph and public transport. (d)  The management of Customs. (e)  The rights of civil servants under Art. 28 of the Mandate. (f)  Treaty of Industrial Concessions granted. (g) Possibility of amiable and voluntary transfer of inhabitants and lands between the two states. (h)  Minority rights and safety of the Holy Places. If Government considers the proposal practical it will be sent to the League as a preliminary to the establishment of the two states. In light of the new Commission report, the final decision as to the transition period will be discussed as to whether during that period there will be two mandates or the country will be run on a district basis. The colonial secretary mentioned also that a further despatch on this subject will be sent to the High Commissioner.

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Here are, then, the details of the terms of reference and powers of this new Commission which will be coming to Palestine early in April 1938. No comments are at present necessary before hearing what reaction there will be in Palestine. Fuad went to Rockies and came back at  6.30pm. The Pasha had extracted three teeth. Both he and Rashid did not agree to the last sentence in the cable about that hunger strike. Well we will do it sometime when the opportunity comes. I had a long talk with Fuad about it. As long as there is a difference in culture and mentality, it is no use discussing such things again. Went to bed after supper rather disgusted.

Saturday 8/1/1938 Awoke early at 6am. Clear sky and everything still and so hot. Falastin [newspaper] according to Bari – made the first comments on the terms of reference of the new Commission. ‘There is nothing in the terms of reference which provides for examining into the possibility of a one state in Palestine with the Jews accepting the minority status.’ Al-Jamiaa also comments by saying ‘England and France have agreed and plotted to divide the eastern Mediterranean shore between themselves. That is what the whole thing amounts to.’ It is a healthy sign, but who knows what may happen later. Partition seems to be coming all right … Unless! something extraordinary happens. At 5.30 Pasha and Rashid came. I am still worried about Rashid. The look in his eyes is not re-assuring. His poetry is improving under the guidance and tutorship of the old Pasha, who also looks miserable too. How can they help it – both are two old brooders. They left at 7pm.

Sunday 9/1/1938 Awoke early at 6am, but went to sleep again and up at 8.30. No news of interest this morning. I had a little squabble with Fuad after dinner over what Bari station broadcasted, saying that the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine will publish a memo about the situation in Palestine and that they want a parliamentary government, stoppage of immigration and land sales. That information has come from Egypt. My contention [is] that nobody has the right to speak about or in the name of the A.H.C. without consulting us. He argued and I was rather cross about it. I left him and went to bed.

Monday 10/1/1938 Awoke at 7am and again slept till 8.30. Fuad came in with the news. The information of yesterday is from Paris and not Bari, and says that information from Cairo states the

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A.H.C. in Palestine will shortly issue a statement clearing its position with regard to the situation in Palestine. The [A.H.] Committee will repeat its previous demands i.e.: (1) Recognition of the complete independence of the country. (2) Britain to go back on establishing a Jewish National Home. (3) Termination of the Mandate and the inauguration of an independent Arab state by a treaty with England similar to Iraq and Syria. (4) Complete stoppage of [Jewish] immigration and sales of land till the treaty is signed. The intention of this statement is to put a stop to the rumour stating that Arab circles are negotiating now with the concurrence of the Mufti to find a solution of the problem other than on the above-mentioned principles. Who is the A.H.C. in Palestine? If these news are from Egypt then it must be Awni Abdulhadi who is at the back of it. He has no right to speak in the name of the A.H.C. [and] neither has the Mufti; when five are in Seychelles, two in Egypt, two in Palestine, three in Syria, and one in Iraq. He may issue a statement in his own name or as head of the Istiqlal Party, and the Mufti may issue one in his name if he cares, but to pretend that any one of them speaks on behalf of the A.H.C. is sheer nonsense. We don’t want repetitions of what have been said before – we have repeated that enough and Ragheb Nashashibi has even done so. We want a different sort of statement faced with the new Commission. None of the beggars have even sent a cable and now he wants to speak on my behalf. What does Awni care? He is sitting at Shepherd’s182 veranda with his wife. Same with the Mufti; Jamal and the others. We who are rotting here carry no weight, they don’t even take our opinion before committing themselves. If there are rumours that the Mufti is negotiating to get back to his chair at the M.S.C., it is for him to deny and issue a statement and not to camouflage behind our names or that of the A.H.C. We have committed ourselves more than necessary in last year’s general strike due to the folly of Awni and his slogan about not giving in unless immigration is stopped. We have had a lesson; and we ought to know how to formulate a statement by now. The country is on the verge of a catastrophe, partition is going ahead and we are still repeating, like a parrot, what we have been doing for the last twenty years. Just before dinner, Fuad broke the spell and we forgot all about yesterday’s misunderstanding.

Tuesday 11/1/1938 We have had no rain now for the last few days. News: An Arab policeman shot dead. A Jew killed and an English archaeologist was shot dead near Hebron today. His name is Starkey.183 He was in a car with some Arabs when it was stopped and he was ordered out by a band of Arabs. They took him a short

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distance away and shot him dead. He has been in the country they say for more than 10 years. It is a great pity this dastardly act took place, as it will not help the Arab case. There will be a hell and cry all over England and in the press. Storrs spoke some nasty words against the Arabs for killing Yellin, a Jew but an Arabic scholar. What will he say now for killing a scholar and an Englishman! They must be damn fools those who did it, or maybe they mistook him for a Jew. Anyhow it has been done, but they will regret it. Pasha and Rashid came in the evening and we sat out on the lawn. The Pasha was very upset also about the killing of the Englishman yesterday. He thinks it is very regrettable and will have bad effects. Rashid is still depressed although he comes everyday with dozens of verses. How we all laugh when he reads them and pretends that they are first class.

Wednesday 12/1/1938 I had a long chat tonight with our two new guards one of them is a St Jore and the other a black, and Sina our Indian gardener. I tackled the old gardener about his laziness and I told him that if he does not improve, and plant that vegetable garden, I will put my Gri-Gri [witchcraft] onto him. He was terrified and asked whether I knew about GriGri. I told him I was the biggest Gri-Gri man in Palestine. You ought to see how his eyes rolled in their sockets.

Friday 14/1/1938 It rained practically all night long. The weather is cool and we are to see more rain yet. As to news, London says there is still unrest in Palestine. There were two clashes between Arabs and police. Two British police were wounded, one Arab was killed and one seriously injured. Pasha and Rashid came at 5.30pm. Rashid said he wanted to be examined by me, so I went with him to my bedroom. He said that there is nothing wrong with him physically but he felt he must speak with me alone on the subject of his relations and living with the old Pasha. He respects the old Pasha, he said, but the latter overdoes it sometimes. If he had believed that the Pasha had intended insulting him, he would not have hesitated striking him if necessary. He has never been accustomed to being dictated to. I begged Rashid not to be too nervous; it would be a calamity, I said, if he did anything of that sort. I know the Pasha is rather nervous and he too; but I am sure he is a good man at heart. Rashid related one or two instances. If he opens the radio; Pasha gets cross and mutters a few insulting words. At one time, although Rashid spends a lot of time in the kitchen to supervise, the Pasha had hurled a plate during lunch for some fault with the food and so on. Rashid begged that we again convince the Pasha to come with Rashid to live at Curio; or at least he relied on me to find some way whereby Yacoub goes down to live with the Pasha and he will come up over here. He went so far [as] to say he never even laughs while at Rockies, and the only hour in

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which he laughs and enjoys his time is when both come in the afternoon to visit us. I promised to do my best to convince Yacoub about it; but he must give me a few days. Yacoub appears to be reluctant to leave Curio and live at Rockies. He must probably have had the hint when he goes with Fuad every morning. I have noticed lately, what he says every day when he comes back from Rockies – ‘Oh I am glad to be back here, look at the scenery; I would hate to live down at that bungalow.’ I discussed the matter with Fuad. It is so difficult to arrange for fear the Pasha may get offended – and he is a touchy fellow – and it may be difficult to convince Yacoub. We enjoyed the radio tonight especially from BBC with the Arabic music. Aqqad184 and Umm Kalthoum. I opened the tuner at full blast for everybody in Victoria to appreciate Arabic music. It seems that the Arabic music is liked by our guards. They come to listen always.

Saturday 15/1/1938 There was no rain last night or this morning; weather rather hot, cloudy and so calm. I was out of bed at 8.30am today as I have nothing to read. We had a rather hot discussion yesterday evening, especially Khalidi v. Pasha about a telegram we had decided to send to the High Commissioner in Palestine. The Pasha insisted that the words ‘ruined our health and finance’ be mentioned resulting from our sojourn here and the words ‘we are sentenced to death’. I refused to sign such a cable. Our health may have been affected, but not ruined. Although financial ruin had affected me more than any of the other deportees, I refuse to admit it because it means as complaint that I have been dismissed from my job, as the sole means of my livelihood. Furthermore, we are not condemned to death here. The way we are living here is not the mode of life a man condemned to death is usually accorded. One thing I cannot tolerate, I said, is sweeping statements and exaggerations. If we say our health had been ruined, this may shake the Government of Palestine; and the Governor here would surely and at once receive a cable asking for a report on our health. This would be referred to Dr Lanier the SMO who is now visiting us every week and Lanier who had examined every one of us would report that the health of the deportees had not been and has not deteriorated; on the contrary it has improved. A cable goes back to Palestine, giving the opinion of the SMO. Who would be believed – me in a sweeping statement or the SMO? They wouldn’t attach any more importance to our memos or cables in future. One thing I emphasized is that the Western mind cannot tolerate Oriental exaggerations and sweeping statements. After some discussion they agreed, the Pasha reluctantly, and the words were struck off from the cable, which went this morning. By the way we received a cadeau, gift, from one of our guards – a small kitten which I baptized ‘Pussy’ – a name liked so much by my dear Leila. I have three hours in the afternoon to sleep if I like or read. Gone with the Wind is a wonderful book. I am reading it for the second time. Thabet wrote in one of his letters that the authoress,185 after writing her novel and after 1.5 million copies

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were printed, [was asked] what was her next novel going to be. She replied: ‘Why should I write another one?’

Monday 17/1/1938 Awoke at 7.30am. I coughed a lot this morning and was not feeling quite well. While I was splashing in my bath, Fuad knocked and shouted I have seven letters. I completed my bath and enjoyed it. I looked at my mail, there was one from Wahideh and Thabet, one from [younger brother] Ghaleb and the four kids, one from Hassan Bader,186 one from Rasem, one from [brother] Ahmad, another from Ahmad Touqan and the seventh from Barclays Bank to inform me that my account as of  1st Nov.  1937 was debit £P  1,011. Quite shocking isn’t it! Well it must have been censored and let the Government know. If I wished I could have made tens of thousands of pounds during my three years of Office. Ahmad’s letter about my finance is assuring. The dear old boy is shouldering the whole burden. Rasem’s one is rather long this time. Ahmad Touqan wants me to write. H.B.K. (Hassan Bader Khalidi) is wonderful; he writes à l’Américaine. Thabet is wonderful with his news; and Wahideh is sweet with her French letter. It had been arranged that we go on a small sea trip this afternoon at 4pm. Fuad asked whether I was going. I said No. They tried to persuade me, but I refused gently. At 3.45 the car came to pick them up. I stayed in bed reading till about 5.30. From my bedroom I could see the Government launch steaming with my friends near the shore of St Anne and then heading towards Cerf Island. They returned at 7.15. They had a nice sea trip both admitted. Fuad took six snapshots with my camera. Thabet tells me that by arrangements with Ibrahim Touqan of the P.B.S., Leila and Ameerah will speak with me by radio; the dates arranged were between the 10th and 15th inst. It is a pity today is the 17th but he said lest anything happens they will repeat in a week’s time and Fuad’s children may be there. Well we shall try and hear Palestine every day until the 22nd inst. I hope I can hear Leila and Ameerah’s voices. It will be grand. It is exactly 7.30 (5.30 Palestine time) and we are trying hard to hear the children’s Arabic Corner; but unfortunately, there is a lot of atmospherics. Why did I forget to say I received a letter each from the four kids? Adel is disappointed at being second in his class. Hatem is the fifth which is not bad after all, and Ameerah and Leila are, as usual, first in their classes. Not bad after all, so here is to the health of my dear old missus and the four kids … We have been straining our ears, I and Fuad tonight to hear Palestine. Miss Shammas is there alright, and there are many kids talking and reading poems. The voices are so remote – but I cannot hear Leila or Ameerah. Oh well, what can one do?

Tuesday 18/1/1938 Westergreen came with a letter from [youngest brother] Ismail187 at [American University of] Beirut. It was dated the 3/1/38 and reached me in thirteen days which is a record.

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Wednesday 19/1/1938 Thabet said in his last letter that he was sending Storrs’ Orientations and another book by Simson188 who was on General Dill’s189 Staff. I am awaiting them anxiously. Fuad came and showed me a rash in his groins which had been troubling him lately. Gosh, it is the ringworm again. I told him to use the Iodine liniment at once, which he did. It smarted and he was on the point of screaming while I was grinning. He was walking about after, like a newly circumcised boy. At 5.30 Pasha and Rashid came. Rashid, as usual, had prepared a poem describing Monday’s sea trip. He thought it was grand. I told him there was no rhyme in it and he better try it all over again. We discussed several subjects – Palestine; what the Arab people need – a dictator, etc., etc. Although now nine days since we sent the last cable; still no reply. Pasha said we ought to send another, protesting. I said will there be a hunger strike threat or not? We shall see in a few days he said. We are hearing some nice Arabic disks tonight from Sourabaya in Indonesia– especially Umm Kalthoum. It is really really grand to be able to hear Arabic and Arabic songs broadcasted from East and West. Arabs do not realize their importance in this world, neither are they taking the opportunity.

Thursday 20/1/1938 The news from Palestine are rather disquieting. Clash between Arabs and the troops in Galilee. Bari says ten killed. Bomb at Jewish bus, many other incidents all over the country. Yacoub had it in his mind for the last few days to buy a calf, slaughter it and give most of it to the poor. It may be a nidr.190 Well, he bought one off Mr Hunt for 20 rupees and today he had it slaughtered by Souleiman Moussa. We had its liver and a good chop – same to the Rockies and the rest to be distributed by Moussa to the poor of the Island. Lanier came at  5pm. He first examined Fuad and saw his ringworm. He prescribed my well-known liniment. Then he took his blood pressure –  150 S. and  110 D.  Rather  too high for his age (35). One could tell it from the tortuous antics on his temples. Then my turn came. Rather shocking news too.  160 S.  110 D. Too high also. I told Lanier I had 145 S. in Jerusalem and after 4 months rest, I should have thought it would be lower. He smiled and replied: ‘But are you having no worries here?’ ‘Sure’, was my reply. I won’t say I was scared. God’s nightgown no!191 But I am not so pleased with the result. This climate is going to be our doing. Anyhow we must do our best to keep going. Our lives are not our own. They belong to Wahideh and the kids; and by God as usual how lonely I feel. I do miss them.

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Friday 21/1/1938 Awoke at 6am. Some news this morning: four Arabs condemned to death by military courts, and approved by the G.O.C.; bomb at a bus in Haifa, shots at a bus there, two Jews slightly wounded and attacks on Jewish settlements too; and news about King Farouq’s wedding. The barber came at 5pm. Fuad and Yacoub and then Pasha and Rashid had their hair cut. I didn’t as Westergreen was in attendance. You ought to hear Yacoub deliver speeches about what should be done in Palestine and the Arab world and how God almighty is capable to show us the end of the British Empire etc. and what God can and cannot do … I wish I can stop him one of these days …

Saturday 22/1/1938 Awoke early before sunrise and then slept till about 9am. The news today tells of the executions of two Arabs supposed to have fired at the police and implicated in Starkey’s murder. All the news are becoming rather monotonous. A bomb here, shots there at a bus, telephone wires cut. It seems there is no end to it all. I wrote a few more letters this morning. Westergreen brought the first two films. The two of the moonlight are really good. The others are not bad, although I look like Dr Eckener of the Graf Zeppelin,192 but I am sure they would enjoy them at home. I had a long chat with one of our guards this night. He told me he comes originally from Uganda where he still has some relatives. He is, or rather was, a Moslem and is now a Roman Catholic. When I asked him why, he shrugged his shoulders and he doesn’t know or remember why? It is a pity he is somewhat senile, otherwise a man over ninety years may be able to give reliable information about the islands. He still remembers a few Arabic words of the call to prayer Allahu Akbar and moot moot, and Mecca and Tayib and so on. He joined the British Navy when he was  15 years old and has been practically all over the world. His name is Maxim. When Queen Victoria died, he was already 18  years in the Navy; he served about 50 years and is now drawing a pension of 100 rupees every three months. They have appointed him as a guard to enable him to get another 30 rupees per month. He left the navy early in 1918 or 1919. He knows every port in East Africa and remembers the name of the Arab Sultan of Zanzibar; and remembers also some 30 or 40 years ago when the navy bombarded the Sultan’s palace. He doesn’t seem to remember much about the history of the islands. But he knows all the families especially the whites. He said there was a big Arab family who came originally from Egypt some 75 years ago. Although Moslem, they are now converted  and are Catholics. Their names are Arabic – Shafee Rasool and Rasool Hussein and so on.

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Sunday 23/1/1938 Here is another sunrise. I dozed off till 8.30am. I have written many letters this morning, to Wahideh and the kids, Rasem, Thabet, Hassan Bader, [brothers] Ahmad, Ghaleb, Yacoub [and] Ismail, A[hmad] Touqan, Subhi Dajani, S[hibli] Jamal,193 Issa Bandak,194 Majed Abdulhadi,195 Nasuhi Beydoun,196 and K[halil] Sakakini.197 After dinner I went for a walk in the garden in shorts. I always like to do an hour’s walking when the weather is warm. It does me a lot of good. Tonight, I could hear Yacoub having a heated discussion with Fuad and his voice was so loud, as if they were fighting. The discussion was about the situation of the Jews in Palestine. He was trying to convince Fuad at first that partition was the best solution, as it would isolate the Jews. All of a sudden, he changed and said no, they ought to remain as a minority at the present percentage. Fuad was taking him seriously as I could hear. At last he changed again and said the 400 thousand Jews ought all to get out of Palestine. He couldn’t give an opinion as there are many opinions to give, he said: ‘A personal opinion! A general one! A religious one! A national one! And several others!’ Well after he left, I told Fuad what a fool he was to discuss such matters with Yacoub.

Monday 24/1/1938 Up at  6am this morning but as I had a rather sleepless night, I dozed again till about 8:30. I am beginning to feel the effects of insomnia; and that rash at the back of my neck is again troubling me and itching awfully. It can’t be due to fish eating then, as I haven’t tasted it for days. I must see Dr Lanier again. I am beginning to feel more and more home sick. I understand that a general upheaval, something in T.J. [Transjordan], a move on the part of Iraq and Ibn Saud etc., may be [of] some use, or may bring pressure to bear on England. Sporadic acts of violence are not going to make England change her policy, when the Jews of the World are hammering at her and other states, especially after Romania’s last anti-Semitic move. Whenever a Christian power wishes to persecute her Jewish subjects, there is nowhere to ship them except Palestine: as if England is supposed to be the High Protector of the Jews. Well, as long as her Minister of War and others are Jews, England has to be that protector. Romania gave the League a fine warning. If any power is going to interfere with her internal policy, she is going to withdraw from the Minority Treaties.198 It’s undoubtedly true – treaties are nothing but scraps of paper. If it pleases you to observe then well and good, if not, all what you have to do is tear them up! I had tea at five with Fuad on the veranda enjoying the cool afternoon breeze. At 5:30 it began to rain, just as the Pasha and Rashid came in a car. They don’t walk as usual these days when they visit us. The Pasha seems to be growing old. The usual topic of conversation, but when I asked the Pasha when does he think that we will return to Palestine? He frankly replied that it may be years! Yacoub shrugged his shoulders and

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said: ‘La Samah Allah!’ [God forbid]. Yacoub always tries to discuss politics to advance his theories. We all ‘give him our [cold] shoulders’ when he starts and turn over the subject. He wants to show that he knows the political situation and is au courant. He looks here and there and when he finds nobody listening, he usually shuts up like a clam. Fuad is straining his ears hearing the Arabic children’s corner from Jerusalem. We can hear a boy reading a poem followed by some piano recital – but the voice is so far, I can barely hear it five metres away. I can hear children singing in Arabic, but I can’t hear Ameerah or Leila broadcasting, so I am really disappointed. I again sat with St Jore in the garden trying to get out some historical facts out of him. I understand that the Rasools and Husseins are not Arabs but Persians. It also seems that many people of Mahé are interested in us – from Catholic priests downwards as I understand they keep asking the guards about us.

Tuesday 25/1/1938 Awoke at about 4am; the Kenya had not arrived yet. At about 8am she came steaming slowly, majestic as usual with her white decks. A curious item of news from Bari last night was that Sir Wauchope had left last week to Beirut incognito where he met the Mufti and discussed the situation and a possible solution. I think it ridiculous! H.E. will surely not go himself to such a mission. From London it is stated that the Cabinet is meeting soon to nominate the members of the new Commission. At 2.30 Westergreen came. He had two packets of Ahram for me and one of the Palestine Post, one copy of Falastin from Thabet (why he should send one copy only, I fail to understand) and a calendar of the Tourist Association of Palestine! I just looked over the P[alestine] P[ost] – the same old story over and over again. Jew shot, Arab wounded, bus attacked. It is becoming nauseating – the monotony of it all. But the tone of the leaders is rather somewhat different to what it was in November; and there is no Jewish retaliation. Westergreen came back again at 4pm. He brought me two Daily Sketches, the World Wide and few story magazines and a few numbers [issues] of Great Britain and the East to Fuad. He said there were other newspapers and about 15 letters uncensored and we would probably receive them tomorrow. At least we have reading materials now for a few days. Kenya left at  5.30pm turning north and then west bound for Mombasa. Major Moller is on board where he intends spending five weeks in East Africa. Oh, how I wish I was on board bound for Palestine and home! I wonder when will that be?

Wednesday 26/1/1938 At 4.15am I was awakened by a torrential downpour hammering at my roof. I forgot to say that in the morning he [Westergreen] said we had a very big case in the customs.

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The box contained two valises for Fuad and for Yacoub, two for the Pasha and two for Rashid. It is very funny that all valises were handed over to the police in Palestine on 10/10/37 and reached Seychelles on 25/1/38. The funniest part of it is that Mrs Saba had sent to Fuad his morning and evening dress and some other winter suits; but she also sent a box of Turkish delight and one of Damascus processed fruit, which tasted wonderful.

Thursday 27/1/1938 Up at 7am. A very hot day indeed, with a clear sky and the sun’s rays beating at us with a fierce heat. Yacoub went down town with the Pasha and Rashid shopping. He returned at one, they spent the whole time in hospital – Pasha and Rashid attending to their teeth and Yacoub washing his ears. At 5pm the Rockies people came. We had a discussion about the Palestine Solution. Pasha says if Jews accept the minority status in Palestine, there is no harm in opening the doors for Jewish immigration into adjoining and neighbouring Arab countries provided the right type of immigrant is chosen. Arab countries need capital. It better come from the Jews rather than from Germans, Italians and Britishers who have great powers behind them who may threaten. He doesn’t see why Iraq cannot take more than quarter of a million. The Iraqi government will benefit from them economically. We are agreed this would be better than partition. Scattering them in Arab countries, where they will remain a minority, is better than concentrating them in Palestine. Both are vices, but one has to choose the better vice. We had a further talk, I and Fuad after they left on whether the Jews would accept such a solution or not? I thought they would if a million Jews enter the Arab countries in 10 years.

Friday 28/1/1938 Awoke at 7am and remained reading in bed till about 10. Yacoub and Fuad went to the Rockies. An item of news from Paris is that a bomb was thrown at the house of Ragheb Nashashibi head of the Arab Moderate Party! Police and troops are standing nearby. Poor R … he must have been frightened. I am sure Durar Nashashibi or one of the Duzdars199 must have done it on Ragheb’s instruction to show how he is being intimidated by the terrorists! Haven’t they shot at Souleiman Touqan’s house? And the Mayor of Tulkarem also? Anyhow we will hear later of the delegations and hundreds of telegrams congratulating him for his narrow escape and perhaps H.E. will also visit him or rather congratulate him as he did with the Touqan of Nablus.

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Saturday 29/1/1938 No news today except one. It says that a Jew was condemned to death by the Criminal Court. I am sure he won’t be hanged. Ropes are made for Arab necks only. He will get his reprieve alright. Sir Arthur dare not confirm it. He can only confirm sentences passed on Arabs. At 12pm Dr Lanier paid us a flying visit. I told him about the itch on my neck; he recommended Lotion Calamine. Fuad showed him the ringworm. Yacoub belched more than once, to show how his stomach behaved. Lanier seemed in a hurry. He said he had been sitting with Rashid rather too long hearing his minor ailments. I don’t blame him, he is a very busy man these days especially after Dr Gonsalves had absconded on the Dutch steamer. He seemed to sniff the air and say: ‘We are going to have some rain today.’ Just ten minutes after he left us it began to rain – and what rain – a downpour I have seen for the first time on this island, a drop as big as a marble. Our guard St Jore has sent me the St Louis College, a book on the history of Seychelles, it was printed in 1909 and is a very interesting book giving a copy of many a valuable manuscript about these islands dated as far back as 1775.

Sunday 30/1/1938 Awoke early but dozed off till about 8.30am. Weather breezy; rather cool and cloudy. News – well it seems that some 400 internees at Acre are going on hunger strike – many who thought that they would be released after three months, were disappointed. They are down for a further three months. We therefore are not going on hunger strike because it would be now cheap imitation. The initiative should have come from us here instead of Acre. G.O.C. changed fiveyear sentences on two Jews for possession of arms to three and six months respectively. That is what they call British Justice. An Arab is given the life sentence for a similar offence. The poor Jews have to have revolvers for self-defence you know! The Arabs for attacks! Pasha [and] Rashid came at 5.30. Rashid as usual had his poem copy book under his arm and began reading his dozens of verses. I am lately getting fed up with his poems. I don’t know how I happened to mention the Khirbet-il-Ghazaleh incident200 – which took place on the 20/8/1920. Pasha knows all about it and after some time he admitted that the late Rashid Talii[’]201 (of Jabal El Druze) was the man responsible for it – and actually present when it all happened. How he laughed when he heard of the loss of my 750 golden Turkish pounds on that day – collected by me after three years residence in Aleppo. At about 11pm I turned in and just before extinguishing the electric lights, I caught sight of a rather medium size Tarantula (a poisonous species of spider). Well this [is] the third we have killed during the last month or so.

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Monday 31/1/1938 Awoke at  1.15am. Then at  5.15 and later at  7.30. My thoughts went home. I am wondering how is Wahideh feeling today being the finale of four months’ separation? When is the whole thing going to finish and clear up? We sat all three of us in the covered Veranda – quiet and doing nothing but thinking and brooding. We remained in a trance for about an hour until one of us broke the silence. All of us feel fed up today. It is the Monday-morning feeling; Fuad attributes it to lack of news Sunday evening. It may be so. Walking about the garden this afternoon I met the gardener Sina. I instructed him to get some small Ben-Zels to plant in the vegetable garden which I inspected minutely today. It seems that there are two kinds of snails which do a lot of damage to the vegetables; the one with the shell which they call Calou here and a snail without a shell which they call be’-bete. Sina looked at me and said ‘Mo beacou s’agrin! Beacou be’-bete mange ma pauvre fleures et legume.’202 I said yes kill them! He does so in the evenings, after nightfall walking about with a hurricane lamp. I can hear him crack-crack-crack as he smashes the snails with a big stone in his hand.

Tuesday 1/2/1938 News this morning rather exciting. An Arab band surrounded nine Palestinian constables, shot the corporal, took all rifles and sent the eight others off. This was near Acre. Paris and Bari said disturbances renewed again, train connections cut – ditto for telephone, telephone wires. Shots at Government House Jerusalem. Bombs etc. Well … everybody seems fed up except Ormsby-Gore. He wants peace and order and both are unfortunately not forthcoming. Sir Charles Tegart is ordering 1,500 armoured shields to be worn by British police underneath their jackets. The poor old fool, he does not yet know the mentality of the Palestine Arab and he thinks himself in Bengal dealing with Bengali Terrorists. Let him have his trial – with Alan Saunders as I.G. and Rice as D.I.G.; they may be able to do something! I doubt it; but at least Govt. would say we have tried everything, and as Great Britain and the East once said: ‘We are afraid that someday we will have to impose independence on the Arabs.’ I think she is right; but not before some more British blood is shed; and not until the taxpayer at home is forced to pay the bill! The usual afternoon relaxation reading and brooding, thinking and concentrating up to the point of weeping … We have entered today on our fifth month. February! We are not in Palestine. The month of rain – storms – hail – cold – and snow and me alone and Wahideh alone! ‘I am lonely’ is the American slogan of the she crooners! Wahideh and the kids will probably be moving after a month or so into a new flat – with me 5,000 kilometres away and still Mayor of Jerusalem. What would happen if I go back in two or three months and reinstated mayor with my family and me living in a four-room top flat at Katamon? Well it will be easy … I will have to switch over into

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the best amicable flat. Auster and his missus are enjoying themselves as acting mayor and mayoress; both can afford it! Isn’t she a mare!? And didn’t she tell her husband one time she wants to order so many frocks for the so many different occasions? ‘Send me back to Palestine’ is all what I want at this moment. I am not a bloody gangster, neither am I a train derailer or a Blue Beard. I can assure you I haven’t kidnapped or killed a single damsel! That fellow at Paris must have iron nerves to strangle a belle like the American star!203 Sina is planting some Ananas – when I asked him when will they be ripe and ready to be eaten – he said in ten months. But when I told him that ‘we are not staying more than 4–5 months’ his eyes began to roll and he said ‘Seulement 4 mois – what is going to happen to my vegetables?’ I laughed and replied: ‘We will take them all – with you to Palestine.’ He was satisfied. There is a very curious coincidence which I thought I may record. Today at about 11am, I was discussing Palestine with Fuad and I don’t know why? but I happened to mention Rasem. I told him I was worried about him – in short, I had some quaint feeling about Rasem, but Fuad assured me not to get anxious about him as he is a good fellow and so on. From the BBC we heard that there were three clashes in Palestine between police and troops and three armed Arab bands. One near Jericho, where a supernumerary police[man] was killed. The second encounter was near Jenin between the troops and a band of 150 strong. Two British soldiers were killed and two seriously wounded. It is stated that fifteen Arabs were killed. The third encounter was near the Syrian frontier, and the results are not yet known. We were hearing the Arab programme from the BBC London. Music by Umm Kalthoum and then the Arabic news. All of a sudden Fuad switched off the Arabic news programme to hear the English. Imagine my astonishment on hearing the following: Rasem Khalidi the Assistant Registrar of co-operative societies in Jerusalem and cousin of Dr Khalidi the Mayor of Jerusalem who is now in Seychelles was arrested today, and sentenced to three months and sent to the detention camp at Acre. Rasem Khalidi is the first senior Government official to receive such a sentence.

Well, well, well, I was spellbound – very shocked to hear it; and I couldn’t believe my ears. I was speaking only today at 11 am with Fuad about [him] and behold when my thoughts were with him, he was being rushed to the Acre concentration camp! What coincidence and me 5,000 kilometres far away. I am sure Rasem could have done nothing to justify such action by that blooming government wonder who gave the order? Is there anything justifying my presence at Seychelles? Two Khalidis in concentration camps. I consider this is an honour to the family in Palestine’s fight for independence. Many Khalidis were deported by the Turkish Government. Did it break any Khalidi’s neck? Not at all. It is a stiff neck which will not bend to kiss anybody’s hand. The Khalidis will one day have their due share in their country’s destiny.

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Figure 7  Photo of H.F. Khalidi with his family members (L to R) standing: Hassan Shukri (brother), Thabet Khalidi (Wahideh’s brother), Ahmad Sameh (brother), Ghaleb (brother) and Hussein Fakhri. Seated: Yacoub (brother), Haj Ragheb (father), Salim Salaam (Ahmad Sameh’s father-in-law) and Ismail (youngest brother) (circa 1930).

I wouldn’t say I went to bed not disappointed but I was thinking of Rasem and his honeymoon. After all, Mrs R. Khalidi will go back to her father’s house during his detention period.

Wednesday 2/2/1938 Everybody seems so busy in Mahé; and it is a sign of security or prosperity under Mr – no he is now Sir – Grimble’s governorship. You ask for the barber to come and cut your hair, i.e. all three of us; he gets five rupees for that (15 minutes work)! He says he is busy and is very sorry, possibly tomorrow! You ask for your tailor to cut a Drill or khaki suit – Madame Rasool replies but she is so busy; she is sorry she can’t come today; but could you send your old suit and the three yards of khaki you bought from Teemuljee! You send your films to Vel the photographer, you get a reply: he is sorry he is so busy – you ought to wait 15 days for your prints!! And the most amusing part of it is that your barber, your tailor and your photographer are dying of hunger in Mahé – Seychelles! Not because there is no work for them to do, but because they are engaged in gossip – the damnation of these islands. They can’t help it; their Governor, a Mr or a Sir, governs by gossip.

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Thursday 3/2/1938 This morning’s news from Palestine are still on the move. The colonial secretary in the House promised to issue soon a declaration on the ‘Boundary Commission’ and events in Palestine. If he does so in a few days – we may be able to tell from his tone whether we should be pessimists or optimists as far as our sojourn here is concerned. I read a few numbers [issues] of Great Britain and the East this afternoon. At five pm I had my tea with Fuad. I don’t know why? but all of us seem to be so optimistic about our speedy return to Palestine – as a matter of fact; we began discussing routes – via Bombay or Mombasa, and when we reach Suez should we go by rail via Kantara or by sea to Jaffa via Alexandria! That’s encouraging at least; the thought of going home soon. Our moods are changing now every hour. In the mornings I feel cheerful, I sing and whistle in my bath. In the afternoon I become moody, morose and averse to talking with anybody. I sit alone in the garden looking at the horizon. All of a sudden, I begin to laugh and sing. Fuad said: ‘What’s the matter? One of these days one of us is going to the asylum!’ I think he is right, if nothing is forthcoming. Fuad told me today that the government steam launch which took them the other day for a sea trip to St Anne and the neighbouring islands (a three-hours [sic] trip), was a rather cheap cruise. The bill received today was 6.50 rupees only! They gave 5 [extra] rupees – a rupee to each of the 5 boatmen as a tip; a hundred percent. I think it is a record. They thought the trip would cost them at least 30 rupees.

Friday 4/2/1938 I was astonished this morning to notice that the guards are patrolling the garden regularly. In fact, one stands under the mango tree to the east and the other at the western entrance. Probably some more restrictions forthcoming! I heard no interesting news today except Bari saying that many acts of violence occurred yesterday in Palestine; and that Fakhri Nashashibi204 had issued a statement about Palestine’s affairs. Pity that there is nobody in Palestine except Fakhri Nashashibi to issue statements. Still remember his photo on the shores of Tel Aviv surrounded by Jewish he’s and she’s with a statement: ‘Fakhri Nashashibi relaxing with his Jewish friends on the shores of Tel Aviv.’ I remained in bed this afternoon till 5.30 when Pasha and Rashid came. Westergreen had told Yacoub about the guards. The Committee came yesterday and found both sitting in the garage. They told Westergreen that this is not their place, guards should guard and they decided that one should be stationed east and the other west. Now again it is a question of intrigue and gossip – Westergreen versus Gontier. Westergreen reported Gontier a few days ago; it appears now that Gontier reported Westergreen is not exercising proper guard over us. So the Committee came to investigate and found both guards in the garage and gave the new directions. They are still adding insults to injury; let them do whatever they like. If necessary, I will not even leave my room.

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As I was going with the Pasha, I saw the new moon. ‘Mabrook [congratulations] Pasha’, [I said]. ‘This is the fifth moon we see after leaving Jerusalem. How many more are we going to see yet?’ The old Pasha smiled and said ‘Oh … dozens yet!’ Fifth moon! And it is about three days old and the [al-Adha] Eid is on Friday next. Gosh! How the days and weeks pass. Life’s speedometer just rolling on; and no news from Home for about two months. I don’t know what will happen to Wahideh if the months should become years? But is that possible? The Palestine problem is apt to terminate in one way or another – but can it be settled, with us here in the Seychelles? I doubt it. Ragheb [Nashashibi] may be influential and I am no fool to deny it, but can he alone solve the problem? Further why is Sir Ronald Storrs going to Palestine? Storrs is pro-Nashashibi and is an intimate friend of Ragheb. He is pro-Jew and pro-Arab. He looks right and says Shalom – then he looks left and says Salaam Allaikum. It may be alright that he has come to Egypt to deliver a series of lectures on-I-don’t-know-what! But I fail to understand his slipping to Palestine in times like this. Something is being cooked and Storrs may be one of those participating in the cooking. Everyone seems these days capable of offering a solution for the impossible Palestine problem, even Issa Nakhleh205 and Moussa Husseini two students in England! And you shouldn’t forget Awni Aziz Dajani206 too! Dr Khalil Totah207 speaks about the Palestine Triangle in Asia and he is capable of doing so; at least more than students in England. It is now 7.30pm Seychelles time as I sit writing tonight (5.30 Palestine time) and it is a Friday. I am sure that many of my relations and cousins are at home with Wahideh except dear old Rasem. Who knows there may be others too? At Acre or Sarafand [prisons] and [Hijri month of] Moharram is approaching i.e. after about 27 days and Wahideh and the kids are leaving Dabbagh’s house at Katamon. Poor Wahideh she may be preparing from now to quit the house of ‘ill fate’ as Thabet calls it in one of his letters. I am sure on the day they decide to move, the whole squad of Khalidi young men would be there more than ready to offer their help to do their share! I can tolerate anything – prison, exile, deportation etc. but any humiliation of Wahideh and the kids – or any signs of it, will make me go into a fit, and woe unto that fellow who can do it. I have nothing to live on but my amour propre and I can assure you if this goes, I don’t give a damn if my life goes. I have moved from house to house since 1920, but I have been present at every move – and on many occasions I have driven my car with my baggage at the back. Imagine – the Mayor of Jerusalem – at least for three years, can’t find, or has not provided himself with a small residence after 14 years’ service as a public servant of the Public Health Department and after three years at the back of the big capital’s mayoral desk. Hear Mr R. Nashashibi and hear you all of His Majesty’s Government officials in Palestine!

Saturday 5/2/1938 No news today except one from London. The Jewish constable who shot at an Arab bus and killed an Arab boy was sentenced to death today by the Military Court. This, says Reuters, is the fourth Jew to be condemned to death by the Military Courts.

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This sounds rather curious, because we have not yet heard about the other three Jews condemned to death, although Reuters never neglects to mention when any Arab is condemned to death. The question is: will any Jew ever be executed in spite of being sentenced? I doubt it myself. Fuad was under the mango tree enjoying the cool breeze. He had just received a cable, I think from his wife although it is unsigned. It says: ‘Hear radio Monday children’s hour.’ Apparently, Ibrahim Touqan’s arrangement for Ameerah and Leila and Fuad’s kids to broadcast on Monday has been arranged and we shall hear the kids’ voices then. I only wish that on that day reception will be good. It is grand to hear the dear girls’ voices at such a distance. We will be straining our ears at 4.30pm on 7/2/38! I was reading Al-Difaa this afternoon. In its issue of 10/12/37, I find a short article – The Shortest War. It tells the story of the death of the Sultan of Zanzibar Hamid Ben Mohamed and the usurping of the throne by his uncle Khalid. The British were not pleased and ordered the battleship St George to speed to Zanzibar; which she did. This was in the year 1896. She anchored opposite the white Palace of the Sultan and sent an order to Sultan Khalid to quit. He refused and he was given an hour’s grace. He insisted whereupon the palace was shelled and part of it was demolished. The Sultan abdicated and fled to the German Consulate. The whole battle took 37 minutes. Surely the shortest war on record. It may be strange to relate this article here but the coincidence is that one of our guards the old Maxim was on board the St George in that year. I still remember a few nights ago him having related to me that story of the bombardment. I think I have recorded it before. How he began imitating the shelling and saying: ‘Sultan Hamad Ben Mohamed – boom, boom, boom’ and began describing how the palace began tumbling down. A really curious coincidence! The Governor passed Rockies a few days ago and did not see the guards; they were inside the garage; he was cross and told the Committee to investigate. The guards are somewhat irritated. Vel seems to resent having to sit all day opposite us, as if he is trying to spy. Gordon – the big moustached, and hefty black is indignant. I told Westergreen that if they wanted to guard us properly, they better have half a dozen guards by day and a similar number by night.

Sunday 6/2/1938 Up at about 8.30 after a rather disturbed night. No special news from Palestine; the Chief Rabbi intervened [with] the G.O.C. for reprieving the Jewish supernumerary’s constable’s sentence to death. Will he hang? Wait and see. We heard one item of news from Paris this evening – a delegation of Arab ladies interviewed Sir Arthur Wauchope this afternoon and discussed with him the matter of the deported Arab leaders. Who can that delegation be? I wonder whether it is Mrs Moghannam208 [&] Co. I wonder whether Wahideh was one of them. If so, I shall not only be angry but furious. I refuse Wahideh going and asking mercy from H.E., as if we were criminals begging for such mercy. Anyhow it is no use prophesizing now.

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Monday 7/2/1938 We had asked Westergreen some days ago to inquire from Nageon about giving us permission to visit Praslin Island. Today there was a Committee meeting. Their reply to our request is a big ‘NO’. I told Yacoub and Fuad I hope there will not be any further requests from the blooming Committee. We are going to hear the Arabic children’s corner from Palestine at 7.30. For God’s sake – good reception. Oh! Ibrahim Touqan, otherwise I don’t know what I shall do. At least Mrs Saba had paid £P 1.50 to inform us. There are a lot of atmospherics on the medium stations tonight, so that I am afraid we are not going to hear Palestine clearly. At 7.30 sharp we heard the PBS whistle and then the programme announcers. Their voices were rather faint. Then Wadia Shatara began with her Arabic children’s corner. You ought to see me with Fuad practically sticking our ears to the loud speaker. The cracking noises were intolerable and broke my ear drum. But we persisted in our efforts. Two children said a few verses each; then a long speech (inaudible) from Miss Shatara. Then a male voice continued the programme (Fuad says it was Shafic Mansour of the YMCA). Then Fuad suddenly heard the name of his son Suhail Saba called to the microphone. His voice was very far; but Fuad at least had some satisfaction. I could hear nothing from Ameerah or Leila; and I am really disappointed.

Tuesday 8/2/1938 Slept rather soundly tonight and awoke at 7am. It was the first night I dreamt of home. I was lying in bed when I saw my father entering from this door, and saying I am glad thank God for seeing you come safely; I tried to rise and kiss his hand – then everything was blank again. Suddenly I saw Wahideh after the usual welcome – she said why have you left us so long and what are we going to do after you left the municipality? Don’t worry I said, I have joined and enlisted in the Air Force and I am now a captain and medical officer to the force – then blankness again as I opened my eyes. There are no news of interest, except destruction there and there. The ladies’ delegation saw H.E. and protested also on the harsh measures of the police and army. Yacoub went down as usual and came back for lunch. Still more restrictions, Westergreen informs him. We are not allowed to visit each other’s with the guards as escort. It must either be Westergreen or Gontier. The guards are not to sleep until we all go to bed and all lamps are extinguished. One guard has to be at night duty. Westergreen even hinted that if necessary, he will come himself and sleep with us! I told my friends that the cause of all their new precautions was the impending arrival of the German battleship on the 15th inst. I even foresaw some more drastic restrictions. No visiting each other’s during the period she is in harbour and Westergreen will sleep here and the guards will be told to open their eyes day and night. They don’t want any signalling etc. Well … Germany is not a friend of England and maybe they are not to be blamed for taking all necessary precautions.

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I am sure it is going to be a hectic fortnight for poor old Sir Grimble, the members (all Honourables) of his Committee, our two chief guards and the other six guards. It would be great fun to tease them a bit and hint we want to get in touch with the Nazi ship. The first thing to do is to write a sentence in big characters and expose it on the wall of the bungalow or inside of the window i.e. Heil Hitler. But what is the use – I am sure if the authorities here detect the least signs on our part to communicate, they would at once tighten the screws and we would be the losers. It was very silly of Rashid the other day when he went with Pasha and Yacoub to Wireless Beach. He stood writing something on the sand with a stick; when Westergreen asked joking what he was doing, he replied: ‘I am communicating with the German battle[ship].’ ‘But how?’ said the startled chief guard. ‘Quite simple’, said Rashid. ‘I write sentences in big characters on the sand, and the officers will read them through their powerful binoculars.’ I know it is a joke but after all Westergreen is supposed to be loyal and he must have communicated this to the Committee, who – I am sure – met yesterday to discuss precautions to be taken for our surveillance when that German ship is at Mahé. I look like a dervish these days, my hair is ‘terrible’; and I have decided to cut it tomorrow. I asked Westergreen to send Camille the Barbier de Seychelles. But we are not allowed to speak to him as usual – Westergreen will be present during that important hair-cutting ceremony. This is exile and this is the torture of exile in a tropical, equatorial place like Seychelles. Thank God my conscience is absolutely spotless and clear – That’s why I see no ghosts at night or have any cauchemares.209 I wonder whether Battershill, Wavell, Wauchope and Co. Ltd do not see the ghosts of those whom they are sending heavenwards.

Wednesday 9/2/1938 Not a bad night after all; seven continuous hours of dreamless sleep, to awake rather refreshed. News … well nothing but the usual state of events and Nuri Pasha210 will be publishing a declaration, he and another Arab [leader] asking that an end be put to the Palestine disturbances – he will naturally say: ‘Rely on the good-will and the justice of the British Government.’ We have relied on that after the Arab Kings and Princes asked us to do so last year and the result was Partition. What weight does Nuri Pasha’s declaration carry? And what guarantees will he give? Nothing! Camille came punctually and I had the long expected and required cut – when I finished, I looked a different man – from a turbulent dervish to a law-abiding citizen; and let me mention that the hair on both my temples is whitening so quickly! Yacoub had cabled his father today, about ‘Should have strong hopes’, he said. ‘Greeting’ and as usual ‘ask blessings’ and ‘awaiting hopes’! What hopes after all? What hopes have we got of an early and speedy return when disturbances are continuing in Palestine? Nil at present – but I always say ‘wait and see’. Tomorrow is the eve of the feast and on Friday Pasha and Rashid will lunch with us.

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Yacoub hinted again this afternoon that we must meet each other more frequently as it makes us happier, pass the time and so on etc. I remained silent, but when he withdrew for his evening prayers, I swore at Fuad and told him for God’s sake, he must go down to the Rockies tomorrow; ring-worm or no worm. I don’t want them to be under the impression that I may have influenced Fuad in not leaving the bungalow as I do. He promised to do so. Anyhow, I am going to stick to my decision to the last unless something very extra-ordinary should develop. Moharram [Hijri month] is approaching – after 20 days. What is Wahideh doing? And have they found a suitable house? Oh … the worry of having to move about every year. To bed at 10 in a bad mood.

Thursday 10/2/1938 Again, a rather comfortable night and sound sleep to awake with sunrise. Still no rain tonight. News this morning – British soldier killed and some other similar items but from the P.B.S. it said that the new Commission will consist of four experts, a legal, financial, administrative and a boundary expert, exactly as I predicted some time ago. When are they leaving? And their names? is still a mystery! Another ‘wait and see’. Rashid and Pasha came at 5pm. At 5.30 Lanier visited us and I had a consultation with him about Fuad’s condition; he is undoubtedly improving. We chatted with Lanier and informed him about the further restrictions imposed in view of the coming of the German battleship. He smiled and when going out he remarked jokingly – ‘Maybe they will place a guard over your radio-masts.’

Friday 11/2/38 Eid al-Adha Up at 6.30. I opened the door, turned north-westward and said ‘Bon fête Wahideh and you Adel, Hatem, Ameerah and Leila’. That is the second Eid out of Palestine. I thought of what I heard yesterday evening over the radio about the snowstorm raging yesterday over the Jerusalem mountains, and probably all night long. Here I am at 7 am naked near the equator and Wahideh and the kids still tucked under their warm woollen blankets. What difference between Palestine and Seychelles in the first day of the feast of Adha? And imagine me after shaving, swimming in a cold tub of water, while everybody’s teeth are chattering at home if they dare leave the warmth of their beds. Pasha and Rashid came while I was having my bath. When I dressed and came to wish them bon fête, I found them sitting with Yacoub chanting some verses from the Koran. I sat with them and when Yacoub finished, we read El Fatiha211 and then rose, kissed and shook hands. Do you know how many telegrams we received? Pasha two, from his son – and from Jaudat Bibi,212 Rashid one from his son and I and Yacoub nil. We again discussed

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the attitude of the various committees in and outside Palestine. It was not only disappointing but disgusting too. No-one to greet us or remember us in this most holy of feasts. Yacoub slaughtered a calf today and instructed Adam Moussa to distribute its meat to the poor. Rashid and Pasha are slaughtering one tomorrow and distributing its meat too. All servants and the guards had tons of dishes to eat today. All of them were so happy, each has received about 8 rupees as Eidieh.213 They were simply buzzing today and smiling, grinning all day long. I laughed when our gardener saw me this afternoon and smiled saying ‘Mo bocou content auzodui mo bocou manger’ tapping his stomach with his fist and throwing his shoulders backwards. I am sure the poor old fellow did not have such a feed for months. I forgot to mention that the Arabic BBC from London said [that] ‘Ragheb Nashashibi head of the Defence Party left Jerusalem for Egypt to spend twelve days on the occasion of the feast’. I can’t understand what is the importance to the Arab world in broadcasting the movements of a man like Ragheb Nashashibi? The feast goes on for four days, why is he going to stay twelve then? I think his friend Sir Ronald Storrs knows why. Or [he] is fleeing the country, where it is becoming too hot for him to stay. Fakhri Nashashibi may be able to answer that question!

Sunday 13/2/1938 Up early just before sunrise at 6.30. No rain last night or today. Weather remains cool but damp. No news also today – an Arab was sentenced to death by the military court at Haifa. The Atlantis is still in harbour. The tourists will take the cars to South Mahé up to Anse Royale, where they will see a small coco-de-mer plantation and some cinnamon and patchouli oil distilleries. Tomorrow we will see the Dutch mail boat, and I hope plenty of letters. And after tomorrow, we shall see the German battleship, in the place where the Atlantis is harbouring. It will be swarming with young German cadet boys. All the young girls and lasses of Victoria are awaiting the arrival of their beautiful German lads impatiently.

Monday 14/2/1938 Up at 7am, just as the Dutch steamer S.S. Barentz was approaching St Anne. At 2.15 Westergreen came. He brought two packets of al-Ahram, one of Palestine Post; one Great Britain and the East, four packets from London i.e. four Daily Sketches and True Story, Wide World and Argozy and R. Storrs book Orientations. No letters yet. I am so happy now about reading materials, but not so about letters. There must be a few still with the Governor. At 4pm Westergreen came again with a big envelope full of letters. Seven for me, seven Fuad, seven Pasha, six Rashid and five Yacoub.

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After reading my letters, I tackled my journals and magazines till sunset and then sat pondering on the veranda. When is all this going to end, I was wondering? Although things appear to be somewhat quieter at home, nothing is being done to expedite the new Commission. Thabet says we may stay here till October! I think he is right there – I always thought we shan’t be free before at least a year. I went to bed with a heavy heart.

Tuesday 15/2/1938 Slept well tonight, awoke at 4 then dozed again till 6am. I opened my doors and went out in the garden. It was one of the most wonderful views I have yet seen in Mahé, today’s dawn. I was so charmed that I took a snapshot of the sun just before rising. At 7am I heard the town’s siren blowing and announcing that the German cruiser was sighted. At  8, two ships were steaming slowly near Île Mamelles and at  9.30, the cruiser came into the deep harbour. She is a two-funnel cruiser and must be about  10,000 tons. The other boat was an oil tanker (a German) accompanying the cruiser. She didn’t salute as usual after throwing anchor, but I can see several motor launchers dashing to and fro.

Wednesday 16/2/1938 Another sunrise seen this morning. There is still no rain and today is rather hot. We had been discussing last night the attitude of the Government of Palestine towards our several memos and cables. We can’t understand why they don’t even reply! Thabet says in the last letter that he had a glimpse of our seven-page memo to H.E. and he understood it had been pencilled by the retiring High Commissioner (H.C.) and that he hopes something will come out of it. We decided again to try the hunger strike threat. Fuad and Yacoub were to discuss it with Pasha and Rashid this morning. I am reading Storrs’ Orientations. I agree with Thabet that it contains a lot of nonsense. I even think at times that the author is unbalanced. There are things you don’t understand sometimes and his writing appears to be that of an irrelevant and delirious man. That’s my first impression of his book at least. Of course, I would like to read still about his Palestine experiences. When Fuad and Yacoub came back for lunch they said they did discuss the matter with our friends downhill. The Pasha agreed in principle. Rashid did not, he says that he does not agree in principle with hunger strikes for any reason whatsoever. Well, it is a matter of opinion after all. After our usual afternoon nap, we sat on the veranda watching the German cruiser and the launches buzzing around it. We had a long talk about our future destiny, the length of our sojourn here. I am of the opinion that it is attached with that of Haj Amin; at least to a certain limit. As long as he is allowed to stay in Syria, he will be able to keep things going somehow or another. The consequences of what we are seeing now in Palestine, is the result of Government’s balance keeping during the last twenty years of that slogan of Husseini and Nashashibi.

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Thursday 17/2/1938 I awoke at about 3am this morning and could not sleep again. At 5am I was fed up especially from the mosquitoes which kept humming and buzzing over my ears. Another flare up in Palestine. Armed bands clashing with troops; shots here and there and destruction of telephones [lines] and so on. Fuad and Yacoub went with the draft cable written this morning to show to our friends at the Rockies.

Friday 18/2/1938 Rose at 7.30am. Weather still hot, damp and rather oppressive. News as usual. Strict supervision of Transjordan boundary by 200 British constables patrolling on motorcycles and cars. Bands in Tulkarem area. Sentences of death and imprisonments, arrests. Italian circles say that World Jewry problem can only be solved by a sovereign Jewish state but not in Palestine (significant!). Both cruiser and tanker are still off – torpedo-practicing. By the way her name is the battleship and training ship: Schleswig-Holstein; and she is on a foreign instructional voyage of six months duration round Africa. She is accompanied by the tender and tanker steamer Schwarzes Meer. She is under the command of Captain Johann Feldbausch214 and has a crew strength of: Officers 30 Midshipmen 12 Chaplain 1 Non-Commissioned Officers 159 Cadets 177 Crew 426 Civilians 24 Total 829

She will be leaving on the morning of the 26th inst. The Pasha agreed to the text of the telegram slightly amended. Here it goes: H.C. Jerusalem. Memoranda cables already sent protesting against unwarranted deportation, alleged moral responsibility. Our continued absence from homes and interests contradicts justice and human principles and destroys our financial interests. Regret receiving no reply on representations, and in protest against this unjust treatment, decided hunger strike if our representations not duly considered and communicated to us shortly. Hilmi, Khalidi, Ibrahim, Ghossein, Saba.

I don’t know what will be the effect in Palestine, and whether the H.C. will answer or not, but we have submitted enough memos and cables and we have no other

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alternatives open before us. We will give them about a week to reply, if not, we shall tell the Governor here and find a date for him to inform Palestine and the colonial office in London. I am reading Storrs’ Orientations. I think it is a dreadful book full of all kinds of nonsense. He hasn’t got one good word for the Arab revolt. Compare him with Lawrence!

Saturday 19/2/1938 Rose as usual at 7am. News today – again an Arab sentenced to death in Haifa, stated to have levelled a revolver at a British police officer yesterday! (Death sentence within 24 hours of the act). Terrorism is not decreasing yet … Our moral responsibility! It makes me laugh. Every Arab seems to be determined and here is the end of it. Another bad incident, a doctor of the R.A.F. shot in a Jewish car near Haifa and two other occupants wounded. Hear what Lord Snell215 says (wasn’t he on the Wailing Wall Commission and stamped as a pro-Jew): England should come to an understanding with Italy and Germany. Great Britain in her policy is like somebody walking during sleep, not knowing where he is heading to.

Lunch at 1pm and a three hours rest in the afternoon reading Storrs’ Orientations; I would call them Delusions or Hallucinations. He is pro-Jew to the bone in spite of all his recent camouflaged speeches here and there; and he has the cheek to come to Egypt after abusing the Egyptians in the manner he does in his book.

Sunday 20/2/1938 Awoke very early tonight and could not sleep again; nothing special though. News today rather important. Mr Boz216 chairman of the All India Congress said they are not going to accept Government’s proposals. They may soon have to decide on civil disobedience. What the Indians want is complete independence and a republic on a basis of a treaty with Great Britain. What if they put into effect their threat? And in conditions as those prevailing at present? I am sure Britain will have to think twice now. The British cabinet has met yesterday for three hours and is meeting today also – a Sunday! It is stated that this is the  5th time in twelve years that the British cabinet meets on a Sunday. There must be some grave issues to be decided and decided quickly. The Italian cabinet met also yesterday; and who knows they may also have a meeting scheduled for today. Tracks of yesterday shooting of the R.A.F. doctor led to Ijsim village.217 I think it is the  Madi’s218 Village near Haifa. There, an Arab was shot by the searching troops

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and 2,000 head of sheep and goats confiscated as a fine – Is this British justice? Who knows to how many innocent and poor widows, orphans and poor men these herds belong? A very interesting item of news was broadcasted from London. The German Cabinet had met today also and there was a speech by Hitler. Amongst what he said was something like the following: ‘England should not look at the sentences passed by our national courts, she better see what her military courts are doing in Palestine.’ That’s rather a challenge! Women sentenced to ten years imprisonment for being, or rather for having found a revolver or some cartridges in their homes – shielding their men. A whole family of ten – father, sons, and cousins (hashish smugglers) – one sentenced to death and the rest for life imprisonment because one of them had a revolver! As a contrast, a Jewish constable – armed with a Government rifle, shoots at an Arab bus and kills an Arab boy. He is sentenced to death by the military court. The Chief Rabbi intervenes and the G.O.C. changes the death sentence into a life imprisonment one!

Monday 21/2/1938 Rose at  7am. Continued reading Orientations, Palestine section – Author has every admiration for the Jews but not the Arabs. Mentions R. Nashashibi, the ex-Mufti Kamel Eff. [Husseini] and the Khalidis. Nothing else; but he mentions every Jew. I don’t know what Rouhi Bey Abdulhadi will say? He hasn’t mentioned his name, although he worked with him [for] years. He mentions however very often his other Rouhi – his spy – or as he calls him ‘the mystic Persian’ – Esc. Hussein Rouhi219 of the Department of Education. He speaks about the burning of Government house in Cyprus – but he forgets to tell us how he fled from a back door instead of remaining at the head of the force dispersing the crowds … [T]here is no mention of Haj Amin at all, except that he was responsible for the 1920 riots in Jerusalem, after which he fled the country. He quotes sometimes his diary and sometimes extracts of letters sent by him to his mother; but he fails to record the extracts from his mother’s letters and his own diary about Haj Amin during the first few years of his appointment. I wonder what is the cause? I would like to ask him that question one day if I happen to meet him. He may be under instructions not to mention anything about the phase of Palestine’s first few years of her destiny. That’s the way all such recorders of history feed the public. A rather serious item of news from Manila station this evening via United Press: After today’s meeting of the British cabinet, and after a heated discussion between Mr Eden220 and Mr Chamberlain,221 the foreign secretary and his permanent undersecretary submitted their resignations.

There will be another cabinet meeting tomorrow or after to discuss the situation. This was repeated from London giving more details. Eden and the Prime Minister will address the House of Commons today.

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Tuesday 22/2/1938 Rose at 5am and then at 8. The Kenya is in harbour first arrived from Bombay. I wonder whether we will have any mail. Fuad had a two-page news [bulletin] this morning about the cabinet crises. Eden addressed the House, explaining why he differed generally and personally with the Prime Minister and the other cabinet members. It is again Italy – the cabinet want to open peace negotiations with Italy who asked for it. He considers it is not the time as he does not advise negotiations under threat – ‘now or never’ as he puts it. The Prime Minister said he and his colleagues were surprised at Eden’s attitude and regretted his resignation, but he does not agree with Eden. Mussolini had been sending him letters and he thought time was ripe for negotiations. He denied it was a ‘Threat’ negotiation. He explained the policy of Government – safeguarding British property and persons and maintaining peace in the world etc. Major Atlee [sic],222 leader of the opposition, supported Eden. Many other members spoke for and against the motion for a vote of confidence in the present government which will be brought up tomorrow. Lord Halifax223 was handed over the Foreign Secretariat temporarily. It is still difficult to comment on this Cabinet crisis. As far as the general peace in the world is concerned, I think this is a rather good step. Once England and Italy come to terms – world peace is assured for some time at least. As far as the Palestine case is concerned, I think this would be against the Arabs. Once free – even for a while from Italio-phobia, Great Britain will concentrate on Palestine; (unless India is troublesome again) and we all know that the heavier side of the balance is still with the Jews, i.e. finance (Jewish) versus manpower (Arab). When Fuad and Yacoub came at lunchtime, Fuad tells me Westergreen had informed him that a letter from a certain Mr Beck224 with a covering letter and a despatch form from the Colonial Secretary arrived. Beck asks that he should come to Seychelles and take us to Palestine on his own responsibility to discuss with Arab leaders the present situation. Now this is rather vague and our chief guard is not exactly clear as to the exact terms of the letter. We asked him for more accurate information on this subject and he promised to do so later. We tried to discuss what that letter could be, but in the absence of the correct text, I thought it was futile to do so.

Wednesday 23/2/1938 News in Palestine rather puzzling. The colonial secretary Mr Ormsby-Gore, in a farewell lunch to the new High Commissioner yesterday said: ‘It is clear that Palestine in spite of the fact that the majority of the inhabitants are Arabs, but it cannot belong to the Moslem world or Christian or Jewish world alone. Everybody must have a share in it (and its Parliament?) – It has always been Britain’s desire for cooperation between Moslems, Christians and Jews.’

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He spoke highly of Sir MacMichael225 and said he was the most suitable person to be H.C. and govern Palestine, which has great responsibilities. The vote of confidence in the Cabinet, after speeches by several members, resulted in defeat of the motion 330– 168 votes. Churchill and Lloyd George backed Eden and attacked the Government. In Palestine, an Arab band attacked the Beisan226 Police station and a soldier was found killed on the frontier near Huleh [lake]. Westergreen came at  10am. There are no letters today. I received a few issues of Falastin. Yacoub has at last received his nargeeleh and is delighted about Hat Narah Ya-Walad227 and so on – now an exact typical Orientalish atmosphere – puffing and belching; and that dreadful stench at the end of the nafas [puff]. The German cruiser and her tanker returned early this morning from her second manoeuvres. Pasha and Rashid came rather late today at about  6pm – and again I have to endure the eternal and blasted poetry of Rashid. Fuad was eyeing me slyly as Rashid sat reading his effusion and I shaking my head to and fro! Pasha realizes my embarrassment at times, that’s why he winks and I just simply nod to say I understand.

Thursday 24/2/1938 Rose at 5.30am – with rather a queer sensation around the chest. I wonder whether these mosquito coils I am burning every night are not affecting my lungs by their incense smelling smoke. As soon as there was sufficient light, I read my Ahrams this morning; especially taking a keen interest on what Nahhas Pasha and Ahmad Maher228 Pasha were saying to the different delegations coming to them daily. I sympathize with Maher as I am a dead anti-Nahhas; as I have always been. I don’t know why I am so moody and gloomy tonight, but there you are; in spite of the lovely ‘Hawaiian’ tunes I am hearing just now.

Friday 25/2/1938 I did not sleep well last night; awoke a couple of times, so that I dozed off till about 8.30am. No news today except that the new High Commissioner Sir MacMichael is leaving to Palestine and will reach there on 3/3/38. On discussing when were we going to start our Hunger Strike, Yacoub expressed the opinion to postpone it till the 24/3/38 after the mail arrives. I told him if it was going to be postponed 4–5 weeks, that telegram should never have been sent. What would they think of us after that? We decided to discuss it in the afternoon when Pasha and Rashid came in their evening tour. There seems to be a farewell party on board the German cruiser. At about  4pm her guns boomed 19 times. Apparently, a salute to the Governor. Steam launches are speeding to and fro and when Rashid came with the Lahj binoculars, I could see the

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quarter deck decorated and a lot of people enjoying themselves. The cruiser is leaving after midnight today. We tried to discuss our cable to the High Commissioner. Rashid, Pasha and Yacoub tried to evade such a discussion by saying that the new H.C. was reaching Palestine on 3/3/38 and it was therefore advisable to wait until he arrives. I did not press the matter and let the conversation be directed elsewhere.

Saturday 26/2/1938 Awoke at 3 am, then 5, then 7.30. I am feeling better this morning. I was very interested reading this morning Sultan Abdelhamid’s229 reply to Herzl230 about Palestine in the issue of Great Britain and the East, dated Dec. 23, 1931. I knew the Sultan refused, but I never thought how fine was the reply. Herzl requested that he ceded the territory of Palestine for the purpose of establishing an ‘aristocratic republic’ therein. In return, the Zionist Organization would undertake to restore the finances of the Turkish Empire. The Sultan sent back the following message: Advise Herr Herzl to take no further steps in this matter. I cannot alienate a single foot breadth of land, for it is not mine but my people’s. My people fought for this land and fertilized it with their blood … Let the Jews keep their millions. If my Empire is dismembered, they will perhaps receive Palestine gratis. But it must be our corpse which they cut up; I cannot agree to vivisection.

I think every Palestine Arab should be proud of their late Sultan and should have a copy each framed in his house. Later on, in 1902, Abdulhamid allowed his ministers to make [a] proposal: it was to the effect that Jewish immigration [allowed] provided they became Ottoman subjects and accepted military service, should be settled dans une maniere dispersée, cinq familles ici et cinq familles là231 – in all provinces of the Empire except Palestine. Paris says there were clashes between armed bands and the troops and aeroplane activities everywhere. Sir Tegart has recommended recruiting  3,000 Circassians (cavalry) for patrolling the frontiers and preventing Arab bands entering Palestine. Here again the same old story of France engaging such mercenary troops to fight the Syrians in 1926. So, the British are repeating the experiment with these Circassian cavalry men, as she did with the Assyrians in Irak [sic]. But with what result? The Assyrians know better. The Circassians will have to think twice before accepting such an offer. Their future destiny in the Arab world would be at stake; especially after tasting the hospitality of the Arabs when they arrived as exiles after their Russian persecution. It is Emir Abdullah who can either encourage or discourage them to enter or not to enter on this hazardous undertaking. ‘Wait and See’ I always say. The German cruiser left this morning after an eleven day stay in Mahé. At  1pm Fuad came back with a letter from the Committee in reply to our last cable of the 18th inst. to the H.C. It runs as follows:

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26/2/38 Gentlemen, I am directed by H.E. the Governor to reply to your telegram to H.E. the High Commissioner for Palestine of the 18/2/38 and to inform you that H.E. the High Commissioner has telegraphed that all representatives/representations submitted by you through H.E. here, have been duly and promptly considered there; and when so requested by you have been transmitted to the Right Hon Secretary of State for the Colonies. The High Commissioner added that the Secretary of State has not yet replied to those memoranda. I have etc. M. C. Nageon de Lestang Legal Advisor

Well after all, this may not be all what we have asked for, but to receive a cable reply telling us that our representations had been duly and promptly considered is some sort of satisfaction. We will give them some more time till after the arrival in Palestine of the new High Commissioner.

Sunday 27/2/1938 Awoke several times also early after midnight and coughed a lot this morning. It rained steadily from 2am–8am this morning. One big bridge blown up between Jenin and Afuleh,232 with stoppage of communications. The letter of Beck addressed to the colonial secretary [which] seems to be dated the 12/1/38 is rather interesting; it runs as follows: I am leaving on Saturday (i.e.  15/1/38) for Palestine with no particular motive except to engender a better feeling for which I have striven in the past between the Jew and the Arab. May I ask your permission to visit the deportees in Seychelles who must by now be in a better frame of mind and would I be presuming too much if I suggested that it might be opportune to bring those together with others arrested and now in Syria, back to Jerusalem. As an outsider I may know certain elements in the situation unknown to the Government: due mainly to the sympathy I have extended to the Arabs of ‘trying to bring them to reason’ in which though difficult, I have not altogether failed. Yours Faithfully, Signed Frank H. Beck

The reply seems to be as follows: In reply to your letter of the 12/1/38 I am directed by Mr Secretary Ormsby-Gore, to inform you that the Arab Deportees in the Seychelles are permitted to receive visitors subject to the following restrictions:

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1.  Visitor must be approved by the authorities in Seychelles. 2.  A guard must be present when visitors are received. 3.  Conversation must be in French or English. I am etc. H.F. Downie

This is rather interesting – at least somebody is taking some interest in us. I am sure Mr Beck will, after visiting Egypt, Syria and Palestine, give up the idea of coming to Seychelles. If he thinks that four-months’ stay ‘changed the frame of our minds’ or ‘he could bring us to reason’ he is greatly mistaken. Let him stay where he is; a trip to Seychelles is rather expensive. There is a cable which we sent on the 3/12/37 and I forgot to record it. Prime Minister. Colonial Secretary. Govt. replied Nov.  23 Commons that imprisonment by Bolivia of two British subjects without trial not consonant principles of justice. Our deportation and internment without trial resulting losses, prove Government of Palestine should reflect principles of justice and release us. Palestine Deportees.

And here is the text of the cable we sent to the High Commissioner on  15/1/38 which I also forgot to record: Reference previous memoranda and cables unanswered. We believe Government’s recent harsh policy resulting grave losses and hardships to country and ourselves. Proved falsity of alleged moral responsibility for our deportation, an allegation contrary to justice principles which are backbone [of] civilized nations. Health [of] some of us deteriorating from tropical damp climate and restrictions on liberties. Hold Government responsible for injuries to country and ourselves and shall register same in history of Arabs whose friendship Government claims. Appeal to civilized peoples and expect your reply. Signed all five.

That’s how Pasha and Rashid like the tone of our cables to be. It is useless to argue with them sometimes, that memos and cables must be couched in such phraseology which would appeal to the average British and suit his mentality. The German sailors did not spend much I am told during their eleven day stay here. Apparently, each was allowed to spend 8 rupees only during all this time. The Governor is having a rather hot time especially after that road scandal contract ventilated in court by the editors of two local papers in a libel case. The Chief Justice’s sentence gave the Governor, his executive, the Road Board and the contractor hell! Everybody seems so glad that the Governor was morally censored, including Govt. officials. How this man is hated in this Crown Colony!

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Monday 28/2/1938 I was up very early today at 5.30am. I walked about the garden till about 7, and I had my morning cup of tea in the rose garden instead of in bed. Fuad joined me, so did Yacoub and his Nargeeleh, until the sun was high up and rather hot from beyond the clouds. Pasha and Rashid came. Nothing exciting – the same old talk over and over again.

