Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts [1 ed.] 9781593326616, 9781593324193

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The New Americans Recent Immigration and American Society

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Edited by Steven J. Gold and Rubén G. Rumbaut

A Series from LFB Scholarly

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States The Role of Cultural Material Artifacts

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Faida N. Abu-Ghazaleh

LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC El Paso 2011

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Abu-Ghazaleh, Faida, 1966Ethnic identity of Palestinian immigrants in the United States : the role of cultural material artifacts / Faida N. Abu-Ghazaleh. p. cm. -- (The new Americans : recent immigration and American society) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-59332-419-3 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Palestinian Americans--Maryland--Ethnic identity. 2. Palestinian Americans--Material culture--Maryland. 3. Palestinian Americans-Maryland--Social life and customs. 4. Immigrants--Maryland--Social life and customs. 5. Ethnicity--Maryland. 6. Material culture-Maryland. 7. Personal belongings--Maryland. 8. Palestinian Americans--Maryland--Biography. 9. Maryland--Ethnic relations. 10. Maryland--Social life and customs. I. Title. F190.P33A5 2010 305.892'740752--dc22 2010038563

ISBN 978-1-59332-419-3 Printed on acid-free 250-year-life paper. Manufactured in the United States of America.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................vii INTRODUCTION .................................................................................1 CHAPTER 1: Palestine: A Historical Perspective.................................5 Events that Shaped Palestinian Identity ........................................ 11 CHAPTER 2: The Construction of Identity.........................................19 Arab and Palestinian Immigrants.................................................. 20 Palestinian Communities in the United States .............................. 20 Palestinian Ethnic Identity and Land ............................................ 29 1. The Political Component ..........................................................29 2. The Social Component..............................................................32 3. The Economic Component .......................................................34 Material Culture and Immigrants’ Identity ................................... 36 CHAPTER 3: Who We Are .................................................................49 The Families ................................................................................. 51 The Ameen Family .......................................................................51 The Basim Family.........................................................................53 The Dawood Family .....................................................................54 The Esam Family..........................................................................55 The Farah Family..........................................................................56 The Ghazi Family .........................................................................58 The Hani Family ...........................................................................59 Social interaction among women in the community..................... 60 Documenting Material Culture ..................................................... 67 CHAPTER 4: Social Identity Practices of the Palestinians in Maryland..........................................................................................69 Political and Cultural Challenges.................................................. 70 v

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Table of Contents

Linguistic Practices....................................................................... 79 Politics of Naming ........................................................................79 Language and Dialect ...................................................................89 Oral History and Storytelling in the Home ...................................94 Choices in Consuming Media.......................................................95 Religious and Educational Choices ............................................ 100 Adaptation in the New Home ..................................................... 105 CHAPTER 5: Come to my House ..................................................... 111 National Artifacts........................................................................ 113 Map............................................................................................. 114 Flag ............................................................................................. 115 Hatta ........................................................................................... 115 Thobe .......................................................................................... 116 The Dome of the Rock................................................................ 118 Pictures of Jerusalem .................................................................. 119 National Wall Hangings and Home Décor ................................. 120 Religious Artifacts ...................................................................... 121 Christian Symbols....................................................................... 121 Islamic Symbols.......................................................................... 121 Clothing and Jewelry .................................................................. 123 Social Artifacts ........................................................................... 124 Clothing ...................................................................................... 125 Musical Instruments.................................................................... 126 Jewelry........................................................................................ 127 Home Décor................................................................................ 127 Food from Distinct Cities ........................................................... 128 House and Garden....................................................................... 129 Artifacts and Identities................................................................ 130 Artifacts and Heritage................................................................. 130 Artifacts and Maintaining a Distinct Palestinian Identity ........... 134 Exchange of Artifacts ................................................................. 137 Artifacts and Gender Identity ..................................................... 140 CHAPTER 6: When We Go Back … ................................................ 143 The Social Identity Practices of Palestinian Families in Maryland................................................................................. 150 Cultural Artifacts in the Identity Formation of Palestinians in Maryland................................................................................. 157 APPENDIX........................................................................................ 163 BIBLIOGRAPHY.............................................................................. 189 INDEX............................................................................................... 197

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The work of this book would not have been possible without the support, encouragement, and assistance of a number of people who have given generously of their time and their wisdom. To these individuals, I offer my heartfelt thanks.

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Sheila Allen, Sonja Follett, for all the valuable efforts, advice, time and friendship they generously offered throughout this work, their editing and continuous review of the manuscript. I also owe gratitude to Nefissa Naguib for inspiring me to write about the Palestinian culture and comment on our heritage years ago when we first meet in Palestine during her research about “Women, Water and Memory: Recasting Lives in Palestine” and she taught me a great deal about ethnographic research. Beverly Bickle, JoAnn Crandall, the rock stone and the “lighthouse” ladies. It is difficult even to find words to describe the magnitude of the positive influence they shine. Their presence is both assuring and motivating. Bev and Jodi have offered academic, social, moral, and emotional support. Through their open-mindedness, they have been thoroughly accepting of my cultural orientation, complete with the emotional outbursts that accompanied some of the challenges I encountered. Nezhat Olia’s support for my endeavor truly dates back to the beginning encouraging my academic persistence when discouragement set in. Christine Mallison, she was always able to guide me back on course when I veered off track, offering daily encouragement to all who venture there. vii

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Acknowledgments

I want to thank John Stolle-McAllister and extend my sincere gratitude for his encouragement, his communication and his sincere commitment to completing this research. My sincere thanks go to the families who participated in this study as well. Needless to say, without their generous gifts of time and hospitality, without their cooperation, this research could not have been undertaken.

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During the course of my work, I was blessed with the love, friendship and encouragement. I will forever be indebted to Dawn, Deena, and Juanita Nabulsi. Memories of dancing with chickens and hummingbirds will always bring a smile to my face. Thanks for Patricia Tyler too who diligently reviewed my writing of the initial manuscript. Last but not least, I want to thank my family, especially my mom and my sister Falestine and her family, for enduring my absence while I was completing this research, for their love, encouragement, and all their support throughout my journey.

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INTRODUCTION

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The picture of the female farmer reminds me of the farmers in Palestine, and the farmers in Bab-el-Amood, and their Taboon Every time I look around at these pieces and the pictures, I remember myself, and where I came from. Mr. Ghazi

Most studies about immigrants or refugees in general, and Palestinians or Arabsin particular, focus on political issues, and rarely tackle the social perspective including the material culture artifacts of the country and how material artifacts contribute to defining an identity for people separated from their motherland. However, there is very little current research regarding Arabs, particularly Palestinians, as immigrants to

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States

the United States and the role of the cultural artifacts they have in their homes. With the increase in immigration to the United States during the 1960’s, 1970’s and 1980’s, many Palestinian families became permanent residents and citizens. They began to create small communities by having children and reconnecting with relatives who preceded them in coming to the United States, and supporting their immigration. In addition, they connected and maintained relationships with extended family members and friends who settled in numerous other nations of the Palestinian diaspora. Many Palestinians have gone through lengthy measures to collect and to assemble material culture artifacts in their new homes and are proud of how they represent their heritage and folklore.

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My research afforded me the opportunity to communicate with Palestinian families in Maryland about the ways they are keeping Palestinian identity alive. When I visited their homes, I found them full of cultural ornaments as if they were living in museums. Their material culture is the corporeal expression of their lives and identities left behind and studying and documenting this materiality helps contribute to the efforts of people slowly losing their land, to maintain their identity. Stories about the wars and sad memories are covered by many other authors, so here I explore the perseverance of positive memories of the Palestinian immigrants through their artifacts, how their love of life is demonstrated through their material culture, why they brought it with them, what effect it has on their children, and how these artifacts helped them to preserve their identity. Palestinians have experienced many eras of war and political conflict. As a result, while many stayed in the country, others fled outside the borders of historical Palestine, keeping the struggle for independence alive in their memories and their children’s memories for many decades. Despite their struggles, Palestinians inside and outside their country have been able to create, sustain and pass their culture heritage, traditions, memories and oral history to their children wherever they went. There is a lack of documentation about this minority ethnic group and the ways they retain their identity. Analyzing identity by focusing on material artifacts is unique, because material culture artifacts reflect ways of thinking and believing. Studying the

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Introduction

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Palestinians in America, and their collecting of material artifacts from their homeland allows a deeper understanding of how they live in the United States and how they transfer certain elements of their ethnic identity to their children from a young age. Furthermore, connecting material artifacts to identity is another way to understand immigrant communities beyond the more common political and economic approaches. The Palestinians in Maryland possess many cultural material artifacts that not only distinguish them from others but are also used to preserve their connections with their origins. For Palestinians, there is significance in the time and place the artifacts were created (for example those made by Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons, or grandparents, or someone of significance in their lives). Material artifacts provide a clear idea about what the individuals consider important elements of their heritage and who they are. With these artifacts visible and available in their homes, Palestinians can relate physical objects to personal history, re-live memories, and utilize them to illustrate to their children the stories that relate to these objects in their homes. Palestinians strongly believe that their struggle is not sufficiently expressed in detail in the media and books. Each material artifact has a story and represents a memory, and for Palestinians it is important to hold on to the memories from one generation to the next to perpetuate their struggle for ethnic identity while displaced from the homeland.

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The primary themes this book will explore are: How do individual Palestinians within their families construct their sense of ethnic identity while they are living in Maryland? How do history, place, and geography play a role, if at all, in maintaining a Palestinian ethnic identity in the United States? What types of cultural artifacts serve as important dimensions to the construction of ethnic identity among these Palestinian families in America? How has American society affected the behaviors, beliefs, attitudes, and values of Palestinians in America in maintaining their sense of identity?

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States

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This book is organized into six chapters which explore the past, present and future of the Palestinian immigrants. Chapter one focuses on the main events that shaped the construction and emergence of Palestinian identity and the crystallization of the Palestinian identity affected by political conflicts on their land. Chapter two reports on the literature regarding the construction of Palestinian identity and reflects on the immigration waves over the last 60 years. Chapter three explains the construction of Palestinian Identity. Chapter four explains how Palestinians living in the United States face unique cultural and political challenges based on their history and the possibility of a disappearing homeland. Chapter five explores the role in which material culture artifacts are of central importance to Palestinians and how they express and contribute to identity construction, maintenance, and transfer to the next generation. Finally, chapter six summarizes the discussion and synthesis of the text and provides further explanation of the Palestinian material culture.

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CHAPTER 1

Palestine: A Historical Perspective

Palestine has many stories to be told, ranging from history, geography, religion, heritage, and politics that have shaped the country’s global image. Although eastern and western scholars have studied Palestinian identity, they have not concluded an exact date or incident that provoked Palestinians to seek out a specific Palestinian identity separate from the regional Arab/ Islamic identity. Arab identity can be traced back to the Ottoman period in the middle of the sixteenth century (Hamada, 1990). Historically, Palestine is part of the Arab world. The issue of Arab nationalism emerged as early as 1908-1909 when the area was under Turkish Rule (Bonds, Emerman, John, Johnson & Rupert, 1981). Although Arab Palestinian identity began to crystallize as a response to 1 the Balfour Declaration in 1917 to establish a Jewish home state in Palestine, this identity further developed with the Palestinian Great Revolt of 1936-39, and a Palestinian identity, unique and different from the Arab identity, began to emerge after 1949 (Khalidi, 1997). Fattah

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The content of the Balfour Declaration“…His Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country…” (Halshall, 1997).

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(1996) explains in her article ‘The Emerge of Palestinian Identity (Part I),’ and based on Khalidi’s explanation that Palestinian identity is both a construct and a process, and for Palestinians in particular it arises from a collective notion of people-hood and ‘belonging’ within different levels of affiliation. She added that intellectuals, writers and politicians played an important role in the evolution of Palestinian identity beginning with the Ottoman Empire, their religion, Arabism, their homeland Palestine, their city or region, and their family. Fattah (1996) added that after the collapse of the empire, another transformation occurred that forced a reorientation from an Ottoman and pan-Islamic identity to Palestinian national consciousness. Once it became established, the common Palestinian identity became the primary focus of the leaders, intellectuals and politicians of Mandateera Palestine.

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Over time, national identity came to be more central to Palestinians under the Ottoman rule and the British Mandate. After 1948, Tamari (1999) notes that the national Palestinian identity was an outcome of the exile of the Palestinian community consisting of the Palestinian leadership, intelligentsia, and professionals. According to Tamari, the Palestinians who remained in Palestine did not initially play an active role in defining the Palestinian identity as they were under military occupation. However, this began to change as Palestinians in the Israeli occupied territories, and the others living on the land began to call for their national rights in the 1970s. Palestinians of 1948, who remained under the Israeli government, began to have a greater voice in defining Palestinian identity as they are still Palestinians and residents of Israel. This division between Palestinians living outside and inside (whether 1948 or 1967) the territory continued as leaders and other Palestinians from the diaspora returned to Palestine to participate in the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in parts of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The continuous wars on Palestinian lands, ending with the final occupation by Israel resulted in the creation of two forms of nationalism in Palestine: Palestinian and Israeli nationalism. Hassassian (2002) states, “While Jewish nationalism originated from the intellectual and emotional responses to the pogroms of Eastern Europe and Russia, Arab nationalism was a direct reaction to Ottoman (Turkish) oppression and European colonialism” (p. 16). Palestinian

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nationalism originated from the desperation of the people to end the Zionist movement and the Israeli occupation (Khalidi, 1997) and to raise their voices to announce there are people who already exist on this land. With their existence threatened, their separate identity apart from Arab nationalism quickly became stronger with the Israeli wars beginning in 1947.

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Rashid Khalidi (1997) explains that Palestinian identity became the primary focus of the leaders, intellectuals, and politicians of the British mandate-era Palestine. People listened to these intellectuals (including teachers, journalists, religious figures, and novelists), some of whom came from highly respected families known by their nationalism and support of independence, in particular to their political discourse and reporting. Through their work, they reflected the struggles of the Palestinians, whose struggles were spread by word of mouth through the religious figures, daily press, and publications, in addition to conferences with the rest of the neighboring countries during the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Khalidi provides information about the press that was available in the early twentieth century in Palestine such as al-Karmil (1908) which was a daily newspaper in Haifa, published by Najib Nassar. Tarablus al-Sham was published by Muhammad Kamil al-Buhari in Tripoli, and Jurji Hanania published a printing press paper al-Quds in 1908; in addition, al-Dustor was a newspaper by Khalil al-Sakakini and Jamil al-Khalidi (Khaldi. 1997). The Al-Quds paper was printed in both Turkish and Arabic with the largest circulation published 2-3 times weekly. The press played an important role to alert the people of any anticipated danger. Moreover, there were intellectual, religious, and political party clubs in Jerusalem at the end of the Ottoman period, whose activities were reported by the press as well, which influenced many people. In addition, Palestinian identity caught the attention of folksong writers. According to Abdullatif Barghouthi (1996) in ‘Arab Folksongs and Palestinian Identity’, 1948 folksongs sound sorry, sad and mournful but also defiant and violent. Following the 1967 war, the tune became sharper, more bitter, the call for violent retaliation becomes shriller, and the emphasis on the Palestinian identity becomes deeper and louder, challenge is accepted, death is defied, and martyrdom is hailed” (p. 152).

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States

Shomali (2002) continues to explain that folk songs are also an integral part of the Palestinian identity. With the change inflicted on Palestinian society, folk songs began to take a different theme. Songs, especially those based on poetry, express the feelings sorrow, dignity, and hope for return to the land. They are common among the Palestinians in Palestine and the diaspora, and are even popular in some Arab countries. They not only express the hardships of the Palestinians, but many of them reflect the Arab community in general; therefore, they appeal to all who face similar realities as Palestinians. Many Palestinian poets, among them Mahmoud Darwish and Ahmed Dahbour, depend on the culture as a muse, and many of their poems have become songs of resistance, especially after the wars. Shomali (2002) presents one example by a Palestinian poet (he did not refer to the author):

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He came back in a shroud saying: If this olive tree were to remember its planter, The olive oil would turn to tears. The streets of the refugee camp are overcrowded with images. Our martyr’s voice has moved the stones to speech: Don’t clad yourself in black, oh mother of the freedom fighter; Do not accept condolences. Besides the folk songs, there was a folk dance. Shomali (2002) explains that Dabke is the only traditional folk dance form practiced and performed in Palestine as all other dances are imported from other countries. The way the Dabke is performed generally reflects a symbol of cooperation and solidarity, joy, strength, steadfastness and determination as a group dance, including both men and women to one another and to the land. The Dabke is danced during wedding occasions and parties, when a new baby is born or when a new house is built and during the harvest reflecting the gratitude for each other for all their support. In addition to the Dabke, stories, myths and legends, are passed down through generations to become an integral part of the Palestinian community. They express the harsh realities of the present, and maintain hope by showing that justice will prevail. However, there are also happy stories for the children. Storytelling and popular songs were told by a Hakawati (popular story teller), then a tradition emerged where everyone had a story; mothers, fathers, grandmothers, and

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grandfathers share their memories with the younger generation to keep their heritage and memories and their land alive. Shomali adds that in addition to the folk songs and dance, proverbs2 are part of the language structure and dialogue of the Palestinian community and the relationship to the land is very common, as well as family and community. Proverbs are common among the older generations and those who follow their advice and practice it. • • • •

El-jar qable el-dar (finding a good neighbor is more important than finding a house) El-himil lamma betwazza’ bekhif (a load distributed is lighter) Itha kibir ibnak khaweeh (when your child grows up, treat him as a brother) Iger bilbour wa iger vilfelaha (a foot in the wild area, another in the field, used to describe a hesitant person).

Some proverbs are focused on the land and crops such as:

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•

isra’ qameh tlaqi qameh (if you sow wheat you reap wheat; meaning if you raise a child well you will gain a good person)

Zaharna (1991), who explores the relation between identity and the land for Palestinians in diaspora, concludes that Palestinian identity is closely related to the people of Historic Palestine, specifically the family and kinship, and to the geographical region and the land. For Palestinians, “the land does not belong to them, they belong to the land. For them, the land is their soul, and without it, they cannot establish an identity” (p. 13). Identity through belonging to a specific territory provides the most important rational assumption for some Palestinians’ self description; without a land there are no people, and there are no people without a land. A Palestinian who was born in Kuwait and raised in Detroit, Michigan for instance may say that he is from Ramallah, a Palestinian town he has never visited. Here, his identity is 2

Proverbs summarize in few words a long and rich experience, expressing a viewpoint, emphasizing family cohesion, offering wisdom or a means to end a dispute (Shomali, 2002).

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States

linked to the land even if he himself is geographically separated. Zaharna concluded that Palestinians are attached to the land and the loss of their land is the loss of their identity. Despite many of them having lost their land through confiscation of land, selling, or not being able to claim it, they have maintained their identity to the best of their abilities. In ‘Giving Voice to Stones’, McKean-Paramenter (1996) wrote about the “place and identity” in Palestinian literature. Through her work analyzing literature from Palestinian writers, she also found a link between the land and identity for Palestinians. Analyzing the content of poems and literature by Mahmud Darwish the author of “Yawmiyat al-Huzn al-Adi” [the diary of the usual grief], and Tawfiq Zayyad who wrote “On the trunk of an olive tree,” Tawfiq Kanaan the author of “the Palestinian Arab house,” and many others, she found that all these authors were reflecting back on their memories of their land (that has been occupied), and the feeling they had for losing their land and living in exile. Palestinian literature was more about the land than the family, as they continued to hope to return to their homes and lands as soon as possible. She explained that place is an area which an individual gives special meaning and value, and for many authors, it is the land of Palestine. Her book is divided into chapters, each reflecting a time period in the history of Palestine. One of the quotes from McKean-Paramenter (p. 44) is that by Fadwa Tuqan: He fell down on his land, excitedly taking in The smell of its moist soil, He clung to its trees and embraced its stones, Rolling his cheeks and mouth in its wide bosom, He threw onto it all the weight of years of pain.

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Ahmad Fahmi, (p. 45) wrote: Sons of the fatherland! Do you remember our homes in Safed? Do you remember its dreamy days, Its majestic Jarmaq, The morning in the heights of Galilee, The happiness of the days at Dair al-Asad? To this day, Palestinians are trying to salvage what remains of their identity as a Palestinian, Arab, and/or Muslim /Christian, since more

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than half the population is living outside their country. There are increasing numbers of cultural centers both inside and outside Palestine that promote folk songs and dances, and teach and market Palestinian embroidery. They also continue to open new stores and market places in other countries where they have settled and name them after cities and villages in Palestine. Events that Shaped Palestinian Identity

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The event that triggered modern nationalism in the Middle East was the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in 1918. During the 400 year Ottoman rule (Ottomans conquered the Middle East in 1516), Arabs had been united under the single umbrella of Islam. The Arab nations were one, with one identity and one nationality, with one language (Arabic), under one local state in several regions: (1) Greater Syria [including Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine], (2) North Africa ‘Al-Magrib Al-Arabi’ [including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya], (3) Mesopotamia [including Iraq (with Kuwait) and the whole Gulf region], (4) the Arabian Peninsula, [including Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Oman], and finally, (5) Egypt [including Egypt and Sudan]. All these regions took Arabic as a formal language and adopted Islam as the main religion, in spite of the existence of Christians and Jews. From the 16th century on, they identified themselves as Arab first and later with the country to which they belonged (Hamada, 1990). In the late 1800’s and early 1900’s as the Ottoman Empire grew weaker, Europe began to strengthen. In order to control the natural resources and to secure the trade routes between the East and the West, England and France combined forces to confront the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East in 1914, contributing to World War I. After nearly four years in battle, in 1918 the Ottoman Empire was defeated, and the Arab World became occupied by Western countries. France and Britain had secretly signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916, to divide the region among them thus assigning leaders to administer each state separately. At this time, Greater Syria became divided into four regions: Transjordan, Palestine, Syria, and Lebanon.