Tuesday 1/3/1938 Rose at 6am to face the first day of the sixth month since we left Palestine. There are some news today, Reuters says an Arab and a Jew were killed yesterday. Then the Colonial Secretary gave a statement yesterday in the House of Commons, about what is called the new Partition Commission to Palestine.233 It will be presided by a certain Sir John Woodhead, a former finance member of the Bengal Government, who acted also as Governor of Bengal during the absence of Sir John Anderson. The second member is Sir Anthony [sic: Alison] Russell, a former Chief Justice of Tanganyika and legal advisor to the Government of Malta. The third member is a certain Mr A. Waterford, a high official of the Home Treasury. The fourth member has not yet been nominated. It was further stated that the Commission will start their work in England on or about the middle of this month, and that they will then proceed to Palestine (God only knows when!). He then repeats a summary of their terms of reference as laid down in the recently issued White Paper. It seems to be after all just a partition Commission. Now is the time for the Country to speak out; but I wonder who has the courage to do so?

Wednesday 2/3/1938 Sir Arthur Wauchope left Palestine yesterday. He drove from Government House escorted by the Transjordan Frontier Force cavalry to the station square where he took leave of Government officials and notables and then down to Ramleh [airport], where he took the Imperial Airway plane to Alexandria. He meets Sir MacMichael today and will hand over. The new H.C. will reach Haifa tomorrow on board a battleship. He wants to make an impressive entrance. Guns booming a salute, launches buzzing, guards of honour etc. and then the stately drive to Jerusalem by car. He will find however that Palestine is not Tanganyika and the Arabs are not Africans. I wish him every success in his new career, and hope that with his known tact and impartiality, he may yet be able to bring peace to the country by seeing the Arabs’ rights in the land in which they have been living for the last 13 centuries.

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Thursday 3/3/1938 Awoke at 5am and could not sleep again. I switched my electric lights on and read for about an hour until sunrise. I am beginning to feel moody and depressed again these last two days, and I suffer from headaches and dullness. I don’t know whether it is the weather or too much reading. Bad news from Palestine – two Arab gangs – one 18 men – were arrested yesterday according to Paris. A bit of local news. I understand that one of the Egyptians who were here with Zaghloul Pasha had married a la ménage with a whitish lady, and he left twins – a girl and a boy now fifteen years old. Westergreen said that this woman heard of our coming after our arrival and wanted to come and see us! Naturally she was not allowed. I wonder who is the father of those Egyptian twins. I shall try to find out soon. I wonder if the Egyptian knows of those two kids. And whether he is sending them money. The king of the Gold Coast who was deported here sometime during the Boer War (King Prempeh!234) also married a la ménage – a black – and he has several boys. One of them is a hefty man now and a fine footballer. He is [in] one of the Astor football teams of Seychelles. Fuad came back to say we are invited to lunch tomorrow at Rockies. They want me to go down by hook or by crook. Yacoub had told us a few days ago – no I think it was on the first of February – that we had 50 more days to stay at Mahé as from 1/2/38. Tonight, he told me why. On that day he said he had gone into ‘retirement’ and after prayers and the necessary ‘appeals’ he had read Surah Yasin235 fifty times after which he had gone into some sort of trance where he had seen his brother Fouzi. Fouzi was perturbed and is stated to have told Yacoub ‘Don’t be so anxious and nervous, all what you have to wait is 50 days’. Yacoub had taken this as a ‘sign’ after reading the Surah 50 times. Well, let us hope that what he saw in his trance comes true. That’s what they call ‘faith’ or ‘belief ’.

Friday 4/3/1938 Up at  7  am. I was just thinking this morning about Wahideh and the kids. I am wondering where do they now live. Is it Musrara or somewhere in the Katamon? I may not be able to know before the 25th inst. at least. News: Sir MacMichael reached Haifa yesterday morning. There were  17 guns booming when he left the ship with his wife and daughter. At the harbour, he was met by the CC Mr Battershill and Hassan Shukri,236 Mayor of Haifa with whom he spoke in Arabic. He then went by train to Jerusalem, where a bomb exploded on the line between Tulkarem and Lydda but before his train passed. Rather bad to commence his career with a bomb exploding. I can’t understand what good will such an act of sabotage do to the Arab cause? In the afternoon he took the usual oath.

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Apparently yesterday before noon my four friends had discussed sending a telegram to the new High Commissioner. They asked my opinion and I said frankly I don’t agree to sending any cables now. Sir Harold was a new man, he will probably broadcast his first message and it is therefore better to await developments. Pasha wants to repeat his clichés; in fact, the draft cable does not differ from the four already sent. I stuck to my point – it was no use sending it. We were told only a week ago by cable that all our memos were duly and promptly considered and forwarded to S. of S. of the Colonies and that we should await a reply. What’s the use of sending another reminder just now? It may be sent after 10 or 15 days. In the meantime, I urged we could propose a detailed memo to be forwarded on  22nd inst. Ultimately, they all agreed and the draft cable was torn and put aside. A new guard (Butler) was appointed today to take the place of old Maxim, who had been sick constantly for the last month or so. He is a Mullato.237 St Jore the guard told me how we are being robbed right and left by Adam Moussa and Co. We are sometimes paying more than double for articles and food and dress. Well how can we help it? We order and they send their bills and we have to settle them. There is no bargaining.

Saturday 5/3/1938 Awoke at 7am this morning; a very clear and practically cloudless sky, with the sun as hot as hell and the ocean a pale blue mirror. News are rather bad this morning and the situation all over Palestine appears to be very serious: It says that practically all arterial roads especially between Jenin and Nablus, Haifa and Jerusalem are practically closed to all traffic and pedestrians for about the last ten days due to military operations and that shortage of food resulting from this traffic block is beginning to be felt in towns. Bands have attacked Police posts near Acre with rifles and hand grenades. The state of affairs in Galilee is very serious – clashes are continuing around Jerusalem. One British soldier was killed and another wounded yesterday. Ormsby-Gore stated in the House of Commons yesterday that the numbers of British killed in 1937 were: Combatants: Eight killed, ten wounded. Non-combatants: Two killed, two wounded. The new High Commissioner broadcasted yesterday evening  10:15 Seychelles time appealing to all for peace and to putting a stop to the disturbances. As usual he spoke all about the first duty of a government, the King’s authority! The greatness of the British Government; and that much will be spent on restoring order. He spoke for about 10 minutes and mentioned something about ‘representations’ to all irrespective of majority or minority? Rather vague and ambiguous. I wish we had the full text – it would help us a lot in writing our next memo to the Government. Anyhow … it can’t be any different to what is expected from a Colonial Governor coming to a land when disturbances are more than rife. What could he have said otherwise? I am sure he will be more busy in Palestine than he was in peaceful Tanganyika!

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He will have no time for salmon fishing or big game hunting. I don’t at least envy him his post these days. Lady MacMichael and his daughter will be spending many an anxious hour when he will be out very soon touring the country ‘to see and hear’ for himself. The BBC broadcasted a resume of the High Commissioner’s broadcast yesterday. ‘The British Government is strong’, he said, ‘and knows how to defend itself. The Government is not anxious of expansion of any other colonial development’. He is there to help, support people who desire peace and who will help him attain it. As if we don’t know that the British Empire is strong! Or knows how to defend herself! I think he better say that to Hitler or Mussolini. They don’t seem to think so! Anyhow fed up from the whole show.

Sunday 6/3/1938 The bill from the dentist came yesterday. For the Pasha’s upper and lower dentures 210 rupees! And for Rashid’s drilling and filling one tooth with gold 66 rupees! Both were furious and Rashid refuses to pay. They referred the bills to the Committee and spoke to Dr Lanier about it. He thought that such bills ought to be paid by the Palestine Government. I fully agree. British constables and their families receive free dental treatment.

Monday 7/3/1938 Up at 5am feeling I couldn’t stay in bed any longer with oppression of my chest. Went into the garden for a walk and it was still dark. At 12 Fuad wrote and gave me a curious slip of paper in which he wanted a frank talk with me about something which he scribbled but which I could not understand, although he wrote two foolscaps. He pointed that he was so touched while in Palestine, by a rumour which Ragheb Nashashibi circulated, that he was in the AHC as a Government spy and that maybe his friends here are a bit suspicious about. After writing my diary I found him sitting under the mango tree reading Storrs’ Orientations. I gave him his slip and told him ‘out with it’ as I did not understand what he meant. He began by speaking and all of a sudden went into a weeping fit. I realized that here again was a mild hysteric fit – or rather a fit of home sickness. I gave him time to clear his eyes and throat, as such safety-valve-steam-giving was rather good for the nerves. I spoke gently with him, and soothed him and told him I believe nothing of the sort and he was a real friend, a decent good old chap and so on. Three days ago, he had sent a cable to his wife saying ‘Longings – well’ meaning to ease her mind in case of delay of mail. He received a reply which said ‘Worried by your cable, what happened?’ Apparently, she misunderstood the cable and was really worried. He telegraphed back explaining. Who knows? One day it may be my turn to get such a weeping fit.

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Am I not worried now to know what happened to Wahideh and the kids after they left Dabbagh’s house? Isn’t it right that they should have informed me by cable? Is she comfortable in her new house? And what does she think about it all? Or rather how is she managing her expenses? One can’t live on others’ charity for long! After all I can understand her not sending a cable about the house. It costs a lot of money and she prefers to spend it on something else, poor Wahideh!

Tuesday 8/3/1938 Awoke at 5am, then at 7.20, a rather hot day, cloudy but no breeze. Bad news from Palestine today – as the result of military and air operations, an Arab band was rounded near Jenin; 30 Arabs and one soldier were killed. Amongst the prisoners and wounded were several from Syria. Four other armed Arabs with a price on their heads were arrested near Nazareth. Well, that’s a pity really all this bloodshed. When are we going to see an end to it, I wonder? And what’s the use of it these days! I wish I had been in Palestine. Somebody must get up and be frank and put a stop to this unnecessary loss of life in the ‘accursed land’. Why can’t Mahmoud Abu Khadra and some other sensible men get up and do something, put a stop to all this nonsense of sending men from Syria if such news are correct. The Palestine impasse cannot be solved by guerrilla warfare of Arab bands roaming about in Palestine. Ultimately, they will be routed out. The Arab and Moslem world will have to say their last word. If they cannot do that, well then, sensible Palestinians must do it at all costs. I honestly wish I was in Palestine these days.

Wednesday 9/3/1938 Up at  6.30am. Yacoub is already in the garden performing his morning prayers, chanting the Quran. News today say that the Jewish papers commented on H.C.’s broadcast and said his policy was to uproot terrorism. The Arab dailys said nothing. They were rather reserved and preferred to wait. A full debate took place in the House yesterday when Parliament was asked to approve expenditure of £P  300,000 for military operations in Palestine. Ormsby-Gore replying to questions said that was needed for unforeseen expenditure of the disturbances which started in Sept. last year. That the government’s first duty was to maintain peace and order (we have heard that said more than a dozen times by now!) and that government and government alone will do this duty. He then said that Government is insisting on the Partition scheme (he didn’t say so in his last white paper!); that the Commission was starting soon, and that it was a problem of immigration and presence of water which will decide settling of Jews, Arabs in Palestine and Transjordan (Balfour Declaration does not apply to T.J.!) And that’s about all! What more do you want? At Geneva, he says H.M.G. accepts partition. In his white paper, he says H.M.G. is not bound by the partition scheme of the R.C.

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Now he says in the House that H.M.G. insists on Partition. He is the biggest liar I have ever heard. Well, the slogan I think these days must be G.M.G. i.e. Gore Must Go!

Thursday 10/3/1938 Up at 7am. Another hot day … Troubles continue in Palestine. Clashes between bands and troops.

Friday 11/3/1938 Up at 5.30 – usual walk in the garden before sunrise. Weather ditto as yesterday no rain yet. At 11am we went to Rockies for lunch. Rashid is still busy with his poems, but he is giving them up gradually for English lessons. We were informed yesterday that the cable addressed to Yacoub was from his father to inform him that Abdelhamid Shouman of the Arab Bank had lodged a civil case against him and they ask for the Pasha’s intervention. All of us were cross about it. Yacoub informed the Pasha and he promised to write.

Saturday 12/3/1938 I was up at about 4am tonight and heard poor Yacoub weeping for about a quarter of an hour. It seemed to be about the cable he received lately. He was weeping bitterly and imploring the Almighty to help him. Palestine: Ten Arabs and one English soldier were killed in an encounter yesterday. Austria has gone Nazi. There was an ultimatum from Hitler. Troops on the boundary and flares ready to action. The [Austrian] government resigned and the Nazis took over hoisting Nazi flags. England and France are furious and submitted the usual strong protests! Who cares?

Sunday 13/3/38 Awoke at 7.30. I am well provided with novels these days from the library. You pay one rupee and take four books. I shan’t bother about their sending books from home. At 10.30 Rashid and Pasha came for lunch. We all sat under the Mango tree and enjoyed the breeze. We discussed politics especially yesterday’s feat of Hitler. His troops, tanks and aeroplanes walked into Austria and he flew over and visited Vienna. It may or may not affect Palestine affairs, but it would undoubtedly solidify Franco-British unity. Yacoub thought we ought to send a cable to Palestine. He read an effusion which he had written. The usual repetition. I disagreed and the discussion was going to take a rather hot phase. Pasha intervened and I informed Yacoub that his arguments do not convince me and that I am not going to change my mind. If they wish to send the cable, they can as a majority. Fuad was asked to redraft and put [it] in a decent shape.

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Tuesday 15/3/1938 Up at 6am still groaning with a mild headache and sore throat; and that beastly molar is again paining me. I can’t have it extracted until Pasha and Rashid settle their bill with the dentist. How could I face him? It is really a shame. The news this morning are all about the occupation of Austria by Germany; and what reaction it had here and there. Everybody in the House of Commons seems to condemn the act and protest! But Hitler does not give a hoot – he knows all about protests unbacked by force. They can’t afford to do it – neither England nor France; even with old Blum238 forming a Cabinet. And Hitler has been very quick at clearing Austria’s public sector from the Jews. He has already dismissed the Jewish Judges and other Jewish officials. Fuad went down with Yacoub to discuss the final text of the cable. He asked my opinion, but I refused to give. I don’t agree to the sending of a cable, and they are at liberty to send whatever text they like. Pasha and Rashid came in the afternoon. They had not agreed yet on the cable text. Yacoub’s was modified [by] Fuad and Fuad’s was not accepted by Rashid. He modified it and began it by quoting McMahon’s pledges [to Sharif Hussein] and so on. What did I think, they asked? I had already given my opinion, if they want me to be more frank I shall. Yes, they wanted. I said when each one of us was deported, he was not so treated because of his personal activities, or his personality. We have been deported as representing the country. I feel humiliated if I have to beg to be set free and returned to Palestine. If the country appreciates our sacrifice in being deported, and taking into consideration the present circumstance in Palestine and Europe; the country should want us back, then it is for the country to ask that we should be returned. If I felt that my country does not want me back, neither will its inhabitants make any endeavours and/or bring pressure on Government for my return; I can assure you I am not going back to such a country; I would prefer to remain where I am forgotten for years. Pasha, Yacoub and Fuad agreed at once. Rashid remained silent. Pasha then suggested we should limit our cable as a reminder asking for the Colonial Secretary’s reply to our representations. Unanimous agreement; and Fuad was delegated to draft a simple cable accordingly. We then turned as usual to poetry and literature.

Wednesday 16/3/1938 Up at 7.30. I think it is one of the hottest days today. News today: Again, everybody seems to talk about nothing but Austria and so many questions asked by the opposition in the House of Commons. There is a plot in Transjordania. Paris says that the Officer Commanding Arab troops and some other officers were arrested in Amman together with the Mutasarrif [Governor]. London did not mention anything. A goods train was derailed on the line between Egypt and Lydda – sabotage suspected.

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Thursday 17/3/1938 Up at 5am – it was still dark. The weather is the same as yesterday; but towards 12pm it became cooler and clouds are gathering capable gagner de la pluie they say here when this occurs. News again about Austria this morning. A very heated discussion in the House of Commons – attacks by the opposition and so many questions that Chamberlain had to tell Major Atlee leader of the opposition that he refuses to be cross-examined! Westergreen took the four novels I have just completed and promised to get me four more this afternoon. He brought our cable accounts today. It is something like 400 rupees! My bill for three small cables was 25 rupees.

Friday 18/3/1938 Up early at 6am. My molar tooth still paining me considerably. I even could not speak. The pain eased a bit but again at 5pm it began throbbing. I took a tablet of Gardan but it seemed to have no effect. Anyhow I managed to have a little hot soup into me at dinner time and yet the pain continued. I applied iodine but with no effect. At 9pm the pain was so agonising that I began to sob. I tried to walk about and tied up my face with a handkerchief but the throbbing increased to such an extent that I began weeping like a child. I think I remained in that weeping fit for three quarters of an hour and moaning too. I don’t know what happened to me – and I was in a hysteric fit sobbing and weeping not only from the pain but from loneliness; Wahideh and the kids just flashed into my mind and my sobbing increased. Dark thoughts kept flitting and flashing through my memory; and I kept on repeating God why should I deserve all this? What have Wahideh and the kids done? At 10:30pm I was practically exhausted. Fuad came several times to see me and soothe me. He could do nothing the kind old boy. I lay down in bed and tried to read. The pain seemed to calm down. I looked into the mirror and saw the effects of an hour’s weeping. My God I thought if Wahideh sees me now. Well here am I the Mayor or ex-Mayor of Jerusalem, pacing the bungalow in Mahé, suffering from agonizing pain of my tooth and nobody seems to care. I cannot even obtain the services of a dentist or doctor at night. What would happen to any of us if he got a heart attack?

Saturday 19/3/1938 Awoke at 5am groaning and remained tossing about till 7 when I again fell asleep and woke at 8.30. I had two cups of tea and having arranged yesterday to visit the dentist at 11am today. Fuad went with me to see Rashid who was not feeling well and whom he understood was in bed today. When I reached the hospital, I saw the dentist. He is a local Seychellois and had his degree from Scotland (Edinburgh). We chatted for a

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few minutes and I was introduced to the chair. After explaining to him what I felt, he thought there had been an abscess which opened. He examined the tooth and thought he would get it out. I told him I hated local anaesthetic with a needle and suggested ethyl chloride. He agreed and stuffed my mouth with cotton. I could see that he was a rather slow and clumsy fellow. Well, it can’t be helped – he is the only and best dentist in Seychelles and he has to get that blasted molar out. After applying the ethyl chloride, he was a bit late in extracting as he did not have his dental forceps ready and at hand. The effect of ethyl chloride was just fading when he began to pull and I felt that he nearly pulled my mandible out. But out it came and I was groaning like a bull. He apologized and thought it would be rather painful. I muttered something and thanked him. At 6pm, I felt better and left my bed after tying my head with a handkerchief.

Monday 21/3/1938 Up at 6.30 – slept rather well although I awoke two or three times near midnight. The pain is much easier and the swelling too. I am reading some of Edgar Wallace’s239 and Oppenheim’s240 novels these days. They are rather interesting.

Tuesday 22/3/1938 At 3pm, Westergreen came with the mail. I had one letter from Ahmad enclosing three letters from Father, Issa Bandak and Uncle Saad el-din. There were four other letters, from Mahmoud Abu Khadra, [brother] Yacoub, … Khalil Sakakini and Uncle Abu Salah. I wonder why there are no letters from Wahideh and Thabet.

Thursday 24/3/1938 Awoke at 7.30 after passing a rather restless night. It is my headache and that beastly rash which are worrying me. Again, the weather is dreadfully hot, 31 degrees in the shade and no rain for the last 24 hours. We are simply roasting and gasping for breath. We understand from Bari that Amin al-Tamimi241 was dismissed from the Moslem Supreme Council. Would it not have been more honourable for him to co-operate from the beginning and resign? At 4pm, Westergreen came with the mail. Mamdouh, God bless him, had sent seven nice novels and Thabet sent Simson’s book on British Rule and Rebellion in Palestine.242 There were letters from Wahideh, one from Thabet awfully amputated by the censor and two sheets missing. One from Adel, others from Thuraya Budeiri and Ibrahim Darwish – Two post cards from M. Amin243 (that’s how he signs) and written in English from Beirut. A post card from Yousef Ashur and one from Mr Reynolds244 – good old man. Ahmad had also sent the P[alestine] Post and some issues of Falastin. Not so bad after all and enough reading material to pull us through till next mail.

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Dinner and to bed at 10pm after having heard that Ghaleb and Fuad Atta [Khalidi] were both arrested and sent to Acre. Apparently Rasem’s case is more serious than I thought. He remained in Jerusalem central prison for some days before he was transferred to the Government Hospital. They are inquiring into his movements for the last two years. I am sure he did nothing during all this period.

Friday 25/3/1938 Up at 7am. My chest is again heavy and my throat throbbing and am still suffering from the headache and itching. There was a bomb outrage in Haifa yesterday and several Arabs and Jews were wounded. There are many interesting items in Falastin and the Baladieh [municipality] seems to be running OK. Weather still dreadful – heat suffocating and no rain during last 24 hours also.

Saturday 26/3/1938 Up at 7am to face another hot, damp, and boiling day. My headache is better but my rash is still itching badly. Read the newspapers till 10.30. A trolley was derailed yesterday near Gaza killing one soldier and wounding another. The passenger train from Egypt was saved. Yacoub had not been feeling well for days. Today he was complaining to me at breakfast time, when he suddenly broke down and wept. It seems he cannot tolerate this beastly weather anymore. One day all of us will break down from this dastardly weather. I thought of preparing a detailed report on the health of each one of us and the effect of this equatorial climate and its consequences to be submitted to the authorities and ask them to transfer us to a cooler weather even in Africa but of a higher altitude, or Malta or Gibraltar or Cyprus. I mean it is a very fair demand. I shall begin to write the draft report soon. Pasha and Rashid came late at about  6pm. They could not find a car and came up walking and consequently sweating all over. I had a little dispute with Rashid about Dr Shahbandar.245 The discussion was about to become hot, had it not been for Pasha’s intervention. Rashid, being of the Kutleh246 wanted to brand Shahbander as a traitor – I refused to hear all about that – Shahbandar is a gentleman no matter what his drawbacks may be. If somebody differed with your opinion, he is not necessarily a traitor. Shahbandar had been banished from Syria for years and condemned to death by the French on several occasions when Mardam247 was still nobody. Rashid had to put his breaks on and wind up the subject. No news of interest this evening; but there is a lot of intrigue going on between the guards and their superiors. Everyone is spying on the other and reports are being whispered and written. Our every movement is being watched and counted. Why this blooming condition? I absolutely fail to understand.

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Sunday 27/3/1938 Dr Lanier came to see us at about 6pm and he stayed for about 15 minutes. He asked about news. I said there were none, but we are suffering dreadfully from the heat. He said yes, it is very unusually hot for February and March, but April and May would be hotter still. I told him that the weather is becoming unbearable for us and there may be a move in Palestine asking for our transfer to a healthier and cooler climate. He may have to be consulted on this matter also. He fast frowned and said nothing.

Monday 28/3/1938 Awoke several times during the night – dozed again and was up at about 8am. The heat was terrific today – like a burning furnace and not a breath of wind. Westergreen brought the mail this morning which came thru’ the Governor. I had a registered letter from Ahmad containing £P 20, and enclosed a letter from cousin Hussam and from Walid248 and a small note from ‘Treasurer Henry’.249 It had reached me in the record time of 14 days which is rather good. There was a long letter from Hassan Bader [Khalidi] God bless him. He complains bitterly in his letter and informs me that besides Rasem, Ghaleb and Fuad Atta, Akram250 is now in [detention]. He thinks that in a short time all the He-Khalidis would be in – because they are Khalidis, and nobody will remain out except the she’s and the kids. Sheikh Khalil251 seems to be busy interviewing officials for this wholesale arrest of Khalidis. Abdul Hamid Shouman and Mohammad Younis Husseini, of the Arab Bank, are also stated to be arrested. It seems the new H.E. is tightening affairs and making a mess of the whole show. Didn’t they say he had an iron hand in a silken glove? It is high time that they should rope in and intern all the Arabs of Palestine. This would satisfy the Jews more but I must say it is all a wrong policy.

Tuesday 29/3/1938 Awoke at  6.30am. I have started to read Simson’s book on Palestine. It is rather interesting and written in the typical style of a staff officer who tells you how to crush a rebellion in spite of the consequences of the methods of such crushing. I can’t understand that an intelligent intelligence staff officer can make such ridiculous mistakes or be so misinformed about Palestine. All this nonsense talk about the AHC must have been taken from Ragheb Nashashibi. Didn’t Levy of the New York Times tell me how often General Dill and his staff officers met Ragheb at the King David Hotel? All that stuff about the activities of the AHC must have been derived from that source. All that Ragheb is interested in is to blast the Mufti; and he succeeded. At 5pm Pasha and Rashid came. Pasha was worried about the arrest of Shouman and Mohammad Younis [Husseini]. It may affect the work of the Arab Bank he said. Every day gone makes the situation more and more intolerable. There doesn’t seem to

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be any hope of a speedy solution, which means that we will have to rot here. For God knows how long. And with all these silly restrictions, I feel nauseated. I sat brooding all the evening barely speaking a word with Fuad. It is for Wahideh and the kids that I am worried. As a man I may be able to bear it for years – but Wahideh – what has she done to merit all this? I can’t think of it any longer. I must go to bed now at 10pm.

Wednesday 30/3/1938 I awoke at 7am. The weather is cloudy and rather cool but still no rain; and all is so quiet this morning. I forgot to record yesterday that things are again rather bad in Palestine. About 7 or 8 Jews were shot dead and wounded in various parts of the country. My God! Is there no end to all that misery? And what is Britain doing there? The Clarion had a curious article last Saturday. It calls on Palestinians to accept the status of a ‘crown colony with all the boon it brings to the inhabitants’, and ultimately after learning self-government, Palestine would join the Dominion Commonwealth. I can’t understand Dr Bradley’s (the Editor) mentality. At certain times he attacks the crown colony government system – as it means a governor’s dictatorship – and wants more self-government even for islands predominantly inhabited by Africans, and on the other hand calls on Palestinians to accept that status. I don’t blame the old doctor he is becoming senile and has developed softening of the brain lately. Palestine is refusing a temporary mandate and wants an autonomous Arab state, and not a crown colony, where we will be treated like blacks. I happen to know now after six months here what a crown colony government is.

Thursday 31/3/1938 Up at 6am; switched on my electric reading light and plunged into my book Cocktails at Six252 – a rather funny book, telling you all about the cocktail parties’ mania, and what takes place there and what people usually talk about and how they behave. Cocktail parties are the craze these days in England and America.

Friday 1/4/1938 Had a rather restless night on account of the heat. It is about 31 degrees in the shade during the day and  28–29 degrees during the night – That oven hot temperature is playing on our nerves. Mr Thomas Reid253 who has been nominated as the fourth member of the Palestine  Technical Commission, was the Financial Commissioner appointed by S. of S. to report on the financial situation of Seychelles which he did in his report of  July  1933. In that report he says about the climate here that ‘it is damp and

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enervating’. He arrived at Mahé on the 25/4/33 that is also during the hot weather. Now this is the first day of our seventh month and there are still many first days of many months to come yet. It is hot, hot and maddeningly hot. And no rain.

Sunday 3/4/1938 Insomnia and frequent awakening during the night has become a habit. I awoke at 7.30 to face another very hot and cloudless day with no rain. No news from Palestine since Monday last. As to Egypt, the elections are in full  swing, out of  94 districts the Wafdists254 had only won four or five! Government candidates and Saadists255 are the majority followed by the independents. I wish  Nahhas Pasha would lose his seat at Samnoud. What great fun for Mohammad Mahmoud?256 I think he is the only man on the spot who can steer Egypt to safety … The local paper the Impartial records a rather interesting incident today. The opening of the Legislative Council takes place each year on the 30th of March. It is attended by the Governor and the members who come fully dressed in pomp and ceremony. Every year the Hall where this ceremony takes place is packed with visitors and inhabitants of the island and sometimes the police have great difficulty in keeping order and preventing overcrowding. This year there were only five in the Hall awaiting the pompous entrance of Son Excellence. The wife of the Chief Justice, the lady secretary of the Governor, the SMO, the father of an official (the legal advisor) and a journalist! There was not one single inhabitant present to welcome the Representative of Great Britain! Poor Sir Grimble, he must have had the shock of his life – and must have felt the slap  on his face! This gives one an idea of how much the whites and blacks here care for the representation of a crown colony government. It also shows how popular the present Governor is. Compare this to the welcome the people gave here a few days ago to Monsieur Maradan257 the Catholic Bishop when he arrived to take office for the first time. See the crowded streets, the procession, the flags, the arches of Triumph erected etc. This should also be a hint to the Colonial Office. Grimble has been decorated with the K.C.M.G. He has to move on now or rather G.M.G. (Grimble Must Go) as the local Seychelles say these days.

Monday 4/4/1938 Awoke rather late at  8.15am today. Weather seemed to be rather cool and the sun shining. In the outer harbour there stood the M.V. Stella Polaris, an 8,000-ton tourist liner. She looks more like a big yacht rather than a liner. The tourists will make the usual visit to Anse Royale, the coco-de-mer plantation and the distilleries etc. and embark at 1pm. Fuad tells me they met Major Moller at Sans Soucis. Naturally they did not speak to him but waved their hands. I would like to know what he thinks about us after hearing the latest restrictions.

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The Stella Polaris left Mahé at 2pm. It appears that two days ago Pasha had asked Yacoub to prepare another memo to be submitted to the Palestine Government. The Pasha thinks that our two memos submitted were not so good! And contained some weak points! And should have been corrected! That’s why he delegated Yacoub to draft this one now! It appears also that it is a question of jealousy! The doctor drafted the first, and Fuad the second and therefore the third should be done by Yacoub under Pasha’s guidance. Apparently then they think they had signed the two memos to please me! Well if that’s the case we will have to see about it. Yacoub had been sitting all morning and afternoon writing his draft. He hinted about it and said that he had written 12 pages and that he was going to show it to the Pasha; if the latter agrees about it, he – Yacoub – will pass it on to us to read and sign – and if (if mind you!) – we do not agree he will send it under his own signature. He began gesticulating with his arms and arguing at the top of his voice, with mouth gaping and eyes glaring. After a quarter of an hour of this pantomime which I did not understand, I asked him quietly whether he would please lower his voice as the servants would think we are quarrelling. He cooled down … I asked him to come to the point and inquired whether he had any new subject to represent in his memo. He said it was a renew of the past one but with an ingenious new idea. I pricked my ears and wanted to hear about his discovery! He said that he terminated his memo by asking Govt. to perform a plebiscite in Palestine! I asked what for? And he said why surely to take the opinion of the Palestinians as to whether they agree to her policy or not. If they don’t agree she will have to clear out. I explained to him the absurdity of the idea; and told him that rulers do not usually take the opinion of those ruled about how they should be governed, or whether they would accept to remain under the rulers. If this was the case England, and all other Powers with colonies, will have to clear out in 24 hours. Naturally it was useless to argue with a man like Yacoub. He thinks that it is his duty to write such a memo and forward it to Government, to clear his conscience before himself, the people and God(!), as he put it. I had a long discussion with Fuad about this memo. We have cabled and threatened the authorities in Palestine and here; and very unfortunately, now realize that our threat was nothing but a joke. Therefore, I told Fuad that I shall not sign any new memos; and would be more than pleased if Yacoub, he and Pasha and Rashid would forward it under their signatures.

Tuesday 5/4/1938 Up at 6am. Heavy showers fell during the night and the weather this morning is rather cool but very damp. No news from Palestine, but the situation in Egypt is rather amusing. The Government of Mahmoud Pasha and the Saadists won with a crushing majority. Out of about 250 seats, the Wafd Party got only 12 seats; and both Nahhas Pasha and Makram Pasha and most of the Wafd ministers lost their seats. If the elections were

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properly conducted, I think that Nahhas and Makram ought to commit suicide. What a shame for the sacred leadership! It is high time that megalomaniacs like Nahhas should fade away and hide somewhere in an ouzleh.258 Anyhow that’s finished and King Farouq has scored this time. Fuad and Yacoub went downhill with the famous memo to be laid on the doorsteps of the Pasha for his approval. At 5.30pm Pasha and Rashid came walking as they couldn’t find a car, they said. Rashid looks miserable today, pinched face, eyes sunken and an anxiety look; he said he has not been feeling well for the last two or three days – has insomnia and all kinds of bad thoughts. ‘Life is not worth living’ he said with a sigh. The poor man is again on the verge of a breakdown, there is some trouble between him and Pasha. At last Pasha asked Yacoub to read the draft of his memo, it seems that Yacoub had read it to him in the morning and he had approved of it with slight alteration. Yacoub began to read a 15-page incoherent screed consisting of a survey of what happened in Palestine in exaggerated terms – vague and ambiguous ending with his request for a plebiscite! I didn’t approve of it outright and said I was against sending any memos. Fuad agreed with me in principle, and Rashid said bluntly it was no good as a political memo, as propaganda perhaps. I said we were not a propaganda office nor do we intend to be. Pasha congratulated Yacoub on it and on the conclusions – yes, he also agrees about the plebiscite! He told Yacoub to write it out. It seems both are determined to send it under their signatures.

Thursday 7/4/1938 Watched another sunrise today at 6.20am. Few showers during the night; and today it is not so cool as yesterday. Fuad left at  10.30, Yacoub remained to write out his memo. The same old story again, lunch and reading till  5.30; exercise and music till dinner time. Some more music and then to bed at 10pm.

Friday 8/4/1938 Watched another sunrise today and rather a good one, but we are having a very hot day … News from Palestine after  12 days’ silence. Two Jews killed yesterday by an Arab  band. This is bad especially with the approach of Nabi Mousa259 and other festivals. In fact, today is the ‘Call Friday’ for Nabi Mousa – I wonder if the Pasha of Jerusalem (Keith-Roach) would be present at the Mosque as usual; or maybe he will delegate Old Nasuhi Beydoun. I am sure it is going to be a rather tense week or ten days for government in Jerusalem. Nabi Mousa will be next Friday. I wonder also whether the Baladieh [municipality] will have their usual tent up at Ras el Amud?260 I am sure they would with uncle Saad el-Din acting for me as the senior Arab councillor.

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Auster and his other Jewish colleagues will not dare be present this time. Hassan Sidki [Dajani] may be there, but I am not so sure again whether he will risk appearing before the mob in my absence. Anyhow we may hear about these things soon, i.e. in two months’ time!

Saturday 9/4/1938 Again, bad news from Palestine. Yesterday an Arab police officer (mounted) and an Arab civilian were killed, and a British officer and two police constables were wounded. The BBC says it was north of Nablus but gives no further information. The authorities in Jerusalem are preventing the ceremonies at the [Church of] Holy Sepulchre as the building is in a dangerous condition especially after a slight earth shock.

Sunday 10/4/1938 It must be a trying month with all these Moslem, Christian and Jewish festivals going on in Palestine. Yacoub has re-written his draft memo and passed it on to Fuad. I shall read it but shall not sign it. Fuad told me this evening that the Pasha had suggested this morning to appoint some advocates to plead our case in Palestine. What nonsense! I shall say my opinion when the old man mentions it to me.

Tuesday 12/4/1938 A rather restless night tossing about my bed all night long and finally awakening at 8.30 to face a very hot day. News are interesting today. In the Iraq Petroleum Company (I.P.C.) works at Haifa bay a bomb exploded causing the death of two Britishers and four others and several wounded. There were no further particulars about this outrage. Great Britain had at last come to terms with Italy. What interests me more naturally is the clause about Palestine. Italy will not hamper or rather interfere with Britain’s authority in the Holy Land. It seems we are like a lot of slaves between two powerful masters; to be bought, sold and disposed with at their leisure. Britain will not interfere with Italy’s conquest of Abyssinia. This is what I call political prostitution on the part of Great Britain. Naturally they  will agree that Bari will stop its Arabic broadcast. As if the Bari Arabic broadcasting has anything to do with the Arab Rebellion in Palestine. They are either fools and know nothing, which I doubt, or they know everything but do not want to understand. Anyhow the coming events and state of affairs in Palestine will prove this; and we shall see whether everything will come to an end when Bari is mute.

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Wednesday 13/4/1938 Up before sunrise – a hot windless day – no rain last night. Some interesting news from yesterday. 1.  The Technical [Woodhead] Commission leaves England for Palestine on the 21st  inst. 2.  A sack of bombs found in a train in Haifa exploded killing two British and two Palestinian policemen. 3.  A Bill was introduced in Parliament by one of the Pro-Jewish members whereby every Jew in the world may be given the Palestinian nationality on demand. Voting 144–144 passed by the Chairman’s casting vote! This is something really which we cannot understand – we are either mistaken in not hearing the news properly or it is something unique in the world’s history. As if the Palestinian nationality is some sort of a share which can be bought and sold on the stock exchange! I have received a cable from Wahideh handed in Jerusalem yesterday noon. It reads ‘Worried your last letters stop. Keep heart’. Poor Wahideh, she must be really worried after my last letters. Well I have not exaggerated anything. I simply wrote what we do and what I feel. I replied today saying ‘Still living – don’t worry – love’. That wouldn’t cheer her much, what can I answer otherwise. In fact, we are still living and what living? In the afternoon Pasha and Rashid came as usual. We discussed asking an advocate to take our case in Palestine but I pointed out the futility of such a procedure.

Thursday 14/4/1938 A restless night – awoke at 8am. Another hot day and no rain too. No special news from Palestine. Today is the arrival of the Nabulsis261 in Jerusalem for the Nabi Mousa [festival]. How I remember living opposite St George’s school and giving the thirsty Nabulsis cold and iced lemonade to drink when they arrived opposite my house.

Saturday 16/4/1938 A restless night. Up at 7.30 … hot and damp with very small showers in the morning. I wonder whether everything went on smoothly yesterday in Jerusalem at Nabi Mousa. Began this morning translating Simson’s British Rule and Rebellion.

Sunday 17/4/1938 Easter Sunday. Up at 7.30 to say bon-fête to Fuad. A rather cool and cloudy sky smelling of rain. At 9, Fuad went to church for the first time after months; he came back at 10.30 with Rashid and Pasha whom we had invited to lunch yesterday.

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Yesterday’s news from Palestine were bad. Three Jews were killed near Haifa and sixteen Arabs were also stated to be killed in an encounter with troops and aeroplanes. The Italio-British agreement is coming out very soon.

Monday 18/4/1938 Up at 7.30am. Cool breezy and cloudy climate – small showers although somewhat damp. Heard this morning that Major Moller had sent me a red book about Palestine which he had handed over to Westergreen. The latter forwarded it on to the Committee. Heard some rather interesting news also. A British Cruiser is arriving at Mahé on  8/5/38 and will probably stay here five days. Who knows whether we may be deported back on with it. ‘Wait and see.’

Wednesday 20/4/1938 Slept better tonight and awoke at  7.30; coughed rather a lot and my rash which had disappeared during the last 3 or 4 days is again beginning to itch. Westergreen came this morning with some new mail. Still no letters from Wahideh. It is really queer. I received two books from Hassan Bader and one book on photography from Thabet. I also received letters from [brother] Dr Hassan (the first in seven months); which was rather long and very interesting; from Shibli Jamal, Mohammad Salaam and one from Auster. Isn’t that interesting? Anyhow it is very good of him to write and he wants, I believe, to open the road for correspondence. Another one from Barclays Bank to inform me that my debit account is £P 1,022.402 as of the 31/1/38. I don’t know what Ahmad had done after we had at last won our land case. Yacoub said on coming back from Rockies that Rashid was very sick and had one of his nervous breakdown attacks with the usual weeping bout. He must have apparently again clashed with the Pasha. Rashid had written a silly letter to the Committee and wanted Fuad to translate it and he was going to send it under his own signature. Boiled down, his letter states that although he has no organic disease, yet he has suffered lately from nervous attacks due to his seclusion and being a cultured and civilized man, he was accustomed to work and social life. He asks them to give him his liberty to move about the island, otherwise he is prepared to go to prison where at least he will be amongst criminals and will be able to talk and laugh with them! I tried to stop him from sending such a stupid letter but Pasha said – let him give off a bit of steam – as he insists to forward that letter. I am sure he will get a curt insolent reply.

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Thursday 21/4/1938 Up at 7am. A cool day with occasional showers during the night and today. Two British soldiers were killed near Haifa today and five Arabs in a clash near Hebron. Today is the return of the Nabi Mousa pilgrimage. It appears that the festival’s week passed peacefully in Jerusalem. Reading all afternoon in bed – Eugene O’Neill’s262 two plays. They are really very interesting. He is an excellent American playwright. Hassan Bader’s choice was not so bad after all.

Saturday 23/4/1938 I heard yesterday that Dr Gonsalves, who was the bacteriologist here, and who left Seychelles hurriedly and whom the governor had named in the Official Gazette ‘as that absconding doctor’ won a libel case against the Seychelles Government and was awarded about 18,000 rupees in damages! And an apology in the Official Gazette. It is absolutely unfair that the poor taxpayers here have to pay those damages. If I was S. of S., I would make Governor Grimble pay this – serves him right. He ought not to brand people as ‘absconders’.

Monday 25/4/1938 Coughed a lot this morning when I awoke at 7.30am. I awoke several times at night; and I can still hear Yacoub weeping and weeping after midnight and asking the Almighty to have pity on him. It makes me furious sometimes to hear a fully grown up man sob! Westergreen came at 10.30 with the mail. I had a bunch of the Palestine Post and letters from Wahideh and the four kids God bless them. Wahideh is rather depressed and as usual can’t write more than one sheet and a half. I also had letters from Fuad al-Saeed,263 Uncle Saad el-Din, Saeb Salaam,264 Mohammad Salaam and Father, Afif Touqan and from Abu el Walid [Brother Ahmad]. He has settled all my financial affairs; God bless him; he is a mighty chap. Barclays sent my account; Ahmad had already paid them £P 300. We have now a small puppy which we call Boby and a small she kid which we call Sammoura because she is black like coal but her head resembles a gazelle.

Wednesday 27/4/1938 Westergreen said this morning that the Governor had approved our trip to South Mahé, subject to a lot of conditions: No talking with anybody neither casual nor curiosity talks. No visiting to any planter and no planter to visit us there. Should be

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heavily guarded during the trip. In fact, like a lot of criminal scoundrels! That’s what Grimble treats us like. I told them I am not going myself.

Thursday 28/4/1938 Restless night, ultimately up at 8am. News from London say that the Technical Commission had reached Port Said yesterday en route for Palestine. Fuad and Yacoub left to Rockies … Fuad came back with the Governor’s reply to Rashid on the representations he made upon our detention. The clerk to Governor Mr O. Ward Horner says that he was directed by H.E. (etcetera)! to say that: His Excellency is unable to lift the present restrictions on your local freedom; the Government would much prefer to see you and your companions in a joint residence, but has found it impossible to obtain a suitably placed home, big enough for the purpose. There is of course no objection against the deportees living together at Curio if they would prefer to do so. I am to add that any cable the deportees desire to despatch on the subjects mentioned in your letter must be sent at their own expense and in their own wording.

It is the same old story again and again but Rashid does not seem to want to understand. I tell them beforehand what replies to expect; and they know it, yet they seem to want to write; in order to say afterwards that I have protested and so on and so forth. These are my letters and just see the reply. Inhuman, cruel, merciless etc. Apparently Fuad has also arranged with them for the trip to South Mahé for tomorrow at 3.30pm. They pressed me so much to go, that I thought – well – for once let me oblige them and I said I would go.

Friday 29/4/1938 Up at 6.30. Weather unsettled but rather cool. Apparently, there is a strike on in Palestine staged on the day the Commission arrived i.e. yesterday. A printed manifesto stated to be on behalf of the disbanded AHC was distributed in Jerusalem and other places. Reuters says many towns in Palestine are on strike. It can’t say all towns as there are many Jewish ones. The strike can only be effective if all officials, senior and junior, including services in the big towns all go on strike. Didn’t all the magistrates (Irish justices of peace) resign in 1920 in Ireland? Why should all Palestinian officials not do the same? After all this is the last pant in the tug of war. We will either have to be dragged to Transjordania, or they – the Jews – tumble into the sea. If there is no unanimity, it can’t be effective. But with Ragheb Nashashibi now on the stage, is that possible? Again ‘wait and see’.

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At 3.30pm Westergreen came with the car. It had been raining since about 2pm but not very heavily. Near Rockies, we found the other car in the ditch. The driver is a new one. After a few minutes manipulation we brought it out. Sgt Gontier went with Pasha and Rashid. We drove through the town to Mt. Fleuri Road, Zigzag and Anse Royale. All the way near the seashore. The same scenery throughout. Coconuts,  breadfruit trees and shrubs. The black inhabitants, mulattoes, Chinese … all look quite miserable and poverty stricken. Wherever you look everybody seen carrying a bunch of all kinds of fish – small, large, long, thick, red, white and blackish; the poorer elements [carry] their everlasting Maoros or Mackerels. There were some very nice bungalows. Indeed, a very beautiful one belonging to a planter Francis Jumeau, the brother of Mamzelle de le chateau and Mme. Pilliéron’s chaperon. It has a beautiful drive and garden with a lovely grass lawn. He has half a dozen small two-roomed bungalows for hire on the seashore where tourists spend a week or two. They are ideal as a retreat with someone with beaucoup de monde sur le balcon.265 When we reached home it was 7pm and dark. To bed at 10pm.

Sunday 1/5/1938 Opened my eyes at six am this morning to face the first day of our eighth month in exile. Who should have thought that and yet we still are exactly where we were eight months ago; with Palestine still boiling and facing such a serious political and economic crisis unknown throughout the last 20 years. At 8pm we heard some rather disquieting news from the BBC about Palestine. (1)  A police post was attacked by an armed Arab band. Six Arab constables were shot dead and their arms and ammunition taken. Police are following the band. (2)  The Technical Committee which has started its work a few days ago is meeting strong and bitter opposition by the Arabs who oppose partition. The Jews are cooperating. Number one is rather bad. There must be serious troubles going on in Palestine these few days. Number two is rather interesting. The strike seems to be on; and everybody is dead against partition – unity of front – I doubt whether Ragheb Nashashibi can show his face. I wanted to hear what the BBC was going to broadcast in Arabic about these two items of news – i.e. to hear the ‘straight news’ which were [sic] to be broadcasted by London; so I sat up till about 10pm. And Mr Sourour said: (1)  The Technical Commission started their work last week. (2)  Nothing whatsoever about the shooting of the six constables. And that’s what they claim to be ‘straight news’. They don’t want to inform the Arab World and the Near East that there is still trouble in Palestine, and they don’t want to

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let them know about the attitude of the Arabs in Palestine to the new Commission. Absolutely disgusted and therefore to bed at 10.30pm.

Tuesday 3/5/1938 Very heavy showers after midnight. Up at 7am. Cough better today. Debate in House about Anglo-Italian treaty yesterday which was passed. Nothing written about Palestine. Oral assurances from [Foreign Minister] Count Ciano not to embarrass England in Palestine and reciprocal oral assurances from British Ambassador to respect and safeguard Italian rights in Palestine. Fuad came back to tell me that the Pasha produced a further telegram to Palestine, with the same old story again ‘financial and health ruin’ and so on. I am not going to sign such a telegram …

Wednesday 4/5/1938 Awoke at 4am with thunderous battering of rain on our bungalow’s roof. Still raining hard till about 12 noon. At 3.30pm we had rather a small gale in Mahé, the severest we have yet seen here; it must be a 30–40 MPH gale. It abated towards 5.30 when Pasha and Rashid came. After the usual reading of one or two of Rashid’s poems, he opened the discussion about the telegram. There was a heated discussion and to make a long story short after having been a bit nervous myself: Pasha, Rashid and Yacoub gave up the strike question, as they esteem their health and don’t want it injured. I said we ought to regret our telegram sent to the High Commissioner. As regards protest and telegrams I said I do not agree to sending any more as they are useless. And we had a break and decided to give up all political discussions, the Pasha realizing that we are no longer a committee and we belong to different parties, and it is so difficult to make our points of view meet.

Friday 6/5/1938 Up at 6.30 to face a rather very hot and stifling day with no wind at all. One Arab was shot yesterday in a Café in Haifa making the Arabs killed during the week 12. At about 10.30, after I had completed shaving, the three members of the Committee, headed by Nageon, paid us a visit. I and Fuad sat with them; Yacoub was busy somewhere. We discussed the weather  and so on. Fuad asked me in Arabic whether it was worthwhile discussing our restrictions. I replied in the negative. Before leaving, after about half an hour’s visit, we understood from Nageon that the cruiser Emerald was leaving to Mombasa. He mentioned that she was taking mail if we cared to write any letters. I told Fuad and Yacoub that Rashid should after all give up his belief that it is coming to pick us up.

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Saturday 7/5/1938 Up at 7.30 this morning with oppression of my chest although I did not cough as usual. It is again very hot today and no rain. According to today’s Clarion there were one or two interesting questions in the House this week. Colonel Wedgwood266 asked the S. of S. for the Colonies whether the Arab exiles in Seychelles were in receipt of financial or other support from the Palestine Government or were they treated as were the Cyprus bishop exiles who had to support themselves. Ormsby-Gore replied that ‘the cost of providing accommodation and maintenance for the Arab deportees in the Seychelles is being borne by the Palestine Government.’ Mr Wedgwood asked: ‘Would it not be possible to allow the Arab exiles in Seychelles to move where they like?’ S. of S. replies: ‘No, it would be most undesirable.’ Why it should be undesirable was not explained. Naturally this is not Gore’s private opinion but that of Governor Grimble. I shall begin writing my memo to the Governor about this matter.

Sunday 8/5/1938 A rather rainy morning – cool but very damp. We were just going down to Rockies to have lunch there. About  200 yards from Rockies, there was such a downpour which practically soaked us through in spite of our umbrellas. We reached thence like drowned rats drenched with red mud and our jackets dripping with water. We found Rashid in bed suffering from mild flu but looking run down and coughing a lot.



The Pasha had received four letters: (1) To tell us that our last cable was received by the Palestine High Commissioner and that its contents were noted by him (bravo!) (2) To inform the Pasha that the project of building a mosque, if approved, must be carried out by local artisans (as if we intend to get labourers from Palestine! Why not. If we are paying the money we may as well choose our artisans. Why does the same Government allow impartation of Jewish Labourers for Jewish works in Palestine?) Here is its exact text: Ahmed Hilmi Pasha and other Arab Political Deportees from Palestine Legal Advisor’s Office Seychelles 6.5.38 Gentlemen, I am directed by H.E. the Governor to refer to your project for the erection of a mosque in this colony for the use of your co-religionists and to inform you with

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regret, that it has been decided that the mosque, if built at all, must be built by local artisans. I have etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang Legal Advisor



(3) Another reply to say that our two first memos and two telegrams together with the application submitted by the wife and family of Yacoub Ghossein were referred to the Colonial S. of S. which have not yet replied. (4) In a reply to the Pasha’s representation to the League of Nations Mandates Commission stating that it has considered his application with 28 others from Arabs and Jews (8 from the Arab Higher Committee) re the three principle [sic] points raised i.e.: (a)  Repression of the disturbances by the Palestine Government; (b)  The Legislative Council; (c)  Article 22 of the covenant.

In brief, the reply was that there was nothing important in all these applications to merit consideration or any recommendation to the League Council (bravo again!); valuable money lost in telegrams – the League of crooks and thieves! Rashid states that in the Committee’s last visit he opened the discussion with Nageon about our restrictions. Rashid says that the latter definitely said that the restrictions were not this Government’s instruction and that our Government had informed Seychelles that we were a ‘lot of dangerous fellows’! At 4pm the Emerald was in harbour.

Tuesday 10/5/1938 Up at 7.30 – rather cool in the morning but hotter towards noon. Westergreen heard yesterday from a Seychellois that a very rich Englishman is arriving soon at Mahé to take us back. I think it is the man ‘Beck’ which we heard about before. News: Ormsby-Gore and Dufferin’s267 fathers died these two or three days. Both will be going to the House of Lords. There will be two vacancies at the House and they may have to vacate the seat in the cabinet of Secretary and parliamentary under-secretary respectively. They can’t have these Lords in the cabinet and I hope we will soon see Gore’s back out of the Colonial Office. Rashid and Pasha came with Fuad unexpectedly at 7pm. Rashid is simply glowing with fun. He firmly believes we are leaving with the cruiser. They had met Nageon at the football field and he was very kind to them. He mentioned that the Egyptian deportees were only given five hours in which to pack on their return journey. Rashid took this as a hint to mean the same applies to us but that Nageon did not want to let us know. Rashid seemed so secretive about it and appeared as if he had received information which he did not want to part with. I think it is all rubbish.

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Wednesday 11/5/1938 Up at 6.30, a rather cool, windy day with showers. Rashid, I understand, is still buying tortoise shell articles and beginning to arrange his belongings. In the evening at about  7pm I heard the chief guard’s motorcycle coming up; rather unusual. Westergreen said he was sent by Pasha and Rashid to ask whether we were going tomorrow to watch the Coronation parade; as they are going downtown tomorrow at 8.30am to watch at Gordon Square. I was astonished to hear that. Go and watch a coronation parade of a Government whose prisoners we are! Deuced strange268 I call it. I told Westergreen to tell Rashid that we do not usually attend coronation parades in Jerusalem to watch it here.

Thursday 12/5/1938 Bon fête today. It is Mohamedismas – birthday of the Prophet – coinciding with King’s Coronation. It seems Rashid and Pasha after my word last night decided not to attend the parade – but Rashid is still packing and buying shells and coconut objects. I can hear the cruiser’s band leading the parade at about 9am. Pasha and Rashid came early at  5pm and can you believe it? We spent a whole two  hours hearing and correcting Rashid’s open letter poem to the High Commissioner! There was a cocktail party on board the cruiser this evening and we could see the invited guests roaming on deck with the aid of the powerful Lahj binoculars. Rashid still believes he is going tomorrow. He informed me this evening that he had bought 200 rupees worth of tortoise shells. At about 10pm we heard the Reuters news from London giving especially a resume of what happened at the League’s Assembly today at Geneva. The speech of Lord Halifax left me staring and not believing my ears. If there is any statement prostituting politics, it was that speech of Lord Halifax about Abyssinia. I think it is absolutely the limit. He leaves it to each member and power to decide whether they will accept Italy’s conquest! Italy is in occupation (de facto) of the whole of Abyssinia except a small resisting area! And last but not least Britain will have to sooner or later admit to Italy’s sovereignty over that country!! Haile Selassie’s representative’s speech was most touching – he appealed to the honour, goodwill and loyalty of Great Britain (sic!) to reconsider her decision and so on and so forth. I again went to bed disgusted.

Saturday 14/5/1938 There was a clash between troops and an Arab band between Acre and Safad. Two British soldiers were wounded and several casualties inflicted on the band. News are very few these days. Both Bari and Paris are dumb.

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Monday 16/5/1938 Awoke at  7.30. Weather still fine – occasional showers. Completed our mail before noon and handed over to Westergreen at 1pm. Rashid had asked some time ago verbally from the Committee for the name of the Lahj people. His request was refused. He is sending a letter of protest to the Committee. There were some news tonight: (1) Ormsby-Gore resigned and Malcolm Macdonald appointed colonial secretary. He is pro-Jew to his bones and no improvement will be expected in Palestine during his term of office. (2) The Technical Commission started work today in Jerusalem. The first man to be heard was Dr Weizmann but his evidence was given this time on camera. We shall await some developments in the coming few weeks. Fuad suggested somebody should give us a weekly or bi-weekly summary by cable, now that the rates are very cheap. We can’t wait 1.5–2 months to hear from newspapers received. We all agreed and undertook to meet expenses.

Tuesday 17/5/1938 Had a rather quiet night. I slept soundly, better than many past nights. Up at 7.30am. Karanja was not in harbour. At 9am, Westergreen came and said she will not arrive before  3pm. It is the first time since our arrival that a B.I. [British India] boat was late 8 hours. We shall not have our mail today then, probably tomorrow. The boat arrived at about 2pm. Fuad said that Rashid did not actually say that Nageon told him that Mr Beck will arrive on the 17th. He only asked whether we knew him.

Wednesday 18/5/1938 Weather still fine and cool with a brisk wind all day long – although it keeps the yellow wasps very active and come in buzzing into our rooms sheltering from the wind. Westergreen is sick today and had 4 days off duty. Sgt Gontier came at 10. He had two letters for me and two for Fuad with some Arabic and English newspapers. My letters were from Hassan Bader and Mamdouh. There were none from Wahideh, Ahmad or Thabet. Most disappointing. Fuad was reading a letter from his wife when he suddenly looked up – Yacoub was not there – and showed me a passage in his wife’s letter informing him that Yacoub’s father had died about 40 days ago. Why Fouzi did not inform him is ridiculous. We decided to inform the Pasha and Rashid only and see what they say. When Pasha and Rashid came at 5pm I met them down in the garden and told them the sad news about Yacoub’s father. The Pasha had first had a cable asking for a power

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of attorney from Yacoub for a land transaction at Beit Hanoun to Shirket al-Istismar al-Arabi269 stating that the father’s Power of Attorney was not valid, confirming the news. When Yacoub was asked to sign the P of A, he was astonished at first and stated that his father had a general one – Pasha was ready with some sort of an excuse and Yacoub was then convinced.

Thursday 19/5/1938 Up at  6.30. Another lovely and cool day. We cannot complain about the weather these days. It is so upsetting. I am really so worried about not hearing from Wahideh and I can’t understand the delay. If I don’t get her letters on the 22nd inst. I shall send a long cable. In fact, I thought I would send it yesterday, but I thought again I better wait. We understood tonight that several troops and Border police will be posted in many villages in Samaria and Galilee to prevent ammunitions arriving to the bands and that military O.C.’s in the districts were given powers to proclaim martial law which indicates that conditions are becoming more serious in Palestine. Naturally things will not settle down so easily after all the destruction and intimidation done in the villages by Government’s forces.

Friday 20/5/1938 Up at 7am as usual. Weather remains cool and breezy. No rain for the last 48 hours though, and if there is no rain here for 2 days you have to water your garden. At about 10.30 I was sitting with Fuad writing our mail, when without notice in comes Pasha and Rashid, followed by Nageon, holding a big envelope, and Captain Mumby. We were absolutely taken by surprise and seeing both Pasha and Rashid smiling, I was at once under the impression, knowing that the boat arrives after tomorrow, that these were some startling news. I was disappointed when I knew the subject of that visit. In five minutes, Mr Tomet, Supervisor of the PWD (Public Works Department) arrived. The incessant and repeated demands of Rashid to live together were communicated to Hunt our landlord, but he refused to make any additional buildings from his pocket. It appears that the Palestine Government was approached whether they will agree to building two additional rooms at its expense. The latter seeing that our sojourn here may be indefinite, approved the expenditure, and the three gentlemen visited us to locate a site. Finally, we agreed on a spot to the South East of our bungalow beyond the mango tree. A veranda and two sleeping rooms and a bathroom will have to be built. Expenses according to Tomet would be 2,500 rupees and the time about three months. Now isn’t that disgusting? And isn’t it a sure sign that our stay here is going to be for months – nay perhaps for years. At last Rashid’s dream of living together, or at least getting rid of Pasha’s company was fulfilled, and he seemed to be so happy about it. Yacoub told us today why not! Rashid is surely happy in staying here. He had told him

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that as long as his salary is being paid, he does not mind living here a few years. He is an old man, and his missus is an old lady and his sons and daughters are all young men and women and all already married. And ditto for the Pasha also, who is getting his £P 200 per month. Well it can’t be helped after all. We cannot tell them we don’t want their company … but I made my friends understand, I am not going to sacrifice any of my comforts or habits or self-freedom for the sake of anybody, old or young, effendi, Bey or Pasha. Sorry!

Saturday 21/5/1938 There is a lady who writes a series of articles in the Seychelles Clarion under the title Grandfather Says who signs herself Virginia Smith. In today’s issue she begins thus: ‘I see’, said Mr Grostete, ‘that a Mr Wedgewood Benn270 has been asking in the House of Commons about the political prisoners here. I talked to one of them the other day. He was most agreeable. I do think His Excellency might give them a little more freedom.’ ‘I am always telling you that you are an ass, Grostete’, said my Grandfather irritably, ‘and that is an asinine opinion you have just given. Try to get into your thick skull that this Governor is only carrying out the orders of his chief, the Secretary of State. This is one of the things he is here to do. What you suggest is that he should disobey his instructions. He is not going to do that I am sure.’

My friends some time ago had asked to delegate an advocate or two in Palestine to bring a case against the Palestine Govt. for deporting us without prosecution and so on and so forth. I told them it was useless and impossible. Their usual argument when they see the point, but not use some common sense, is: ‘Is there any harm in it? No harm can be done.’ I say, go ahead with it. Off goes a cable to Fuad’s office in Jerusalem. The reply came today – ‘Impossible’. Perhaps the hard-headed Pasha will now believe. Furthermore, three days ago they discussed the forwarding of another cable to Palestine – the same old record and tune! ‘Ruining our health and financial interests.’ I say no, I have given my opinion and refuse to sign the cable. So off it goes bearing their four signatures. The cable form was returned today with a covering letter from the Chairman of the Committee which reads as follows: Legal Advisor’s Office Seychelles 20 May 1938 Gentlemen, I am directed by His Excellency the Governor to refer to my letter to you of 6th May and to inform you that a despatch on the subject of the request contained in your joint telegram to H.E. the High Commissioner for Palestine of the 18th

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March last, was received from the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies by the last mail: (1) The S. of S. wishes you to be informed that he has received your petitions dated the 11th Nov. 1937 and has arranged for their transmission to the Secretary General of the League of Nations; but that for his part he sees no reason to intervene in any of the matters raised therein. (2) In view of this reply, you may wish to reconsider the terms and avoid expense of the telegram which was received from you yesterday for despatch to the Prime Minister, care of the High Commissioner and which is returned herewith. I have etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang Legal Advisor Ahmad Hilmi Pasha and other Arab Pol. Deportees from Palestine, Bel Air: Mahé.

After eight months waiting, we get a reply from the S. of S. that he sees no reason to intervene! We are meeting our friends tomorrow and we will discuss a reply.

Sunday 22/5/1938 Up at 6.30. Cool weather with easterly breeze – but no rain. Pasha and Rashid came at 10.30 and we took our usual seats under the mango tree. Usual gossip, poetry and so on. Then discussion about reply to the S. of S. message. The usual arguments – a word from here, another from there until we produced some sort of Arabic draft cable reply. Another squabble with Yacoub which fast led to a few hot words between me and him. After our friends left, Yacoub came to my room and apologized. I let the thing pass but gave him a few hints about his argument etiquette. We are still at a loss whether to inform him about his father’s death.

Monday 23/5/1938 At 10am Westergreen came with the mail. A book from Thabet, Inside Europe by John Gunther – a clever Jew – as Thabet puts it. A few editions of Palestine Post and letters from Wahideh and Adel, two from Thabet, Ahmad, Barclays Bank: usual monthly bulletin about my debit account, Ghaleb from Acre, Mahmoud Abu Khadra and Dr [Emile] Khadder.271 Wahideh tells me she had received a reply to her application about my health and so on from the S. of S.; in which he says that I am afforded and am under expert medical supervision and that my health appears to be satisfactory. In Thabet’s letter there are no political news – all are home brew. Yacoub had several letters from home; but nobody mentioned to him anything about his father. I told Fuad to see the Pasha about it. I think it is time that we should do it ourselves.

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Tuesday 24/5/1938 Up at 7.30. Still have that stiff neck and very bad coughing fit this morning. Retranslated the reply cable and sent it down with Fuad for signature by our other friends. It reads as follows: Colonial Secretary, Lord Winterton,272 Sir Arnold Wilson,273 Sir Stafford Cripps,274 Capt. Cliftbrown, Sir Alfred Knox,275 Mr Robert Gibson276 and Mr Bevan,277 House of Commons, London. Reference your reply on our memoranda and cables communicated us Governor Seychelles stating you transmitted communications to League Nations and do not see reason to intervene. High Commissioner informed us our representations were duly considered and transmitted to you for final consideration as penultimate authority. You see no reason to intervene measures taken by Palestine Government whom as it appears you hold responsible for past and present measures while Palestine Government alludes Colonial Office responsibility. Least can be said such evasive answers and shifting responsibility against principles justice and equity, cannot emanate from honourable self-respecting government upholding its traditions. League Nations did not deport us neither has hand in measures adopted. Only requested copies transmitted for information. Eight months absent from our homes and interests and under harsh restrictions prevented from talking to any one like prisoners. Insist our just demands and request as final authority reconsider our deportation done without trial investigation or conviction and order our return as eight months deportation and country still an inferno should convince any conscientious administration of falsity so called moral responsibility. Request cable reply. Arab Deportees.

When Fuad and Yacoub came back at 1pm I could see from Fuad’s face that Yacoub had been told about his father’s death. It transpired that Pasha did not decide to tell him till after seeing me this afternoon but Yacoub happened to read Al-Difaa and saw it there. He had a shock when he read and was rather dazed when he arrived home. The usual condolences and so on, and we put him to bed to rest. Pasha and Rashid came in the afternoon for the usual Inna lillah wa inna ilayhi rajioun278 ceremony. We did everything we could to soothe him and then he cabled to his mother etc. Very disquieting news about Palestine this evening from BBC. There were three shooting cases in Jerusalem yesterday resulting in the killing of several Jews (BBC did not state how many). Early this morning eight shooting and bomb outrages occurred resulting in the killing of one Jew and twelve Arabs, and five Jews and one Russian were wounded. Curfew declared in Jerusalem from 7pm and the Vaad Levumi279 issued a statement appealing to the Jews to hold themselves and not retaliate.

Wednesday 25/5/1938 Up at  7am a bit worried about Palestine’s affairs. I am thinking of sending a cable today. Nothing special before noon and Yacoub is pulling through his shock.

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Inside Europe makes very interesting reading and the style also of the book is very apt and very informative too. I am still translating Simson’s book, although Ahmad in his last letter does not think it a paying proposition. I am sure no one can make a fortune of an Arabic book but it is a book which may be read in Palestine, Syria, Iraq and Egypt. Anyhow I have completed two thirds of it and I am not going to stop now. The BBC said tonight that troubles continue in Palestine – Two Arabs were shot dead in Haifa (by whom?) and two Arabs were killed between Hebron and Beersheba. The Russian nun wounded yesterday died.

Thursday 26/5/1938 I had been thinking for some time about sending a letter to Stuart Perowne of Aden about the Lahj deportees. This morning it occurred to me that a letter would take a long time – why not a cable. If Major Moller who is a stranger had forwarded a few cables about [them], why shouldn’t an Arab help an Arab if he can. So this is the cable I sent today and I hope the Governor will not stop it: Mr Perowne – Political Secretary Aden. Isn’t more than five years deportation and exile sufficient punishment for the Lahj people residing here stop Appeal to what I know personally of your love for justice and sense of fair dealing to reconsider their case stop Have mercy upon them who are on earth and the one in heaven will have mercy upon you ya Abu Nessim. Doctor Khalidi.

If the Governor passes that cable and Abu Nessim is the same good old boy I knew I am sure he will do something to help these people. If not? Can’t be helped.

Friday 27/5/1938 Up at 6.30. The worst coughing fits I have ever had since coming here. I was about to collapse. Rashid had yesterday the names of the six Lahj people deported here: Emir Fadil bin Ahmad Fadil, Emir Fadil Abdelgani, Emir Ali bin Ahmad Fadil, Emir Fadil Abdulmajid, Emir Mohsin Ali Ahmad Fadil, Emir Mahmoud bin Ali. Up to noon today my cable to Perowne was not returned. It must have gone through. Yacoub is growing morose. I told Fuad to take him for a walk in town today. He will get some diversion. They went at 5pm and came back at 7pm. Some more bad news from Palestine this evening. There was an encounter around Tulkarem at Miskeh [village]. In all there were 15 Arabs killed and one British constable. Apparently, Palestinians are not only facing eviction but now it is becoming a matter of extinction.

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Saturday 28/5/1938 Dr Lanier came at 11.30. He had seen Yacoub and Fuad at Rockies and prescribed for  their ailments. He mentioned that what we want is more exercise. It was an  opening and an opportunity for me to speak. I first asked him if he was requested some time ago to report on our health? He asked why? I said Wahideh had written to me to say that she had received an answer about our health from the Colonial Secretary; who says that we are under proper medical supervision and that our health was not adversely affected since our sojourn here. He said yes, he had submitted a report, but that he had mentioned something about the damp weather and so on. I didn’t want to press him more today, but I told him that as the president of a medical board for years in Palestine, I knew when and how prisoners are medically boarded for such purposes! I then talked to him about why I don’t leave my bungalow and all about the humiliating restrictions imposed and how we are treated by the guards and so on. I told him I still consider myself mayor of Jerusalem, and although I am a political deportee or rather prisoner yet I have to be accorded proper treatment at least with respect and politeness. I told him that the High Commissioner in Palestine who orders people to the concentration camps used to visit these internees and inspect their quarters and hear their complaints. I told him how we are prevented from any casual conversations and pointed out to him that I don’t go about here and there because I am a human being and not a robot after all. In short, I told him everything and at the end asked him to forgive my outburst. After all it was a heart to heart talk between two men of the medical profession. He was deeply moved and promised to go and see the Governor and have a long talk with him. At 1pm Westergreen brought me a letter from the Committee about my cable to Aden. Dated 27/5/38, it says: I am directed by H.E. the Governor to refer to your telegram received from you yesterday for despatch to the Political Secretary, Aden, and to inform you with regret that he has withheld his approval of the despatch of the telegram.

This reply naturally does not satisfy me, and as tomorrow is Sunday, I shall give him the reply on Monday. It is perfectly ridiculous! What has he got to do with it? It is addressed after all to the Political Secretary of another British Colony.

Sunday 29/5/1938 Up at 7.30am. Cough – cough – cough. Yacoub went with guard Butler for a walk to Bel Ombre at  5pm. He said when he came back, he met two of the Lahj people. They talked a little together and they submitted their condolences for the death of his father. They then said how grateful they were for my endeavours to get them back. They must have heard about my cable

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to Perowne. It is curious how things leak in this island. In about 24 hours everybody seems to have heard about it.