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States 3

In 1917 , the British government signed a promissory note with the Zionist movement in Europe to give it a homeland, which was to be west of the River Jordan (Palestine). To keep its promise, Britain facilitated the movement of Jews from Europe to Palestine, and these Jews started to settle in the rural areas of the country. It is during this period that the Ottoman Empire began to collapse, and the Arab nation was divided into small countries. The nationalist movement began to take a different form when Britain gave the Jewish settlers a part of Palestine, and the area was separated into two countries: Jordan (East of River Jordan), and Palestine (West of River Jordan). The countries 4 were divided by the allies , and separated by imaginary borders. With this division, each state began to fight for its existence as a nation with an identity and a distinct culture and heritage, against the European occupation. In 1936, a popular uprising known as the Great Revolt started unexpectedly and without the direction of the urban-based political elite, but rather was guided by the reaction of the farmers and peasants against the Jewish settlers who started to arrive from Europe and occupied some Palestinian land. The Jewish settlers were supported by the British mandate (who had controlled the government land lots), and the Zionist movement.

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“The Zionist movement to build a Jewish state in Palestine was born in response to the vicious attacks on Jews that were sweeping Russia … in late 1800s. Czar, or king of Russia, organized and encouraged pogroms –mass attacks on Jews- to divert his starving subject’s anger away from the real source of their problems: his rule.” The consequences of the program against Jews quickly spread to Europe, escalating the problem even more. This initial program forced the Jews to leave Russia and go to Palestine (Bond, et al., 1981). The Revolt opposing the British mandate resulted in the

emergence of a Palestinian movement to preserve the identity, culture, heritage, and land of its people. The uprising was crushed in 1939 by 3

For more information about the complete historical events since 1917, visit http://domino.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/ 561c6ee353d740fb8525607d00581829/ aeac80e740c782e4852561150071fdb0!OpenDocument; in addition http:// zionismexplained.org/home/faq.html.

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French, British, Spanish, Italian, Greek (Crist, 1960).

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harsh British repression as the British organized and trained a Jewish defense force within the British army (McDowall, 1987). The aggressive British retaliation resulted in the flight of many Palestinian nationalists from the country (Khalidi, 1997) 5. Following the Holocaust and War World II, Europe and the United States felt responsible to help Jews and wanted to offer a safe place for the Jewish survivors. Large numbers of Jews immigrated to Palestine as a result of the intensified political pressures from the Zionist movement for the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine (Ashabranner, 1991; McDowall, 1987). From a humanitarian perspective, the United States along with the British and members of the Zionist movement, felt the guilt, horror and anger, which swept Jews and non-Jews and wanted to do something for the victims of the Holocaust. The proposed solution to a Jewish homeland, however merely transferred the original problem from their countries to another place (Bonds et al., 1981; McDowall, 1987).

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From a political and economic perspective, the competition between United States and Britain broke into an open conflict. The United States realized that Britain was dominating Middle Eastern oil, and the United States wanted more than the 10% of the oil reserves in Saudi Arabia that they had. Bonds et al. (1981) explain that since the United States wanted to control the area and remove the British without provoking Arab nationals, it supported the creation of a Jewish State through the Zionist settler colony, with the hope that the Arabs would one day come to accept Israel’s existence. McDowall (1987) explained “perhaps the greatest paradox is that Zionism, conceived of as a solution to the problems of one of the world’s most persecuted minorities by ending Jewish homelessness and landless, resulted in the creation of yet another homeless and landless minority, the Arab Palestinians” (p. 3). According to the Zionist movement, Palestine was a land without people for a people without land. The Zionist movement paved the way for the European Jewish refugees, and the Jews in the Arab countries, to settle in Palestine.

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Also see ZionismExplained.org at http://zionismexplained.org/home/ faq.html.

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Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, Jews faced much oppression from Russia and other European communities. However, Jews in Arab countries were living in peace and were accepted in society, living with the rest of the community (Cohen, 1994). The Zionist movement, with help from Western nations, started to push for relocation by encouraging Jews to leave their home countries of Syria, Yemen, Egypt, Morocco and Iraq to move to Palestine (Meron, 1995). To lead the Arab Jews out of the Arab countries, Meron (1995) explained that “Zionists have been accused of causing the violence [in the Middle East] in the hopes of spurring the Jews to leave Iraq [and other countries].” This strategy is aimed to increase the Jewish population in Palestine, by gathering as many Jews as possible from around the world because not all the Jews in European countries wanted to leave. The Jews in the Arab countries moved to Palestine first and started to increase the Jewish population and paved the way for the European Jews.

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Following the Holocaust and before the creation of the State of Israel, the Jewish Agency Bricha6 demanded in 1946 that “Britain grant 100,000 immigration certificates to European Jews to go to Palestine. Bricha, thus the organization responsible for illegal immigration to Palestine, sent organizers into the Displaced Persons camps in Europe. They helped thousands of potential immigrants get to Mediterranean ports for illegal departure to the shores of Palestine aboard rickety ships… Chaplain Klausner, a Zionist organizer, contended that most of the refugees had actually wanted to come to the United States. Klausner concluded “I am convinced that the people must be forced to go to Palestine” (Bonds et al, 1981, p. 62). Perhaps the most traumatic developments in the post World War II Arab world were the ending of the British mandate of 1947, and the creation of the State of Israel, with help from the British, in 1948, in what was then known as Palestine. European Jews were directed to seek refuge from discrimination in Palestine (McDowall, 1987). Since then, the Palestinians have been at conflict with the Israeli government and its political agendas for the country. Many of the original

6

For more information about the Jewish Agency Bricha go to ww.ushmm.org/ museum/exhibit/online/dp/emigrat2.htm

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inhabitants are now living in refugee camps in their own country and around the Middle East.

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In November 1947, the United Nations (UN) “betrayed their promises to the Arabs for an independent Palestinian State” (Darraj, 2004) and voted to partition the land into seven entities (three for the Arabs and three for the Jews, and Jerusalem) giving the Jews the largest area, even though they were a minority, through UN Res. 181 (II). Bond et al. (1981) explained that The United Nations General Assembly approved the resolution in November 1947, to divide Palestine between the Arabs and the Jews. He stated, “The partition plan granted 55 percent of Palestine to the Jews, who were 30 percent of the population and owned only 6 percent of the land. Some 407,000 Arabs, a number nearly equal to the number of Jews, were to live in the area assigned to the Jewish state. The Arab state was to include ten thousand Jews and 725,000 Arabs in the remaining 45 percent of Palestine” (p. 64). The Jews accepted the division proposal by the United Nations (UN), but Arab countries rejected the partition and the concept of an independent Jewish state. Six months later, UN. resolution 181 required that the British withdraw from Palestine by August 1948. In May 1948, the Jewish Agency declared the State of Israel on Palestinian land7. For the Palestinian Arabs, the newly announced Jewish State was followed by a period of insecurity and fear, as well as the beginning of a Palestinian Diaspora. One hundred and fifty thousand Palestinians chose to stay under occupation and become citizens of the new country. Between 700,000 and 750,000 Palestinians fled the area or were expelled. Those who fled did so for a variety of reasons: some by choice, most out of fear, others as a refusal to live under occupation, while still more fled because the Israelis forced them out (Hammer, 2005, McDowall, 1987). Darraj (2004) explained that “Jewish militia gangs” began to terrorize residents in Palestinian villages even before the State of Israel was established. The Hagana and Irgun soldiers carried out night raids on Arab villages and encouraged the residents to flee. Most Palestinians and Arabs remember the Deir Yassin Massacre in April of 1948 and the killing of 254 Palestinians, in which these 7

For more information about this topic, read on UN Resolution 181 of 1947 at www.state.gov/p/nea/rls/22562.htm.

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gangs killed innocent women, children, and men, aiming to destroy the area and evacuate the residents between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem to make way for a small airfield that would supply the Jewish residents of Jerusalem on an area cleared of indigenous people (Bonds et al., 1981).

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The land of Palestine was subject to division in 1948 (Figure 1) among the Jews (who established the State of Israel on part of the land), Jordanians, and Egyptians (Jacobson & Abdel-Malek, 1999). As each new government assumed control, Palestinians became a minority in their own land (Zureik, 1977). At this point in time the area became known as Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip, and not Palestine. Twenty years later, another conflict broke out in 1967, and again the Palestinian land (west of River Jordan/ West Bank) and the Gaza Strip came under complete Israeli control, and the whole of Palestine became known as Israel on the international maps as Israel changed its map to include all of Historic Palestine (Figure 1 shows the change in the geographic borders for Palestine and Israel).

Figure 1. Palestinian Loss of Land 1946 to 2000. Exterior Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Contact Webmeister: [email protected]. All text and graphics © Exeter PSC 2003-7, and/or their respective owners. Available at www.exeterpsc.org.uk/map.jpg

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The Palestinians who were forced to flee sought refuge in neighboring countries; most of them have spent their lives in refugee camps set up by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon (Ashabranner, 1991). Although Palestinians found refuge and/or employment in every Arab country after the war between the Palestinians and Israelis in 1948, according to McDowall (1987), their relationship with these countries has always been ambiguous. This ambiguity stems from the large number of Palestinian refugees in some countries (McDowall, 1987). There are quite a few refugees in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, in addition to those in refugee camps inside the West Bank and Gaza (UNRWA, 2006a). Even though Palestinians ended up in refugee camps, some were educated and fled from the war and sought employment wherever possible. This caused alarm in the host countries due to the large number of educated and experienced refugees. At the same time, Palestinian refugees started to build a separate national identity and systemize a national liberation movement, which put them in direct conflict with the host countries. Additionally, the far higher level of political awareness of the Palestinians created general unease from their host countries because no Arab government welcomes potential political dissidents (Hammer, 8 2005; McDowall, 1987) . McDowall (1987) added that the relationship between the Palestinian people and their host countries depends, historically, on the political situation between these countries and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO)—an organization led by Palestinians who want to free Palestine from the Israeli occupation. If the relations are stable, the host countries generally treat the Palestinian immigrants in a generous and diplomatic way. If political relations between the PLO and the host countries are conflicted, however, the Palestinian immigrants in that country will feel the consequences. For instance, a large number of Palestinians had lived in Kuwait since 1948, yet as a 8

This situation was similar to that of Indian immigrants in Fiji, where Indians who make 50 percent of the Fijian population, controlled a large amount of Fijian wealth and power, as they were more educated and experienced. This has caused a lot of anger among native Fijians and challenging to the Indian immigrants to their country (Mehta and Belk, 1991).

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result of the Gulf War in which the PLO had given moral support to Iraq, all Palestinians were forced to leave Kuwait, their jobs, and their possessions. Many left with only the clothes on their backs. The Kuwaiti government no longer welcomed Palestinians even though they had not participated in the war, nor had they affiliated with the Iraqi army. Over 100,000 Palestinians had to leave Kuwait, and more than 400,000 additional Palestinians were forced to leave other Arab countries and travel again in search of a more stable environment for their families (Sabella, 1991; Abu Reden, 2001; Abdul Hadi, 1991).

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The majority of Palestinians residing outside Palestine have been able to peacefully co-exist and integrate with their host communities, and certainly among Arabs, in almost every country where there is a sizable Palestinian community. They created strong bonds among themselves and a support system for each other, due to their shared background as refugees and immigrants. In addition, despite the long years in diaspora, they still regroup and socialize within the host country as a way of keeping in touch with their identity and culture (McDowall, 1987). Palestinians often describe themselves as olive trees, with roots reaching deeply into the ground and leaves rising in the sky. The olive tree, the tree of peace which lives strong for decades, is a symbol of the Palestinian people. It is commonly understood that the Palestinians are deeply rooted in Palestine, and grow old and prosper with the sky as their limit; yet they always retain their pride in their Palestinian roots and continue to hope for a return to their homeland. In summary, the Palestinian identity has emerged because of the political issues and wars over the land, and the displacement, exile, and diaspora of the people from their motherland. Evidence shows that identity was not a problem during the nineteenth century, when Palestine was part of Greater Syria, and people were distinguished from one another by their dialects which are unique to each city. As wars continued in the twentieth century, the Palestinians could not prevent the Jewish control of their land, and with the support of the United Nations and other western countries, the State of Israel was created on the Palestinian land. Then and only then, did the Palestinians start their diaspora, struggling to preserve their identity, as they lost their land.

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CHAPTER 2

The Construction of Identity

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“How can we live without our lives? How will we know it’s us without our past?” (John Steinbeck (1976: 96): The Grapes of Wrath)

Throughout history, immigrants have sought new residencies for political and economic reasons, such as divided lands, war, occupation by a foreign power, violent states, and/or dictatorships that lead to unemployment and poverty (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996; Hein, 1993). Fagen et al. (1968) and Kelly (1979) explained that many refugees and immigrants had different reasons for leaving a homeland for a new place. Immigrants, such as educated people with international careers or those equipped with skills that give them better opportunities in a new country, leave their countries voluntarily, while refugees are forced to go to the countries that accept refugees. Whether immigrants or refugees seeking a new country, they are considered newcomers and need to adapt to everything in the new host country while still carrying with them a world view, lifestyle, language and family structure, which they may make an effort to preserve in the host country. According to Trueba & Yali Zou, (1988), as long as these immigrants maintain their cultural markers and other symbolic values of their identity, they seem to accumulate the energy and courage needed to get used to the new environment and survive. In other words, the newcomers will be able to understand the differences between the two cultures, which make it easier to live in the host country and yet preserve the important elements of their own culture in harmony with their new lifestyle.

19

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Arab and Palestinian Immigrants Arab immigrants are considered a distinct ethnic group in U.S. society, although they are a heterogeneous group with diverse backgrounds in terms of national origin. Although culturally different, they are just like all other immigrants in the United States. They are looking for better chances in life with education and jobs, and frequently choose to build careers in places with political and social liberties such as freedom of speech which is sometimes impossible if their country is under a radical regime. These groups of immigrants voluntarily, in an indirect sense, left their country to be citizens in a new country.

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Palestinian Communities in the United States The Arab community in the United States is quite large, and two thirds were born in the United States (Hasan, 1999a). Christison (1989) explains, the Palestinian community in the United States which has about 150,000-250,000 members accounts for only approximately 10% of the Arab-American population. In her article, “The American Experience: Palestinians in U.S.” Christison states that the exact number of Palestinians living in the United States is difficult to know mainly because the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service rarely recognizes ‘Palestinian’ as a nationality, because Palestinians coming to the United States do not come from Palestine alone. They come from the countries in which they settled after exile, therefore, they may come from Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt or any other part of the world. They find ways to adapt to the changes in the new society, yet keep their identity to themselves and within their groups as explained by Trueba & Yali Zou (1988). For Palestinians, being a Palestinian in a western community is difficult due to the general image of Palestinians in the media. For many, being Palestinian is personal and stays within their community and family. Bennett (2007) explains: The negative image of Arab Americans, particularly of Palestinian Arabs, is more widespread and intense because of the ArabIsraeli conflict. Palestinians are often viewed by the media as Arab refugees or terrorists. Many Arab Americans perceive that they are an easy target for insults and slurs. Whenever major events take place in the Middle East, such as the Gulf War, the Arab American community often becomes the focus of investigation and interrogation (Pp. 183184).

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However, Christison continues to describe them as “they are anything but politically indistinct.” As they assimilate in the new society, they usually do not become actively involved in politics of the host countries, and they rarely participate in functions or participate in demonstrations or even write letters to their congressmen. The majority of them leave their country to seek a safe and comfortable living, and they appreciate what they get. They are only trying to live in peace, and only want a normal life, while staying connected to their origins and their country.

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According to Christison (1989), first generation Palestinian immigrants in the United States tend to make a quick adjustment to American society, remain to an unusual degree within immigrant communities, and are highly aware of the politics of their native land, yet limited in their political activities in the host country. Even more, the American -born second generation of Palestinians also shows a high and increasing degree of political awareness and ethnic pride. Changes in their transferred culture and traditions are needed to live in harmony in the new country; however, the extent of change may vary from one group to the next. Hammer (2005) also found that first generations of Palestinians in the United States have experienced much hardship and suffered to get where they are. For them, Palestine resides in their memories, and their focus is on their family and daily lives. He elaborated that the second generation has to deal with different struggles to assimilate in the new society and they have to focus on their daily lives as well as Palestine. Christison (1989), a former political analyst with the CIA, broadly researched the Palestinian population in the United States. Investigating assimilation of the first and second generation of Palestinian immigrants to America, Christison (1989) found that Palestinians still face ethnic intolerance and have been the object of terrorist attacks, but have never been the perpetrators of those types of attacks in the United States. Palestinians have reacted to these incidents with considerable self-control and self-confidence. In spite of their hardships, Palestinian9 Americans generally have a remarkably healthy attitude, and are relatively optimistic, always searching for hope. Most of them appreciate what they have and what they receive at the same time, as 9

The term Palestinian -American was used by Christison throughout her study.

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these issues are minor compared to what they have been through. In any case, when they encounter obstacles, most of the time they deal with them without fear of losing any of their rights, or staying within legal parameters. The unfair treatment of the American government toward the Palestinian people in Palestine, the unlimited support of Israel and the one-sided way the American media views the conflict only serves to reinforce the Palestinian American’s sense of being Palestinian as they know they are the only ones, without international help, who could defend their rights and identity from being taken away. Like Christison (1989) Ahed (1995) observed that Palestinian adults and children, American born or immigrants, are conscious of and take immense pride in their heritage. Ahed’s (1995) ethnographic study, “The Palestinian Diaspora: Nationalism and Ethnicity among Palestinians in New York City. She examines the rationalizations and defenses that Palestinian-Americans have developed in response to the threat of assimilation into American society. She also views Palestinian’s connection to the politics of their home society and the effect that their political consciousness has on maintaining their ethnic identity as well as the frustrations of living “two lives” in two different worlds for both first and second generation Palestinian Americans. Ahed explains that despite the fact that Palestinians do not share the language and dominant religion of the United States, they are able to establish forms of social and political organizations and defense mechanisms to counteract their absorption and assimilation. She argues that Palestinians have resisted assimilation by preserving their traditions and clinging onto their identity as Palestinians, and continue to have connections and ties with their towns and villages of origin. The Palestinians she interviewed reported that all their accomplishments in the United States are in preparation for their return to Palestine. That is the reason why many of them have houses and have bought land in Palestine. She also reports that after the peace agreement the PLO signed in 1995, many of the Palestinian participants were hesitant about residence in Palestine, as no one was sure of the consequences. In addition, Ahed adds that many of the Palestinians adopted Islam as a way of life, although they do not go to the mosque on a regular basis. In addition to the belief in the Ten Commandments that form the basis for Christianity and Judaism, Islam covers all aspects of their daily life as well as their religious practices. Islam explains the ethics of dealing with family, relatives, friends, and the

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society, by outlining the civil laws of a community, working together for the benefit of every citizen living within its boundaries. It also covers ethics of work, ethics of life in general, laws and paths for institutions, work, and businesses, and certainly the worship and the religious practices, the obligations to the creator, and everything in between. For instance, the Hijab (head cover, and long sleeve dress down to the ankle) is meant to prevent strangers from looking at a girl in a way that could risk herself and her family. It comes in styles, and women are free to wear what they desire under the Hijab. Second and third generation Palestinian -Americans born in the United States also feel the pressure of “two societies.” While they try to assimilate with American society they face resistance from their parents for their different ways of life (what they call freedom), and the realization that they may stay in the United States rather than go back home. When Ahed researched what they would define as a Palestinian identity, she explains that the common themes that arose were “they are ‘proud’ of their Palestinian roots, they had been displaced as a people by the Zionists, and “they would return to their homeland one day” (1995, p. 155). Moreover, all generations still hold on to the ties with relatives in Palestine and feel strongly about preserving them. The Palestinians in New York continue to practice their traditions in 10 11 marriage and funeral rituals , as they would do if they were in their country, and disputes are settled according to the Arabic and Islamic ways. The study also demonstrated how Palestinians have maintained a diaspora existence and a diaspora mentality and the consciousness of a people with a powerful sense of Palestinian national identity. The participants stay in closeness with extended family members, because they are considered the backbone for the Palestinian in America, they preserve family relationships as much as possible. Although they are displaced from their country, they are able to form a community with the Palestinian-Americans in New York and welcome all Palestinians who practice most of the Palestinian traditions. Ahed (1995) also argues that for the second generation Palestinian American, although proud of their ancestral roots and heritage, going 10

About Palestinian weddings, visit http://palestinianembroider.tripod.com/ wedding.htm. 11 For more information visit:www.islamicity.com/mosque/Janazah.htm.