Monday 30/5/1938 Up at 6 – cloudy sky, fog, dampness and rain – no wind. Cough easier – but myalgia pains in my sides more on the left. I gave the reply to the Committee today and sent it with Westergreen at 11am. It runs:





Sir, With reference to your letter dated the 27/5/38, I have the honour to inform you that I am astonished to understand that H.E. the Governor has deemed it necessary to withhold his approval of despatch of my cable dated the 25th inst. to the Political Secretary of the Government of Aden. I have to state for H.E.’s information that my said cable: (1)  Has nothing to do with politics in Seychelles. (2)  Has nothing to do with politics in Palestine. (3)  Does not embarrass the Seychelles Government. (4)  Does not embarrass the Palestine Government. (5) Is addressed to a High British Official of a British Colony, and who undoubtedly is aware of what is, or what is not consistent with British interests. (6)  Is neither detrimental to, nor affects British imperial interests. (7) Is an innocent human appeal from a human being to a human being I know, on behalf of some human beings. (8)  Is not intended for publication, propaganda or otherwise. (9) Is not a complaint, but an appeal and the Aden authorities are at liberty to consider, or put away, throw in a waste paper basket or ignore. It is for them to say so, and not for the Governor of Seychelles. Under the circumstances, I feel I must insist that my cable be forwarded in one of the following ways: (1)  Either direct to the addressee as intended, (2)  Or to the addressee through the Governor of Aden, (3) Or through the Government of Seychelles to the Governor of Aden to the Political Secretary, (4) Or through the Government of Seychelles to the High Commissioner of Palestine to the Governor of Aden to the Political Secretary, (5) Or through the Governor of Seychelles to the Colonial Secretary to the Governor of Aden to the Political Secretary. I shall be glad to know of H.E. the Governor’s final decision as early as possible. Yours faithfully, Dr Khalidi.

I shall await to see what Sir Grimble’s reply is going to be. If he still insists to withhold his approval – off it goes to the Colonial Secretary and I shall write Stuart Perowne a letter through Ahmad.

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Tuesday 31/5/1938 Up at 7am. Again, the rash on my neck has appeared a second time and is beginning to itch rather badly; although the weather remains cool but damp. Westergreen told Yacoub today that Nageon had seen him [and asked] whether the doctor is angry or nervous these days! He had read my letter to the Governor and seen the underlining.

Wednesday 1/6/1938 Up at 5.30 this morning to face the first day of our ninth month. How the months slip off so rapidly in spite of our seclusion. A sunny day but with a brisk sea breeze. I have not yet had a reply from the Governor of my Monday letter. If none is forthcoming up to this afternoon, I shall send a reminder tomorrow.

Thursday 2/6/1938 Up at 7am. Weather rather oppressive and hot in spite of the sea breeze. At  5pm Rashid and Pasha came again – nothing special. Pasha told me not to press my telegram to Aden! and not to clash with the Governor over something that does not concern us! Let us concentrate on our own case only! And this from a man Istiklali280 who aims at Arab Federation … And he doesn’t want me to plead the Arab Lahj people lest the local Governor should become angry! We had a real gale starting this afternoon and during all night. It caused a lot of havoc especially amongst the banana trees.

Saturday 4/6/1938 Up at 6.30am. Cool and brisk wind this morning and yesterday’s gale is abating. We handed our letters today to Westergreen. I wrote a letter to Mr Perowne about the Lahj people and enclosed it in Ahmad’s letter asking him to mail it from Palestine. I am sure it will pass through – then I can grin at Grimble K.C.M.G. To bed at 9.15 reading Shaw’s plays. I think they are marvellous.

Sunday 5/6/1938 Up at 5.45am. Coughed a lot – my throat is not OK and I am aching all over. Weather still cool, slight rain showers. Lanier came yesterday. He examined Yacoub and Fuad. He prescribed Calomel for both. My God how these English doctors love to prescribe Calomel. When he enquired about me, I replied ‘I have nothing to complain of ’.

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Yacoub is still suffering from his stomach-belching and all that, and Fuad from chronic eczema in his groins and sac. The S.S. B&I boat Tairea arrived in the harbour just a little after 10.30am. This is the first time she comes here – it is a three-funnelled boat and an old one too. I received yesterday an answer from the Committee. It says: Seychelles 4/6/38 Sir, I am directed by H.E. the Governor to refer to your letter of the 30th May last on the subject of the despatch of the telegram received from you on the 26th May for the Political Secretary to the Governor of Aden, and to inform you that your letter has been laid before H.E., but that he has nothing further to add to the instructions conveyed in my letter to you of the 27th May. I have etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang Legal Advisor Dr Hussein Khalidi Arab Political Deportee from Palestine Bel Air, Mahé (all underlined in red)

The underlining in red is to show me that I am a political offender and to remind me that I am under H.E.’s mercy. I know that letters are laid before His Majesty and not before an official of the Colonial Office. Then he has nothing to add to his instructions; as if I have asked or am awaiting his instructions. I will let him have the reply tomorrow. I read my draft replies to Grimble to Yacoub and Fuad. Yacoub applauded. Fuad was reserved.

Monday 6/6/1938 Up at 6 and watched sunrise. I have watched so many sunrises and sunsets – and the whole thing is becoming rather dull. I wrote my two letters and handed them over to Westergreen for delivery to Nageon. Here they are: The Hon. Legal Advisor 6/6/38 Sir, With reference to your letter of the 4/6/38, I have the honour to inform you with regret that I refuse to be satisfied with a bureaucratic and stereotyped reply to the effect that H.E. has nothing further to add to his letter dated so and so, or to the instructions contained or conveyed in his letter so and so. I can assure his Excellency that I know well when I am – or I am not – within the limits of my rights. It appears to me that the authorities of the 18th century were more considerate and sympathetic and humane towards their deportees or those whom they sent into exile. H.E. may or may not know the way in which Napoleon

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treated those whose deportation to Seychelles he ordered. His instructions to the then Governor of Seychelles through the French Colonial Minister in 1803 is quoted hereunder for H.E.’s information. ‘Le Premier Consul vous ordonne explicitement de n’employer contre eux aucune mesure de rigueur, ni même de sévérité qui aggravent soient inutilement le malheur de leur position; au contraire, que votre humanité, votre prudence et s’il le faut, vos conseils, leur procurent une existence tranquille, leur fassent oublier leur principes, et les engagent à réparer leur conduite passée.’281 I don’t intend to dwell for the moment on any other matter except the one now at issue; but it appears to me that it is such treatment and autocratic mode of rule within the sphere of the British Empire which made the eminent K.C. and the Hon. Member of Parliament Sir Stafford Cripps K.C.M.G. utter his famous sentence: ‘You have only to look at the pages of British Imperial history to hide your head in shame that you are British.’ Am I to understand definitively from H.E.’s decision communicated to me in your above quoted letter that he flatly refuses to forward my cable through his Chief and Supervisor the Colonial Secretary? I have only to refer H.E. to para 2 of your letter dated 11/10/37 in which I was asked to undertake in writing not to communicate or attempt to communicate directly or indirectly with any foreign country except through the proper channels i.e. through the Governor. I have followed that procedure but my request was refused. Had I known I was addressing a Hitler or a Mussolini I may have realized the futility of any further arrangement; but I again assure H.E. that I am fully conversant with the Colonial Regulations. It is not within the power of H.E. to prevent me making any representations, complaints, or messages through his chief the Colonial Secretary. It is his duty to pass them on with any comments or remarks he may wish to make thereon. In spite of the fact that I fully know that in the Colonial Office, they usually believe and have faith in ‘their man on the spot’; I again insist that my cable be forwarded through the Colonial Secretary. I have asked a clear question and I shall be waiting for a clear reply. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K. The Hon. Legal Advisor 6/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to put before you in your capacity as Legal Advisor to the Government of Seychelles and as chairman of the Deportees Committee the following question: Under what ordinance, law, by-law, and/or regulations are you imprisoning us in a concentration camp, guarded, and prevent our freedom of motion? I take it that the Emergency Regulations now in force in Palestine do not apply to Seychelles. I shall be greatly obliged if you will favour me with your early reply a copy of such regulations if any. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

That’s at least some food for thought to give them and make them think twice before they reply, and I think that I have got them at last in a rather tight corner. We

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were discussing all the possibilities this afternoon. If we win, it will be great fun. We will simply grin at them. They have been bluffing, insulting, humiliating and bullying us for the last eight months. I wish to God it will be our turn now. Some news from Palestine tonight: The weekly resume says that the Arab band had been active in several places during the last week; and there was a clash today in which one British soldier killed and two wounded. Trouble in India on the frontier, Bengal and Jamaica too.

Tuesday 7/6/1938 Up at 6.30 feeling rather a bit better. I forgot to say yesterday we received a rather good mail. Two books from Thabet, two from Mamdouh, the Argosy magazine, three Daily Sketches; and letters, two from Wahideh, two from Adel, two from Hatem, Mahmoud Abou Khadra, Khalil Sakakini, Auster, Hassan Bader, Dr Abdelal and Yacoub. We are buzzing today with excitement over the two letters, and wondering what reply we are going to get. Our chief guard is rather depressed, he knows if we are set free, he will lose his job with all the other guards. He told Yacoub that when Nageon read the letters he went pale and was rather worried. It appears that he knows our imprisonment is not legal and that they had been expecting and fearing such a turning point. I will wait today and then get at Nageon early tomorrow morning. Pasha and Rashid came this afternoon and I told them about the contents of my two letters. They didn’t say anything but they don’t seem to approve of what I have done and Rashid who boasts right and left – was rather worried and afraid of what the Governor here may bring on his head. That nasty Indian guard is again becoming insolent. He came and stood in front of us several times brandishing a long iron rod. He used to carry sometimes a bamboo rod, then why an iron one today? My blood was really boiling. After my friends left, I called him in and took the iron rod from him and ordered him to remove his bed and other things and sleep at the garage. Absolutely damn impertinent.

Wednesday 8/6/1938 Up at 6.30am – weather remains cloudy and cool but no rain. Still no reply from Nageon after Westergreen arrived at 9.30. He mentioned however that the Legal Advisor had told him he will send a reply soon. In the afternoon I couldn’t wait any longer and therefore sent him the following letter: The Hon Legal Advisor 8/6/38 Sir, With further reference to my letter of the 6/6/38 asking for a copy of any ordinance, by-law and/or regulations pertaining to our stay in Seychelles, I have

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the honour to inform you that three days have now elapsed, and I have not yet been favoured with your reply. As I consider this matter of the utmost importance and extremely urgent, I regret to inform you that if I do not receive your reply by tomorrow, I shall take it that no such laws or regulations exist. I shall then have to seek legal advice, and may have to go to the courts for redress of my just complaints. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

An hour later, I got two letters from him. One about my cable to Stuart Perowne at Aden. It reads: Legal Advisor’s office, Seychelles 8/6/38 Sir, With reference to your letter of the 6th June, I am authorized to inform you that a copy of the text of your message to Mr Perowne, Political Secretary, Aden, was forwarded on the 1st June to the proper quarter. I have etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang. Legal Advisor Dr Hussein Khalidi. Arab Political Deportees from Palestine. Bel Air, Mahé. (This time underlined in black and not red) The second letter about the ordinance reads as follows: Sir, I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th June and to forward herewith, for your information, a copy of the law under which you are detained. I have etc. M.C. Nageon de Lestang. Legal Advisor.

With this letter he encloses ordinance CV° 24 of 1933, published in official Gazette CV° 55 of 30/12/1933, which was enacted for the detention of the Emirs of Lahj. It appears that all the powers the Governor has is to detain political deportees within Mahé and has no other powers to impose restrictions. However, it also states that the deportation (i.e. the legality of) and detention in Mahé cannot be challenged by the courts. The second ordinance is an amendment to the A/M ordinance, and is number 12 of 1937 and published in Official Gazette CV° 48 of 11/10/37 (the date of our arrival on Mahé). The only amendment to the principal ordinance is to include mandated territories from which deportees may be received. There are many important points to be argued. First, whether the two ordinances are not ultra vires.282 The second is that it applies to the Lahj people as well as to ourselves. Why should those people then be free to move about and not us, and by what articles in the said ordinance can the Governor treat us as prisoners? The only

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penalties applying to us in the ordinance is that we may be liable on conviction by the Supreme Court here to a maximum of two years’ imprisonment if we escape or attempt to escape and no more. Now our whole situation needs a review. It appears to me that we have [been] bluffed, terrorized, bullied and intimidated into submission to the most aggressive, oppressive and tyrannical restrictions. We shall have then to seek legal advice. I shall do that tomorrow. The best advocate here is an Englishman called Mr Benson. I think on the whole these are very good news. What I can’t understand however about my cable affair to Perowne, is that on 27/5/38 Nageon informs me that Sir Grimble refuses to pass that cable. I replied on the 30/5/38 that the Governor is bound to send that cable, but he again on 4/6/38 stated he had nothing further to add to his letter of the 27/5/38 which means that he refuses to send it. I then gave him my hot one of the 6/6/38 and he replies in his letter of the 8/6/38, that he had already forwarded it on 1/6/38; which is absolutely so puzzling to me. Why didn’t he say that on 4/6/38? And is there some trick in it? I shall press him for that soon, as I must concentrate on my position here now. There are again some rather disquieting news from Palestine. When is it all going to finish? To bed at 10pm rather pleased.

Thursday 9/6/1938 Up at 7am. I had a few terrible fits of coughing this morning. Today is His Majesty’s birthday, a public holiday and the usual parade stuff at Gordon Square. I forwarded the following two letters to Nageon this morning with Westergreen at 10am: The Hon. Legal Advisor 9/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to forward with my letter another one addressed to Mr Benson, Barrister-at-law and shall be greatly obliged if you will kindly order its delivery today. Dr H.F.K. Sir, 9/6/38 I desire with some of my friends to seek legal advice on some rather important legal points; and shall be greatly obliged if you could arrange for an appointment tomorrow Friday the 10th inst. at your office. Any hour between 3-9pm will suit us if that is convenient to you. Awaiting your reply, I am. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

It appears to me from the attitude of Westergreen that the people down [there] are rather very perturbed and worried about the whole thing. If we ever reach court there is going to be such a scandal never before heard of in Seychelles. I have decided to take the matter up even to the Privy Council, after passing the appeal court at Mauritius.

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I still do believe firmly in British justice in a British Court presided over by a British judge; but not in political justice, however British it may be after what we have seen from Sir Grimble K.C.M.G. Rashid and Pasha came at  5pm. From their looks I could see that both were looking a bit stern and scared. After the preliminary how-do-you-do’s, Rashid asked what was the matter with the Indian guard. I told him that there was nothing. The man has become so impolite and insolent brandishing an iron rod in our faces and parading with it in front of us every five minutes. I took it from him and kicked him out of the room he occupies near us and sent him to sleep in the garage. I am not going to tolerate any impoliteness from guards from now onwards. Rashid said I advise you to go slowly with the guards and treat them gently. I said you better keep that advice to yourself. He said well I have heard that the authorities here had known about the incident and they were contemplating bringing a case. I said that that was what I was aiming at. I want to go to court and see whether they are entitled to treat us in the present manner. He said he didn’t mean a court case but all the reports and evidence were placed before the Governor for his decision. I replied although I don’t know where you get your information from, I assure you I don’t give a damn. He said anyhow but let us go steady and not be rash. I replied I have only been asking for my rights and I meant to get them. He says he agrees that the ordinance in his opinion, does not prescribe such treatment but they can do what they like. I said they can’t, they had ultimately had to reply to both my letters after giving them my 24 hours ultimatum. He asked what I wrote to Nageon today. I said a letter asking to see advocate Mr Benson. He enquired whether I appointed a time and I said yes, I gave him 24 hours again and insisted on seeing the advocate tomorrow afternoon. He and the Pasha didn’t seem to like my bombastic attitude. I said I can’t tolerate it any longer and I am willing to meet all consequences myself. They left us still rather worried; but before going out he took me aside and whispered to me that, for my private and personal information, he wishes to inform me that he came to understand (and again he would not tell me the source) that instructions had been issued to the guards to retaliate if I offend or insult any of them. I told him that I was not a child and that he can keep such information to himself if he does not come to disclose the source. I did not go with them to the door as usual, pretending a cold and perspiration. When Fuad and Yacoub returned we discussed Rashid’s attitude. We all three felt offended and disgusted. We are living here as individuals or as a unit. If the latter, then what is good for mine or Rashid’s ears is good for my other friends. When Yacoub went for his prayers, Fuad told me that Rashid informed also that he had information to the effect that the Governor or the Committee is contemplating preventing me from drinking. I was really furious; because it appears that Rashid believes that my last exchange of stiff correspondence with the Governor was brought about by drinking bouts. I now realized why he is advising me to go slowly and treat the guards gently. I never thought that Rashid was too a gossiping hussy. He wants me to think that he has his own C.I.D. here and that he knows everything the Governor is not only doing but contemplating to do. I went to bed at 9.30 simply furious.

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Friday 10/6/1938 Read last night till about  2am, and then tossed about my bed till  3.30am. Awoke at  4.30 and tossed about till  7 then dozed about another half an hour. The first sleepless night I have had on the island. Coughed a lot during the night and early this morning; and have a splitting headache and feeling absolutely miserable with pains over my heart. Westergreen came and told Fuad that the Committee were coming to see us at 10.30am this morning. I got up out of bed earlier than usual, shaved and began to dress to meet the Committee. We decided to see what they had to say at first. At 10.30 we were ready for them. They didn’t arrive until 11.10am and we believed they must be at Rockies to see Pasha and Rashid. When Nageon, Mumby and Horner came they said they had been with Pasha and Rashid for about half an hour. They asked about our health and having heard that Yacoub lost 35 kilos in weight, Capt. Mumby was anxious to know how he did it and whether he was feeling better this way. I said he was doing it or had done it on diet. No rice, macaroni, bread or potatoes. Only vegetables, fruits and meat and fish. Horner commented on Yacoub’s progress in English, to which Yacoub replied he had nothing to do but read and learn. Then Nageon asked what was the trouble with the Indian guard. I told him that he had been impolite and insolent on several occasions which I had reported to Westergreen the chief guard and seeing lately (i.e. before a few days) that he armed himself with an iron rod, I thought that was too much, I took it from him, and told Westergreen to report him and that was all. Nageon and Horner said that wouldn’t it have been better if I had reported him to the Committee? I said I don’t usually complain, but having reported him to his chief who said that he was also impolite to him on several occasions I thought that that was enough. Furthermore 14 days ago on Saturday before last, I was discussing our health situation with Dr Lanier, and, as a colleague, I complained to him about the manner [in which] some of the guards are intruding on our privacy, which we resent, and which undoubtedly affects our nerves and consequently our health. I further told them that I mentioned to the SMO, that if I knew that those were the instructions of the Committee, I wouldn’t blame the guards. The SMO told me or rather promised to see H.E. and let me know. Nageon said wasn’t it better if I had complained to him to which I replied that I realize that they were the supervising authority, but that the SMO was also the Health authority who is supposed to look after our health and having said he would see the Governor I had nothing else to add. Further, when Lanier came last Saturday, I asked him whether he had seen H.E.; to which he replied he regretted that he was not able to see him last week but that he would see him on Monday. Nageon said that Lanier had only mentioned that to him yesterday. I said it was not my fault, I had reported the matter to the chief guard and the health authorities. Nageon asked whether I would report in future to him at once to enable him to redress my grievances or complaints promptly. I said I thank you and am grateful and shall do so in future. We then discussed our situation, beginning by telling the Committee what H.E. told us in his interview on 12/10/37, in which Captain Mumby was present, about the restrictions which he had to impose to satisfy the Palestine Govt. and the Colonial

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Office that everything would be done to ensure keeping us on the island, but those restrictions will be in such a manner which will not be felt by us, and that H.E. hoped that these will also be gradually reduced in future; to which Mumby agreed. After two or three months, new restrictions began to be imposed in spite of the fact that we had done nothing to contravene our written gentleman’s word of honour. Nageon agreed that we had done nothing but that they had received instructions from Palestine to do so. Fuad intervened and stated that they i.e. the Government authorities here were not bound to accept instructions from Palestine to which Nageon replied that they had been received through the Colonial Office. I replied this may be so, but after all H.E. is the man on the spot and he should have replied to the S. of S. that in my first interview with these gentlemen I had told them so and so, that after three months I find that they had abided by their written undertaking and I don’t see why additional restrictions should be imposed seeing that they are under my supervision and protection. I further said that now we are eight months here, can the Committee say we had violated any of the conditions of our undertaking, Nageon said none to his knowledge. I said then why all these humiliating restrictions. I pointed out as an example about no casual conversations being allowed and told Nageon he should realize that we are human beings and not robots. How can I go downtown and not talk to somebody I know? I am of flesh and blood and not a machine. Nageon and Horner were rather astonished and they didn’t know or rather were not sure there was such a restriction. Fuad at once dug it out of the file and read it out to them signed by Nageon himself. Fuad then related what happened with Mrs James at the Scouts concert and how we were later penalized before any investigations were done by the Governor. Other minor restrictions were discussed then and commented upon; until the question of the ordinance was touched upon. I was of opinion that the ordinance does not empower them to prescribe such restrictions and that they were challengeable in court. At once Nageon was alert or rather on his alert and replied that they could not be challenged. I said that he was the attorney general or rather the Legal Advisor and he may have to defend his point of view but it remains to be seen. In my opinion the ordinance bans us from challenging (one) the legality or otherwise of our deportation and (two) the legality or otherwise of our detention on Mahé. Nageon at once said again that it bars us from contesting any restrictions whatsoever. I replied that that remained to be seen, and that I was not challenging him personally, but I want only to ask a question: Have the authorities here more than one balance for justice? The ordinance applying to us is the one made for the Lahj people. Why are they free in their liberty and we are not? Nageon said because they come from a place where there are no British interests. I pointed out to him politely that Lahj was in Aden and Aden was a British Protectorate more important than Palestine and they are British subjects which we are not. He couldn’t say anything more here … Fuad told him then that we had already informed you in writing that once we had given our word of honour, we intend to abide by it and we have one meaning only for a word of honour. He agreed and said ultimately that had the whole matter been left to him and his Committee he would give us complete freedom of liberty and movement in the Island.

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We then discussed my letter about seeking legal advice and asked whether it was going to be authorized after informing them that legal advice was to me equivalent to medical advice. Nageon said he was surely going to authorize it. If I wish to see Benson today, he may arrange it. I said there was no great hurry; if it was not possible today, tomorrow would suit me alright. There were other minor discussions of no great importance and we said goodbye; Nageon promising to inform me about the interview with Benson. We discussed the situation with each other in the afternoon and were rather relieved to feel that we have vented our views especially after telling the Committee at the end of the interview that I can’t tolerate our situation any longer. I went to bed at 10 rather pleased.

Saturday 11/6/1938 Up at 6.30 still feeling the oppression in my chest. Weather cool and nice and brisk wind after the gale which was raging yesterday. I forgot to mention that yesterday at about  4pm, Westergreen brought me a letter from the Committee about Benson. It runs as follows: Sir, 10/6/38 I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th June under cover of which you forwarded a letter to Mr Benson barrister-at-law and to inform you that I have arranged an interview with that gentleman for 9.45am tomorrow, Saturday the 11th June in my office. I have etc. M.C.N. de L. Legal Advisor.

I had therefore to dress early and miss my bath today having arranged with the chief guard to have a car ready at  9.30am today. Yacoub said he will come with us. At 9am, Rashid sent a note to Fuad saying he wanted to see the Arabic translation of our ordinance, as he intends to go with us to see the advocate. The car came on time and we found Rashid waiting for us. He was rather stern looking. He began by saying that he again studied the ordinance and was of opinion that we are mistaken in our contentions, and that the Governor could impose any restrictions, but the question of our being Palestinians might be argued although it is weak. I at once replied, that’s your opinion but ours is quite different – you are not a lawyer to say that – and that’s why we are going to see a lawyer. He said well it is not necessary for me to go with you. I replied yes, I think so! and we left him. We found Nageon waiting for us in his office together with Mumby and Horner; and had four chairs for us. Benson was waiting in another room. Nageon began by saying: Well gentlemen, after we had the long talk with you yesterday, we went and saw His Excellency and conveyed to him the summary of your grievances and demands. After due consideration H.E. is willing to give you freedom

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of motion within the limits set down in our first letter (i.e. the town planning boundary of Victoria Town) without any guards. This excludes mail day in which you may not come down to town but you can move about the other places. You may salute or greet people whom you see, but still no other casual conversations are allowed. He added by hoping that we would accept these conditions and informing him in writing that we undertake to do so. Fuad asked whether it would not be better if this is given to us in writing? Nageon seemed to hesitate a bit and said he may but he would prefer it that way. I thanked Nageon and the Committee, but after consulting Yacoub and Fuad, I said that I regret I can’t give him an answer at once as we have got to consult Pasha and Rashid eff. and that as tomorrow was Sunday, we may be able to give him a reply on Monday or Tuesday. Nageon agreed. Captain Mumby did not seem to be pleased and he had rather a big frown between his eyes. Nageon added that he had given strict instructions to the guards to keep off and not to intrude on our privacy and he asked me if I will be good enough to report to him at once if I notice anything. I thanked him again on behalf of our friends and said we were grateful. I then asked whether we could see our advocate. ‘Sure’, he said and called for Benson who came in and he was introduced. He is an Englishman married to a Seychellois lady (the sister of Dr Lanier the SMO) and has been in the colony since December 1928. He appears to be about 36–37 years old, and looks quite an alert and intelligent man. I began by asking whether it would be possible for us to have a private talk with Benson. Nageon felt rather uneasy and said that he was inclined to hear what we had to say to him. I pressed my point and said we may be able to discuss the few preliminary points in his presence, but Mumby and Horner had better leave and when we come to the ordinance, we prefer to have our private talk with the advocate. Nageon said well he could do that but that the instructions he has from H.E. were that he should be present. Benson intervened and told Nageon that on a matter of principle he felt he agreed with us because in case he brings a case to court, Nageon will be the prosecuting or defending counsel for the crown and therefore it is impossible that he should be present in a consultation with his clients. A few arguments around that point were interchanged between Nageon and Benson; which led to a consultation and some whispering amongst the three members of the Committee. This was followed by the rising of Captain Mumby who went out of the room puffing. It appeared that he was instructed by Nageon to go and see His Excellency about that point. There followed another argument around the private interview. I assured Nageon that I will give him my word of honour on oath if needed that I will not discuss with Benson any political problem. Nor the reasons why we were deported and that all we will be seeking is his legal advice on our detention here. This was repeated by Benson who assured Nageon that he will limit his consultation with us on legal points only. Benson who had a copy of the ordinance and who must have studied it beforehand asked Mr Nageon whether there was a warrant for deportation. I showed him the warrant given under the hand of the G.O.C., Palestine dated 30/9/37. He asked whether they had the Palestine Emergency regulations and Nageon replied in the negative. I said when we were arrested in Palestine, we were shown no warrant, not even on H.M.S. Sussex or Active, and not until we arrived at Mahé on 12/10/37 did we know of such a warrant which was kindly read to us by H.E.

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Benson then asked Nageon whether in accordance with the detention ordinance there was a warrant under the signature of the Governor to the Supt. of Police. Nageon replied in the positive. Mr Benson asked whether there were any conditions prescribed in that warrant and whether such conditions were brought to the notice of the deportees. I at once intervened and said we know of no such warrant – in fact it was never read or communicated to us at all. Benson told Nageon but surely that ought to have been done, and would he Nageon let us know about that warrant. Nageon said definitely not. They have instructions from the Colonial Office which was confidential or rather very secret and cannot be disclosed. Benson said but surely, I have read your ordinance which contains six or seven articles and there is nothing there which empowers you to lay down such restrictions, as my clients may be deportees, prisoners etc. Nageon was rather touched and said he could treat us under the ordinance as prisoners and lock us up. Benson said he didn’t want to press his point for the moment as he had not yet obtained all the information required from his clients. I again pointed out that we would prefer to have our own consultation with our advocate in private assuring Nageon that I don’t mean to offend him or any other member of the Committee, but as that was a matter of principle, I am afraid I have to insist. At this stage in the conversation Nageon left also to see the Governor. Benson remarked that he ought to have gone with Captain Mumby as he felt that it was not right that H.E. should have a one-sided opinion. Finally, he said he would follow them and see the Governor. At least I will risk it he said smiling. We remained with Mr Horner the clerk to the Governor, who said what’s the use of Benson’s going to see H.E. He will tell him to wait and may not see him. I remarked that Benson said he would risk it. Twenty minutes later Horner called me out to the veranda and said there is Benson patrolling H.E.’s veranda! Rather in a sarcastic manner. We waited for a few minutes. Horner said yesterday’s gale was rather a nasty one 40–45 miles per hour, which is not very usual. Then Benson came, he said when he reached Government House, he announced himself and H.E., who was in consultation with Nageon and Mumby, received him at once. He had about twenty minutes conversation with H.E. explaining to him his points of view, and ended by saying I believe I have won my case in asking for a private meeting with my clients. He further said that when he left H.E., the latter promised him to send him the reply with Nageon with whom he was conferring after he left. Ten or 15 minutes later Nageon and Mumby arrived. We took our seats and Nageon began by saying that H.E. had considered our request and is giving it his utmost care. He is sorry he can’t give his decision at once and shall be able to inform us of his final decision on Monday or Tuesday when we may be allowed to see Benson at his office. After consultation with our advocate who was of the opinion it was better to await H.E.’s decision, I told Nageon that we also prefer to agree to what H.E. has said. At the end of the interview I thanked Nageon for his goodwill, and informed him that I will reply to his first offer either on Monday or Tuesday after conferring with Pasha and Rashid eff. Goodbyes and au revoirs and off we returned to Bel Air. Stopping at Rockies we found Hilmi Pasha – Rashid was still in town. It appears that H.E. wants to consult the Colonial Secretary. Well maybe … I don’t blame him, if according to what Nageon says they have their strict instructions from the S. of S. for the Colonies.

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We gave a resume of what happened to the Pasha who really was genuinely pleased. It was his opinion that we should accept what was offered. I said we rather better see what our advocate has to say. Anyhow we left it open and we returned to Curio at 12.15pm. I went to bed and slept for an hour when Fuad came to see me with a cable from Palestine about the news we had asked at the end of May. There it is: Jerusalem 10/6/37 – 11.37am. Received 11/6/37 – 11.55 N.L.T. Palestinians Mahé Seychelles: Commission’s meetings private. Political situation unchanged. Representations your return continuing. Emir Abdullah’s proposals attacked Arabic Press. Holding Arab conference Baghdad, discussion Palestine Question. Decided Parliamentary conference held same purpose Cairo. Information allowed published broadcast. Arrangement continued. Jointly remit five pounds costs transmission monthly. Greeting everybody. Censored by Government. Musa.

Sunday 12/6/1938 Up at 6.30. The oppression in my chest is better although I am still coughing a lot. Yacoub went to see the Pasha this morning about his affair with the Arab Bank and [Abdulhamid] Shouman’s attachment of his property. When he came back at 1pm he said that our friends down at Rockies were rather satisfied with yesterday’s result but Rashid told Yacoub that he heard from a reliable source, and as usual refused to mention who, that the Governor had received secret instructions from London to give us more freedom. This is a rather curious bit of information because it is not backed by what we saw during the last 48 hours. I know perfectly well what secret despatches mean in a colonial government. And I wonder how Rashid could, in 24 hours as it were, be able to get information about secret instructions from the Colonial Office to the Governor. But it appears that news about our interview and Nageon’s offer is leaking and becoming public property and gossip. Westergreen already knows it, and I think half the island too. Dr Lanier paid us this Sunday another of his ‘flying visits’. He seemed to be in such a hurry, just politely even refusing to sit down for a few minutes. He said: ‘I understand that you are being given a bit more freedom?’ ‘Yes’, I said. ‘We are discussing the matter with Benson to see whether they have powers under the ordinance to treat us in this manner.’ He said but they will make a new ordinance. Oh yes, I said they can at once cook a new one but it remains to be seen.

Monday 13/6/1938 Up at 4am. It was raining very hard. Dozed a bit and then up at 6am. I sat all morning and afternoon writing my letters for despatch to Mombasa with tomorrow’s mail boat. I wrote to Wahideh and the kids, Yacoub, Hussam [Khalidi], Dr

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Figure 8  H.F. Khalidi – in deep thought – contemplating in the lounge of Villa Curio (autumn 1938).

[Tawfiq] Canaan,283 Dr Abdelal, Mahmoud Abu Khadra, Auster, Adel Tourjuman,284 Aref Tourjuman,285 Khalil Sakakini and Hassan Bader. I handed the mail to Westergreen at 3.30. I now note that both guards are stationed now at the garage near the entrance to the bungalow. They do not come near the house at all and it is a great relief after all. I expected Pasha and Rashid to come today to discuss our attitude towards what Nageon offered. They didn’t and it seems they prefer to take the reserved attitude and want us to go and see them about it. Well I shan’t; I have taken the step and I am not willing to retreat. We three here at Curio decided, at least for tonight, that the offer is worth tuppence – and that if no conversation is added and a promise to visit, and receive visitors in the near future is granted; the offer is not worth accepting. They promised to give us H.E.’s permission or otherwise to meet our counsel in private and we have to await that reply before committing or binding ourselves with another written undertaking.

Tuesday 14/6/1938 Up at  5pm with a lot of coughing and vague pains around my throat … At  7.30am I  could see S.S. Kenya steaming into harbour. All I expect is a letter from Wahideh and the kids. That’s what interests me – everything else is poo – worth nothing to me. I am really beginning to be fed up. Westergreen asked Yacoub this morning whether we are sending a written confirmation of what Nageon had asked on Saturday. He received an evasive answer

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on my dictation. Yacoub and Fuad went down to Rockies to consult Pasha and Rashid. When they came back at 1pm I asked them nothing and they too did say nothing. At 2.30 Westergreen comes with one Daily Sketch and nothing else. No letters to any one of us, ‘C’est impossible’ I say, ‘go again and see.’ He instructs Sgt Gontier to go to the office and remain there till 4pm. Again, [he] returns [with] nothing at all! Souleiman Moussa had arrived from Bombay today; but our chief guard had gone to see him at once. ‘You can’t visit your deportees any longer – You have to ask permission from the Committee’, he says.

Wednesday 15/6/1938 Awoke at 6.30am with a sore throat and some herpes on the tip of my tongue and a lot of coughing. I wish I had my inhaler and some Ephedrine inhalant. There were no letters at all to any of us with this mail. Yacoub had a brand new and grandiose nargeeleh with 30 packets of Tambak [tobacco]. Fuad got a new Tarboush [Fez] and a tin (about 3 Kilos) of Tahineh and another of Dates Tatli [marmalade] – perfectly delicious. There was a debate yesterday in the House of Commons about Palestine. The Colonial Secretary said that new and additional forces may have to be sent out if the disorders were to be stamped. Sir Tegart is going home after submitting his recommendations. He may have to return to Palestine later on to see their effects. He finished by saying that the Government still believes that partition is the best solution for Palestine. At 5pm, Rashid and Pasha came. Poetry as usual and so on. Pasha is preparing a Power of Attorney for his son. He looks thin these days and seems to be worried over financial affairs. Rashid still maintains that H.E. had received a cable about giving us more freedom but he does not know the text of it. We all are agreed however that Nageon’s offer is not worthwhile accepting as it stands. They left at about 6.30. Pasha is sending a letter to the Committee tomorrow asking them to instruct the Doctor to overhaul him and give him a report to send to Palestine or to London on his health condition. Naturally Pasha should have consulted me about that before he wrote the draft. He did not, and I loathe to offend or irritate the Doctor. After all I can be very aggressive to the Governor or the Committee but not to somebody whom I may be under the mercy of his medical attention. I told Fuad to tell Pasha tomorrow that I don’t agree to the text of his letter, and that I am prepared to submit a medical report to the authorities introducing what the Pasha wants to represent.

Thursday 16/6/1938 Up at 6.30, my throat is still paining me and I am coughing a lot. Today is what they call Fete Dieu and whereas Roman Catholics form the majority of Government officials, it is a public holiday and offices are closed. My friends want to go and watch the procession which takes place in the afternoon at Garden Square. I shan’t go myself. When Westergreen came this morning, I gave him the following two letters.

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The Hon. Legal Advisor Mahé – Seychelles. 16/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to refer to our meeting of the 11/6/38 at your office and in the presence of Mr Benson and your promise to let me know H.E.’s decision by Monday or Tuesday last, about our private meeting with Mr Benson, and to inquire whether I may now expect H.E.’s final decision on the matter. An early reply will be appreciated. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

In order to have my medical examination complete, I thought I better make a urine examination for us all and for this purpose I sent the following letter to the SMO. The S.M.O. 16/6/38



Sir, I shall be greatly obliged if you will kindly supply me with bearer, with the following articles: 1.  Stethoscope on loan for a few days 2.  One glass beaker (3oz capacity) 3.  Three glass test-tubes for urine examination 4.  One wooden rack stand for test tubes 5.  Blue and red litmus paper 6.  Strong acetic or nitric acid for albumin test 7.  Fehling solution W°1 or W°2 I shall also be obliged if you could let me have a copy of the record of each of our blood pressures taken by you at different dates. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

At about 4pm my friends left to town and I remained alone reading and hearing the radio. They returned at 6.30 with rather some very exciting news. They had met the Governor who had invited them to his house. This is Fuad’s version of how the things happened yesterday when they went downtown. They went first to Garden Square to see the procession and from there they went and sat at Adam Moussa stores for about half an hour. They had met the Governor at the Square but they did not salute him. When they went out in the street, they again met him on the other side of the road. After passing him by about 20 yards, Westergreen left them for a few moments and then came back to tell them whether they would like to go and meet Sir Grimble and have some refreshments at Government House. This was accepted and they went to Government House where Sir and Lady Grimble met them at the door and after sitting down (Westergreen was with them) they had some refreshments. Fuad had a whisky and soda and the others tea and lemonade. It is said both the Governor and his wife were very

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kind and gentle with them. He is stated to have started by saying he was pleased to see that we are taking some exercise and asked after our health. Fuad replied that their mental condition was rather upset and that we do not take enough exercise because of the restrictions imposed, and especially that no casual conversations are allowed. He then gave a resumé about our condition since we arrived at Mahé and that the mental strain is beginning to affect us and may cause grave results. The Governor is stated to have replied that he sympathizes with us and agrees to what was said and  he hopes we would benefit now by what he agreed to give us liberty of movement without guards. He was told that this would not ameliorate our condition as long as we are prevented to speak with the public. He seemed to have agreed about such conversations, but he pointed out that there may be difficulties in preventing many who wish to visit us. Fuad said it is not probably possible that people should visit us if we don’t want [them] to. He said that it may be possible for some limited families to visit us as members of the Legislative Council and heads of department. He said he would further see whether he will convince the colonial office to give us more freedom but he will not guarantee the result. It was pointed out to him that ‘the man on the spot’ usually counts and his word is taken. He agreed to that but not always he said. He then asked whether it would be possible to give him the Arab case in Palestine not as Governor but as a private man. He added that he wished to see us every now and then at his house probably a monthly meeting. He then inquired whether we still wish that small bungalow built at Curio for Pasha and Rashid. They said yes. He agreed that it was far more comfortable for us to live together, but he hopes we shall not need the new house and we would return to our country. He emphasized that this was only his hope and there was nothing official in it. He then pointed out to our protests to the colonial office and asked why we don’t complain about him? (not understood) as he welcomes that. They replied that we did not want to disturb him after seeing his kindness to us (sic) the first day we met him; but that our condition had become rather intolerable due to the conditions imposed. He said again he would do his best to raise some restrictions, but he can’t promise; and hopes that we would accept going about without guards pending his negotiations. As to our meeting with the advocate, he said he sees no objection. He is further stated to have said that he did not recommend to the authorities concerned changing the restrictions for the first few months because he did not have sufficient time to judge whether our actions here would not have bad effects or repercussions in Palestine. Now however that eight months had elapsed he is now convinced that we had abided by our undertaking and we have done nothing to affect adversely things in Palestine. When they left, H.E. again emphasized the necessity for further meetings and that probably he would arrange them monthly. They thanked him and left after staying about an hour. This is rather an interesting meeting. We shall see later why H.E. has deemed it necessary to act as he had done. Rashid is still in the opinion that it is due to instruction from London. As usual I say ‘wait and see’.

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Friday 17/6/1938 I am rather getting up early these last few days. At 5am today. Weather is rather warm today. Westergreen came this morning with a letter from the Legal Advisor to me as follows: 17/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 16th (he means 6th) June, on the subject of your wish to obtain private legal advice, and to inform you that H.E., the Governor, has authorized the consultation of Mr Benson. I have etc. M.C.N. de L. Legal Advisor.

I gave the letter to Westergreen and instructed him to go and see Benson for an appointment at his office tomorrow preferably after 3pm, or from 11–1pm. At about 12pm Dr Lanier came to see us. When he entered, he had a sort of a frown and [was] rather nervous. After a minute he said why had I asked for a small laboratory and whether he was not competent to do a urine examination or whether we had no confidence in his examination. I interrupted him at once telling him that surely was not what I meant, and I do not mean at all to offend him. On the contrary we have all confidence in him, and are grateful for all his medical attention and interest in our health. The thing was very simple, on the request of my friends I wanted to examine each one of them and submit a medical report on their condition. I did not want to bother him with urine examinations and I could do it here in a few minutes. He replied by saying he was not authorized to give such articles and what not. I at once told him not to if he had no authority. I meant no offence and that’s all, if he prefers to do the urine examination himself and had no objection. I further mentioned that as a doctor of 22 years’ experience, I think I had the right to submit if I so wish a medical report. Furthermore, I said if he sees a real objection to that and it touches his prestige I will [not] give one. I pointed out to Lanier that instead of writing a political report I am submitting a medical one. The report would include the result of a complete examination with what each one of us had suffered from minor or other ailments during our stay at Mahé followed by my conclusions and recommendations. If he wanted, I said, I can show him my draft report before I submit; because it may ultimately be referred to him for his opinion. He may agree to all parts of the report or may not. Naturally it was for him to do so, but my conclusions will be brief and to the point. I maintain that all these skin rashes and rheumatic pains are due to the climate and the nervous strain and worry caused by the conditions of the restrictions imposed. I pointed out to him that people born and living in temperate climates cannot endure the climatic conditions at the equator and their health is surely apt to [be] affected. I told him that our temperature ranges in Palestine from 40 degrees

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centigrade in summer to sometimes a few degrees below freezing point, but here it ranges between 30°C and 25 or 26°C all the year round. Furthermore, while the relative humidity average here during the whole year is  75% or more in Palestine especially Jerusalem it is nil during the summer months. With such a sweltering hot damp climate I am sure the effects would be very bad. He did not want to agree that climatic conditions actually affect the health which is rather a very strange thing to be said by a doctor who graduated from England and of the standing of Dr Lanier. He said English people do live in the tropics; I agreed but said it was of their free will and for money. He surely knew for example that British Officials in England take two months leave in two years. When they came to Palestine which is rather a healthy spot, they are entitled to three months. In East Africa they take  6 months in two years. All this is on account of the climatic conditions. He said but Africa is unhealthy and Seychelles is rather very healthy. I said yes in as far as there are no major tropical infectious diseases and not climate. It is only 4° south of the Equator. It is a pleasant place and I would have liked to come as a tourist for a few weeks but not more. I then pointed out to the mental strain and worry caused from the restrictions. He surely knew what are the effects of strains and worry on the nervous system and on the health in general. He agreed here and said that that was a rather good point. My recommendations, I said, would be in brief either to allow us to go and live anywhere out of Palestine for the time being if our return to our country is contraindicated; or they should transfer us to another colony on the Mediterranean sea, where climate conditions as in Cyprus for example would be the same as in Palestine, and that pending the consideration of the two proposals we should be given complete freedom of motion in the island which will allow us to take sufficient exercise and relieve our mental strains. He then asked about our health, and buzzed off laughing as we again became friends. His attitude is really extraordinary. Pasha and Rashid came at  5pm. Rashid said it was a bold step on behalf of the Governor to invite them. He pretended he had a mind to refuse the invitation (as an Istiklali!) but then he thought it would offend the Governor. Rashid’s policy had always been not to offend or attack him in case he may screw the restrictions more and more. Anyhow, that step on the part of Sir Grimble means that he wants to show a sign of goodwill towards us. Maybe my quotation to him about Napoleon and what Sir Stafford Cripps thought of his colonial and imperial rule had given him the hint that we can’t be bullied or swallowed as easily as he had thought. Eight months of bluffing is quite sufficient.

Saturday 18/6/1938 Up at 5.30. Westergreen came and informed me this morning that Benson will see us today at 3pm at his offices on the Mt. Fleuri Road near the law courts. I told him to get a car at  2.45pm. We decided that I should be the spokesman, and Yacoub desired to be present. We left at 2.45pm and were at his office at 3pm sharp. I made sure that Westergreen should sit outside in a place where he can’t hear what is being discussed. I began by giving him a resume of what happened to us from the moment

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we were arrested until we reached Mahé, and then of our meeting with the Governor on 12/10/37 and what he said. I then went on to explain all the restrictions gradually imposed and which became harsher and harsher. After having had an idea of general conditions, I went on to tell him how after eight months we could bear it no longer and how it occurred to me to ask Nageon about the ordinance under which we are detained here and the ensuing correspondence relative thereto, and how instead of informing us of such an ordinance and the Superintendent of Police’s warrant under it, they asked us to give an undertaking and so on. I then informed him of the social status of every one of us and the great damages to our financial interests resulting from our deportation and the effect of such a detention on our health and nervous state. I further informed him about the offer which Nageon gave us to move about without guards in Victoria town which was later confirmed verbally by the Governor. I then handed to him our file for his perusal. He said that he had seen the Governor Saturday last and yesterday too; and told him that the ordinance deprives the deportees of justice or resort to justice under any circumstances; a thing unheard of anywhere. He said he was loyal and frank in his work and that he will give us his frank opinion in a few days and if necessary, consult any other lawyer. I said we relied upon him and did not consider any such consultation necessary for the moment. I gave him my opinion of the ordinance under which we were detained: First of all, what the Governor does in the ordinance is ‘I arrest’; he does not refer to the powers vested in him to make any such ordinance. Second, in my opinion he – the Governor – cannot include any territory under the principle ordinance by simply saying I arrest or I agree – surely, he must have powers to do so. Third, we are not detained under the pleasure of His Majesty, but under the High Commissioner’s orders. Fourth, the principle ordinance was done for the Lahj people (deportees) who have complete freedom of motion while we have not and therefore justice cannot have two balances. Fifth, any administrative instructions which the Governor may receive from Palestine or the Colonial Office are not law unless they are issued in the form of Regulations under a principle ordinance. Sixth, there is only a penalty for escape or attempt to escape. The spirit of the law therefore is that we should be detained in Mahé and not in a concentration camp at Mahé. Seventh, that the Legislative Authorities cannot be judicial at the same time and inflict punishment, as when the legal advisor alluded that he can ‘lock us up’ if he desires. We cannot possibly challenge the legality of our deportation and detention here under this ordinance, but there is nothing to prevent us from challenging the details of the restrictions not mentioned in the Ordinance. As long as the Emergency Regulations do not apply to Mahé, and as long as we live as law-abiding citizens, no punishment can be meted without contravening any existing legislation. We wanted therefore to know his considered opinion whether: (1)  We can challenge the whole ordinance as ultra vires. (2)  Ask for an order nisi286 from the Supreme Court to call upon the Governor or the Committee to show cause why we can’t have our liberty and freedom while at Mahé.

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I pointed out that any such action in court might cause a small scandal. He interrupted by saying: ‘No, it will make a great scandal.’ I said yes but we wanted to avoid it; as we are not out here to embarrass the local government. He replied by pointing out that there are two main issues to our case. A major one and a local one. The major one is the question of our deportation. Realizing that all of us being men of consequence it may involve the asking for heavy damages. He naturally cannot advise us on this before seeing all the legislation of Palestine under which we were deported. I advised him to send a cable on the spot to Mr Henry Catan,287 barrister-at-law in Jerusalem, to send him [Benson] by the first air mail, the Emergency Regulations 1936 and all subsequent ones, amendments and deletions – the Palestine Mandate and any other legislation of interest bearing upon the deportation. This he did at once and stated that as there is no great hurry here, we better defer this question pending the receipt of the law in question to which we all agreed. As to the second one he said, he had read the Ordinance which is quite short and vague and that a case can always be filed in court but the difficulty was what the meaning of ‘under the legal custody of the superintendent of police’ means. I replied it was for the court to interpret that. He agreed. I pointed out however that we do not wish again to make a scandal or embarrass the governor. All what we want is fair play and our freedom during our exile and we prefer to have the matter solved amiably and amicably. We prefer in the first instance that he should see the legal advisor and the governor privately. If he can convince them so much the better; if not we will bring a case in court knowing also fully well that if the ordinance is quashed in the courts the governor may cook a new one, but it won’t be such an easy matter to do. He also agreed to that; and promised to study the case again with the file and he will let us know his frank opinion by Wednesday next. We will either meet him at his office or he will come and see us at home. We also explained the situation again regarding the cruelty and inhuman way we have been treated and he agreed and was very sympathetic. He mentioned that Major Moller who was a great friend of the governor was so annoyed that he wired the colonial secretary sometime after we came. We left him at about 4.30pm; and passed and saw Pasha and Rashid about what we discussed. Rashid (as usual!) had information that Benson was a great friend of the governor and in fact is considered as his adviser and right hand. He also referred to the Colonial Secretary’s dispatch and said he may get a copy of it about giving us more freedom. We all agreed that the situation was on the whole encouraging and we hoped for the better. After staying a few minutes, we came back to Curio.

Sunday 19/6/1938 Up at 6am. Dr Lanier did not send the urine examination apparatus or the stethoscope. I shall do without them and use my ear.

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In the evening I felt miserable and my chest oppression worried me. I had no supper this evening and went to bed early at 8.45pm. I was groaning all night long and had a rather sleepless night.

Monday 20/6/1938 No rain. Weather cool, and brisk wind. I was feeling better when I awoke at 6am. Westergreen came at 9am and asked us whether we were in a position to reply to Nageon’s verbal offer. The latter had seen him this morning and requested him to tell us so. We told him to inform the Legal Adviser that we shall reply in writing as soon as possible. I wonder why do they want the reply urgently? The news this evening are not good. Ten Jews had been killed since the beginning of the month and during the last two or three days eight Arabs were also killed. This is besides other minor sabotage incidents. Baghdad broadcasting station says that in spite of the repressive methods used by and resorted to by the Government of Palestine, the situation is not improving.

Tuesday 21/6/1938 Up at 5am. Although there is a sea breeze, the weather is warm and damp and the sun rays fierce as usual. The authorities here as elsewhere in the British Empire seem to kill things by time and evasive measures and answers. I wrote the following three letters today: 21/6/38 The Hon. Legal Adviser Sir, Subject: My cable to Aden I have the honour to refer to your letter of the 8/6/38 and to inquire when may I expect a reply from the ‘proper quarter’ to whom a text of my message to the Political Secretary at Aden; was forwarded on 1/6/38? Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K. 21/6/38 The S.M.O., through the Legal Adviser, Mahé Sir, Subject: Medical I have the honour to refer to my letter of the 16/6/38 asking for the loan of a few articles, and the records of the blood pressure of each of the deportees, and to inquire whether I may now be favoured with a negative or positive reply please. Dr H.F.K.

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21/6/38 The Hon. Legal Adviser







Sir, Subject: Dental Treatment I have the honour to refer to the schedule of maximum fees for private dental operations at the Seychelles Hospital published in general notice CV100 of 1938 and beg to request information on the following points: (1) I notice from item (9) of the A/M Schedule that the maximum fees to be charged for a vulcanite full upper or lower denture is 130 rupees. Does this mean that fee of 260 rupees may be charged for full upper and lower dentures, i.e. a complete set? (2) I notice from item (11) that the maximum fee to be charged for partial vulcanite plates of 14 teeth is 85 rupees. I have to point out that a vulcanite plate of 14 teeth is a full denture. (3)  On what are the maximum and/or minimum fees charged based? I shall be greatly obliged if you will kindly explain this discrepancy. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

Fuad did not like the tone of my letter to Dr Lanier. He is afraid it may offend him or the lawyer who is his brother-in-law. Every one of us seems to have a phobia about somebody in authority. I had to tell Fuad that I am fully aware of the medical etiquette between colleagues. There were news this evening that the French authorities in Syria deported Haj Amin al-Husseini from the French Mandated Territory. This information is from Baghdad station. We wondered where he will go to – possibly Hedjaz or Yemen.

Wednesday 22/6/1938 Up at 6am feeling miserable and rotten with fits of very bad coughing. My body and throat are aching and I have a dull headache. In fact, I practically remained in bed till 5pm. I had a reply to one of my letters today. It reads: 21/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today’s date, wherein you enquire as to when you may expect a reply to the telegram received from you for dispatch to the political secretary, Aden, and to inform you that the reply will be communicated to you as soon as it is received. I have etc. M.C.N. de L.

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At least one of my satisfactions is that they reply on the same day of receipt of an enquiry which is not bad after all.

Thursday 23/6/1938 Up at 7am. Feeling just a bit better, although I am aching all over still. The weather is quite cool today with a very brisk S.E. sea breeze. Our lawyer H.B. Benson is coming to see us today. I received the following letter from him: June 22, 1938 Dear Sir, I should like to have another interview with you, and would be glad to know if about 5 o’clock tomorrow evening Thursday will be convenient to you. As I shall be in court all day and am uncertain at what time I shall be free, I think it would be advisable for me to come up to your house, so that you will not be kept waiting at my office. I will come as near 5 o’clock as possible tomorrow, if this is agreeable please do not trouble to reply to this letter. Yours faithfully H.B. Benson

He came at 5.20pm and we had a long talk. He had seen Nageon once but had had no time to see the governor. He did not study the ordinance and the other relative ordinances about the constitution of Seychelles and the powers vested in the governor and therefore he cannot still give his full and considered opinion. If they had obtained H.M.’s approval then he was afraid that the Ordinance holds good. Although it is not clear from the Ordinance whether they may impose restrictions in force, yet there is nothing in it to prevent them from enforcing them. In his opinion they can lock us up in prison and do what they like. Naturally he admitted that it is the most shocking and repugnant ordinance for justice anywhere in the world. In short it prevents us from obtaining justice even if we are insulted, humiliated or assaulted by any of our guards. We can’t go to court. He even said that if we submit or file an action in court, H.E. may wire an order to the registrar of the Supreme Court to withdraw it. A thing also unheard of in any part of the British Empire. We went into more details with him about the case and so on and it seems that the term ‘legal custody’ of the police is rather vague. We will however test it in court even knowing we will lose it. Had we been people who cannot afford to pay expenses, he would have advised us as our counsel not to file such an action but he presumed we did not mind including a few pounds expensed for fees and so on. At least we have another documentary evidence to show how justice is meted out here to which we all agreed. I again emphasized that we want to avoid in any case, scandal or embarrassment to H.E.’s Government and prefer an amiable solution. He told me that he had never received my

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first letter but had only seen a copy of it in our file. Furthermore, his cable to Mr Catan in Jerusalem would not be accepted by the Eastern Telegraph Co. and had to go for censor by the Governor, and then delayed for 48 hours. He had prepared a letter to the Governor to be signed by us about these restrictions. I read the draft copy. Although it is nicely worded and sound in substance, I did not agree to it altogether and told him so. He said he had thought we wanted to resort to diplomatic, written negotiations. I agreed but pointed out to the fat dossier which we handed him the other day. We had resorted to such negotiations which were of no avail. All we got after eight months of cabling and memo writing, was that the colonial secretary saw no reasons to intervene in the points and questions raised by us. He agreed that this was equivalent to no answer. After prolonged discussion we asked him to see the Governor first and discuss these matters verbally. If he sees that H.E. is inclined to give in and recommend them to the colonial office so much the better. If not, there was no use in writing any more memos. H.E. already knows our points of view. All what we are asking is: (1)  Freedom of movement within given boundaries; (2)  Conversation with public; (3)  Social visits. He promised to write to the governor straight away and ask for an interview either on Saturday or Sunday, then he will come and see us after that. He had tea and a whisky and soda and left us at 6.40pm. We will see the result. News tonight: The Mufti returned to Beirut; he will be renting a house in Lebanon for the summer months.

Friday 24/6/1938 Up at 6.30 feeling miserable, cough and broken throughout, with pain in my throat. Weather is still holding good but no rain. Remained in bed most of the day reading until 5pm when Pasha and Rashid came. Passed time on a poem of Rashid. Pasha asked Fuad to translate Rashid’s open letter in poetry to H.E. about Palestine into English. Very bad news from Palestine this evening. Riots broke out all of a sudden between Jaffa and Tel Aviv yesterday afternoon and this morning resulting in about seven Jews and six Arabs and an Italian monk of Deir Jimal288 killed and twenty-two Arabs and Jews wounded. Curfew proclaimed in the district.

Saturday 25/6/1938 Up at 6am. Weather ditto as yesterday. I was reading the Seychelles Clarion this morning and the blooming editor Dr Bradley had introduced the following extract in the series of letters written on page 2 of its issue of the 25th inst. from ‘Joseph Michel Radafoline’ to his ‘Cher Jean Jacques’ about us:

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Nous avons appris, ce jour l’arrivée ici a Mahé Seychelles (Port Victoria) des déportés venant de Palestine. Ces messieurs ont des jolis logements ici à Bel Air et vivent à leur guise, sans une stricte surveillance exercée autour d’eux. Dans le courant de cette semaine, j’ai rencontré  2 de ces messieurs qui m’ont dit qu’ils sont traités avec beaucoup trop de rigueur, que le dernier des prisonniers dans la geôle central a plus de liberté qu’eux, enfin qu’ils vont pétitionner a Monsieur le Secrétaire d’Etat. Ils ont même été voir l’homme de loi à cet effet. Comme ces messieurs sont mêlés dans de trop sales affaires dans leur pays ou plusieurs soldats anglais ont été assassiné, le gouvernement paternel de Sa Majesté qui veux leur bien, et qui a de l’affection pour eux, a préféré les envoyer changer d’air dans notre petit pays. Et aujourd’hui ils se plaignent parce qu’on leur a fait du bien, les ingrats!289

This made my blood boil. Isn’t it sufficient that we are insulted and humiliated by the authorities here that we should also be insulted by the dirty and cheap local press? Libeled right and left and called ‘assassins mixing in very dirty affairs’ and ‘ungrateful’ lot of people etc. I shall see what Mr Benson thinks about that and whether there is any libel action in it or not. After all it had become trop [too much] as they say. There are again troubles in Palestine today on the Syrian frontier and a smaller clash near Jaffa.

Sunday 26/6/1938 Up at 6.30am. My throat is still troubling me and I feel a big lump there and a sort of constriction in my larynx. Weather remains cool but no rain also. I had told Fuad last night that I am not going to have lunch at Rockies today. I want to be left alone master at least of my personal freedom. Yacoub was rather upset about it and suggested that he and Fuad should not go too, which I opposed and they left me at 11am. Dr Lanier did not come up either yesterday or today – at least till lunch time, and I haven’t yet heard from him in reply to my two letters. They came back at 2pm. Fuad said that both Pasha and Rashid were rather upset this morning. They wanted to go downtown early this morning, but St. Jore the guard refused to accompany them saying that his instructions were that they could only go with the chief guard. When Sgt Gontier came a few minutes later he also said that he was instructed by Westergreen to the same effect. Rashid was so cross that he cursed them right and left and wrote a letter of protest to the Committee asking Fuad to translate it for him. The letter is not written in what I call good style and manner. He protests that he should be able to go about with the guards and not the chief guard when the Committee and H.E. had already offered us the proposition to roam about unguarded. Anyhow that’s his own business. I think he should better wait until we see what Benson has to say after meeting the governor.

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Monday 27/6/1938 Up at 6am feeling just a bit better. Cool monsoon winds blowing as usual with a shower of rain and fog in the afternoon. I received a letter from Benson today saying: 27/6/38 Dear Sir, I had a long interview with H.E. the Governor on Saturday and I wish to see you in order to convey the result of such interview. If I do not hear from you to the contrary, I will come up to your house as soon after four o’clock as possible tomorrow Tuesday which I hope will be convenient. Yours faithfully, H.B. Benson

We also received the following cable from the office of Mr Saba from Jerusalem handed there at 10.25am of the 25/6/38 and appears to be Catan’s reply to Benson’s cable asking for the Emergency Regulations, mandate etc.: Nlt. Palestinians Mahé Seychelles. Advocates cable received. Catan assures uselessness engaging advocates and incurring expenditure. No case materializing in Palestine and London would have been neglected and left to others. Advise whether papers still wanted. Don’t spend money unnecessarily. Best love. Mohiba.

And Mohiba by the way is Fuad Saba’s wife’s name. We replied: Nlt Accountant Jerusalem. Despatch papers first air mail. Required connection local laws relating restrictions imposed on us. Not questioning Catan’s subjects studied. Greetings all. Fuad.

Dr Lanier came to see us at about 12.30pm. He asked how were things? I said rather not bad. We told him we had a long meeting with advocate Benson who was going to see the governor to put our case before him, and we expect to get a reply soon. That Ordinance under which we are detained here and the restrictions imposed, I said, was the same Ordinance – word for word – enacted 38 years ago for African chiefs deported at that time. Those African chiefs and the others who followed were free to move about as they wished, and here we are now and 38 years after being treated worse than blacks. Was that fair? I asked. He did not say anything and I became nervous a bit and told him further whether he read Saturday’s Clarion. He heard something he said and asked whether I had a copy. I read out the paragraph connected with us. Isn’t it sufficient, I said, that we are humiliated and treated in an inhuman manner and now we are being libelled right and left. What would the people who don’t know us or our country’s affairs say on reading such libel? He argued that the Editor Dr Bradley is ‘adding insult to injury’,

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but he said that the man was known to be a bit cranky. I said not only that but he has ramollissement du cerveau290 too. He advised us to show it to Benson, which we said we were going to do. He also said that the Governor will be very angry to read that and that H.E. does not like the man. He left rather touched and did not mention anything about my letter, and I preferred on my part not to say anything being rather nervous. In the afternoon Westergreen brought me a letter from Lanier. The curious thing about it is that it is dated 21/6/38 although I only received it today the 27/6/38 and the envelope also bears today’s date. It says: Medical Department Seychelles 21/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 16th and 21st inst. – I visited you on the day I received your first letter and explained to you that we could not lend or sell any laboratory apparatus or reagents as those we had were solely for the use of our own laboratory. I also informed you that I saw no objection to letting you have a record of the blood pressure readings you asked for. These are here enclosed. I am your etc. E.N. Lanier Senior Medical Officer Blood pressure readings. Mr Saba

Mr Ibrahim

2/12/37

150/110

Mr Khalidi

Mr Ghossein

140/90

140/110

21/1/38

160/110

145/90

2/4/38

150/100

8/4/38 7/5/38

140/90 135/90

4/6/38 12/6/38

Pasha

110/80

125/90

135/90

120/80

130/90 155/110

Westergreen came at  4pm and told Yacoub that Sgt Gontier had submitted a confidential report about him (Westergreen) and that Nageon and Mumby were at Rockies investigating the matter with Rashid. And he was told to come up here. He looked worried and nervous; but he didn’t know what Sgt Gontier was accusing him of. At 5.15 Pasha and Rashid came up relating the following story: At about 4pm, the Committee visited them to inquire about certain things. They said that Sgt Gontier had submitted to them a verbal confidential report stating that Westergreen was in the habit of getting bints [women] for Fuad Saba at Curio and that some days ago when

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Rashid and his friends were in town (I was not with him) a bint passed and Rashid is stated to have told Gontier that that was the ‘she’ Westergreen was getting for Fuad. Rashid was naturally indignant and told them that Gontier was a rogue and a bloody liar, as he had not spoken that day to Gontier at all and he requested that they should call Gontier which they did. He asked Gontier whether they had spoken to him in town about the girl; Gontier said not in town but it was at Rockies that Rashid pointed out a girl to him. ‘Did I tell you she was the girl Westergreen gets for Fuad?’ ‘That’s what I understood’, was the reply. ‘You are a damn liar’, said Rashid. St Jore is stated to have told Westergreen also that Gontier told him that he had to refuse Fuad’s request to get him bints. Poor Fuad! He is as innocent from that accusation as a baby. After all I have been living with him for nine months; and it should be seen how he was blushing to the tip of his ears like a virgin maiden. Rashid then explained what is happening between those blooming guards and our indignation from such foul gossip. The Committee naturally saw the baselessness of such accusations and terminated the interview by stating that we should accept going about unguarded, so that they can remove all the guards. They further informed Rashid that after having received that cable from Palestine we may realize the futility of legal action, as we are seeing the advocate tomorrow, we better come to a speedy conclusion about their offer. They further added that H.E. wishes to see us sometime this week. Then the Committee left. We decided to await the advocate’s reply tomorrow and then we would communicate our final decision to the governor. A lot of disturbing news from London and Baghdad about Palestine tonight. Several clashes are still taking place between Jaffa and Tel Aviv today, when there was a lot of bomb throwing and shooting at cars in which many Jews and Arabs were wounded. The situation in Waziristan is also becoming serious and conditions in the Western Mediterranean are very tense and snappy.

Tuesday 28/6/1938 Up at 6am. Coughed a lot, otherwise I think I feel better on the whole. The Vent Sud [south wind] is still blowing cool – again no rain. Fuad is still feeling bad about what we heard yesterday. He questioned Westergreen about it this morning who repeated what I wrote yesterday. He denied having told Gontier or St Jore that we were not to go downtown except with him; and informed us further that after the Committee’s visit of yesterday, Sgt Gontier submitted his resignation, because he felt he would be dismissed after what the Committee heard. I received today the following reply from the legal adviser about my dental enquiry: 27/6/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 21/6/38 on the subject of the fees chargeable for private dental operations at the Seychelles Hospital.

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The Senior Medical Officer is willing to give you orally, as an act of grace, information on the subject of dental fees but correspondence on departmental affairs is out of the question. M.C.N. de L.

Benson came at 4.30pm. He said he had a long interview with H.E. and represented to him all our points of view together with his legal opinion. The short of it is that H.E. cannot see his way to give us more than he had suggested previously. No visitors, but he would like to see us sometime after the 3/7/38 to discuss matters if we so wish. It seems that Dr Lanier had submitted his medical report and His Excellency is writing his remarks on it to be forwarded to the S. of S. It also appears to Benson from what he heard that the restrictions imposed came from London. H.E. would reveal nothing to him. He then [said] that he studied our case further and that the amending Ordinance was approved by His Majesty in April of this year as thus cannot be ultra vires. Our only hope is to submit and ask for a writ of Habeas Corpus.291 There is a faint hope that the judge would accept and, in all probability, he will strike it off. If he accepts it, he will call on the Supt. of Police or the Committee to bring our corpuses before his court to hear our case. He is at liberty to believe that we are the political prisoners mentioned in the Ordinance or not. He can accept or refuse this O.A.G. Palestine’s warrant and may or may not accept the Governor’s evidence. When we came to the matter of fees he stuttered and said that his fees up to now for the consultations; interviews, and preparatory work would be 600 rupees and that if our case is seen by the court, it would cost another 600 rupees. This is rather too much but anyhow what can we do – he is the only advocate here. He said it would take about 10–15 days to prepare the case and wants to know our opinion. We said we have to consult our other two friends and we will let him know soon.

Wednesday 29/6/1938 Up at 6am. Troubles still going on in Palestine. Still not feeling well today and stayed in bed practically all day till 5pm when Pasha and Rashid came. We told them what the advocate said and when we mentioned the fees asked for by Benson, Rashid whistled. We discussed whether to proceed with the case or not. I, Fuad and Yacoub said we should. Pasha and Rashid said it was no good – anyhow they thought for the moment that we should postpone it a few days. Then Rashid and Pasha said Nageon mentioned to them the futility of getting a case and as they were our friends, we should not offend them. I said Nageon will represent the crown in our case, and it is not in his interest that we defy his laws – neither is he our friend. We were kind enough to attend the funeral of his 3-year old boy and send condolences, yet when Yacoub’s father died he did not even send a card. Then Rashid mentioned that the Governor wanted to see us and he had given his word and Pasha’s to attend. I said I refuse to meet him no matter what they had promised. They felt offended naturally, especially the Pasha. About the relaxation I also told them I am not going to take advantage of it personally, which also did not please them.

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I forwarded today the following letters to Nageon: 29/6/38 Sir, Subject: Dental Treatment I have the honour to inform you that some weeks ago, I have had one of my teeth extracted by the dentist at the Government Hospital of Seychelles. I was expecting the bill and as it had not been forthcoming up to date, I enclose herewith 3 rupees, the prescribed charges, and shall be grateful if you will be kind enough to pass them to the official concerned. Dr H.F.K. 29/6/38 The S.M.O. Through the Hon. Legal Adviser Sir, Subject: Medical I have the honour to refer to your letter of the 21/6/38 received by me on the 27/6/38 and beg to acknowledge with thanks, the record of our blood pressure readings. I note however that you cannot see your way to lend or sell three test tubes and some reagents although they are expendable and consumable and of very trivial value. It appears also that I cannot be favoured with the loan of a stethoscope. Under the circumstances, I have to order those articles from Bombay through the proper authorities. Dr H.F.K. 29/6/38 The Hon. Legal Adviser



Sir, I have the honour to refer to my letter of today’s date addressed to the S.M.O. and to enquire whether you or the Committee have any objection to my ordering the following medical articles from Bombay through the firms of Messrs. Adam Moussa or Teemuljee. (1)  One stethoscope (2)  Two glass beakers 3 oz. (3)  Six glass test tubes (4)  250 grams 1 bottle Fehling’s Sol. No. 1 (5)  250 grams 1 bottle Fehling’s Sol. No. 2 (6)  Nitric or Acetic acid Dr H.F.K. 29/6/38 The Hon. Legal Adviser Sir, Subject: Press On behalf of myself and my friends I have the honour to draw your kind attention to an article which appeared on p. 2 of the last issue of the Seychelles

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Clarion and dated the 25/6/38 about the Palestinian deportees, and to inform you that we consider that article as untrue, defamatory and libelous. I shall be greatly obliged if you will arrange for an interview between Mr Benson, and Fuad eff. and myself with a view to seeking legal advice. Dr H.F.K.

Thursday 30/6/1938 I have this morning completed the draft of my medical report on our health conditions which is a detailed one about ten foolscap type-written papers. I can’t copy it out here but there is a copy available in my file. It will be signed by my four friends (i.e. the covering letter) and forwarded to the Governor for transmission to the Colonial Secretary and the High Commission. Westergreen will type it this afternoon and get it tomorrow morning. I wonder what will people here say about it especially Lanier the SMO. Anyhow it may do some good. Fuad and Yacoub will go down to Rockies today as usual and I stay also as usual writing or reading. When they came back, Fuad told me they had paid 200 rupees for the advocate’s fees; which is rather not bad. Everyday [sic] there are news of fresh trouble in Palestine. It is interesting to note that yesterday the French Government [was warned] not to send any more criminals to Devil’s Island opposite French Guinea and to close that penal settlement as it has proved a failure and is affecting the prestige of France in North and South America. I hope the British would also stop sending their deportees to the penal settlement of Seychelles.