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back to settle in Palestine is a step towards the unknown, as they are not familiar with the reality of the society and social interactions. Finally, the Palestinians in New York perceive themselves as in exile, and are holding onto their national identity and keep the image of Palestine alive for all generations in the United States. In terms of commitment to Palestine, the first and second generations do not show any significant differences. Despite the pride in their ancestry and heritage, however, America exists as a part of their identity as the new generations adopt many elements of the western community.

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Gender is another matter of consideration in the Palestinian community. Gloria Jean Ghanem-Ybarra’s dissertation (2002), “The acculturation process and ethnic self-identification of secondgeneration Christian Palestinian-American women,” focuses on women and their experiences of ethnic identity conflict. She covered four topics: Recognition of one’s ethnic identity, challenges, positive outcomes of being Palestinian, and separation of Americans as the other. Her study concluded that the experiences affecting secondgeneration Christian Palestinian-American women’s ethnic identity development are complex and ever evolving. This active process is influenced by multiple interrelated factors including personal, familial, societal and sociopolitical factors. Being in a different society that is diverse in its culture, language, and tradition (if we consider Christianity to be the dominant religion), and wanting to fit in and become an invisible part of the host country, create challenges that need to be addressed at personal, family, and societal level the first generation, who were not born in the United State and lived most of their lives in their countries of origin, expect to transfer much of their upbringing to their children, who do not live in the same society, and face external pressures from the new society. This pressure defines the identity of the second-generation Christian Palestinian Americans, as well as others. In relation to identity among Palestinians living in America, Andrea Shalal-Esa (2001) wrote “The Power of the Hyphen: Second Generation Palestinian -American Women Writers Negotiate their Identity.” Her thesis examines the issues of identity by analyzing the work of three women writers who live in America as second-generation Palestinians. Shalal-Esa focuses on the challenges facing Arab American women writers who write of the history of emigration to the

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United States and the discrimination experienced by PalestinianAmericans today. In her view, Palestinian identity is not a fixed core, but a ‘social construction,’ with identity closely tied to forces of geography, history, gender, ethnicity, age, and social class; together they shape the individual and collective identity of individuals and the nation. The history, loss of land, and the threat of losing an identity triggers a national identity and a stronger sense of nationalism thus affecting how people practice and show their identity. Identity is on the move. It is determined by external forces or on one’s choices and is different from one generation to the other. Perhaps one of the most complete studies of Palestinian identity is the study conducted by Seikaly (1999), who examined a group of Palestinians residing in Detroit for a minimum of fifteen years, and focused particularly on the question of ethnicity that is attached to their current social and political identification in the United States. She sought to define the community's perception of itself through the words and lives of its members to hear “their truth.” She explains that seeking refuge in one’s ethnic setting offsets the condition of homelessness, exile, harassment, and defeatism. Social, religious, and political structures that ensure the survival of this group identity become paramount. Seikaly finds that the attitudes of many Christians and the majority of middle-class educated Muslims are relatively more moderate and flexible. Those who have shown the least tradition-bound social attitude are mainly second generation Muslims and Christians; they seem to be better educated, and are familiar with Arab and American politics. For all the Palestinians in her study, memories about the homeland, their city, and village are all alive and are fundamental element of their solution for their longing. Members of this community felt that they were uprooted and then transplanted through exile to a new country, leaving everything from homes to memories behind. In the new land, they duplicate the lifestyle they had, by including habits, traditions, beliefs, and much of the portable physical environment. This includes the material artifacts of their culture such as embroideries, the wall hangings of religious drawings and scripts, Arabic music and use of Arabic language, and finally, the taste of the Arabic and Palestinian foods. Besides ethnic identity attachment, Seikaly (1999) also discusses traditions and gender roles. She found that the community agrees on the

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need to preserve their traditions in order to protect their ethnic distinctiveness and ensure survival in the new homeland. For those Palestinians, tradition is a defense and a refuge from alien values, habits, and behaviors. A system of dual expectations and roles for males and females is a part of this social tradition that puts pressure on women to be cultural guardians and educators… secondgeneration women had much in common in terms of their adaptability to change, absorption of western culture, and genuine commitment to cultural preservation (p.32).

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She adds, although the second generation women face society's conservative demands on much of their conduct, they seem to cope with it. Women, like men, are expected to abide by the norms of their society, are expected to marry from within their society, and not have friends from the opposite sex. For the second generation, relationships are limited, and are usually supervised by the family. Female traditional roles in the house are to maintain and take care of the house, husband, and children. Women, who are subjugated to male authority within the patriarchal system, also feel pressure to continue to preserve the family honor and safeguard the traditional culture. They fear the impact of American values on their children, such as Americanization, loose morality, effects of television, freedom, and weak social, economic, and parental control. Seikaly also found that “wealth, education, and longer residence in the United States, which are more characteristic of the Christians in Detroit, explain their flexible social approach to these issues” (p.33). Even so, the Christians and Muslims worry about the future identity of their children and the gradual weakening of their attachment to their understanding of Palestinian culture. The clearest and loudest challenge acknowledged by the 12 participants is to amplify their political identity: Palestinian . Despite the fact that many of the Palestinians acknowledge an Arab ethnic identity, they carry on with strong commitment to their own culture and their homeland. Palestinianism was not necessarily the only identity 12

As politics creates countries and erases others, it names new countries and deletes or changes others. All legal/ official identities emerge from governments, and as Palestine existence is currently threatened, the people want to continue holding onto it despite what the international law entails.

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that they assumed during all stages of their lives. Seikaly explains that this search for identity has had paradoxical effects. “On the one hand, it pushed them to belong to an entrenched ethnic group, with whom they shared a familiar cultural legacy and history; on the other hand, it made them aware of their image and that of Arabs in the political and social setting around them” (p. 35). She elaborates: Through their memories, they re-weaved the experience of Palestinian hope and despair, and have shown its impact on their thoughts, actions, and identifications today... Some impart a feeling of resignation tinged with desperation, but some still tend to hold on to their roots-the village and the family to go back to. Others, especially the educated youth, visualize the creation of alternative channels in the Diaspora, a bridge constructed by their own lives to again connect with the old. There are also those who in their future see themselves becoming an effective ethnic community within the American community” (p. 36).

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Taking a broad approach, Schulz and Hammer (2003) examined the ways in which Palestinian identity has been formed in the diaspora and found that Palestinians experienced a constant longing for a homeland lost. They also discuss the relationship between the diaspora and the creation of a national identity, and they explore the possibilities incumbent in a transnational existence and new, less territorialized identities even among a diaspora community as tightly knitted around the idealized homeland as the Palestinian. They concluded that there is a lack of comprehensive studies on the Palestinian diasporas, as most of the studies on Palestinian society have focused on PLO politics and the Palestinian Israeli conflict. Cox & Connell (2003) examined the effects of statelessness, displacement, and exile on Palestinians living in Sydney, Australia. They studied the displaced Palestinians who came from the West Bank, Gaza, and the Gulf and finally settled in Sydney, and then compared their situation with other immigrants in the country. They explained that the relationship between identity and place becomes a great issue especially for those who have experienced enforced displacement and remain in exile. In the Palestinian community in Sydney, the immigrants came from different countries, not just from Palestine.

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Some had traveled through seven countries before settling in Sydney. As a result, the Palestinian community there is comprised of Palestinians with different backgrounds. The community was not homogeneous, and there was no specific description to define the community. Rather, they found that the Palestinians had several identity symbols of which religion played a major role, although they may not practice it in depth. Also, language tends to shift between Arabic and English, with the preservation of Arabic as their mother tongue and language of Islam, being a deliberate choice. Food and dress choice also varied, reflecting practices in which cultural identity was both variable and flexible. Palestinians in Sydney were able to integrate into mainstream society, as they tried to adopt the positive aspects of the Australian culture and maintain the positive aspects of their culture. What keeps the Palestinian community together in exile is the shared feeling of suffering and injustice, displacement and statelessness. This feeling of struggle about their statelessness provides them with unique way of binding together based on history background, language, and heritage, while differentiating them from other immigrants, whose countries still exist. The feeling of statelessness and belongingness can be meaningful elements of identity while in diaspora.

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In the case of Palestinian people, the maintenance of the political and social identity that they have shaped is seen as essential to the survival of the people, their land, and their political struggle. Palestinians have made great effort to develop and maintain their identity, especially as they have been at war, in diaspora, and in exile for over fifty years. Palestinian people, in economic, political, and social fields have formed identity elements such as their history, folklore, language, and religion, which have kept them from being erased through their writings, political stances, and even up-bringing of their children, no matter where they reside.

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Palestinian Ethnic Identity and Land Ever since the wars started over the Palestinian and Arab lands 13 centuries ago , the struggle to keep and preserve the land has become part of the inhabitants’ identity. For Palestinians in particular, their identity has closely been related to their land, which can be witnessed through the impact it has had on their political, economic, and social lives. Khalidi (1997) explains that the Arab population of Palestine had a strong attachment to their country and place long before any current 14 political disputes in the region . To better understand the value of the land, it is important to look at the three main components of Palestinian arguments to have their land returned to them, The political component reflects the Palestinian view of their land, and their view about it being taken from them by force and given to others, the social component encompasses the social status of the individual and the family wealth, and finally the economic component points to the need for land for jobs, food, and survival of self and state.

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1. The Political Component People have inhabited Palestinian lands for thousands of years, and the land has influenced all cultures and civilizations that emerged in and around that area. Palestinian literature and poetry reflect the struggle and political conflict after 1948, when the Palestinian people lost part of their land. After the 1967 war, when they lost the whole land, literature and poetry become powerful peaceful weapons to defend their case under occupation. Palestinians used the folk arts such as songs, proverbs (very common as part of the daily dialogue among the people), poems, and storytelling to remind their children that this land belongs to them and they will struggle for the return of it. The older Palestinian generations used literature, oral history and storytelling of 13

Land is the geographical location of the territory. For more details, read the article in PASSIA at www.passia.org/ palestine_facts/pdf/pdf2004/3Geography.pdf 14 About the relationship with the land, see Raymond E. Crist (1960). Land for the Fellahin, XI: Land Tenure and Land Use in the Near East. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 19(3), pp. 311-322.

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the land to keep the memory alive, focusing on the suffering of the people who lived under occupation and in the diaspora (McKean Parmenter 1996). It is difficult to separate identity from land, whether it was regarding the Palestinians still residing on that land or those in diaspora and exile. The political conflict expanded to a religious conflict, as the same piece of land is considered the Promised Land for the Israelis and at the same time considered home by Christians, Muslims and Jews who lived there for centuries and created cultural connections and associations with the same land.

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The geographic location of this region played an important role in military and economic development throughout history. This area is the only land road that connects three continents, Asia, Africa and Europe, through the Sinai Peninsula. Economically, the location of Palestine was important in controlling the traffic of two civilizations: Egypt and the Mesopotamian civilization in Iraq. Time and the weakening of these two civilizations allowed new groups of people to come in and try to control the land. These people were known as the Sea People, mainly consisting of the Philistines “Pelest” in the Egyptian text and Hebrew peoples, who settled in the area during the Late Bronze period around 1200 BC. All these groups of people settled and mixed with the local people, constructing a new culture. New civilizations continued to appear, such as the Greek civilization in the West and the Persians in the East. These two civilizations also had wars and conflicts over the 15 Palestinian land to control the commercial roads of Greater Syria , of which Palestine was a part at one point. The Roman Empire later appeared and came to the East to control same routes. This civilization had great impact on the land, especially in the last quarter of the first century, B.C., by building many cities using Roman architecture (Crist, 1960; Wright, 1926). There were religious conflicts between the Romans and the locals who were either Jews or atheists. With the introduction of Christianity, there was a change in the local identity, in particular when the 15 The main commercial road was known as the Silk Road. For more information about the Silk Road, read Mangus (2006) in the Global Exchange Briefing, at www.theglobalist.com/DBWeb/StoryId.aspx?StoryId=5787.

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Byzantine Empire, which adopted Christianity as the religion for the new empire, developed interest in the area known as The Holy Land in 636 A.D. This religious aspect began to develop because Jesus was born on the Palestinian land, in Bethlehem. Churches began to emerge, with Byzantine architecture, in all areas from north to south, on mountains and plains, and eventually became widespread across the Arab regions surrounding that area (Rast, 1992).

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The rise of Islam also gave Palestine great importance, and when the teachings of Islam reached the area, many of the locals who were either Christians or Jews converted to Islam, while many others continued to embrace their old religion. During the Umayyad governance over the area, Palestine and the Syrian areas acquired a special Arabic-Islamic image. During the tenth century, conflict over the same Palestinian land resulted in a new religious war, the Crusades, which intended to spread Christianity. Palestine was subjected to the crusades from the tenth through twelfth centuries, carried by Christian armies from Europe. The struggle continued until Palestine and the region were freed from the Crusades by the Ayyubid Dynasty under the leadership of Saladin al-Ayyobi in 1193 AD. After that, the Mamluk Dynasty, 1250-1517 AD, took over Egypt and as a result, Palestine, too. The Ottomans began their conquest in 1516, and Palestine was then under their rule. Once again they were under the control of a foreign power, even though it had an Islamic character. With the end of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the area was taken into European and British control, through World War I, which marked an important turn in the modern history of the region. With the 1917 Balfour Declaration conference, the land of Palestine was given to foreigners to establish 16 their new state (Crist, 1960; Rast, 1992) . The Zionist movement began to assist the Jews from around the world to immigrate to the Palestinian land, leading many of the Palestinians to leave their land and seek refuge in other parts of Palestine or other countries; the major event was in 1948 when the State of Israel was established in Palestine. “The post-1948 periods saw the transformation of the Palestinians from majority to a minority in Palestine” (Zureik, 1977). 16

For information about the American role in the Middle East, see “American Influences in the Near East Before 1861,” by Robert E. Daniel (1964).

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Later in the twentieth century, when the war between the Palestinians and Israelis over the land continued and international intervention was needed, On November 22, 1967, UN Resolution 242 was signed, which stipulates “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from 17 territories occupied in recent conflict” (U.N., 1967) . The General 18 Council approved several resolutions, dating as far back as 1947 , attempting to solve the Palestinian problem, none of which were implemented. Until recently, and during the peace process, the land was still an argument for peace. The UN Resolution 338 proposed “land for peace” in 1973 and Resolution 194 allowed all the Palestinians the right 19 to return to their homeland with peace in the area. Yet, the implementation of the resolution continues to face many political struggles and debates. After each confiscation during wars of the twentieth century, the land continued to escalate in importance. In March 30th 1976, Israel took 5,500 acres from the farmland in Galilee to build Jewish settlements (Miftah, 2004). Since then, this day is annually remembered, by demonstrations to express the Palestinian‘s rejection of the political pressures and oppression of occupation. Palestinians all over the world celebrate this as “Land Day” in different ways: peaceful demonstrations, media events, talks, public programs, and public memorials.

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2. The Social Component As land has become more precious to the Palestinians and more intertwined with their identity, it has also become critical to social life and survival. Having lost much of their land to occupation, they value their land wherever it is, as a means not only of residence, but also a means to provide food for the family, and sometimes to sell the produce and earn extra income. Wherever the Palestinians reside, having land is held in high importance. Palestinians understand the economic and social value of having land, and continue to buy available lots wherever 17

For information about the UN Resolutions about Palestine , see Rami (nd) www.jerusalemites.org/facts_documents/un/index.htm. 18 For detailed information about the UN resolutions concerning the Palestinian issue see www.un.org/Depts/dpa/ngo/history.html. 19 Details at www.cinu.org.mx/biblioteca/documentos/palestina/ ares3236.htm.

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they live, if the regulations of the host country permit. They want a land to call home, even if temporary in a host country. Land is a commodity that will last for generations to come, and the value of the land has never decreased. On the contrary, the value of land has always increased. In the Palestinian culture, the word “land” is mentioned in many of their daily conversations, as part of their language structure. For instance, when one sees a person after a long time, he or she would say “wein aradik” which literally means, ‘where is your land?’ for ‘where have you been?’ Other examples: • • •

•

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•

Ardak 3Ardak iza sontha sanatak (your land is your honor; if you protect it well, it will protect you). Ale bezraa ardoh ma bemot men aljoaa (who plants his land, he will not die from hunger). Alard abtearaf eshabha okol emhajar maseero yerjaa lardo (the land knows who owned and planted in it, and every migrant has to come back to his land) Min teen bladak, hut ala khdadak. (From the mud of your country put on your cheeks). It is preferred to marry from the same country, than to marry from another. Ma boHroth el-arD gheir e'joolha. (Nobody will plough the land except its calf. The Calf here stands for strong men).

Oneh (group help) is quite common among most Palestinians. This group gathering comes from people in a certain area, mostly farmers, to help each other to prepare the land, plant and cultivate it each season. They all help each other to keep their lands alive and productive. They all share the responsibilities. When a farmer needs help, the neighbors will come to offer free help, until the task is accomplished. When it is another person in need of help, they move in to help. This can be seen today when it is olive-picking season. Every neighbor comes to help pick olives for each other, as the picking season is limited, and farmers cannot do this task alone. This is witnessed in some of their proverbs as well. For example: •

Katret al aide btkhafef men ebea al amal (Many hands make light work).

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Yaley be saed anass Allah be saedo (who help the people, God will help him). Yad allah mae al jamaaeh (God hand with the group).

Land also plays an important role to keep the power within a family. This is evident in inheritance as well as in marriage. Men in some families will try to claim the land their sisters inherit to keep it within the same family. When women get married to a person outside the tribe, the women and their children take the name of the husband. Their land goes to another family or tribe of the husband. Therefore, some will not allow women to inherit land and may take the land away from women to avoid dividing the land, or transferring it to another tribe. She might also be offered a price in exchange for the land, and sometimes, she willingly signs away the land to her brothers. In marriage, at the time of proposal, the wealth of the man is expressed to the bride’s father to show they can provide for the bride. It is a guarantee that the wife will not go hungry, or need shelter. Generally, the parents would buy land and estates, to pass down to their children to secure their futures in the same area. 3. The Economic Component

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Palestine / Palestinian territories are considered a developing country. Its economy is based on little industry or services; agriculture is the backbone of the Palestinian economy, contributing nearly 33% of the Gross National Product of the West Bank and around 24% of the Gross National Product in Gaza Strip (Isaac, et al., 2004). Attaya (2005) explained the importance of land for Palestinians, especially during the war, in economic maintenance. To mention a few elements: Land and agriculture ensure availability of jobs and income and reduce unemployment. They are also means to maintaining and reproducing Palestinian commitment and continuation on the land. Working the land has provided new opportunities for many people who have lost their jobs due to the recent conflict. Agriculture has helped raise employment 4% in the last ten years, particularly for those who work in informal sectors. Last but not least, it provides living means for more than 17% of the Palestinian families, who in 2004, cultivated their lands and raised animals for their personal survival. In 2004,

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unemployment in rural areas reached 24.5%, while unemployment in cities and refugee camps reached 25.5% and 32.7% respectively (Attaya, 2005). Agriculture ensures food availability. Farming and agriculture have an important role in providing food and survival for many families, through planting and raising their own crops or selling the produce. Despite the decrease due to more recent confiscations or destruction of the agricultural land, Palestinians managed to sustain sufficient growth of crops and raising of animals such as cows, goats and sheep, allowing them economic independence and future detachment from Israeli economies (Attaya, 2005). Agriculture is vital for the other economic sectors: Agriculture in Palestine is considered a vital sector of the Palestinian economy as many industries are based on the agricultural products. For instance, other than the food industry, leather, shoes, soap, furniture, cosmetics and tourist industry constitute the entire economy. Agricultural products and sub-products are inputs to other industries that are supporting the Palestinian existence. For instance, wood from trees is used for handmade sculptures that are sold in tourist stores. Leather is also treated to manufacture leather apparels for both local people and tourists.

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Palestinian agricultural products have an international reputation for being naturally and organically grown. Many Palestinian farmers and consumers are opposed to genetically improved and chemically proliferated crops; therefore, most of their plantings are natural and organic. Having this reputation can enhance the export opportunities, and place agriculture in the forefront of the other Palestinian economic sectors. The Palestinian rural and agricultural sectors embrace 88% of the population. The agricultural land is not only for cultivation but also a place where Palestinians build their homes. Approximately 60% of the Palestinians live in rural areas, the remaining have land or depend on it for some of their food consumption. Moreover, about 90% of the women in the rural areas work in agriculture, especially if their husbands or families have land, or if they live on the agricultural land themselves.

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In conclusion, Palestinians have a long history of diaspora and exile due to wars on their lands such as those of 1948, and 1967. The 1948 war resulted in Palestinians seeking refuge in other parts of their country as well as other countries, while the 1967 war resulted in the creation of a new refugee population in the Middle East and the Western World. These are the most dramatic events that have affected the Palestinians and their identity until this day. For those Palestinians who fled Palestine and still dream of going back, they try to preserve as much as possible of their unique identity, especially as they are threatened by the permanent loss of their land. They hold proudy their survival of the oppression from the international community, wherever they are in the world. Perhaps the most difficult location to maintain the Palestinian identity is in the Western countries, due to the differences of religion, language, culture, and societal ideologies. Research about Palestinians began to emerge in the sixties; however, most of the research was political in nature, trying to justify the rights of two nations on the same piece of land. Material Culture and Immigrants’ Identity

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Material culture of the home is part of self-identity, in which one recognizes, remembers, and identifies one’s self in the personal and private space of one’s home. It reflects the occupation, the belief system and the aspirations of the owner. “The study of material culture is about the way people live their lives through, by, around, in spite of, in pursuit of, in denial of, and because of material culture. The venture is premised on the proposition that artifacts are integral to cultural behavior. Humans use them to create, learn, and mediate social interactions and relations” (Martin, 1996, p. 5). Material artifacts, tangible products, have meanings grafted by the individuals who have them, and they hold individual, social and cultural meanings. There are many studies about material culture in museums, and their role in the economy (consumption and production), and other studies are about material culture of minorities, or even material culture of a nation. Only a few, however, have reported on the material culture that is already in many homes of immigrants, who belong in their hearts to another country or people.

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Palmer (1998) explains “There is a continual reminding, or as Billig (1995) refers to it as ‘flagging’, of nationhood on a daily basis. This ‘flagging’ may be unconsciously displayed but it serves to keep people aware of where they belong and what they believe in. It is to be found in the daily habits and routines of life and it is why people do not forget their identity” (p. 182). Flags in this context do not only mean national flags, but they are signs that embody “habits of social life, the places we live, the way we live and the unconsciously held thoughts of home that we take with us wherever we go” (p. 183). Palmer continues there are three main identity flags: the body, food, and the landscape are all part of our material world and give people either an individual or collective social or national identity. According to Palmer (1998), the body has the ability to present a culture and an identity, both to the society to which it is attached and others with which it comes in contact (material culture related to a person). Certain cultural meanings are ascribed to aspects of the body. Palmer explains that identities are visible through the diet, fashion, and other material elements that are part of the culture to which one belongs. Studies can trace the history of a diet of a nation, the selection of foods and clothes, trade and exploration, and cultural exchange. The habits of eating that “reflect the cultural traditions and beliefs of a specific nation have been in evidence for many centuries.” (p. 187). Every nation has it is own famous dishes and special cuisine, such as French food, German breads, Chinese cuisine, and Middle Eastern dishes depending on what is available in their local markets, cost, and environmental condition, or seasonal produce.

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To deepen the argument, Palmer (1998) links the use of food to symbolic purposes. In the case of religion, for example he explains that: In Christian religions, for example, the body and the blood of Christ are symbolically ingested in the bread and the red wine that is offered during Holy Communion. For Muslims, consumption of food and drink from sunrise to sunset is actually prohibited during the holy month of Ramadan. Likewise, Jews observe a total fast during Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement) from sunset to sunset (p. 188). Foods are not only reflected in a religious practice, but also as a national identity issue. For Americans turkey is served at Thanksgiving,

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or at Christmas, which is not the same around the world. For example during the holidays in Jordan and Palestine, they eat traditional food either meat or chicken with rice or vegetables as a main meal. In the Philippines, at Christmas it is customary to eat native foods such as puto bumbong, rice steamed inside a bumbong, or small bamboo tube, bibingka rice cake with salted eggs and fresh coconut meat and suman steamed rice wrapped in banana leaves, outside the church. (Landais, 2006). In India the main dish is duck and pork. “In this sense then, food is as much a ‘badge of identity’ as are the more obvious symbols of national belonging such as coins, anthems, costumes and ceremonies.” (Palmer, 1998, p.90).

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The landscape, or the land, defines one in terms of national identity. It reflects territory, a homeland for its inhabitants living within a certain border. It is a symbolic expression of a nation’s past, its present and its future. The landscape is considered both a natural and a material cultural artifact. Palmer (1998) reports on a study conducted by Selwyn (1995) in his examination of the role of landscape as a key symbol of the construction of Israeli identity, arguing that “metaphors drawn from the landscape constitute part of the moral discourse which is used in the wider distinctions we make between “us and “them” (Selwyn, 1995, p. 119) as reported in (Palmer, 1998, p. 194). Thus for Jewish settlers in Palestine the land and the landscape became associated with notions of “liberation’ and “redemption.” Furthermore, and in a similar way to that described by Okely, defense of the landscape is defense of the culture and the State from “pollution’ by outsiders: as an informant from the Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel explains: The nation symbolized by the landscape must be defended because without it people would leave themselves open to cultural and religious contamination; if that happens nothing but imminent destruction can follow. The contamination may derive both from the influences of Arab population which will outnumber the Jewish one in a matter of years and from glitzy American consumer goods in Tel-Aviv department stores (Selwyn, 1995, p. 131). The landscape is important to claim a nation and a state, not only for Jewish people but rather for all nations under one flag. Palmer explains that in the Jewish case:

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The physical and symbolic expression of Jewish identity for those who live in Israel, for those Jews who live in other nation-states and for those of the non-Jewish faith; which is almost certainly one of the reasons why Israeli and Palestinian ‘peace negotiations’ over control of the land have been violently contested. The land in this instance is not only confirming identity but is also reflecting quite complex relationships of power and control, of the possessor and the dispossessed. A National landscape, a home-land is thus an essential part of being a recognized people as it is the physical expression of acceptance by the wider community (Palmer, 1998, p. 194).

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Christopher Tilley (2006) links the landscape with the material culture and the identity of the people who inhabit the area ‘the world out there’ as understood, experienced, and engaged with through human consciousness and active involvement” (p. 7). He bases his study on the works of Barbara Bender’s research in the field of landscape, place, heritage and identity who stresses the need for interdisciplinary research in the field. Building on Bender’s concept of landscapes he explains that “landscapes are on the move peopled by diasporas, migrants of identity, people making homes in new places, landscapes are structures of feeling, palimpsests of past and present outcomes of social practice, products of colonial and post-colonial identities and the western gaze, they are places of terror, exile, slavery and of the contemplative sublime” (Pp.7-8). With people moving from one place to the other, including diaspora and transitional communities, their identity remains through shared memories and representation of lost localities and homeland, more than those who have not been displaced. Tilley explains that landscape and place are often experienced as a structure of feeling through activities and performances that express group identities as well as personal identities. This is only achieved by “making a material reference to the past that identification with place occurs through the medium of ‘traditional’ material culture and representation of lifestyles, urban and rural, that no longer exist” (p. 14). Tilley (2006) elaborates that there is a relationship between the land and the material culture, and the people, thus their identity.

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Whether they are displaced or want to identify a certain identity, this is only achieved by creating a link with the material culture, giving it meaning, not just on living in memories. For many “The symbolic return to the past often acts as a retreat from the uncertainties of the present” (p. 14), which is quite common among the displaced, immigrants, or peoples on the move.

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In “Dismantling mantelpieces: Narrating identities and materializing culture in the home.” Hurdley (2006), uses a narrative approach to understanding why people displayed objects in their homes and analyzed the meaning of British domestic culture. Although she did not identify her target group as immigrants, she found that some had a view about an inherited item, “the mantelpiece” in the living room that is still a part of the architecture of many old and new homes. Analyzing the narratives from Hurdley’s respondents’ she explains that social performances demonstrate the extent to which the ‘private’ experiences of the self are manifested by means of display objects and domestic artifacts, rather than conceptualizing the meaning of objects as inherent and fixed. Her analytical approach demonstrates how individuals, the consumers, become producers of meaning through their domestic stories. This finding was based on the core of Martin’s (1996) research who found that it is the individuals who give meanings to the artifacts from their own perspective. The meanings given to items are man-made and are different from one person to another, even for the same material, tangible artifact. For her research, Hurdley (2006) presents an overview of the meaning of ‘home.’ She agrees with Jackson and Moores (1995) “the home is a site for consumption practices, and the establishment of social and economic relations” (p. 718). She continues “domestic settings can also be a domain of cultural anxiety, in that the ‘private’ space of the home may be implicitly felt to be the object of potential surveillance and judgment by visitors or a ‘generalized other” (p. 718). She elaborates that the material culture in the homes have a cultural biography and are embedded in frameworks of time and memories, and that is what gives the meaning to the material objects in the homes. The interactions between people, their homes, and the material culture in it all play an active role in the meaning–making process.

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In addition, the study focuses on the display of material culture in particular in the living room on domestic mantelpieces “a formal structure for this display, a highly traditionalized and normalized form of revelation… narrative motif, can be conceptualized as a formal structuring device… mantelpieces do predicate and delineate display space at the room’s central point as they were always located in the focal point of the living room” (Martin, 2006, p. 720). She explains that “their materiality is not bound by temporal and spatial limits, since they are material with which people build stories of absent presences, a horizon beyond which the past and future, the otherworld and ideal self dwell” (p. 721). The mantelpieces were not the only items about which the respondents expressed their thoughts. One of the respondents for instance observed that the mantelpiece gives the living room order and symmetry, in a way that a shelf unit or television did not. Moreover, they named other items in the homes not on display spaces, but places where family and individual stories were constructed around individual objects and assemblages of photographs and other artifacts. Aside from the mantelpiece, questions were also asked about vases, clocks, ornaments, and other items that triggered memories for the participants. Although there were some objects similar to each other in different homes, the respondents had different stories, or different versions of the same story. It depends on the specific identity its owner wished to invoke in an interaction. A new theme emerged during Martin’s study that gave a different value, or value added, to the objects if they were given as gifts. Martin explained “This value, which is loaded with moral imperatives for the giver and recipient, is related in this story. Investment of time, effort and money are moral actions for the giver, whilst appreciation, and, it could be argued, the production and telling of the gift narrative are prescribed for the recipient. Emotional investment on both sides also adds value” (p. 723) and makes a product a personal production despite its having been bought from the regular market. Aside from the monetary value, added value is given if the item was given by a grandmother or parent at a certain time. For some memorable artifact, “it was also normal to leave things out on display months or years after their original moral role has ended. Yet the mortality tales of British domestic culture - home and family, comfort rather than beauty – reside in these forgotten, often invisible things.” (p. 725).

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Hurdley (2006) contends that through telling stories about the material artifacts in the homes of the participants, people are also telling stories about themselves, as moral beings with histories and beliefs who are both socialized and individualized. Through this approach, she adds that individuals can account for identities that otherwise might not be immediately present or presentable. Different versions of narratives are related to different aspects of identity and are recalled in response to the demands of the present interaction and presence of others. From material culture and immigrants in general, it is important to understand the Palestinian material artifacts, not only for Palestinian immigrants, but also for those who continue to live on the land. Majdi Shomali (2002) analyzed some elements that constitute the Palestinian heritage in general, and found that the meanings of material culture continue to live with the people, despite their land not being theirs any more.

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Shomali focuses on a few elements including customs and traditions, proverbs, folkloric dance, foods, handicraft and embroidery, all of which are essential to the formation of Palestinian identity, in Palestine and in exile. Shomali also links the land and loss of land to the material culture in the Palestinian situation. “A total, unified relationship made up of the family unit, the home and social environment was sheltered and consolidated under the umbrella of the land” (p. 155). He explains that most of the Palestinian material culture evolved in agricultural communities where land was a main means of livelihood and production. The social values the Palestinians adhere to such as the importance of solid family, childbirth, child raising, provision of nourishment, clothing, folk medicine, and handicrafts are expressed in proverbs, dance, and stories. Shomali researched the 20 Dabke , storytelling, folk songs, proverbs, costume, and food.

20 Debke is typical of village tradition, tied to the cycle of growth and fertility, and is performed on weddings and feasts. It involves timed steps to the beat of rhythmic music played on traditional instruments, with calculated movements (often circular) and punctuated stomping of the feet. Debke is a group dance performed by men or by women with hands locked.” (Shomali, 2002, p. 159).

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In addition, Shomali explains that aside from the land and crop, there is more to the Palestinian identity and heritage; they have a rich pool of arts and handicraft, such as pottery and jewelry, and the costumes of Palestine, all of which reflect the diversity of its people and their ways of living. Traditional costumes are hand-made costumes by villagers and semi-nomadic Bedouins. Men’s traditional costumes have become famous as a symbol of Palestinian resistance, particularly the white and black Koffiyah which became a national symbol for Palestinians. The colorful dresses for women, still worn on a daily basis by some villagers, are also made for special occasions such as weddings. Women’s costumes have become a part of the modern fashion, worn by royalties including Queen Alia and Queen Noor of Jordan, yet keeping the national symbol of Palestinianism. As for Palestinian women’s costumes, Shomali (2002) explains “The basic materials fabrics were used to make the Palestinian dresses were cotton, linen, wool, or silk. Until the 1930s, when cotton thread became popular, village embroidery was usually done in floss silk, which was twisted into threads of required thickness. Before the advent of chemical dyes, the most typical colors of thread were shades of red” (p. 161). According to Shomali “Embroidery is a language” (p. 161); the colorful designs on the women’s dress are all hand embroidered, and the shapes are borrowed from nature, designs from geometric patterns to flower and tree motifs. Later, patterns of birds, animals, and some human figures became common. Every embroidery pattern has a name just as every stitch has a name, and as expected, the names of the patterns usually reflect things in the surroundings. “Palms and cypresses are associated with the tree of life that goes back thousands of years. Some embroidery patterns have historical and political meanings, such as khiyam al-basha (tents of the Pasha), or, more recently, the Intifada and other nationalistic themes” (162). Shomali extends his research on some common Palestinian dishes and their nutritional and economic values that are also shared among the Arab community. Falafel, hummus, tabbouleh, stuffed vine leaves, mjaddarah and other “health” foods are native to the Arab Middle East and particularly Palestine, Syria and Lebanon. They are based on principles of nutrition, economy and good taste that can only be produced over hundreds of

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years of cultural practice.” Beans and vegetables are common ingredients, being high in protein as substitute for meat, along with natural additives that enhance taste and presentation. Meat is used in other dishes. One typical Bedouin meal is mansaf with layers of very thin bread (shraq), covered with rice, large chunks of lamb or goat meat, a flavorful cooked yogurt from goat milk, fried pine seeds and almonds on top. Typically, Palestinian food uses grains (particularly lentils, fava beans and chick peas), vegetables, usually a lot of olive oil and lemon juice, onions and garlic, and a variety of taste-enhancing spices (p. 162).

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These are some of the traditional dishes that are commonly included in the diet of most Palestinians, although they have adjusted their cuisine to incorporate dishes that either cost less or take less time to prepare. Some western dishes, such as pizza, have become popular. The Palestinian custom is to conclude a meal, or for guests in general, by serving coffee and/or tea (Shomali, 2002). Coffee could either have sugar, (known as Turkish coffee), or be served without sugar, (which is known as Arabic coffee). The coffee is thick and is served in special, small “demi cups.” Tea is flavored with mint in the summer and wild sage in the winter months and also served in small special glasses. Mahta and Belk (1991) focused on the material culture of immigrants to the United States and how the material culture plays a role in strengthening and maintaining one’s self identity in their homes. The study is about the artifacts Indian immigrants favor and bring with them to the United States. It compares some material artifacts of Indians living in India and their role in preserving identity processes for Indians and Indian immigrants to the United States. Taking into consideration that the Indian sense of self differs from the western concepts, they found that there are some possessions Indians use to secure and reconstruct the immigrant identity while living outside their country. They explain that during geographic movement away from their homeland and people, there is a burden on individual possessions for anchoring identity. According to Mehta and Belk (1991) the comfort of carrying some family possessions from home prevents the total identity alienation otherwise likely to be felt in unfamiliar surroundings with no material anchors from previously established identities. They found that as the travel distance increases, the number of individual possessions retained is restricted by the cost of moving

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them, and with the number of visits to the people and places they left behind. Mehta and Belk following Swidler (1986) contend that “during periods of unsettled lives such as those that occur with migration, material objects become highly charged with meaning and help organize experience and provide coherent models of self. This seems especially true for objects that are linked to continued behavioral rituals such as eating, sleeping, grooming, and religious practice” (p. 400).

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Mehta and Belk reported that homes contain a wide variety of objects that are a reflection of one’s identity, concluding that there is a difference between the Indians in India and those who immigrated to the United States. For those Indians who remained in India, a family ‘shrine’, a family idol, or their guru’s photo were reported as the favorite items in the house. These items were either given as gifts from the parents at the time of marriage, or bought very early in a new life after marriage. As for those Indians who immigrated, their favorite possessions in their homes included ‘a family shrine’ [in front of which one would pray] that gave them continuity from their parents or husbands, wooden statuary such as the elephant, wooden screens, inlaid woodwork, various kinds of native cloth pieces, brass vessels, copper vessels, or replicas of Indian landmarks. Some had a collection of Indian movies and songs, and many had family or Godrej photos reported as favorite objects in the house. The study also reported a difference in the quantities of the local Indians and the Indian immigrants. Although these artifacts may be found in any market, they had a more sentimental value when linked to the country and the giver, whether a parent, grandparent, husband or anyone else in India. The Indian immigrants’ homes were crammed with things on the walls, floors and in display cases, in addition to other western pieces, television, and modern technologies that were reported as favorite items especially among the men. For the Indian immigrants, many of the artifacts had different meanings. The shrine, with the idols in it, was for prayer, comfort, and support. Some of the saris were made for special occasions. “The crafted objects, such as the embroidery and carpentry, symbolize transitions in status, while the clock symbolizes the movement of the family from lower-middle class to upper-middle class status, and “the music and videos offer a sense of connection to ‘mother India.’ Finally, ancestor photographs, heirloom furniture, saris,

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and jewelry serve as cues to call to mind a prior life and identity in India” (Mehta & Belk, 1991, p. 407).

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They further found that some of the immigrants had adopted local patterns of clothing, food, furnishings, and language, leading to the older generation and the parents worrying that their children might lose their identities as Indians. As a result, they acquire and display Indian mementos and souvenirs to show that they were more patriotically Indian than those living in India. Along with the collection of many material artifacts, the immigrant Indians continue to retain a preference for the Indian foods, although they include some American dishes in their menu, especially if they are entertaining Americans demonstrating the influence living in the United States. To maintain the authenticity of the Indian cuisine, however, the necessary spices are brought in large quantities and saved for personal consumption. In addition, American culture has set some pressure to adapt to the western culture, resulting in the Indian immigrants feeling compelled to celebrate American holidays such as Christmas and Thanksgiving, especially if they have young children. Indian immigrants celebrate these holidays, but add Indian traditional foods to the menu served. Indian immigrants also celebrate the Indian holidays, especially Divali (festival of lights), thus honoring their Indian culture and heritage. When immigrants leave behind their family and friends they miss them in their new country. When the Indian immigrants were asked what they miss about their homeland, they reported “people –especially family- and the values and interactions associated with these people” (Mehta & Belk, 1991, p. 407) despite the fact they may have homes that are bigger, have more rooms, and are more extensively furnished, and have better jobs and wages. Yet many of the respondents went out of their way to emphasize that they still value India, its traditions and customs more than they did when they were living there. At the same time, most still nurture the dream of someday returning to India and worry that their children will lose Indian language skills, will not marry other Indians, and will lose their identities as Indians. In acquiring and displaying mementos and souvenirs that proclaim Indian identity, they are more patriotically Indian than those left behind in India, a pattern that appears to differ from that of prior generations of immigrants to the United States, who often engaged in an ‘overidentification’ with the host culture (Mehta and Belk, 1991, p. 408).

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For the Indian immigrants, having material culture in their homes, in addition to the preservation of rituals such as praying at the family shrine, celebrating Indian holidays, eating Indian foods, and wearing Indian clothing, are a part of the a psychological commitment to remain Indian through concrete symbols. Although Indian immigrants adapt to United States culture, such adaptation tends to be external and public, as is needed to assure career and community acceptance in the host country. In their own private places they are considered “by maintaining Indian extended family structure, caste sensitivity, and child-rearing practices, and they defying U.S. values.” ((Mehta and Belk, 1991, p. 409)

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Body, food, and landscape are all part of the material culture that identifies one’s self and belonging to either a religion or nationality. Material artifacts are the physical, material ‘flags’ that reflect what is in the hearts and homes of people. In addition, clothing, cuisines, language structure, folklore, and traditions, all reflect a national, religious, and/or social identity. They have values that differ from one individual to another, even for the same artifact. Each artifact has a story, and through storytelling, it is passed from one generation to the next. The values differ: Although monetary value can be negotiated and calculated, the sentimental value is much greater and no price can reflect the true value it holds for the individual. Such items reflect the past, present, and future of the people and the nation, and thus they are priceless. For people in diaspora, exile, or estrangement from their people, community and land, the value of material culture is great. Displaced people deliberately maintain memories, and as Tilley (2006) explains, members of diasporic communities may typically relate strongly to traditional values and homeland when abroad, and strongly with where they now reside when and if they return home. The Palestinian ‘diasporic community’ in the United States is similar to those of other origins in other countries. The diasporic community examines the memories they continue to hold and transfer to the second generation, and the values they are willing to lose.

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CHAPTER 3

Who We Are

“We are reading more diaries and other primary sources to hear the ‘voices’ of the people themselves, telling their own story instead of having it told for them by others.” (Tiedt & Tiedt, 2005, p. 11)

In my previous work as an archeologist focusing on prehistory--when there was no writing–I learned to become “the voice” of the artifacts. I told the story of stones and jars. I gave the Palestinian families in diaspora the opportunity to tell their stories and to be the voices for their artifacts. I believe that now when they look at those artifacts they hear their own stories.