Friday 1/7/1938 Up at 5.45am. Still not feeling well – lot of coughing – and slight abdominal pains over appendix – God forbid an attack these days. Today is the first day of our tenth calendar month so help us God! I forwarded the following letter to the Legal Adviser about his ‘act of grace’: 1/7/38 The Hon. Legal Adviser Sir, Subject: Dental Treatment





(1) I have the honour to refer to your letter of the 27/6/38 on the A/M subject and beg to state that although I am and believe that you are aware of the reasons for my dental inquiry of the 21/6/38, yet you are alluding in your reply that I am interfering in your departmental affairs and that correspondence therefore on such affairs is ‘out of the question’ as you say. (2) In case therefore you are still under the impression that the motive for my said enquiry is curiosity, intervention or inquisitiveness on my part; I can assure you that you have misunderstood my request.

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(3) I cannot understand furthermore what you mean by saying that somebody or another is willing to do me an ‘act of grace’ for a trivial matter such as giving an oral information on a vague and badly drafted public notice. (4) I beg to state for your information that an ‘act of grace’ is a term usually used when a mercy is granted by God Almighty, kings and potentates on very important occasions and matters. A reprieve of a death sentence is an ‘act of grace’ on the part of H.M. The King. (5) Furthermore, it has never been my intention to crave your indulgence or even ask for a favour or a privilege neither do I expect much by the way of justice or redress of my legitimate grievances from your Government. (6) When I am bound by your harsh restrictions not to have any casual conversations with any member of the public, and whereas I have been directed by you in one of your previous letters to submit in writing any representations I may wish to make on any matter relating to my detention; I fail to understand how, you now refuse to give me information on a matter relating to my financial affairs. (7) I beg to inform you moreover that I and some of my friends had undergone and may have to undergo private dental treatment at the Government Hospital Seychelles; and whereas so far, as in the case of Ahmed Hilmi Pasha who asked me to raise the query, we and not your Government are meeting the expense of such private dental treatment. We are within our right as private citizens undergoing private dental treatment to know, in the presence of an ambiguity in your public notice which I had already explained in my letter of the 21/6/38; whether we are under or overcharged. (8) Last but not least, I beg to inform you that I am not interested in your departmental affairs; but still request elucidation of the points raised in my previous enquiry in writing, as of right and not on sufferance. Dr H.F.K.

My [medical] report was typed by Westergreen and was dispatched to the governor today with the following covering letter signed by Hilmi Pasha, Yacoub, Fuad and Rashid: Mahé July 1st, 1938 H.E. the Governor Sir, We beg to enclose herewith three copies of a medical report on our health conditions since our arrival to this colony given on our request by Dr H.F. Khalidi M.D. and dated 30/6/38. We shall be grateful if you will cause one copy to be forwarded by the first air mail available to the Colonial Secretary and to H.E. the High Commissioner in Palestine, with Your Excellency’s remarks and those of your medical advisers. Yours respectfully, Hilmi, Rashid, Yacoub, Fuad

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Palestine – many incidents throughout the whole country. Five kilometres of ‘Tegart’ wall was destroyed by an armed band on the Northern Frontier. I have received the following letters today from Nageon and [Benson] our advocate: 1/7/38 Gentlemen, I have the honour to refer to the conference which took place in my office on Saturday the 11th of June regarding the relaxation of the restrictions imposed upon your freedom of movement, at which I informed you that H.E. was prepared to grant you freedom of movement within the limits set out in my letter of the 11th Oct. 1937 from 6am – 9pm provided you gave your word not to enter into conversation other than to exchange casual greetings with any person and provided that you did not come to town on mail days and to ask you to confirm the verbal assurance which was conveyed to me yesterday by Benson. M.C.N. de L. Dr Khalidi and other Arab Pol. Deportees. Victoria July 1st, 1938 Dr H. Khalidi, Curio – Bel Air Sir, As requested, I have seen Mr Nageon regarding the relaxation of the restrictions imposed on you and he informs me that he is writing to you to ask you to confirm in writing. I have also spoken to him re the article in the Clarion; he says that he has received nothing from the Governor on this matter; so I imagine you did not write the letter suggested. I should like to have a talk with you again on these various matters and suggest tomorrow at about 2.30pm if convenient. Can you call my office at about that hour; or if you prefer it, I can run up to your house. I shall await here unless I hear from you to the contrary. Yours faithfully, H.B. Benson.

Saturday 2/7/1938 Up at 5.30am. Coughed a lot and since yesterday began feeling slight pains over my appendix region. Dr Lanier came this morning. After examining me he said as there was no rigidity, he didn’t think there was any inflammation, but that I should inform him at once if the pains persist, or there is fever. He hated, he said, to have to put me on the operation table. He also informed me that he had seen the Pasha whose condition has not improved and who does not seem to be properly attended to at home, so he thinks he would take him for a few days to a hospital where a proper nurse would look after him. The following letter was sent to Nageon this morning:

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2/7/38 Sir, We beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 1st inst. on the subject of our liberties in this island. We have taken due note of the slight relaxation on the subject of our local liberties in being allowed to walk unguarded with only a right of casual greetings, and provided we do not go to town on mail days. We have frankly expressed to you and H.E. the difficulties and annoyances affecting our health and nervous systems from the present restrictions on conversations and visits with members of the public and we trust that H.E. has been able to communicate our representations to the proper authorities for remedying this difficult situation. In the meantime, we confirm the assurances given to you by Mr Benson on the above subject as and when we wish to avail ourselves of this relaxation. Signed Khalidi, Hilmi, Ibrahim, Yacoub, Fuad.

At  12.30 chief guard Westergreen came to say that he had received Nageon’s instructions for our movements unguarded which were communicated to all guards. But he does not seem to be pleased the beggar! He has no more duty to do except act as a messenger boy. At 2.30pm Fuad went alone to see Benson as I was still not feeling well. He returned at 5pm. In brief he was able to reduce the fees from 600 rupees to 350 rupees. As to Bradley’s libel case, he had seen Nageon who informed him he had no word from the governor still but he (Nageon) does not see what Dr Bradley’s defence would be and in principle saw no objection to our bringing a case for damages. The opinion of Benson is that it is a very strong case and we should ask for 10,000–20,000 rupees damages. He thought that the court would award something like 5,000 Rs. If he comes to a private agreement with Dr Bradley, i.e. apology etc. his fees would be  400 rupees; if on the other hand we go to court, his fee would be  500 rupees. Court’s fees would amount to about £P  10. He advises that we should submit our case quickly. As to the other case about our detention his fees would be £P 25 if the writ was struck by the court and £P 40 if the court accepts the writ of Habeas Corpus. We all agreed in principle and shall do so on Monday. ‘The first Jew to be hanged under the British Administration’ was broadcasted from London yesterday. At last and at least one Jew was hanged.

Sunday 3/7/1938 Up at 6am. Feeling a little better and my appendicular colic better too. Pasha is really not looking well. He has a worried look, sunken eyes, sallow colour and very emaciated, so that I am really worrying about him, although I didn’t tell him so. They left us at  2.30pm; and for the first time Fuad and Yacoub went at  5pm for a walk to Sans Soucis where they met them there. It rained a bit … they said and Madame Hussein was there with her children. Rashid wanted to give his umbrella to her kids who in return came forward and offered my friends four tangerines.

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I think this inquisitiveness of Rashid is not so good as it may lead to Wajaa Raas – headache and some gossip. But they all enjoyed their walk unguarded. I forgot to mention that we had hired a piano on Saturday from Madame Rassoul which was brought up here to Curio on Saturday afternoon by six stout and hefty blacks. They had carried it for more than  1.5  kilometres distance. Their wages which we did not bargain was only three rupees for all. Rather very cheap – 22 piasters for the whole bunch. I had a go at it with Ya Aziz Eini and similar songs. It is a diversion after all and the monthly hire is for ten rupees, also cheap.

Monday 4/7/1938 Up at 6am feeling again better. Westergreen brought the mail at 10am. All of us had several letters and I had eleven books, three Daily Sketches, True Story and Wide World Magazine, and a few issues of the Palestine Post direct from Agronsky.292 There was a letter from Wahideh. I do not know why her tone is such. She blames me for asking her to come over to Mahé and its tone is not very encouraging. I am sure there is something wrong about finance. She seems to be under some sort of mental strain probably because she must have heard some sort of remark from Ahmad or from somebody else. I shall write a long letter to Wahideh this afternoon and explain to her why I had suggested that proposition of her coming over here with Leila and Ameerah. Outbreak of troubles today in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Jews are retaliating killing six Arabs and wounding nineteen. That is rather very bad. We will see what happens tomorrow.

Tuesday 5/7/1938 Up at 6.30am – weather the same, no rain. Westergreen came this morning and said that the Pasha had been admitted to hospital today. They wanted to post a guard there but the Pasha resented this and refused to go if this was done. He also handed me a letter from Nageon about ordering medical articles. It says: 5/7/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 1st of July and to inform you that there is no objection to your proposal to order from Bombay the medical supplies referred to in your letter. Signed. M.C.N. de L.

He also forwarded the dentist receipt of the three rupees for extracting my tooth. I note I have been overcharged 50 cents above the maximum charges allowed. I shall write to Nageon about it.

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At 5.30pm Fuad came back; he and Rashid visited the Pasha at the hospital who looked to be quite comfortable and was being attended to by an angelic nurse. Fuad related two incidents. They had met the Governor’s wife Lady Grimble near Rockies; she came to them and said ‘how do you do?’ and so on, and wanted to speak to them. Fuad told her, that it was very embarrassing, but we were not allowed to have any conversations with any members of the public. She was taken aback and said how sorry she was to hear that and so on. The other occasion was when they were met also by the chief justice, Mr GardnerSmith and his wife. Here again Mr Smith came to them and after casual greetings, he was also told about their restriction. The impression given was that he and his wife were disgusted from this silly restriction. Anyhow let them see what their government is doing. Serious news again from Palestine. Arabs retaliating killing five Jews with five others seriously wounded and several others wounded. The thing is becoming more of a butchery. If Britain cannot stop this state of affairs, the sooner she clears out, and gives somebody else the chance to stop it – the better.

Wednesday 6/7/1938 Up at 7am. Coughed a lot; still have abdominal pains and diarrhoea today. Throat still aching also. Rashid came this morning to have lunch with us as he is alone at Rockies. I played the piano while he and Fuad were at their chess. Rashid left at 4pm to visit the Pasha at the Hospital and we three remained at home. Shocking news began coming from Palestine. Some  30 killed and  103 wounded. The condition had been bad from the first of the month. To bed at 10pm very disturbed.

Thursday 7/7/1938 Up at  6.30 feeling better. Rashid came for lunch as Pasha is still in hospital. In the afternoon I received a letter from Benson to say he had received my letter sent to him through the Legal Adviser and he wished to see us to talk matters. He came at 5.30pm. He said that H.E. had seen my letter to him and that H.E. had passed yesterday to Benson’s house but unfortunately, he was not in. H.E. left word that he wanted to see him today which he did at  11.30am. H.E. informed him that he had forwarded a copy of the Clarion with his remarks to the colonial secretary informing him that the Palestinian Deportees wished to bring a libel case against Dr Bradley the editor and asked for the Secretary’s approval by cable as soon as he receives the despatch. H.E. thought that the colonial secretary would approve, but thought he better consult him and be on the safe side. He wondered why Bradley had attacked us like that. It may be one of three things. Either because he is anti-government, or because of his Jewish tendencies and sympathies, or because we have hired Benson instead of his godson Mr Bonnetard.

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H.E. hinted to Benson that we better not go ahead with the case before he receives the S. of S. reply. He further hinted that if we did that he will be on our side and will refuse to give any document or evidence if the defence asks for it and forbid any of his officials to do so. He and the legal adviser wondered what would be Dr Bradley’s defence. There is an insinuation about government too. If these men had mixed in their country in very dirty affairs resulting in the assassination of British soldiers, why didn’t the government punish them? When H.E. [first] read that we had spoken with Bradley he was rather upset and was about to repent allowing us to move about unguarded. It means we had broken our parole. But he had made inquiries and he knew now it was a false accusation and untrue. H.E. and his legal adviser had no objection to sending through Benson the usual warning letter in such cases. H.E. then spoke about the recent relaxation informing Benson that he had done it on his own and therefore his situation would be in a fix if we did hold any conversations with members of the public. He had not taken the colonial secretary’s approval. Benson assured him that we were gentlemen and that we will abide by our word of honour under all circumstances. Benson was therefore of opinion that the case was a strong one and that he intends serving the letter on Dr Bradley tomorrow. He took our positions and the offices we occupy and suggested 15,000 rupees as damages. We agreed. Again, very bad news from Palestine this evening. Two bomb outrages by Jews on a Hebron bus at Jaffa Gate and at the Arab vegetable market about ten Arabs killed and 45 wounded. To bed at  10pm very upset; the country must be boiling. Battleships are being rushed and battalions from Egypt.

Saturday 9/7/1938 Up at  5.30 feeling much better today and weather cool; but no rain which is badly needed by now. Rashid came this morning. He is not feeling well and is very upset about the Haifa incidents. Westergreen brought me a letter today from Nageon. It reads: 8/7/38 I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 1/7/38, on the subject of fees chargeable from private dental operations at Seychelles Hospital and to repeat that, as before stated, the Hon. S.M.O. will give verbal information on the matter of dental fees. M.C.N. de L.

It is the Hon. SMO this time, who has been appointed member of the Executive Council and as such carries the title of the Hon. All of them seem Honourables in this island. I wonder whether they are?

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Yacoub and Fuad went in the afternoon in shorts and visited the Pasha at the Hospital. He has complained to Lanier that his eczema is not improving and is becoming rather somewhat irritating. Situation in Palestine still bad and serious. About sixteen injuries are reported in the last 24 hours.

Monday 11/7/1938 Up at 6am. Health rather OK this morning – weather cool. Another monotonous day throughout. Rashid again came for lunch. Fuad and Yacoub went to see the Pasha at the hospital. Again, bad news from Palestine. The place is simply an inferno. The incidents are so many, we can’t follow up summing the number of killed or wounded. Troops are being rushed.

Tuesday 12/7/1938 Up at 6.30. The SS Tairea was in harbour exactly at 7am. Weather cool still. At 5pm Fuad and Yacoub were in shorts and on the point of going out for a walk when the chief justice and his wife came in their car to visit us. They were met by Fuad and Yacoub and sat out on the veranda. I dressed hurriedly and came out. We were introduced. He is an old man over 50; so is his wife. Both are thin, anaemic and emaciated. He did not strike me as very intelligent. Mrs Gardner-Smith knows nothing except England, the Seychelles and something about Africa. She didn’t seem to know whether the Euphrates was in Egypt or the Tigris! She was told it was the Nile; and she was rather astonished and said Egypt must be a desert. When told that the Nile delta was very fertile, cotton and so on you know, again she said: ‘Oh!’ His Honour knows nothing about Palestine and Jerusalem except that there was a lot of disease and beggars all about the place! He was told that Palestine was a very nice country. Jerusalem rather a big city and no disease or beggars. He remembers judges Manning and Green who were called to Nigeria. ‘Upright Green’ because a native who was brought before the court for some offence or another said he wanted an upright judge and Judge Green happened to be the man. He knows Judge De Freitas who comes from the West Indies. We chatted for some time and they left about 6pm. We escorted them to the door and while His Honour was turning his car Mrs Smith said: ‘When you talk English, I think you are Englishmen’ – How sweet of her. She was astonished to hear that Fuad Saba belonged to the Church of England and said: ‘How funny!’ ‘Why funny, Madame?’, I asked. ‘Oh well, I don’t know but do you manage to live in peace together?’ ‘Certainly’, I said, ‘We have been living for centuries.’ ‘How interesting and nice’, she remarked. And all of a sudden, she asked ‘And what are you?’ ‘A Moslem, that is a Mohammedan Madame.’ ‘I take it … it is a good religion also.’ I smiled and said: ‘Rather not bad; we believe and worship one God – the same God that you believe in and worship you know, but by just another way!’

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She was impressed and said: ‘It must be a good religion.’ She was rather astonished – but did not say it – to see that our skins were white – even whiter than her husband’s; and kept looking at me and at the bare arms and knees of Yacoub and Fuad. She admired our stature; she must have thought all orientals ought to be dwarfs. She seems to forget we come from the caucasian race, but it appears she had seen some Swahili Arabs of East Africa. Before she left, she kindly invited us to her home, and we said we would be delighted. I wonder what would Dr Bradley of the Clarion say if he hears that his chief justice visited those Arabs who ‘had mixed in very dirty affairs in Palestine’ resulting in the ‘assassination of British soldiers’ as he said in his dirty paper. Palestine is still boiling, bombs, riots, stabbing and shooting on both sides. No mercy is being shown by both parties. To bed at 10pm reading Ethel Mannin293 – she is a frank writer and I like her book.

Wednesday 13/7/1938 Up at 5am feeling rather good. Rain during the night. Rashid was late in coming this morning; in fact, he arrived at 1 sharp for lunch. He had gone to the hospital to do his teeth and had a quarrel with the dentist who was rather nasty. Rashid was angry and complained to Dr Lanier the SMO. He insisted that he was not going to settle his dental bill except to pay for the gold bridge; the rest of the bill should be paid by the Government of Palestine. Pasha is better and satisfied with his French sister at the hospital. He does not seem inclined to leave the hospital yet. Rashid said that the chief justice and his wife stayed with him again about an hour after they left us. He also said that the governor passed and instructed the guards to allow Mr Smith the director of education to visit us as and when he wishes to do so.

Thursday 14/7/1938 Up at  5pm, am reading now Margot Asquith’s294 autobiography and find it very interesting. Westergreen said today that the Bishop of Mauritius would be visiting us this afternoon and that Mr Smith, the director of education had also taken permission to do so. Rashid went after lunch to see the Pasha at the hospital. At  5pm His Lordship the Right Reverend Bishop Otter-Barry295 and Rev. B.J. Sole M.A. came in the Governor’s car. I met him with Fuad and we were introduced. He is a charming man to meet, merry, sarcastic, humorous, and has a good laugh – not so shy as our Bishop of Jerusalem Graham Brown! Rev. Sole is of a quieter type and typically English, a yellowish smile as we say in Arabic. We gave them lemonade, cigarettes, chocolates, etc. We spoke about Palestine, Archdeacon Stuart, Canon Wady, Africa, England and so on. He stayed about 40 minutes and had to leave. We escorted him to the door and told him how grateful we were for his visit. He told Fuad to go to church more! When I heard that I told Archdeacon Sole that Fuad did come to church the first one or two

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Sundays, but then declined because he resented going to the Home of God escorted. Now that H.E. had been kind to relax the restrictions, Fuad would attend church. He asked why we don’t come – he wants to convert us the sly archdeacon, as if he doesn’t know we are Moslems – I told him so and he said ‘Oh!’ I stayed till about 11pm reading an American booklet on A Few Jewish Jokes, and went to sleep laughing.

Friday 15/7/1938 Up at 7.30am. Lump in throat otherwise feeling well although had a fit of coughing. Weather remains cool but no rain. No news from Palestine except some actions by bands in the South and confiscation of an arms depot in the Old City of Jerusalem. Fuad said this morning they enjoyed yesterday’s dance party. They came back at 12.30am. They met the governor who came and sat with them to the astonishment of all present and Rashid went and sat with Lady Grimble. Again, the matter of restrictions cropped up. He said he had definite instructions to look after our health, that’s why he had allowed us to go unguarded (he had represented to the S. of S. that it was a shame to go about guarded!) and is allowing some visitors. He hoped after some time he will allow more visitors. Now only heads of departments. He is stated to have said that he relied on us to keep our word, otherwise, if anything goes wrong ‘we will break him’. They also met Tonnet of the P.W.D. who had to ask Mumby who referred him to Nageon, who again referred him to the governor, who gave him permission.

Saturday 16/7/1938 Up at 6am. Dr Lanier came at 12.30pm. He was glad he mentioned that we are going about unguarded and are doing some more exercise. He hinted that that was due to his medical recommendation. He asked why I do not go out. I smiled and shook my head and shoulders and told him I attempt to do my exercise in the garden. Everybody in town seems to know about our libel case against Dr Bradley. In the afternoon Pasha came and paid us a visit. He is still in hospital and seems to be satisfied there but his eczema is no better.

Monday 18/7/1938 Up at 7.30am. Sick of recording all about my cough and my throat. At 10am [we] had our mail, a bunch of al-Ahram, a similar one of Palestine Post and letters from Wahideh, the kids, Ahmad, Thabet, Fuad al-Saeed, Issa Bandak, Henri [Catan], Yacoub Farraj, [Michel] Abikarius296 Bey, Hassan Bader, Barclays Bank, Dr Khadder, Dr [Ibrahim] Allamedin,297 Ilias Haddad,298 Ghaleb, and Auster.

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I had three wonderful photos of Wahideh and the kids, and of Wahideh in outdoor dress and evening. The first two are superb and Wahideh looks quite fat and healthy. The kids also look wonderful and in perfect health. It is the best thing I have ever had since my arrival here. I was very sorry to learn today of the death of Abu Ali [Saleem Salaam]. I shall write letters to Anbara and Ali and the other boys at Beirut. Palestine is again in trouble, though the BBC tries to say things are quieter these last few days, when bomb outrages and shootings are still going on.

Tuesday 19/7/1938 Up at 7am awakened by the chuckling of the male turkey bird. Cough – cough and a lot of it until I felt that my throat was going to burst. Fuad and Yacoub left at about 9am today. They had a lot of fun downtown. They stopped and visited the Hotel which is now ready to receive clients. They say it’s a good place. Yacoub went down in the afternoon. He said he met the chief justice and Mrs Gardner-Smith. They stopped their car and talked with him. He told Yacoub that the governor had refused permitting the chief justice and wife inviting us to their house and he seems to be offended; but he said in a few days if the governor still refuses, he will come again and visit us. That is really too mean of the Governor. I am sure the Grand Ziz must have felt very offended. Trouble in Palestine again. One soldier killed and three wounded and other minor incidents.

Wednesday 20/7/1938 Up at 7am; cool weather no rain. At 4pm there was a gale lasting half an hour. We heard tonight that the Partition Commission are completing their job at the end of this month and leaving early in August to London and that they will hear witnesses there and try to submit their report as quick as is possible.

Thursday 21/7/1938 Up at 7am. Weather still cool. Health the same. Rashid came in the morning. He has had dinner at the hotel and said it was very good. A complete dinner for two rupees. He met Nageon there and told him he wished to live with the Pasha at the hotel permanently. Nageon said he will have to see the governor about it first. Two Jewish settlements were attacked today in which nine Jews were killed and two wounded.

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Friday 22/7/1938 Up at 7am; coughed a lot till my throat ached as usual. Brisk breeze this morning. A great pity we are approaching the hot monsoons again. We received two letters today. One was a reply to our last cable to the secretary of state for the colonies two months ago (in May): 22/7/38 Gentlemen, I have the honour to refer to the telegram received from you on the 25th May last for despatch to the Colonial Secretary and Lord Winterton and other members of Parliament and to inform you that the Secretary of State for the Colonies wishes you to be informed that he has received this telegram, but that he has nothing to add to the reply already conveyed to you in my letter of the 20th May. The Secretary of State has directed that you should also be informed that he is not prepared to forward copies of your representations to persons mentioned in your telegram under reference and that it is open to you to address such persons direct if you so desire. I have etc. M.C.N. de L.

The second letter was with regard to repaying visits. Fuad had written on our behalf that we wished to repay the visit of the Rev. Archdeacon Sole and the chief justice and his wife. Here is the reply: 22/7/38 Gentlemen, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Saba’s letter of the 20th July wherein he applies for permission for you to pay return visits on His Honour the Chief Justice and Mrs Gardner Smith and Venerable Archdeacon Sole and to inform you that H.E. the Governor has directed me to ask you to await the reply of the Rt Hon the Secretary of State for the Colonies to his last letter despatch affecting yourselves. I have etc. M.C.N. de L.

It looks that H.E. had forwarded the SMO report and my own with his remarks and asked that certain relaxations be made on medical grounds. We may expect a reply on the 31st inst.

Saturday 23/7/1938 Fuad visited Rashid this morning who is in bed he says. He is not feeling well. We suggested that he better come up and live with us until the return of Pasha from

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hospital; but he refused. It is silly of Pasha to remain in hospital any longer for his eczema. He has been there more than three weeks now. Palestine: Troubles still. An Arab bus was bombed in Tel Aviv. Sixteen Arabs also wounded.

Sunday 24/7/1938 Fuad went to church this morning. All the congregation were black. White people don’t go to church these days. Rashid is still sick. He vomited twice and is on the verge of another of his nervous dyspeptic attacks. I think Pasha ought to be told to come back. Rashid can’t live alone. Yacoub and Fuad met Nageon yesterday and he asked about me and why I don’t leave my house. Well he knows the reason, and why ask silly questions?

Tuesday 26/7/1938 Sent a note to Fuad asking about Rashid’s condition this morning. Replied a bit better but slept an hour only and Lanier came again to see him this morning and seeing that he could not be properly looked after decided to take him to hospital. I went with my friends in a car, after picking Pasha at 4.30, to the hospital to visit Rashid. He was very weak and prostrate after having a big enema. We returned by car and heard the sad news about the second Jewish bomb outrage at Haifa market, 42 Arabs killed and 50 wounded. The country must be boiling.

Wednesday 27/7/1938 Up at 6.30. Weather keeping up. Understood [that] Rashid is better today. Palestine is still troubled. A curious summary of news by the United Press through Manila Broadcasting Station at 5pm today. It says the following: As a result of the recent Arab/Jewish violence which had broken in Palestine, it is feared that the struggle is going to spread beyond the boundaries of Palestine into the adjacent Arab territories on the Eastern Mediterranean shores and into Iraq. It is also reported that French North Africa is also growing very restless, and that both British and French authorities are facing a new and greater revolt in the desert.

This sounds rather interesting. The United Press newsletter’s editor must have had something to rely upon to give such a statement. We have always said unless the Arab countries show that they are really fed up, the Arabs of Palestine cannot go on any longer. Let us hope that this may shake the authorities concerned. But hear what the colonial secretary said today in the House of Commons in reply to a question about the state of affairs in Palestine. He said that the government

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here was recruiting 230 British constables which would be sent to Palestine as soon as is possible. He has solved the Palestine problem by sending two hundred more policemen. And there wasn’t any bloody fool of a member to ask him whether when these reached Palestine the rebellion will stop! What about the  30,000 troops and police actually present in the country? And what will a few hundred more police be able to do. And they say MacDonald was selected for his ability to solve the delicate Palestine problem!

Friday 29/7/1938 Palestine still disturbed. Life [here] is growing more and more monotonous. Rashid is still in hospital.

Monday 1/8/1938 The first day in our eleventh month today. Throat very bad. I ought to see a throat specialist even if I have to go to Mombasa or Bombay. One letter from [youngest brother] Ismail today. He is sitting for his B.A. next year. Manila reports at 5[pm] serious and fresh outbreaks – nine Arabs killed; and then – at 8[pm] – twelve killed and wounded. Does not say where.

Tuesday 2/8/1938 Up at 6am. Restless night – fits of coughing, oppression in my chest, wheezing and shortness of breath. Throat also bad. Dr Lanier will visit me this afternoon. It is useless to discuss the matter with him, I am sure he is under the impression that I am exaggerating my symptoms. A letter today: 1/8/38 Gentlemen, I am directed by H.E. the Governor to ask you to be so good as to come and see him at Government House at 10.30am on Wednesday 3rd of August. M.C.N. de L.

We all began guessing what was H.E. to say. Is there anything hopeful? I doubt it. After my friends left in the afternoon Lanier came at about 6pm. I had a long talk with him and explained to him my symptoms and all about my throat. He told me to take more exercises but I told him I cannot do that as I am out of breath easily. Anyhow I have nothing to gain by complaining to him. Troubles still going on in Palestine.

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Wednesday 3/8/1938 Up at 6.30 feeling worse than yesterday. Had it not been for that interview with H.E., I wouldn’t have left my bed. At 10.30 am we were at Government House. We were ushered in by Nageon who sat during the meeting. In shaking hands with Grimble he remarked to me ‘I haven’t seen you for a long time’. I acted as spokesman and translator. He was quite clear to open the discussion and not ‘beat about the bush’. He wanted to see us about the libel case and began speaking about our parole and his confidence about our word of honour and that he had to convince – and keep up that confidence with – the colonial secretary. What he had done on his own in allowing us to go unguarded was ‘to gamble’ and which he did on his responsibility. (He had already mentioned that on at least three occasions). He was confident that the colonial secretary will approve of what he had already done. He is responsible to look after us and see that our health remains good therefore it was not only a humane reason for seeing a relief on our health and psychological conditions as it is his definite responsibility to do so. But he said there is one thing which is important in the libel case, and that part where the Clarion says ‘I had met two of them the other day who told me of the harsh restrictions’ etc. I need go no further, he said, because I know this is fake and not true. Nevertheless, what would happen if we go to court. As far as he is concerned, so was the colonial secretary, the important part of the libel is the one mentioned above. The rest is insignificant. Suppose sworn evidence is produced by the defendant which he believed would be perjury by two or three men, and he had naturally to send the proceedings of the court to the S. of S. What would he say about sworn evidence? Wouldn’t he be running the risk of losing that most important thing we are aiming at, that is our liberty. ‘You may win the case on the other points, I am sure of that, but there would be that possibility about the S. of S. withdrawing the last relaxation.’ (He didn’t say that definitely but his note of warning alluded to that.) Wouldn’t it be better to avoid such action in court, say if the Editor is willing to publish some sort of statement, i.e. one which repudiates what he had written and restore your honour and dignity. As far as the government is concerned, such a case will not affect, it has withstood other similar cases, but think of that freedom and why run the risk. He pointed out that only recently in a case against government; they did produce three false evidences by three men given under oath, and he is sorry to say that this is done in Seychelles. Hilmi Pasha told him that if an editor and an ex SMO would dare to produce witnesses to commit perjury, I will follow up the case even if I have to go to prison to teach that man a lesson. Our honour is at stake. H.E. said he surely saw Pasha’s view and sympathized with it. I told H.E. that perjury is not [only] a feature of Seychelles. Unfortunately, it is known in our country too and all over the world; but there is counter evidence also which will be submitted. Moreover, courts are set to revise and find what is right from what is wrong and truth from perjury and there is always a heavy penalty. There is also examination and cross examination by counsel which is meant for that purpose too. If he can produce evidence, we can also produce other evidence and it is for the

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court to decide what it thinks true and upright. It is very rare that perjurers do slip away from the clutches of justice, so that we do not fear that because we know that we have kept our word of honour and are not afraid of facing any witness no matter ‘how false’ he was. I then told him I fail to understand what connection has sworn evidence in a civil case, which he admits from now is false, to do with relaxation or imposing of restrictions, and how can it affect the S. of S. in any such decision, when he – the governor – has investigated the matter and found it false. (He interrupted and said he didn’t investigate the incident although Benson after seeing him told us definitely that H.E. made such investigations.) Well, I said then he – the governor – at least believes the [statements] to be false and can tell the S. of S. that. If we are to be governed here in our movements and the mode and conditions of our detainment by false evidence given under oath, this was indeed a very regretful state of affairs. He said that I have jumped to conclusions or something of that meaning. I said I have not, as that was what I understood from his speech. He asked me whether we then definitely refuse a suggestion like an apology. I said indeed not – but we prefer to discuss it amongst ourselves. It should be understood we are not out for Dr Bradley’s blood or his money. We want to see justice done and to restore our honour, but we prefer further to see our legal adviser; and would let him know our decision. If he could allow us to see him tomorrow, we can give our reply soon. Nageon said he would arrange that tomorrow. I said [we] … would give him our reply through Benson. Before terminating the interview, Pasha asked about the new bungalow. Nageon said it was in hand! H.E. said he had approved of it about a week ago. Nageon said it was going to be published for tender. If no contractor comes along, P.W.D. would go ahead with it. ‘And the deputation retired’ in the language of Fleet Street! I can’t understand those people’s mentality. They think we are a group of children who do not realize or understand what is being discussed. Look at the hidden threat! Drop the case, or you will run the risk of losing your freedom. To Hell with him and his niggardly relaxation. Thank God I have not availed myself of it. It is so silly after all. I shall see what Benson has to say tomorrow. I then went with my friends to the Empire Hotel. They insisted so much that I had to go, not to offend them, and had a cup of tea. Rashid went back to hospital to complete his X-ray examination and will be discharged today from hospital. Palestine tranquil for last 24 hours.

Thursday 4/8/1938 Benson came at  5pm and remained till about  6.30. I related to him briefly what happened at our meeting with the governor. He was called, he said, to see H.E. directly after we left his office and had also a talk with him on the same lines as ours. H.E. had asked him to persuade us to drop the case and not go to court and again hinted at what the colonial secretary may do if sworn evidence was forthcoming in the case; and although H.E. knows it would be perjury, yet he may not be able to convince the S. of S.! who may take it that there is no smoke without fire! He had written to Dr Bradley and had a reply from advocate Bonnetard admitting the article but refusing to

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admit responsibility and rejecting our demand. H.E. told Benson that he had not yet received colonial secretary’s reply – but he, Benson, believes that H.E. did not receive it and that he can’t prevent us from getting a case unless perhaps by rushing a bill through which would be a very grave injustice – yet he didn’t believe H.E. would do it. The governor is still bargaining with one hand and threatening with the other. H.E. hinted at a settlement – but Benson replied that defendants had cause and naturally he couldn’t approach them. H.E. mentioned the legal adviser to intervene and advise Bonnetard. Benson said provided it is not taken or hinted that we wish that. After further discussion, Benson was rather surprised to hear the same day of what happened at our interview only a few hours after we had left Government House. He was astonished to hear that it was one of us, i.e. the man at the hospital – meaning Rashid eff. As soon as he left Government House he returned to hospital and told everything to Dr Lanier who in turn informed Benson his brother-in-law. This may be detrimental to our case, he said, because if Dr Bradley heard that the governor is pressing for a settlement, he will never come forward. He thought we should give a hint to Rashid to be more considerate and careful. One of the reasons we are getting a case against Dr Bradley, it is rumoured in town, was because we had written to him some time ago asking him to take up our case vigorously in his paper and he refused. That’s why we are angry and want to take our revenge. Benson naturally doesn’t believe that, because the last man to take the case of our country’s cause would be Dr Bradley because he was a Jew. Anyhow we decided that Benson should convey the following answer to the governor and in the meantime to prepare a writ for lodging in court who anyhow cannot see the case till after the 14th September on account of the court’s holiday which begins on the 14th inst.: (1)  We prefer a settlement. (2)  We don’t want to embarrass or cause the Governor any difficulty. (3)  We are not out for money. Any damages awarded will go to charity locally. (4)  Dr Bradley replied refusing responsibility. (5)  We have no alternative but to go to court. (6)  We have no objection if Nageon on his own would arrange, or convince Dr Bradley to come to a settlement provided it satisfies our counsel. Trouble again in Palestine – about twenty casualties – seven killed and others wounded mostly Jews.

Sunday 7/8/1938 Up at 4.30am and could not sleep. I was having an attack of wheezing when Dr Lanier came to visit us. He stayed half an hour. He noticed how I was out of breath and my chest wheezing. Fuad drew ‘a long face’! Pasha complained dreadfully about his eczema and other ailments, but when he unbandaged his foot I was really ashamed. Dirty bandage and foot who he said had not touched water for the last six months for fear of infection!

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Rashid told the doctor he was feeling quite well although he complained to Fuad in the morning that he did not sleep for two nights. Dr Lanier left rather worried and had something to think about.

Monday 8/8/1938 The Dutch steamer arrived in time at 7am. I wrote a letter to Abikarius Bey (and dated it 9/8/38 as it will be going tomorrow with the B&I steamer) sending him copies under which we are detained here and the copy of Benson’s report and explaining to him how we are treated here and whether something could be done in Palestine or London. There was a letter from Wahideh and all the kids and a reply from Stuart Perowne about the Lahj people. He is at the BBC for one year and passed my letter to the Aden section of the colonial office. I wrote a private letter to the High Commissioner of Palestine and here is a copy: Seychelles 9/8/38 Sir Harold MacMichael, Your Excellency, After ten months of unbearable torture and humiliation, I find it incumbent upon me to write to you privately, although I haven’t had the honour of your acquaintance and beg you to spare a few minutes of your precious time in reading this letter. I am not going to refer to the major question of our deportation, but only to the manner of our detention here. Your Excellency will note that we are detained here under ordinance CV° 24\1933 and amending ordinance CV° 12\1937 copies of which I attach for your information and perusal. It will further be noted that the principal ordinance 1933, repealed by para. 8, all other ordinances enacted since 1900–1933. Now these repealed ordinances were worded exactly the same as the principal ordinance 1933 and were enacted to deal with the detention at various times and since 1900 of deported African Chiefs, Sultans of Zanzibar and the late Zaghloul Pasha and his friends in 1919. In 1933 a group of 6 Lahj (Aden) deportees, arrived here and the principal ordinance referred to, enacted for their detention. When we arrived here in October of last year, an amending ordinance was enacted to include deportees from mandated territories. The Lahj deportees are still living here, and we both came under the same ordinance, yet they are allowed their full freedom and movement in the Colony while we are prisoners at our bungalows. We have been officially informed that all the deportees who arrived here ever since 1900, from the African Chiefs, to Sultans of Zanzibar, and the Egyptian deportees had no restrictions and were free to live their own lives. Your Excellency, I cannot honestly imagine that there are two different scales of British Justice, and that any ordinance can be applied or interpreted in two different ways.

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We have repeatedly asked even to be shown or served with the warrant mentioned in Section 3, to know how any restrictions can be imposed on our liberty; but all our efforts were in vain. We have further been officially informed that the Administration authorities here (not through courts of justice) can, with perhaps the exception of capital punishment and for some reason or no reason, inflict upon us any punishment from locking us up in our bungalows, to imprisonment or even the infliction of corporal punishment, and moreover can impose any or every restriction imaginable on our liberty. It is true, Your Excellency, that we have the liberty to eat, drink, and sleep under a roof; but animals have these privileges too. The ordinance under which we are detained here is the most repugnant bit of legislation that has ever been enacted if it can impose any kind of administrative punishment for an offence done outside the Colony, or/and in any other corner of the British Empire even if it was a ‘moral responsibility’ one. We have also been made to understand officially that under Section 7 of that ordinance, nothing arising out of our detention here can be challenged by any court of justice neither here nor outside. We can be insulted, humiliated or even assaulted by our guards or any member of the public and yet we cannot complain. In fact, we have been libelled and defamed lately in a local English paper, and yet we cannot sue the culprit of an editor because of Section 7. H.E. the Governor here is still hesitating in permitting us to do so and has cabled the Colonial Secretary. We have appealed to the Palestine Government and we were referred to the Colonial Secretary. We have appealed to the Colonial Secretary and he referred us to the League of Nations. Your Excellency, to whom should we now appeal? And what are we asking for? Haven’t we the right at least to ask to be treated like human beings in our exile, and not like machines or robots? And why can’t we be treated like the African Chiefs who were here 40 years ago? It was only lately and after our health began to suffer and deteriorate, that the Governor here allowed us to move about unguarded within the town limits; but we are not allowed conversations, visits or even [to] meet anybody on the streets. If we may go anywhere we have to behave like the deaf and dumb. What more can I say, Your Excellency? Isn’t it sufficient that we are suffering from the effects of a sweltering equatorial climate, far away from wife and children, in a most enervating atmosphere and under heavy mental strain and worry verging on a serious nervous breakdown? Your Excellency, if these are the wishes, intentions and instructions of the Palestine Government that we should be so treated, insulted and humiliated, I have nothing further to say at least for the moment; but if it is due to some other, or unknown, influence or pressure, all what I can say is that there is still a God in heaven to whom we shall humbly appeal. Yours faithfully, Dr H.F.K.

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This letter will reach him in about fourteen days. If it has or has no effect or if he replies or not is not so important. My intention is to put things like these on record and in writing. I understood from [brother] Dr Hassan that uncle Mahmoud Sabri [Khalidi] passed away. I wrote Mamdouh a letter of condolences. Very exciting news from Palestine this evening. The colonial secretary swooped secretly and fell down from an aeroplane on Saturday morning (6/8/38). He had a long interview with the High Commissioner, O.C. troops, Inspector General of Police and other high British Officials. Mr MacDonald then flew over Jerusalem, Bethlehem and the South. Then returned to Abu Kir299 aerodrome today – and from there back to England via Malta. The visit caused surprise and sensation. He left [with] a brief announcement. That he was in constant touch with the High Commissioner by cable and correspondence, but came to see and consult about the present state of affairs. That they were doing everything [to bring] justice and equity for the two races. There was a brief radio speech by Sir Harold appealing for peace and saying that these reprisals on both sides are causing a disservice to the cause of peace in Palestine. Yet yesterday there were 40 casualties mostly Arabs (25 killed at least). The news are to be taken with great caution. I wonder if it may be for a change of policy? Or for justifying Martial Law throughout, more troops and an intensification of acts of repression by Government. ‘Wait and see’ again.

Tuesday 9/8/1938 Up at 5.30, much coughing – throat aching. No mail with the B&I. Only one from Yahia [Khalidi] my cousin at Bordeaux. I shall reply soon. Today is the 313th [day] since leaving Palestine. Is 13 a bad number after yesterday’s news from Palestine? Who knows. Still news of trouble in Palestine.

Wednesday 10/8/1938 Up at 6.30 – Throat worrying more and more – can’t stand it any longer. I have to warn the authorities here about it. Two letters to Nageon: 10/8/38 Sir, I have the honour to inform you with reference to your last letter dated the 8/7/38 on the subject of dental treatment, that as no written or oral information seems to be forthcoming on the subject of my query and with all due respect to the Government dental surgeon whose services and work we deeply appreciate and esteem; but as a matter of principle; and realizing that Government public notices

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are published for guidance and compliance and as a member of the medical profession who is able to interpret a medical public notice; I have to ask for a refund of 70 rupees overcharged on item (9) and 50 cents overcharged on item (1) of the schedule for treatment accorded to Hilmi Pasha and myself respectively. Dr H.F.K. 10/8/38 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that: (1) On 26/5/38 I handed over to you a cable for despatch to the Political Secretary Aden. (2) On 27/5/38 you replied that H.E. the Governor withheld his approval of the despatch of the said cable. (3) On 30/5/38 I pointed out to you my reasons for insisting on the despatch of the said cable. (4) On 4/6/38 you stated that H.E. had nothing further to add to his previous letter. (5) On 6/6/38 I again pressed my point and asked for a definite reply. (6) On 8/6/38 I was informed by you that the text of my cable was forwarded on 1/6/38 to the proper quarter, although you had nothing to add on 4/6/38. (7) On 21/6/38 I enquired as to how the matter stands. (8) On 21/6/38 I was informed that the reply will be communicated to me as soon as received. I beg to point out that (10) days passed at the end of June, followed by (31) in July and today is the 10th day in August and I am still expecting a reply. Can I now be favoured with one? Dr H.F.K.

Thursday 11/8/1938 Up at  6.30 coughing and throat pains. I couldn’t stand it any longer and sent the following cable to the High Commissioner this morning: H.E. The High Commissioner Jerusalem. Am suffering agonies from effects of humidity on my asthma, emphysematous, bronchitis and chronic throat trouble. Had always been for the last years under regular specialist medical treatment and supervision by doctors Salzberger, Hajjar, Wallack and Canaan. None available here, even no means of obtaining urgent medical help during nights in cases of emergencies. Am liable any moment to attacks of fatal epistaxis and angioneurotic oedema of the larynx from occasional high blood pressure, and suffering now from suspected symptoms of neoplasm in my throat. You may have the right legally to deport or imprison me, but you have no right to endanger my life. Request immediate transfer to any other country for specialist consultation, supervision and treatment, otherwise responsible for everything that might happen to my health. Dr Khalidi Mayor of Jerusalem.

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Dr Lanier either does not believe me or thinks I am exaggerating. If I complain of shortness of breath, or oppression or wheezing, ‘Perhaps it is from the cigarettes’. When I complain about my throat he peeps into my mouth: ‘Aren’t you smoking much – take Enan tablets.’ If I complain from my appendicular colic: ‘Take Maclean’s powder.’ Have we got to give sworn evidence before we can be believed? A few days ago, Hilmi Pasha had received a cable from the inhabitants of Umm Khalid village300 informing him that they had at last won their cases and evicted the Jews and they thank him for his previous help and endeavours. He replied by telegram thus: Umm Khalid through Arab Bank Tulkarem. Thank you and my colleagues who helped in this affair. Am glad and take pride in saving lands from Zionism. Hilmi 6/8/38

Three days later his cable was returned not despatched with a letter from Nageon: I have the honour to refer to the telegram received from you for despatch to the Arab Agricultural Bank, Umm Khalid inhabitants Tulkarem and to say that H.E. regrets that he cannot allow that part of the message which refers to Zionism. The telegram is therefore returned herewith. M.C.N. de L.

That is news to me. The impertinence of that reply beats me. I never thought the governor here was a Zionist consul, or a representative of the Zionist organization. I received a letter from Nageon asking for accounts to enable him to inquire into the validity of my allegation. I shall reply. Here it is: 11/8/38



Sir, I have the honour to refer to your letter of the 11/8/38 and to inform you that the validity of my allegation is well known to you; and regret to state that after we pay, we usually tear up accounts and receipts and therefore cannot furnish you with them. To remind you however, Hilmi Pasha paid 209 rupees for: 1.  Three extractions; 2.  and a complete [set of] dentures;



I paid three rupees for: 1. One extraction. He should have paid 139 rupees and I, 2.50 rupees. Hoping that you will be now able to inquire into the validity of my allegation and awaiting your reply. Yours, Dr H.F.K.

Fuad and Yacoub left in the afternoon. Pasha and Rashid have moved today from Rockies into a new bungalow just nearby.

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Friday 12/8/1938 Up at 5am. Weather cold, rain, fog and damp, consequently chest wheezing and throat aching. At about 12pm, Dr Lanier came in a taxi, unusual on a Friday. He said that he has been thinking lately of examining me and Pasha by a medical board. He is asking Dr Mathews (Indian and M.O. South Mahé) and a certain English doctor … a retired army doctor called Colonel Fulton; and that the board would assemble at the hospital this afternoon or tomorrow morning. He asked whether I agreed to attend. I said I had no objection and he left. That cable had its effect here at least. It has not been sent and the governor wants to make an intercepting move. He had delayed my cable and ordered a board at once so that he could cable the finding with my telegram. Westergreen came at  2pm with the  50 rupees. Nageon had returned them as Government would pay first for the cable and then I will refund. I was very angry and told Westergreen to go down and tell Nageon it is none of the Government’s business to pay. I want the receipt of that cable in my own name and at once. He returned at 3.30 with a car and said the Board is awaiting us at the hospital at 4.15pm. I dressed and, picking up Hilmi Pasha and Rashid, we were in the hospital on time. I was examined first after being introduced. Colonel Fulton looks a very genial and kind man over sixty, polite, and bows every now and then, not typically English. He is a planter but still practices his profession. His stethoscope is old and rusty and not very impressing. Dr Mathews is about 45. An Indian but too dark for one, short, fattish but full of smiles, and speaks English well. I began by telling them my history, medical record, telling them I knew all about boards, as I have been the president [of one] for years and so on; related all about Influenzal attacks, chronic bronchitis, asthma, emphysema, high blood pressure, angioneurotic oedema, epistasis, tonsillitis, pharyngitis, laryngitis and all my other ailments. My chest was wheezing and everybody heard it without a stethoscope. Then my heart and then blood pressure [was examined] by Dr Lanier with his old machine repaired in England – 155/110 rather high. Last time 135/95. Then Dr Mathews – he didn’t know how to handle it, and when asked pretended it was 155! When I asked ‘and diastolic?’ he didn’t seem to know. Col. Fulton did not try, he felt my pulse and asked whether I had swelling around my ankles? ‘No’, was my reply. Then my throat. Dr Lanier wanted to apply a local anaesthetic to my throat. ‘No’, I said. ‘It would be too bad – Idiosyncrasy you know – but go ahead I am a good patient and had been examined hundreds of times. I even pull my teeth with no novocaine.’ Two endeavours – not very badly done but what could he have seen with a faint evening light. He assured me there is no growth. When he was examining, the other two doctors were trying to peep over his head thus also cutting out the light. Next came Dr Mathews – he sat opposite me, stuck his two fingers, pressed my tongue forwards and downwards and plunged with his small laryngeal mirror – choking me. ‘Go slowly please’, I said, ‘I will hold my tongue for you and you go ahead and peep.’ A second attempt this time after heating his mirror he forgot to test it with his own sensory nerves and stuck it. It burned my left pillar and pained. I tapped him on the

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hand – he withdrew. ‘Please don’t burn my throat, the mirror is hot. Cool it first and go slowly.’ He did it the next time and applied the mirror to the back of my hand and said: ‘Is that alright?’ I smiled and said: ‘See for yourself doctor.’ A third plunge and he also choked me. When Col. Fulton was asked to go ahead, he shook his head and said: ‘Now I am satisfied.’ The old colonel realizes it is not good to play about a larynx if you don’t know how to do it and are not a specialist. I admire him for that. Then the usual specimen of urine and a brief discussion about climate, humidity and altitude of Jerusalem. Then Pasha’s turn. ‘Here’s a gentleman who can’t live without mutton and when he eats it, he feels quite well’, said Dr Lanier. ‘He likes the soup better’, I replied. Pasha had told Dr Lanier on several occasions complaining about the lack of mutton in Mahé! Heart, chest, blood pressure 120/90 and again a specimen of urine, and we said aurevoir [to] the dear old colonel buttoning his coat and bowing gallantly. Lanier accompanied me to the door. He said: ‘But you must do something and take care Doctor, otherwise the matter will be rather serious with you.’ ‘What can I do?’ I said. ‘You know better the whole thing is impossible, I can’t bear or tolerate it any longer.’ ‘But would giving you complete freedom in the island relieve you?’, he said. ‘Yes, it might do away with part of the worry, but I cannot tolerate the climate any longer. I have to be transferred somewhere else.’ Back by car to Beau Séjour, the new bungalow of Pasha and Rashid – a fine place and very well furnished compared to the miserable furniture we have at Curio. I told Pasha and Rashid frankly that as the small bungalow which is to be built for them near us would take six months, blasting carpenters and a dozen workmen about us, I cannot possibly live at Curio during the time, and would go to the Hotel or another place until it is built. They took the hint and said they have given up the idea. A registered record of Mr Macdonald’s speech about his trip to Palestine was given at 8pm London. What a speech by one of H.M. secretaries of state. Hitler and Mussolini will be grinning and howling with merriment and laughter. I shall record it sometime as I don’t have it just now while I am writing. Did I mention that an armed band pinched £P  6,000 in broad daylight from  Barclays Bank? Well, a collective fine of £P 10,000 was imposed on Nablus. This is English money my dear bandits; but will Nablus pay or be able to pay? And what has Nablus to do with the act of  12 desperados? They have heard that such things are  done in Chicago. I wonder whether the Chicago authorities impose such fines on the quarters where hold-ups occur. It would be very interesting to know.

Saturday 13/8/1938 Up at 5.30. Again, rotten as ever. Practically [spent] the whole day in bed. Nageon replies about my cable to Aden. He says:

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13/8/38 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 10th August and to inform you that a reply to your message to the Political Secretary Aden of the 26th May last, on behalf of the Lahj deportees interned here has not arrived yet. M.C.N. de L.

Rather interesting again after receiving Mr Perowne’s letter. He shall get his reply. The Pasha had sent in a mild protest about the Governor’s letter relating to Zionism and today he received the reply: 13/8/38 Ahmed Hilmi Pasha Arab Political Deportee from Palestine Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 12th August wherein you comment on H.E.’s disallowances of that part of the message received from you on the 6th of August for despatch to the Arab Agricultural Bank Umm Khalid inhabitants, Tulkarem, which refers to Zionism. I am now to inform you that H.E. has no objection to the communication of the message at your expense, to H.E. the High Commissioner with whatever requests you may care to add to its transmission to the addressee. M.C.N. de L. Legal Adviser

This Governor is the limit. He is either inefficient and incompetent or he is mad and doesn’t know what he is doing. He should go home on sick leave!

Sunday 14/8/1938 At 11am went with my friends to have lunch with Pasha and Rashid at Beau Séjour. Place really good and much better than Rockies. Inspected kitchen, scullery and pantry very filthy – told Rashid he ought to be more strict with cook and the boys.

Monday 15/8/1938 Up at 6am. Condition the same. Sent a letter this morning about my cable to the High Commissioner: 15/8/38 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that although I handed over my cable to H.E. the High Commissioner for Palestine to your office on the morning of the 11th

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inst. with a 50-rupee note for expenses, and in spite of my repeated verbal requests to you through the chief guard, to have the cable office receipt forwarded to me in my name, this has not been forthcoming yet. I have to presume therefore that my cable under reference was not despatched and I would very much like to know today the reasons why it has been delayed up till now. Dr H.F.K.

After Fuad and Yacoub left to town this afternoon, the chief justice and Mrs G-Smith again called today. I dressed up and met them. I pointed out how good of them to call again; and that we had asked the governor to permit us to pay our respects but he refused. We spoke about Palestine and I showed them some rather interesting photos. They stayed three quarters of an hour and left at 6pm. Twenty casualties in Palestine.

Tuesday 16/8/1938 Up at 6.30am still feeling the same. All of a sudden Benson came at 11.30am unannounced. I was still in my bath. Fuad met him with Yacoub reclining on the sofa with his nargeeleh, in pyjamas, barefooted with his jacket opened and hair disturbed. What would the man think of us? I was gnashing my teeth and my blood was boiling. Shortly speaking, he had seen the governor and Nageon and was told under all circumstances to dissuade us from bringing the case against Dr Bradley into court. It is both against his wish and the colonial office. He is willing to negotiate officially with Bradley for a settlement on the basis of an apology and expenses only and nothing more. Otherwise he is going to prevent us from suing the editor even if he has to lock us up or send us to another island – which by the way he is entitled to under the ordinance of 1933 – and deprive us of all of our freedom. Or even rush an ordinance to prevent us from submitting any sort of civil case whatsoever. That’s the gist of the two interviews he had. I told him this is not acceptable by us. Would he please tell Nageon and the governor that threats will not influence us – he and the colonial office can do what they like. It cannot be worse with us unless they deprive us from food and water and turn us out to sleep under the stars. Dr Bradley must pay so that he would have a lesson for the future and he cannot libel people right and left with impunity. He will have to pay all expenses and 250 pounds which will be handed the same day to charitable institutions. This is the minimum we will accept and it is no use dragging negotiations any longer. ‘Inform Nageon that we give him a few days say till next Monday to come to a settlement’, after which date he should have his writ ready for submission to court. The Hon. Legal Adviser has not yet replied to my letter ref: The High Commissioner cable. It has not gone. Benson knows about it and says they were awaiting the findings of the medical board. Further troubles in Palestine and again some casualties. Bari station says that the Technical Commission may give their report in a week.

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Wednesday 17/8/1938 Up at 5am, walked about the garden before sunrise and had my tea there. Chest better today i.e. my wheezing although oppression of my chest and heart region still the same. Nageon has replied nothing about my cable. I asked the chief guard to tell him this morning that if he had not sent the cable to return it back with my money as I have to add something else to it after that so-called Medical Board. The agricultural exhibition of this island will be opened by the governor at 2pm this afternoon. It is a yearly show. Our cook Jean told us yesterday he wanted to exhibit our big turkey and two big white rabbits and their small fine white babies in his name. He took them this morning and I understood this afternoon that our turkey was awarded second prize. As to the rabbits, it was deferred till tomorrow and I am sure they will get a minor prize. All my friends left in a car at 4pm to see the exhibition, but I stayed at home. On account of people coming from all parts of Mahé to see the exhibition, there will be a dance at the Empire Hotel and my friends have asked to attend. Nageon said before noon he had to see the Governor about that. I hope he will refuse – it would be a good thing to do so. When they came back at  7pm they told me that the concert and dance were cancelled and that our rabbits did not take any prize. The governor and his wife were there, to whom Rashid spoke for about fifteen minutes. Palestine news as usual tonight. The story is repeated over and over again and there are no prospects of any new solution.

Figure 9  H.F. Khalidi (R) with Fuad Saba holding their rabbits in the garden of Villa Curio (1938).

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Thursday 18/8/1938 Up early at 3.30am, dozed for half an hour or so and again awoke at 4am. Cough as usual with the accompanying oppression in my chest. Nothing special before noon, only a letter from the legal adviser informing me that my cable to the High Commissioner was forwarded on 16/8/38. I sent him three letters: One asking for a copy of the proceedings of the District Medical Board held on me on Friday the 12th inst. The second to the telegraph office asking about the exact hour my cable arrived to their office for despatch on 16th inst. And a third asking Nageon why and on what authority he delays a cable for six days – as it is a cable and not a letter; and shall await what he says before I give him hot again. Am reading an old edition of Falastin – two months old, but what can I do? I have to read something otherwise I will go mad. I forgot to record the letter I sent to Nageon on the 14/8/38 about the Lahj people: 14/8/38 Sir, I am really astonished to understand that the fate of my telegraphic message handed to you on the 26th May last remains unknown and unanswered by the ‘proper quarter’ up to now, i.e. after 80 days. It may interest you to know that I have corresponded with the gentleman to whom my telegraph was addressed, by letter and have already received his reply from London. Please inform the ‘proper quarter’ that if this is the way people’s affairs are dealt with in this part of the world, it is indeed a most deplorable state of affairs. Nevertheless, I shall await with interest the authorities’ answer as and if and when it is received. Dr H.F.K.

Our turkey got three rupees as second prize which was given to our cook for distribution amongst the servants. About 30 killed and wounded in Palestine today – condition getting worse it seems.

Friday 19/8/1938 Up at 3am again today after a rather restless night. Beginning to get hot at noon and cool morning and evening. Fuad told me yesterday that Dr Lanier was coming to see me at 8.30am – rather unusual for the doctor to come early in the morning. There must be something behind it. I shaved and went and sat under the mango tree and Dr Lanier came at 8.40am. I had an open, frank and rather long talk with him and asked whether he will give me a copy of the proceedings of the board. He said he had already handed them to the governor and he can’t do that. I said I have written today to the governor and shall await his reply. When I gave my report about my four friends, I could have forwarded secret and confidential, which I didn’t; on the contrary I asked him to forward my report with

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his remarks and those of his medical advisers. Therefore, they can’t be confidential to me. I then mentioned to him that he had seen my cable to the High Commissioner which was delayed six days before it was despatched and a medical board was rushed through in order to go ahead of my cable and intercept and neutralize its effect. I had mentioned nothing in that cable and if I don’t get a copy of the proceedings, I regret to say without causing any offence to anybody that I am going to give my comments of that examination. Lanier became more attentive and asked what comments. I said about the way I was examined, it was a general examination which I had not asked for, and I only asked for specialist examination, supervision and treatment, and none of the examining doctors is a specialist. Col. Fulton was only in attendance. All what he did was to look about, felt my pulse and auscultated my heart. I alleged I had my chest and throat troubles – can they deny that? Lanier said no but you have no growth in your larynx. I said I never said I had a cancer of my throat but that the symptoms I am feeling are of some infected neoplasm and an examination as the one they did could not give a definite negative reply. It appears all subjective symptoms are ignored and they don’t seem to believe me but only objective symptoms. Have to give a written and sworn affidavit before I can be believed. He said he believes all what I say and deeply sympathizes with me and he has recommended on health grounds that we should be given full liberty and freedom of motion in the island and to relieve our worry which is causing more harm than anything else. I said that may affect it but my chief worry is not on account of lack of social visits and so on but chiefly about my throat and chest, and I have asked for nothing but that. ‘Frankly’, I said, ‘your examination the other day does not relieve me no matter how genuine and correct you may be in assuring me of the non-existence of any growth.’ He said doctors are apt to exaggerate their symptoms and misinterpret them. I said yes when I was a medical student and after I graduated but not after middle age and a quarter of a century of medical practice. Suppose, I said, I wanted to consult him and the other two doctors privately as a patient and after their examination I ask them to give me a report what would he say? He hesitated and said well I don’t know, I don’t think I can. I said but I want to get some report to forward to the authorities at Palestine. There is none that I can go to except Bradley which under the present circumstances I couldn’t on account of the libel case. He again said but didn’t the authorities in Palestine know all about your case. Yes, I said, they do but when my wife complained, you replied from here that we are under constant and adequate medical supervision and attention and that our health has not deteriorated. After receiving such a report what can Palestine say? Our whole case was in his hands and why should he take all this responsibility? Suppose he had stated in his report what he had seen from my asthma and other nervous conditions and about the specialist part, why couldn’t he have said that as there were no specialists, and as my case was a special one – and not like an ordinary criminal prisoner – he would not take on his responsibility to give a specialist opinion but would advise that I should see a specialist. He replied that he had stated something and attached copies of my two reports with the findings of the Board. Both should be read together and it was for the governor to decide. I told him what had the governor to do with it – he is a layman – but it was the duty of the Board to refer to that in their report and give them recommendations. Surely a specialist who had examined me hundreds of times is more competent than a

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peep into my throat by a general practitioner. Dr Lanier began to think hard and I got him in a tight corner. He said: ‘Well, why don’t you take any medicines to sooth your nerves?’ I said: ‘I do not need symptomatic treatment but radical treatment. I am not a great believer in medicines. You can count them on your fingertips.’ ‘So am I’, he said. ‘There are many patients like Rashid eff.’, I said, ‘who are not happy unless they live on medicines, and have them all around him.’ Then he discussed my blood pressure and I told him what would happen if I got an attack of epistasis? He said: ‘This is not bad – it is a safety valve.’ ‘Normally yes’, I replied, ‘But not with me, it took the specialist six days to stop mine.’ ‘Yes, but we can and have stopped epistasis cases.’ ‘I don’t doubt your skill doctor’, I said, ‘But my case is a special one. In Jerusalem when holding my boards, I was never ashamed to refer cases for specialist opinion – we have 400 doctors in Jerusalem alone.’ And the talk after a few minutes ended at about 9.30am. At 4pm Benson came up to see us. According to our instructions he had written the ultimatum to the governor in person. The governor still wants us to drop the case and settle outside court. He told Benson I do them favour, and exceed my powers and the S. of S. instruction by giving them relaxations, which may break me, and yet when I ask them to drop such a case they refuse. He had cabled the S. of S. and received a reply wanting further information and he cabled again. He asked Benson to do all he can to persuade us to defer the case until he gets a reply from the colonial office ‘for reasons of state’, he told him verbally. In his confidential reply however, which we saw, he asks him, now that there is a court’s holiday, to defer submitting the writ for ‘reasons of policy’ until the colonial secretary’s reply is received. After some discussion he advised us to accept deferring it till the 29th inst. giving the governor ample time to receive a reply and left us at 4.30. News from Palestine disturbing; there were several cases of British officers and men killed and wounded in action and a plane shot down by the armed bands who also suffered several casualties.

Saturday 20/8/1938 Up at 3.30, restless and coughed a lot with palpitations and tachycardia till lunch time. Bad news from Palestine. Armed bands occupied Hebron during last night and burnt the post office and Barclays Bank. Clashes all over the country. Bari says some 4,000 people including Arab leaders and officials were arrested – very alarming news indeed. The best bit of news, however, is that which reports that the band which kidnapped the Jewish police officer and his family, had returned the three kids after folding their eyes – rather gallant. I wonder whether it is not Mr Soffar who was in Jerusalem.

Sunday 21/8/1938 Slight showers of rain this morning – bad fits of coughing I am tired of writing about my health.

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Alarming news about Palestine from the Paris broadcasting station – nil from London, that during the last three days more than 200 Arab casualties were inflicted in clashes between Arab bands and the military in which several villages took part.

Monday 22/8/1938 Up early at 4.30, that grip and tightening around my throat is increasing and worrying me a lot. Cough is not better too. I had to send the following cable this morning to the High Commissioner: High Commissioner – Jerusalem. My cable of the sixteenth inst. handed over here to Governor on eleventh was withheld six days to enable him to convene a Government Medical Board. Examination done here similar to prisoners’ examination in Palestine to determine their fitness for hard labour. No specialist amongst board and no other private practitioner to consult in Mahé. My Comments on Medical Board findings will be forwarded to you by first airmail. Health deteriorating still insist on transfer or at least consult specialists in Bombay or Mombasa. Doctor Khalidi.

What effect will this cable have on the governor, Medical Board, or Palestine I don’t know. I handed Westergreen a 50-rupee note and told him to get the receipt in my name which till this evening he didn’t. Nageon must have passed the text to the governor for his approval. Fuad and Yacoub are becoming intimate with our neighbour’s small kids. They pat their cheeks and know their names. Fuad wanted to send two small white rabbits to the boys. I told him he better not, as it may be misinterpreted and lead to gossip. Curfew declared on all public roads in Palestine from 6pm to 4am which points out to the very seriousness of conditions in Palestine.

Tuesday 23/8/1938 Up at 6am groaning and aching all over and hardly able to rise from my bed. Till the evening there is no answer from Nageon. My cable has again been withheld. Fuad tells me however he understood that Rashid had been yesterday to see Nageon (why he goes there every other day I fail to understand). Rashid discussed my last letters. Nageon is very angry of my allegation about my asking to withhold my first cable on the 16th inst., when he was only informed of that on the 17th. Well, it is the fault of the chief guard and he ought to be punished for it. What have I got to do with it myself? Rashid is stated to have said that he eventually smoothed matters up. What the hell has he got to do with my personal and private affairs with the Committee or the Governor? Fuad said again this evening that when Rashid went to see the dentist today, he met Dr Lanier who was also angry from the tone of my second cable to High Commissioner; and that Lanier told him we better avoid a clash i.e. as between me and the medical

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authorities. I don’t care if we do; they take the thing as a joke, to me it is a matter of life and death and whether I am to return an invalid from this island.

Wednesday 24/8/1938 Although up very early at 4.30, I was not feeling well today and spent most of my time in bed. Nageon sent me the receipt of the second cable with Westergreen today. I at once noticed that the number of words charged for was 82 when I am sure my cable was 90 or 91 words – a sentence must thus have been deleted, i.e. nine words. Again, a letter shall go to Nageon. I received two letters: one on behalf of Mr Hunt to return the old sheets and the other [from Nageon] (1) refusing to send the letter to the wireless office – he gives the hour 4pm 16/8/38; (2) refuses to supply me with copy of the report of the [Medical] board and (3) refuses to give reason for upholding my first cable six days. Bad news about Palestine. The Government District Commissioner at Jenin was shot in his office and dangerously wounded. God help Jenin.

Thursday 25/8/1938 Up at 4.30am still feeling unwell with a slight touch of fever and remained most of the day in bed. I sent three reminders to Nageon first about the dental fees, and how the matter stands, about Mr Hunt’s old sheets and pillowcases and a third inquiring why nine words were omitted from my second cable to the High Commissioner. I also got a letter from our counsel Benson asking to come and see us tomorrow at 4pm for the libel case. As I thought yesterday, several arrests were made in Jenin, and the whole town was evacuated and turned out unto the fields when the soldiers and troops pillaged and searched the empty houses. Whoever heard of such treatment? Turning the population of a town out en masse; men, women, children, sick, invalids. My God this is too much.

Friday 26/8/1938 A restless night – up at 1am, no fever this morning but my throat is still aching. Winds and clouds with slight showers this morning. Rashid came at  3pm to attend our conference with Benson, who came at  4pm. Briefly he had sent a reply to the governor accepting postponement of our case to the 29th inst. The governor (who is sick in bed) has not even acknowledged receipt of his letter. We discussed the whole case and read the writ which will be submitted to court on Monday. We agreed to the writ and Fuad was to go and see him tomorrow about the expenses. He had a whisky and soda and played a game of chess with Rashid and beat him. He is a very good chess player.

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Very bad news in Palestine. Again, a dastardly bomb in the Arab market place at Jaffa this morning killing 30 and wounding some 70 followed with what is known in such cases all over the country: Shooting, murder, curfew, searches, arrests etc. An intolerable state of affairs.

Saturday 27/8/1938 Restless night. I was still in bed when Dr Lanier came at about 9am. He was rather looking ‘official’ this morning. Fuad and Yacoub went to see the dentist and I remained alone with Lanier. He began explaining about the dental fee affair. First, he said dental work done was before the date of the public notice. Second a denture of 14 teeth is not a complete denture! ‘But no dentist adds artificial, wisdom teeth to a complete denture’, I said, ‘a complete denture is only 14 like those done to Pasha.’ In my case, the dentist did not submit the bill and that he considers what he did for me was not a simple extraction. ‘I am not convinced’, I said, ‘and that’s all.’ He then asked about my health to which I replied. I showed him the Palestine prison regulations. After reading them he said: ‘Yes, in case of pregnant women in prison we take them to the maternity ward.’ ‘Excuse me Doctor Lanier’, I said, ‘we are not discussing pregnant women here. This is another matter.’ We both stared at each other. ‘But in case of these regulations the man is within four walls’, he said. ‘Yes, and I am within four shores. If this is your home Doctor Lanier’, I said, ‘it is my prison and I am asking no more than what a criminal prisoner – a murderer or a thief – is entitled to.’ ‘You have asked to go to Bombay or Mombasa for advice’, he remarked sarcastically. ‘Indeed I have’, I replied. ‘It may be an official duty to you to report within some sort of terms of reference, but to me it is a matter of life and death.’ ‘Certainly; we have our terms of reference’, he replied. ‘Which you cannot exceed’, I said. ‘Furthermore, I do not deny that I have now the best medical advice.’ ‘Available’, he again stressed. ‘Yes, available’, I replied. We said goodbye without shaking hands as usual. When Fuad came back at 1pm he told me he had passed and seen Benson and paid him 275 rupees – 75 rupees for expenses and 200 rupees a retainer fee. Benson had received a most surprising letter from the governor. Here is a copy: 28 August 1938 Dear Mr Benson, In reply to your last letter wherein you informed me that failing a reply from the Secretary of State before the 29th instant you would file a writ on behalf of your clients against Dr Bradley, I have to inform you that the Secretary of State has not yet replied to my last telegraphic communication. This matter is doubtless causing the Secretary of State to enter into very careful consultation with his colleagues as it affects issues of the greatest delicacy. I cannot order you to abstain from filing the writ on the 29th August if you insist upon doing so, but I do ask you in the most urgent terms to avoid doing so

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until I am enabled by the Colonial Office to convey a decision to you. Yours sincerely, A. Grimble

An astounding letter indeed. First, he says for matters of state then he says for matters of policy. Now it affects issues of the greatest delicacy. Very sorry Mr or Sir Grimble, the writ will be in court on Monday inst. at 8.30am. Withdraw it if you wish or can! I have read a very interesting article in the Daily Mirror today about Jamaica. I think I must record certain extracts. It is written by a certain Wilfred Binns,301 an Englishman living there, in the Issue of the overseas weekly edition of the Daily Mirror page 12 Tuesday, June 14, 1938 under the heading ‘Red, White, and Blood – The Truth that is Poisoning the World’. He says that reform must come in Jamaica – warns MPs that so long as this West Indian island is mismanaged by the Government, so long will Germany and Italy, declared colony seekers, claim rightly that Britain is not capable of ruling those islands which are hers: Amongst the territories (on the map) coloured red is an island in the West Indies named Jamaica. It is red on the map because it is part of our Empire. It is red in reality because British bullets have spilt the blood of British Empire citizens there. For Jamaica today is the shame of our Empire and the truth about Jamaica is a truth that is poisoning the world … I am just a man who has lived and worked in Jamaica and whose heart has ached for the brutal injustice which the black population of the island has so long endured. Injustice, cruelty, poverty, malnutrition, rampant disease and finally – bullets. And under the shadow of the Union Jack; the red white and blue banner that was once a guarantee of justice, incorruptibility and higher standard of life – but is now a symbol of blind tyranny to 750,000 black people who have forgotten how to smile … Thousands of black men – who are none the less citizens of our Empire because of their colour – haven’t had a decent meal for months. They are no better off than when they worked as slaves a hundred years ago. At least they had work and food then. Now there is not any work for them to do. Even when there is, they get paid the princely wage of 1s [shilling] a day. I have seen a family of fourteen – including six adults – living in a hovel which was more like a dog kennel. I have seen three haggard negroes fight over a scrap of scraggy meat covered with flies obviously infested with germs. Listen to this and don’t sicken. I once paid a visit of inspection to the Kingston Public Hospital. I found an apology for a hospital. I saw patients submitting to the extraction of teeth – without an anaesthetic. I cannot bring myself to write about the sanitary measures in this hospital. What are we going to do about this colony? ‘If the damn niggers won’t behave’, bellow the die-hard colonists, ‘shoot them down. Give them a couple of volleys now and again.’ We won the Empire by conquest. We cannot hold it by terrorism and medieval tyranny. Today other nations clamour for colonies. How can we, how dare we

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ignore their demands while such a festering sore as Jamaica exists on the map of the British Empire?