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I had the opportunity to communicate with Palestinian families in Maryland about the ways they are keeping Palestinian identity alive, even though settled in the United States for more than 25 years. The Palestinian families I interviewed chose to come specifically to the United States for the opportunities that were available, and many of them already had immediate family members who came before them and encouraged them to come. For example, Mrs. Ameen had an uncle and a few cousins, and Mr. Esam had his oldest brother here. On the other hand Mr. Basim’s mother was born here as his family immigrated a long time ago and his wife was living in Chicago because she had brothers who came to study and remained. Mr. Farah had two brothers, two sisters, and many uncles and cousins in the United States, before he 49

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decided to come, and the same is true for the rest of the families. Family ties are very strong in the Palestinian community, in their country and in diaspora. The extended family provides support to all its members, and the strength of the tribe depends on it as well. In other words, the strength of the individual comes from the group, and the strength of the group comes from the cohesiveness of the individuals. All the families believe that strong family ties are essential parts of the culture, traditions, and are most important to their identity.

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All the families were proud of recording their material culture; even the question of what they brought with them was enough to trigger emotions. They were touched that someone wanted to know what they possess and how they are proud of representing themselves, their identity, and their family through small, mostly handmade, artifacts. The cultural material artifacts play an important role for the first generation to sustain a cultural environment in the homes for themselves and their children. Most of the families know each other, and their children interact and play with each other on a near-weekly basis. The families also see each other on social occasions and holidays. Many of the families’ children go to the same school, as most of them live in the same district. All the families are traditional in that they are comprised of both parents and the children. It is not common to find a family in the Middle East without both parents, unless one parent is a widow or has been divorced. All of the fathers are the main providers of the families, while the mothers are housewives, despite the fact that a few of them have a university degree. This structure is typical for a Middle Eastern family; however, this structure is currently changing. All the families live in homes they purchased when they decided to settle in the US. Six of the families are Muslims, and one is Christian. Children over the age of 18 attend nearby universities and colleges, still live with their parents, and are totally supported by all family members to help them to finish college. These young people have not followed the Western trend of independence and self-support following their 18th birthday. As financial means are a little difficult, the children tend to apply to colleges and universities within commuting distance of their homes, so as not to burden their families with extra housing expenses. Rather, they have chosen to stay in the “family house” until they get

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married, or get a job that requires them to move away from their family’s home. Five of the seven families came to the U.S from villages or small towns; the other two came from big cities in Palestine: the Ameen family from Nablus and the Esam family from Haifa. All the families came from big and wealthy tribes with the exception of the Hani family who came from a humble, self-made family. All the families currently own land and property in Palestine; they either inherited it from their parents and grandparents or purchased it with savings. Five of the men came to America after completing a university degree from different countries and two of those men got their graduate degree after they came to the United States. As for the other two men of the seven, one of them got his General Educational Development (GED) from America; the other one was born in the U.S. and finished his high school and got his undergraduate degree in America. Five of the women had their college degree before they came to the United States, or got their degree here. The second generation Palestinian immigrants that I interviewed completed their education in the U.S. starting with elementary school at the Islamic school and ending with public school. The Families

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The Ameen Family Mr. Ameen was brought up in Jordan and his wife in Libya. Although they came from those two different countries, generally they were able to find mutual ground. They often both spoke with a Palestinian dialect, and related stories of their parents in Palestine, with little mention of Jordan or Libya in conversations. They spoke as if they still were living in Palestine with all their family and friends surrounding them. It appeared that they are still in close contact with the relatives and friends there, more than any other place. When first meeting the Ameen family, I began by asking for some background information about the parents. Although I was previously acquainted with them, we had never discussed the details of their personal lives. Though the father was born in Palestine, he lived in

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Jordan most of his life. He left Jordan and traveled to an Eastern European country and received a Bachelors and Masters degree in engineering. After graduation, he got married in Jordan and, through winning a visa lottery in 1990, came with his family to the United States hoping to provide a better life for their children. He had a rough start to his career in the United States; he had to get a job at a small fast food place until he was able to get a job as an engineer working for a large company in Maryland. Shortly thereafter, he started his own small business in automobile repairs and sales. His wife, on the other hand, is Palestinian, as are both her parents, but she was born in Jordan. As with many Palestinians, she lived in Diaspora in Libya with her parents. Her family moved to Jordan, and Mrs. Ameen finished her two-year college degree. While in college, she married, lived in another city in Jordan, and then moved to the United States with her husband after she graduated. As they are both native Arabic speakers, the Ameens communicate with their children in both Arabic and English, depending on the context and topic of discussion.

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Their children, three boys and three girls, range from three to 19 years old. The oldest three are boys, the first two having been born in Jordan, and the rest in the United States. The oldest boy graduated from public school and is now in college. I was interested in interviewing the oldest son, as he is 19 years old and his perspective as a child regarding his parents’ style of raising him in a foreign county is valuable. All the Ameen children started in a private Islamic school to learn religion and the Arabic language. After the fourth grade, they were moved to public schools. The second boy is 17 years old and still in high school; he works part-time to support himself and blend in with the society and his classmates. It seems to be common among his friends to get a summer job or keep a part-time job until they finish their schooling. The third boy is 13 years old and is now in the public school system. Of the three girls, the oldest is 11 and the second is nine; both have also left the Islamic schools to attend public school. The third girl is three years old and is home with her mother. The Ameen’s Son: Jamal Jamal was born in 1987 in Jordan and came to the United States when he was three years old. He holds dual citizenship in Jordan and

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America. He is 19 years old, and goes to a community college near his house. He also has a full time job with a collection agency. He went back to Jordan only once since he came and has never been to Palestine. He speaks, reads, and writes Arabic fluently, which he learned from the Islamic School and his parents. During his study at college, he was the president of the Muslim Student Association. As he explained, “I used to be the MSA president (Muslim Student Association). I was in it, I really was, I did what I can for Arabs, knowing that there was not a large population of Arabs in Catonsville, I did what I can.” Jamal Ameen is quite involved in many of the Palestinian Arab activities. With the support of his family, he and his friend, Mr. Ghazi’s son Issa, seem to be always together. They have their own private activities, and they dedicate time for cultural festivities. He also volunteers at a camp with Muslim children in the mosque during the summer, and goes to many of the social events, weddings, funerals, and other gatherings, with his father. He explains. “After he [pointing to his friend Issa] left, I took over The Muslim Student Association [MSA]. I am currently the MYB (Muslim Youth of Baltimore) President; I am an active member of the mosque over here. As far as youth groups, I am doing a youth camp for a lot of Arabs going for a weekend. It is a way to retreat from all the stuff we go through the week, and when we get together, we sort of unite, we build with each other … a sense of pride where we are from … we bond together, and we all have something to stand for. That helps to keep our identity. It reaffirms who you are...”

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The Basim Family I had been previously acquainted with the Basim family. When I began the interviews, I was welcomed by Mrs. Basim who was thrilled to participate. I wanted to interview this family in particular, as I learned that the Mr. Basim was a second generation citizen in the United States. Mrs. Basim told me that her husband was born and raised in the United States by two Palestinian parents. His father was born in Palestine, and his mother was born in the United States. Mr. Basim finished his undergraduate degree in pharmacology in the United States. Although he works a steady job, he is also self-employed in the real estate business. As is the case with the Ameen family, Mr. Basim is the sole provider for his family. Mrs. Basim explained that she was born in Kuwait and came to the United States just before the Gulf War in 1990;

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she met her husband in the United States, they married, and they started to have their family here. Mrs. Basim is also Palestinian in origin. Her family worked in Kuwait, where she was schooled, and then they all moved to the United States as a permanent place of residence. Although both her parents were born in Palestine, all the siblings were born in Kuwait and raised there. Her highest educational attainment is high school, and she is proud to be a housewife, taking care of her husband, children, and the home. All four children were born and raised in the United States. The oldest is a girl, 14 years of age, and the youngest, a boy, is eight years old. All attend public schools in Baltimore County. On Sunday, they go to learn Arabic and religion in the nearby Islamic school. All the children speak and understand Arabic from their parents communicating with them, especially the mother, but they prefer to communicate in English inside and outside of school. Mrs. Basim is so proud of her upbringing of her children that she asked me to interview them about cultural issues.

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The Dawood Family Mrs. Ameen, continuing to extend her helping hand with my access to the Palestinian community in Maryland, organized an appointment with Mrs. Dawood. I was not previously acquainted with the Dawood family but had occasionally heard about them from Mrs. Ameen. It was very interesting to learn that the father was born in Jerusalem and left at the age of 18 to come to the United States in 1975. He came without a high school diploma and wanted to start a career as early as possible. He has been self employed for the last 15 years. After several years in the United States, he decided to get his high school diploma through the GED program. His parents are Palestinian and have American citizenship, but reside in Palestine. He married a woman born in Nablus, Palestine, and raised in Jordan. She left in 1967, just after the war and went with her family to Jordan where she later earned an undergraduate degree in Islamic studies. She moved to the United States right after she got married, and is currently a housewife. The Dawood family has two boys and one girl. The oldest boy is Kamal, 16 years old; the other boy is Labeeb, 14 years old, and the girl 11 years old. All the children understand and speak fluent Arabic, as

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well as English. They all attended the Islamic school in Baltimore. After the two boys finished 9th grade in the Islamic school, they began attending the public school; the girl is still in the Islamic school. The Dawood’s Son: Kamal and Labeeb Kamal and Labeeb were both born in America; Kamal is 16 years old, currently a high school student in a public school and does not work at all. Labeeb is 14 years old and currently a middle school student in the Islamic school. Both boys have only American citizenship and they are fluent in English and Arabic. Kamal clarified, “I speak Arabic in the house especially to my mother and father, but between my siblings, we speak English… with my mother and father. Sometimes we use English words because I do not know them in Arabic, about 65% in Arabic … I learned Arabic from the Islamic school because I studied there until the 9th grade and in the house because my mother only speaks to us in Arabic with me and my siblings.” Labeeb added, “I speak Arabic with my mother and father because they are not fluent in English; I speak English with my brother and sister because I can express myself better.” When I asked Labeeb how he identifies himself, he responded: “I am an Arab from Palestine, born in the United States. Every two to three years Kamal and Labeeb and their sister travel with their mother to Jerusalem and Jordan where they spend the summer to stay in contact with the extended family of their tribe and country.

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The Esam Family Through Mrs. Ameen, I met the Esam family, who also represents the Palestinian community in Baltimore. I had met Mrs. Esam previously, but our relationship did not extend to more than being acquainted with each other. I learned that Mr. Esam’s parents are Palestinian, originally from Yaffa (Jaffa), and had immigrated to Gaza after the 1948 war. Mr. Esam was born in Gaza and left after the 1967 war at the age of 16 for the United Arab Emirates to finish his high school. When he finished high school, he traveled to Egypt to continue his education, then returned to the United Arab Emirates and worked in Dubai. Finally, he

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settled in the United States in 1982. His first stop was New York, where his oldest brother had lived since 1962, but Mr. Esam had a difficult time when he came to the United States. He explained, “When I came to America, I tried to look for a job related to my study. I submitted an application everywhere to work with my degree. I could not find a job. They only want people who graduate from America, so I worked with my brother in trade to support my family. Later, one of my friends, who I knew from back home, told me that in Maryland they are short in pharmacists, and I had a chance to get a job with my specialty; sure enough I applied and got accepted.” Now Mr. Esam is working as a pharmacist in Baltimore. Although Mrs. Esam was born in Gaza, she originally comes from Yaffa (Jaffa). Her family had moved just after the 1948 war. She has an undergraduate degree in economics and political science from Gaza University. She came to the United States right after getting married in 1993, and then began her own family. Like many of the degree-holding Palestinian women, she is not working and prefers to stay at home and take care of the house and her family. She did work as a teacher and in other small jobs for a couple of years to help save some money to go back home to visit her family. Then, she decided that staying in the house was what she really wanted to do. The Esams’ have a boy who is eight years old, and a girl who is 11 years old. Both their children attend the Islamic school. They have never attended public school, and the parents do not plan to send them to public school until they have finished the 9th grade, the highest grade at the Islamic school. The children understand and speak Arabic fluently, as both parents speak to them in Arabic. They also understand and speak English fluently, which they learned in school.

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The Farah Family After the 1948 war, Mrs. Farah’s father was taken by his uncle to Egypt, where he spent his childhood until the age of 18. He then immigrated to Nicaragua and Canada, finally settling in America in 1970, when he was 30 years old. At this time, he returned to Palestine to get married and eventually returned to America in 1977. Mrs. Farah explained his decision to come to the United States: “Everyone wants to come to America, as they see America as a dream. More freedom,

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more job opportunities… everyone who comes here encourages his family members or relatives to come here because of the better job opportunities.” Mrs. Farah’s father came to Maryland for two primary reasons; one, he had relatives already established and settled in the area and two, jobs were readily available. He became a businessman, owning a small inn in Baltimore. The business was great, but after his children were born, especially the daughter, he felt that Baltimore was not a safe place for his family. Mrs. Farah said, “He saw me growing up, he wanted to take me out of the city life, and he took us to Chicago to be with other family members… I have the same feeling now, I see my children growing up in the city life, and I do not like this upbringing, especially Baltimore City. The schools and the environment are dangerous. I am thinking to leave the city, but the better places are more expensive. I am thinking of going to Florida, to be around my family, and the Arab community there.”

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After moving to Chicago, the family moved twice more, eventually settling in Florida for most of Mrs. Farah’s childhood. When she married her husband, she returned to Baltimore and began earning her degree in early childhood education from a Baltimore community college. She then worked for a couple of years as a teacher until she had her firstborn and became a housewife. She explained, “After I deal with my own kids, I do not want to deal with other people’s kids.” Mr. Farah was not the first in his family to come to the United States, as his grandfather came in 1905 and later left the United States in 1917. Mr. Farah’s grandfather had decided to come to the United States to search for better jobs. During that time it was difficult for men to find jobs in Palestine, especially those from the villages, because the Ottoman Empire was occupying the country. Men had two options: either they worked very hard and had their wages taken by the controlling authority, or they entered military service. Many men decided they did not want to join the Ottoman military, so they left the country. The grandfather traveled to Marcella in Italy, then to Spain, before settling in Virginia in the United States. Mr. Farah was born in Jerusalem. During the first Intifada (uprising) in 1987-1993, he was in prison for two years. Because of the hardship the young men were facing in Palestine, he decided to come to the United States and live in peace in 1996. He had earned an AA

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degree from Jerusalem in business administration and computer science; currently he is self-employed. The Farah family has one boy who is eight years old and one girl who is two. The boy is attending public school in Baltimore City, while the girl is at home with the mother. The Ghazi Family Mrs. Ghazi, who was born in Jerusalem, is Mrs. Farah’s sister-in-law, and they live near each other in Baltimore. Her husband, Mr. Ghazi, was born in Jordan and he came to the United States at the age of 22. He has his own business in the automobile industry in Baltimore. The Ghazi family is quite large in the United States. They have relatives in nearly every state, and approximately 85 families from the same tribe are all living in the United States, most of them in Florida and Chicago. The Ghazi family has six boys and no girls. The oldest is 24 years old, and the youngest is six. They all understand and speak in Arabic fluently, but only one of the boys is interested in learning how to read and write in Arabic. The two oldest sons are in college, and the others are in public school. I was able to interview the oldest son.

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Mrs. Ghazi suggested that I interview her son, as she is proud of his mindset. She sees in him a mature man, who has learned as much as possible about his culture and practices. She also is proud of his Palestinian affiliation. Mrs. Ghazi’s oldest son came to my house with Mrs. Ameen’s oldest son, as they are friends, work together, and attend the same college. When they had time, they called me at 10:00 p.m. to say they were on their way to my house to do the interview. I welcomed them, just as their families welcomed me. We sat in the back yard under a grape vine trellis and conducted the interview. The Ghazi’s Son: Issa Issa was born in 1983 in the United States. He is currently a part time college student and a part time employee for a debt collection agency. He has American citizenship only, which distinguishes him from many other Palestinians who come to America holding dual citizenship. He travels frequently to Jerusalem with his family, where he is in contact

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with the extended members of his family. In addition, he is active with the Arab and Muslim community, and in college, for a while, he was the president of the Muslim Student Association. The Ghazi’s son only speaks Arabic fluently; his reading and writing are not as developed. It is his aim to begin to read and write Arabic, and for this he is planning to take courses. He is also active in many of the programs held by the mosque and the Palestinian Arab community in the area. Furthermore, he teaches the young children the Arabic traditional dance (dabkeh), and is interested in collecting cultural music and songs to use during happy occasions. The Hani Family

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Mr. Hani is a doctor in Baltimore County. He was born and raised in a suburb of Jenin in Palestine. After completing high school in Palestine, he went to Egypt to get his bachelors degree from the medical school. Once he finished his studies, he went back to work in Jordan for two years and then came to the United States and earned his master’s degree in medicine. Previously married to a Lebanese woman, he now is married to a Palestinian from Jordan. Both Mr. and Mrs. Hani are from the same city in Palestine. Mrs. Hani has a degree in agricultural engineering from the University of Jordan, and came to the United States to join her husband in 1996. Mr. Hani has a private clinic and Mrs. Hani works with him as a receptionist and assistant during the day. She helps with the record keeping and with organizing the patients’ visits. They have one boy, age six, and one girl, age nine. The girl understands and fluently communicates in Arabic. The boy communicates in English only. For the Hani family, the weekends are spent with the family and their church’s community. According to Mr. Hani, the Palestinian families in this area are grouped together in the United States on the basis of their common culture and ethnicity, rather than actually having other things in common. For the sake of the children, they are willing to put their differences aside and stay friends, as they do not have many other options if they want their children to grow up knowing the community, its traditions, culture and heritage. There are not major differences among them, but they are not the friends they would choose at home in Palestine. Mr. Hani explains, “Back home, I select my friends, but here it is different; here I deal with people … Here you deal with people you

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wouldn’t usually deal with; there in Palestine I don’t have to do this.” For Mr. Hani, he wants real friends, not just acquaintances. He said that he could not find a friend from the Palestinian or Arab community here. He knows many people, but they do not seem to be the type of people he would consider friends. Social interaction among women in the community I was welcomed to join the women in their social groups, and several social events, including gardening, a baby shower, and outings to recreation parks and entertainment centers. This allowed both parties to get to know each other, build trust, and just socialize with other Palestinian individuals who showed interest in their identity and culture. Through these interactions, the women were enthusiastic about my research and tried, above and beyond their role as participants, to introduce me to other people within their small local Palestinian community in Maryland, and to interview their children and husbands.

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I was able to build trust with the participants because I am a woman. Once I got them involved with my study, the women in the families in particular wanted to help in different ways. For example, Mrs. Ameen, the first woman I interviewed, introduced me to most of the other women in my study. She encouraged them to participate in the research because she felt it is obligatory to help a Palestinian researcher. At the same time, working with me gave Mrs. Ameen the opportunity to have something to do in the morning, whether talking to me or going to visit other participants or sometimes talking about problems she faces in America. I was also able to build trust with the second generation. They felt that I understood them more than their parents did. For example, the young people often complained to me about subjects bothering them that they could not talk about with their parents or with which their parents did not agree. Sometimes, they tried to put me in the middle between them and their parents, as some of them felt that their parents were too old to understand their needs (even though I am almost the same age as most of their mothers). At the same time, despite the benefits that I had by being an “insider,” I also felt that I was under a lot of pressure from the women

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in my study when I had to separate myself as an objective researcher and as a Palestinian single woman living in the United States. After learning that I was not living with my family, they wanted me to become part of their group and participate in all the social occasions. They had regular weekly activities, which were shared with me. They expressed the hope that I could rearrange my schedule to accompany them and they felt that it was now their responsibility to take care of me. When the participants talked to me, they knew I understood their troubles and circumstances. They invited me frequently to join them, allowing for personal relationships to develop. As a result, I had to limit my interaction with them until I finished collecting the data and analyzing it. I managed to keep my relationship with them on a professional level during this time for the purposes of this study.

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As for the men in my study, they trusted me because I am a Palestinian researcher and because of my respected family name. Often, the men I interviewed knew one or two of my extended family members, or at least persons in my home city, or the city in which I had worked. For example, Mr. Hani and his wife are best friends with two of my best friends in Palestine and Jordan. Mr. Farah knows my cousin, who was his professor when he was a student at the university in Palestine. Mr. Ameen is originally from the same city as my family, and he knows some of my relatives and friends. His wife lived in the city where I grew up in north Jordan, her family lived in the same neighborhood where I grew up, and both of us know many of the same people there. This shows the importance of social networks. Throughout my time with the families as well as the social events I attended with them, I never felt that being a Palestinian was an obstacle. In fact the families felt that I am one of them, and any achievement I may attain would be a success for everyone. I always respected their wishes, which resulted in more trust between us. Sharing their daily lives built trust between the women, their families, and me, and the women felt comfortable to ask me to go with them on some social occasions for the community. For instance, one woman decided to arrange, as a group, to go and congratulate another woman for having a baby. Another woman asked me to go with her to her son’s graduation. One family also asked me to help them with planting vegetables in their backyard. Another woman called me to sit with her children while she attended to a family emergency; she also asked me

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to take some pictures for them and their families that were not related to the study. Thus, the interviews created a stronger relationship between the participants and me, and allowed me to reciprocate by helping the families. In conclusion, the interviews not only provided demographic background data on the characteristics of the Palestinian families in Maryland and their everyday behavioral and attitudinal characteristics, but also provided an in depth view of how hard the parents worked to root the Palestinian identity in their children and what impact the material culture has on their children. In addition, the interviews helped me select participants through the chain of acquaintances who are also Palestinians in Maryland. I had the opportunity to get close to the interviewees, which led to being invited to attend some of the families’ social events at the time of the interviews. The interviews and social invitations allowed me to build trust with the participants, which facilitated becoming involved in their private lives. The choice of what events to observe were based on requests from the women. After I explained the nature of the research to the women, and that I would like to observe them in natural settings, they started to invite me to join them in their gatherings, events, and trips. I think that they felt that I would enjoy going out with them and probably become part of their social group. Each one I interviewed asked me if I could go with them to the next social event they were having; to convince me, they often called me at home and said, “It would be good for your study. You will see us all and have more information, but don’t take pictures of us, because we will be uncovered [not wearing the Islamic Hijab].” The women wanted me to join them to see them interact as non-working mothers during the day. In addition to observing the women outside the home, I also examined their houses in detail, before and after I conducted interviews with them, to see what kind of material cultural artifacts are in each of their rooms and to take pictures for documentation. I observed the families in several different settings. When I went to the Ameen family to help me locate more Palestinian families in the area, they invited me for a cup of coffee first. They had seen my backyard a week earlier, and were impressed, and wanted me to help them cultivate a nice yard, with healthy grass in the front, and areas for planting vegetables. This series of observations played an important

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role in gaining trust among all the family members and also with their friends. Then Mrs. Dawood asked me to come with other Arab women to a baby shower. I had planned to interview her that day, but she got a call from a friend saying that all the women in the community were going to congratulate another friend for having a baby, and had planned a baby shower for her. She asked me to go with her and meet some of the Arab-American families in their area. I went along with the group, and found that there was a large community who shared with each other their celebrations and social events.

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After I interviewed Mrs. Ghazi, she asked me if I would like to go to her youngest child’s graduation from fifth grade. She did not want to go alone and thought it would help my study to see how she interacts with her youngest child. The graduation was followed by a field trip arranged by the school to a park in Baltimore City. In the Middle Eastern culture, the fathers are not very involved in their children’s school; usually it is the responsibility of the mother. In addition, graduating from the 5th grade is not considered important enough to involve all the family members; it is taken for granted that the child should finish school, not just certain classes or grades. Perhaps when graduating from high school and/ or university, celebrations occur. Everyone passes elementary grades, but high school is a serious challenge, and college is much greater. Sometimes it was challenging to keep up with the social events going on in the women’s lives. For example, on one occasion, Mrs. Ameen received a call from her daughter’s school, saying that she had to leave immediately and to come pick up her daughter. She had to leave the house, but she did not know what to do with the youngest baby. She asked me if I would stay at her house with the baby until she came back from handling her other daughter’s health issue at school. This is uncommon to ask a stranger to baby-sit. Usually a member of the family takes up this responsibility. For Mrs. Ameen to ask me to take care of the child certainly indicates that I was trustworthy, and she was assured that I would take good care of her. If Mrs. Ameen had more relatives here, or her close friends were around, they would have been her first choice. I felt good when she gave me this responsibility. The mothers knew that I needed to interview parents, so they requested

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that I try to finish before the end of the school year because after that they are busy with their children and their summer schedules, and I was able to do so.

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During my interview with Mrs. Esam, she asked me to sit in the kitchen while preparing the food and explained how to prepare fish and the stuffing that goes with it. She asked me to peel the garlic and mash it for her. She said, “I am giving you cooking lessons because I do know you don’t know how to cook; Mrs. Ameen told me that…, and she also told me that you enjoy delicious foods.” In fact, it is not that I do not know how to cook; rather, I am not good at cooking the traditional dishes that take up a lot of time, which is true about many Middle Eastern dishes. Around 3:00 p.m., when Mrs. Esam asked me to go with her and get the children from school, I apologized because her children attend the Islamic school, and I was not wearing the proper dress, in particular the head cover and long sleeves. Since I did not want to embarrass myself by going, she went to get the children, and I went home and then returned to her house after an hour. Two weeks later, Mrs. Esam and Mrs. Dawood asked me if I would like to spend an afternoon with them and their children at the Six Flags theme park. One week later, Mrs. Farah called me and asked me if I would like to join her and a group of women and children at Chuck E. Cheese, a pizza restaurant and arcade for children and families. I went with them, and met Mrs. Dawood’s brother’s wife, and Mrs. Esam. Three other women joined us, one from Tunisia, and another from Algiers, and another one from Egypt. I learned that they come every Friday with the children; it is a social place for their weekly gatherings in the summers. We ate and the children played games; everyone went home around 9:00 p.m. when the restaurant closed. When I asked why they like to come to Chuck E. Cheese, they said because it was safe for the children. The only interruptions we got from the children were when they came to the table and asked for tokens for more games, and the staff does not allow children to leave the place without their parents. They usually select the tables next to the exit so they could watch their children from there. For the women, it is the only time they meet together at the end of the week, unless they had already arranged in advance to go to a park with their husbands and children.

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On another occasion, Mrs. Dawood called me and invited me to dinner. She wanted me to meet her relatives from New York, who had come to Maryland to visit their daughter who had just given birth to a baby boy. I went there, and she was hosting more than 10 people: her brothers, sister, nieces and their husbands. They greeted me and welcomed me as a Palestinian researcher studying Palestinians in America and I sat with them for three hours.

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These incidences were mentioned as they were relevant to the research. Through these social events, and their gatherings, I was able to more fully understand their relationships with each other, how they interact with their children, and the friendships built among the children. When the non-working mothers find time in their busy schedules to take the children for an outing and allow the children to mix with other Middle Eastern adults and children, it does build a sense of belonging to a bigger group. The mothers plan these events just as they limit their children’s relationships with other children, and if it is friends they are looking for, they are expected to find them from the same ethnicity within the group. During observation sessions with the parents, the group of people with whom they socialize can be best described as having many mutual characteristics. The group of women consists of mainly Palestinian and Arab women. They communicate in Arabic, although once in a while some short English sentences would be heard. They seem to enjoy the company of one another, and the children get along very well. Among the children, there are quite a few in the same age range, and they all get along with each other. For instance, Mrs. Ameen’s three-year-old daughter plays with Mrs. Farah’s daughter, who is six months younger. Mrs. Ameens’ second son is close to the age of Kamal, the Dawoods’ son; Issa and Jamal are also in the same age group and like to spend time or “hang out” with each other. The Dawoods’ also have a daughter the same age as the daughter in the Esam and Basim families. Thus, when the women socialize, the children get together as well, despite the fact that they go to different schools. With the family support, they seem to select their friends from the small community in which they live. At the mothers’ social gatherings, the young girls are always around. Moreover, as the majority of the children of the participants are

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girls and young, they are always with the mothers everywhere they go. Accordingly, the girls learn much more about the traditions than the boys do. They pick up the language and the language structure as they hear their mothers communicate with each other. In the Middle Eastern culture, girls are protected by all means from any harm. Girls are always under the protection of their parents, close friends, or relatives; rarely are they left unsupervised, and if so, it is only in case of an emergency. To keep this norm while living in the United States, the non-working mothers take careful responsibility to ensure the girls’ safety. So the girls go with the mothers everywhere until they are old enough to stay in the house alone. Through this practice, and through sustained interactions among the mothers and daughters, the daughters grow up learning the cultural ways of socializing with others and the community.

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The men are busy with their work most of the time, so the mothers are the children’s caretakers. It all depends on the mothers, how they teach their children cultural values, religion, and language, how they follow-up with their children’s studies, and how they manage the household. The mothers are the teachers, taking care of the children, and their education; the mothers are the main vessels that transfer the language and culture to the children. This is a full time job for the mothers. It is worth noting that the fathers’ main role is to oversee the children’s discipline, and they follow the mothers’ teachings. Their role in childrearing is mainly supporting their wives and any needs of their children that are beyond the mother’s ability. Each one of these families comes from a different city in Palestine: they all have quite different backgrounds, experiences, and world travels, and they met in Baltimore where they formed a small community. They support each other, and they all have good relationships with each other. Their children play together, and all are friends (except for the Hani family whose relationship is only with the Esam family). They all interact with each other as if they were at home. They exchange food dishes, and any gift of food results in the plate refilled with another meal. They assist each other with purchasing bread and meat, sometimes from far places, perhaps out of state. They have become a network of support in good and bad times, and have grown to respect and cherish each other as new Arab and Palestinian friends – as family in the new land. The relationship between the

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Palestinian families living in Maryland and their Arab friends is a close relationship, built on understanding and mutual respect for the origins, background and cultural differences. Documenting Material Culture I did not hesitate to bring along a digital camera to take photographs of the cultural artifacts and elements in the homes. To accomplish this, I requested permission from the women to take pictures of what they considered to be cultural artifacts in their homes. We then engaged in conversation about these artifacts. Talk was about where they were bought, what they meant in the house, and what they meant to their children and to them. Ample pictures were taken, ranging from the land around their homes, to dress, foods, pictures, and ornaments. A wide variety of handmade artifacts were found in the homes.

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Palestinians away from their homelands always carry ornaments, pictures, dresses, maps, and jewelry that were made or bought in their homelands; many of them also brought cooking utensils with them so that they could prepare traditional foods. During the interviews, I asked the women if they had anything they would like to show me that they considered to be from their material culture. They all brought out and proudly showed me the items they considered to be significant (as opposed to what an outsider might identify as important). When taking a close look at the material culture that was presented to me, I categorized artifacts into three main groups: national identity, religious identity, and social identity. The national identity category includes the flag, map, Hatta, pictures of the Dome of the Rock and AlAqsa mosque. It also includes women’s traditional dress, pictures of a Palestinian peasant, and other hand embroidered home décor. As for the religious identity category, it includes women’s dresses, pictures and replicas of the Ka’ba, Al-Haram el-Sharif in Mecca, Quran verses, and fancy Arabic writings of the words “God” and “Mohammed,”; it also includes beads with the names of God on it as a wall hanging, and other pieces brought from Haj. Finally, in the social identity category are pictures of traditional city specific foods, other food items, kitchen utensils, and garden arrangements. Kitchen utensils include the mahfara, a knife to clean the inside of vegetables to prepare for stuffing, the qawalib ka’k cookie molds, the bakraj, or special coffee

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pot, and other dining utensils, such as coffee and tea cups. Food items included traditional spices, olives and olive oil from Palestine, white goat cheese from Palestine, and oregano spread for sandwiches. Although the social identity includes folklore dance and songs, it is difficult to document these material culture elements that are common among the participants.

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CHAPTER 4

Social Identity Practices of the Palestinians in Maryland

Finally, someone is interested in documenting our heritage, our oral stories, and lives; it is time to start writing about us, and considering us important minorities in the United States (Mrs. Ghazi).

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In the ten months of interviewing, observing, and documenting the culture and heritage of this group of Palestinians in America, multiple topics emerged: language, media, education, family, travel, material artifacts, religion, holidays and celebrations, suffering, immigration, work, gender roles, and American influence. It is important to understand how and what the Palestinians in Maryland perceive as the benefits and threats to their identity while living every day in the US. These issues reflect their inner identity struggles between how they see themselves as Palestinians and how they are defined by Western culture. To express their national, religious, and social identity, the Palestinians adopt several mechanisms and social practices to ensure not only the construction of the identity for the second generation, but also the maintenance of identity among the first generation. These mechanisms include the avoidance of the term “Palestinian-American” 69

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and the use of other terms of self-identification, as well as language, dialect, and narratives used in the home; the consumption of American and Arabic media; choice of education in secular schools and religious schools; and the celebration of holidays. These social practices take particularly powerful forms, or are expressed in particular ways, for first and second generations, and in different ways for women and girls. Political and Cultural Challenges

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All the participants had the experience of traveling extensively after being forced to leave Palestine in search of a place to settle, becoming transients while searching for their final destination. For many, it was necessary to travel to three and even four countries before they came to the United States, some crossing and stopping in Jordan and Egypt in between their journeys. A majority of first generation participants told stories of feeling like they were transients, searching for a better life. Most of the travel was initiated to flee the political and economic situations in Palestine and other Arab countries. The parents of the first generation Palestinians had to travel to new places to escape the wars, to first relocate in their own country from one area or city to another quieter one, and then, continued traveling and finally settling in the United States. Mr. Ghazi explains, The only available jobs were to work with the Israelis. This was not my ambition or the ambition of my family members to become workers or to live under oppression. At the same time, I would look at the other young men from our town who came before me to America and how their financial lives changed towards the best. I started to think to search for a better life. I became obsessed with this feeling, and I must search for a future outside Palestine, and not just as an x-ray technician, because it has its dangers. In 1968 my older brother came before me to study at UMB (University of Maryland in Baltimore), and graduated in 1974 with a degree in Political Science. I sent in my papers to the embassy, and got a visa. I came to America in 1972. I found myself free now; we were living 17 people in one house. I would go to work from 7 a.m. until 4 p.m.; I had no life but to work. I wanted to do something in my life. I enrolled at a university for a year, and did not finish. I opened a grocery store, and began to expand

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my business in the area. Now I am a car dealer; I have a few side jobs. Mrs. Basim was in Kuwait and traveled through Jordan. Mr. Ameen had to go from Palestine to Jordan, to the Arab Emirates, Romania, and then to the United States, always stopping in Jordan between the trips. As for Mrs. Ameen, she was in Jordan, Libya, and Egypt before settling in the United States with her husband. Mr. Hani, traveled between Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, then finally to the United States, and Mr. Esam, was in Palestine, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, back to the Emirates, then finally to the United States. These are examples of some of the journeys of the participants, not to mention those of their fathers or brothers who also had to travel to provide for the family. In general, with these exceptions of Mr. Basim and Mrs. Farah who were born in the U.S., the men came before the women. As the head of households, they came to explore the area, find homes and jobs, and then brought their families or started their families in the United States. Relocating with children is never easy, but it was very important to the first generation to move, in order to secure a better life for the future generations.

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While the first generation Palestinians traveled to several places before finally settling in the United States, the second generation of Palestinians has only traveled to Jordan or Palestine to see their relatives at their own free will, not aiming to find a safe place to settle. The first generation supports the children visiting their homeland so as to increase their belongingness. Mrs. Ghazi explained, “They go to Palestine only to increase their belongingness to the land, and political awareness. Before that they did not know what belongingness means, but when they went they became more understanding.” Traveling and relocation with all its hardships and challenges was the major theme that emerged from the interviews with these Palestinians who told of suffering, immigration, and work. In their interviews, all of the participants said they had decided on immigration due to the political, economic, and emotional oppression in which they were living. Everyone thought of the United States as a place for freedom, opportunities, and democracy despite the consequences of being separated from their immediate family. All the families had a

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family member or relative who had already moved to the United States and who had encouraged them to follow in their steps. All of the parents had the same goal in coming to the United States. They believed their children would have a better life, a better education, and a better future than in Palestine or in other Arab countries. Many of the Palestinian men came first, as they were not very happy with their lives back home. Those who were not married, married Palestinians they already knew in the United States (those who were first or second generation Palestinian immigrants) as in the case of Mr. Ghazi, Mr. Farah, and Mr. Basim, or returned to Palestine or Jordan to marry a Palestinian, and then brought their wives to the United States, as in the case of Mr. Dawood. In the cases of Mr. Hani and Mr. Esam, they had been married to non-Palestinians, but realized that marrying a non-Palestinian threatened their children’s Palestinian identity. As a result, both divorced their wives from other Arab countries and married Palestinians.

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Being a Palestinian in Jordan, Mr. Ameen had problems finding a job that would pay enough to support a family. Now, he is giving his children the chance to live without political limitations of their career choices. According to Mr. Ameen: I went to Jordan to start the “journey of agony” and tried to find a job and settle. I mean that despite the fact I had a degree in mechanical engineering. I was unable to find a job, not because there were no openings, but because it was difficult for Palestinians to get a working permit from the Jordanian authority, as I was unable to get clearance. This is a problem with many Palestinians when trying to get a job in Jordan… One of the reasons that encouraged me to immigrate to America is the security pressure in Jordan and discrimination against Palestinians in the first degree. Finding a job in the United States for the fathers, who are the sole providers, was very difficult. Many of the men I interviewed had already acquired their undergraduate degree from other countries. When coming to the United States, their education was not easily accepted in the American job market forcing most of them to accept any job just to provide food for their children and to buy them time to

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find a better job with their degrees. There were two exceptions: Mr. Hani, the physician who came to continue his education, was able to get a job as a doctor in a short time, as was Mr. Basim, the pharmacist, who graduated from a university in the United States. Mr. Ameen, for example, is a graduate from Romania, a communist country at the time he attended school, making it difficult for him to find a job in Jordan since Jordan did not support the communist ideology. But the experiences of participants like Mr. Esam, however, are more typical. He states, I came to America in 1982 when I was 32 years old. I could not find a job. They only want people who graduate from America, so I worked with my brother in trade to support my family. My brother came in 1962 to study and work. Living in America also brought unforeseen challenges. Following the events of September 11, five out of seven women say they felt that people are hesitant to talk to them because they all wear the Muslim Hijab. As Mrs. Ameen says,

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Before I moved to live in Catonsville, I used to live in Reisterstown; my entire neighborhood was Americans, and there were no Arabs around. I had a good relation with them even after I moved; I kept our friendship by visiting and calling. After 9/11 they stopped visiting me or calling me; I tried to visit and call but all the time there was an excuse from them, they even did not return my calls; I understood they do not want this relationship or friendship to continue. Despite the fact that Palestinians were relatively free to express their views, much changed after 9/11. The Palestinian population in Maryland is now less involved in the politics, dialogs, demonstrations, and other committees that support the Palestinians in Palestine. Activities to raise donations for the Palestinians are minimal because of a fear of trouble with the American government. Several governments stopped or cut the donations for the poor in Palestine. The Palestinians continue to send money to their immediate families, but not for the community at large any more, because they feel that it is their obligation to help their families in Palestine and Jordan, and wherever

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they are, but sending money to foundations in Palestine is perceived by the government as supporting fundamentalist groups.

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Palestinian immigrants continue to feel there is no justice from America towards their country, people, and struggle. After 9/11 they all felt more discrimination against them and their children as they fall under the categories of Arabs and/or Muslims. Being from Palestine is even worse, as the general public’s negative image in their community is still influenced by the media and news. The children at school also face challenges from their American schoolmates, as Mrs. Ameen and her son expressed. One week after 9/11 the school removed her youngest son from the soccer team, and several teammates berated him: “Go home you are Arab, you are a terrorist.” Mr. Hani’s family was also involved in occasions specific to Arabs such as fundraising arranged by the church. Before 9/11, Mr. Hani would participate in debates, lectures, and he always spoke about Palestine. As a result Mr. Hani lost many of his patients, thus threatening his practice because many have not returned six years later. Mr. Hani feels now that he is paying for speaking about his country and people. After 9/11 many of the hospitals did not renew their contracts with him, although he had been associated with them for more than 10 years, but after 9/11 the hospitals cancelled the contracts with him. Another challenge for the Palestinian families in the US are the conflicting ideas about gender roles. Gender roles are influenced by western society. Some Palestinians come from cities or families with rigid orientations. For instance, Mr. Ameen’s parents come from a very conservative city in Palestine, Nablus, where gender roles dictate that women do not do certain things like shopping for vegetables and foods, unless they do not have men in the household. Only men do this task. However, Mr. Ameen personally does not believe in this particular role for men and he wants his children to have equal choices and responsibilities, yet at the same time, stay within the family boundaries. The Ameen family does not want their children to adhere to prescribed roles. Although the Western culture has had an impact on both generations, it has influenced the children more, as they have to communicate with peers at school. Mrs. Dawood explained that the Western influence affects the boys more than their daughter, but this is

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perhaps because the girl is still young. She added that American culture, especially western music, is clearly affecting her children, “My children listen to American songs more than Arabic songs.” The children ask a lot of questions about why certain practices referenced in the lyrics are not acceptable, for example the boys having girlfriends. They feel pressure from friends and peer groups at school. The oldest boy, for instance does not have a girlfriend, and his friends question him constantly regarding that choice. Mr. and Mrs. Dawood accept the cultural influences as part of their survival in the United States, and the children’s assimilation in the host country, as long as it does not influence their Palestinian identity, their religion, and their heritage. They do not mind their children assimilating into the U.S. society, and they do what needs to be done to fit in; the religion, heritage, and identity issues, however, are ever present in their minds, and they do not want their children to live without the boundaries of the Palestinian culture. They want them to take the best of both cultures. Dawood’s son Kamal who is sixteen years old, explains what aspects of the American culture have influenced him. I am pretty much adapted to the [America] culture, I adapt to the environment, I do a lot of things American students do. For example, I play basketball and soccer. I play for my school, and I love it because it ties me more to my country because people there play soccer all the time, and when I play soccer here I remember myself when I used to play there with my relative. [Although] I am adapted to the western culture, there are limitations between my eastern and the western culture. In school, I act like the rest of my colleagues. But there are many limitations that contradict with the religion. I do not have relationships because I am Muslim, and it is a limitation the religion determines, for instance, dating, relationships with girls, and going to parties, going to mixed parties. In the American community, the young people might do these things, for it is normal for them, and they accept it as part of their culture. For me it contradicts my culture, especially the religious part. I do not like to do anything that contradicts or misrepresents my religion. When I am at school, I try to behave in a manner that will allow me to blend in with the others but with limits; then I go home, and I switch. At

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States school I feel pressure to balance my eastern culture and adapt with the western people; they look at you in a strange way.