This is an Englishman, writing in an English paper, about an English Crown Colony. Does it need any comment – In fact that this [is] the state of affairs in Seychelles and rest of the other African crown colonies also including India. Did I mention that about those nine missing words in my second cable to the High Commissioner? Mr Nageon informs me that no words were withheld but the cable was sent in ‘code’. Imagine! So that the cable and wireless people here and in Aden and the telegraphists of Egypt and Palestine should not know what I am complaining of. They are stifling our voices and burying us alive. They don’t want anybody in the outside world to hear our voices. Radio news say tension in Jaffa and neighbourhood very serious with severe cases. All traffic on Jaffa – Jerusalem road suspended.

Monday 29/8/1938 All my nights are rather restless these weeks. I have lost that boon of an eight hours continuous sleep but what else can I do. No rain. Everybody is complaining and all springs are beginning to dry which is a rather unusual thing. Yesterday I sent a nasty letter to Nageon about dental fees and told him to consider the correspondence as closed. Westergreen finished typing my memo on my comments on the medical board examination. I shall hand over to Nageon tomorrow to forward to the governor. Again very bad news about Palestine. Killing, shooting, arrests and more arrests and counter terrorism. I am growing sick of the whole show and of recording what is taking place.

Tuesday 30/8/1938 Up at 5am. I wish to God they would remove or transfer us to some other place. One gets mad to see the same thing day in and day out. How I crave for Wahideh and the kids. I handed over my memo today about my health to Nageon for transmission to the Governor and asked that it should be sent with the mail on the 6th September. This reminds me that on August 30th 1937 I was with Wahideh at Sofar302 – Lebanon. We did enjoy it tremendously, and how I like to have been there also this year with her at Ain Zehalta303 with some of my children. A rather important item of news tonight from Paris. ‘Ragheb Nashashibi has left Jerusalem by plane [to London] today. Local Arab political circles attach great importance to this unexpected visit.’ It must have something to do with the report of the Technical Commission. He must have been delegated by Emir Abdullah and some section of the Palestine Arabs to discuss the situation with the colonial secretary before the Commission report is published. In the broadcast he is stated to be the ‘Arabs’ leader’.

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Wednesday 31/8/1938 Up at  5am. Feeling well but towards noon I felt a bit feverish and putting the thermometer it was 100.1 Fahrenheit. In the evening it was rather down to normal. To enable me to substantiate my claim that there is no private practitioner here other than government doctors and Col. Fulton, to whom I can go for a second opinion, I wrote a letter to Nageon to that effect. He replied the same day – a record in efficiency – that the only private practitioner was our libel friend Dr Bradley. I forgot to record that yesterday at 5.30pm Pasha and Rashid came to see me when Fuad and Yacoub were out. I told them about my report which I translated to Pasha. He was very impressed by it and said a copy ought to go to the League of Nations. Some of the rather crucial news I heard tonight was the fact that rebel armed bands had kidnapped two doctors near Hebron presumably, says the broadcast, to treat the many casualties inflicted on the bands in the last several encounters. If I am correct, they must be two of either Doctors Abdelal, Atta or Shehab who are stationed in Hebron and must have been out on a tour of inspections. There are many other incidents.

Thursday 1/9/1938 We have entered this morning our twelfth month. Is it going to be more years or are we to see the end soon? Feel just a little better than the last few nights. Fuad told me this morning that he had met the chief justice yesterday afternoon in the market near Adam Moussa’s store. He told him in low tone: ‘Now that you have submitted a case in my court against Dr Bradley I am afraid and very sorry I cannot associate with you or come and visit you.’ Fuad thanked him and told him how we do appreciate the gesture. News about Palestine as usual killing and sabotage. I wrote a memo this evening which I am typing tomorrow and forwarding to H.M. the King with copies to Palestine and London.

Friday 2/9/1938 Up late at  7.30 this morning – awoke several times during night. Am taking my temperature regularly. It is always 99.5 F at 2.30pm. Our hairdresser came this morning to cut our hair. I heard something funny from him. Dr Bradley had seen him some time ago and asked him whether he wouldn’t appear as a witness on his side. He was asked whether in his talks with us while cutting our hair, he hadn’t heard us talking about being mixed with the affairs in Palestine? That’s rather curious – who ever discusses such things with his barber assuming there was anything in them. All what we discuss with him is the weather and the condition of his sick wife. Up to two months ago, Westergreen was always present during the hairdressing sessions. Anyhow we will see what Dr Bradley has to say. I have received

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a letter yesterday from Benson informing me that the case was fixed for the 20th inst., and that he would come and see us before that. It was today at about 12.30pm that Rashid had returned our local bulletin of news written every morning by Fuad from what he hears from the different radio stations. Rashid says that last night he had heard from the BBC London (I presume the Arabic broadcast) that Moustafa Bey Khalidi was appointed Mayor of Jerusalem. We didn’t hear anything about it from Paris, Bari, or BBC English broadcast London. We don’t usually hear the Arabic broadcast because we prefer to hear what Bari says, the BBC Arabic broadcast is similar to the English one. To me it is astonishing news indeed. Unfortunately, I know nothing about the circumstances of the appointment, and therefore it would be very difficult for me to comment on it. One thing seems clear to me. Farraj, Dajani and Anastas Hanania have been hammering lately at the District Commissioner that, with a Jew as Mayor, they find it difficult to co-operate and they had been constantly asking government for the appointment of two Arab councillors to take my place and the place of Ibrahim Darwish, in order to hold balance and bring the Arab councillors to six as against the Jewish six members. Government must have been seeing all the time the justice in such a situation and it seems after prolonged negotiations and in view of the specific article of the municipal ordinance which says that if any member does not attend council’s meetings for three consecutive months, he automatically ceases to be a member. Thus, they decided that I and Darwish have automatically ceased to be members of the Council. In the same ordinance it says the High Commissioner can order elections or approve two fit persons from rate payers. I am sure the Government would have very much liked to get Ragheb Nashashibi back to office but in face of the prevailing state of affairs thought it unwise. Who else than Moustafa Bey Khalidi in Jerusalem could fill the post? He is  retiring or has actually retired from membership of the Supreme Law Court of Palestine. His past is well known and he has occupied very responsible posts both under the Turkish and the British Administration. Furthermore, he is a CBE and  one of the most straightforward judges that the Bench in Palestine had ever seen. Furthermore, the retiring mayor is a Khalidi and the incoming mayor is a Khalidi too; therefore, the appointment as far as this side of the question will be met with approval by the inhabitants of the country in general and Jerusalem in particular. Another important point is Moustafa Bey was always considered as a member of the ‘Opposition’ although from behind the screen. This appointment would not annoy Ragheb and would be welcomed by Farraj, Dajani and Anastas Hanania. As to Saad El-din Khalili although he may be annoyed at my dismissal, I am sure he will not resent the appointment, although he does not like Moustafa Bey. But he is a Khalidi after all. From the Jewish point of view, if they were ready to work and cooperate with me then I am sure they will be more than ready to cooperate with Moustafa Bey who is older and whom they consider more mature and possibly more moderate. The Jewish Agency would further welcome the appointment.

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As to the Government I am sure they did a good choice taking into consideration the fact that I ultimately must go. I cannot remain in Seychelles for years and get to remain Mayor of Jerusalem. There must have been negotiations between Moustafa Bey on the one side and the government on the other side, possibly during the last few weeks. And he must have discussed this matter with Ahmad and others and spent time over it. I believe he cannot have accepted outright, because he would naturally believe I may be offended. After all I have left Jerusalem not on my own or for personal reasons. And he must realize that his position is very delicate. Then there is the question of Wahideh. I doubt whether Abu Salah would plunge into it and accept the post and step into my chair and let Wahideh hear the news from the radio. He knows how sensitive she is from this point of view and I believe he must have approached her before giving his final acceptance. I may be mistaken, but that at least is my impression. I wonder what Wahideh thinks of it. That she is inwardly touched and offended I can easily see that. It is quite natural for her to feel that way and to see Abu Salah stepping into my shoes while I am rotting on the equator. I am sure that night in which the decision was taken that Abu Salah should accept, she must have wept all night. I am afraid I can write no more today. I am naturally touched and moved by what has taken place. What can I say before I know the details? Wait and see.

Saturday 3/9/1938 Yesterday’s news about Palestine were rather plentiful. Marked mostly by kidnapping and arson. The central European situation and the Czechoslovakian problem is becoming very tense. The spark to light the gun powder barrel of the next war will come from this part of the country. The old question again; what will happen to us if war breaks out while we are here? And what will happen to Wahideh and the children after this question of the municipality has now been solved. I wonder whether she will not like to come over now. How shall I know? I have sent today my petition to His Majesty with copies to the prime minister, the high commissioner for Palestine, colonial secretary and League of Nations; read it to Yacoub and he thinks it is a very good one indeed. He proposed that I should write one on similar lines to be forwarded with the mail of the 11th inst. to all members of Parliament. Our case against Dr Bradley is the topic of conversation in the Island. They rarely hear of such a sensational case every few years. My friends had asked permission to attend the Chinese concert tomorrow at 8.30pm. It is done in Aid of the Chinese Red Cross and is a purely charitable show. Westergreen informed Rashid that the governor refused to give his permission. I think this is an act of revenge by him because of our case against Dr Bradley. He had given his consent in the past for similar performances. Why should he withhold it now? Fuad and Yacoub met Nageon at the Empire Hotel and invited him to a cup of tea. They had a long talk with him, they said, about our condition and restrictions.

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They understand that he had nothing to do with it at all and that it all came from the governor who even does not hear what his heads of departments have to say but often does what an English planter suggests over their heads. He is said to be so fed up that he is wishing to be transferred to another colony. Pasha and Rashid came to see me this evening. They were very kind about the Municipality affair and showed their sympathy. Pasha went so far as to offer any financial help I may be in need of, for which I thanked him. If he can only write to the Arab Bank and tell them not to press my debt it would be very good of him. News again of troubles in Palestine. From Paris it is understood that as the result of the representation made by Great Britain, the home of the Mufti in Lebanon was searched, but nothing incriminating was found.

Sunday 4/9/1938 Up at 6am. Beginning to feel the effects of the coming hot monsoons. After lunch my temperature was 38 C and I had to go back home and lay in bed. It was down after 5pm. Nothing special tonight about Palestine from the BBC or other radio stations. One incident is however rather alarming. As King Farouq was going out of some junction in Alexandria, two shots were fired at him. Rather bad for Nahhas Pasha!

Monday 5/9/1938 At about 12pm when I had just completed my bath, I saw Lanier’s car coming. I told Fuad that I did not want to see him and he better invent something about my absence. He stayed for about 30 minutes, but I did not appear. Fuad and Yacoub inundated him with their complaints about their nervous systems and a chain of other complaints. I have still another memo to submit about the ‘proper and adequate medical supervision we are under’ as the District Commissioner replied to the representation submitted by Mrs Fuad Saba to the High Commissioner. I am still having just a touch of fever in the afternoons 37.4 C (or.5); and still I can’t find the cause. It must either be due to liver or gallbladder trouble, chest, or my tonsils. It may be the latter.

Tuesday 6/9/1938 The mail boat arrived one hour later this morning. Good rain last night and today after a long spell of drought. When Westergreen came with the mail each one of us had a few letters. One from Umm [mother of] Rasem informing me that Rasem is cured from his Typhoid but still in hospital and is to be deported to Amman. Ghaleb too is out. That’s not bad. Wahideh’s letter is grand. The way how she hints about the municipality is superb. How courageous of her to treat it in this manner. I got a reply from the clerk of Sir

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Stafford Cripps to say that he is on a long break and will return in October when our cable letter will be put before him. We had another from Mr Clifton-Brown. These are in reply to the letter we sent them about our cable to the colonial secretary which he refused to deliver at that time. Fuad and Yacoub had passed to Rashid and Pasha. When they came back, they were rather upset because of Pasha’s remark to them that ‘it is a shame to be going constantly to the hotel’. Palestine as usual: several Arabs and Jews killed today mostly in Haifa.

Wednesday 7/9/1938 Westergreen brought a postal packet for Fuad. It was two tins full of Labaneh [strained yoghurt in oil]. Mrs Saba is the only person in Palestine who thinks of us. She had sent Tahineh [sesame paste] a few months ago and now good Labaneh. It tasted of home and very delicious. Fuad and Yacoub went down to the hospital to see Dr Lanier today. They tell me that he was very dry in his interview. He may either have been offended from my report or rather irritated, because he was at our bungalow only one day before. Or it may be both. I forwarded my third cable today to the High Commissioner prepaid for 50 words in which I requested immediate reply and informing him that matters relating to health cannot await protracted diplomatic mail correspondence. I shall await his reply in a few days. I don’t know what I may do if he does not reply say in a week’s time. I shall threaten to go on hunger strike as a protest if I don’t get a reply within a reasonable period.

Thursday 8/9/1938 As usual in the morning, cough and sore throat. Westergreen came at  11am with a batch of letters and Palestine Post. It was all opened and censored here. In the afternoon he came with another big bundle of letters from Wahideh, Ahmad, Thabet, Hassan Bader and many others. Hassan Bader relates what happened about the Baladieh [Municipality] and all the negotiations between Abu Salah – Wahideh, Ahmad and others. Not very convincing! I also had the most impertinent letter from Auster informing me that I have been ‘dismissed and disqualified’; not a word of sympathy or appreciation for three years’ work and cooperation at least in municipal affairs. I shall not reply to his letter, I think it is better to ignore him for the moment, one day we may meet and I shall tell him what I think of him.304 I have read various editions of the Palestine Post. Horror of horrors, we are only hearing a bare skeleton of sparse news from the various radio stations. God be with them all in Palestine.

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Wahideh seems to have been against Abu Salah accepting, I think she was right. But although she is deeply touched yet she is taking it easily. God bless her.

Saturday 10/9/1938 Another rather restless night. Quite hot up to noon, then downpours all the afternoon. At 11am I handed the mail over to the chief guard. I wrote about 18 letters. My letter to Hassan Bader about the Baladieh was rather frank; but I think it will not offend Abu Salah. On the contrary I think I have raised him up to heaven as they say in Arabic. Dr Bradley published in his Clarion of today the writ of the libel case submitted by our counsel Benson. He printed it in full, making no comments on it. Fuad went to see the dentist at 10am; he met there Mrs Akbar and her son and gave up his scheduled appointment for them and postponed his till next Saturday! Good gallant boy. Nothing special tonight except the situation in central Europe is very tense and the nightmare of war is hanging over Europe.

Sunday 11/9/1938 Yesterday evening Rashid came to see me when I was alone. He does not look himself today. He said Pasha has decided not to leave his bungalow, and he is growing restless with Dr Lanier and his eczema. He wants to write to the Committee that if the doctor cannot cure his foot and as he is a surgeon let him amputate it! United Press reports from Manila today that the French are moving their heavy artillery to the German front and that the army there is up to war standards. The Czechs are mobilizing and sending their troops to the front also. Bad news!

Monday 12/9/1938 Up at 6.30 coughed a lot. Fuad is going to Beau Séjour where he will have lunch with Rashid who wants him to translate a lot of things. Fuad cannot say no. But he is a très bon coeur after all; and I really like him. Westergreen came at 10am. There were three letters in all with Kenya. One for Pasha and two for me. My ones contained a letter from Wahideh dated 30/8/38 – a record only twelve days from Palestine. I can read between the lines that she is not pleased about the municipality affair – and she still does not want me to give my frank opinion about it. But I have already done so to her and Hassan Bader. I can’t be but frank. From Manila it was stated that tonight is the tensest in the history of Europe since 1914. Hitler was delivering his speech at Nuremberg at 10pm (Seychelles time) and his words, it is stated, will either get peace to Europe or plunge her into another bloody war. Everybody was waiting to hear those words. War or no war I must go to bed.

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Tuesday 13/9/1938 Up at 6am, weather cool, and a very heavy shower of rain last night. Fuad came with the news bulletin of yesterday, many incidents – it was stated – took place in Palestine. Six Jewish gaffers were killed in the Northern district. Hitler delivered his speech. It was an ultimatum about the Sudeten Germans. The gist of it was in the last few words when he said that the Sudeten have a power behind them which will not forget them, neither could they be deserted as the Arabs of Palestine! The reference to the Arabs of Palestine was a masterstroke; and a hint to Britain that Hitler is not interfering with what she is doing to the Arabs of Palestine. It ought to be a hint to the Arab kings and rulers, that whereas he is not deserting the oppressed Sudetens and that a nation of 70 million Germans will defend them, yet the 70 million Arabs have deserted their one million fellow Arabs and cannot defend them. Anyhow the mere mention of Palestinian Arabs in an international speech, which the world was tremulously awaiting, cannot but have its significance. I received a letter from the legal adviser that my petition to His Majesty the King was despatched with air mail which left on the 6th inst. I thought so – they can’t delay a petition addressed to His Majesty. News tonight about central Europe are still reserved, although situation is still very tense, but there was a lot of rioting in Sudeten. Czechoslovakia and the Government have proclaimed the Emergency Regulations. Herr Henlein305 gave them an ultimatum of six hours to withdraw those Regulations. He knows he’s got Hitler and his 70 million behind him. And we ‘the deserted Arabs of Palestine’ are brought to Seychelles under Emergency regulations for a ‘moral responsibility’; the government was ashamed to make us face a court of law or a military court; and they know very well that we have nothing behind us but protests from the Arab and Moslem worlds; and protests as Pearl Buck306 once said to America, are no good if they are not backed up with machine gun fire!

Wednesday 14/9/1938 Up at  6am, coughed a lot and my whole body aching and still running that slight temperature. Although I happened to mention this to Lanier when he came last Sunday, he didn’t even ask one question or ask to examine me or see my throat. He pays us ‘courtesy visits’ to justify his 75 rupees monthly allowance. I despatched today my fourth cable to the High Commissioner, informing him that although he may not care much for the health and agony of a Palestinian human being forcibly in a penal settlement and appealing to him in the name of humanity and justice; when scores of other such Palestinians are hanged, shot and butchered daily; nonetheless, I said, I insist on a reply to my prepaid cable. It is now a month since my first cable and a week since my third and last and yet he hasn’t got the decency to reply. I shall have to wait a few more days for the next move. Who knows what it may be?

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News from Central Europe is still very tense. Czechoslovakia rejected Herr Henlein’s ultimatum after three hours and it is feared that war may break out any moment if the Sudeten turn to Hitler for fulfilment of his pledge. So everyone is apparently waiting feverishly for further developments and the World’s cabinets are discussing the situation. Russia, Latvia, Romania and Belgium will back up England and France; and Japan has declared today through Tokyo’s foreign office that they will back up Italy and Germany in her fight against communism. Czechoslovakia is stated to have become like China, a field for fermenting and disseminating communism. In Palestine C’est plus pire que toujours [it is worse than ever] and there are dozens of casualties chiefly amongst Arabs shot down right and left.

Thursday 15/9/1938 Restless night, ultimately up at about  5am still aching all over. Took a very light breakfast today of Labaneh and toast. The oil of the Labaneh tastes of Palestine, may God bless Mrs F. Saba for being kind in going into the trouble of sending those two small tins. Westergreen came early this morning, he returned my cable of yesterday with the money, getting me a letter from Nageon in which he informed me that the governor got a telegram from Palestine yesterday the  14th inst. stating that the reply to my representations as stated in my letter were posted from Palestine on the 5th inst. but that H.E. the High Commissioner is unable to intervene. So after all, I send three cables about my health, the last prepaid, to be told that H.E. is unable to intervene on the contents of my private letter! As if I wired him to reply by cable to my private letter, ignoring all what I had mentioned in my two cables. That’s the evasive ways of politics but I am not going to swallow it. I have written a further fourth cable informing the High Commissioner that my prepaid arrangements were not intended that he should reply to a private letter and that I now realize that I have been deported here in order to suffer a slow death, invaliding for life, or to be driven into a lunatic asylum. But I prefer a quick death and therefore if I fail to receive a satisfactory reply to my first two cables, I have decided to go on hunger strike on Thursday the 22nd inst. at 12 noon. At the end of the cable, I asked the High Commissioner to inform my wife and family. An exact text of this cable is in my official file.307 While I was writing a covering letter to the legal adviser asking him to be good enough to forward my cable today and ask the governor to see his way to wire a resume to the colonial office, Nageon and Horner came to our bungalow. Fuad and Yacoub had gone earlier in the day and I sat with them alone. We had a long talk first about the world war and the situation in Central Europe – and I told Nageon if war breaks out millions will die in no time and I am going to be one of them and handed over to him my cable. He read it and handed it over to Horner who also read it and they looked at each other. I smiled sadly – shrugged my shoulder and told them that there are limits for human endurance; and I have reached those limits and am afraid I cannot support the thing any longer. I told Nageon further that he is a legal

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man and understands these things after all, had we been brought before any court, including a military one, and convicted we would have taken our punishment like men; but to be brought without conviction by sheer brutal force is trop. I then discussed their last letter informing me of the reply of Palestine; and told them that that was a reply to a private letter I sent on 9/8/38 to the High Commissioner and to which I did not expect a reply. To ignore my two cables and use my money to reply by cable to a private letter is a thing unheard of. Nageon thought there had been a mistake in the cable about the word ‘letter’; and they were surprised about it. Now that he knew that I had sent a letter to the High Commissioner the matter is rather clear. I told Nageon that I am now frankly of the belief that all those restrictions are due to the governor. He smiled and said: ‘You know what powers the man on the spot has.’ I said I definitely knew that and that furthermore all those restrictions were made here by Sir Grimble. He interrupted me and said: ‘Yes, but they were communicated to the Government of Palestine and they didn’t object.’ I looked at him and told him that was also my information from private sources in Palestine, that’s why having complained in my private letter to the High Commissioner on 9/8/38 about those very restrictions he now replies, he is unable to intervene. Not only that, I said, but the colonial office also approved of those restrictions laid down by the governor. When we complained we received the same cliché answer: ‘The Colonial Secretary sees no reason to intervene.’ Intervene in what? In the restrictions laid by Sir A. Grimble. We then had a long discussion about Palestine and what the government was doing – horrors – under the Emergency Regulations. They left at about 11am; and my friends returned from town just as I am writing this at about 1pm. When my friends came, I told them about that cable I had forwarded to the High Commissioner and they were rather shocked about my decision; I can’t help it I told them because honestly, I can’t tolerate the whole situation any longer, and as I told Nageon, ‘human endurance has got its limits’. News this evening from Manila say that Europe was startled by the plane trips that Mr Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, paid to Adolf Hitler in his summer village in Germany as a last hour endeavour to avoid war. And that Russia’s attitude is still vague. It further states that France said that a plebiscite (asked for by Germany and the Sudetens) would be acceptable; and Mussolini said that this is the only way to avoid war.

Friday 16/9/1938 Up early at 5pm. Read a little and reclined for hours thinking. I seem to be in a sort of a trance this morning. Westergreen brought me a letter from Benson informing me that the case is for Tuesday the 20th inst. at 8.30am; and that as it is only a formal opening of the case, my presence or that of Saba would be requested; and that he would and could come and see us before the 20th inst.

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I wrote a letter to Nageon about that, informing him that I and/or Saba are going to be there to confer with our counsel, either at his office or in court; i.e. for his information and not asking for his authority or approval. Westergreen also brought me back the change and the cable receipt of yesterday. My original cable was  110 words now I see that it is  155 words. There was an explanatory note with the receipt saying that my telegram was reduced by code to 98 words and the governor had added some 57 words to the cable and for which he paid. The governor must have, therefore forwarded some explanation with my cable. I wish I knew what it was but this seems rather impossible. Anyway, this is how the matter stands today. I began to prepare from today for my ordeal which is to begin at  12 noon on Thursday next and which may end in my death. But I am so serene and calm about it; as my conscience is at rest. I don’t know [whether] it may be a crime to do so knowing that I leave behind me an innocent wife and four children; but what can I do? The cup is already full and just on the point of overflowing. The authorities have changed their human heart into a block of granite. I complain about the danger to my health; and he replies that he cannot intervene or rather is unable to intervene in representations made in a private letter to which I, at least, was expecting no reply at all. Honestly, I am beginning to believe that they have sent us here to suffer, if not a slow death, then it must be that they want our health to suffer to such a degree that if and when it pleases the authorities that we should return, we will be in such an invalid state of health to be unable to leave our beds. Well I don’t want such an end as I told the High Commissioner that I prefer a quicker death than the one intended for us. While in my bath today, I was craving for Thursday to come as quick as possible. I shall have my daily plunge at 11am and after my bath I shall return to my room to pray ‘two kneelings’ as they say in Arabic, read Ma Tayassara min al-Koran al-Karim, say La illaha illallah Mohamadun abdahu wa Rasoolahu308 and then at 12 noon sharp return to bed awaiting God’s mercy. I am sure He will pardon my act, and like the Mayor of Cork I shall die for my country. My two friends were at Beau Séjour this afternoon and when they came back, they seemed to have had a long argument with the two old men downhill. Rashid seems to be of the opinion that it is not right that I should send independent cables or representations. He forgets however that it is my throat and not his and my heart and chest which are suffering. If he is satisfied here, I wish to God he’d stay till the end of his days! He hinted that Nageon had told him, it seems it is only I who is making all the fuss or the ‘much ado about nothing’ – and here’s a veiled threat – that if that does not stop, then they will have to treat me in a different manner. Gosh what more can they do? And what more miseries and sufferings can they inflict on poor me – a prisoner in his cell. Situation in Europe is still very bad. Chamberlain, it is stated, will go back in a few days to see Hitler again. In Palestine a clash between troops and a big band resulted in more than 140 casualties amongst the band. Mass butchery by planes. That’s the best way of evacuating Palestine of its Arab population.

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Saturday 17/9/1938 Up at 3am this morning and could not go to sleep – rain after midnight and a cloudy misty rainy day. I wonder whether the High Commissioner will inform Wahideh about my decision cabled to him on the 15th inst. He may withhold the news from her, and she may not know about it until I am too sick or God knows I may not be in this world. Poor Wahideh what is she going to say about it? I was thinking of her all day long and how she would react to the news. I know she would be stricken with grief. I have prepared a text draft for a cable in case she wires to inquire, what can I do when I am suffering agonies and when there seems to be no end to that moral responsibility. Who knows for how long we will be here? Are not the Lahj people rotting here for their sixth year? Yacoub was asking the oldest Lahj gentleman the other day when he met him in town, how he was. The poor old man pointed to a bottle of medicine he was carrying in one hand and said ‘Ya Illahi (Oh God) see my legs are swollen and I am sick and miserable – to whom should I appeal?’ The old man has oedematous swollen feet possibly suffering from nephritis or heart disease and yet who cares, he is left here to rot away from his wife children and family. And why should this not be our fate too? Who cares what happens to us? And am I going to go on living until I begin to have swollen legs and become an invalid – a subject for sympathy. Why should I? Wahideh will surely understand and forgive me one day. She knows I am not the man to complain or shrink from difficulties. One thing however I cannot tolerate and that is physical pain or to become an invalid in bed. This has always been my nightmare and I always have prayed for a quicker and more merciful death. What will happen to the four dear children is another matter. Thank God they are not babies; Leila my youngest is now over ten years old. They will get on and pull through someday and somehow. I am feeling gloomy this afternoon and have not smiled or laughed as usual all day long. Yet I feel at rest and peaceful. If war breaks out what difference does it make if a human being dies in Seychelles with the millions which will fall in the first month of war. Although it is a misty dark gloomy afternoon, my two friends left this afternoon to town. God bless them – they are both enjoying good health and derive satisfaction from this daily afternoon walk. Still running a hectic temperature for the last three or four weeks around 37.5 C.

Sunday 18/9/1938 Fuad left to church followed by Yacoub. When they came back at noon, I was told that Pasha and Rashid had prepared a draft of a cable to High Commissioner to which Yacoub had agreed. Fuad was asked by the Pasha to go and see him in the afternoon which he did while Yacoub went to town. Dr Lanier came at about 6pm to find me alone in bed. I told him I was not feeling well and he saw that I was wheezing and gasping and had been running a sort of hectic temperature for weeks. I showed him my temperature chart of last week which showed

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how my temperature rose at 11am daily till 3pm and then began to drop towards 7pm to normal. He looked long at it and I wonder what occurred to him and whether he believed it was genuine. I have absolutely no faith in him now, because he proved to be a rascal. He is not a doctor but a medical officer. He then looked into my throat saying ‘the usual thing’ and then added that he has also been feeling sulky for the last week and advised me to take Calomel and salts! It appears to me that he knows nothing about medicine except Calomel and Glauber’s salt which he had already prescribed to every one of us. In spite of the fact that I was gasping for breath, feverish and so on, all what he seems to do is to shrug his shoulders. Well he doesn’t give a damn as he does what his boss tells him. He had heard about my hunger strike and seemed to ridicule it, but he hoped that something may be done soon. They are taking it as a joke.

Monday 19/9/1938 Still running temperature and not feeling well and remained in bed most of the day; and did not sleep well last night. Sent a telegram to Moustafa Bey today of 110 words telling him about my hunger strike and to take good care of Wahideh and the children. Fuad sent another cable of about  75 words to Bishop Graham Brown of Jerusalem; and we five sent a long, conjoined telegram of 190 words to the High Commissioner. Benson came at 6pm with Fuad and stayed about an hour discussing tomorrow’s libel case and certain points which may be raised by defendants’ counsel. Returned to bed early and slept at 8.30 after a very light supper.

Tuesday 20/9/1938 Feeling like yesterday and a rather restless night. Up to  1pm the cable receipts of yesterday have not been forwarded. Fuad went at 8.30 to attend our libel case. Just to record what happened today Fuad came back at 1pm. The case was heard and Bonnetard counsel for defence brought the question of security for expenses of case which may have to go before Appeal Court of Mauritius and the Privy Council and asked us to deposit  10,000 rupees in cash as we were foreigners and according to the French Law, we have to do this. After deliberation, the Judge agreed with the defence in that we were foreigners but only prescribed 500 rupees to be submitted by a bond in a week’s time and by cash. Rashid came and saw me this afternoon alone. He told me he had met Lady Grimble who asked him to have tea yesterday with her and the governor and Rashid accepted. They discussed many things he said, and when the governor asked about me, Rashid began telling him how after leaving the Public Health I had forfeited my pension and that now having left the municipality I have lost a salary of a hundred pounds a month and how I had small children and such a lot of nonsense. I was furious and I told him to mind his own business and not to discuss my private affairs in public. He replied that he had already said so and gave his opinion only.

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When my friends came, I was mad and cried like a child. What picture would the governor take about me after Rashid’s talk, may he not have wired Palestine about the cause of my hunger strike as he understood it from Rashid – not knowing that the Public Health and municipality are not worth more than my bootlaces! I did not have dinner and went to bed a miserable man. I really wept a lot until I was exhausted.

Wednesday 21/9/1938 No replies to my cables, although I got the receipts, I and Fuad. Both cables were sent to the High Commissioner by code. Rashid and Pasha came in the evening when I was alone. Discussion general  – nothing special about my fast. Pasha suggested a cable to Ibn Saud asking him to intervene and transfer us to his Riyadh capital. I smiled and left it at that.

Thursday 22/9/1938 5am – Awoke after a sleepless night with much coughing and oppression in my chest but feeling cheerful; remained in bed till 10.30. 11am – took a tepid bath after which I drank a glass of lemonade and a cup of coffee. 12pm – started my fast. Said my prayers asking God to help me in my ordeal. Fuad was called by Pasha by a note asking him to come at once with Yacoub to discuss urgent matters! Yacoub had gone early morning to see Dr Lanier about his ear and he and Fuad will have lunch at the Empire Hotel. Our kitchen has been closed at 12pm. Up to 1pm I received no reply from Palestine. 1.30pm – Fuad and Yacoub came back. Fuad showed me a copy of the short cable they had sent to Ibn Saud – a foolish thing to do. Anyhow I haven’t signed it. 2pm – Sent a long telegram to the High Commissioner about 150 words. A rather stiff one but dignified. A copy is in my file.309 2.30pm – Small sips of Vichy water. My temperature is still up at 37.5 C. Read till about  5pm when Fuad and Yacoub came into my room. I told them what I thought of their cable to Ibn Saud. They agreed it was bad. Fuad said he would prefer to stay here rather than go to Hedjaz. But what could they do? i.e. they didn’t want to offend Pasha. 5.30pm – Pasha and Rashid came in a car and they all sat in my room around my bed. In a few minutes Rashid began by saying that they had gone to see Nageon and they had a long discussion. They pointed to my case and said that I am a sick man and that measures should be taken to do something at once. Nageon said that the governor had wired Palestine asking that a specialist be sent here to examine me; and that he is sending Dr Lanier to see me tomorrow, and that he will interview the governor tomorrow and will convince him to send a cable to Palestine. Rashid told him that we had been corresponding with Palestine, but that they had at last to appeal to Ibn Saud. They left at 6.30 and Fuad went with them.

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7pm – I understood from Yacoub that they had not gone and seen Nageon, but that he had sent a letter to Rashid and Pasha inviting them to go and have tea with him at home today and both replied yesterday accepting. They told Fuad and Yacoub about this yesterday and Yacoub was rather indignant why should they accept an invitation to tea on a day when their friend was going on a hunger strike. They should have told him so, but Rashid and Pasha said they had already committed themselves. Then they have come to visit me today direct from that tea-party! When I am on a hunger strike. I don’t know why Rashid in telling me all about the interviews did not mention anything about the tea-party. Anyhow Maalesh [never mind]. 8pm – I feel tired and run down. No unpleasant sensation in the stomach or any cramps. I only wish I can have a few hours’ sleep. Fuad came back, he had taken some food with them. 9pm – tried to read Cocktails at Six but couldn’t carry on more than 9.30pm. 10pm – put off the electric lamp and tried to go to sleep after taking a pill of Gardenal. I had finished one bottle of Vichy and two glasses of water since noon. I tossed about in bed and I think I at last fell asleep at about 11pm.

Friday 23/9/1938 2am – awoke having slept I believe about three hours. Then tossed about in bed till about 5am. Insomnia is equivalent to insanity. All kinds of thoughts pass through your brain like a cinema reel. Wahideh and the kids: Adel, Hatem, Ameerah and Leila. Oh, if I can see them once before I have to die. 6am – I think I dozed for an hour. It was drizzling when I called Pierre to open the doors of my bedroom. He brought me tea as usual. I told him I take nothing but water. He apologized and took the tea back and brought me a bottle of Vichy and a glass of cool water. I took the glass of water and half a glass of Vichy and smoked a cigarette. 7am – Am feeling nothing special. Still wheezing and run down. 12pm – I am beginning to feel a bit giddy and emptiness in my stomach region – no cramp or pains. 1.45pm – Fuad, Yacoub and Rashid came. Nageon had come to see them and brought them the addendum written by the governor on my cable of the  15th inst. suggesting sending a specialist from Palestine to come over here and see me. He also says I am labouring of a fear amounting to panic about my heart trouble and growth (malignant) in my throat.310 2.30pm – Dr Lanier came, all what he did was to feel my pulse and look at my tongue. They didn’t know that I have started my hunger strike. They thought it was a joke. He is seeing the governor today and reporting officially as I am now a sick man i.e. on hunger strike and Palestine should reply back by now. Rashid told him if I do not receive a satisfactory reply, they are, all four, going on hunger strikes on Saturday morning. 3.30pm – Am feeling a bit flushed, headache and buzzing of ears and run down. Nothing special around my stomach.

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5.30pm – Nageon arrived with Pasha at just after 5.30pm. Fuad then came in to show me a telegram which Nageon had brought addressed to the governor from the High Commissioner to say in reply to the cable of the 15th i.e. mine and his remarks thereon that he is in telegraphic communication on this matter. Then Nageon came in to see me alone for a few minutes. He was very sympathetic; and said to me: ‘You are a very important man in your country and it is a pity that she should lose you.’ He further said the governor had sent another cable this evening about my having started a hunger strike since yesterday and he hoped to expedite matters quickly. I told him a résumé of what I feel. 6.20pm – Archdeacon Sole of the Anglican Church also came and remained till about 7pm when all left to Beau Séjour except Yacoub. 7.30pm – Am feeling a dull frontal headache and one or two stomach colics. Otherwise run down; still sipping water and Vichy.

Saturday 24/9/1938 5am – Awoke several times during night but feel more run down this morning suffering from backache and loins – not shooting pains, but dull ones. Remained till 9am reading. 9.30am – Fuad and Yacoub went down to the hospital. I am beginning to feel weaker. No temperature today, pulse 80p.m. Headache both frontal and behind ears. Pains in muscles of back and buttocks. 10am – I dozed off most of the time between 10–1pm awoke and slept several times. Heart thumping against chest. 1.30pm – Fuad and Yacoub came back and stayed with me about an hour. They cabled again today to the High Commissioner threatening hunger strike. 3pm – Feeling same as in the morning all muscles aching badly. 3.30pm – Dr Lanier came to see me. He was very rude and brutish, he is a jailor this man or rather a veterinary surgeon and not a doctor. He knows nothing it seems about bedside manners. And I am a fellow doctor. I wonder how he treats others. He said he was going to feed me forcibly even if he had to get six men to take me. I was furious and spoke some nasty words with him. He then suggested whether I would go to hospital which I refused. He further said that the Governor had sent another cable this morning. I am so giddy that I don’t remember all we said but we did quarrel. 5.30pm – Pasha and Rashid came. They tried to convince me to stop my fast or at least take some tea and fluids as milk or lemonade. I refused politely although they tried to insist. 7.30pm – My back aches very much and my head is dull and ears buzzing all the time. I have to rest my hand after writing two lines. I was able to stand up, change my clothes and wash my face alone although tottering and my feet giving way under me. 9.30pm – I went to sleep groaning.

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Sunday 25/9/1938 Restless night; slept 4 or five hours. Awoke first at 2am with pains in my sacral region and buttocks along course of sciatic nerves to the back of the knee joints – real acute pains which made me groan. 7am – Growing weaker and weaker – pains better after managing them with my fingertips. No gripping pains or colic in stomach. 8.30am – Fuad came in with the news. Bad again: European War seems to be near. Still feeling the same buttocks aching. 10am – Fuad and Yacoub went to see Pasha and Rashid about interviewing the governor today before or after noon especially with regards to suppressing news of my fast from my wife and family which is brutish. 10.30am – Was able to stand up and wash my face and clean my mouth and return exhausted to bed. 11am – Feeling giddy and wept a little about my condition. Lying four days on my back – on water – and nobody in Palestine knowing anything about it. Wahideh would go mad if she hears it. God bless her but what can I do? I am an obstinate man. 1.45pm – Fuad and Yacoub came back – they had sent a cable to Moustafa Bey requesting him for an immediate reply to my cable and informing him to tell my wife, parents and family that I am on strike as from Thursday. They also sent a letter to the governor to wire Palestine that they should not suspend such telegrams. 4pm – Backache and pains in my thigh are still what is troubling me more than anything else. 7pm – tried to go to sleep – restless and dozing till about 10pm.

Monday 26/9/1938 Again, a very restless night – awoke several times. Groaning all night, cramps in thigh and calf muscles. All my body is aching. 7am – Temperature normal, pulse 74 had a few sips of cold water and Vichy. 9am – Was able to get out of bed alone and wash my face but came back to bed on the point of fainting. Read a little up to 10.30 am then dozed off till about 12.30. 1.30pm – Fuad and Yacoub came back from town and stayed with me till 2.30. 3pm – Temp.  99 F. Pulse  76. My ears are buzzing and my head is aching at the temples. My back is aching too, but I think I must have lost about 7–8 kilos by today. My abdomen is sunken and I feel so weak that I can hardly carry a book. 5.30pm – Pasha and Rashid came this evening. There is a letter from the governor to say that the cable to Moustafa Khalidi was despatched. And that he confirms what he said that the High Commissioner was in telegraphic communication with the S. of S., but owing to the Imperial Cabinet’s worry of the world conditions, a delay is inevitable. They tried to make me break my fast but I decided to postpone that till tomorrow afternoon. 6.30pm – Lanier came and saw me; he is worried about the whole affair but thinks that we are apt to get an answer soon. He had examined a specimen of my urine today

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and informed me that there was nothing special and that he was glad there was no acetone or acetic acid. 7.30pm – I feel more fresh just now. I don’t know why although I have headache and backache but nothing else special. Fuad gave my back a good rub with eau-de-cologne. 9pm – Fuad read to me the news. World conditions are very bad. Am feeling pains in the left side of my back on deep inhalation and cramps in my lower extremities. 10pm – I switched off the light and I am again feeling bad – pains in my eye balls with flashings in both eyes.

Tuesday 27/9/1938 Slept till 2am and then dozed off till 5am feeling very weak and hardly able to move in my bed. 7am – Took a glass of Vichy and coughed a little, pain in my back still there and pain over lower part of my abdomen. I wish I could write and record everything that I think of or passes through my brain. This is impossible as I sit now writing lying in bed on my left side and have to rest after each two or three lines. 9.30am – Fuad and Yacoub came to my room and remained till 10.30 after which they left to town. No news yet from Palestine, I am growing weaker and weaker every hour. My limbs are thinner and my abdomen is sunken. My karsh [belly] has disappeared. Was able again to stand up alone and wash my face but fell back on my bed while drying my face and nearly fainting. No cramps in my stomach today. I dozed for about half an hour or so till about 12.30pm. 1.30pm – Fuad and Yacoub came back from lunch. They say my face looks more sunken than usual and my eyes are glaring. Still I really am not feeling what they call pangs of hunger. 4.30pm – Pasha and Rashid came early today under the impression they were to give me some food. I refused when all of them, after discussion, decided to go on hunger strike tomorrow morning in order to force my hand to give in. I have decided to paralyse my own body but not my friends’ bodies. They decided that they will remain on strike until I gave way. 6pm – Lanier came and my friends told him about their decision. He came to see me alone and we had a long talk. He said again I had no right to penalize a man 70 years old and the other comrades. He was very kind today and had his bed-side manners with him. He said by giving way I would be making a noble gesture and nobody could blame me for ending my strike. He quite sympathized with me – realized perfectly the cause that drove me to do that act. But remember, he said, your country and your wife and children all need you and so on. I promised to think it over. When he left my friends decided to go on with their strike tomorrow morning and I left my decision till tomorrow. 7.30pm – Headache, backache, and cramps. I can hardly raise my head from my pillow. Those flashes around my eyes are troubling me a lot. I am no longer reading during the night. Even during the day, I can’t read more than 5–10 minutes at a time. 9.30pm – Went to sleep groaning.

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Wednesday 28/9/1938 A very restless night, awoke several times; groaning and moaning all night and turning from side to side, slept about 4 hours in all until up at 4am. 5am – Stiff as a board and could hardly raise my hand. Head paining me and a sensation of emptiness and cannot concentrate with a sort of fainting fits; but was still able to stand and pass urine although had to support myself here and there. 7.30am – Fuad came to my room and inquired. They are going on strike also and by 8am every one of them was on his back in bed with a Vichy bottle and a glass of water near him. I always feel better during the day than the night – it may be the loneliness, as by day all my friends are around me. But in the night the whole place looks so gloomy and sinister, the wind moaning outside and my hut creaking and making queer and weird noises every now and then and the lizards clacking all night long. 9am – Our bungalow was as quiet as the grave, one could hardly hear a sound, word seems to have been sent to the authorities about the strike of my friends, and I could hear the rattling of Westergreen’s motorcycle going and coming several trips. 11am – I can hear Yacoub groaning in his bedroom which is just adjacent to mine. Naturally he would. Yacoub is normally a gourmand; I can see very well why he groans when he had to breakfast on a glass of water and some Vichy instead of his usual milk, cheese, eggs, bananas and whole big Papaya fruit. I became really very touched. Why should they suffer for my sake? I told Government I wanted to penalize my own body, but I never intended to penalize others’ bodies. 2pm – Heard the hoot of Dr Lanier coming. He came into my room looking as pale as a lemon. He came and sat on my bed and said: ‘For God’s sake what are you doing Doctor, it is sheer madness. I can understand your committing suicide, but I cannot conceive of your committing a quadruple murder; Hilmi Pasha cannot carry on a fast more than three days’; and then he began to beg me to give it up. ‘Believe me’, he said, ‘If you do it, it will be to your credit, and I promise you that I shall do everything in my power for you. We are all of us so worried about world conditions preparing for defence that we are at a loss [as to] what to do. Don’t embarrass us more. I assure you the Governor and the British Government will not forget this gesture on your part.’ ‘I advise you to write and inform us officially that you have ended your strike on account of the state of affairs in the world, therefore (1) you do not want to embarrass the British Government, the governor and local authorities here and (2) because of the conditions of your friends who are old and cannot tolerate a strike.’ ‘Put it as you like’, he said, ‘put either reason first, but believe me this will be greatly appreciated.’ I spoke a few words, and tears and sobs choked my voice and I could say no more. ‘Shall I get you a little milk?’, he said. ‘Not now, I will take some at about 4pm.’ ‘But you give me your word of honour that you would take milk then – shall I go and tell Rashid? And mind you I am also going straightaway to tell the governor.’ ‘Yes’, I said, ‘do.’

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He shook my hand very warmly and was on the point of kissing me. Then he went to the rooms of Fuad and Yacoub and told them the good news. Both came into my room. Fuad was just having a headache and a peculiar sensation in the pit of his stomach. Yacoub was giddy and said: ‘I can’t believe that you have stayed seven days on water. It is a miracle and especially when you still feel quite fit.’ We had a good laugh about it. 3pm – Had a weak cup of tea with some milk – my friends also drank tea. 3.30pm – Rashid sent word [asking] whether we have decided to give up the strike at 4pm. Fuad replied in the affirmative. 4.30pm – Rashid came. As soon as he reached, he fell down on the chair and begged for a pill of aspirin and something to eat. He had a severe headache and said he didn’t think he would have continued till tomorrow morning. Fuad ordered tea for him and some cheese and Labaneh sandwiches, which he devoured ravenously. When coming up he had asked the Pasha how he was feeling. ‘Leave me alone’, said the old man. Rashid said Pasha was coming at about 5.30pm. We talked and discussed the whole situation. 6.30pm – Pasha did not come. The old man must be feeling rotten without his breakfast and lunch. I took a glass of milk and Vichy and Rashid left. 7.30pm – My friends had supper and at 8 I took another glass of milk and felt a bit better although still weak. 9.30pm – Had a cup of tea and a pill of Gardenal and hoped for the best; and tried to go to sleep.

Thursday 29/9/1938 I think I slept after 10pm till about 3am then awoke and slept again till 5am. 6am – feeling better this morning although still weak, but no cramps or headaches. At  7am Pierre brought me some tea and I had two cups with a little milk; and felt somewhat refreshed. 8.30am – I have a six- or seven-days growth of my beard and I look dirty and horrible and decided to risk a shave which I did without one single wound. Toilet, washed my legs, face and hands and rubbed part of my body with eau de cologne. Still tottering and feeling faint. 11am – Lying in my bed, temp. 99.4 F., pulse 84. Why this hectic fever? Took a glass of weak lemonade and tea. I sent a letter dated yesterday to the governor telling him that I have decided to end my strike for the time being as I didn’t want to embarrass H.M.G. or the governor and his local government and for the sake of my friends who should not be made to suffer for me; also thanking Dr Lanier for his sympathetic attention. 7.30pm – Westergreen came with a letter from the Committee acknowledging receipt of my letter and stating that H.E.’s personal conviction is that I made the best choice at a difficult moment for me and my friends.

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Friday 30/9/1938 Last day in our first year. Slept better this night than any of the preceding ten nights. Awoke at 4pm. My temperature was normal, pulse 72. Had a cup of tea and a spot of milk at 7am. 10.20am – Nageon, Horner and Rashid came and we thought there must be good news. It turned out to be a courtesy visit. Nageon said that Lanier and the Committee have approached the governor and recommended strongly that we be given our complete freedom. The governor promised to consider the matter. He also told me privately that the governor was very pleased from my letter of the 28th inst. and was glad indeed of its tone and has appreciated it greatly like everybody else. We talked about the War and so on and it proved that this morning the meeting of the big four at Munich was a success and that they have agreed to practically all the major points. Hitler agreed to postpone till  7/10/38 when German troops will occupy and Czech troops will retreat. There will be English and French troops in between pending the exact erection and fixing of frontiers. So apparently there is going to be no war this year. Hitler has won. Both Nageon and Horner were very kind and gay and we were joking and laughing as if nothing had happened. One thing for example interested me. He (Nageon) said that they were or had worked up a system of some sort of defence in Seychelles in cases of emergency i.e. War. They had eighty rifles, only eight of which fired straight! And the others were useless, and they had, in all, 4,000 rounds of ammunition for these rifles [which are] 31 years old! And Horner winked at that, saying Nageon knows his business as he is the chief of the Defence Committee! 12pm – I sat with Yacoub and Fuad in my room chatting, I was worried my temperature rose to 99.8 F., Pulse 86. Friends returned at 6.30. War anxiety over. Meeting of big four successful and solved the Czech Government’s problem by accepting most of Hitler’s demands. Chamberlain is really the man of the hour instrumental in bringing crisis to a safe end, although Mussolini is to be praised also. In hearing most of the European capitals tonight, the roaring and cheering from the crowds was deafening, as I told Fuad one can say ‘Europe gone mad’ but with joy and not fury. The scenes must have been exactly like Armistice Day in 1918 when ‘Europe went mad’ with joy for cessation of war. I am sure nobody wants war these days. Hitler and Chamberlain have agreed that the two nations will never go to war again at all. This is a stupendous achievement on the part of Chamberlain whose name will go down in history.

Saturday 1/10/1938 Anniversary of our deportation – I am preparing a cable to the High Commissioner. Slept well and late today. Rose at 8.25am although I awoke once or twice during the night.

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The draft of the cable was written, translated into Arabic and handed over to Yacoub to show to Pasha and Rashid. I got a reply at 12 that they both agree to the text. After Fuad sees it, it will be sent in the afternoon. When Fuad came back at noon he told me that he had seen Dr Lanier, who informed him that he was made to understand by the governor that a cable was received stating that the colonial office is arranging for a specialist from Zanzibar to come to Seychelles to examine and report upon my health and that of my friends. Dr Lanier said that he may be coming to see me about it in the afternoon and communicate this to me officially; but in case he was busy, would Fuad please let me know about it. I don’t consider this is good news – I haven’t asked for a specialist simply to come, poke into my throat, say there is no cancer, and then depart. I wanted to consult specialists of my own and have treatment. I didn’t want another dictated government doctor to come from Zanzibar with special terms of reference provided by the S. of S. If they think we are agonising, we are not. If they believe that if we stay another day in Seychelles we will die – we never said so. Anyhow I have to await Lanier’s arrival to be able to argue the point with him. Central European problem settled. There is no more excitement from the various stations, which are practically returning to their normal tones. Arabic BBC programmes rotten. I must tell Stuart Perowne about it.

Monday 3/10/1938 Slept well tonight and better than any previous one. Up at 6am but still feeling weak. My temperature still goes up and at 9am I sent a specimen of my sputum to the hospital for bacteriological examination. Dr Lanier came at 12.10pm. He informed me about the approaching visit of the specialist from Zanzibar. He may arrive with the Dutch boat on the  7th inst., but they still had no such official information about his date of arrival. I asked him if he had no objection to give me this information officially in writing. He said he had no objection and will do so. Asked who the specialist would be and what kind of specialist was he, he replied he had no news about that, but his personal information is that there is a ‘surgeon specialist’ in Zanzibar (a medical officer) and a matron – he mentioned the name – who has been there for years. It may be that he is the man who may be coming. If he does not arrive this month, then he will come in November with the next boat due on that month. And added by saying, then we will have all these matters settled I hope. Asked whether he had recommended to the governor (this by Fuad) that we should be given our full liberties, he replied he had done so several times, the last time was last week and that he will see H.E. again. Then I discussed with him the question of my hectic fever which had been going on now for two months. He looked long and examined the temperature charts. I told him there must be some sort of nucleus of infection somewhere. He was inclined to believe it was either my duodenum or gall bladder. I differed and said it may be my chest. He had received my sputum specimen which he had centrifuged but not examined yet and will let me know the result later on. I pointed out to him the importance of a leukocytosis

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and differential count, to which he agreed. I mentioned to him that some years ago I had a remarked increase of lymphocytes (50–55%) for some time which was suggestive of lung trouble or gland somewhere at the Hilum. He said he would wait to see the sputum and if the specialist is not coming on the 7th inst., he would send Dr Joseph, M.O. in Praslin, up to my bungalow to take my blood for red and white cell examination. It is ridiculous when he himself should suggest all the necessary treatment and examination to cover himself up in case something is found; that I should be leading him and suggesting to him what to do. Suppose I had not been a doctor, God knows what my fate would have been at his hands. And he is supposed to be the best doctor on the island (well there isn’t anybody else! So he must be the best). All the afternoon still feeling weak and have pain over the apex of both my lungs. Can it be T.B. after all? I hate or rather shudder to think of it, if told that my sputum was positive for T.B. Bad news from Palestine tonight about  170 casualties in three days. Arab bands entered Tiberius and killed 21 Jews! When is it going to end? And who is now morally responsible to all that has been taking place since October last year?

Wednesday 5/10/1938 Slept rather well. Hectic temperature still on; received reply of sputum examination today. Negative for T.B. Also, a letter from the SMO confirming in writing the specialist visit. Do not know yet whether a specialist is arriving by the Dutch on the 7th inst. or not. Exciting news about Palestine tonight. High Commissioner flies this morning to London to discuss Palestine problem. In the House of Commons, although the session is a special one called for the World crises, yet the colonial secretary spoke about Palestine stating that conditions had seriously deteriorated since last meeting of House. Then explained the Tiberius massacre and how the forces were taken unaware. He then said that he was expecting the report of the Technical Commission before end of the month and that the government will lose no time in formulating their policy. Conditions are also stated to be still very serious and dangerous. Rashid adds from Paris in Arabic (which we did not hear tonight) that the British Government have been studying a solution consisting of: (1)  a wide Legislative Council; (2)  prevention of sale of Arab lands to Jews; (3)  limiting Jewish migration; (4)  a general amnesty. The colonial secretary added that all the bands are from within Palestine, no external influences at play, no new evidence of Mufti’s activities, but that he is still held responsible by the government for all that is taking place in Palestine. The coincidence of H.E.’s going to London, colonial secretary’s speech, the presence of Tawfiq Suwaidi,311 foreign minister of Iraq, in London and that of Nuri Pasha al-Saeed,312 all point to a quick solution plus tomorrow’s four-day parliamentary conference in Cairo is rather a good omen.

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I am beginning to think that our stay in Seychelles is not going to be for long – possibly another month or so.

Saturday 8/10/1938 Rashid came to see me in the afternoon, we had a long chat. Invited me to a Moutia – negro dance – to begin at 7pm in the light of the full moon in an open space near their bungalow. I told him I couldn’t go on account of my sickness, neither did Yacoub go. When Fuad came at 9pm he told me it was an interesting African dance by men and women reminiscent of the old African war dances.

Wednesday 12/10/1938 In bed all day not feeling well. Dr Lanier came at  12pm took my temperature, it was  99.6°F. Examined my gall bladder and liver. Discussed my sickness for  20 minutes and prescribed calomel and salts which I refused to take. He then prescribed a Formocarbon, a mixture of vegetable carbon and metropine. My gall bladder was kinder today and it may be due to it. Forgot to mention yesterday’s letter from governor in which he quotes paras from my private letter to Sir MacMichael, saying ‘we were officially informed’ and that I was accusing ‘this Government’ of saying things, which in fact were never said, winding [up] by asking my friends: either to agree to the accusations or refute them. It was decided to send a short reply that as this was a private letter from Dr Khalidi to the High Commissioner, the letter be addressed directly to Dr Khalidi, the man concerned.

Thursday 13/10/1938 Rashid’s repeated interviews with Nageon are a mystery to me. He has an appointment with him today at 3.30pm. What for? He even refuses to tell us the subject or motive for this interview. I think he pretends that by such interviews he may be able to gain some information. Shocked tonight by the news of the murder of Hassan Sidki Dajani. I think it is a most dastardly act of savage brutality. He was found shot on the railway line 10 miles from Jerusalem. The poor man must have been kidnapped from his house at Baqaa. I think it is a great pity. A young man and a father of a family with whom I have worked at the municipality for three years. The more I think of it the more shocked I become. The country must really be an inferno by now and who knows whose turn is it next.

Friday 14/10/1938 My temperature is going more up and I am feeling really rotten. It is aggravated by the advent of the hot monsoons. I sent a long cable to the High Commissioner

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with  30 rupees for its cost, accusing the Governor of inventing and distorting and misrepresenting my health condition. I wonder what will the governor say when he reads it and whether he will pass it on or not. In the morning also Fuad got a letter about his lift with Major Moller on Saturday. It says: 12/10/38 Gentlemen, I have the honour to inform you that it has come to the knowledge of the Committee that Mr Fuad Saba accepted a lift in Major Moller’s car on Saturday the 8th October. As this is considered to be a breach of the conditions attached to the relaxation of the restrictions imposed on your freedom of movement which were communicated to you in my letter of the 1st July, I have to inform you that the Committee will find itself greatly obliged to revise the rules which have been set for your observance if another breach of conditions occurs. Legal Adviser.

Treated exactly like school children and yet our friends are tolerating such insults and are inviting and being invited by Grimble and Co. Serves them right – I shall await what they are going to do. We three at least decided to send a nasty reply which we have drafted and which will be shown to Pasha and Rashid.

Sunday 16/10/1938 Up early sleepless night groaning and moaning. Fuad went to Church and had lunch at Beau Sejour. In the afternoon at about 5pm Captain Wardlaw paid us a visit. There was only Fuad to meet him and I told him to apologise for me as I was in bed. At 5.30 Pasha and Rashid came and both sat with the Captain who left at 6.15pm. Fuad told him all our story and Major Moller’s car lift. He said that he had heard from the governor that the restrictions were not imposed by him but by the colonial secretary. The governor even hinted to him that in granting him permission to visit us he is doing it on his responsibility and risk (The Liar!). The Captain said he may see the governor. I hope he won’t quarrel with him. I had a heated discussion with Rashid about his repeated requests to the governor and Lady Grimble of why they don’t visit us as they promised.

Monday 17/10/1938 News from Palestine as bad as ever and nobody knows where it is all going to end. A great Hullabaloo from the World Jewry especially in the U.S.A. where 3 million Jews in hundreds of cities were holding mass demonstrations in protest against rumours of Britain’s suspension or restriction of immigration.

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Tuesday 18/10/1938 Another restless night. Fuad went this morning at  8.30am to hear the chief justice decision on our libel case. He read a learned judgment of about 10 pages in which he refused joining all five together and the case must be submitted by one alone. Benson will be arranging it accordingly and the case is fixed for Thursday morning. In reply to Fuad’s affair [accepting a ride with Major Moller], here is what the Pasha wrote to the Committee: 18/10/38 Sir, In reply to your letter of the 13th inst., I desire to state that your communication shows clearly that you have no confidence in us or in our word or undertakings and that the promises made by your Government and your Committee for obtaining the possible liberty necessary for the preservation of our health and life are nothing but nominal compliments which did not and will not result in anything. I therefore ask that you reconsider the conditions put on us and that you will take the maximum and strictest measures against me, and let history register for you what you desire of such glorious and memorable deeds. Signed, Ahmed Hilmi.

Three cheers for the old Pasha who has awakened at last. Every one of us would have signed this letter with him. With regard to the letter about the passages from my private letter here is my friends’ reply to the governor: 16/10/38 Sir, We refer to your letter of the 11th inst. and in reply thereto, we beg to state that it is not our duty to reply to extracts from a private letter sent by Dr Khalidi to the High Commissioner for Palestine. Yours faithfully, Hilmi, Rashid, Yacoub, Saba

Very sad news about the Old City tonight described in detail in Reuters. Battles are being waged there.

Wednesday 19/10/1938 Suffocating fits of coughing and wheezing panting and gasping for breath. Fever still on. Very bad news from the Old City of Jerusalem. Battles and storming of the Old City by troops. Worried about the family and kids but what can one do?

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Thursday 20/10/1938 Health ditto as yesterday. Most of the time in bed. Informed by the Legal Adviser that my cable to Ahmad of  18/10/38 was sent yesterday by code to the High Commissioner. They not [only] suppressed news of my hunger strike from my wife and family; they want to suppress my illness also. And the governor had sent with it an addendum as I can see from the receipt; possibly to say that ‘my health is not failing’. Again, the Jerusalem news are still rather disquieting. Troops are in occupation of the Old City now although occasional sniping.

Friday 21/10/1938 Very curious news from London this morning. Emergency regulations empowering the High Commission to confiscate or demolish the property of any Palestinian who fled from the country and who is engaged in aiding or abetting terrorists or intimidation. This means up goes the Mufti’s house in which George Antonius is residing as a means of revenge. What a foolish idea to do that? I am sure it is not going to get them the Mufti on his knees if they threaten with this measure or put it into effect. Anyhow they think it is good to combat terrorism by counter-terrorism even if a man is outside Palestine. To confiscate his property – I understand that – but to demolish it is cruel work.

Saturday 22/10/1938 Nothing special today. Fuad had sent a few days ago a four-foolscap letter to the governor about restrictions to receive the following interesting reply. 22/10/38 Sir, I am directed by H.E. the Governor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 18/10/38, containing representations affecting the restrictions placed on your freedom of movement. I am to inform you that your representations will be forwarded to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies and to point out however, that as it is the Secretary of State’s intention to secure the visit of a specialist from outside with a view to obtaining an independent opinion upon the health and well-being of your companions and yourself, it would be unwise to expect any final pronouncement upon your case before that question has been settled. Legal Advisor. Disgusted and sick so I have to go to bed early.

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Sunday 23/10/1938 What can I write today? Sick and moaning – my throat in a suffocating grip and nobody cares a hoot. Here is [something different] for a change. We got the following information about the Egyptian deportees from Sadek Hussein – an employee of the Wireless and Cable Co. – where they lived for some time: Saad Zaghloul Pasha Premier of Egypt M.F. Barakat Pasha Cabinet Minister W. Makram Ebeid Bey Cabinet Minister M.A. Barakat Bey M.E. Nahhas Bey Sinnot Hanna Bey

The Premier and Ebeid Bey, who acted as interpreter and secretary, and a servant were landed at Mahé from the destroyer H.M.S. Clematis on the 9th March 1922. The four others, and two servants, arrived on the 19th March (same year) on board the S.S. Neuralia from Aden. On 18 August 1922, the Premier left per the cruiser H.M.S. Curlew on transfer to Gibraltar where he was allowed the company of his wife till he was given freedom in June 1923. The five others were given freedom with effect from the 1st June 1923, but left by the next opportunity which was on the 5th of that month per S.S. Karapara via Mombasa. While at Mahé they remained at Bel Air and at a certain time some of them resided at St Louis close by. There were no restrictions on their movements except that they were unable to leave the colony.

Monday 24/10/1938 Dreadful weather playing havoc with my asthma and throat. Heard some interesting news from the United Press Manila station: 1.  Arab rebels continue to perform several acts of terrorism in various parts of country. 2.  Synagogue and school are burnt in Jaffa. 3.  Tax collector’s offices in Beersheba, Nablus and several other cities raided by rebels. 4.  Arab rebels avowed intention to capture and kill … Bey Nashashibi (it doesn’t say Fakhri or Ragheb). All other Arab leaders who are not sympathetic with the rebellion have either been killed or left the country. Shocking news! Veritably the country now must be an inferno; and nobody is safe. It is a dreadful state of affairs which cannot be tolerated. All other radio stations, London, Bari, Berlin and Paris give news about Palestine and different versions to Reuters – who knows which is the truth?

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Tuesday 25/10/1938 Hot weather with downpours. It is First day in Ramadan. Yacoub is fasting not Pasha, Rashid or myself. Most of the day in bed except for a short walk in the garden at about 6pm. Here is the copy of Fuad’s cable of the 19/9/38 to Bishop Graham Brown in Jerusalem which went in code through the High Commissioner and must have been suppressed there like my cable to Moustafa Bey: Sorry to record with shame how Christian Governments pretending defence faith and preaching democracy and constitutionalism detain us without any kind of trial for twelfth month on distant island and under cruel and unnecessary restrictions to the detriment of our health while all our fault is an invalid moral responsibility which circumstances during past twenty years since deportation proved how false stop Request your kind efforts and prayers. Saba.

Another screed of Nousalli-lil-Rab [pray to God]. Fuad again sent a reply to the governor in the same tone.

Wednesday 26/10/1938 Awoke at  1.30am this morning hearing some tapping and moving about the house which I attributed to the increase in the number of rats for which we have laid several traps in the evening. I only dozed till  7.30am when Fuad came to tell me that the drawer of his table in the sitting room was opened and his papers all played with. We went and found a window open with a wooden chair on the veranda and the trick track box near the door and evidence of footprints outside. We had been visited last night and the voice I and Yacoub heard was no rat then, it was a thief who fled out as soon as he saw me switch the light and talk to Yacoub. We sent word to the guard Dingwell and told him to ask St Jore to report this matter at once to the legal adviser. We left everything as found to help the police. Up to 4pm nobody arrived and as Fuad was intending to go out and take some snapshots he didn’t find the camera in its usual place on the shelf in the sitting room. The thief had taken my dear old Kodak. I at once wrote a stiff letter to Nageon informing him of what happened and asked him to give instructions to the police at once to investigate. At 5.30pm Nageon came to see me. I was alone, Fuad and Yacoub having gone to town. He told me he had taken my letter and regrets it was his fault not informing the police as nothing was stolen. I learnt from him: (1)  Instructed our guards to guard the bungalow at night.

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(2) Will inform the police to look out for the camera and tell them to report tomorrow for investigation. (3)  No facilities here for either finger or foot prints. (4)  Thief catching done by spying on subjects and what gossip is collected. (5) Again, admitted that all previous political deportees were free to live their own lives. (6) Instruction done by governor but had received the approval of the S. of S. and Palestine. Governor cannot now modify or change without S. of S. approval. (7)  I told him about my health etc. and he could say nothing. He was rather worried about my letter, possibly he will get a rebuke from his boss for not taking immediate action.

Thursday 27/10/1938 Again, restless night and bad coughing, throat and fever. I learnt from Nageon that my cables were not sent till yesterday evening. A policeman and a corporal came at  9am and began taking the evidence of Pierre and Jean. I called the corporal and told him of what happened and smiling assured him that evidence-taking alone will not catch the thief. There was evidence for them yesterday but they wouldn’t come. Fingerprints and footprints are the things which catch thieves with evidence of their presence on the spot. I don’t suspect servants I said. If he wants them investigated in detail, he could call them to the police station.

Figure 10  H.F. Khalidi reading in his bedroom in Villa Curio (winter 1938).

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At about 4pm an inspector and the corporal and another policeman came again and took the evidence of all servants and left. ‘What is important’, I told them, ‘is that I lost my camera and you will never find it!’ Fuad received a reply to his second letter: 25/10/38 I am directed by H.E. the Governor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the  24th October, commenting on the reply, contained in my letter of the 22 October, on your recent representations affecting the restriction imposed upon your freedom of movement. I am to inform you that H.E. cannot undertake to extend your liberty further than the limits at present defined, until he receives authority to do so. His reports and representations on this subject are before the Rt. Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He will also lay your letter before the Colonial Office. In the meantime, he most earnestly advises you not to compromise your position and that of your fellow countrymen by exceeding the limits of your parole. Legal Adviser.

Friday 28/10/1938 Health as usual. Damp and torrential rains – it ought to be seen to be believed – in bed before noon. Paid 300 rupees to advocate Benson in balance of his 500 rupees fee for the libel case. No definite news about Palestine tonight. Zaki El-Hadef,313  Mayor of Tiberius, was shot and seriously wounded. Rumours afloat about the different solutions for the Palestine impasse; but nobody knows the truth yet.

Saturday 29/10/1938 A lot of rain during the night. A rather hot day today. Fuad and Yacoub went to town before noon. They had their hair cut and went to see Nageon re the dentist fees. I had advised them yesterday not to pay it but pass it on to the Committee for settlement. Dental treatment is after all part of the general treatment. Fuad tells me he understood from Nageon that: (1) They are expecting with this mail (between 1–6 and 8 next month) the S. of S.’s reply regarding governor’s reports and representations. (2) The governor was very angry because Lanier had lunch at Beau Séjour without his permission. (3) He had asked the governor for permission for him and his wife to visit Pasha and Rashid but he refused.

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(4) The governor will probably refuse us to repay Rev. Sole’s visit as he is not on very good terms with him and may approve of Captain Wardlaw as he is his friend. (5)  The governor does not pay much attention to what his Seychelles advisers say. (6) The new Supt. of Police, who is a Britisher, is arriving with the mail boat on 1/11/38 and will come with Nageon to pay us a visit and get introduced and that being an Englishman the governor may hear from him about us. It seems that everyone on this Island is indignant with the ‘Big One’ and that he rules them with intimidation and terrorism.