Mr. Ameen estimates that the children are affected by western culture in about 40% of their upbringing, as he and his wife try very hard to embed the Arabic and Islamic cultures in their children, especially related to the family. In America, there is more freedom for the children, which affects the parent-child relationship. He feels that that he should teach respect for elders, and children should not contradict them even if they are wrong, but he worries that he has not been able to transfer this to the children. From this father’s perspective, America is a negative influence and not a positive one because his children do not understand the importance of family ties within their family unit. They argue and demand their rights; they look at everything from a materialistic point of view not a humanistic view point. Sometimes they are selfish, just think of themselves and their needs, not their siblings’ needs; this drives the parents crazy. Mr. Ameen defines this as disrespect, and blames the western influence, as well as time and place differences. Jamal, Ameen’s son, nineteen years old explains,

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When religion comes into play, there are definitely many things I can’t do and are normal in the American culture, in what they can and can’t do [such as drinking or pre-marital relationships]. I mean aside from the religion, I don’t like to lock myself from doing anything. Of course there are some things which I do not have access to, because where I am from, for the most part we do have the same rights or abilities to go do what everyone does but there are limitations every now and then. Mrs. Ghazi said, “My children are influenced by the American culture in about 60% of their behavior and 40% Arabic, especially when listening to music. They listen to a lot of Rap music, and they listen to Arabic music. What pulls them to these songs is the looks of the singer, and her moves, just like Nancy Ajram, and Haifa Wahbe (Lebanese singers). The Palestinian songs are different; they like them and listen to them. They like to listen to cultural songs that are related to the country and the music for the cultural Debkka; other than that they do not listen.” Mrs. Ghazi added:

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The satellite channels are not interesting; in my role as a mother, I want to connect them to their culture and history. I bought them everything available, such as movies about the Arabic and Islamic culture as “the Message, Omar AlMukhtar, Al-Shamia’. I got “The Message in English first, then I got it in Arabic so they can understand it better.” Mr. Ghazi added “I lived in America more than I lived in Palestine; I do not deny the influence of the American culture, but not to the extent that it would erase my Palestinian culture. I am Palestinian. I still like Taboon [bread cooked on open fire]. And I married my cousin for I won’t forget my origin. The Arab will not become an American or Americanized if he married an American because whatever the wife says, he will be influenced by it. …. I love my kids to be influenced by their culture, and this culture to be in their blood. I do not talk to my kids in English; I talk to them in Arabic because they can learn English anytime.

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Mr. Ghazi’s twenty-four year old son Issa responds to the question about the occasions they celebrate. He says “Halloween! I go around at night and I do bad stuff. I do not celebrate it, but I go for fun. I put a mask on, and I won’t tell you what I do.” Issa adds, “I go out in the Halloween night if I do not have work that night or the next day. If I have to work, my work comes first; then I won’t go” Jamal continues, “For Thanksgiving we cook turkey, but we do not celebrate it like the Americans.” In other words, they acknowledge the American occasions, but have different concepts of them and do not celebrate them. However, they enjoy the days off, the turkey dinner, the masks, and fake identities they can presume. They seem to enjoy them, but they do not seem to mean the same to them as it would for the Americans. They take Thanksgiving as a holiday where they can all get together and eat turkey, or take a vacation for fun (this is also how most Americans view this holiday). Turkey meals are not common for Palestinians, so they take advantage of this occasion and cook it the American way. The same can be said about the fourth of July, where everyone can play with

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States fireworks and enjoy the moment. They have their own reasons and explanations, and they are different than their American neighbors.

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When I asked Issa and Jamal about the influence of American culture, Issa says “I eat at fast food a lot… I do what I can to fit in … I try to keep my heritage …” Jamal laughed, and said there is an influence, of course there is influence…” However, he did not finish his sentence; he did not want to give details. Most likely, he knows he is doing something behind his parents’ backs, and he knows that his parents will not allow his actions. That is probably why he is not sharing information with me as an insider Palestinian researcher. The second generation of Palestinians is more influenced by the American society than their parents. They have American friends at school, not close social friends, and they have American Muslim friends. They speak English more fluently than Arabic even with their Arab friends. They like to eat American fast food, and some show antipathy toward their family’s life style. They prefer the western ways of thinking when they are able to customize it to fit with their religious beliefs. They do not like to stand out in school, or at work. Despite that, they all are well aware of the Palestinian case, struggle, history and identity. Kamal, for instance, expressed his resentfulness of everything his family believes in, except for the religion. He likes American food, clothes, music, and sports, while at the same time he prefers Arabic and Muslim friends. At school he has many American friends, most of them African-Americans, because he feels more comfortable around them than other ethnicities. Kamal does not want to go back to live in Palestine, because he thinks he can do more for Palestine and his people from the United States. Kamal likes the American way of life, and the style of work. He explains that in America people work eight hours a day, and if they work more it counts as overtime, that means more money or vacations to meet the needs of their immediate families, and save for the future. This is hard to do in Palestine where on one hand people with formal or regular jobs face hardship and difficulties like curfew, closures and checkpoints between the cities because of the Israelis occupation. These kinds of hardships force the people to not go to work. On the other hand, the young men and girls who finish high school and do not have a chance to attend college do not have work,

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and if they have work, it is in the Israelis’ factories for little money (cheap labor). Having to face the criticism from many Americans about Muslims in particular and Arabs in general, prompts the group to unite around their identities and practices. Four women did not wear the Hijab, the women’s Muslim head cover, when they arrived in the United States, but after four or five years they began the wearing the garment. They became more involved with activities with Arab and Muslims or Christian communities through the mosques or the churches and other organizations to show their solidity in diaspora, also to release the tension from the surrounding society, western ideology, and to display their Arab and Muslim identity to their social group and their children. Living in the United States is a challenge to the general discipline of Muslim beliefs. According to Mr. Hani, if the neighbor [in Palestine or anywhere in the Middle East] observes a child breaking a rule, he will discipline him, and then tell the parents so they could discipline him as well. This intervention would not be considered as interference. People rely on each other to keep an eye on the children when the parents are not around to watch them. This is part of the culture that Muslims attempt to perpetuate to help prevent members from straying. If a parent were to find out that the neighbor did not discipline their child for misbehavior, this would indicate a lack of care for their child. Conversely if a child needs a neighbor’s help, and it is not offered, the parents will approach the neighbor for an explanation. In this manner, children are taught to consider their behavior and respect the elders, and depend on them when in need. Linguistic Practices

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Politics of Naming Palestinians living in the U.S., and particularly this group in Maryland, self-identify as Muslims or Christians, Arabs, Palestinians, and Americans. They do not, however, adopt the socially constructed identity of Palestinian -American. This hyphenated identity is a uniquely American phenomenon that seems to disconnect them from their reality and their unwillingness to adopt this identity is an

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expression of the strength of the diaspora. For example, Palestinians in Pakistan are not called Pakistani-Palestinian. Jamal discusses this issue: “… if I am living in Pakistan … and I am Palestinian by race, living there, I have a citizenship there, I am not going to say I am Palestinian Pakistani, I am Palestinian, that is what my nationality is, living in any country; I am Palestinian, and that is who I am.” When living in diaspora, particularly in the United States, the interviewees self-identified not as Palestinian -Americans, but in one of four ways as the circumstances and audiences prescribe. All these identities are intertwined, as participants move fluidly from one identity to the other. For instance, all the women interviewees introduced themselves to me and to each other in ways that varied depending on whether they were talking to non-Palestinian, non-Arab, or non-Muslim people. They identified themselves as Americans to other Americans, and as Americans on legal papers and documents. However, they relate to each other as Palestinians only. The men introduced themselves to me as Arabs, or Palestinians, but not as Muslims. This is how they introduce themselves consistently, also they are known to the other Arab friends as Palestinians, through their dialect, family name, background, and country of origin. They refer to themselves by a more general definer, Arab, not specifying they are Palestinians. These differences are explored in the four following sections.

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Muslim or Christian Six of the families interviewed are Muslims, and one is Christian. Being in a Western world, dominated by Christianity, the tendency of the families I interviewed was to utilize religion to unify them within their new society. Naming themselves as Muslim or Christian helped to ease their settlement, maintain their traditions, and counter the Western influence on their children. These families, even if they had not been religious before, turned to religious practices for peace of mind. The families interviewed for this study initially resided wherever quarters were immediately available. As they became more settled, they sought homes near their religious institutions: the six Muslim families, relocated closer to a mosque, and the Christian family moved closer to a church. All had their children begin schooling in religious schools, to establish a religious foundation at a young age. They believe that the

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children need the exposure to religion from outside the home. In addition, when asked about a future home and preference for sites, they all preferred proximity to a mosque or church. As Mr. Dawood, one of the Muslim participants explains:

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The most important things I want to teach my children are the religious beliefs, for they can grow up good educated people; that are the most important for me. I send them to the Islamic school, I teach them to pray and fast and how to communicate with the mother and father [according to the Islamic faith]... Religion is the most important thing I want to teach my children while they are in America; this is how they will preserve their identity. When I went back home, I saw the people not following the religion; that is why we are deteriorating in the Middle East, ill manners are all around. My friends from the Arabs and Americans, I do not care where they are from, all what I am concerned with that he is a good person, I am not racist … If I move, I care to find a place that is good for my children more than me. In other words, I want to search for a place with an Islamic community, a mosque, and a school for the children. I will not move to a place, even if there is better work and is a good neighborhood, if it does not have an Islamic school, or mosque, or an Islamic community, I will not move. I was living in the downtown, I had an excellent job near my house, but I moved to this neighborhood because it is close to a mosque. The Muslim families became involved in the mosque activities to allow their children to socialize and worship with Muslims in order to demonstrate to their children that Islam is a way of life. In some cases, the women also made lifestyle adjustments to reflect their religious beliefs, such as their adopting the Hijab, after coming to the United States. Mrs. Basim wears the Islamic women’s dress in America, so her appearance automatically reflects that she is a Muslim. She identifies herself as a Muslim, then a Palestinian, then as an Arab. She said she cannot identify herself as an American. She clarifies that there are no Americans in America except for the Native American Indians, since the rest of the population are immigrants from Ireland, Italy, Germany

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and other countries. They identify themselves as Irish or Italian, which is why she identifies herself as Palestinian.

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Especially after 9/11, the families faced discrimination, whether they were Muslim or Christian. Many of the participants faced some sort of harassment for being Arabs. For many of the participants, they had to turn to each other for support, and they all increased their religious activity for comfort and inner strength. The Palestinian Christian participants became more involved with the church, while the Muslims turned to the mosque. Mrs. Hani for instance, explains that her relationships are with other Arabs and other Christians who go to same church, where there are many Christians from other nationalities, Arabs, Greeks, and Americans, but her relations are mostly with other Arab Christians from Lebanon, Jordan and Syria. Being actively involved with the church for Mrs. Hani is mainly for her children. “I love to teach my children the religion, I love to teach them that there is a God and Christ and Judgment Day, I love to teach them to pray… I would love to raise my children in a proper religious way, to learn the religion when they are young, not to take drugs, to befriend bad people, because the correct basis is always correct.” Religion seems to be one of the major reasons why the Arabic language is the focus of the Palestinian families (especially the Muslim families). All the families focused on teaching Arabic to the children so that they could learn the Islamic religion without having to depend on others for translation. One might expect that the families would teach Arabic to their children mainly to communicate with the parents and relatives, but instead it seems to be an essential component of their religious identity. Only the Christian family sees the Arabic language as not religious but rather as the language of their country and family; they see it as the language of all Arabs, just as English is for the Americans. They might not want to preserve their children’s use of Arabic for religious reasons, but they want it to preserve communication with the extended members of their family. Arabs Acknowledging the fact that Palestine is part of the Arab world, and that Palestinians belong to the larger Arab society, using “Arab” has two meanings: the first is that it will not distinguish them from other

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Arabs in the Middle East, and second that they belong to a larger community. Most men preferred to identify themselves as Arabs rather than go by a certain nationality. Mr. Ameen believes in the unity of the Arabs, and he considers himself Arab. He believes that Palestine is part of the Arab world, so he is an Arab from Palestine. Mr. Ameen explained, “Because I’m a second degree American national, as I was born outside the United States, I identify myself as an Arab American Muslim, not as a Palestinian unless the situation demands that.” If he is among other Arab groups, then he identifies himself as an Arab from Palestine. If he were with a group of Jews, he would identify himself as a Palestinian, but if he were around Americans, he would identify himself as an Arab. He said that there is a strong rejection from the Americans to anything called Palestinian; therefore, he is an Arab first, then a Palestinian to allow the opportunity to talk and explain the struggle and suffering of his people. He said that Americans accept Arabs before Palestinians.

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Mrs. Ameen identifies herself as being an Arab, and an American for legal work, such as on applications, insurance, passport, and identification. It is important for her to say she is an Arab first, then an American, that is, she is originally an Arab, but holds American citizenship. She explains that with her olive complexion, brown eyes, and dark skin, she does not look like an Anglo-Saxon, blond, white, with blue eyes, like most Americans who came from Europe, so she saves the person who wants to ask her where she is from, especially if the person who asked is not an Arab. She adds “If the person is an Arab, I will answer I am a Palestinian.” Mrs. Hani has a different perspective, she explains, “I am not concerned to show my Palestinian identity here in America, not for anything in particular, but I feel that the American people are not interested in who you are, or who your family is, why should I bother myself, if the person in front of me is not interested, unless I feel that someone is interested then yes I will show my Palestinian identity.” However, Mr. Hani had another interesting point. He introduces himself as Arab Palestinian, because he cannot hide the color of his skin.

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States I introduce myself as an Arab-Palestinian, I have American citizenship, and there is a difference between my American neighbor and I cannot say that I am an American, we look different, and because my American neighbor’s agenda is different than mine.

Labeeb, fourteen years old, Dawood’s son, a second generation Palestinian living in Maryland, explains, “I see myself as Arabic, not American. I was born in America, this is why I can consider myself Arab -American, but I see myself more Arabic, I like to identify myself as Arab.” All the Palestinians know that they are Arabs in general, although not all of them responded directly that they were Arabs, nor Palestinians, nor Americans. Rather, it depends on who is asking the question. The general category “Arab” is a fact, and Palestine is the heart of the Arab countries. Yet it is found here that most men prefer to identify themselves as Arabs, while the women prefer either Muslim or Palestinian. It is just a personal preference because men interact more than the women, with other Arabs, so they desire identity with the group.

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Palestinians Another descriptive concept that was used for identification was “Palestinian.” The word is directly linked to the land of Palestine. Since 1947, the word “Palestine” has been disappearing from maps, books, and international documents. As a result, the people of that land and the surrounding countries want to keep the name alive. They do not want it wiped off the map and from the memories of the people. For the people, it is an honor to be Palestinian; the word does not reflect the nationality only, but also the strength of the people, the struggles, and the willingness to die for freedom. When interviewing the families, they all expressed to me that they were Palestinians. Mrs. Dawood explains why she considers herself Palestinian: First and last I am Palestinian, then Jordanian because I was raised there, then American from Palestine because I am living here … when someone asks me first, I am Palestinian, and if they did not ask I tell them I am Palestinian …I do my best to

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root my children’s Palestinian identity by sending them to Palestine every two-three years. Mr. Dawood has a different response. He identifies himself as Palestinian before he is an American, he says: I am an American citizen due to my residence, but I will not let go of my origins and roots; I am Palestinian in origin residing in America. I will never abandon my origins even if it were my last day in my life. I am concerned to show my Palestinian identity, especially where I came from, and while working with Americans I always tell them I am from Palestine, and my country is currently under Israeli occupation, and my people are suffering from occupation. My children have more Arabic physical features than Western, it does not mean that they were born and live in America they are Americans. I always remind them they are Muslims, Arab Palestinians in the first degree residing in America. Mr. Esam has a similar response to Mr. Dawood. He explains: I identify myself as Palestinian in the first degree before being a Palestinian-American, because it gives a chance to explain to the person asking, where is that country, and then I can explain it and give an idea about the Palestinian Case.

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Another response came from Mr. Ghazi: I am not an American, I am an Arab Palestinian, I am not American look at me, and do I look like American? I am Arab. My nationality is Palestinian and I have to show it always in front of everyone. I do not care to separate myself from the other Arabs around; I identify myself as Arab Palestinian as the rest of the Arabs. I want to preserve my Palestinian race…. From another perspective, the second generation Palestinians in Maryland responded a little differently than their parents. Issa identifies himself as following:

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States I am just Palestinian; as far as me, I see myself as 100% [Palestinian], not even 1% American. I am Palestinian by blood; I am Palestinian by everything else. I say this in part because … the environment I grew up in never allowed me to be one of them [American] … I used to go to school they would always look at me as the outcast, somebody not part of them, even the teachers. When I was growing up there was a lot of ignorance, so when their ignorance influenced me to deny anything of their being, we are not accepted as American. I refuse to be one of the ignorant ones. And I can’t turn down my own people. Kamal elaborates on what Issa and Jamal says: I am interested in identifying myself. I am Palestinian. I feel I am closer to my Palestinian friends more than my other friends from other nationalities. Most of my Palestinian friends are known. I identify them in different areas. Therefore the Palestinian groups I deal with are unique from the other Arab groups. It is the only group that is called by the name of the country not ethnicity…When one student plays basketball in the mosque, the team is comprised from many different nationalities, mostly Arabs and other Muslims, the team will yell ‘Arab Arab or go brother.’ But when a Palestinian student plays, they yell ‘go Palestine, Palestine go.

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Mrs. Farah, second generation, responded to me when I asked how she identifies herself: I always focus on being Palestinian first, and American second … I do not want to lose Palestine from my identity, I want to leave it in everyone’s thoughts who asks me where I am from … because if I introduce myself I am Arab-American, there is so much [broad] they can think it is Iraq or any other Arab country, because there are so many Arab countries, … this is who I am, I am not going to forget that no matter what is going on, I am Palestinian first, American second. She elaborates on the identity issue, saying,

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… This feeling of belonging and identity started after I got married; before that I used to identify myself as Arab American. But now, after I began to know some of the political events that took place, it began to affect me, and I began to be interested in my Palestinian identity. I feel I want to raise my voice, and talk about my case [Palestinian Case]. Although this study is about the Palestinians in America, it appears that the Palestinians who hold an American citizenship do not identify themselves as “Palestinian -Americans.” They prefer to be anything but Palestinian-Americans. In addition, none of the families identified themselves as Americans, because for them American nationality and citizenship is only used on paper and official documents. They believe that they are not considered American citizens in society, therefore, they hold on to their original identity, and do not want to forget their origins. Americans … My children are born and raised in America; they get upset when they go to Palestine, and someone calls them Americans. My son used to take this as an insult. He used to tell people who call him American, I am not an American, I am an Arab Palestinian, I am not American (Mrs. Ghazi).

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Although the Palestinians living in Maryland use a different identity depending on the context, being American is a specific naming practice predominately for legal documents for their residence. Jamal, a second generation boy explains: Palestinians are not considered Americans. I cannot consider myself someone I am not. Citizenship wise I may have an American citizenship, but nationality wise, I am Palestinian. Citizenships do not mean anything. They are papers with our names on them. We are looked upon as foreigners. So be it, they can kick us out anytime. The first generation uses the American citizenship to travel between countries and to go to Palestine. Mrs. Basim explains: The

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reason my father decided to immigrate to America and become an American citizen is to get an American passport to enter Palestine specifically and other countries in general freely whenever he wants, without asking for a permit every time we go to Palestine or any other Arab country. He also wanted an American passport to avoid any suffering when we cross the boarders between Jordan and Israel coming from Kuwait. She adds, “while my father was working in Kuwait, we had a two year Jordanian passport (temporary), just to allow us to cross boarders to Palestine and go back to Kuwait every year, crossing through Jordan”.

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The same story applies to Mrs. Dawood’s father, who immigrated to America and used the American passport to go back to live with his mother in Palestine. She explains that because my father was working with the Jordanian military forces during the 1967 war until the early seventies, when he retired, he wanted to go back to live with his mother in Palestine. However, because he was in the military, Israel will not give a permit to anyone who had a military background to enter the occupation territory, so the only way to enter Palestine was by obtaining another citizenship with a country friendly with Israel. America was his choice and the easiest one because his oldest daughter is married to an American citizen and already has an American citizenship that she can pass to her father and the rest of her family. Mrs. Dawood adds, “Getting an American passport was not this easy for my father, because he wanted to get the passport quickly, so he had to live in the U.S, and did not leave until he took the passport, during that time my mother passed away.” As for Mr. Ameen, even though he is a citizen of the United States, he cannot say he is American. The American Constitution does not recognize him or his wife and his two oldest sons as full citizens. Because they were born outside the U.S., they are not allowed to run for presidency, hold high government jobs, and specific jobs that require one to be born in America to American parents. He considers himself Arab because he believes in Arab unity, not a certain identity to a certain country but rather a larger group. In conclusion, the Palestinians living in Maryland do not use the American nationality to identify themselves, They use one of the three mentioned above: Muslim/Christion, Arab, and Palestinian, and they

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use the American citizenship as documentation to their legal residence and to enable smooth traveling around the world and to enjoy the privileges of being a citizen in the United States. Palestinians in America consciously employ various identities for different and specific purposes, in different moments and for particular audiences. They are aware that they are different in their physical appearance, color of skin, eyes, hair, and even facial features; they are also different in the way they dress, and the foreign accent of the first generation when speaking English. Their relationships with same sex and opposite sex friends are distinct as are their relationships with American friends and acquaintances. Additionally, their shared background is different than that of Americans, and in their hearts and homes they hold identities they adopted through the hardship of diaspora, and estrangement. All the participants continue to search for mechanisms, instruments, and certain social practices to ensure clear identity characteristics are rooted within their children.