Sunday 30/10/1938 As usual re health and climate. I am ashamed from complaining and moaning. This morning the Police corporal and constable came to see me. They had found the camera. Two subjects were arrested. They had sold it to the local photographer a certain Mr Vel for 5 rupees stating they had bought it from a sailor on the big German schooner which was here a few days ago. They are to be prosecuted tomorrow before the Grand Ziz! They will also show the camera as an exhibit and return it to me after they are convicted or otherwise.

Monday 31/10/1938 Up at 5. I received a cable from Ahmad today asking me to ‘wire health’ to which I replied. Another from Thabet asking details of fever for doctors’ information I wired back 76 words costing me something like two pounds. Hilmi Pasha received one from ‘Mansour’ Amman asking him to ‘wire health’. The wire was addressed to Hilmi Pasha and his compatriots. Although Fuad tried to convince him to mention his health, Fuad tells me he refused. The Pasha’s reason is stated to be that the reply is going to Amman, the Emir may see a copy of it and think we are begging and therefore his reply was brief: ‘We all thank you and wish you prosperity.’ I told Fuad it was only yesterday that the Pasha came to see me and was so sick and suffering from a suspected bronchitis and had cough especially of the left lung, that I really was very anxious for him. If he does not wish to make representations about his failing health, I cannot oblige him. News about Palestine tonight: colonial secretary in reply to questions declared that the Technical Commission’s report was received by the government and that government policy and statement about Palestine will be issued very shortly. In the meantime, several incidents have taken place in Palestine.

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Wednesday 2/11/1938 Up at 7am. This is Balfour Declaration day and we have no black flags! But the funny coincidence is that today is Fête des morts [Feast of the Dead]. I hope this bloody declaration will at last die. I got a cable from Abu Salah this morning handed at Jerusalem yesterday at 12.22pm and arrived here at  7.30pm. He says in it: ‘Result interview authorities satisfactory. Moustafa.’ Moustafa is a man who talks little and knows what he says and that’s all! I know him well enough to realize that he won’t send such a cable unless he had got assuring news from a responsible authority. But whether it relates to me personally and my transfer alone or to all of us, I really can’t say. But as the general policy is to be declared soon, he must have been told that one of the measures government is taking is the return of the deportees. This wire then relates to all of us. But if it is to be me alone then he must have been told that the matter of my transfer somewhere else for the sake of my health is being seriously considered. If he had been bluffed by the news that the colonial secretary is intending or endeavouring to send a specialist to report on my condition then, so help me God. Those people in Palestine would have given him a master stroke to appease him! Naturally I don’t know what were his responsibilities or possibly his threats if no action is taken for the sake of my health. But again, I say if he has been told about the specialist and he had sent that cable, I will swiftly burst with rage. I will wait a few days and then wire him again to the effect that if his interview with the authorities culminated in them telling him about the specialist, then he must have been deceived by them.

Thursday 3/11/1938 Rain and damp today. There is a strike on in Palestine to last till Friday. Still not feeling well. To bed at 9.30pm.

Friday 4/11/1938 Lanier came at 12pm. He stayed a few minutes just to say how do you do and to inform me – although he emphasized it two times that he had not been officially informed – that a throat and nose specialist probably an Englishman from Nairobi, and who had been some time in Cyprus – a certain Dr Philip [would come]. We have heard from Reuters that the Commission’s report will be published and Parliament will discuss it on the 8th inst. Well this is not very far.

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Sunday 6/11/1938 Westergreen brought me a letter from Egypt. It was from Wahideh written in French from the Continental Hotel. She has headed the Arab Women of Palestine delegation to the All Women Congress called at Cairo by Mrs Charawi Sultan.314 She says that Mrs Charawi and Katy Antonius315 are looking after her very well. Westergreen also tells me that Dr Philip the specialist arrived with the mail boat too.

Monday 7/11/1938 Had a very restless night up at  12 midnight. Yacoub tells me I was groaning and moaning till morning. I only slept about 4 hours. Took three aspirins and felt better in the morning but still complain lately of dyspepsia – pain after food and diarrh[o]ea after lunch. It must be my liver. At 2.30pm, Westergreen came with some letters. One from Ahmad – a long one – Walid and Abikarius Bey and Abou Khadra. Abikarius Bey’s letter is interesting – it is a reply to my long letter asking his considered advice about the local ordinance relating to our detention. He says it is no use taking any legal proceedings. At 5pm Dr Lanier came with Dr Philip for an introduction. He is a rather tall wellbuilt man, must be about 45–50 although does not look it. Is he Irish? He speaks good English with an accent. We had a long talk from which I summarized: – That he travelled much, was for years in Cyprus and visited Palestine in 1931 and 1934. Knows Jerusalem and all about its weather. – Practices at Nairobi where he has a wide practice and a rich clientele. – Is a nose and throat specialist and an oculist. – Speaks a lot about himself and his work and practice. – Said that Jews were coming in thousands to Kenya and are having a serious problem. – Said that they have even flooded England with illegal immigration by tens of thousands. – Says England is foolish to support the Jews. – Thinks German Jews are very arrogant and impertinent but clever. – Does not deny that they are a clever race who created well-known men. – Related how he got an assistant in London to help him in his work in Nairobi with a view to ultimate partnership not knowing he was a Jew. Although not a nose specialist he would train him to perform minor operations and paid his first-class ticket and made a contract with him in London. After coming to Nairobi, he had to go on long leave (5 months) to London leaving his assistant. When he came back, he found his name plate removed and replaced by a new one ‘Philip and Shokman’ without his authority. He found out that in his absence he had taken all his clients and circulated the fact that Dr Philip was an oculist and not a nose and throat specialist, that he alone had this qualification. They quarrelled and his

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Jewish assistant tried to blackmail him by asking for 400 pounds to leave Nairobi. He then put his solicitors on him and sacked him. He talked a lot about Jews. He had been to Aden and Hadramout. He lives in Kenya at an altitude of 6,000 feet. Although the climate is healthy and a lot of amusement, people get somewhat cranky. I remarked to him what about us who have not seen anybody for 14 months and are not allowed to talk to anybody?

Dr Lanier was not very pleased with all this free talk and although Dr Philip didn’t want to leave yet, Dr Lanier pretended being busy and they left. He had three weeks he said to examine me at leisure. He has heard about my throat. On the face of this first visit he looks to be a bavard316 and somewhat of a charlatan … My temperature shot again to  100°F. I told Dr Lanier about that yesterday and today, but he didn’t seem to take any notice of it; as he doesn’t believe me at all. I must first have a tête-a-tête talk with Dr Philip and tell him my point of view, show him my doctors’ reports and then explain to him how I was treated.

Tuesday 8/11/1938 At about 12pm Nageon and the new Supt. of Police came and paid us a formal visit and we were introduced. He is a youngish man about 27–28 years old, well-tanned being in the West Indies – but he seems and looks a very decent fellow not like the bulldog-Mumby. We had a long talk and explained our difficulties and our restrictions all over again and how we are treated. Nageon naturally admitted everything. He was impressed and will see the Governor to see what he can do; and looked sympathetic.

Wednesday 9/11/1938 This evening we had the Palestine news. The Woodhead Commission unanimously rejected partition as impracticable on account of political, financial, economic and other reasons. They submitted two partition alternatives which were also found impracticable by the British Government. Statement of Policy says: 1.  Partition given up. 2.  Government will immediately call a round table conference of the Jewish Agency on one side and the Palestine Arabs on the other with representatives of neighbouring Arab countries. 3.  Government reserves the right not to accept in conference those Arab leaders responsible for murder and violence. 4.  If the conference fails, Government will immediately proclaim a policy taking into consideration her international obligations.

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These are the main points. One thing is hinted at that the members of the AHC may not be the Arab representatives of Palestine i.e. we shall remain in Seychelles until further notice! That’s bad – but one still can draw no conclusions and we will have to wait and see.

Thursday 10/11/1938 Slept rather well tonight. At  9.30 Dr Philip came to see us. He stayed about two hours and we had a rather long talk. I explained to him exactly what took place from our day of arrest till this moment and explained all about the restrictions and their effects. I then related to him all that I have been suffering from and how Lanier had been treating us all this time. I also explained to him about my first telegram and the resultant D.M.B. and the way I was examined by its members. In fact, we had a very long talk and he repeated that he was not a government doctor but a private practitioner and that he had been requested by the Colonial Office to come out and examine us and that all his expenses are being paid plus £P 10 daily and that he will give his considered and independent report, and that his terms of reference are wide enough that he can give any recommendation and naturally the Colonial Office may or may not adopt them. He told me before going that he wanted to examine me and Hilmi Pasha at 5.30pm in his temporary clinic rooms at the Empire Hotel. He said that he was somewhat worried about the Pasha as he does not look healthy but he shall examine him very thoroughly. At 4.30 I left my bungalow in a car with Fuad and passed at Beau Séjour where after staying for about an hour we drove down to the Hotel. Dr Philip had not arrived yet and we sat on the veranda. There are a few patients already waiting for him since 5pm. Dr Philip then came and he took me into his clinic to examine me. He first wanted to examine my eyes and put a few drops of atropine for an arthroscopic examination. He then proceeded to examine my throat and had three very successful attempts in seeing the interior of my larynx and the vocal cords. He then made a very thorough palpable examination of my neck and throat. Then he pronounced his verdict that I hadn’t the least sign of a malignant growth in my larynx. He swore to that and said he would stake his reputation on it. But, he said, I must have an antero-posterior and a lateral X-ray of my neck to be absolutely sure. I told him that I had suggested that to Dr Lanier months ago. But he wouldn’t listen nor did he attach any importance to it. Then he asked me how long are we staying tonight to which I replied 9pm, when he said he would like to examine one of the waiting patients who was an old lady and would I mind. ‘Not at all’, I said. Fuad had gone home and I sat with Pasha and Rashid; my pupils so dilated that I was dazed by the electric lights. We waited till 7pm and although I meant to tell the doctor that we could stay till 9pm, I did not mean to say we will wait till that time. Pasha was impatient; and I had to send the doctor a note to tell him that as Pasha wants to have his dinner; we will see him tomorrow.

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Friday 11/11/1938 Armistice day. I began today taking my temperature every hour for Dr Philip’s information. The highest reached was  99.8 F. At  9.30 Dr Philip came with his oto laryngoscope and his eserine drops. We had another long talk with the doctor. He had to leave early as he was supposed to appear at Armistice Day function at Garden Square otherwise H.E. would surely notice he was missing and it wouldn’t be nice. Fuad went to town in the afternoon with Yacoub and when he came back, he said Dr Philip was lunching with Pasha and Rashid and then wants to examine me and Pasha. I said I would go down tomorrow, at least to be present when he examines our old man.

Saturday 12/11/1938 I slept rather well tonight, although a lot of coughing and wheezing in the morning. At 11, I went down with Fuad and stayed at Beau Séjour. Dr Philip arrived at about  12.30 and we had a talk. He wanted to examine my chest and abdomen and Pasha’s after lunch. Then he hinted that he had received this morning a confidential letter about me from H.E. He seemed a bit worried about the demand. Apparently (although he did not say so exactly – but I deduced) my wife in Jerusalem knew of my long cable to Thabet and was greatly worried and must have submitted a very urgent representation to the authorities there; who in turn cabled here to ask for a comforting report from the specialist to appease her worry and anxiety. Dr Philip seemed to be reluctant to submit a preliminary report, he did not want to commit himself before completing his thorough examination. But he may be pressed to do that. I had better therefore send some sort of a calming and comforting cable to my wife. Then he mentioned about my having to go at 5pm to the hospital where Dr Lanier will give me an injection of Quinine. ‘An injection of Quinine!’, I said ‘But what for?’ ‘I told you’, he said ‘that your temperature may be due to malaria and I want to exclude it by Quinine treatment.’ ‘But I will not take an injection’, I said. ‘First it is so painful, second it may cause an abscess and gangrene, although done under aseptic conditions, as I have long experience in that.’ After all it is quite as good to take it by mouth! Then all of a sudden, I realized the cause. Probably when he had discussed this line of treatment with Dr  Lanier – although he himself had told me I should take it orally. Lanier suggested to him that I was not to be trusted! I may be ordered to take so many tablets of Quinine a day; but who could tell that I did take them; and it was not safe enough to take my word for it. The surest way was therefore to inject it into my gluteal muscles direct. I smiled and asked Rashid for his Quinine bottle and when it came, I also asked for a cup of water and then turned and asked Dr Philip how much I should swallow. Naturally he knew that I understood, and I know also that he understood what I had understood. I swallowed six grams and was told to take three grams at night.

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Because I had not rested, my temperature was from 12–3pm 100 F. and this was checked by Dr Philip himself. He began by examining my chest thoroughly. He took great pains over the examination. In my abdomen there was tenderness over the gall bladder with partial rigidity. He told me frankly he was worried about my chest which was full of bronchial rales all over and he said he must have an X-ray of the chest. I related to him many things about our medical supervision and treatment. Although I have been coughing like that for months and complaining of fever, my chest was not even auscultated by our treating doctor on his weekly visits. He found my knee jerks to be very highly exaggerated. He didn’t seem to attach much importance to that as it denotes our nervous condition he said. He then began with Pasha who was wrapped with wool like an onion. Pasha looks yellow, emaciated and sickly. ‘I am more worried about your chest’, he told me smiling. But he was worried about Pasha’s heart condition. He wanted an X-ray of the chest, not for the lungs but principally for the heart. Pasha showed his hand and foot as usual. Dr Philip told him to leave that alone. Everybody gets it in the tropics and as long as he wears socks and does not go barefooted, he will never get cured. I left them at 4.30 by car to Curio as I was very tired and went straight to bed. When Fuad came back in the evening he said he saw Lanier and Philip. Lanier was changed, he is not the man we know, he even was reluctant to say how do you do – naturally any adverse report by Dr Philip on us will make him look like a fool. Anyhow, we were to report to Hospital with Pasha at 9.45 Monday for the X-ray examination. I noticed another thing the other day when Dr Philip came and saw us in the morning. Before he left, he poked me in the chest and smiled and said: ‘You are drinking too much.’ I didn’t want to reply then but I shall find the opportunity later on. Here again Lanier had been talking into his ears. Naturally he would say to Dr Philip – what would you expect from a man’s health to be like in the tropics when he is drinking like a fish. Is that so Dr Lanier? I forgot to record that Benson came to see me Friday at 5pm about that libel case. He stayed about two hours explaining how the case will proceed on Tuesday and that I was the first witness. We discussed everything, and what he was going to ask me and what in his opinion would be the questions in cross examination by Bonnetard, Dr Bradley’s advocate. Before sleeping tonight, I again took six grams of Quinine Bisulphate.

Monday 14/11/1938 Slept well but still coughing a lot. Temperature not down yet although am having 12 grams of Quinine daily. I went down at  9.30am, picked the Pasha and went to the Government Hospital where I found Dr Lanier and Dr Philip waiting for us. Lanier met us in a jovial manner and was not rude as when he met Fuad last night. We went straight to the X-ray room and Pasha was stripped and his chest was auscultated and percussed by Lanier. He looks so skinny and emaciated. A plate of his lungs and heart was taken which when developed was brought for examination. He has a hypertrophied

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heart and Dr Philip said that he did not realize he had such a dilated heart and told me not to mention anything to the Pasha about it. Dr Lanier tried later to argue that it was not so big as the exposure was not instantaneous and the beating of the heart would give a bigger shadow. I don’t know whether his argument is sound – but we shall see later on when the negative is dry. There does not seem to be anything wrong with the lungs on first sight. His blood pressure was then taken, it was 115/80 a very low systolic pressure for his age. Asthenia and hypotension at his age and his emaciation are not good and the old man is sinking down gradually. I then went and had a talk with Dr Philip alone in Lanier’s office. He wanted me to come into the hospital for a week’s observation. He was frank about it. They wanted my temperature checked at the hospital and taken by the staff nurse regularly. They did not say it – but they do not seem to trust me. I said so and I told him that I only agree very reluctantly but I would not mention anything about it. He said also they wanted after the Quinine to put me on Emetine injections for a few days. I told him I had never had amoebic dysentery in my life but one of bacillary dysentery in 1935. Anyhow, he wanted to give a fair, comprehensive and detailed report and he didn’t want people to say that he relied on my temperature figures alone. Furthermore, apparently Lanier thinks that Emetine will bring down the temperature even with no dysentery. He had had several such cases. After some discussion I agreed to come to hospital either tomorrow afternoon or on Wednesday morning. I then went to the X-ray room and, in the presence of Dr Philip, Lanier took my blood pressure it was 165/95, the highest on record although I was quite cool and calm. To check the instrument Dr Philip took his blood pressure which Lanier made it 115 systolic. I then had three X-ray plates. All three were good but I had not seen them. Then I told Lanier about Pasha and his wish to enter hospital. Lanier said he would be delighted to admit him. I called Pasha and it was agreed to take him at 5pm today and I would follow him either tomorrow or after. I passed at Beau Séjour and told Rashid about Pasha’s condition confidentially then came back home. Slept a bit in the afternoon and have read over my case to enable me to refresh my memory for tomorrow in court. I hope that Mr Bonnetard will not try to tickle or irritate me and I can keep my head cool and steady.

Tuesday 15/11/1938 Awoke early at 5am. Shaved – bathed and dressed and we were ready at 8am to go to court by car. At 8.30am we had a few minutes talk with our counsel and 8.40 we were in court. There was an adjourned case before mine which only took a few minutes then our case began. I shall not endeavour to describe the court proceedings as I have to get an exact copy from the court. I was the first witness and my evidence took two hours. Defendant’s counsel tried to be nasty but the political issue was read out in court. It takes more than a Bonnetard to shake my evidence in a witness box. Benson thought

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Figure 11  The Seychelles Clarion reporting on H.F. Khalidi’s libel case against its owner Dr Bradley (November 1938).

my evidence was very good. Then came Fuad who stayed an hour, then a man from the Impartial newspaper. He was not so good. In the afternoon hearing Nageon stayed an hour. He was very slippery and evaded certain questions while in others he pleaded privilege. On the whole it was not very bad. Then came Hilmi Pasha. Mrs James wife of Mr James of Cable and Wireless, who was born in Cairo and spoke Egyptian Arabic, acted as translator. It was so amusing to hear her speak in broken Egyptian. Benson decided to dispense with Mr Smith’s evidence (Director of Education) as his evidence may not be to our interest. The second day will be tomorrow.

Wednesday 16/11/1938 Fuad and Yacoub went at 8.30 to court. I had a bath, arranged my things and went to the Hospital for admission. In the afternoon I was received by Dr Lanier. When Fuad came at  5 he said that after Yacoub and Rashid gave evidence, Mr Terry and Paul Lionel owner of the Impartial gave evidence. All were not bad. Then Dr Bradley gave evidence in the morning and the afternoon and he was mauled and roughly handled by Benson.

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Thursday 17/11/1938 I slept two or three hours tonight only. Everybody is so kind in hospital. I am on a daily injection of one-gram Emetine, half-gram calomel in the evening and half-ounce Glauber’s salt early morning. My temperature is better, yesterday it only rose to 99.4 F and today 99 F only. Fuad came at 4pm. The rest of Bradley’s witnesses were nothing. They were all again mauled by our counsel. Then Bonnetard spoke for 1.5 [hours] in the morning and Benson for two hours in the afternoon and the case was adjourned for judgment. Probably in a week’s time. There is nobody in the first-class wards except me and Pasha and a certain Mrs Savy. The whole place is so monotonous and I want to go back home as soon as possible.

Friday 18/11/1938 News from Palestine are conflicting. Each station says something – What the Jews, Arabs, the Mufti and Ragheb are saying.

Sunday 20/11/1938 Cannot sleep in hospital more than an average of about four hours. I have to spend the rest of the night reading. Dr Christiansen came about noon. We had a long talk and he examined me and thought that with leucopenia [low white cell count] and slight fever, my ailment may be a mild form of paratyphoid or some infection of the gall bladder after my attack of bacillary dysentery two years ago. Then he hinted that naturally I was the patient of Dr Lanier and he did not want to interfere, i.e. he doesn’t want me to tell Lanier what he had said.

Monday 21/11/1938 I slept at midnight and was up at about 4am. The weather is rather warm and dry today and I have not coughed as usual. Dr Philip performed six operations today all tonsillectomies and adenoids. Two of the boys were from the Rassoul and Hussein families. The Rassouls have three: Shafi, Sadik and Ali; the Husseins two: Akbar and Askar. All were in the hospital this afternoon to visit their boys. Yacoub was to be admitted this evening to hospital to have his barium meal at 3pm and to be X-rayed and screened for a suspected ulcer on account of Ramadan.

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Tuesday 22/11/1938 News about Palestine this morning is not quite so definite. Sheikh [Saeed] Bitawi317 is stated to have died from his wounds. Egyptian papers seem to see that the only man who is in a position to negotiate is the Grand Mufti.

Wednesday 23/11/1938 I remained reading last night till about 1am. After 1 am it began to rain; and what rain, it has to be heard or seen to be believed. I was up at 5am having slept about 4 hours. Today is Eid al-Fitr. Ramadan Mubarak. i.e. the second on the island has fled away and here I am with Pasha passing the feast in hospital – our families knowing nothing about it. And so, the days have been going all along. You have to endure Pasha’s moods and try to smooth matters, or endure Rashid’s impertinence and inquisitiveness. I don’t know how I have borne all their talk and discussions all these last 14 months. I have also repeated time after time, had we been all five of the same temperament, mentality and so on, we may have been able to bear our exile more cheerfully, but with my present entourage, well, all I can say is ‘so help me God’. I am craving for the day when I can go back to my family and mix with the friends whom I love. I was furious and mad again this morning when I read Fuad’s news bulletin in which it was stated that the Mufti had again issued a statement signed by the Arab Higher Committee replying to the Woodhead Commission’s and the H.M.G.’s statement of policy and putting on the same old disk again: Stoppage of immigration and land sales to the Jews, abolition of Balfour Declaration and mandate. Substitution by a treaty like that of Irak. National government. Safeguarding minority rights, and British reasonable interests in Palestine. As if he was victorious and dictating terms to a defeated enemy – when instead Palestine is being overrun and screwed by dozens of British battalions arresting, hanging, routing and demolishing houses and the country is simply going to the dogs. I told my friends that the Mufti has no right to go and publish a statement on behalf of the AHC. Why doesn’t the blooming Government call us for the preliminary negotiations. Yacoub is so keen on representing the Arab Youth! He says that he will allow nobody to exclude him from such negotiations. My God if he ever does represent Palestine one day in London dressed in tails. He would be a sight worth seeing after an official dinner. All the hearty greetings and congratulatory telegrams for the Bairam that we received today were one from the Pasha’s son and Yacoub’s wife! Lanier and Philip swooped on us before noon. They first examined Pasha and then came into my room. After enquiring after my health and so on the man from Nairobi promised to come and see me later at noon. We had a long talk. It appears that as regards our mode of life and the restrictions imposed on our liberty he had already agreed with the Seychellois and recommended

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to the authorities concerned, pending the consideration of the full medical report to be submitted by both doctors, that we should be given our complete freedom and liberty immediately. I understood furthermore that: (1)  As regards Pasha, he and Lanier had agreed that he must be transferred. (2)  He and Lanier agree about our liberty. (3)  He and Lanier have not yet come to a definite agreement about my case. (4)  As regards Yacoub he suspects some lesion in the pylorus or the duodenum. (5)  He is trying to do what he can for Fuad and Rashid. (6)  That probably they would recommend our transfer to a place like Cyprus. (7) That the climate of this place does not suit us and is affecting our health adversely. (8) He hinted that he had heard from a source which he was unable to expose that we may be called back to Palestine for negotiations and therefore he would advise us to keep low and not to endeavour to do anything to embarrass the Government here.

Thursday 24/11/1938 I remained reading in bed till  1am. Asfoorat-el-Leil [night bird] as I call her (the night nurse, a 16–17 year old girl) came every hour to take my temperature. I still remember what my father once told me when he was in the German hospital about Schwester Clara during his stay for his prostate operation. ‘It is such women, my son, who will go straight to Paradise before me or you whether they are Christians, Jews, Moslems, or idolaters. This is real, charitable, honest work and verily they are the sisters of mercy.’ I awoke at 4am and then went again to sleep and finally was up at quarter to six. Pasha is not feeling well today. He did not sleep well and his intercostal neuralgia is bad, and he looks really quite miserable. He remained in bed. Fuad and Rashid came to hospital at 9am for their blood pressure, bringing with them the best item of news we have yet heard during the last 14 months. The colonial secretary, in reply to a question, said that the Arab representatives of Palestine will have to represent the local groups in the country (i.e. the parties, at least as far as I can interpret it). He was in communication with the High Commissioner who will individually get in touch with the leaders in Jerusalem. For the first [time] our name was mentioned. He said that if, after their negotiations and consultations, it is found that the deported Arab leaders or some of those excluded from entering Palestine, or even those who were interned, are wanted to represent the Palestine Arabs, facilities will be made to the deportees to come to London for this purpose. He went on to say that as far as the Mufti is concerned the position has not changed, and that the Government has nothing to say at present although representations have been received about the advisability of his representing the Arabs, while other representations were to the contrary.

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These are not bad news, in fact I think they mean that we are at last to go back to Palestine. They also corroborate what Dr Philip had told me yesterday. It seems therefore that the local Government knows something about our immediate future. At 9.30 Yacoub went for the X-ray and at about ten he told me after coming back that it was my turn to go down. I went to the X-ray room where I found Drs Lanier and Philip awaiting me. They wanted to screen me again to see the movement of my liver, which they did. They found that there seems to be some adhesion between the upper surface of the liver and the diaphragm especially on deep inspiration, when the liver moves up, but on expiration it does not drop normally and it remains adherent to some part of the diaphragm over the region of the gall bladder. After the examination they would not tell me exactly what their opinion was but they went to the office to discuss my case. Lanier came up and I told him that I was leaving. He said he would have preferred to hold me for a day or two to see how my temperature behaved after my course of Emetine and purgatives. I told him politely that I was competent enough to do that and will show him the record of my temperature. He said nothing. He even does not trust me – the blooming beggar, as if I was going to give him an incorrect record. Dr Philip came at about  1pm and we went to lunch. We had another long chat together. He told me part of his argument with Lanier about me. Lanier is of the opinion that my temperature is due to some sort of inflammation of my liver as manifested by the adhesions on its upper surface. His line of argument tends to go for the liver which is the cause and that condition is aggravated by my drinking. But, on the other hand, Dr Philip was working in his argument the other way around. He is of the opinion that the fever is due to some lesion at the base of the right lung – inflammation and congestion – that this inflammation has affected the diaphragm, which in turn became adherent to the upper surface of the liver. If this is the case then the question is whether such a climate affects such a lung condition. The reply is definitely so and therefore, I should be transferred from this damp climate into a higher and dryer one – Cyprus for example. In other words, Lanier refuses to go back on the opinion he had already given repeatedly before, that the climate does not affect my condition while Dr Philip is definitely of opinion that it does. Dr Philip told me many other things. He is not in favour with the governor who suspects that the doctor is already pro-deportees and is reporting in their favour. He has not been invited to the last two functions at Government House although he has registered his name in the visitors’ book, not on the first day but on the fourth. He again hinted to the fact that we should say nothing at present as it might prejudice our case. He went so far as to say that after the colonial secretary’s statement about us, his report would be useless. I said surely not. Governments don’t usually go back on their decision easily. ‘On medical grounds’ whether for resignations, dismissal or anything else is the vogue. Our return ‘on medical grounds’ there would be met favourably by all parties concerned. The doctor hinted that it was fortunate he had done five years as a general practitioner before specialising. His general report therefore would have its weight, he said. Although he could, according to his instructions, [have] only examined my throat and gone back, yet he had to a certain degree exceeded his terms of reference.

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I complained to him about Dr Lanier’s treatment and especially his neglecting my fever. He hinted that Dr Lanier was very cross with him because he had whispered in the authorities’ ears that our treatment was somewhat neglected and not as it should have been, especially with regards my temperature and general condition, as well as the Pasha and Yacoub’s stomach trouble which after all turned out to be a lesion in the pylorus. Why hadn’t Lanier taken the trouble to X-ray us then was a mystery. I told him that I had repeatedly complained to the local doctor time after time until I was sick and ashamed to complain to him every time he visited us. I asked him whether it wasn’t possible to give Pasha a push by sending him with the mail of the 29th inst. He said it can’t be done; and after all, one month is not going to make a lot of difference as the Pasha was not really very seriously or dangerously ill. I agreed but said his hypertrophied heart and hypotension with his debility and anaemia are making him sink gradually and to me he seems to be going down the ladder. I then told him what Lanier said about Pasha’s heart and that is not enlarged as it looked but the shadow was due to the contracting and relaxing of the heart itself. Dr Philip smiled and said: ‘I have after all agreed with Lanier about Pasha’s condition – he must leave this place as early and as soon as possible.’ Dr Philip was also very cross with Lanier, because the latter had submitted an urgent report to the Governor about the Pasha’s condition after he – Philip – had arrived here. I told him that was natural, the first day you saw Pasha after your arrival you at once spotted that there was something serious and having told the S.M.O. your first impression, he wanted to cover his tracks, as it were, and be on his guard in case he had to argue with you, to show that he already informed the Governor about his condition before you had the time to tell him what your opinion was. Lanier is after all a very cautious, foxish man. He didn’t want to be blamed later on as to why he had not reported on Pasha’s condition. I told Dr Philip that from the first month up till now, Lanier had always maintained that the climate had no adverse effect on us, attributing everything to worry, and shrugging his shoulders every time we complained saying: ‘You will be alright when you go back to Palestine.’ Dr Philip has after all come to the same conclusions which I had mentioned in my long report of May/June, i.e.: (1)  the climate of this place is affecting our healths adversely; (2)  that we ought to be transferred to a temperate cool and dry climate like Cyprus; (3)  pending this, that we should be given our complete freedom. These are the three most important recommendations of Dr Philip, who then said that Lanier is submitting his report separately also. I said Lanier as an official may not show him his report. He said well if he doesn’t, I will not show him mine, and we have agreed to hand copies of our reports to each other. I said Lanier was an official after all and possibly his terms of reference in the last board were very limited and he could not naturally exceed them. He replied thanking God that he wasn’t an official and he was free to submit his considered opinion as he wishes. He doesn’t care tuppence what the governor would say.

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I went so far as to say that it was with very deep regret, that I have noted all those weeks and months, that Dr Lanier did not believe our complaints. In fact, I think he imagined we were a lot of malingerers. Had we all been laymen I might have found an excuse for him, but being a doctor myself, his imagination, to me, was unpardonable. Before I left the hospital, Lanier came and took my blood pressure. He said it was 130/80 and compared this with 165/110 a few days ago. Lanier said he wished Dr Philip was there to notice the dropping of the pressure by himself. I told Lanier naturally the pressure may or would drop. I have been in hospital for few days, practically resting all the time on my back, no exertion, fatigue or worry and no mental or physical work. Then I have been on diet all this time – mostly fruits and vegetables. And thirdly and most important I have been purged during those days. He agreed to that, but I also read what flashed in his mind at the moment and why he wanted Dr Philip to have been present. He wanted to tell him that abstinence from alcohol was the cause of this drop and the rise was due to my drinking. I smiled and kept silent – but I would have liked to give him a bloody kick in his nose. I have heard that stunt said and played before I was appointed mayor. My opponent Nashashibi had been circulating the rumour amongst the foreign community of Jerusalem that I was a drunkard – 40 whiskys daily – was the slogan. For some time, the High Commissioner hesitated in appointing me, because he had believed that rumour. Tactics after all do not differ in medicine and politics. You can twist your report the way you like it to be and you can explain symptoms as you like giving it as your considered medical opinion. I had my weight taken today: Palestine 94 Kilos August 1938 87.5 K Oct. 1938 85.5 K First week Nov. 1938 85.5 K 24th Nov. 1938 83 K

When I have mentioned this to Dr Philip he said ‘God almighty it is the weather and the climate’; he had already lost 7lbs or 3.5 Kilos. We came back to Curio at about 6.30pm. I was so happy about it that I was fussing about in my room as if I was back at home after being ten years in Seychelles. Good news from London. Mr Macdonald had made a statement about the Arab and the Jewish point of views. Partition was impossible he said. We have solemn pledges to both nations. Palestine cannot solve the Jewish problem and it can only take a fraction of immigrants from Europe. We have already moved quarter of a million Jews there and at least 40% were Germans. When we gave the Balfour Declaration, we did not realize the difficulties. Even if Palestine was empty it cannot solve the refugee or World Jewry [problem]. Although there were a lot of terrorist bands yet the Arabs are scared and are patriotic. They won’t sacrifice their liberty for material benefit. ‘If we are faced with the same problem, the English will not sacrifice their liberty for material considerations.’ Winding up the Arab case, he said: ‘If I was an Arab I would

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have been immensely concerned over the huge immigration of Jews into Palestine.’ He hoped that negotiations would start before Christmas or deferred at most to the beginning of January 1939. He naturally spoke about the Jews in kind words and so on. Gravely concerned with their persecution; but never realized that they would be so treated in Germany. They are now in Palestine by right and not on sufferance. The Balfour Declaration policy benefitted both Arabs and Jews and so on and so forth. I think this settles our problem here and we shall soon be going back to Palestine. I think it would be on 27 Dec 1938. I don’t care neither do I give a hoot for London. All I want is to go back and see Wahideh and the dear kids. I want to go back home and say ‘to hell with London’. What have I got to do there? Damn it, after all I even can’t afford it. I must be back to see about family and private affairs and my plans for the future. I must discuss all this with Wahideh. I don’t think I will or can plunge into private practice after the age of  45. Moreover, I hate it also – to go and open a career in Jerusalem where competition is at its highest. No use deciding these things until I go back, meet Wahideh and see what she has to say about it. Then there is Ahmad, Moustafa, and all the others to consult. Oh, how I am craving to be back now; and I want awfully to see Pa and Ma and kiss their hands and feel them kissing my cheeks. Oh, I am sure much too much tears will flow when I meet Wahideh, Pater and Mater and all the other cousins, relatives and so on.

Sunday 27/11/1938 Yacoub and Fuad are going to have lunch at the Beau Vallon Hotel. They insisted that I should go and I went just for a change. The place is on a knoll with a lovely sandy clean beach. The bungalows are nice and clean and the manager Mr Delore is a charming Kawardha318 young man – very obliging and does his most to please his guests. He speaks English fluently. While there, a local family came to the Hotel. A Mr Morel, his sister and sister-in-law and her small girl aged two called Solange, a charming tiny fair delicate sweet girl. We had a nice day and I reclined on an easy chair on the sandy beach reading and watching the crabs. My two friends had a nice swim. There is an American author writing a book on South America, an old lady and her Major brother and another old lady with a broken arm. We had tea and then back home at about 7pm.

Monday 28/11/1938 Up at 5am, bad cough. Temp. highest registered at 5pm 99.8 F – rather high. Stayed in bed reading and then writing my mail which we had to hand tomorrow. At about 3pm Dr Philip came to say goodbye. He is leaving tomorrow. We had a long talk. He had seen the governor yesterday and today. Governor seems relieved about result of examination recommending Cyprus. He has had a lot of worries especially with me, smiled Philip. He again advised me not to

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do anything to annoy or embarrass the old man. I have got practically what I wanted and there is no use in being aggressive now. I said I have never started being aggressive. ‘Yes’, he smiled back, ‘provoked aggressiveness.’ I nodded smiling back at him. During all this time he was here, he had not been invited by Lanier to tea, lunch or dinner. He, on the contrary, invited the local man to have dinner with him tonight when the man insisted that he should have dinner with him. He is doing so reluctantly. Anyhow we had a rather long frank talk and told him how grateful we were all for his sympathy and kindness. There is an English Colonel at Empire Hotel, a huge bully sort of a swine from the Rhodesia army. Whenever he sees Philip, he asks him sarcastically ‘How are your Arabs?’ and had told him how he hates me. Why I don’t know! I have never spoken to him and he had only seen me once or twice. He said to Philip that I was a pugnacious sort of a fellow or something equivalent. Naturally he must have heard about me and all about the libel case. He thinks me a pugnacious man because I dared to bring a libel action against the English editor of the only English weekly. At 4.30 I got some news from Delhi. It said that in Jerusalem the Arab circles decided that most of the members of the Arab Higher Committee will represent the Arabs of Palestine in the London negotiations, and that Mousa Alami, the ex-Government advocate will represent the Mufti in these negotiations. Very good and interesting news after all. It is a great pity we are not leaving with tomorrow’s boat.

Tuesday 29/11/1938 It is a misty, rainy day. All the mail I got was a letter from Wadie Boustani and one from Jean (Yahia Khalidi) from Bordeaux and two Daily Sketches. I received a cable this morning from Uncle Abu Salah saying that he had not received any communication from me or my friends, and that he had done and is doing all that human power can do, with his best wishes and hoping to see us soon. It must be my last letter to Wahideh in which I had mentioned about my cable and that of my friends. It is a sort of apology for the suppressing of my hunger strike cable by the Palestine authorities. Boustani, in his letter – I think it is awfully decent of him to remember writing to me every now and then – is worried about my hunger strike. He then mentioned having met the Mufti on the first day of Ramadan. He says the Mufti had sent us cards months ago and got no response. In other words, he wanted to impress on Boustani the fact that he did his duty and having had no response, stopped writing. I think he realizes perfectly well that we are prisoners here and that our mail – unlike his – is censored. I replied to his card and sent him our photo. If it was suppressed; what can I do? As it is mail day, we cannot go to town today but at 1pm we sent a very nice bouquet to Dr Philip to the hotel with our cards. ‘From his Arabs!’ as the Rhodesia colonel of infantry says. A lot of news from Berlin about clashes in Palestine, land mines etc. The situation still seems to be as bad as ever and the troops are also as ruthless as ever in combating

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terrorism with counter-terrorism. One is inclined to be thankful sometimes for not being in the country during these tense months. I pray to God to protect my wife and four kids. I don’t know what they do with the children when all cars and busses appear to be on their protracted strike.

Wednesday 30/11/1938 Lanier came to see me at 12.30. He stayed a few minutes. ‘How do you do – how is your temperature; and how is your cough – then au revoir I hope you will soon go back to your country.’ ‘Thank you – Inshallah [god willing] – goodbye.’ Tomorrow the chief justice will give his judgment in the libel case. I am not going down, but Fuad will be there at 8.30am sharp.

Thursday 1/12/1938 The first day of our fifteenth month. No rain and climate a bit dry, but am still running my temperature. At  8.30am Fuad left to hear judgment. At  10am I had his written judgment message. It is in my favour. Damages  250 rupees. Costs half by defendant and half plaintiff. It is not as I wished it, but it is a judgment after all. Fuad tells me everybody in town seemed pleased and congratulating us. But unfortunately, the poor of the islands will receive nothing, as the damages awarded barely cover the advocate’s expenses. I did not leave my bungalow today. Rashid is still in hospital. Pasha is still sick. I am sure he is angry with me for not visiting him after my discharge from hospital. From Delhi to London we heard tonight of the meeting of  25 Arab Sheikhs representing about 10,000 Arabs! at the house of Fakhri Nashashibi in support of a letter he had addressed to the High Commissioner as the acting leader of the Arab Defence Party in which he condemns the actions and policy of the Mufti, who is responsible for the terrorism in Palestine. ‘Take the Mufti from Syria’, was said in that meeting ‘and everything will be quiet in Palestine.’ The Mufti’s terrorists are stated to have killed more Arabs than the troops whose behaviour has been exemplary. They thanked the secretary of state for the colonies and wished to be represented in the coming conference in London. Fakhri is again playing his game.

Friday 2/12/1938 Dr Philip will reach Mombasa this evening. Although he told us definitely that the government has sent a cable on Sunday and one on Monday last about giving us freedom immediately, yet a week has passed and still no reply from the colonial office. I replied to Moustafa Bey’s cable today: ‘Thanks for your encouraging telegram. Waiting to see you all soon. Greetings to everybody with my love. Khalidi.’

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Saturday 3/12/1938 Still not feeling well today, but as we are going to Beau Vallon Hotel for 3 days, I went to the hospital to see Pasha and Rashid and we stayed for an hour.

Sunday 4/12/1938 We left Curio at about 9.30am to Beau Vallon [Hotel]. It is a very nice and quiet place, four big bungalows three-roomed and a fair-sized dining room, a very clean sandy beach overlooked by green knolls about 25 feet above seashore level. All around coconuts and Takamaka trees. There is only one tourist – an American lady – Miss Alexander – 40 years old, who has been here for some time writing a book on South America and is then proceeding to Java to write another book. Westergreen was our chaperone.

Wednesday 7/12/1938 At 9.30 Westergreen came in a car (he had left St Jore with us) to tell Fuad that Benson wanted to see him today. He was back at about 12.30pm. Benson wanted us to say whether we are proceeding against Dr Bradley or not. He [Bradley] is not appealing, but refuses to settle with the other four – probably having heard we will be soon leaving Mahé. A car had come and Fuad thought it was Miss Morel and her friends and brother. The managers went to see the newcomers. Two minutes later, Sir Arthur Grimble and his new secretary Mr Cartwright stepped into the dining room. We were in shorts and open shirts. Yacoub was praying in his room and having his dinner. H.E. came to us smiling and said: ‘Well I have come in person to congratulate you; you are now free and here is a letter for you Dr Khalidi. Please read it first, then we will discuss the question.’ We sat down and ordered a whisky and water for both of them. In the letter, he informs me that we are free now and that he has issued his instructions to remove the guards from tonight and that we should not do political activities. Apparently, he had sent the letter to Curio and then was told we were at the Hotel, he therefore drove to the Empire and then the Palms and was told we were at Beau Vallon. He decided to come and see us in person. I must say after all that it was very good of him to come in person with his Government Secretary to break the news. After the preliminary thank-yousand-it’s-very-good-of-yous and that grateful and so on, he read to us the cable (which had come in cipher) from the S. of S., which briefly refers to the conference and the decision of H.M.G. to set us free provided we go and choose any place of residence outside Palestine, where the cable says, our presence for the time being would be undesirable. He wanted us to give him a letter each tomorrow morning choosing our place of temporary abode and an undertaking about politics. We then had a long talk about

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Palestine and the coming negotiations and I told him about that conference in London and that if it is successful, things will return back to normal in less than six months. Then I told him that I may have been nasty sometimes in my writings – but he must take into consideration our nervous state and he smiled and said: ‘Didn’t the colonial secretary say – Had I been an Arab, I would have done the same thing.’ He admires Mr Macdonald and said, ‘It is an honour for me to work under such a chief.’ He then proposed to go in person to give the news to Pasha and Rashid at the hospital. He wanted to know my opinion from a medical point of view about any ill effects to Pasha from breaking the glad news taking into consideration the state of his heart. I told him there would be no harm at all, more so when we all were expecting some good news before the 27th inst. We went with them to the car after having chatted for about three quarters of an hour. Naturally we celebrated the occasion. Beer and whisky etc. At 9.30 the mother of Delore and her sister came and we sat and gave them liqueurs. Delore is a natural son of his mother. He is white and his other brother is black. All or rather everybody here don’t seem to care a hoot whether they are legitimate or non-legitimate sons. At  10.30pm Westergreen came in the car of Confait with three of his friends to break the news which he had heard over the radio at 10. He didn’t know H.E. had come to see us. We gave them all two rounds of gins; and everybody looked so happy. Well we stayed till about 2am before we slept.

Figure 12  Commemorative photo of Rashid Haj Ibrahim with hospital staff after hearing of his (and his fellow Palestinians) release.

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Before the governor left, he called St Jore and told him to buzz off. Fuad intervened and told him he was our guard till that moment, he will be our guest till tomorrow morning. The governor liked this gesture very much.

Thursday 8/12/1938 Up at  6.30am with a splitting headache, slept only about  4 hours. At  9am we said goodbye to our American friend and drove straight to the hospital. We discussed the situation and all of a sudden Rashid came with a suggestion that we should tell them we prefer to remain in Seychelles if we are not going back to Palestine. Because, he said, they will pay our expenses here, while at Cairo or Beirut we have to pay our own expenses. I was furious and I told him point blank I refuse to discuss such a foolish suggestion. Then we differed as to whether we should register our names at Government House. Pasha agreed to leave his card. Yacoub refused to register and began to lecture on etiquette and so on and that we were leaders and such rubbish. I am absolutely fed up. I said I am going to register even if they don’t and ultimately all agreed. We prepared the letters stating: ‘With reference to our conversation of yesterday the 7th inst., I beg to inform you that I desire to proceed to Cairo, Egypt.’ We also gave the undertaking about politics. We went there to Government House at about  12pm. Sir Arthur was again very kind. We handed him the letters and he thanked us. About transport he wasn’t informed yet, but he was of opinion that a destroyer will be sent to us from Colombo (Ceylon) to take us up to Aden. From there those of us who were to go to London will be given the facilities of a warplane from Aden to Alexandria or by the P&O’s and B&I’s or other Dutch liners passing daily from Aden. He asked whether we were going to celebrate the occasion and I replied we were not quite sure. He said he wanted to celebrate it and would let us know in a few days. He then invited us to have a drink in his sitting room [where] we met his mother, the captain of the Dutch liner and the manager of the Dutch liner in Australia with his daughter. We had each a lime juice and we left them at 12.30 to the Empire Hotel. We found Yacoub with Mr Terry who was very pleased about it, invited us to have tea with him one afternoon, and a friend of his, Mr Walsh, who was in Palestine and Iraq, wants to meet us and invites us to go and have a drink with him. Mr Terry said that ‘we want to make you happy after all your fourteen months detention’. Telegrams began coming in from Palestine to all of us. I had one from the Shoumans of the Arab Bank and one from Ahmad in which he says ‘all prefer Beirut’ and not Cairo. I shall inform the governor tomorrow. And then I got two letters from Wahideh. Poor soul, she is so depressed and moody. Oh, how I am craving to see her soon. We had lunch and wanted to sleep in the afternoon. But about 4pm the six Lahj deportees paid us their first visit. I saluted shaking hands, but Yacoub hugged each one of them a la Arabish and kissing the head of their shoulders and their lihas [beards].

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We had a longish talk, but their visit was a rather shortish one, about three quarters of an hour only. At about 7.30pm I was sitting with Fuad celebrating, when in comes Major Moller, happy and gay as usual. We drank to the health of each other’s and talked and talked till about 10pm. He was delighted he said when he heard about our release and we spoke about our previous harsh restrictions, and he told us what took place between him and the governor just after our arrival. He was wonderful and if all Britishers were just so frank, open-minded and considerate our situation in Palestine would have been totally different.

Friday 9/12/1938 Our guards came to say goodbye and we gave them some beer to celebrate. At 5pm I went for a stroll around my bungalow in my pyjamas. While walking about I met our neighbour Miss Ferrari barefooted in a white silk dress patched at several places. They must be very miserable and poor people judging from her dress. She was pleased she said we were at last set free. Fuad had gone to the Empire Hotel. He invited the three Rassouls to have a drink with him. He came back at about 4pm in their car and Sadek Rassoul and Shafi came in and had another drink.

Saturday 10/12/1938 Up early before sunrise also not feeling well. Remained all forenoon in bed reading. The hours pass so slowly these days. At  3pm Mr Cartwright the secretary to government came to see us. He had three cables to read from the colonial secretary repeated to the resident [governors] at Zanzibar, Aden and Palestine, in which it was stated that a ship from Zanzibar (the Sultan’s yacht) has been chartered to come to Seychelles and take us to Aden. It will arrive on or about the 17th inst. and will proceed on the 18th. Arrangements should be made to meet and accommodate us at Aden and passage given from there to destination. All expenses to be borne by Palestine Government. We shall see what kind of ship it looks like when we embark. The secretary also said H.E. would like to make a small party in our honour. Would we prefer a lunch or dinner party? I said we would have liked that very much but unfortunately, we didn’t have our dress and therefore we would prefer an afternoon tea party. He took note of that and promised to let us know about the date the governor would fix. I mentioned to him about my residence and that I had received cable invitation from my wife that she prefers Beirut and I would let him know about that on Monday. At 4.30 I went with Fuad to visit Captain Wardlaw. He was at home and we stayed there an hour. He is a very nice man but due to all the Jewish propaganda he seems to be somewhat pro-Zionist.

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At 5.50 we were at the House of Mr Akbar Hussein. It was the first time I meet him and his charming wife and two children. The Rassouls were also there and we had a nice evening party. They are really charming people and we stayed till about 8pm. Mr Shafi Rassoul who is a Justice of Peace and Reuters’ correspondent also told me some rather interesting things about us. He said he had been requested from time to time to send Reuters by registered airmail everything in connection with our mode of life i.e. how we live – restrictions – Saba goes daily to town – Rashid is interested in churches and inspects them all – Dr Khalidi likes isolation, does not go to town, does not speak with anybody – prefers to remain at home, is suffering from asthma and rarely seen in town. In other words, a sort of gossip diary about us. That’s rather interesting and one can now see why Reuters has got so many ramifications all over the world like the tentacles of a huge octopus and collects information and gossip – possibly they know also how many whiskeys I used to consume a month. Reuters is mostly owned by Jews.

Sunday 11/12/1938 I have sent yesterday a cable to Wahideh informing her about our departure from here on the 18th inst. and telling her to meet me at Beirut. I went down in the morning with Fuad at  10.30am. I visited first the Lahj people at their home. They were very kind indeed and showed how grateful they were to me about my cable and letter to Stuart Perowne on their behalf. I promised them to do all in my power through me and my friends to help them go back to Lahj. They gave me a brief written resume of the reasons for their deportation. I met St Jore after I left the Hotel. I told him I had come specially to pay my respects and he was grateful, and we said good-bye. At  4pm Westergreen came to see us, at 4.30pm we went to the home of Ali Rassoul where Zaghloul and Nahhas Pasha lived for some time. We met all the Rassouls and Husseins there, Madame Ali was very kind and we had two snapshots of them all with their kids. It is a very big house and must have cost a lot of money at the time it was built in 1917. I met here a certain Mr Jawad Hadi, a cousin of theirs, a charming man indeed and the only one of the original Persian families who is still a Moslem and had not been baptized yet, because he refuses to do so. There are three or four bachelors yet, Jawad, Shafi, Sadik and Askar. They said they can’t find suitable girls for marriage. Rather strange as the place seems swarming with them. Two things I learnt from them about the Egyptian deportees: (1) That Zaghloul and Nahhas Pasha never spoke or intermingled with the local Seychellois here and that when they went to town, they either sat in chairs at the doors of Teemuljee or Moussa. Although they had then complete freedom, they did not even join the local club. I think they did not move about, because there was no electricity, radio, or cars those days and life must have been dreadfully monotonous.

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(2) The other thing which I learnt was rather ticklish, as I thought it applied to seertou el-hamra.319 Living near the Rassoul’s house was a pretty looking woman of 35–40 and her husband and children. For some reason the husband left her and she became friendly with Nahhas Pasha, then intimate relations and finally pregnancy resulting in twin Egyptians. A girl and boy. I haven’t seen them but S. Rassoul tells me that the girl is very pretty. I may like to see her before I leave just for fun. I didn’t have the opportunity yet to ask them frankly why did they switch over from Mohammadanism to Christianity. It is ticklish to ask such question I know. Then we had one drink – said goodbye to them all and I left with Fuad to town at about 7.30pm while Yacoub returned back home. Before the Empire Hotel we met Mr Terry, who is a very talkative fellow. He told us he knew the Sultan of Zanzibar’s yacht, which was a very comfortable vessel indeed. And then he spoke about Bradley and Hunt being Jews, speaking in whispers, as there is a lot of gossip he said on this island. I shook him off with difficulty. We sat on the Hotel’s veranda and Fuad, noticing some of his friends, went and invited them to have a drink. Mr Morel, Asst. Manager and his Mauritian wife, Miss Morel and her two girlfriends. We had a nice evening, and oh how the girls laughed and giggled at a poor old (72 years) Englishman sitting snoring near us practically dead drunk (Morel tells me he has bouts – dipsomania – and drinks from morning till midnight). We left the hotel at 9pm. I told Fuad that the governor had done us good by locking us up during the last thirteen months, otherwise with all these parties and invitations we would have gone completely broke.

Monday 12/12/1938 I got two cables from Ibrahim Hakki Taji and sons and from Haidar320 [Khalidi]. It is very good of Haidar to send that cable. At 4.30pm went downtown to the hotel where I met one of the Lahj old men. Then Yacoub passed and sat down with us and we had a cup of tea. Fuad came and we had to leave as we were invited to have a short drink with the crown counsel or legal adviser Nageon. There they were waiting for us at 6pm – Mrs Nageon and Miss Nageon his sister. We left the Nageons at 7pm and drove back to the Hotel where we sat with some friends and at about 8pm left by car to visit Major Moller. The drive up to his bungalow at Sans Soucis is a fear during the night but our driver Confait is excellent. It was very fortunate we had an electric torch light as on a dark night it would have been impossible to visit his place without tumbling and breaking one’s neck. ‘You have to be insured’, I told him later, ‘before one has to risk a visit.’ He was very glad to see us and we had two drinks each and he drank also, till he became tipsy. He had quarrelled with Madame Pilliéron lately and had cancelled a trip to Praslin with her and her nieces on Tuesday next. He said she had signalled to him early in

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the evening but he did not respond and she seemed to be cross about it. We saw her signalling again and induced him to reply. Then he did by going in his room and swinging with a hurricane lamp saying: ‘Come on sweetie – get on OK baby’ etc. She did respond, and after a long talk we left him because he wanted to go and see her.

Tuesday 13/12/1938 First thing I did this morning was to reply to H.E.’s invitation accepting. I wasn’t feeling well and I stayed all before noon at home. At 4.30pm I was at the Empire Hotel to meet Mr and Mrs Walsh whom I was introduced to yesterday. A more charming couple I haven’t met. Mrs Walsh is the typical beautiful cultured English lady. Mr Walsh is a correspondent of certain newspapers, tourist and apparently on some mystery government mission – naturally I couldn’t ask what. He had been less than a year in Irak some time ago and is the friend of King Ghazi321 whose guest he was for two months. He knows most of the Iraqi [leaders] and must have studied them carefully. He spoke about graft in Irak – the late Yaseen al-Hashimi322 especially. As to Nuri Pasha [al-Saeed] he was indebted to everybody in Baghdad i.e. he doesn’t pay his debts. We discussed the Assyrian problem and old Turkish officials. Then he had been travelling by car all through Africa – the great Sahara, in an  8-cylinder Ford: Uganda, Kenya, Rhodesia with his wife alone. She had seen the veiled Touwareg323 people, she told me. Then he came to Seychelles, where he is busy writing while Mrs Walsh spends most of her time reading, swimming and attending to their bungalow. From here they are going to Ceylon, Java and then China, India and back to England. Then he began asking about Palestine and I told him all of our problems with the Jews. Mrs Walsh told me how they were pouring into England and that last year there was an outcry about their influx; it must have increased tremendously now. If they are kicked out of England, there will be no shops remaining as they own most of them. The press, cinemas and all propaganda means are in their hands. When I told them the figures of Jewish immigration into Palestine during the last years, they were positively shocked to hear that. Then I told them all about the restrictions and how we were treated during our 14 months [sic] stay and the various incidents. They were positively shocked to hear that especially Mrs Walsh. He [Mr Walsh] told me when he arrived, he registered his name and left his cards at Government House but his cards were not returned and he was furious. He was accustomed to a return of cards even from a man like the Viceroy of India. While we were speaking, the artist of Mahé was taking Fuad’s and my caricature. Mr Walsh liked them so much that he ordered a copy which he wanted to send to the morning post for publication. He is writing an article about us which he hopes to go in the front line. He asked whether I would like any mention about our treatment here. I definitely said not to mention anything about the governor. He promised to let me see the proof of the article which in fact he was sending with me to post by an air mail from Port Said. I said I would gladly do that for him.

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Mr Terry sat with us for some time and as an Irishman he cracked a lot of jokes. He is a friend of the Walsh’s. A most charming pair indeed. When we were coming back to our bungalow Fuad told me he had invited the Ferraris to come and have a drink with us, which they did. They stayed more than an hour.

Wednesday 14/12/1938 Up at 7.30. Spent most of the morning tidying matters up and beginning to pack. Fuad tells me he met Mr Cartwright the young new secretary who said that the S. of S. had approved my going to Beirut. So that’s that. We learnt today from the governor’s secretary that the boat on which we are to sail has the name of al-Saeed and they have cabled for provision etc.

Thursday 15/12/1938 Awoke at about 8.30am. First, we drove down to the photographer and took two snaps and one with our Lahj friends. I then went to the Library where I presented some 22 Penguin books. Then we went to the Empire Hotel and had lunch with Mr and Mrs Walsh and again we had a long talk. He showed me the article he intends for publication about us and I had to correct certain things in it. I presented the book on Iraq by Philip Ireland to Mr Walsh, and to Mrs Walsh I gave Oriental Spotlight, B. Shaw’s Play Pleasant and Unpleasant, The Citadel by Dr Cronin and Cocktails at Six. I invited them to have lunch with me at the Palms Hotel on Saturday. I drove back home, and after a rest we went to the Governor’s party. The usual thing in every Government House. I met many people whom I knew and one or two strangers. I had a long talk with Rev. Sole. I also spoke to the post-master Dr Matheson. Dr Bradley was not invited and I am sure he will raise hell. Apparently the Walshs and Major Moller were not invited too. We said goodbye at 7.15 and everybody filed out of Government House. Three things I remarked about the Party: 1. Everybody comes at 5pm and all leave together at 7.15. 2. There is no introduction and the governor does not go round about seeing his guests. 3. Ladies sit alone and the men alone. All recline in their chairs and gossip with his neighbour all the time. Plenty of booze consumed. At the Empire Hotel, we sat with Rashid, he invited the brother and sisters of St Jore the guard. When Major O’Connor came (and was tipsy) I sat with him for about an hour and had two rounds. A long discussion about Palestine, Irak, the near East, the general policy of Great Britain. We had rather a lively debate and I gave him hot. He had to admit that I am

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a well-informed man and he was beaten. He was with the Iraki Army in the signals for  6 or  7 years and worked under Nuri Pasha and speaks Arabic. He is now on a mission for the British museum, collecting specimens of rare seabirds from the outlying islands.

Friday 16/12/1938 We have been invited yesterday by the chief Justice to have lunch with him and Mrs Gardner-Smith. I drove to the house of the Grand Ziz. Rashid was there and an official of C.W. and his wife … We had a nice lunch at the end of which His Honour spoke a few words of greeting and I replied thanking him and his wife and said how grateful we were to meet such good friends in the island.

Saturday 17/12/1938 At 11.30, drove to the Palms Hotel. I took three or four books for Mrs Walsh. Gone with the Wind etc. Had a very good lunch and sat till 4pm discussing different topics. At 5.30 went to Empire for the small cocktail party, all our friends were there. At 7pm left with Mr Jore de St Jore of the Palms Hotel to Beau Vallon. Major Moller, Mrs Pilliéron and Miss Jumeau were there.

Sunday 18/12/1938 Our last day in Seychelles. At 6.30am I was awakened by Yacoub; al-Saeed our Zanzibar boat was steaming into harbour. While Fuad was about to go downtown to settle the bills and do some shopping, I wrote a note to Mr Cartwright asking him to let me know the exact hour the ship would be leaving. At 12pm, he came himself and told us that the ship will not be leaving before about 4pm tomorrow, as they had to do something or another to the boilers. He had met the captain, the second in command and the chief engineer who are the only Europeans on board. The rest of the crew are Indians or Zanzibarians. At about 5.30pm I went downtown where I met Mr Morgan the mate of al-Saeed who informed us that they are preparing a small bitters party at 11am to 1.30pm on board and we were to invite all our friends on board. I sat down with the Lahj people for some time and then at 6.30pm went with Fuad to a small party at the James’ of the Cable & Wireless. We met many friends and remained there till 8.15. Then our party came – the usual crowd: the Gendrons, the Morels, Rassouls, Husseins and some other young girls. Askar Hussein brought his nice large gramophone and there was a lot of dancing. We had a pleasant night and we drove back, after inviting all of them to join us on board the ship tomorrow at about 11.30am.

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Figure 13  Formal photo of the Lahj six exiles in the Seychelles who were allowed to go back to Aden in January 1940 after an exile that lasted for six years.

Monday 19/12/1938 Up at 6am with a splitting headache. Did all my packing early and at about 10am all was ready. A bus and a taxi arrived, we said goodbye to Curio where we had lived for 14 months and eight days. People were waiting for us at the Empire Hotel and I had to do some shopping first at Teemuljee and Adam Moussa. Rashid and Pasha had lunch at the Hotel with the Nageons, but we left in batches on the ship and government launches. It was a fine small ship over  2,000 tons. We and our guests went around the ship and looked at the cabins and saloon and dining rooms. Oh, how many of them craved to come with us to Aden and envied us our trip on this lovely small ship. Major Moller, Cartwright, Pilliérons, Jumeau, Gendrons, Morels, Rassouls, Husseins, St. Jores, Westergreen, Wardlaw and others were there. The captain and mate served our guests and we had an awfully good time. Mr Terry and Major O’Connor were there also and took some photos. Towards 2.15pm the guests were ready to leave; before doing so, however, Mr Morel (junior) stood up and gave a short speech in our praise drinking to our health. Fuad replied on our behalf as I was beginning to get giddy from the slight motion of the ship. He then drank to the health of the Seychelles. I then asked all and everybody to give three cheers for Seychelles and the Seychellois and the ship rang with our ‘hurrahs’.

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I then gave three cheers to the captain, mate and officers of the ship followed by three yoi-yoi-yoi’s for Major Moller and the response was marvellous. And before they left all stood up and sang ‘for he is a jolly good fellow’. The farewell parting was really very touching, I saw some of the young girls mopping the tears from their eyes. Well we had entertained all our friends in a manner which they had not seen for years and which they will never forget. I was wondering when they left why the Walshes’ had not arrived when at 2.45 they came panting. They could not get a steam launch and had to come in a rowing boat. Mrs Walsh was in a velvet pyjamas and green blouse and looked charming. We sat aside and chatted and when the captain and his second came, we had a marvellous tour before we lifted anchor. Mr Walsh gave me his letter to deliver by first air mail and then he took about two dozen photos and snaps. He gave me one film and asked me to forward it to an address in London. At 4.15 we lifted anchor and said goodbye [to the] Seychelles. The sea was rather calm but towards 6.30pm, the ship began to move a bit as she is light and has no cargo. I went down to my cabin (rather small but much more comfortable than the Active) and lay down, I must have dozed for some time. When I woke up, it was 7.30pm and I went up on deck. I found Mr Morgan in pyjamas in bed on deck. I couldn’t find any trace of my friends and when I asked about the time, I found it was past ten pm. My friends had dined and went to bed. I sat with Schotman and Morgan till midnight after having shnopz and some cheese and butter sandwiches. I slept not badly tonight.

Tuesday 20/12/1938 Up at 6.30am. Weather very cool – sea calm but ship moving about. Fuad is somewhat sea-sick. Went up the bridge and watched the helmsman at work at the Wheel. The captain, a Moslem Indian, Hussein Abd-el Rahman Tana, and the mate a Moslem Indian who speaks fluent English too. Very kind and obliging. When asking him whether they could take passengers back from Aden to Zanzibar he said he thought he couldn’t, because the ship had been chartered by the Government of Palestine which paid £P 2,500 for the trip, i.e. the passage of each one of us cost £P 500 pounds up to Aden only and from there another £P 100 apiece. When they left this island of Zanzibar their trip was kept a secret. Nobody knew where she was going. But bazaar gossip said that an Italian cruiser was steaming along the east coast of Africa and the al-Saeed, with Schotman and Morgan were sent after it.

Thursday 22/12/1938 Had a restless night and slept altogether not more than 6 hours. At  7am the sky is still cloudy with the occasional peeping of the sun, but the wind has abated a bit and the sea is not so rough and we are going ahead. I coughed during the night and early morning but nothing to compare with the coughing fits of

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Seychelles. Sea calmer than yesterday although the N.E. Monsoon was still blowing and the weather is becoming rather cold and chilly.

Friday 23/12/1938 A bad restless night from the constant motion of the ship. The swell is still on and we are shaking and vibrating a lot. Sea still choppy and swell bad – northern monsoon still blowing. We shall pass Ras Hafun324 before noon and in the evening will begin to round Cape Guardafui.325 Just after sunset we saw the new moon (our  16th since we left Palestine). The coincidence is rather strange. Saw our first moon as we were rounding Cape Guardafui on the 8th Oct. 1937 and here we are seeing our 16th moon as we are approaching the same cape again.

Saturday 24/12/1938 A very restless night. I didn’t sleep more than 2 or 3 hours. The shaking and trembling of the ship kept me awake and moaning all night and coughing all night too. Ras Hafun loomed to port (West) a mighty desert tableland – very much better than the green of Seychelles. At 5pm I was on deck and in the chartroom on the bridge. We are still heading north-west and have left Ras Hafun behind and the wind is still blowing hard and the sea choppy. At 7pm I and Fuad sat in the captain’s cabin and began celebrating Christmas Eve. At 7.30 we saw the light of Cape Guardafui.

Sunday 25/12/1938 Christmas! Slept a few hours and was up at 2am. Felt miserable till 7am from the shaking of the boat. Went onto the bridge – mountains of Africa looming high in the distance. Christmas lunch – Salmon, fried meat, stuffed chicken, preserved tongue etc.

Monday 26/12/1938 Eighth day at sea. Slept better tonight as the sea is calm and no vibration or rocking. The ship is slowing down on account of lack of steam. We may not be able to reach Aden till tomorrow morning. Capt. Schotman asked whether we prefer to go there tonight or tomorrow morning. ‘Tonight for God’s sake’, I said. A school of dolphins at 12 noon: Huge beasts every one of them. Boat picked up steam and we were again cruising at 9–10 knots per hour – at 6.30 Aden’s lighthouse was seen. We were signalled to and asked signal house to inform Secretariat of our arrival. [At] 7.30 we were approaching harbour and at about 8pm the pilot came over.

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He had no instructions for our landing. I was furious and Captain Schotman promised to disembark himself and see the government. At 8.45pm a certain Anis Rowdah (cousin of Dr Rowdah)326 came up on behalf of government to greet us and invite us to the Marine Hotel. He was accompanied by a lot of Adenee notables who informed us that (1) all hotels belonged and were run by Jews and therefore we can’t go there (2) thousands were awaiting us on the pier and we won’t therefore disembark [and] (3) a notable’s home was put at our disposal who was the representative of Sultan of Lahj – we accepted and did so. On the pier thousands were waiting howling madly – welcoming – allahu akbar’ing and long-living Palestine. A huge crowd and tremendous ovation and welcome – drove to the old city of Aden followed by hundreds of cars packed with Adenee. Delegation after delegation arrived to greet us until we were dead tired. Then Yacoub went after the crowds from the balcony and gave them a mulish speech which was interrupted with cheers. At 12am we were allowed to go to bed. I and Pasha had separate rooms and the other three one big room. Cleanliness so and so, furniture mediocre and then at night bed bugs – swarming with them. I dozed off for an hour and awoke exhausted.

Tuesday 27/12/1938 Bad night – shave – cup of tea – sanitation dreadful could not visit latrine. More delegations in the morning and shaking of hands. At 9.15 drove through town – always lined on both sides with gesticulating natives of all kinds brandishing sticks allahu akbar, long live Palestine etc. to the Famous Aden reservoir – a sight indeed – more significant than Solomon’s pools, dug through solid rocks and capable of taking millions of gallons. A great pity [we] could not spend more time there snapping pictures. At 10am [we] drove to government office to meet chief secretary with Rowdah. A certain Higgins-Bottom of the I.C.S. a rather curt-ish colonial type. [He] Informed us [that] French Government refused our entry to Syria. Protested, but then drafted cable to Egypt to disembark us at Suez. When I asked him to add ‘Transport facilities to be made available at Suez to take them to Cairo’, he said: ‘This is becoming like a Cook’s tour.’ I replied: ‘You have taken us from home and it is your duty to return us at least to as near home as possible.’ Asked to meet the governor Sir Bernard Riley. Drove with Higgins Bottom to Government House – a very nice and spacious bungalow. Very kind indeed. Spoke on several topics. Saw the draft cable and added a few words about ‘our astonishment from French Government treatment’. I explained to him that this act may hinder the conversations for the London delegation – we were sent with special boat – the sooner the delegation begins the better for all concerned. He agreed in full; further, I said there are about 17,000 Palestinian refugees in Syria. Two more will do no harm as we are not terrorists. Left Government House to Nadi Al-Islah Al-Islami [Islamic Reform Club]– tremendous ovation. Photos, speeches, poems and counter speeches replied to by Rashid, who says something or another with a quotation from the Koran here and there. From there

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home to a mighty lunch, Adenee and Indian cooking. I remarked to Pasha that as long as the Orientals remain eating such food, they will remain backward and somnambulant.327 Had a nap in the afternoon and at  3pm down in the sitting room to meet more delegates. Iranis, Bohras328, Kuwaitis, Somalis, Indians, merchants etc. Rowdah informs me that the Arabs attacked and slightly injured some fifteen Jews. Police were everywhere and a British Inspector was at our heels. A rather polite gentleman who interfered little. At  4.30pm drove to Al-Nadi Al-Arabi Al-Adabi [Arab Literary Club]. Chairman Sultan Ahmad, brother of the Sultan of Lahj. Place crammed – ovations, cheering – streets lined up everywhere. Speeches by Sultan Ahmad and others. Falastin el Mujahida wal Mujahidin el Akbar and such – poems and counter speech by Yacoub. From there we drove in the evening to a place called Sheikh Othman a few miles out of town. We passed the Italian and other Mahallas [suburbs] and drove through the big village. Thousands were awaiting us cheering as usual. Returning, there were more than 200 cars following us. All taxis volunteering for everybody gratis. A wonderful sight of convoy at night. Came home at 8pm – still more and more delegations to Salaam us. At 10pm we had some light dinner and to bed – but not much sleep from the bed insects.

Wednesday 28/12/1938 Up at 6am – packed and labelled all our luggage. By 9am I was ready. At 9.15 we drove down to the Palace of the Sultan of Lahj accompanied by his O.C. troops and Rowdah and Izzeldin. A beautiful palace of marble nicely furnished. Tall, lean blackish man past middle age – the Sultan was a fidgety and nervous type. Not very welcoming at first and rather dry, probably knowing our mission. A few words here and there and then Yacoub spoke about the [Lahj] deportees. He began to shake a bit. We are not interfering, said Yacoub, neither do we know the cause of deportation … It is purely from the humanitarian point of view having tasted exile and such talk. It boiled down to that if they will abide by the conditions he was to impose on them he promised to consider their return soon.329 It was sufficient for us. We heard later that he wanted us so much to be his guests but apparently, he is a weak man and fears the wrath of government if he had done so. From there we went and visited the Somali Club – a very nice tidy clean place and the same thing occurred all over. The town was simply boiling with enthusiasm. We were given the sign of the Nadi [Club] and some nice tea. Then we went to the Bohra lunch – met by Bohras in Golden Imma’s [turbans] into a big veranda with carpets, took off our shoes, and then their Imam from the Tripoli Izzeldin family – a venerable old man of 80 who has been in Aden for 42 years – came to greet us. A curious ceremony followed, and a pink iced lemonade was offered to every one of us by him saying: ‘Take this cup and drink it hannian [enjoy].’ Later he himself brought a pitcher and washed our hands. Then sheets on the ground and a Mansaf with all kinds of foods with Tawabil (spices) and curry. We fed to bursting. Again, washing of hands then goodbye. Curiously no smoking allowed there and he

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offered us Tamboul which colours the teeth and saliva red and Utter [perfume] to our hands and rosewater. From there we drove to the house of a prominent Kuwaiti – more speeches and coffee. Contributions to the Palestine cause (which with the Lahj contributions of 1,000 derhams amounted to 2,600 rupees taken by Fuad). We were offered nice carpets as gifts. We left from there to harbour. Still more delegates and ultimately at about 3pm we went to embark – but before doing so went to another Nadi near the pier where the same thing was repeated. The S.S. Canton came at  2pm and by about  4pm we were at the pier and what crowds and what an ovation … Tourists coming ashore from the ship were mobbed and could not proceed. With all difficulty, we reached the launch and then on board the ship exhausted. Passengers took many snaps. We were then led to our cabins – I alone in cabin no. 107–108. Still more delegations coming ashore till 6pm when everybody left and, changing into shorts, I went on deck. A very good ship full of Englishmen returning on leave with their families from India and the Far East. A brand-new ship of 16,000 tons on second voyage back. To bar for a drink then to my cabin at 8.30 where I had a fruit dinner only – nice grapes – bananas and oranges and then to bed dog tired after three days’ activity at Aden.

Friday 30/12/1938 Up at 6.30 not feeling quite well. Up in shorts to Decks B and C. A little exercise then lunch at 1pm. At 7.45pm a certain passenger came around and asked me to join their party. A Mr and Mrs Weinberger, Archaeologist, and Mr & Mrs Faure. Chat about archaeology – Palestine, Citrus and other topics. Wish I knew them before. At 8.30pm I went down to my cabin then dressed in white and up again on deck. A lot of activity – laughing, raving and dancing. I then had a long talk about Palestine and the British policy with an English lieutenant back on leave from Waziristan.

Saturday 31/12/1938 Our last day on the good ship Canton. Last day in 1938. Tomorrow with sunrise we shall be at Suez.

Sunday 1/1/1939 New year! 7am – arrived at Suez harbour where we were met by Wahideh and Adel and Hatem, Ghaleb and Hassan Bader. A glorious day but very chilly. What a welcome! Drove in car provided by English Consul to Misr Hotel. Then had lunch at Casino

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Hotel – invited by a member of the Wafd Party. I then sent Wahideh and the kids with my luggage by the Embassy car direct to Cairo. We left at six by train with Mohammad Ali Taher and party. At Mahattat [Station] Leiman at 8.30[pm]. A crowd of students and Azharites – a veritable crush which led me to slip through back window. [Hilmi] Pasha got entangled and was carried on shoulder back to car. We reached the Continental [Hotel] exhausted. Delegates from everywhere to pay their respects. In the evening, joined Wahideh and the kids at the New Hotel where I spent the night.

Monday 2/1/1939 11am – drove to the Palace and registered our names – then to the Prime Minister’s office and Minister of Interior then back to the hotel. Transferred in the afternoon to the National Hotel with Wahideh where Mahmoud Abu Khadra is staying. Visits and visiting all day long then back to the hotel where I had dinner with my wife and children.

Figure 14  H.F. Khalidi and his fellow Seychelles deportees sitting with Egyptian ex-Prime Minister Nahhas Pasha (with stick), who also signed and dated the photo. Nahhas was himself exiled to the Seychelles in 1921 (Cairo, January 1939).

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Tuesday 3/1/1939 Visited [Prime Minister] Mohammad Mahmoud Pasha at his office and stayed about 30 minutes. [We] Insisted that we should nominate our delegates [to the London Conference], French authorities refuse our admission to Syria330 to consult with the Mufti. He [Mahmoud Pasha] is intervening through the British Embassy.

Wednesday 4/1/1939 Again, to Continental [Hotel] for meeting visitors – very tiring procedure. No reply from British Embassy yet. Decided to send Wahideh back with children and Ghaleb with the 5.30 train. After seeing them off, I went and had tea with Abdullah Lamloum331 Bey.

Friday 6/1/1939 Understood that French allowed us visit to Beirut subject to conditions which will be communicated to us tomorrow. Return of visits: first to Nahhas Pasha at the Heliopolis Hotel and then to Makram Ebeid where we stayed half an hour. Returned visit to

Figure 15  H.F. Khalidi (second R) meeting with a women’s delegation in Cairo after their return from the Seychelles. Hilmi Pasha is seen in the middle with Haj Ibrahim to the right (January 1939).

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Ragheb Bey [Nashashibi] and Abdul Rahman Taji332 who came and saw me yesterday at the Continental. Dinner at Muiz Bey’s House at al-Abbasieh [Cairo suburb].

Saturday 7/1/1939 French Embassy’s reply to our going to Beirut:

(1)  Five days. (2)  Escorted and residence at special premises to be appointed by the Sureté.333 (3)  Not to visit anyone but communicate with Mufti only. Met our friends and decided to refuse conditions. Tea party in the afternoon at Young Moslem Men[’s] Association.

Sunday 8/1/1939 Had lunch with Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha at Mohammad Ali Club – grandiose place – swarming with Egyptian Pashas.

Monday 9/1/1939 Visited Mahmoud Pasha at his office with Hilmi Pasha. [We were] Informed that French authorities waved all conditions and asked us to proceed to Beirut and hasten nomination of Palestine delegates. [He] Promised a special plane Wednesday [to fly us] direct to Beirut. Had lunch at the Iraki delegation with Abdul-Kader Kilani Bey334 [and] with other Arab delegates.

Tuesday 10/1/1939 [Was] Informed that plane [will be] ready at 9am tomorrow. J[oseph] Levy335 came to see me and stayed a few minutes at the Hotel. [He] Wanted some news which he did not get. Souleiman Touqan paid me a visit this evening.

Wednesday 11/1/1939 I, Rashid, Awni [Abdulhadi], Yacoub and [Fuad] Saba met at the [Cairo] Almaza aerodrome.  4-propeller Fistat Misr plane waiting. Capt. Wheeler in charge. Fattah second in command and Fathi wireless operator. All ready at 9am and then off.

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Can’t record all my impressions of my first flight – glorious is what I can say. The desert then the [Suez] Canal and east of Port Said over the sea and then along seashore: Jaffa followed by other sea port and at  11.30 over Beirut – landed at Air de France aerodrome. A small storm near Gaza – unpleasant feeling and a little afraid. Fortunately lasted 5 minutes. Nobody at aerodrome except Mr [Pierre] Colombani Inspector General of Police and the press officer. Drove by car to St George Hotel – telephoned the Salaam’s – who came with [my] sister Fatima. They put Shaia [driver] and their Nash336 car at my disposal. At 3.30pm, we drove to Zok [village] where we met the Mufti, Darwazeh etc. and his known suite. Salamat but no work.

Thursday 12/1/1939 [We] Drove at  10.30am to Mufti’s residence – discussions and so on. [Mousa] Alami and Dr [Izzat] Tannous337 present. All Arab [Higher] Committee [members] there except Abdullatif Salah338 who is in London, [Ahmed] Hilmi Pasha in Cairo and Jamal [Husseini] is sick in bed with Influenza. Lunched there and stayed till  8.30pm and returned to Beirut.

Friday 13/1/1939 Visited Mr and Mrs Palmer339 with Yousef Hanna.340 1pm – Meeting [with the Mufti] but could not have lunch there. Further discussion and decisions. [In the] Evening, I went first to house of Umm Salim.341 Poor thing, she does not still know about her son Ali.342 Then went to see Jamal [Husseini] – in bed with fever.

Saturday 14/1/1939 [We] Have not completed discussions yet and will not be able to return today. Full meeting till  10pm when wafd [delegation] and members were nominated and all decisions taken. At 7pm, we received telephone call from Nuri Pasha who had arrived at Damascus. Will leave tomorrow unless Nuri Pasha wants otherwise. To St George’s Hotel to be met with Colombani who told us about a giant demonstration which is going to take place tomorrow on account of our departure – pamphlets being distributed. Promised him to do our best and to leave at 7.30am tomorrow before the demonstration if we find it necessary. Awni [Abdulhadi] spoke twice with Nuri Pasha. He wanted to see us but we decided to fly back tomorrow to Cairo. Rasem [Khalidi] spoke to me this morning from Amman and told me he is now free and will come to Syria shortly.

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Figure 16  H.F. Khalidi (first from L) and Fuad Saba (fifth from L) meeting with Haj Amin Husseini in Lebanon. Also in the photo are Jamal Husseini (second from L), Izzat Darwazeh (fourth from L) and Awni Abdulhadi (first from R) (spring 1939).

Sunday 15/1/1939 A beautiful trip back to Cairo, two hours – no minutes. Asked pilot to fly us over seashore. Passed over Saida [Sidon] Sour [Tyre] Mount Carmel and Haifa, then over Tel Aviv and Jaffa height  1,000  feet. Jaffa [looked] deserted at  10.30 – probably day curfew. Then to Port Said, the Canal and to Almaza [aerodrome].

Monday 16/1/1939 To Semeramis Hotel in the morning. Saw Fuad Khatib343 Pasha and [Izzat] Darwazeh. Wrote our names in the Yemenite Prince book. Interview by Mohammad Mahmoud Pasha with Awni Bey [Abdulhadi] at  11.30 and gave him the news of the delegates [to London]. [He] Insisted on Defence Party representation which we refused.344 Interviewed by Prince Faisal345 at  12.30 with Darwazeh, Zirikli346 and Prince Khaled.347 A long talk; he is completely with us. Should not discuss anything but Palestine. He is very sympathetic with our cause.

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Tuesday 17/1/1939 Nuri Pasha arrived yesterday by plane. Could not see him as I was sick. To Continental [Hotel] in morning coat to meet Hilmi Pasha. At  11am [we gathered] at Prime Minister’s office for our first [Arab delegates] conference. All delegates present including Parliamentary members, Alluba,348 [Nuri] Pasha – Basel and Gharabli349 Pashas. Yacoub Ghossein not present. Unanimous decisions and friendly discussions. Preliminary points agreed to. Nuri and Mahmoud Pasha talked, Abdel Fattah also did, and Alluba [gave] rather an unnecessary lengthy talk about Palestine Arab case. Truce discussed. No guarantee can be given by anybody about Arab side. Decided at conference to send plane tomorrow to Beirut to get Jamal and others. Mahmoud Pasha instructed Misr [Egypt] airways. Drove to Continental and from there all six went to Abdeen Palace. Cannot describe royal lunch [with King Farouq] at Abdeen. A wonderful show in a wonderful palace. Went over parts of the palace with an Egyptian Pasha (Harb).

Wednesday 18/1/1939 Sick in bed all day and thus could not attend dinner party of the Prime Minister given at Shepherds Hotel. A special plane flew this morning early to Beirut and returned with Jamal and [Alfred] Rock.350 [Mousa] Alami could not come and will be leaving by the Marco Polo direct to London with Mrs Alami.

Thursday 19/1/1939 Still in bed and thus could not attend second [Arab delegates] conference at Prime Minister’s office. Awni [Abdulhadi] and [Amin] Tamimi came to see me at about 1pm. Awni is a little irritated on account of presidency of Jamal [Husseini of the Palestine Delegation to London] but can’t say anything and Tamimi again informed me of what happened at the conference. All agreed on principles and primary conditions and basis for negotiations. Awni said Huda Charawi wants a ladies’ delegation to go to London at her expense to consist of Mrs [Seiza] Nabrawi,351 [Tarab] Abdelhadi, [Saadiyyah] Alami, [Katy] Antonius and Wahideh. Will meet ladies tonight at 7pm. Awni informs me that question of [London Conference] expenses is rather unsettled. Fuad Hamzeh352 told him we better buy our tickets and government will pay back at London. A rather unsatisfactory arrangement. 10.30pm – I telephoned Awni about Ladies delegation. He said Charawi [was] willing to meet expense and told me to wire Wahideh. But I left this till tomorrow morning.

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Friday 20/1/1939 Dr Hajjar came to see me about 9am. After examining me he said I may proceed to London. But I have to consult the throat specialist once and for all.

Saturday 21/1/1939 Decided to leave bed today to attend the conference of Arab delegates. At 10 minutes to eleven, Awni came with his car and we proceeded to the Prime Minister’s office. Most of the delegates were there. Nuri Pasha and Mohammad Mahmoud were in conference with Aly Maher Pasha353 in his office. At 11.30 the meeting was opened by the Secretary reading the minutes of the second meeting. The proposal of Nuri Pasha of fundamental changes in the international status of Palestine be first changed was agreed to and then the necessity of prohibition of immigration was also confirmed. A long discussion took place between the Saif [Sword] al-Islam on one side and Mohammad Mahmoud and Nuri Pasha. The Sword speaks all the time and does not allow anybody to talk. Why he should talk at the top of his voice is a mystery. He brought up a delicate point, whether Palestine should be an Arab country or a Palestine Government – minorities’ rights etc. He was at last convinced that the idea was an Arab country with a Jewish minority. Then the detailed proposals of Mohammad Mahmoud [Pasha] were read about a local national parliamentary Government, with a certain transition period. Official language Arabic and Hebrew in Hebrew areas, municipalities, minority rights etc. Some members asked for copies – this was refused on account of leakage and other reasons. Then it was announced that Aly Maher Pasha would be a member of the Egyptian delegation. He was present with Prince Abdul-Moneim son of Abbas.354 Maher is a very quiet man. He practically spoke no words and sat smiling all the time. At 12.45pm we left the conference. One should see Yacoub Ghossein trying to talk and argue with Saif Al-Islam. I sat like Maher looking them over and mute. I drove with Awni to Heliopolis and had a coffee in his house then we went to the Heliopolis Hotel for lunch with Prince Faisal. More than 200 invitees including Sir Miles Lampson,355 Mr Smart356 and Russell Pasha;357 all others [were] Egyptians and Arabs. Ragheb [Nashashibi], Assem [El-Saeed], and Abdel [Rahman] Taji were invited. They apologized and did not come presumably they did not want to meet us. Sir Lampson was talking to Prince Abdul-Moneim, Abdul-Fattah Yahya Pasha358 and one or two others. He apparently was being asked why the Mufti does not take part in the conference. He raised his hands and shouted at the top of his voice: ‘Si le Mufti viendra c’est fini la Conference.’359 When told by the Prince to speak slowly, he again raised his hands and shook them saying: ‘Non, c’est mieux que tous entendent, s’il viendra c’est fini la conference.’360 Very childish on his part to say that publicly. At about 7pm, [Fuad] Saba rang me up to come to the Continental for a meeting. I asked for the reason and he said to discuss the representation of the Defence Party.

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I replied that my view was already known. I do not agree and that we had already taken a decision at the AHC [meeting in Beirut] and left him at that.

Sunday 22/1/1939 Heard this morning that Nuri Pasha, [Fuad] Hamzeh and Jamal [Husseini] flew to Beirut to consult with the Mufti and that they would be back in the evening. At a late hour yesterday, the High Commissioner informed [Mohammad] Mahmoud and Nuri Pasha that H.M.G. desires the other party to be represented. They met Jamal and Awni and had a conference. Apparently, Jamal met Ghossein, Rock, Saba and Tamimi and all decided to go back on the AHC’s decision. Everybody was speaking about the new hitch tonight. Mahmoud said that the Mufti will not change his opinion. I said: ‘Wait and see.’

Monday 23/1/1939 I sat with Mahmoud [Abu Khadra] at the terrace of the Continental till  1pm. Jamal had not arrived yet back from Beirut. We had lunch with Rock at Au Petit coin de France. French cooking but place quite cosy and clean. Back to the Continental where at about 2pm Jamal arrived. We went to the dining room and sat there – Rock and Munif [Husseini]361 were present. He told me what happened and the pressure brought on him to accept the Defence [Party] delegates. Saba had not told him I did not agree, whereas all the others agreed in principle. They had a long conference with the Mufti who after hearing that all agree here, decided to nominate Yacoub Farraj and Mouin Nabulsi or Abdul-Qader Abu Rabah362 of Jaffa. I was furious with Jamal about the whole show and had mentioned to [Amin] Tamimi that I will withdraw from the wafd [delegation] if any of Ragheb’s ones go. We decided to have another meeting in the evening at the Continental. I went with Mahmoud at 5.30pm to Groppi [café] where we stayed till 7.30 and returned to the Hotel when I was told that I was wanted at the Continental. At this minute Awni came to see me and I then told him my opinion in brief and that I was not leaving to London on account of health reasons. We then drove to the Continental where all were waiting. Jamal read the Mufti’s letter informing us that after consultations with Nuri Pasha they have agreed [that] Defence [Party] representatives Farraj and Nabulsi to accompany the delegation and that although we do not recognize them officially as members of the [Palestine] wafd, they will go to England. I at once told my friends that I do not agree. We have already decided on this point after thorough discussions in Beirut and that I am not prepared to lick my signature. Ghossein tried to speak about public interest, but I cut him short informing him that I know more than he does about public interest. I then told them I have to resign and am unable to go on health matters. I had a long discussion with Jamal about it but I remained adamant and wrote him an on the spot letter informing him that whereas

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my health was adversely affected in the Seychelles in the last months and whereas I had been sick in bed for the last few days, and whereas my doctors here have advised me against risking a winter in London I have to perform examinations here. If my doctors are of opinion that I can go I will follow the wafd otherwise I regret I have to stay for treatment here and would he be kind enough to inform His Eminence about my decision. I had many private talks with Jamal, Awni, Tamimi and Munif, but I have already given my decision. Jamal said about the expenses that Mr Smart had given them a cheque for  500 pounds for their transport expenses to London and that further expenses would be met there. Instead of throwing back the cheque into the face of Smart, Jamal took it – what a shame! He told me he will give [me] my share if I care to change my decision and follow them, I refused bluntly. I can always find my ticket expenses when I wish to come. Fuad returned with the passports and I took mine all ready and visa’d for London, France and travel for Italy. There was a rush for the special train waiting to take them to Port Said. Jamal lost his head and did not know what he was doing. Fuad rushed in a taxi to get his luggage and in his haste forgot to say goodbye to his wife who was waiting for him at the Kursal [Theatre]. When she came back to the Hotel the bird had flown away. Poor thing one should have seen her looks and how disappointed she was. I sat with Munif Husseini, smiling and watching the last act of the comedy. They behaved as if they were deportees, or being kicked out of the place. I returned to the Hotel where at about  11pm Rouhi Bey [Abdulhadi] and Ali Hassna363 came to hear the news. They stayed with me till midnight. When Mahmoud [Abu Khadra] came at 1am and heard the news [that] they had gone and I remained back, he could not believe it at first.

Tuesday 24/1/1939 Heard [that] all delegates left Port Said at 4am except me. Nothing in today’s paper about my staying back which is rather good as I don’t want the situation exploited. Went for a walk before noon with Mahmoud and there sat for an hour sunning at the Continental terrace. Wrote a letter to Abikarius Bey asking him to take action against the [Jerusalem] municipality about my pay. Another letter to Mr Palmer [US Consul General in Beirut] to use his good offices for obtaining a visa for me to enter Lebanon and a long letter to Wahideh informing her about the situation in general. In the evening at about 7pm, I was called to the telephone by Mr Hamilton364 of the [British] Embassy who enquired about my health and whether I was leaving to London and when. They were sorry to hear I was sick etc. and would I please tell them when I will leave. Hamilton is always at the Embassy in the morning and evening. Surely, they are not asking about my health. They aim at something else and want to know why I didn’t leave with the wafd. Half an hour later I was again called by Mr Hamilton. He was sorry to trouble me again, but Mr Smart, Oriental Secretary, wanted

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to know who left with the S.S. Cantonorso yesterday and who did not. I gave him all the names and their whereabouts. J. Levi came to the Hotel to see Mahmoud Bey, he said. He thought I was at sea and appeared to be astonished to see me.

Wednesday 25/1/1939 Up late at 8.30, read the papers. Ragheb [Nashashibi] still maintains he is not being represented. Defence [Party] met here and nominated Fakhri [Nashashibi] Secretary of Party and cabled him to that effect. At 11am, [I was] visited by Mr Merton and had a long talk. British public he says now realizes that there is an Arab case. A good many accept [Tawfiq] Suwaidi’s proposals: 35% [maximum percentage of Jews in Palestine], local government, transition period 10 years etc. To the Continental where I met Mahmoud Abu Khadra. After lunch we came back to our hotel. There was a telegram for Mahmoud from Abu Salah [Mustapha Khalidi] telling him [to] ‘wire health of Dr Khalidi’. Why does he seem so anxious about my health? He surely knows some of the reasons for my not leaving to London!

Friday 27/1/1939 Rouhi Abdulhadi came to see me but did not find me. In the evening his son telephoned saying that Mr Smart, Oriental Secretary to the Embassy, invites me tomorrow afternoon to tea. I said I will consider it.

Saturday 28/1/1939 Went to Zamalek [suburb] at 5pm with Rouhi Abdulhadi to Mr Smart’s house where we had tea and a long talk. First about Seychelles and our treatment there then about my return and not going to London. He tried to poke and see whether there were other underlying causes to my stay at Cairo. He couldn’t get anything. Then we spoke about the Palestine question at length. He seems pro-Arab and thinks that by inviting Arab delegates, Britain wants to change her policy. Spoke highly of Antonius’ book. Does not agree with him about Balfour Declaration and America. Thinks that America had a great lot to do with it. Especially financial aspects and munitions. Antonius does not believe this is a major reason. [Smart] spoke about immigration and percentages. Informed him why this is impossible. Not prepared to admit another single Jew. [I] Then spoke to him about drastic measures of troops. If those could be stopped and investigated it would be taken as sign of goodwill. Rouhi Bey was impressed after we left and we stayed about 1 hour and 45 minutes. Told me it is a pity I did not leave to London. [He] is of the opinion that I should have been elected as President of the Palestine delegation.

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Sunday 29/1/1939 Got a long letter from Thabet informing me of what is taking place in Jerusalem. [He] Thinks that Abu Salah is disseminating a lot of disappointment. My letters and telegrams received by them late. Ismail Husseini came and saw us this morning with Mr Gerasemus followed by Munif. The latter spoke to Mahmoud alone asking him to influence me to proceed to London. [He] had a cable from Hassan Abu Saud (on behalf of the Mufti) asking him to bring pressure to bear on me to go to London. Conference deferred to the 6/2/39. Abdul-Latif Salah gave a statement in London refusing to participate in the conference for having him elected as advisory member and not negotiating. Apparently, this may be exploited – thus pressure on me – otherwise it might be said that the Reform Party is not represented. Mahmoud promised Munif to speak to me about it, which he did, but I have not made my mind up yet.

Monday 30/1/1939 Got a cable from Jamal [Husseini] from London dated yesterday at 9.30pm. Wishing me speedy recovery and saying that all request [my] earliest arrival to London. Salah’s statement must have worried them and I think Mousa Alami and [George] Antonius must have asked him to cable. Got a letter from Abu Salah written in Turco-Arabic from which I could understand after reading it several times that all are disappointed about my not going … that people are talking that we must sacrifice prestige … that the time has not passed yet and ending that he is at my disposal for anything if I wire. Consulted Mahmoud and sent him a cable: ‘Your letter received. Probably leaving to London Friday. Cable 100 pounds immediately.’ This would be a test. If he cables then I will go, if not I would have tried him. Enquired from Jamal Bros; Dutch Boat leaves Port Said on 3/2/39 and two others on 4/2 and 5/2 respectively. If I go, I go on Friday with the Dutch boat. Had a letter from Wahideh also – she says she, the family and all friends were disappointed when [they] heard I have not left. It appears therefore that Jerusalem, Beirut and London expect me to go. If the financial side of it is settled, I go. But I shall not ask the Embassy or anybody else for my expenses although I am sure they will give it. Paid a return visit to Ismail Bey [Husseini] at the Continental. Munif met Mahmoud there [who] told him if friends in Lebanon think my going is imperative, I will go in spite of the sacrifice to my health. Khalidi, he told him, will not ask anybody for money. If agreed to go, they should wire 200–300 pounds for expenses. Will leave by plane if necessary. Munif is leaving today for Alexandria and tomorrow [to] Beirut. I asked him to see the Mufti on Wednesday morning and wire me noon or after. [I] may be ready to leave Friday. I did not mention financial side tackled by Mahmoud. After leaving Continental, [I] met Abu Fuad [Abdul-Ghani Khalidi] and Hassan Bader [Khalidi]. They are flying back to Jerusalem tomorrow. I explained things to

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Hassan Bader and showed him Jamal’s cable and Abu Salah’s letter and asked him to explain the situation to Ahmad and others. If they can provide expenses I go in spite of all inconveniences to my health. I told him I shan’t ask any from Lebanon as I cannot and won’t do it. When I reach London, I can tackle Mousa or Jamal. I shall be sending a few letters with him tomorrow.

Tuesday 31/1/1939 Up at  8.30. Nothing in today’s paper – Conference day not appointed yet. Defence Party’s attitude still discussed. Received a letter from [brother] Abu Walid through Mahmoud. Tone very pessimistic – also does not like my staying back. Rashid [Haj Ibrahim] visited this morning. Met Mahmoud at Continental and had lunch. He left to Sakkara Pyramids with members of Medical Congress and I returned alone to the National [Hotel].

Wednesday 1/2/1939 Drove at 11am with Rouhi [Abdul-Hadi] and Majed [Abdul-Hadi] with Mahmoud Abu Khadra and Niazi Pahsa to Shoubra [suburb], an hour and a half drive. Had a hearty welcome by the Abu Khadras in their simple Fellah house and a mighty lunch … From there we drove to Niazi Pasha’s izba [farm] and went around his orange grove – exactly like Jericho – many trees but a nice small house. 5.30pm – We drove back to Cairo where we arrived at  7pm. Had a cable from Abu Salah saying wired through [Thomas] Cook’s 78 Sterling Pounds, remainder to London. Abu Salah has responded at last. Still no word from Beirut.

Thursday 2/2/1939 10.30 am – to Cook’s; cashed my 78 Sterlings and from there to Continental – then back to Jamal’s [Bros.] where I made arrangements to buy a ticket on the Marco Polo leaving Alexandria on 4/2/39 to Venice and also bought my railway tickets to London. Boat arrives 7th [February] at Venice 11am – train leaves 3pm same day and arrives London 8th at 7pm. Informed everybody officially that I am leaving on Saturday morning. Back at the hotel at 2pm – Still no word from Beirut which is rather strange. M.H. [Munif Husseini] promised to wire yesterday afternoon! I shall await tonight and tomorrow and if I receive no word, well, I shall see what ought to be done.

Friday 3/2/1939 Went directly to Jamal Bros. at  11 and received all my tickets and then to the Continental where I met Mahmoud and Ismail Bey. Then had lunch with Abu Al-

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Hassan at Hati with Dr Jamal of Aden and Aziz Bey of the Egyptian consulate at Jerusalem in 1934–35. Majed and Rouhi [Abdulhadi] came to say goodbye and stayed till 11pm.

Saturday 4/2/1939 Up early at 6am. Yesterday evening Mahmoud received a cable from Beirut telling him to report to Bank Misr for 100 sterlings – remainder at London. Reported to the bank but no information yet. At 7.30 left with Mahmoud to station, met by Abu Al-Hassan and Dr Abou Afia of Jaffa. [At] 8am sharp, train moved to Alexandria which was reached at 10.45. Met at station by Abikarius Bey and had a talk about my municipal pay. He is of opinion not to press the matter as we are sure to get more than the money. It is a pity to give up all, he said, for the pay. A delay of one or two months won’t matter. He will study the thing more and will let me know when I return back from London. I agreed to all what he said and shall write to Wahideh explaining. Met by Jamal’s [Bros.] agent and drove in a taxi to the quarantine office and then the passport office and from there to the Marco Polo, reaching at 11.30am. Ten minutes before the boat was due to sail an employee from Bank Misr was searching for me and handed me £ 88 sterlings. Mahmoud is a wonderful man to do that for me and it is very good of the Bank and shows its efficiency. The boat is a very good one although old but equal to the S.S. P&O Canton. In fact, the cabin is better and more spacious and the music room and saloon are very good. The dining room and service are also excellent.

Monday 6/2/1939 Up late with a headache. Swallowed an aspirin. Shave and a bath while steaming into Brindisi. 11am – at Brindisi – a rather interesting town. All salutes a la Musso[lini] – bought a few copies (4) of the très at  5 shillings Egyptian money. Madame Yazdi (mother of Tewfic Yazdi)365 introduced herself – an old Iranian lady – a la musulmane. [She] heard of Dr Khalidi – had met my wife – charming and so on, spoke of their friendship with [Souleiman] Touqan of Nablus and [how] her son Tewfic [was] persecuted – attributes all to Mufti. Spoke of the letter to her from Aref Abdulrazak366 (a Mufti supporter) to leave country – meeting her doctor daughter at Venice. Very bitter against Mufti. Claimed that citrus groves all uprooted at Nablus by bands. [The Ship] Stayed an hour at Brindisi – then left via Adriatic to Venice. Sea pleasant, no rough weather which is rather good.

Tuesday 7/2/1939 8.30am – Approaching Venice and steaming slowly into the harbour. Passports and other papers returned duly in order. Disembarked at  9.30am to customs – rather

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courteous official and no trouble here, passed my bags without opening. Took Gondola with guide (Loyd Triestino) direct to the Venice station – passed first through all small canals – an experience – struck by poverty and filth. Then to the Grand Canal – rather different. A rather queer city. Arrived at station which is rather a huge one and built recently. Registered baggage and went to Cook’s for a wagon-lit.367 Wagon-lits are rather expensive, about 5 pounds to Paris only. Went to station and then at about three pm took the train to Paris – another small but comfortable compartment. Passed in the afternoon through Italy – rich fertile country but villages looking poor.

Wednesday 8/2/1939 8.30am – reached Paris – huge city but miserable in the old and poor quarters. Had refreshments in the station buffet. At 9.30, we left to Boulogne – passed right through France. At about  3pm, boat headed towards Folkestone, a nice and calm cruising. Arrived  Folkestone and took train to London 2.5 hours, met at Victoria station by  [Mousa] Alami and George Mansour368 with a Scotland Yard man who cleared  my baggage from customs and then drove to the Dorchester Hotel. A huge metropolis.

9-17/2/1939 Did not record my impressions as I was so busy.

Saturday 18/2/1939 11am – Conference. 1.15 – Lunch Saudi Legation Savoy Hotel.

Sunday 19/2/1939 Drove with [Mousa] Alami and Saadiyah [Alami’s wife] to Saffron Walden369 and  had  lunch with the Tennants;370 very charming people indeed. After lunch, we  drove to Cambridge with Mr and Mrs Tennant and their two charming daughters.

Monday 20/2/1939 3.30 – Treated by Dr Smith, 45 Welbeck Street.

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4pm – Conference St James [Palace]. 5.30 – Lady Chancellor, 31 Hyde Park Square. 8.30 – Dinner with Perowne, Traveller’s club to meet MPs.

Tuesday 21/2/1939 3.30 – Dr Hindley-Smith. 7.30 – Bishop Graham Brown, 1 St. James Park (Apologized [on account of] reaction of vaccine injection).

Wednesday 22/2/1939 1.15 – Lunch at Dorchester with Prince Abdul-Moneim (a long gathering of notables). 4pm – Conference.

Thursday 23/2/1939 2.30pm – Doctor. 3.45 – Parliament – heard Mr MacDonald. 8pm – Dinner with Sir Grattan Bushe371 of the Colonial Office. Very pleasant and long talk with Attorney General.

Friday 24/2/1939 5.30 – Sir Robert Rankin,372 Mrs Shuttleworth and Miss Merton cocktail party, 14 Hill Street Berkeley Square.

Saturday 25/2/1939 4pm – Conference.

Sunday 26/2/1939 Lunch with the Colonial Secretary Mr M. MacDonald at his country house in Essex. Awni, Ragheb and Farraj present. Alami and Antonius did not come – a long interesting talk at lunch, one dish: meat and vegetables.

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Monday 27/2/1939 3.30pm – Dr Smith. 10pm – Saudi Arabia Minister – Ritz Hotel.

Tuesday 28/2/1939 3pm – Doctor Smith. 8.15 – Dinner Dorchester with Prince Abdul-Moneim. Sat between Sir Grattan Bushe and Sir Bertram Hornsby373 (30 years in Egypt) – a very interesting and charming man indeed.

Wednesday 1/3/1939 1.15 – Government Entertainment Lunch (which the Jews refused), at the Carlton Hotel. Colonial Secretary in the chair – many distinguished visitors. 4.00 – Conference.

Thursday 2/3/1939 10.30 – With Bishop [Graham Brown] to visit Town Hall where I met the Chairman of the L.C.C. Sir Ewart Culpin374 and the Clerk Sir George Gater375  – signed distinguished visitors’ book after Mayor of Vienna signature. Taken round the huge wonderful building – Council Chamber Committee rooms and other interesting places. So obliging and charming. 1.15 – Lunch with Turkish Ambassador. First ever given to Moslems or Arabs in London (had to get the special permission of his Government); a very nice building and nice food – Turkish. Booked return tickets to Paris by Imperial Airways with [Mousa] Alami and [Alfred] Rock.

Friday 3/3/1939 Left to Croydon at 8am. 40-seater Hercules plane took off at 9am not full – wonderful trip flying low 300–500 metres. Wonderful English villages – over the channel and over France. Marvellous. At Le Bourget aerodrome at quarter to  12 noon. Through Paris to Scribe Hotel. Washed and slept till 6pm. Went and had dinner at a French restaurant.

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Saturday 4/3/1939 Met Shukri Bey Quwatli376 and had a long talk, had lunch together and then dinner and went to the Sphinx – shocking white traffic market.

Monday 6/3/1939 Awakened by Rock at 5 minutes to eight. Shall leave at once. Dressed, washed and packed in 7 minutes – a record. From Le Bourget in another Hercules of the Imperial Airways. Reached London at about 1pm. 4.30 – To Dr Smith for my vaccine and treatment.

Tuesday 7/3/1939 5pm – Dr Smith. 6-7pm – Lady Headly’s377 tea party.

Friday 10/3/39 10am – With the Bishop to Town Hall. Went first to the East End of London to see slums and their clearance. Christian street appalling condition, dirt in masses lying about. Terrible rooms and staircases, entered occupied and unoccupied premises, mostly Jews. A lot of coloured men probably Indian. On a wall saw an Arabic inscription378 in chalk, rather curious seeing this in London. Then [we] drove to Pembury [Kent] to see some new Tenement Houses of the L.C.C. [London County Council] under their Housing scheme. Wonderful buildings and small nice flats – very comfy and cheap; three-roomed, 8 to 10 [shillings] per flat per week. Then back to County Hall, had lunch with the Chairman and town clerk in the member’s room. Introduced to the famous Mr Herbert Morrison379 the Labour leader and pro-Zionist MP. A one-eyed vicious looking man of great vitality and steel nerves – seems very active – probably busiest man in London. Sir Culpin380 came from bed to have lunch with us – very good of him. [We] then drove in the afternoon to the L.C.C. estate called Becontree, a workman’s and labourer’s city of about  125,000 inhabitants built in  1920 and completed  3 years ago on about  10,000 dunums of land and had cost the L.C.C. 14 million pounds! But what a garden city. It beats Tel Aviv by ages. A most wonderful piece of work started as an experiment. Beautiful Parks and children’s playing grounds and schools (one for  4,000 children) had cost half a million pounds.

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Sunday 12/3/1939 Many of the delegates left this morning to Portsmouth to visit the fleet. Had lunch with Perowne and Malik Salaam381 and then, in order to see the exact Inglisi’s [Englishman’s] daily life in London, we took the underground train and then the bus to Hampton Court. Very interesting indeed. Widows of great men are given accommodation here. We went to the flat of Lady Fisher,382 very charming woman. She wanted to know all about the Seychelles Islands and Palestine and I spoke to her and her son for two hours. Then we came back by the green bus line.

Tuesday 14/3/1939 10am – Reception [arranged by] Iraqi delegation at Hyde Park Hotel. 1pm – Lunch with Mr Lees and Rock.

Wednesday 15/3/1939 11am – Dr Smith. 2.30pm – Country drive with Alami. 3pm – Conference.

Thursday 16/3/1939 12.30 – Dr Smith. 3pm – Conference (cancelled until tomorrow).

Friday 17/3/1939 3pm – Last Conference day – reply by Palestine Arab delegation. Said goodbye to all delegates.

Saturday 18/3/1939 Last day arrangements with Cook’s office at Dorchester for tickets. Rock [is] sick in bed. I and [Yacoub] Ghossein alone are proceeding to Port Said. 5pm – all our tickets ready.

Sunday 19/3/1939 12.30pm – to Croydon. 1.30 – By Air France plane to Paris. 2.55 – At Le Bourget and from there to Scribe Hotel.

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Tuesday 21/3/1939 At  7.55pm – To Gare de Lyons with Blue train. Sleeping car to Marseilles – a comfortable night.

Wednesday 22/3/1939 7am – Reached Marseilles – a queer city; drove to Porthos Quay Med. Boarded ship – a filthy thing compared with the Canton of the P&O or the Marco Polo – dreadful cabin no cupboards and no hot water or baths. Ship empty, about two dozen French colonial officials going out east.

Saturday 25/3/1939 Very heavy seas. Sea sick in cabin – very nasty feeling. 5pm – Up on deck; ship tossing like a cork [but] rather steady. S.S. President Lebrun passed us in very heavy seas nose dipping in water as she went ploughing past. 7pm – A terrific storm, thunder, lightning, rain and hail and a heavy gale as we passed along Crete Island.

Monday 27/3/1939 Sea very calm. In the morning at 11am passed Damietta.383 Boat delayed till 2pm. 1.30pm – At Port Said. Pilot came over and we steamed slowly into the harbour. At 2pm sharp [the ship was] inside the quay. Inspector Ali Azazneh of Jericho sent his brother Mohamed eff. to meet us. Arranged all of our luggage. Went to customs and cleared our things. Met by al-Mokattam’s [tour agency] representative who drove us in city and to a café where we met Ali eff. Drove through city and then  6.30 to station. Nobody in Pullman except me and Yacoub. Kantara train delayed 1.25 hours. Reached Cairo station at 11pm and met by Mahmoud Abu Khadra, R. Abdulhadi and others. And then drove straight to the National Hotel.

Tuesday 28/3/1939 Pasha and Rashid and Yacoub visited us at 12pm and others too. [Aziz] al-Masri384 rang up [and] wanted to see me. I told him I had to see my doctor, would he come at 5.15? [He] came at 5.30 to National Hotel – [we] had a long talk. An interesting man indeed.

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Wednesday 29/3/1939 Went to Abdeen [Palace] at 11.30am, registered our names at the Palace and interview with Ali Maher Pasha where we met [Hafiz] Afifi Pasha385 and Abdel Rahman Azzam.386 Had a long talk about Palestine. Then visited Mohammed Mahmoud Pasha at his office. Short talk about Palestine. [He] Said he had received draft of White Paper (British Proposals), is studying them and will call us again in 3–4 days’ time. Still apparently a sick man. At 4.30 went to Dr Hajjar and had my seventh injection. More visitors in the evening. At 6pm had a telephone call from Prime Minister’s Secretary – [Mohammed Mahmoud] Pasha wants to see me and Hilmi Pasha and Yacoub tomorrow at 6pm.

Thursday 30/3/1939 At 5.30pm, Hilmi Pasha and Yacoub came. Drove to prime minister’s office where we met him with Ali Maher Pasha, Abdel Fattah Yahya Pasha and Amin Osman Pasha. Latter acted as secretary and took minutes. [The attendees] Reviewed London Conference and spoke about three points: Constitution, Immigration and Land. All supported us and promised to see about it. Stayed 1.5 hours. Dr Shahbandar387 came to visit when [I was] just going out to see prime minister.

Friday 31/3/1939 12pm – Alluba Pasha and Gharabli Pasha came up to my room and stayed half an hour. Very good of them. Nothing special all day long. Iraq minister – Abdul-Qader Kilani – also came and saw me. Had a long talk. Told him what took place with [PM] Mohammad Mahmoud. [He] Is writing a long despatch to Nuri Pasha and to keep him au courant.

Saturday 1/4/1939 8.30am – Haidar Khalidi came to see me this morning with letters from Ahmad, Wahideh and Thabet. Slept in the afternoon; then to Groppi with Mahmoud. Met A[ziz] Masri at Continental; told him about matters in general. Everything seems to go alright.

Sunday 2/4/1939 Telephoned Beirut at  10am. Spoke to Sa’eb [Salaam] and Sister [in law] Anbara. [Brother] Ahmad was out. [Ahmad] Rang again from Beirut – spoke this time for three minutes. Promised him to leave in one- or two-days’ time.

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Monday 3/4/1939 Returned visit to Gharabli and Alluba Pashas and others who visited me in the hotel. Had my ninth vaccine injection today and stayed in bed all afternoon and evening.

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday 4, 5, 6/4/1939 Abu Butros [Abikarius] spoke from Alexandria on his way to Beirut. Told me about a letter from colonial secretary [for Palestine exiles] not to be molested on passing Palestine on our way to Beirut.

Friday 7/4/1939 Went to Helwan [suburb] at 10am with Abu Khadra. Visited town and park, had lunch with [Ahmad] Hilmi Pasha and A[min] Tamimi and stayed there till about 4. Took the Diesel [train] from there to Maadi [suburb], visited Yacoub and Fouzi Ghossein388 and drove to Casino. Had tea and then back to hotel at 7pm. At 8pm met A[ziz] Masri till 8.30 when Sheikh Yousef Lawi came – went with him and had dinner at Garden City.

Sunday 9/4/1939 Due to vaccine reaction I remained in bed till 3pm. Wrote several letters to England, Aden and Palestine. Will visit the Prince [Faisal of Saudi Arabia] with A[ziz] Masri. Had tea with him and a long talk for two hours.

Monday 10/4/1939 Left Cairo for Alexandria with [Mahmoud] Abu Khadra – arrived 3pm and from there [boarded] Mariette-Pacha. Left at about 9pm to Haifa.

Tuesday 11/4/1939 Arrived [to] Haifa about  5pm. Met by two British Constables in civilian clothes. At 7pm had a talk with Mr Parkhouse of the immigration office. [Ship] Left Haifa at about 10pm.

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Wednesday 12/4/1939 Arrived Beirut at 6am – met by [brother] Ahmad, Sa’eb and Mohammad [Salaam]. Met everybody here who came to visit me.

Saturday 15/4/1939 G[rand] Mufti [Haj Amin Husseini] came and visited me at home – had a long talk. Wahideh, Hatem, Leila and Ameerah arrived in the evening from Jerusalem.

Sunday 16/4/1939 Met Alfred [Rock] and [Fuad] Saba and paid a visit to Zok [village, Mufti’s residence]. Saw Jamal [Husseini] and Mousa [Alami], discussed situation.

Monday 17/4/1939 Rock took passports to police and got three-months residence in Lebanon. Paid my respects to president of Republic, [French] Acting High Commissioner389 and Mr Colombani.

Wednesday 26/4/1939 To Zok village, understood that Arab delegations in Cairo want us to go to Cairo. Mohammad Mahmoud [Egyptian PM] had invited Mouin Madi,390 [Mousa] Alami, [Izzat] Darwazeh and Jamal [Husseini] only to go. [I am] furious about choice. Met Egyptian Consul at Jardin tea party. [He] said he was requested by Mufti, to include me, Rock and Saba – Mouin was in Baghdad. Plane coming tomorrow to take us to Cairo, arriving this evening. Went again to Zok. [All] decided not to fly tomorrow but after. Decided also to refuse [British] suggestions and ask Arab delegations to do the same.

Friday 28/4/1939 7am – At Beirut Aerodrome. 8am – Left with Mahroseh [plane] piloted by Capt. Monk. Ahmad left by car to  Jerusalem with Anbara and kids and Mamdouh and sister left by plane Lot to Lydda.

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Nice trip to Port Said in two hours – then a further  50 minutes to Cairo. Met at Almaza [Airport] by Tawfiq Suwaidi, Sheikh Hafiz Wahbeh and many Palestinians.  Suwaidi asked whether I was an extremist. ‘Indeed’, I said. ‘I am a moderate’, he said. Had lunch with Emir Faisal. Present: [Emir] Faisal, [Emir] Khaled, [Sheikh] Wahbeh, [Awni] Abdulhadi, Asaad Dagher,391 [Amin] Tamimi and five from Beirut. No discussion. Returned to Continental. 6.30pm – Meeting at Shepherd [Hotel] with Palestine delegation, Suwaidi and Wahbeh. Informed us of all that happened after we left London and then talks with Halifax,392 Butler,393 Dufferin and others. Foreign office lenient – Colonial adamant.

Saturday 29/4/1939 10am – Palestine delegation [meeting] with [PM] Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha. Read  the two cables from Foreign Minister to British Embassy about certain alternatives to proposals. [He was] of the opinion that we accept. War was imminent in August or September [he argued]. Nevertheless [he] will only concur if Palestinians accept. 11am – [Palestine] Delegation Meeting with [Prince] Faisal, [Tawfiq] Suwaidi, [Ali] Maher Pasha, [Abdul-Qader] Kilani, [Fuad] Hamzeh, and [Ragheb] Nashashibi joined us. Maher opened discussion with long review of situation, advised acceptance of British Proposals, [but we were] not requested to agree or dissent. Arab delegations refused to issue appeal asking Palestinians to cooperate. Mousa Alami made a scene at 12.30; [he] spoke in strong words to Jamal [Husseini] and Awni [Abdulhadi] who were willing to accept modification on the basis of a Palestine ministers’ cabinet. I refused and with Alami [we were the] only dissenters. All others present practically accepted. Left meeting at 1pm. Mousa sick in bed in the afternoon. 6.30pm – Back to the meeting; all present except Mousa. Mohammad Mahmoud Pasha read statement by Arab delegates. Accepted in principle by all Palestinians except me. Back to Continental at 10.30. Jamal rang up Mufti at Beirut and spoke to him for half an hour. [He] stated to Rock and others that Mufti agrees in principle. [He] Will meet others and wire Prime Minister tomorrow morning. Meeting with Jamal and Mousa. Hot discussion, attacking Jamal for accepting. Jamal thinks we ought [to accept] as it is the best [that] can be given. Conditions in country necessitate that.

Sunday 30/4/1939 Jamal left with [Prince] Faisal and [Hafiz] Wahba by plane to Lydda and then Baghdad and Bahrain to see King Abdul-Aziz [of Saudi Arabia].

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10am – at Almaza Aerodrome. Left there with Mahroseh piloted by Capt. Sidki at 10.20. Stopped at Port Said for fuel, Abdul-Latif Husseini394 with us. Flew over Jaffa – Tel Aviv, Haifa and the coast. Arrived at Beirut after 2pm. Met by [Izzeldin] Shawa,395 [Ishaq] Darwish, [Hassan] Abu Saud and others. Drove to house with Shawa. [Son] Adel came yesterday from Jerusalem. [He] said Thabet was arrested in Jerusalem and put in Central Prison. 4.30pm – Drove with Mousa, Rock and Saba to Zok, [where we] met the Mufti. Darwazeh and Madi had a long talk. The Mufti said there was misunderstanding  by  Jamal. [He] had never accepted but had wired at midnight asking [Egyptian PM] Mahmoud Pasha not to answer [the British] Embassy before he met us and discussed matter. [He] Had received a reply through Egyptian Consul (present when we first arrived) from Prime Minister saying he had already wired  Great Britain of Arab Delegate’s decision as there was an important cabinet meeting tomorrow. Long discussion after[wards] informing them of what happened in Cairo. Decided: Wire all kings and delegations that no decision can be given before the White Paper is received and studied after which final decision to be communicated. Appealed to them not to commit themselves before receiving our reply. Wired Jamal at Bahrain to that effect too.

Monday 1/5/1939 Car [Taxi Drivers] strike at Beirut began today. No means of transport. Abu Khadra and others came to see me. Told them briefly what happened. Rasem and Ali Husseini396 came also before noon. Awaiting further developments. 6.10 – took a gharry397 to Mrs Shahla’s398 house for tea party. Met Mr and Mrs Palmer, A[merican] Consul General there and many American professors of the university. Had a long talk about USA’s attitude towards the Palestine case and failure of the London Conference; including atrocities committed by troops and Palestine Government.

Thursday 4/5/1939 Ishaq Darwish rang up today to ask whether I would go with Rock to Iraq to attend the Arba’in399 of late King Ghazi at Baghdad and I agreed.

Friday 12/5/1939 Left Beirut with Rock at 5pm to Damascus in Zumario’s car (Spanish Consul at Jaffa). Arrived at Damascus 7.30. Met Abdul-Ilah Bey (Consul of Iraq) at Orient Palace Hotel. Had dinner with him and then met Izzat Darwazeh.

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Saturday 13/5/1939 Left Mazzah [Damascus] Aerodrome at  6.20am with Air France plane. Arrived Baghdad Aerodrome after about three hours; met by representatives of Palestinians. Drove to Zia Hotel where we met Jamal [Husseini] coming back from Bahrain. Spent rest of day at hotel receiving visitors.

Sunday 14/5/1939 Drove at 10am to Palace to register and then to Prime Minister, ministers of Foreign, War, Interior and the Mayor [of Baghdad]. 3.30pm – Attended the Arba’in ceremony at the beautiful Town Hall which finished at about 7pm.

Monday 15/5/1939 At  5.30pm to tea party of H.R.H. Abdul-Ilah400 at the Palace. Met several Iraqi personalities. At 8pm, dinner of the Prime Minister at Town Hall. Back to Hotel.

Tuesday 16/5/1939 Left Baghdad Aerodrome at 6.30am in an Iraqi plane piloted by Capt. Ibrahim Jawad; a military pilot. After two hours arrived at Rebbah401 [airport] and came down for fuel. Flew from Rebbah over desert to Damascus (two hours) and over Anti-Lebanon [mountains], Beka’a [valley] and Lebanon to Beirut Aerodrome (half an hour). Pilot had difficulties in landing. Fourth attempt. Narrow escape from an accident.

Wednesday 17/5/1939 White Paper published at  8pm by all radio stations. Same as British Proposals in London Conference.

Thursday 18/5/1939 Papers full of demonstrations in Tel Aviv and other Jewish places. 4pm – To Zok for meeting of AHC for three hours – statement published refusing White Paper and handed to Press.

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Friday 19/5/1939 News of several clashes in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. About 120 Jews wounded – 10–15 seriously and 15 Police casualties with one death.

Tuesday 23/5/1939 Drove with Sa’eb and Mohammad [Salaam] and [Fawzi] Hoss402 and visited Omar Bey Beyhum403 at his villa in Sofar and then in the evening to Ain Zehalta.

Sunday 28/5/1939 Mohamed, [Sister] Fatima, their kids and [Brother] Ismail came and had lunch with us today. He brought me a draft of the AHC’s detailed statement for refusing the White Paper. Not very good but the best under the circumstances.

Tuesday 6/6/1939 Adel Tourjuman came from Jerusalem. In his opinion he said that the AHC’s statement re the White Paper was not received with enthusiasm by the country. The opposition Party met at Fakhri’s [Nashashibi] house on  29/5/39 attended by all ‘Opposition’ members from Nablus, Jaffa and Gaza with 150–200 fellahin in which they accepted the White Paper and co-operation with the Government! Ragheb [Nashashibi], Assem [Al-Saeed], [Omar Al-Saleh] Barghouti, [Yacoub] Farraj and all others were back in Palestine now.

Monday 19/6/1939 Bomb in Haifa – 18 Killed, 24 Wounded.

Tuesday 20/6/1939 Curious news yesterday from Berlin and Beirut. All newspapers in Palestine are forbidden to mention the name of the Mufti or his activities under penalty of suspension. Several news items from Palestine. Nablus villagers surprised an armed band, disarmed them and handed them over to the authorities. Berlin says those responsible for this are Shakaa and Touqan. They get 6 pounds per captured man.

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Berlin then launched a severe attack on the Nashashibis. Fakhri Nashashibi, it says, Arab public enemy number one and enemy of the Arabs and Islam, is assisting [British] Government. Two lorries full of fine furniture arrived yesterday at Fakhri’s house from Tel Aviv – Arcade furniture company, valued at several hundreds of pounds. The announcer said: ‘Where has Fakhri the traitor got all this money from? He was only a few months ago penniless and bankrupt and in fact several court cases were lodged against him because of his several debts and his inability to pay.’ The British authorities, the announcer continued, release every internee in the concentration camp if asked to do so by Fakhri the traitor who literally commands the authorities to do this and to do that. The tyrannical authorities discuss with the traitor – enemy of the Arabs and Moslems number one – the release of prisoners. He does not do that until he takes from them an oath that they will join his party and thus become themselves traitors. It is within his power to order the release of anyone whom he wishes. The announcer said several other things: That German Consul Dohle in Jerusalem made a farewell party for the two German journalists who were requested to leave Palestine by the British Authorities; [that] these despotic imperial authorities do not want to see in Palestine independence nor to witness the brutality of the government and its troops. [Yet] They forget that the voice of Arab justice is resounding daily on the ether, the cries of the widows and infants, the pitiful cries of wounded are penetrating not only into the ears of the whole world but into the hearts etc. etc. A veritable radio war is raging on the ether especially in Arabic. You have only to switch from Berlin to Bari to London to Moscow to see the gravity of the situation. In the last war, tons of paper propaganda were being hurled about. Now they don’t need it. Short radio waves are doing the job for everyone to hear. When is all this going to end?

Afterword: about the diaries Leila al-Khalidi I was barely ten years old when my father, Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi, was exiled to the Seychelles Islands. In fact, I was the one – on that fateful morning of Friday 1 October 1937 – who awakened my mother to tell her that there were several police constables surrounding the house. It was one of the most traumatic experiences of my life. Fast forward eighty years. Publishing my father’s Seychelles diaries has always been a dream of mine. So, when I learnt that – for my ninetieth birthday present – my son, Rafiq, and my grandchildren, Sara and Talal, had been secretly working on transcribing and editing the diaries, I was overjoyed. Re-reading the diaries and working on this manuscript over the past few months has reminded me not only of a significant chapter in my own family history, but also of the sheer wealth that these diaries provide, both as a rich personal narrative and a fascinating historical document. The experience of being exiled and away from one’s family was as traumatic to my father as it was to me, being the youngest (and, dare I say, favourite) child. Not seeing him on a daily basis while in exile and later hearing about his daily trials and tribulations was no easy thing. It left a scar on my childhood – a dark memory – which triggered pain whenever I heard, saw or imagined what the deportees, and my father in particular, were going through. Those deportees were highly respected leaders, subjected suddenly to isolation and imprisonment on an island so far from home, an extreme climate (without the luxury of modern-day air conditioning) and consistent and deliberate humiliation. Clearly, it was not easy for him – or for his four colleagues who belonged to different generations and backgrounds – to get along with each other during their period of exile. From being no more than acquaintances in Jerusalem, they suddenly became housemates, spending twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week in each other’s company. Reading the diaries, one can feel these minor tensions exaggerated by the difficult situation these men were in. But they tried to get along with each other from one day to the next, appreciating each other’s good habits and putting up with the bad ones. As a child, these details were beyond my comprehension. I eagerly awaited Father’s beautiful letters and his lovely colourful cards, his black-and-white snapshots, and imagined his everyday living and survival on the remote island, but I never imagined the intimate and minute details he recorded in his diaries. Now that I have reached a mature age, I can see things more clearly through his diaries, which I find to be beautifully detailed. Sometimes his writing is soft while at other times he writes with bleakness, even harshness, reminding the reader that he is a human being, reflecting the sentiments and feelings of an incarcerated gentleman.

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And yet, despite his own predicament, he thought and worried about our well-being all the time. In 1935, he had borrowed around 1,000 Palestinian pounds from the bank in order to buy furniture and other items for his house and to match the standards of the prestigious new post as Mayor of Jerusalem, so when he was exiled and his salary was suspended, he found himself in a bad financial situation. The other deportees were fortunate not to be in the same predicament and did not have the responsibility of providing for a wife and four growing children (aged between ten and sixteen) while being unemployed. Help from relations was not forthcoming because they were not rich and, at the same time, he knew that he would not regain his post in the foreseeable future and he would not be able to quickly repay such debts – and so he suffered. My mother knew but the children didn’t, yet somehow she managed to make ends meet. So, we – children – did not suffer except for the absence of our father, which, at times, felt like a permanent loss, especially that we often overheard that our father might not come back. This possibility was a constant source of upset until the day I was reunited with him in Beirut in early 1939. He had aged, lost several teeth, lost some weight, and the tropical fever and weather had taken their toll. It did not matter. I was jumping up and down with joy to see him again. I remember never wanting to leave his side – or rather his lap – unless I had to. I attended to all his wishes and at the same time listened, fascinated, to all the tales about his exile that he was relating to his friends. Even at that early age, I could sense his mental suffering at what had happened and at the uncertainty about his future. After his return from the Seychelles, my father decided to remain in Beirut rather than accept the offer to go back to Palestine on condition that he would end his political career. When the British Mandate authorities allowed him to go back unconditionally in 1944, he returned immediately to continue to fight for the cause of freedom and independence. My father lived a fighter and died a fighter, and never changed his principles or red lines. Whatever opinions people may have of him, I remained a loving daughter of an exceptionally loving father, who was dedicated to the Palestinian cause until the end of his days. To this very day, I cannot forget his advice, views and gallant way of dealing with people from all walks of life. He also left a rich heritage of paperwork, which I read and re-read. I am so happy that others will now be able to read these diaries – the first of his English writings to be published – and hope that we will be able to share the rest of his writings and articles in Arabic and English in the future.

Editor’s postscript I enjoyed greatly editing the diaries of Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi, which vividly described daily life and events during (and after) his exile – with four fellow Palestinian leaders – to the Seychelles Islands between 1937 and 1939. In editing the diaries, I attempted to ‘sympathetically’ condense the neatly handwritten manuscript, reducing it by one-third, mainly by cutting out excessive geographical and historical descriptions of the Seychelles Islands and their residents, repetitive or superfluous incidents and ideas, and extraneous personal and family issues. But all thought-provoking ideas and feelings and interesting political and social anecdotes have been kept intact. I also corrected the few grammatical and punctuation errors and the occasional spelling mistake. Al-Khalidi, born in  1894, was a physician by training; yet he was very well-read and fluent in four languages: Arabic, English, French and Turkish. He started his career as an officer, then became a civil servant (chief physician) in Jerusalem and was not embroiled in politics until – at the age of forty – he was elected (and appointed as) Mayor of Jerusalem, a position from which he was later deposed after his exile to the Seychelles in October  1937. Following the  1948 War and the annexation of East Jerusalem to Jordan, he continued his political career, becoming a minister in the government of the newly formed Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan several times in the mid-1950s and Prime Minister in 1957 (albeit for ten days), following which he resigned and announced his retirement. At the time of writing his Seychelles diaries, which remained unpublished for more than eighty years, al-Khalidi was one of very few Palestinian political leaders to write in English. Although he did not find the right opportunity to publish the diaries during his lifetime, he did want, it seems, to inform and influence the Anglophone world at some stage. Indeed, the publication of the Seychelles diaries comes at a time when the ‘Palestine Question’ remains unresolved and the debate surrounding it still rages on in a manner similar to that depicted in al-Khalidi’s diaries written more than eighty years ago.

Notes Preface 1 Translation: The Age of Courtesies is Over.

The historical and political context of the diaries 1

Musa Kazem Husseini was the elder statesman of Palestinian politics in the 1920s and early 1930s. A graduate of the Civil Service School in Constantinople, he held important positions in the Ottoman Empire, including governor of several provinces in the Arabian Peninsula and Syria. Shortly after the British occupied Palestine, he was appointed Mayor of Jerusalem, but was removed from office in April 1920 due to his opposition to British pro-Zionist policies. From that date until his death in 1934, he led the Palestinian national movement. See Khalidi, W. (1984) Before Their Diaspora. Washington DC: Institute of Palestine Studies. 2 Matthews, W.C. (2006) Confronting an Empire, Constructing a Nation: Arab Nationalists and Popular Politics in Mandate Palestine. London: I.B. Tauris, p. 225. 3 Mohsen, I.K. (1998) Palestine and the Grand Mufti Haj Amin Husseini (in Arabic). Jordan: Al-Sakhra, pp. 138–9. 4 Nabi Musa uprising took place in Jerusalem between 4 and 7 April 1920 in and around the old city of Jerusalem during the annual Nabi Musa festival. Five Jews and four Palestinians were killed, and several hundred were injured. Haj Amin Husseini, who was not the Mufti then, was tried in absentia and sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment, but was later pardoned by the new High Commissioner, Sir Herbert Samuel, and was elected Mufti of Jerusalem in 1921. 5 Al-Ghouri, E. (1972) Sixty Years of Palestine, Part II (Arabic). Beirut: Nahar Press, p. 80. 6 Al-Khalidi, H.F. (2014) Mada Ahd Al-Mujamalat: Memoirs of Hussein Fakhri alKhalidi (in Arabic). Amman: Dar El-Shrook, pp. 188–9. 7 Ibid., p. 189. 8 Pappe, I. (2010) The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian Dynasty: The Husaynis 1700–1948. London: Saqi, p. 266. 9 Mousa Alami was a law graduate from Cambridge University who worked at the Palestine Government Legal Department. He was initially close to the Grand Mufti Haj Amin Husseini, but became his political adversary in the 1940s. 10 Al-Khalidi, H.F. Mada Ahd Al-Mujamalat, ibid. pp. 189–91. 11 Pappe, The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian Dynasty, ibid. p. 266. The author also claims that the Jewish voters refrained from voting for Nashashibi ‘mistaking him for a nationalist extremist’.

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12 Known as such because of their opposition to the Mufti Haj Amin Husseini’s radical policies against the British and the Zionists. 13 Mohsen, I.K. Palestine and the Grand Mufti, ibid. p. 140. 14 For example, Hassan Shukri in Haifa, Assem al-Said in Jaffa and Suleiman Touqan in Nablus. 15 Al-Khalidi, H.F. Mada Ahd Al-Mujamalat, ibid. p. 191. 16 A Survey of Palestine – Prepared in December 1945 and January 1946 for the Information of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry. Reprinted 1991 by the Institute of Palestine Studies, Washington DC. Volume II, p. 946. 17 Tessler, M. (1994) A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 228–30. 18 Khalidi, W. (1971) From Haven to Conquest. Beirut: Institute of Palestine Studies, Appendix I. 19 Barr, J. (2011) A Line in the Sand. London: Simon & Schuster, p. 169. 20 Cohen, H. (2008) Army of Shadows. Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 95. 21 The Arab Higher Committee (AHC) was chaired by Haj Amin Husseini (Grand Mufti of Jerusalem) and included Ahmad Hilmi Pasha (representing the national economic organizations); Jamal Husseini (Arab Party); Awni Abdulhadi (Istiqlal/ Independence Party); Yacoub Ghossein (Al-Shabab/Youth Congress Party); Hussein Fakhri Khalidi (Islah/Reform Party); Abdul-Latif Salah (Al-Kutleh Al-Wataniyyah/ National Bloc Party); Ragheb Nashashibi (Difa’a/Defence Party); Alfred Rock (Catholic Community); Yacoub Farraj (Christian Orthodox Community); and Fuad Saba (Protestant Community). 22 Wilson, M.C. (1987) King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 119. 23 Report of the Palestine Royal Commission. London, July 1937, p. 105. 24 Ibid., p. 366. 25 Ibid., p. 394. 26 In explaining why he accepted the Peel Partition Plan, Ben-Gurion, in a letter to his son Amos on 5 October 1937, wrote: ‘Of course the partition of the country gives me no pleasure. But the country that they are partitioning is not in our actual possession; it is in the possession of the Arabs and the English. What is in our actual possession is a small portion, less than what they are proposing for a Jewish state. If I were an Arab, I would have been very indignant’ (translation from Hebrew by the Institute of Palestine Studies, Beirut). 27 Nashashibi and Farraj resigned from the AHC on 4 July 1937, days before the publication of Lord Peel’s Royal Commission report. See also Ghareeb, I. (2014) Mohammad Amin Husseini: His Role in Palestinian National Movement. Beirut: Center of Civilization for Development of Islamic Thought, pp. 241–3 (in Arabic). 28 The British authorities offered him and other exiled leaders the chance to return to Palestine should they agree not to engage in political activities.

The diaries 1

Yacoub Farraj (1874–1944) – Palestinian Christian politician. Prominent member of the National Defence (al-Difa’a) Party and Vice-Mayor of Jerusalem.

Notes 2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

16 17 18 19 20 21

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Ibrahim Darwish – supporter of Haj Amin Husseini and elected member of the Jerusalem Municipality. Hassan Sidki al-Dajani (1890–1938) – Cambridge law graduate and prominent figure of the Defence Party. Joseph Hachmashvili – represented Sephardis and Agudath Israel group in the Jewish Bloc of the Jerusalem municipality in 1934 (see below). Arabs elected to the Jerusalem municipality were Hussein Fakhri Khalidi (Moslem) Saad El-din Khalili (Moslem), Ibrahim Darwish (Moslem), Yacoub Farraj (Christian), Anastas Hanania (Christian) and Hassan Sidki Dajani (Moslem).The Jewish Bloc consisted of Abraham Elmaleh (Sephardic Jews), Isaac Ben-Zvi (Labour Party), Joseph Hachmashvili (Sephardis and Agudath Israel), Daniel Auster, (General Zionists), Samuel Eden (Agudath Israel) and Haim Solomon (Labour). Daniel Auster (1893–1963) – Deputy Mayor of Jerusalem. Jewish lawyer born in Ukraine and immigrated to Haifa in 1914, who later became the first Jewish Mayor of West Jerusalem (1948–51). Rasem al-Khalidi (1908–88) – Palestinian leader of the Youth Congress Party (established 1932). Joined the Arab Party in 1935 and became close confidant of the Mufti Haj Amin Husseini. Mustafa al-Khalidi (c. 1875–1944) – AKA Abu Salah. Retired High Court Judge, who was a close relation to Hussein Fakhri al-Khalidi (HFK). Wahideh al-Khalidi (1900–80) – wife of HFK and daughter of Nazeef Khalidi, a renowned engineer who had a major role in the construction of the Hedjaz railway line (from Damascus to Medina). Leila al-Khalidi (1927–) – youngest daughter of HFK and Wahideh, and sister of Adel (M), Hatem (M) and Ameerah (F). Alfred Riggs (1896–?) – Assistant Superintendent of Criminal Investigation Department (C.I.D.), Palestine Police (1922–38). Colonel Harry Rice (1886–1973) – Deputy Inspector General and Head of Homicide, C.I.D., Palestine Police. At the time, the High Commissioner was Sir Arthur Grenfell Wauchope, although between September and November 1937, William Denis Battershill was Acting High Commissioner. A detention facility where thousands of Arabs were imprisoned during the 1936–9 Arab Revolt. Fuad Saba (1902–84) – born in Acre. Graduated from the American University of Beirut in the early 1920s and began his career as an accountant. Leading member of Arab Party and secretary of Arab Higher Committee. Following the Nakba in 1948, Saba established a successful auditing business across the Middle East. William Charles Black – British Inspector, Palestine Police. Once a thriving Palestinian village whose inhabitants were expelled by Zionist militias in 1948. Assem al-Saeed O.B.E. – Mayor of Jaffa. Jewish settlement established in 1878 with financial assistance from Baron Edmond de Rothschild. Robin Hood-type Arab armed band leader who regularly clashed with British forces in northern Palestine. Commissioned in 1929, the Sussex served in many operations before World War II in the Mediterranean.

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22 Edward Keith-Roach (1885–1954) – British District Commissioner and Governor of Jerusalem (1926–45). 23 Rashid al-Haj Ibrahim (1889–1953) – Manager of Arab Bank, Haifa branch (1931–47) and founder of the al-Istiqlal (Independence) Party in 1932. Led the Haifa National Committee during the 1947–8 War. 24 Ahmed Hilmi Pasha (1883–1963) – leader of the Istiqlal Party and the treasurer of AHC in 1936–7. After returning from exile, he stayed in Jerusalem until 1948, when he moved to Gaza and was elected by the Palestine National Assembly (PNA) as Prime Minister of All-Palestine Government in Gaza, with Haj Amin al-Husseini elected as President of the Assembly. Hilmi Pasha was forced by the Egyptian authorities to move his Offices to Cairo and remained as PM – albeit symbolic – until he died in 1963. 25 Arab Higher Committee – See footnote 37 below. The AHC was outlawed by the British Mandatory government at the end of September 1937 following the assassination of the district commissioner for Galilee Lewis Andrews. 26 Perim – also called Mayyun in Arabic, a volcanic island in the Strait of Mandeb at the south entrance into the Red Sea, belonging to Yemen. Occupied by Britain from 1857 to 1967. 27 Awni Abdulhadi (1889–1970) – lawyer from Jenin. Founder and first elected President of Istiqlal Party (1932). Member of the AHC. 28 Jerusalem family. 29 Sir Stuart Bonham Carter (1889–1972) – Captain of the H.M.S. Sussex. 30 A-class destroyer commissioned in 1930. Before World War II she patrolled the Mediterranean, off the coasts of Palestine, and participated in the Spanish Civil War. 31 John Frederick Barker (1906–40) – First Lieutenant of H.M.S. Active (1937–8). Killed in action onboard H.M.S. Ardent sunk by German warships off the Norwegian coast in 1940. 32 Surgeon-Lieutenant on the H.M.S. Sussex and Surgeon-Commander on the H.M.S. Active. 33 H-class destroyer built in the mid-1930s. Enforced arms blockade on both sides during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9. Struck a mine in May 1937 and sank. 34 Yacoub Ghossein (1900–47) – from a prominent Palestinian family. Started his political life at a young age in Young Men Muslim Association. Became President of the Youth Congress Party (1932) and member of AHC (1936). 35 Wadi Hnein – a village near Ramleh renowned for its agricultural land and produce of oranges. 36 Lewis Yelland Andrews (1895–1937) – Acting District Commissioner for Galilee. On 26 September 1937, he was assassinated by four masked gunmen, sparking an aggressive response by the British Government, which issued arrest warrants for members of the AHC. 37 Jamal Husseini (1894–1982) – Jerusalemite lawyer. Secretary to the Executive Committee of the Palestine Arab Congresses (1921–34), Chairman of the Arab Party (1935–48) and member of the Arab Higher Committee (1936). Fled to Syria in 1937 following a British attempt to arrest him. 38 Haj Amin al-Husseini (1897–1974) – from a prominent Jerusalemite family whose grandfather, father and elder brother held the important post of ‘Mufti of Jerusalem’. Studied at al-Azhar University in Cairo then served in the Ottoman army in World War I. Implicated as leader of the 1920 Nebi Musa uprising and sentenced to ten

Notes

39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57

58 59

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years’ imprisonment, but was pardoned by Herbert Samuel, the first British High Commissioner in 1921, who also supported his appointment as Mufti of Jerusalem following the death of his elder brother in 1921. Appointed President of the Muslim Supreme Council (MSC) in 1923. His opposition to the British peaked during the revolt of 1936–9, when he led the AHC. In 1937, evading an arrest warrant, he fled Palestine and took refuge in French Mandated Lebanon. Fahmi al-Husseini (1886–1940) – Gaza’s Mayor from 1928 until his arrest in 1937 over charges of ‘anti-British’ activities. Situated at the mouth of the Red Sea, equidistance between Yemen and Eritrea. Largest island in the Zubair group which consists of several uninhabited volcanic islands in the Red Sea, including Saba, Center Peak, Haycock and Saddle islands. Largest of the Hanish islands situated north of Bab-el-Mendeb Strait. A 20-mile wide strait between Yemen and Djibouti which connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. Stewart Perowne O.B.E. (1901–89) – British diplomat who served in Palestine (1927–33) and in the Aden Protectorate (1936–8), before transferring to the BBC in London. Sir Bernard Rawdon Reilly (1882–1966) – British diplomat who became first Governor of Aden (1937–40). Stewart Perowne’s Arabic moniker. Ragheb Khalidi (1866–1951) – father of HFK. Prominent judge in Jerusalem and founder of Khalidi Library in the Old City. Ahmad Sameh Khalidi (1896–1951) – brother of HFK and director of the Government Arab College in Jerusalem (1925–48). Married to Anbara Salaam, daughter of Ali Salaam, a Lebanese Sunni leader from Beirut. From the prestigious Lanier family in the Seychelles. Saad Zaghloul Pasha (1859–1927) – leader of Egypt’s Wafd Party. Exiled to Malta following the Egyptian revolution in 1919 and later (1921) to the Seychelles. Became Prime Minister of Egypt in 1924. Captain Charles Mumby – police officer and aide-de-camp to the governor. John Bradley – arrived to the Seychelles in 1901 at the age of thirty-one. Appointed SMO in 1923. Retired later and became Editor of the Clarion local newspaper. Sayed Souleiman Adam Moussa – Moslem community leader. Took over his father’s shop ‘Adam Moussa General Merchant’ in 1928 at the age of seventeen. He later bought the neighbouring store Teemuljee. Leslie Westergreen – chief guard and clerk to Charles Mumby, Superintendent of Police. Marie Nageon de Lestang – from a prominent Seychellois family. Legal advisor to the Governor. Later appointed judge in Kenya (1946– 8). Otumfuo Nana Prempeh I (1870–1931) – thirteenth King of Ashanti. Exiled to the Seychelles in 1900 by the British where he spent twenty-four years in Mahé. Sir William Battershill (1896–1959) – former British officer. Worked at the Colonial Office in Jamaica (1929–35) and Cyprus (1935–7) before serving as Chief Secretary to the Palestine Government and Acting High Commissioner from September 1937 to March 1938. The Regiment was sent to Palestine in 1938 before transferring to Egypt during the outbreak of World War II. Scottish infantry regiment active in Palestine from 1937 to 1940.

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60 Subhi El-Khadra (1895–1954) – officer and lawyer from Safad. Supported King Faisal’s rule in Syria (1920) and the establishment of Istiqlal Party in Palestine (1932). Arrested several times by the British authorities. 61 Inst. – the abbreviated form of ‘instant’, meaning ‘of the current month’. 62 Governors were required to enter annual details of their colonies in a Blue Book. 63 Izzat Darwazeh (1888–1984) – Palestinian educator from Nablus. Co-founder of Istiqlal Party (1932). Exiled to Damascus in 1937 and subsequently incarcerated. Wrote over thirty books on the Palestine Question. 64 Light machine gun. 65 Infantry regiment deployed to India, Palestine and Ireland. 66 Translation: The Deportees of Palestine. The English destroyer Active docked in our port on Monday morning at 10 o’clock, having on board the Palestinian individuals who were sent to the Seychelles. They are: Hussein Khalidi, Doctor and Mayor of Jerusalem; Fuad Saba, Accountant; Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Manager Arab Bank; Yacoub Ghossein, Banker [sic]; Rashid Haji Ibrahim, Bank Manager. We are still unaware of the reasons why these people were deported and have seen that the Government of Iraq has protested this deportation through a telegram from Reuters. We are also happy to host these remarkable people from Palestine and hope that, like the other detainees from Arabia and Africa, they will enjoy the well-known hospitality all other foreigners receive on our soil. We welcome them and wish them good health. 67 Auguste Pilliéron (1890–1937) – wealthy landowner and producer of cinnamon, coffee and exotic fruits at Pointe Conan. Married Marge Jumeau in the early 1930s. 68 Capital of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. 69 Marie-Jean Hérault de Séchelles (1759–94) – French judge and nobleman. In fact, the Seychelles were named after Marie-Jean’s great-grandfather and French politician, Jean Moreau de Séchelles (1690–1761). 70 Pedro de Mascarenhas (1470–1555) – Portuguese explorer and colonial administrator. 71 Vasco de Gama (1460s–1524) – notable Portuguese explorer and first European to reach India by sea. 72 Avinoam Yellin (1900–37) – born in Jerusalem. First taught Hebrew and Arabic before becoming an Inspector of Hebrew education for the British Mandatory Government. Assassinated outside his office in October 1937. 73 AKA ‘Waqf ’. 74 Hussam el-din Jarallah (1884–1954) – Palestinian Moslem religious leader and political rival to Haj Amin al-Husseini. 75 Lebanese Sunni Moslem dignitary. 76 French journalist Andre Geraud who wrote under the pseudonym Pertinax. 77 Roy Godfrey Spicer (1889–1946) – moved to Palestine in 1931 to reform the police force. Was replaced as Inspector General with Alan Saunders in 1937. 78 Alan Saunders (1886–1964) – held many positions within Palestine including Deputy Inspector General of the Palestine Police (1926–35) and Inspector General (1937–43). 79 Sir Charles Tegart (1881–1946) – police officer in India known for brutality and ruthlessness. Sent to Palestine in 1937 to oversee the creation of a ‘frontier fence’ and sixty-two concrete police stations and posts (nicknamed ‘Tegart forts’). 80 William Ormsby-Gore was a supporter of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. He served as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (1922–9) and Colonial Secretary (1936–8). 81 Thuraya Budeiri – proprietor/land owner from Jerusalem. Member of HFK’s Reform Party.

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82 Ribhi Murad – friend and businessman from Jerusalem. 83 Yitzhak Ben Zvi (1884–1963) – Labour Zionist leader. Born in Ukraine and immigrated to Palestine (1907). Elected to the Jerusalem Municipality in 1934. Became President of Israel in 1952. 84 BBC transmitting from the outskirts of Daventry, North Hamptonshire. 85 Naji al-Suwaidi (1882–1942) – Iraqi politician and Prime Minister of Iraq (1929–30). Presided over the Bloudan Conference in Syria (1937), a pan-Arab conference held in solidarity with Palestine. 86 Slow heart rate. 87 Fast heart rate. 88 Normal range = 60–100 pulses per minute. 89 Sir Reginald Coupland (1884–1952) – Professor of British Colonial History at Oxford University and member of Lord Peel’s Royal Commission for Palestine in 1937. 90 Moslem religious leaders with specialist knowledge of Islamic theology. 91 Claude Jarvis (1879–1953) – Governor of Sinai known for his fascination with Arab culture and language. 92 Thomas Edward Lawrence (1888–1935) – nicknamed Lawrence of Arabia. British officer renowned for his liaison role in the Arab Revolt by Sharif Hussein of Mecca in 1916 against the Ottomans. 93 Lord George Lloyd (1879–1941) – Conservative politician. Governor of Bombay (1918–23), High Commissioner of Egypt (1925–9) and Secretary of State for the Colonies (1940–1). In 1921, he imprisoned Mahatma Gandhi. 94 Frederick Peake (1886–1970) – British Army officer. Founder of Transjordan’s Arab Legion. 95 Nanny of HFK children originally from Nablus. Stayed with the family her entire life. 96 Saad Eldin Khalili – HFK’s uncle from his mother’s side. The Khalili family had a substantial Waqf (endowment) from which HFK and his mother receive share of its proceeds. 97 Mahmoud Abou Khadra – businessman from Jaffa and member of HFK’s Reform Party. 98 Sir Arthur Wauchope (1874–1947) – Wauchope’s last appointment was High Commissioner for Palestine and Transjordan from 1931 until 1937 when he retired due to ill health. 99 The Senussi riots (1915–17) – military engagements between German/Ottomanbacked Senussi tribes and the British/Italians on the Libyan-Egyptian border, culminating in the recapture of the north Egypt (Agagia) coast by the British. 100 Omar al-Mukhtar (1861–1931) – leader of the Senussi Tribes considered a national hero in Libya and the Arab world for resisting colonial forces. Killed by the Italians after they captured him in 1931. 101 Ragheb Nashashibi (1881–1951) – senior member of the influential Nashashibi family in Jerusalem. Appointed Mayor of Jerusalem in 1920 by the British after dismissing Mousa Kazim Husseini. In the 1934 municipal elections, he lost to HFK. Immediately afterwards, he established and headed the pro-British National Defence Party which opposed Haj Amin Husseini. 102 G. McLaren – District Commissioner for Jerusalem. Retired in 1938. 103 R.D. Badcock – Assistant D.C. of Jerusalem. Became Acting DC in May 1938. 104 Charles Baehler (1886–1937) – Swiss hotelier who built the King David Hotel in Jerusalem in 1933.

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105 Hortense Mancini, Duchesse de Mazarin (1646–99) – one of five noble sisters notorious for their beauty. In 1659 a marriage proposal from an exiled King Charles II was rejected by her father, Cardinal Marazin, only to realize his mistake when Charles recovered the throne some months later. 106 Variant game of ‘trick-track’. 107 Illuminated script made out of lights and hung between minarets during Ramadan. 108 AKA Qalamoun: mountainous region west of Syria and east of Lebanon. 109 Yousef Yassin – Syrian newspaper editor and advisor to King Abdul-Aziz of Saudi Arabia. 110 Peter Robertson McEwan (1907–37) – bodyguard of DC Lewis Andrews, who was shot dead while with him. 111 Christopher Lumby – Times correspondent during the inter-war period and World War II. 112 Ishak Darwish – Palestinian member of the Arab Party and nephew and confidant of the Mufti. 113 William Johnson – Treasurer. Awarded O.B.E. in 1936 while serving in Palestine. 114 Souleiman Tuqan (1893–1958) – Mayor of Nablus (1925–51). Leading figure in the Defence Party and known for his opposition to Haj Amin Husseini. Appointed to senior positions in the Jordanian Government after 1948. Minister of Defence in the Hashemite Union of Iraq and Jordan in 1958, but assassinated that same year during the Iraqi revolt. 115 Jerusalem suburb just south of the Old City. 116 Arabic saying meaning the old man is still interested in women. 117 Sir Alec Kirkbride (1897–1978) – Governor of Acre (1922–37) and District Commissioner of Galilee (1937–9). 118 On the Palestine-Lebanon borders. 119 Arabic saying meaning one has ‘cleaned his slate’ or reversed his wrongs. 120 Thabet Khalidi – HFK’s wife Wahideh’s younger brother. 121 Wadi Boustani (1888–1954) – Lebanese Christian poet who moved to Haifa in 1917. Co-founded Haifa Islamic-Christian Association (1923). Secretary to third Arab delegation to London (1933). 122 Short written notes. 123 Region between Yemen and Oman. 124 Trans-Jordanian town on the tip of the Red Sea. 125 Arabic expression. 126 Bedouin pronunciation of Lawrence (of Arabia). 127 Rodolfo Graziani – led Italian troops in Libya during Mussolini’s rule. 128 Albino. 129 Aida Shammas – presenter of the ‘Children’s Radio Hour’ in Arabic along with Wadi’a Shatara. 130 Ibrahim Touqan (1905–41) – Palestinian poet from Nablus. Director of the Arabic Section at the Palestine Broadcasting Services. 131 Faisal Ibn Hussein (1885–1933) – son of Sharif Hussein who led the Arab rebellion against the Ottomans in 1916. Led tribal warriors from Hidjaz north towards Greater Syria with the assistance of Captain Lawrence. Became King of Syria in 1920, but was deposed after French occupation. In 1921, the British installed him as King of Iraq. 132 Arabic expression of praise. 133 Arabic expression of joyful exclamation.

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134 Arabic word. Plural of Consul. 135 Rouhi Abdulhadi (1885–1954) – from a prominent Jenin family. Obtained Law degree from Istanbul (1908), appointed by the British Mandatory Government as District Governor of Jerusalem (1920) and Assistant Secretary (1930). 136 Abdulhamid Shouman (1888–1947) – from Beit Hanina village, north of Jerusalem. Immigrated to New York in 1911, where he succeeded in a variety of businesses. Returned to Palestine and assembled £15,000 to establish the Arab Bank in 1930 in Jerusalem. Hilmi Pasha, Rashid Haj Ibrahim and Fuad Saba all worked for the Arab Bank. 137 Abdulmajid Shouman (1912–2005) – educated in the USA. Successfully managed the Arab Bank after his father’s death, making it one of the most formidable banks in the Middle East. 138 Mishmar Ha Emek – Jewish settlement in Jezreel Valley. 139 Yahya Hamid ed-Din (1869–1948) – Imam of Yemen. Assassinated along with his grandson during a coup attempt in 1948. 140 Daughter of Ahmad Touqan and Wijdan Khalidi (Wahideh’s sister). 141 Jamal Touqan – high-ranking civil servant in the British Mandate. Later appointed Foreign Minister of Jordan (1954). 142 Arabic for communiqué. 143 Fuad Shatara (1894–1942) – Palestinian surgeon who immigrated to the USA and graduated from Harvard University. Appointed as Hedjaz Minister to the US by Sharif Hussein and later became Founding President of Arab National League of America in 1936. 144 Abdelaziz Thaalbi (1876–1944) – founding member of Destour Party in Tunisia. Spent many years in exile in Egypt, Iraq and India. Returned to Tunisia in 1937 and stayed there until his death in 1944. 145 Sheikh Farhan al-Saadi (1856–1937) – Jenin Sheikh who joined Sheikh Izzedine al-Qassam’s militant organization in 1935 to resist the British occupation. Arrested in November 1937 and executed a few days later at the age of eighty. 146 Sheikh Izzedine al-Qassam (1882–1935) – Syrian preacher who escaped the French and settled in Haifa in 1920. Organized armed resistance against Great Britain and Zionists in 1935, and was killed by the British near Jenin in November 1935. 147 Éamon De Valera (1882–1975) – Irish politician; three-time Prime Minister (1937–48; 1951–4; 1957–9) and 3rd President of Ireland (1959–73). 148 Dutch colony at the time. Currently present-day Jakarta, Indonesia. 149 Umm Kalthoum (1898–1975) – internationally renowned Egyptian singer. 150 A governorate of Yemen, situated north of Aden. 151 Arabic phrase meaning ‘custom and tradition’. 152 Archibald Wavell, 1st Earl Wavell (1883–1950) – senior officer sent to Palestine in 1937 during growing unrest. Appointed General Officer Commanding-in-Chief until 1940. 153 Moustafa al-Nahhas (1879–1965) – served as Judge before joining Wafd Party and consequently exiled to the Seychelles (1921–3). Became Prime Minister in 1928, 1930, 1936–7, 1942–4 and 1950–2. 154 Palestinian newspapers. 155 Mohammed Ali al-Taher (1896–1974) – Palestinian journalist and founder of Egyptian newspaper al-Shura (1924–6) then al-Shabab (the Youth, 1937) and alAalam Al-Masri (Egyptian World, 1939). Strong supporter of Wafd Party and his publications reflected his Arab nationalist views.

338 156 157 158 159

Notes

Military rank equivalent to Major. Arabic phrase meaning ‘God curse the devil’. Town north of Jerusalem. Speaker’s corner-type pre-Islamic gathering near Mecca lasting twenty days where Arab poets recited their poems. 160 Emir Mohammad ben Abdul-Karim (1882–1963) – political and military figure who guided Berber-speaking tribes to victory against French and Spanish colonization of northern Morocco in 1921. His guerrilla tactics are said to have influenced Ho Chi Minh, Mao Zedong and Che Guevara. 161 Terence MacSwiney (1879–1920) – Irish playwright and politician. Elected as Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Cork during the Irish War of Independence in 1920. Arrested and imprisoned by the British in Brixton Prison. His death there after seventy-four days on hunger strike attracted international attention. 162 Arab alcoholic drink made from anise. 163 Afif Touqan – engineer from prominent Nablus family; neighbour of HFK in Jerusalem. 164 Jewish newspaper published in Palestine. Renamed Jerusalem Post in 1950. 165 Daily Egyptian newspaper. 166 King Farouq (1920–65) – tenth ruler of Egypt succeeding his father Fuad I in 1936. Overthrown by a military coup in 1952, he lived in exile in Italy. 167 Mohammad Mahmoud Pasha (1877–1941) – twice Prime Minister of Egypt (Liberal Constitutional Party 1928–9; Wafd Party 1938–9). 168 Mohammad Salaam – from a well-to-do Sunni family from Beirut. Husband of Fatima, HFK’s sister. 169 Fatima Khalidi – HFK’s sister married to Mohammad Salaam. 170 Sir Harry Trusted (1888–1985) – Attorney General of Palestine (1932–6) and Chief Justice (1936–41). 171 Ibrahim Hashim Pasha (1888–1958) – Jordanian lawyer and politician of Palestinian descent. Three-time Prime Minister of Jordan (1946–7, 1956, 1957–8). Died during the 1958 coup in Iraq. 172 James Thomas (1874–1949) – trade unionist and Labour politician. Colonial Secretary (1924, 1931, 1935–6). Embroiled in corruption scandal, allegedly trading insider information on Government budget plans to stock exchange speculators. 173 Pearl Buck (1892–1973) – Nobel Prize (Literature) winning American author. Spent most of her life in China. Later became an advocate for women and minority rights in the USA. 174 U.S.S. Panay incident – Japanese attack on American gunboat Panay while anchored in the Yangtze River, China in December 1937. Japanese claimed they did not see American flags on the gunboat, apologized and paid an indemnity. 175 Ahmad Bin Yahya (1891–1962) – eldest son of Yemen’s Imam Yahya Hamid al-Din. Known as Saif al-Islam (Sword of Islam). Assisted his father by leading campaigns to suppress tribal revolts. Following his father’s death in a 1948 coup d’état, Ahmad regained power some months later. 176 Sheikh Hafiz Wahbeh (1889–1969) – Egyptian journalist. Went to Kuwait in 1916 after being exiled by the British where he met Saudi future King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud. Became the King’s advisor in 1923 then Saudi Ambassador in Britain in 1930. 177 Arabic for ‘country’. 178 Ahmad Touqan – husband of Wijdan, Wahideh’s sister. Became Prime Minister of Jordan in early 1970s. 179 A village in Sinai.

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180 HFK was drafted into the Turkish army in 1914 as an officer/doctor and sent to Gaza and Sinai at start of the British invasion of Palestine. He joined Arab forces led by Emir Faisal (and Lawrence) in 1918. 181 Al-Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron. 182 Famous hotel situated on the Nile in Cairo. 183 James Starkey (1895–1938) – British archaeologist of ancient Near East and Palestine. Was robbed and killed near Hebron. 184 Mohammad Aqqad (1850–1930) – Egyptian musician who played the Qanoun (Arabic string instrument) in Umm Kalthoum’s band. 185 Margaret Mitchell published her only novel Gone with the Wind in 1936. 186 Hassan Bader Khalidi – HFK’s cousin and friend. 187 Ismail Khalidi (1916–1968) – HFK’s youngest brother. BA from American University of Beirut (AUB). PhD from Columbia in 1955. Became senior political affairs officer for the UN Department of Political Affairs. 188 H.J. Simson – Author of British Rule and Rebellion. Served as General Dill’s chief of staff and was an advocate of martial law in Palestine. 189 Sir John Dill (1881–1944) – Commander of British Forces in Palestine (1936–7). 190 An Arabic custom; a vow to complete a charitable act. 191 Old English saying meaning ‘of course not!’ 192 Hugo Eckener (1868–1954) – German Commander of the Graf Zeppelin, which set the record for the first airship flight around the world. 193 Shibli Jamal (died 1944) – Christian Jerusalemite. Elected as Secretary of the Arab Executive established by the third National Assembly held in 1921. Leading member of HFK’s Reform Party. 194 Issa Bandak – Mayor of Bethlehem and leading member of the Reform Party. 195 Majed Abdulhadi – judge in Jerusalem from a prominent family in Jenin. 196 Nasuhi Beydoun – Lebanese high official in the Palestine Government. 197 Khalil al-Sakakini (1878–1953) – renowned educationalist, scholar and advocate of Pan-Arabism. Perceived Zionism as a great threat even before World War I. Believed that Jewish right to the land had expired while Arab right was ‘a living one’. 198 Treaties and declarations made by nations applying for accession to the League of Nations. The treaties secure basic rights to all inhabitants of the state without distinction of race, religion, birthplace, language, etc. 199 Palestinian family from Jerusalem. 200 Syrian PM Aladdin Droubi and others were killed after their train was attacked by rebels from Horan in region of Daraa, which lies south of modern-day Syria. HFK was on the train on his way from Aleppo to Jerusalem and was robbed. 201 Rashid Talii’ (1877–1926) – Lebanese Druze leader. Joined Emir Faisal in Damascus and became Interior Minister in 1920. After its fall to the French, he escaped to Transjordan, where he became Head of Istiqlal Party and was appointed as the first Prime Minister by Emir Abdullah in 1921. Resigned in that same year after pressure from France and Britain. Assassinated in Jabel [Mount] El-Druze in 1926. 202 Creole: ‘I am very sad. Lots of snails eat my poor flowers and vegetables.’ 203 Isadora Duncan – American dancer strangled with her own scarf in Nice in 1927. 204 Fakhri Nashashibi (1899–1941) – nephew of Ragheb, who assisted his uncle in organization and propaganda of the Defence Party. Was vehemently opposed to the 1936–39 rebellion. Assassinated in Baghdad in 1941. 205 Issa Nakhleh (1915–2003) – law graduate and barrister. Later represented AHC in New York City.

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206 Law student in England. Graduated in 1940. 207 Khalil Totah (1886–1955) – Palestinian Christian educator and academic. Advocated before Peel Commission in 1937 the rights of the native Arab population to their own country of which they constituted a majority. 208 Matiel Moghannam nee Toomeh (1900–92) – Lebanese raised in USA. Moved to Jerusalem in 1921, when she married Moghannam Moghannam, a Palestinian lawyer who became Secretary of Defence Party. Secretary General of the Arab Women’s Association. Authored a book entitled The Arab Woman and the Palestine Problem (1937). 209 French word for nightmares. 210 Nuri al-Saeed (1888–1958) – Iraqi pro-British politician who served as Prime Minister for 14 terms between 1930 and 1958. Assassinated in 1958 following a coup, where King Faisal II was overthrown and a republic was declared. 211 Opening soura (verse) of the Holy Quran. 212 Arab Bank branch manager at Jaffa. 213 Money given as a gift at Eid. 214 Captain of the Schleswig-Holstein until June 1938. 215 Harry Snell (1865–1944) – Labour member of House of Lords and staunch supporter of Zionism. Appointed to the Shaw Commission (1929) to investigate the Arab uprisings. 216 Subhas Chandra Bose. 217 Village near Mount Carmel, Haifa, active against British occupation. Destroyed by Zionist forces after 1948. 218 Prominent family in Ijsim. AKA Bani Hermas. 219 Hussein Rouhi (mid-1880s–1960) – Arabic-speaking Baha’i Persian born in Egypt. He was Storrs’ secretary and agent. 220 Anthony Eden (1897–1977) – Conservative politician who was Foreign Secretary at the time. Went on to become Prime Minister (1955–7). 221 Neville Chamberlain (1869–1940) – Conservative politician and Prime Minister (1937–40). 222 Clement Attlee (1883–1967) – leader of the Labour Party and Prime Minister during post-war period (1945–51). 223 Lord Halifax (1881–1959) – Conservative politician. Viceroy of India (1925–31) and Foreign Secretary (1938–40). 224 Frank H. Beck – author of The Case of the Palestine Arabs (1937). 225 Sir Harold MacMichael (1882–1969) – Governor of Tanganyika (1933–7) and High Commissioner in Palestine (1938–44). 226 Town near Lake Tiberius. 227 Arabic phrase meaning ‘Bring hot coal, Boy’. 228 Ahmad Maher (1888–1945) – Egyptian Minister of Education (1925). Detained by the British as suspect for murder of Sir Lee Stack governor of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, but later released. Appointed to Senate by new King Farouq (1937). Became Prime Minister (1944). Assassinated (1945) by a member of Wafd Party for ‘his pro-Allies stance’. 229 Sultan Abdulhamid (1842–1918) – Sultan of the Ottoman Empire residing in Istanbul, ruling over its final years. 230 Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) – Austro-Hungarian Jewish journalist and political activist, credited as father of modern political Zionism. Wrote The Jewish State in 1895 and became President of the World Zionist Organization in 1897 until his death in 1904. Led a diplomatic campaign promoting mass Jewish migration to Palestine. 231 French meaning ‘in a scattered way, five families here and five families there’. 232 Town in north Palestine.

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233 AKA Woodhead Commission. 234 King Asantehene Prempeh I (1870–1931) – King of Ashanti (modern-day Ghana). In 1896, the British conquered his kingdom, but he resisted. Following arrest, he began twenty-eight years of exile, starting in Sierra Leone and eventually in the Seychelles. In 1924, the British returned him as King. 235 36th Surah in the Quran. 236 Hassan Shukri (1867–1940) – Damascus-born Mayor of Haifa (1914–20 and 1927–40). Openly declared support for the Balfour Declaration and headed the Jewish-funded Moslem National Association in 1921 which disintegrated in 1923. Survived two assassination attempts in 1937. 237 Of mixed black and white ancestry. 238 Leon Blum (1872–1950) – French Jewish moderate-left politician and three-time Prime Minister, starting in June 1936. Described by Walter Laqueur as a ‘distant sympathiser’ who agreed with the concept of a Jewish homeland for those Jews – unlike himself – who ‘did not have the fortune to be free and equal citizens in their countries of birth’. 239 Edgar Wallace (1875–1932) – English writer and war correspondent for Reuters and the Daily Mail. 240 Edward Oppenheim (1866–1946) – English novelist and successful writer of genre fiction including thrillers. 241 Amin al-Tamimi (1892–1944) – Palestinian leader. Joined Haj Amin Husseini in Lebanon in 1938 and went with him to Iraq, where they supported Rashid Aali Kilani’s failed revolt against the British. Arrested in 1941 and exiled to Rhodesia. Died in 1944 following an illness, despite requests to be treated in Cairo or Beirut. 242 Simson, H.J. (1937) British Rule and Rebellion in Palestine. Edinburgh: W. Blackwood and Sons. 243 Haj Amin al-Husseini. 244 Rothay Reynolds (1872–1940) – English journalist and foreign correspondent for the Daily Mail. One of the first journalists to interview Hitler in 1923. Died from pneumonia in Jerusalem in 1940. 245 Abdulrahman Shahbandar (1880–1940) – Syrian anti-French politician but also anti-National Bloc Government led by Jamil Mardam Bey. Assassinated in Damascus in 1940. 246 Arabic for ‘Bloc’ referring to Syrian National Bloc. 247 Jamil Mardam Bey (1894–1960) – Syrian leader of the National Bloc and Prime Minister from 1936 to 1939. 248 Walid Khalidi (born 1925) – HFK’s nephew; son of Ahmad Sameh. Later became a prominent historian who has written extensively on the Palestinian exodus. Cofounder of the Institute for Palestine Studies, established in Beirut in 1963. 249 In reference to Henry Knezevitch, who worked as treasurer at the Arab College. 250 Akram Khalidi – journalist and relative of HFK. 251 Sheikh Khalil Khalidi – Head of Shari’a (Islamic) Appeal Court in Jerusalem. 252 Glover, C. Gordon (1934) Cocktails at Six. London: Geoffrey Bles. 253 Thomas Reid (1881–1963) – Labour politician who became an MP (1945–55). Outspoken critic of the Palestine Partition plan, calling it ‘an iniquitous scheme’. 254 Members of Wafd Party. 255 Supporters of Saad Zaghloul’s Institutional Party. 256 Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha (1878–1941) – four-time Egyptian Prime Minister. At the time, Mahmoud was PM and Minister of Interior.

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257 Olivier Maradan (1899–1975) – Swiss Catholic Bishop of the Seychelles from 1937–72. 258 Arabic for ‘solitary confinement’. 259 A Muslim festival at Easter time where Jerusalemites and other Palestinians celebrate for two weeks at a site near Jericho. Some say it was ‘invented’ by Jerusalemite Muslim leaders to allow Christians to celebrate Easter in peace. 260 Suburb close to Old City of Jerusalem. 261 People from the City of Nablus. 262 Eugene O’Neill (1888–1953) – American playwright and Nobel Laureate in Literature. 263 Fuad al-Saeed – Jaffa notable whose father was Mayor of Jaffa and mother is a Khalidi. 264 Saeb Salaam (1905–2000) – Lebanese Sunni politician, six-time Prime Minister (1952–73). His sister Anbara was married to HFK’s brother, Ahmad Sameh. 265 French slang for a lady with an ample bosom. 266 Josiah Wedgwood (1872–1943) – Labour MP and Zionist sympathizer. 267 Basil Temple-Blackwood, 4th Marquess of Dufferin (1909–45) – Conservative politician. Colonial Under-Secretary at the time. 268 Doubly strange. 269 Arabic for ‘Arab Investment Company’. 270 William Wedgwood Benn (1877–1960) – officer and politician, serving as MP for both the Liberal and Labour Parties. Served as Secretary of State for India (1929–31). 271 Emile Khadder – HFK’s family dentist in Jerusalem. 272 Lord Winterton – Irish peer. 273 Sir Arnold Wilson – MP. Previously British Civil Commissioner in Baghdad (1918–20). 274 Sir Stafford Cripps – British Labour MP. 275 Sir Alfred Knox – Military General and Conservative MP. 276 Lord Robert Gibson – Scottish lawyer and MP (1936–41). 277 Aneurin Bevan – Welsh Labour MP. 278 Arabic phrase used to offer condolences. 279 Jewish National Council. 280 Member of the Pan-Arab Istiqlal Party. 281 Translation: ‘The First Consul orders you explicitly not to use against them any measures of rigour, or even of severity, which can aggravate unnecessarily the misfortune of their position; on the contrary, that your humanity, your prudence and if necessary, your advice, provide them with a quiet existence, make them forget their principles, and commit them to repair their past conduct.’ 282 Latin meaning ‘beyond the powers’. A law is ultra vires if the administrator does not have the substantive power to impose it. 283 Tawfiq Canaan (1882–1964) – celebrated Palestinian physician producing thirtyseven studies on bacteriology, tropical medicine, malaria, tuberculosis and leprosy. Outspoken political figure authoring two books on the Palestine Problem. 284 Adel Tourjuman – Jerusalem lawyer and cousin of HFK. 285 Aref Tourjuman – Brother of Adel and cousin of HFK. 286 Order nisi – court order that has no power unless a specific condition is met. 287 Henry Catan (1906–92) – renowned Palestinian barrister educated in Paris and London. Member of the Palestine Law Council. 288 Catholic monastery west of Jerusalem.

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289 Translation: ‘We have learned, on this day, the arrival here in Mahé Seychelles (Port Victoria) of the deportees coming from Palestine. These gentlemen have pretty homes here in Bel Air and live as they please, without strict supervision around them. In the course of this week, I met two of these gentlemen who told me that they are treated with far too much rigour, that the worst prisoner in the central jail has more freedom than them, and that they will send a petition about that to the Secretary of State. They even went to see the lawman for this purpose. As these gentlemen are mixed in dirty business in their country where several English soldiers were murdered, the paternal government of His Majesty who wants their own good, and who has affection for them, preferred to send them for a change of air in our little country. And today, they complain because they were treated well, the ungrateful!’ 290 French phrase (lit. ‘softening of the brain’) referring to dementia. 291 Latin legal phrase (lit.) ‘that you have the body’. A court order requiring an imprisoned individual to be tried in front of a judge or jury. 292 Martin Agronsky (1915–99) – American Jewish journalist and TV programme host. Born in the USA to Russian immigrants. Became a reporter for Palestine Post (1936), founded by his uncle, but left in 1937 to open a bookshop. 293 Ethel Mannin (1900–84) – British novelist and political author with staunch socialist upbringing. Was actively involved in anti-fascist and anti-imperialist movements. 294 Margot Asquith (1864–1945) – Anglo-Scottish novelist and wife of British Prime Minister H.H. Asquith. 295 Hugh Otter-Barry CBE (1887–1971) – Bishop of Mauritius (1931–59). Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge. 296 Prominent lawyer in Jerusalem. 297 Lebanese physician who worked in the Public Health Department in Jerusalem. 298 Arabic teacher in Jerusalem and co-author of Manual of Palestinian Arabic published in 1909. 299 Town on the Mediterranean near Alexandria, Egypt. 300 Located near Tulkarem. Destroyed – its 1,000 residents expelled by Zionist militia in 1948. 301 Sub-Editor, Jamaica Standard. Previously a reporter at Lancashire Daily Post. 302 Village in the Lebanese mountains. 303 Village in the Lebanese mountains. 304 Excerpts from Daniel Auster’s letter dated 21 August 1938 (from HF Khalidi’s files): ‘… I have received your letter dated the 31.7.38. I must admit that every time I hear from you, or read your letters, it gives me pleasure to know that you are feeling well and that your health remains satisfactory … Your prayers, my dear friend, not only do not help, as you probably know, the situation is more tense than before. May I suggest to you to try and stop praying, perhaps that may be more helpful.I was not a bit tickled about your remarks regarding the O.B.E. or C.B.E. and I have forgetten [sic] it already long time ago … About a month ago H.E. has informed us through D.C. about your dismissal and disqualification as well as the disqualification of Ibrahim eff. It was also announced that one of the two newly to be appointed Moslem members will be appointed Mayor. It took a whole month until our friend and your relative Mustafa Bey has been appointed Mayor of Jerusalem. The other member has not yet been nominated. Mabrouk! I am going home and Mustafa Bey will start shortly . … I have informed the D.C. that I have become a Moslem and that I have changed my name from Daniel into Mustafa – just as Mr Philby has done, but it did

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not help a bit. It seems that one must be a born Moslem, which I cannot do. You cannot make such things retroactive!… Mr Goldwater thanks you for the stamps. I have taken half of them for my children, without your permission, but I hope you don’t mind … Best regards from Mrs Auster, all Councillors and best wishes from me.Yours very sincerely, Daniel Auster.’ 305 Konrad Henlein (1898–1945) – leading German politician in Sudetenland (Czechoslovakia). Joined the Nazi Party in 1938 and was appointed Governor of Sudetenland. 306 Pearl Buck (1892–1973) – American novelist and human rights activist. Lived in China until 1934 and became first American woman to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1938 for her description of peasant life in China. 307 Telegram dated 15/9/38: ‘High Comm. Jerusalem. Reference your telegram to Governor dated fourteenth September communicated to me today stop Telegraphic prepaid arrangements not intended to receive your reply to my private letter ninth August thus enabling you evade reply to my two cables sixteenth and twenty third August concerning immediate danger to my health stop Now realize have been sent here to suffer slow death comma invaliding for life comma or driven into lunatic asylum stop Prefer quicker death thus if I get no satisfactory answer to my cables within week comma decided to go on hunger strike as protest on Thursday twenty second instant twelve noon stop Inform my wife and family. Doctor Khalidi.’ 308 Arabic: ‘There is no God but Allah and Mohammad is his servant and messenger.’ 309 Telegram read: ‘High Comm. Jerusalem. A sick and weak human being cannot challenge the forces and might of your Empire as Hitler is now doing on frontiers of Czechoslovakia but he can at least show his protest, abhorrence and indignation for the brutal manner in which he is treated by penalizing his own body Stop At moment when I am entering upon my fast am puzzled to remember that I carry a British passport more so when that document cannot accord its bearer the elements of once famed British Justice which accords every citizen right to stand [in] his trial and defend himself before courts of Justice comma and when British Government in Palestine hasn’t the decency to reply to prepaid telegram stop Such cruel and inhuman treatment of a sick man will one day be registered in the bloody pages of Palestine’s history under your rule stop Doctor Khalidi.’ 310 Governor’s addendum to Khalidi’s telegram (found in HFK files): ‘Khalidi has submitted representations now in transit to you that no specialist medical treatment is available here. This is broadly true and I have suggested you might wish to despatch selected specialist from Palestine to report upon health of Khalidi and his fellows. Khalidi is labouring under fear of heart trouble and malignant growth in throat. I think his fear amounts to genuine panic which intimation of specialist’s visit might appease. Governor 15/9/38.’ 311 Tawfiq Suwaidi (1892–1968) – Iraqi pro-British politician who headed the Iraqi Delegation to the London Palestine Conference in 1939. Prime Minister of Iraq (1929, 1930, 1946 and 1950). 312 Nuri al-Saeed (1888–1958) – Iraqi pro-British politician. Served fourteen terms as Prime Minister. In 1930, during his first term, he signed the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, which granted Britain unlimited right to station its armed forces in Iraq and gave it legitimacy to control the oil industry. Killed after the revolution in July 1958.

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313 Sephardic Jew appointed Mayor of Tiberius in 1923 by the British. Jews in Tiberius constituted 50 per cent of the town’s population at the time. Seriously wounded on 27 October 1938 and later died. 314 Huda Sultan Charawi (1879–1947) – prominent Egyptian feminist founder of the Arab Women’s Union in 1935. 315 Katy Antonius (?–1984) – daughter of wealthy Syrian Christian Faris Nimer Pasha and wife of George Antonius (diplomat and author of Arab Awakening (1938)). Her ‘salon’ in Jerusalem was a focal point where journalists, politicians and diplomats congregated to discuss the latest political issues. 316 French for ‘gossipy, talkative’. 317 Rebel leader in Nablus region. 318 City in India. 319 Arabic phrase meaning ‘his womanizing streak’. 320 Teacher in Jerusalem and close relative of Wahideh. 321 King Ghazi Ibn Faisal (1912–39) – only son of King Faisal I and King of Iraq (1933– 9). Died in 1939 in an accident while driving a sports car. According to a commonly held view, he was killed on the orders of Nuri al-Saeed. 322 Yaseen al-Hashimi (1884–1937) – Iraqi politician and two-time Prime Minister. In October 1936, Hashimi was deposed in a coup, which was led by General Sidki. He made his way to Damascus where he died three months later. 323 A predominantly nomadic people of the Sahara Desert, mostly in the northern reaches of Mali near Timbuktu. 324 Cape on the shores of Somalia. 325 Tip of Somalia, AKA the Horn of Africa. 326 Dermatologist in Beirut. 327 Having the characteristics of a sleepwalker. 328 Shiaa (Ismaili) sect emerged in the early twelfth century. 329 Lahj exiles were allowed to return to Aden in January 1940, nearly six years after they were first exiled. 330 Syria then included Lebanon where the Mufti was staying. 331 Member of Egyptian Senate. 332 Well-to-do Palestinian land owner. Member of Executive Committee of the Defence Party. 333 Sûreté nationale – French police department of criminal investigation. 334 Chief of Staff to King Ghazi I of Iraq. 335 New York Times correspondent based in Palestine and Egypt. 336 American automobile manufacturer (1916–54). 337 Izzat Tannous (1896–1969) – Protestant medical doctor from Nablus and Mufti supporter. 338 Abdullatif Salah – lawyer from Nablus. Established the National Bloc in 1935 which took an anti-Mufti stance. 339 Eliot Palmer – US Consul General in Beirut. 340 Editor-in-Chief of Falastin newspaper published in Jaffa. 341 Fatima Khalidi – wife of the late Hussein Husseini, the last Ottoman-appointed Mayor of Jerusalem in 1917. After her husband’s death in 1918, she moved to Beirut. 342 Ali Husseini (1915–38) – son of Hussein Husseini and Fatima Khalidi. Killed by British troops in Hebron mountains, while fighting alongside his cousin Abdul-Qadir Husseini and other rebels in October 1938.

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343 Fuad Al-Khatib (1880–1957) – Lebanese who moved to Transjordan in 1924 and became advisor to Emir Abdullah. 344 During the Beirut meetings, the AHC decided that Ragheb Nashashibi would not be part of the delegation to the London Conference to be held in February 1939 since he (and Yacoub Farraj) had resigned from the AHC in July 1937. 345 Prince Faisal Ibn Abdul-Aziz (1906–75) – Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs and Head of Saudi Delegation to the London Conference. Became King of Saudi Arabia in 1964 until his assassination in 1975. 346 Khayr al-Din al-Zirikli (1893–1976) – advisor to Prince Faisal Ibn Abdul-Aziz, originally Syrian. 347 Brother of Prince Faisal. 348 Mohammed Ali Alluba Pasha – Egyptian Minister of Parliamentary Affairs. 349 Neguib Gharabli Pasha – Justice Minister under Zaghloul Pasha. 350 Alfred Rock (1885–1956) – Palestinian Catholic leader. Vice-President of Mufti’s Arab Party and member of the AHC. Escaped arrest and exile since he was in Geneva in September 1937. 351 Seiza Nabrawi – close friend and colleague of Huda Charawi. 352 Fuad Hamzeh (1899–1951) – Lebanese Druze who worked in Palestine, later leaving for Saudi Arabia, where he became Minister and member of the Saudi Delegation to the London Conference. 353 Aly Maher (1882–1960) – Egyptian politician. Served four terms as Prime Minister between 1936 and 1952. 354 Mohamed Abdul-Moneim (1899–1979) – Egyptian Prince. Later served as Regent to young King Ahmed Fuad II during his short reign in 1952 after his father King Farouq was deposed. 355 Sir Miles Lampson (1880–1964) – High Commissioner (later Ambassador) for Egypt and the Sudan (1934–46). 356 Sir Walter Smart (1883–1962) – British diplomat and a member of the British Legation in Cairo. 357 Sir Thomas Russell (1879–1954) – high-ranking officer in the Egyptian police. 358 Abdul-Fattah Yahya Pasha (1876–1951) – Egyptian Prime Minister (1933–4) and Chair of the Senate (1936). 359 ‘If the Mufti comes, the Conference is over.’ 360 ‘No, it is better that they all hear, if he comes the conference is over.’ 361 Munif Husseini – assistant to the Mufti. 362 Abdul-Qader Abu Rabah – founded the Palestine Party in 1927, which was disbanded two years later. Part of the Opposition to the Mufti. 363 Ali Hassna – Jerusalemite judge in the Government of Palestine. 364 John Hamilton (1896–1973) – British colonial administrator. 365 Tewfiq Yezdi – District Officer of Safad. Originally from Persia. 366 Aref Abdul Razek (1894–1944) – Palestinian military leader of the 1936–9 uprising. From Tulkarem. 367 International hotel and travel logistics company. Operator of the Orient Express. 368 Secretary of the Arab Centre in London. 369 Small market town in Essex, England. 370 William Tennant (1861–1941) and his wife Agnes lived in Orford House in Saffron Walden. Worked for the family firm, Charles Tennant & Sons in London, which manufactured chemicals.

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371 Sir Henry Grattan Bushe (1886–1961) – lawyer. Later colonial Governor of Barbados in 1941. 372 Sir Robert Rankin (1877–1960) – Conservative politician and MP (1931–45). 373 Sir Bertram Hornsby – Governor of the National Bank of Egypt. 374 Sir Ewart Gladstone Culpin (1877–1946) – well-respected British architect and Labour London County Council member. 375 Sir George Gater (1886–1963) – senior official in the British Army. Under-Secretary for the Colonies in 1940. 376 Shukri al-Quwatli (1891–1967) – Syrian leader. Fled to Cairo after being sentenced to death by the French in 1920. Pardoned in 1930 and returned to Syria, where he became leader of the National Bloc. Later elected President of Syria in 1943. 377 Lady Catherine Headley – wife of the 5th Baron Headley, an Irish peer who converted to Islam in 1913, adopting the name Sheikh Rahmatullah al-Farooq. He died in 1935. 378 Arabic phrase meaning ‘Depend on God’. 379 Herbert Morrison (1888–1965) – senior Labour politician and Alderman for London County Council (1937–45). Staunch supporter of Zionism who, in 1935, remarked that his visit to Palestine was ‘one of the most inspiring experiences’ of ‘socialism’. Declared Zionist settlement to be ‘one of the most wonderful manifestations in the world’. 380 Ewart Culpin (1877–1946) – Labour Party politician and Chairman of London County Council (1938–9). 381 Malik Salaam – brother of Mohammad and Saeb Salaam. Studied Engineering at Loughborough College. 382 Lady Fisher – Jane Morgan, wife of the 2nd Baron Fisher. 383 Small port on the Mediterranean at branch of the Nile, 50 km west of Port Said. 384 Aziz al-Masri (1879–1965) – prominent figure in the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire. Inspector General of the Egyptian Army (1938). Later deserted to Libya in 1941. Returned to Egypt and helped the Free Officers prepare for the 1952 Revolution. 385 Hafez Afifi Pasha – two-time Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs (1928–9 and 1930). 386 Abdel Rahman Azzam (1893–1976) – Egyptian politician. Member of the Wafd Party (1923–32). Became first Secretary-General of the Arab League (1945–52). 387 Abdul-Rahman Shahbandar (1880–1940) – prominent Syrian nationalist during the French Mandate. Exiled to Cairo. 388 Lawyer in Jerusalem. Cousin of Yacoub Ghossein. 389 Gabriel Puaux, High Commissioner since early 1938. 390 Mouin Madi (?–1957) – founding member of the Palestinian Istiqlal Party. 391 Asaad Dagher – Lebanese writer. Moved to Egypt. Became renowned writer and journalist at Al-Ahram newspaper. 392 Viscount Halifax (1881–1951) – senior Conservative politician. Viceroy of India (1925–31) and Foreign Secretary (1938–40). 393 Baron Butler of Saffron Walden (1902–82) – Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 394 Abdul-Latif Husseini – brother of Munif. Headmaster of Al-Rawda School in Jerusalem. 395 Izzeldin Shawa (1902–69) – son of ex-Mayor of Gaza. Attended AUB and Cambridge. Graduated with M.Sc. in Agriculture (1928). Appointed District Officer in Jenin by the British, but left his post and joined the rebellion (1936).

348

396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403

Notes Escaped to Beirut in 1937. Later went to Iraq with the Mufti but arrested in 1941. Managed to escape later to Saudi Arabia where he was appointed Deputy Minister of Agriculture. Ali Muhieddin Husseini. Imprisoned by the British in 1937 and released a year later. A horse-drawn carriage. Wife of Professor George Shahla, a Jerusalem-born Professor of Education and Head of the International College in Beirut. A good friend of HFK. Memorial service held forty days after the death of a dignitary. Arba’in means ‘forty’ in Arabic. Prince Abdul-Ilah (1913–58) – cousin and brother-in-law of King Ghazi of Iraq. Served as Regent for Faisal II (1939–53) until Faisal II came of age. Killed along with rest of the Hashemite royal family during the July 1958 Revolution. Airfield near Kerak in Transjordan. Fawzi Al-Hoss – member of Beirut Municipality. Mayor of Beirut.

Index Note: Page references in bold type are to illustrations Abdelhamid, Sultan 134 Abdul-Ilah, Prince 322–3 Abdulhadi, Awni 3, 12, 31, 71, 79, 104, 108, 301–4, 307, 321 Abdulhadi, Majed 114 Abdulhadi, Rouhi 74, 131, 308, 311, 317 Abdul-Karim, Emir Mohammad Ibn 94 Abdullah, Emir 4, 57, 74, 134, 182, 235 Abikarius, Michel 210, 218, 268, 307, 311, 319 Abdulrazak, Aref 311 Abu Khadra, Mahmoud 3, 49, 77, 92, 141, 145, 165, 175, 183, 299, 306–11, 317, 319 Abyssinia 152, 161 Active (HMS ship) 15, 25, 27, 32–3, 66 Aden 295–7; Somali Club 297 Agronsky, Martin 205 Ahmad, Sultan 297 Alami, Mousa 282, 302, 304, 309, 312, 313–14, 316, 320–21 Alexandria 121, 137, 239, 286, 309–11, 319 Alluba, Mohammad Ali (Pasha) 304, 318 American University of Beirut (AUB) viii, 111 Anderson, Sir John 78 Andrews, Lewis 4, 15, 32, 61 Antonius, Katy 268, 304 Antonius, George 261, 308–9, 313 Arab Higher Commission viii Arab Higher Committee (AHC) viii, x, 3–5, 12, 13, 15–16, 25, 28, 31, 38, 41, 49, 61–2, 65, 107–8, 140, 147, 156, 160, 270, 276, 280, 282, 306, 323–4 Arabic culture 112 ‘Arabs of Palestine’ 242 al-Aref, Aref 1–2

Armistice Day 71 Asquith, Margot 209 Ataturk, Kemal viii Atlee, Clement 132, 144 Auster, Daniel 9, 16, 42, 56, 64, 75, 77, 84, 119, 152, 154, 173, 183, 210, 240 Badcock, R.D. 52, 84 Baehler, Charles 54 Balfour Declaration 1, 48, 57, 66, 141, 267, 276, 280–1, 308 Bandak, Issa 3, 114, 145, 210 Barker, John Fredrick 15–22, 32 Battershill, William 27, 50, 70, 74, 84, 125, 138 Beck, Frank H. 132, 135, 162 Becontree estate 315 Beirut viii, xii, 35, 37, 40, 111, 115, 145, 194, 211, 286–7, 288, 291, 300–2, 304–7, 309–10, 318–24, 327 Ben Gurion, David 4 Ben Zvi, Isaac 43, 75 Benn, Wedgewood 164 Benson, H.B. 180–2, 185–8, 192–9, 204–7, 216–18, 226, 230–3, 237, 247, 260, 265, 272–5, 284 Beyhum, Omar 324 Binns, Wilfred 234 Bitawi, Sheikh Saeed 276 Black, William Charles 11 Blum, Leon 143 Bonnetard F. (lawyer) 206, 216–7, 247, 272–5 Bose, Subhas Chandra 130 Boustani, Wadie 66, 282 Bradley, John (Dr.) 23, 25, 34, 38, 148, 194, 196, 204, 206–7, 209–10, 216–7, 226, 229, 233, 236, 238, 241, 272, 275, 284, 289, 291

350 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) 102, 110, 119, 127, 140, 152, 157, 166–7, 211, 218, 237, 239, 256 British rule xi–xii, 61, 77, 102, 139–40, 191, 327 Brown, Graham 209, 247, 263, 314 Buck, Pearl 103, 242 Budeiri, Thuraya 3, 49, 92, 104 Butler (Guard) 169, 138 Cairo 16, 28, 41, 44, 46, 57, 104, 107, 182, 257, 268, 274, 286, 296, 298–9, 300, 301–2, 308, 310, 317, 319–20, 322 Canton (ship) 298–9, 311, 317 Catan, Henry 190, 194, 196, 210 censorship 29, 59, 73, 111, 240, 282 Chamberlain, Neville 131, 144, 244, 245, 255 Charawi, Huda 268, 304 Chief Justice Gardner-Smith of the Seychelles and Mrs Gardner-Smith 208–12, 226, 236, 283, 292 Christmas 97 Churchill, Winston 48, 133 Clarion Newspaper 25, 31–2, 40, 49, 148, 159, 164, 194, 196, 201, 203, 206, 209, 215, 241, 274 climatic effects on health 187–8, 278–80 Colombani, Pierre 302–3, 320 Colonial Office 102, 177–8, 181, 186, 189, 194, 216, 226, 244, 270, 283 Colonial Secretary (S. of S.) 105–6, 137, 139, 148, 155, 159–60, 165, 178, 181, 184, 199, 210, 213–16, 230, 244, 251, 256, 257–9, 264, 265–7, 277–8, 284–5, 291, 313–14 colonialism in the inter-war period xiii Coupland, Sir Reginald 45 court proceedings 273–4, 283 Cripps, Sir Stafford 188, 240 Cronin, A.J. 291 Culpin, Sir Ewart 315 Dajani, Awni Aziz 122 Dajani, Hassan Sidki 57, 258–9 Damascus flooding (1937) 58 Darwazeh, Izzat 31, 302–3, 320–22 Darwish, Ibrahim 2, 9, 57–8, 75, 104, 145, 237

Index Darwish, Ishaq 62, 322 de Valera, Éamon 80 Devil’s Island 201 Dufferin, Marquess of 160, 320 Eden, Anthony 131–3 El-Hadef, Zaki 265 English language, speaking of xii expenses incurred in exile 26–7, 50–2, 159, 162, 286 Faisal, Emir (of Hedjaz) viii, 2 Faisal, Prince (Emir of Saudi Arabia) 303, 305, 319, 320, 321 Falastin newspaper 77, 85, 107, 115, 133, 145–6, 228, 297 Farouq, King 151, 239, 304 Farraj, Yacoub 2, 5, 9, 20, 77, 210, 237, 306, 313, 324 Ferrari family 63, 65, 71, 287, 291 Feldbausch, Johann 129 freedom of movement in the Seychelles 186, 255, 284–5 Fulton, Colonel 223–4, 236 Gendron family 292–3 George VI, King 97–8 Ghazi Ibn Faisal (King of Irak) 4, 290, 322 Ghossein, Yacoub 14–16, 29–30, 34, 42, 52, 53, 55, 62, 68, 73–95; passim, 109–16, 121–33, 141–6, 150–8, 162–79, 182–4, 199–201, 208–11, 236–58, 263–6, 275–8, 281, 284–7 Gone with the Wind (novel) 110–11, 292 Gordon (Guard) 79, 96, 123 Grand Mufti (Haj Amin al-Husseini) x, 1–5, 13, 15, 17, 28–9, 32, 37–8, 40–1, 44, 46–7, 56, 58–60, 71, 76, 79, 93, 95, 108, 115, 128, 131, 147, 192, 194, 239, 257, 261, 275–7, 282–3, 300, 302, 303, 305–6, 309, 311, 320–1, 324 Graziani, Rodolfo 69 Grimble, Lady (Mrs.) 86, 185, 206, 210, 247, 259 Grimble, Sir Arthur Francis (governor) 24, 26, 30, 35, 46, 50–1, 59, 61, 63–4, 66, 68, 73–4, 76, 78, 83, 86, 89–91, 96, 98–103, 110, 120, 123, 125, 127, 130, 133, 135–137, 139, 143, 147, 149,

Index 155–6, 159, 164, 166–179, 181–2, 184–190, 193–199, 201–4, 206, 209–12, 214–17, 219, 221–23, 225–33, 235, 238, 243–4, 247–56, 258–61, 264–66, 278, 284, 289, 290 Gunther, John 165 Hadef, Zaki 265 Hadi, Jawad 288 Haile Selassie 161 Halifax, Lord 132, 161, 320 Hamilton, John 307 Hamzeh, Fuad 304–5, 321 Hanania, Anastas 2 Hawtrey, S.H.C. 38 Herzl, Theodor 134 Hilmi Pasha, Ahmad ix, xi, 12, 15–18, 20, 23–30, 34–6, 40, 44, 46, 51, 52, 59–60, 65–110; passim, 114–17, 121–8, 133, 136, 139–54, 158–66, 170, 173, 176–7, 182, 184, 195–9, 204–17, 222–4, 236–41, 246–54, 259, 266–79, 283–6, 299, 300, 301 Hitler, Adolf 131, 140–3, 224, 242, 244, 245, 255 Holmboe, Knud 48–9 Horner, O. Ward 78, 88, 156, 177–81, 243, 255 Hoss, Fawzi 324 humanitarianism 71 hunger strikes 52–3, 68, 94–5, 98, 100, 105, 107, 112, 117, 128, 133, 243, 247–55, 282 Hunt family 31–2, 63, 92, 95, 102, 112, 163, 232, 289 Hussein, Akbar 288 Hussein, Sadek 262 Husseini, Ali Hussein 302 Husseini, Ali Muhieddin 322 Husseini, Akram 72 Husseini, Haj Amin see Grand Mufti Husseini, Jamal xi, 1–3, 5, 15, 28–9, 108, 302, 303, 304–9, 320–22 Husseini, Moussa Kazim x, 1, 47, 122 Husseini, Ismail 309–10 Husseini, Munif 306–10 Ibn Saud, Abdul Aziz 4, 58, 114, 248–9 Ibrahim Hashim Pasha 101

351

Ibrahim, Rashid Haj 12, 15–16, 20, 23–6, 34–6, 40–1, 44–8, 51, 52, 56, 65–96; passim, 97–112, 116, 121, 125–8, 133, 136, 140–7, 151–70, 173, 176–7, 179, 182–8, 195–9, 205–18, 222–5, 229, 232, 236–8, 241, 245–54, 257–9, 276, 283–8, 285, 300 India xii Iraq 322–3 al-Islam, Saif (Sword) 305 Islam 58, 208–9 Israeli State, founding of ix, xiii Jamaica 234 Jamal, Shibli 154 Jarvis, Claude 48 Jarallah, Hussam Sheikh 40, 56 Jardins Botaniques (Botanical Gardens) 38, 40, 54, 56, 87 Jawad, Ibrahim 323 Jerusalem 51–2, 260–1 Jewish settlers in Palestine xii, 3, 114, 280–1, 290 Johnson, William 63 Jordan, Hashemite Kingdom of ix, 328 Jumeau family 36, 42–4, 62–3, 65, 88–90, 157, 292–3 Keith-Roach, Edward 12, 151 Khadra, Subhi 29 Khalidi, Adel 10, 43, 73, 77, 84, 94, 104, 111, 126, 145, 165, 173, 183, 291, 298, 322 Khalidi, Ahmad Sameh (Abu Walid) 42, 73, 120, 155, 286, 310 Khalidi, Akram 147 Khalidi, Ameerah 35, 43, 55, 94, 104, 111, 115, 123–4, 126, 205, 249, 320 Khalidi, Fatima 101, 104, 302, 324 Khalidi, Fuad Atta 146–7 Khalidi, Haidar 289 Khalidi, Hassan Bader 111, 114, 147, 154–5, 162, 173, 183, 210, 240–1, 298, 309 Khalidi, Hassan Shukri 94, 104, 120 Khalidi, Hatem 43, 94, 104, 111, 126, 173, 249, 298, 320

352

Index

Khalidi, Hussein Fakhri viii–xiii, 2, 5, 13, 15, 26, 30, 33, 50, 52, 183, 227, 264, 288, 299, 300, 303, 326, 328; arrest and deportation of 10, 59, 70, 143, 180, 189–90, 237, 326; election as Mayor of Jerusalem viii, x, 2, 27–8, 64, 99, 327; family relationships xi, 9–10, 19, 32, 34–5, 38–9, 42, 48, 53, 54–5, 57, 66, 73–4, 77, 92, 94, 101, 104, 111–12, 115, 118, 120, 122–6, 138–48, 153–5, 163–8, 182–3, 205, 210–11, 218, 235–46, 249, 268, 276, 281–2, 287–8, 299–300, 307, 309, 327 Khalidi, Ismail 111, 114, 214, 324 Khalidi, Khalil (Sheikh) 147 Khalidi, Leila x, xiv, 9, 34, 43, 55, 92, 94, 104, 110–11, 115, 123–4, 126, 205, 246, 249, 320, 326–7 Khalidi, Mahmoud Sabri 220 Khalidi, Mamdouh 84, 98–9, 145, 162, 173, 220, 320 Khalidi, Moustafa (Abu Salah) 9, 49, 145, 237–8, 241, 247, 251, 263, 267, 281, 283, 308–10 Khalidi, Rasem 78, 119–22, 146, 239, 302 Khalidi, Saad el-Din 2 Khalidi, Thabet 66, 77–8, 82, 94, 104, 110–12, 114–5, 122, 128, 145, 154, 162, 173, 210, 240, 266, 271, 309, 318, 322 Khalidi, Wahideh 9–10, 19, 22, 32, 34–5, 38–40, 42–3, 48–9, 53, 54, 57, 66, 73–4, 77, 84, 87–8 Khalidi, Walid xiii, 101, 104, 111–12, 118, 122–4, 126, 138, 141, 144–5, 147, 148, 153–4, 155, 162–3, 165, 168, 173, 182–3, 205, 210–11, 218, 235, 237–41, 246–7, 249, 251, 268, 281–2, 286, 288, 299–300, 304, 307, 310, 311, 318, 320 Khalidi, Yahia (Jean) 220, 282 Khalili, Saad el-Din 2, 48, 75, 84, 145, 151, 155, 237 Khatib, Fuad 303 Kirkbride, A.S. 40, 66 ‘Lahj six’ exiles 293 Lampson, Sir Miles 305

Lanier, Dr. 22, 41, 44, 63, 81, 85, 87, 93, 96–7, 100, 110, 112, 114, 117, 126, 140, 147, 168, 170, 177, 180, 182, 187–91, 195–203, 208–10, 213–18, 222–4, 228–33, 239–42, 246–58, 265–83 Lawrence, T.E. 48, 65, 67, 72, 77, 80, 130 League of Nations 88, 106, 236 legitimacy of sons 285 Levy, Joseph 147, 301 L’impartial Newspaper 25–6, 149, 274–5 Lloyd, Lord 48, 78 Lloyd George, David 133 London Conference (1939) viii–xiii, 310–16, 323 London’s East End 315 Lumby, Christopher 60 Macdonald, Malcolm 162, 214, 220, 224, 280, 285, 313 MacMichael, Sir Harold (also High Commissioner after 1938) 132–3, 134–6, 138–40, 148, 158–9, 161, 164–6, 168–9, 189, 202, 218–21, 225–8, 231–2, 235, 237–40, 242–8, 250, 251, 256–61, 263, 277, 280, 283, 306 Madi, Mouin 320–1 Maher, Ahmad 133 Maher Pasha, Aly 305, 318, 321 Mahmoud Pasha, Mohammad 101, 104, 149–50, 299–305, 318, 321 mail interception 66 Makram Ebeid Pasha 150–1, 262, 300 Mannin, Ethel 209 Mansour, Shafic 124 Mardam, Jamil 146 Marseilles 317 Martial Law 69 Mayor of Cork (Terrence MacSwiney) 94, 245 McEwan, Peter Robertson 60 Moghannam, Matiel 123 Moller, Francis S. 42, 46–8, 60, 64–6, 90, 98, 100, 115, 149, 154, 167, 197, 259–60, 291, 294 morality 63 Morel family 281, 284, 289, 292–3 Morrison, Herbert 315 Moslem preaching 58

Index Moslem Supreme Council (MSC) 4, 58, 108 Moussa, Souleiman Adam 23, 33, 34, 38, 40, 44, 55, 58, 64, 65, 79, 86, 112, 116, 127, 139, 184–5, 200, 236, 288, 293 al-Mukhtar, Omar 49 Mumby, Charles 23, 26, 33, 62, 85–6, 88, 90, 97, 163, 177–81, 197, 210, 269 Murad, Ribhi 92, 104 murder 59–60 Mussolini, Benito 88, 94, 132, 140, 224, 255 Nabrawi, Seiza 304 Nageon de Lestang, M.C. (Legal Advisor) 23, 25, 30–31, 33, 50–1, 63, 67, 73, 76, 81, 85, 89, 90–1, 96–7, 100, 103, 124, 135, 137, 149, 159–60, 162–3, 164–5, 170–3, 174–5, 178–9, 187, 189–93, 197–205, 211–16, 220–7, 231–8, 243–6, 248–50, 255, 258, 261, 263, 265, 269, 289 Nahhas Pasha 84, 101, 104, 133, 149–51, 239, 262, 288–9, 299, 300 Nakleh, Issa 122 Napoleon 60, 65, 171, 188 Nashashibi, Fakhri 121, 283, 308, 324–5 Nashashibi, Ragheb x, 1–5, 13, 50, 60, 62–4, 74–8, 82–3, 95, 101, 108, 116, 122, 127, 131, 140, 147, 156–7, 235, 237, 280, 300, 305, 308, 321, 324 Neptune ceremony 20–1 newspapers 25, 34, 57, 84–5, 99 Nuri Pasha 125, 257, 290, 292, 302, 306, 318 O’Neill, Eugene 155 Oppenheim, Edward 145 Ormsby-Gore, William George Arthur 41, 45, 57–8, 88, 105, 118, 132, 135–6, 139–42, 159–62 Otter-Barry, Hugh 209 Ozanne, J.A.F. 51 ‘Palestine Question’ 328 Palestine Post (newspaper) 16, 99, 115, 127, 155, 165, 205, 210, 240 Palestinian Rebellion (1936–39) viii, xi, xiii, 3–4

353

Palmer, Eliot 302, 307, 322 pan-Arabism 85 Paris 311–16 Partition Commission 211 partition schemes for Palestine 141–2, 184, 269–70, 280 party system 2–3 Peake, Fredrick (Pasha) 48 Peel Commission 4 Pembury 315 perjury 215–16 Perowne, Stuart (Abu Nessim) 19, 167–70, 174–5, 218, 225, 256, 288, 312, 316 Philip, Dr 268–83 Pilliéron family 35–6, 44, 63, 157, 289, 292–3 polygamy 84 Port Victoria 17, 21–2, 32–3, 39, 44, 56; Beau Vallon Hotel 281, 284; Mont Fleuri Cemetery 57; Palms Hotel 53–4 Prempeh, King of Zanzibar 25, 138 Privy Council 175, 247 propaganda 65 al-Qassam, Sheikh Izzeldin 3, 80 Quinine 271–2 Quwatli, Shukri 315 Rassoul Family 205, 275, 287–9, 292–3 Reid, Sir John 104 Reid, Thomas 148 Reilly, Sir Bernard 104 Reynolds, Rothay 145 Rice, Harry 10–13 Riggs, Alfred 10–11, 14, 38 Riley, Sir Bernard 296 Rock, Alfred 3, 304–6, 315–16, 320–22 Romania 114 Roo, Amin 85 Russell, Sir Anthony 137 Russia 45, 134 Saadi, Sheikh Farhan 80–4 Saba, Fuad 3, 10–11, 13, 15–16, 20, 26–30, 33, 39–42, 46, 51–2, 59–96; passim, 105–33; passim, 138–44, 151–8, 162–7, 171, 176–85, 191, 195, 198–201, 206–13, 226–60, 265–6, 227, 281–8, 293, 303, 305, 307

354 Saba, Mrs. 116, 124, 240 Saba, Suhail 123 Saeed, Amin 82–3 Saeed, Assem 305, 324 Saeed, Fuad 155, 210 Saffron Walden 312 St James Conference see London Conference St Jore 109, 115, 117, 139, 195, 198, 263, 284, 286, 288, 291–3 Sakakini, Khalil 114, 145, 173, 183 Salaam, Anbara 42, 211, 318, 320 Salaam, Malik 316 Salaam Mohammad 154–5, 320, 324 Salaam, Saeb 155, 318–19 Salaam, Saleem (Abu Ali) 211 Salah, Abdul-Latif 309 Samuel, Herbert 104 Saunders, Alan 41, 45, 118 Sawaidi, Naji 44 Sawaidi, Tawfiq 257, 308, 320–1 Scott, O. 66 Seychelles Islands viii, x–xiii, 9, 17, 20–1, 25–8, 32–50, 60–1, 71, 91, 117, 148–9, 157, 188, 201; departure of exiles from 293–4 Shahbandar, Abdulrahman 146, 318 Shammas, Aida (Miss) 71, 111 Shatara, Fuad 79 Shatara, Wadia (Miss) 124 Shaw, Bernard 170, 291 Shawa, Izzeldin 322 Shouman, Abdelhamid 74, 142, 147, 182, 286 Shukri, Hassan 138 Shuttleworth, the Hon. Mrs 92 Simson, H.J. 112, 145, 147, 153, 167 Smith, Virginia 164 Spicer, R.G.B. 41, 51, 59 Starkey, James 108–9 Stella Polaris (ship) 149–50 Storrs, Sir Ronald 1, 66, 109, 122, 127–30 Suez 298 Sussex (ship) 14–15, 28, 50 sweeping statements and exaggerations 110

Index al-Taher, Mohammad Ali 85, 299 Talii’, Rashid 117 Tamimi, Amin 145, 304–6, 319–20 Technical Commission 105–8, 115, 126, 128, 137, 141, 148, 153, 156–8, 162, 182, 211, 235, 257, 266–9, 276 Teemuljee 120, 200, 289, 293 Tegart, Sir Charles 41, 118, 134, 184, 203 Thaalbi, Abdelaziz 79 Thomas, James Henry 102 The Times 60, 80–1, 85 Totah, Khalil 122 Touqan, Afif 42, 95, 155 Touqan, Ahmad 104, 111, 114 Touqan, Fouz 77 Touqan, Jamal 77 Touqan, Ibrahim 71, 82, 111, 123–4 Touqan, Souleiman 2, 64, 116, 301, 311, 324 Tourjuman, Adel 324 Tourjuman, Aref 183 under-dogs 96 Umm Kalthoum 82, 110 112, 119 United Nations (UN) ix Vel family 120, 123, 266 Venice 311 Wafd Party (Egypt) 149–50, 299 Wallace, Edgar 145 Wardlaw, Captain 47–8, 64–5, 67, 259, 287 Waterford, A. 137 Wauchope, Sir Arthur (also High Commissioner before 1938) 1–2, 10, 49, 58, 62–4, 78, 81–3, 101, 115, 117, 123, 128, 137 Wavell, General 82–4, 125 Wedgwood, Josiah 159 Wehba, Hafiz 103, 320–1 Weizmann, Chaim 4, 162 Westergreen, Leslie 24, 26, 30, 34–6, 40–3, 50, 53–4, 59, 62–71, 75–91; passim, 96–9, 111–15, 121–7, 132–3, 138, 144–7, 154–70, 175, 177, 182–91,

Index 197–8, 204–5, 223, 231, 235–43, 254, 268, 284–8 Woodhead, Sir John 137 Woodhead Commission see Technical Commission Yahya Hamid ed-Din 76 Yassin, Yousef (Sheikh) 58

355

Yazdi, Madame 311 Yellin, Avinoam 40–2, 45, 109 Zaghloul Pasha 22, 25, 46, 48, 83, 95, 138, 218, 251, 288 Zanzibar, Sultan of 56, 123, 289 Zionism xi–xiii, 75, 105, 134, 222 Zirikli, Khayr al-din 303

356

357

358

359

360

361

362