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Language and Dialect The reasons for learning Arabic varied across the spectrum. Each family had their own reasons to teach their children. The reasons fell in several categories: to transfer culture, religion, work, nationalism, education, and social and family relationships. Language is a very important element among the Palestinian community in American; they have identified language as reflecting who they are, who their ancestors were, and what they hope their children will continue to cherish. The first generation all communicate in Arabic with each other, inside and outside the home. They also communicate with their children mainly in Arabic unless the children cannot understand the conversation. On the other hand, the children, the second generation, communicate with each other in English, and use Arabic to communicate with their parents unless they do not know a word or how to articulate the sentence in Arabic. For the second generation Palestinians in America, English dominates their language, inside and outside the house, and they are more fluent in using the language despite the efforts of the parents to teach them Arabic. One of the concerns of the families is how their children will communicate with the elders and relatives in Palestine who do not

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speak English. They want their children to be able to connect with the extended family and their society, and to be able to blend in without social complications. As noted earlier, the Muslim families also stressed the importance of the Arabic language to the practice of the religion; they see that in order to understand the Islamic religion properly, the children need to speak, read, and write Arabic. Mrs. Basim explains: The language is what will tie them to their country, family, and relatives in Palestine. It would be difficult for the children to interact with their family if they did not know the language, especially in Palestine, and the Middle East. The language is the basis for communication with the elders who understand the customs and traditions. Without a common language between them and the elders, it would be difficult to transfer the customs and traditions to them in a proper manner. In addition, the Arabic language is the language of the Quran. Without proper Arabic, it would be difficult for them to understand and explain the religion; the aim is for them to understand the Quran by themselves without depending on others to explain it to them in a wrong way, especially as the Quran is a constitution and way of life; how will one live if he could not read this constitution in its original language. If it got translated or even taught in English it loses many of its meanings and the linguistic miracles in the [language of the] Quran and its importance.

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Mrs. Ameen adds: Arabic is their language and it is a religious duty for me. I feel I am responsible in front of God for teaching them the language of their religion, and if I did not do this, I am responsible in front of God that my children did not practice their religion…My aim to teach my children the classical Arabic is to help them to understand the Quran, not just to teach them how to speak the Palestinian dialect language. I do not want my children to blame me one day, that I did not teach them the language.

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The importance of understanding religion rises with the connection to the importance of the Arabic language, to Muslims, as the Quran is the Holy Book for the Muslims and is originally written in classical Arabic, and those who do not master classical Arabic cannot read or understand the Quran. Mastering classical Arabic is what differentiates Muslims and their understanding of their religion from the Sunneh of Prophet Mohammed. It is a duty to every Muslim, whether male or female, to master reading, writing, and understanding classical Arabic language to understand the Holy Book. For this reason, non-Arabic speaking people find it difficult to understand and explain the Quran and its verses. As Mrs. Dawood says, “Language is important because my two sons and daughter are Palestinians, and the Palestinian Muslim’s language is Arabic. Without knowledge of the language, they will not understand their identity or origins. I teach them the language for they won’t forget it.” In addition to religion, the families expressed other reasons related to better jobs, economic futures, and life opportunities for teaching Arabic to their children. Mr. Ghazi explains that:

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I do not talk to my kids in English; I talk to them in Arabic, because they can learn English anytime. Arabic is important because when he [one of the sons] graduates from college, he would have a better job opportunity when he speaks two languages especially if he works with an organization or ministry in the Arab counties. Mrs. Hani has a different perspective. She says, “The main reason for teaching Arabic is to teach the language you speak and teach it to your children, and then you feel closer to them. Also it is the culture; you teach the language that helps them learn the heritage and culture.” She adds, “I focus on Arabic in teaching my daughter because it is my language and her family’s language.” Mrs. Esam states, “Arabic, it is very important to my children, it increases their connection to their homeland, and it will pull them closer to their relatives. This way they will not have problems talking to them when they go back to Palestine.”

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Mrs. Farah, a second generation Palestinian in America did not speak Arabic before she was married. She says “I did not speak Arabic before I got married, I used to understand it, but I was not fluent. I communicated with my husband before I had children, in both languages, but after I had the first child, I tried my best to speak with him in Arabic only, and my husband helped me learn the language.” It is important here to mention that although classical Arabic is the common denominator among all the Arabs, every country has its own dialect. That is how one can distinguish Palestinians from the rest of the Arab community. Furthermore, each area in Palestine has its own distinct dialect. One can easily identify the difference between a person from the north or south, from one city to another, from one village to another, or from the city to the village. As an example of the differences in dialect, Palestinians from Nablus stretch the word; therefore, if one would call the watermelon “Batikh,” then the ones from Nablus would pronounce it “Batteekh.” Another example is the expression for ‘how are you’. This would commonly be “Keif Halak”; however, a person from the suburbs of cities would say “chief halach.” Through words like these, it is possible to determine the city of origin. Children learn the dialect of the parent, thus continue the dialect and language from one generation to the other. Classical Arabic, of books and formal speech, is only taught in schools. No one uses this language in the house, but the Quran and all other material and news is written and reported in this language. Another example, the letters Q and K in standard Arabic shifts between the people from the city and people from the village. The Q letter will shift to be A in the city and K in the northern villages or CH in the middle villages, so it is easy to know whether the person is from a city or a village. People from Nablus, Jerusalem, Hebron and the Gaza strip all have unique local expressions which identify them as natives of these cities. Although this study did not focus directly on dialect, when the first generation communicates and teaches its children Arabic, it is in their own dialect. That is the language used at home. However, the classical Arabic, or Standard Arabic, is taught from books, and in the schools. The first generation of Palestinian immigrants prefers to communicate in Arabic with each other inside the house. Despite being fluent in English to a certain extent, they choose to use Arabic at home so that their children will learn to communicate in the language with their extended family and other friends. The languages spoken in the house are mixed. They

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sometimes speak Arabic, and all members understand it, yet English is also used, especially among the children so that they can express themselves more easily. English is mainly used among the siblings and in school with friends. The children know that the parents are not as fluent in English especially with slang, so they communicate with them in Arabic mainly. They also use Arabic to communicate with the relatives and extended family members abroad. Arabic is commonly used by the mothers in the house. The fathers, who are generally more fluent than the mothers in English, switch between both languages when trying to communicate with the children, so that they can make a clear point. Despite the fact that all the women speak English, they can express themselves better in Arabic, and they tend to use Arabic in the home so that their children will understand the spoken language and dialect. In this regard, the findings of this study are supported by the findings of Ennaji (1999), who discussed the Arabic language and how it is part of the ethnic identity of the Arabs in general. He explained, “Language is the vehicle of ethnic identity, the essential criterion, along with the cultural heritage, assumptions, values, and beliefs” (p. 383). This was surely the case with all the families interviewed. They were all seeking to teach their children the language, not only for religious purposes, but also as an ethnic identity element of the Palestinian group in America.

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Ennaji (1999) explained that “Classical Arabic is the language of Islam, which is the vehicle of great literary tradition and enjoys immense prestige among the Arab -Islamic population. Classical Arabic is a sacred language because it is the language in which the Muslim holy book, the Qur’an, was revealed” (p. 384). As there is a large difference between spoken Arabic and the classical Arabic, all the Muslims families sent their children to the Islamic school to learn the basics of the language and the religion. Palestinians are part of the Arab world, the majority of them Muslims, and the Arabic language is very important for social, national, and religious purposes. For the families, teaching and transferring the Arabic language to the second generation is important for religion, communication with extended family members and the elderly, as an asset for their children’s credentials for being bilingual, and for

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preserving the Palestinian Arab culture. The majority of the elders in the region and the country speak only Arabic; therefore, in order to communicate with the relatives, family, and community, it is very important to preserve the language and teach it to the younger generations so that the language will go on, no matter where Arabs or Palestinians travel. Oral History and Storytelling in the Home

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For Palestinians in particular, their history and heritage, their culture and traditions, and their family history and pride are all dependent on oral transfer of history and storytelling from one generation to the other. Moreover, due to the continuous wars and conflict over their land, social studies about this community are not comprehensive and are rarely documented. Many Palestinians believe that none of the published books reflect the truth about the political, social, and economic struggles they have been experiencing since they were occupied in 1948, or even the Palestinian revolution in 1936. As a result, to keep the stories and events from ever being erased, they depend on storytelling. The older people, who personally witnessed a conflict of any sort, tell everyone, including the children, and grandchildren. They tell them about their hardships, diaspora, and any events, even social events that happened within the larger tribe, so that the children would know the larger history and family history. This enables it to go on living from one generation to the next. To a certain extent the children know these extended family members through the stories directly from their parents, and from hearing their parents talk about their family to their friends. Mr. Ameen said “children know their relatives only through the phone. I do not feel that there is a close relationship between them, as my children have never met them.” Mrs. Ameen, on the other hand, feels that her children do have a sense of belonging to a large family, as she picks up on it clearly when their children interact with the Ghazi’s large family. Stories about the family are also told when looking at family pictures; the parents get family pictures from their relatives and show them to their children. They introduce and tell the children who the people in the pictures are, where the pictures are taken; they explain the background, and the event that took place at that time. They also tell

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them small details about each of the individuals so everyone would know everyone. They explain the relationships with their neighbors, extended family members, and friends. This way the children, the second generation Palestinians, will know who everyone is. The same is true when they send pictures to their family and relatives back home. All the families continue to visit their family members in Palestine and Jordan, or wherever the family is; maintaining strong relationships with their relatives and extended family members across the world. In this scenario, everyone knows everyone, and they stay in touch, by the best affordable means, while the families are separated by oceans and political borders. Storytelling is part of the culture and traditions of the Palestinian families in the United States. The grandparents of the first-generation used this technique to keep the stories of their homes and lands alive after occupation. This passed down to every generation, all depending on oral history and storytelling to keep the generations connected to one another, and to the Palestinian case and struggles, so no one can forget why they are estranged. Choices in Consuming Media

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American and Arab Media via Cable and Internet For first generation Palestinians living in Maryland who have witnessed first-hand the social, political, and economic situation of their country, the U.S. media is biased, and it is important to hear other perspectives. In order to gain a different perspective on the news, programs, and documentaries of interest to the Arabs, not to mention classical and modern music, parents expose their children to Arabic TV as much as possible. Indeed, all the families have Arabic cable installed. They watch it continuously, and the children sometimes sit with the parents to watch certain programs that are of interest to both, such as those about the struggles of the Arabs during occupations. It is not the main source of information for them to know about the Arab world, but it helps to expose their children to what goes on in their countries. In Maryland, there is a service through certain cable companies, who can install an Arabic satellite dish for a fee. There are two types of

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Arabic satellite dishes: one with a monthly fee, and broadcasts certain channels, while the other one requires a one-time installation fee. Each is different and brings in different channels. There are news, movies, sports, religion, and entertainment. The news on both, although broadcasted from different Arab countries, brings full coverage of the wars around the world with special emphasis on the war and political situations in the Middle East. There are talk shows, with guests who have political perspectives of the governments and people. The Arabic media covers the main events in the Middle East, and the local and national celebrations of the countries on specific occasions, as Eid El-Adha, Eid El-Fitr, Independence, and Land Day. It allows them to stay tuned with the events going on in their homeland and they feel they share information about the conditions of the locals through the common Arabic channels. Having the Arabic cable available for the children, they keep themselves and children updated with the events back home, and keep with the cultural development of the society, so that they would not feel as if they are cut off from their country and society. Mrs. Ameen explains that the Arabic cable and the Internet can help expose the children to classical Arabic and the news of their country. She does not think that watching television or surfing the Internet is enough; therefore, she is also involved in educating her children about the issues and matters that relate to their heritage and identity and Palestinian culture. Cable also broadcasts other materials that contradict the way she has brought up her children, especially the video clips with the songs. She thinks that it is too liberal and indecent; therefore, she has to supervise the programs her children watch on Arabic and American television. There are insufficient programs on the Palestinian channel to teach the culture, and the remainder of the Arabic channels discuss and present information about other Arabic countries, but rarely about Palestine. Mrs. Ameen sometimes depends on the American cable station that shows programs about Palestine, and she depends mostly on the Internet. Mrs. Ghazi helps her children to know their culture through all possible means: The Arabic cable did not change much in their knowledge about their culture the only thing they benefited from the Arabic cable is the accent or dialect. There aren’t many shows,

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I installed it after they grew up, but when they were young I did not have it in the house… now the Arabic cable has no importance in the house for the children, I am the only one watching it… Before we had the Arabic cable, I used to tell my children stories, and raised them that something is wrong, or Haram [forbidden in the religion], and you should not do certain things that are not appropriate. When we got the cable, and they began to watch Arabic movies and series, and the Egyptian movies [in particular], they were shocked, and mixed up between the Arabic and American. I was always teaching them that these behaviors are Haram and inappropriate, but now when they see it on TV on the Arabic channels … my oldest son said to me one day, mom I don’t know what are you teaching me, are you teaching me the old fashioned way... when they started watching the cable and see something wrong in the acting they will say she is not Arab, she can’t do that, it is forbidden. Mrs. Farah, who learned to speak and communicate in Arabic at an older age, says:

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I have the Arabic cable for me and my son, so I can stay in touch with my culture, and for my son to get used to the Arabic language in the house, although he likes to watch English cartoons, but I want him to get used to listening to Arabic, I feel he is storing [the knowledge] although it does not show on him. In addition, they all have Internet access. The availability of connecting to Arabic sites on the Internet, allows up-to-date information, resources, and knowledge about all aspects of life. The fonts can be downloaded, so the text is in Arabic, and many sites, have translations to their international clients in different languages. For instance, while one can get Al-Jazeera via television/ cable, it can also be visited via Internet. The Internet version has the news in Arabic, and is also translated to English for other clients. This allows not only the first generation of Palestinians in America to understand what is going on, but also allows the second generation to research the information they need.

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They do use it for email and chat rooms, but also to gather information about their country, their people, and their heritage. They can download Arabic music and get pictures of certain places. Both the first and second generation use the chatting functions on the Internet to communicate with their friends and family back home, as it is less costly to do so than to use the phone. They also use the phone to call their relatives, and use the webcam with the phone because the camera allows them to see each other while talking and discussing everybody’s news. This way they can all keep up with what is going on at both ends. The communication between the second generation Palestinians in America and the relatives in Jordan and Palestine is only through the phone and computer chatting. This, however, does not stop the family from encouraging the children to talk to their relatives and try to build relationships. For the Ameen family, the children have not traveled to Jordan or Palestine to meet the aunts and uncles, and the rest of the extended family members. They only met one uncle and one aunt that visited them in America. They do not know their other uncles well, only through talking about them. Mr. Ameen responds, “When my oldest son talks to his aunt, on the phone he does not know what to say, as he does not know her, has never seen her, and that disturbs me a lot.” As for their sense of belonging to the Palestinian identity, their children became more attached to other Palestinian families and friends in America, and their children think of them as a substitute to their original extended family. Mrs. Ameen’s children want to belong to a larger family, and they do not have anyone close to them. Mrs. Ameen thinks that her children are missing something; she feels that they are in a continuous search about the issue of their origins. Although they know the history, they want to know more about the country’s history, family history, and family memories and stories. The mother and father did their best in transferring it to the children. Despite this, they continue searching and wanting more reliable information from the people around them. She gives an example that her youngest son traced the history of his family on the Internet and was able to get information and documents to trace the family’s roots until he found information about his great grandfather who worked as a Mayor in Nablus; he felt very happy about his grandfather’s status. Because the families feel that their children need to hear different perspectives regarding the political situation in Palestine and the Middle East, they provide Arabic cable, and Internet access in the

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homes, so their children and their friends, together, will be exposed to the Arabic media and a perspective other than that provided by the American news makers. The parents want to present different perspectives, and the understanding that there are at least two sides to every story. It is important to teach them to consider multiple perspectives and then decide which one to adopt. Music Both traditional and modern music are part of the lives of the Palestinian community. Although there are differences in the types of music the first generation and the second generation listen to, music remains part of their daily lives wherever they are. Even though traditional Palestinian music is not the type the participants listen to every day, it is enjoyed for special occasions. There are music and dances for weddings and others for times of war, times of harvest, times of peace, and national anthems. Listening to Palestinian music, especially the traditional kind is a method to involve the children, and the adults as well in learning the traditional dancing, and practicing it when needed. Shomali (2002) reported that traditional music is an integral part of the Palestinian tradition, not the modern music and songs. The culture is preserved through old songs about the homeland and diaspora.

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The first generation of Palestinians prefers traditional Arabic music, Um Kalthoom, Fairooz, and many Arab famous male and female singers. The themes of the music reflect their history, struggles, emotions, and hardships, as well as their happiness and joy. Many of the first generation participants have their own collections of Arabic music. Participants download Arabic songs from the Internet, and the Arabic cable TV that broadcasts Arabic music. The second-generation Palestinians however, collect modern Arabic songs by different singers. The themes are a little different than those of the older generation singers, as the modern musicians focus on love, life, freedom, and more optimistic concepts. This does not limit these secondgeneration Palestinians in learning how to dance and listen to folk music. Jamal, Kamal, and Issa, along with their younger brothers, participate in a small Debkkeh dance group and enjoy dancing when the occasion allows. They dance the Debkkeh when they are at group gatherings,

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weddings, and any other opportunity they get. They are proud to show off their talent to the Arab community in the United States. Religious and Educational Choices The Palestinian immigrants to the United States, especially the first generation, believe it is necessary to build a strong foundation in their children for their ethnic identity. This foundation is especially important since these children are living as a minority in a host country, as well as hoping to return to their homeland and live there for generations to come. The families all try to ensure that their children feel a strong connection to the family and the extended family, religion, and to the continuous struggle for their land in Palestine. Part of this process entails enrolling children in regular academic and religious schools. The families believe that better schooling for the children was one of the reasons for immigration, since they believe that education is the one of the most powerful tools they have. It is a defense system against unemployment, because with an education one can always find a job anywhere in the world. With education, they become more adept at change, and are able to make more sound decisions about life issues. As such, Palestinians in Maryland are continuously search for a good education for their children, yet maintain Islamic teachings through schools and in the home.

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Education in Regular Academic and Religious Schools When interviewing the parents and discussing the reasons for their immigration to the United States, the parents all agreed that school and college education for their children was the most important. They all came with the belief that chances for education and the quality of education in America is better than that in their country and other countries. Mrs. Ameen has an AA degree and is now working towards her BA online. She explains, I watched my husband facing obstacles in getting a job in Jordan because his Bachelor’s degree is from Romania, Eastern Europe; his chances to get a good job in his specialty are next to impossible because he is Palestinian. So, one of the reasons that encouraged us to emigrate to the U.S. is the education for our children” [to avoid the struggles Mr. Ameen

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had to go through]. As Mr. Ameen explained, “Anyone [in the Middle East] with a degree from America or a western country has the priority in being hired even if he did not get good grades. Just for being a graduate from America or Europe, it would be easy to get a job. My point is that if my children got their degrees and nationality from America they will not find difficulties when they go back [to our country], or to any other country, as the general orientation of these Arab countries is towards being American [or western]. That is true even if they were Palestinians; they [the children] would have a better chance and will not face the problems to get jobs in any country especially in the Arab countries [Because they will consider them American first then Arab].

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All the families, except for the Farah family, sent their children to religious schools at the beginning of their schooling, and then transferred them, at different stages in their lives, to public schools in the area. All the families who had to move their children to public schools had, and still have concerns about mixed classes, especially when the girls enter middle school and are subject to influence by some of their classmates. The girls also face some ideas that conflict with their eastern culture and religion, such as the western notions of boyfriends, dates, proms, sexual orientation, and some activities outside the school that are not related to their study. The families are afraid of the influence of western culture that they cannot control, and worry that if they are strict with their children then their children will be outcasts at school. Mrs. Ameen explains, “ Two months after my oldest daughter transferred to the middle school, I was concerned about her changed behavior in dressing for school, and when I asked her about this change her response is that: ‘this is the way boys like girls to dress, and when I asked her how is that, she told me that one of her classmates told her that the boys like to see the girls [tight trousers] … and this kind of jeans will show her…. and this is how most of the girls in the school wear.” The parents continue to search for new schools all the time and remain vigilant regarding their children. A few of the families are

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considering moving from Maryland to Chicago to put their children in the Arabic or Islamic schools there. With regard to the Islamic school in the area, there were different perspectives. Mrs. Ghazi explains that, of her five children who went to public schools, she tried to send one of the boys to the Islamic school, but he faced many problems. Studying in the Islamic school depends on the parents teaching the children, not the school or the teachers; this created a problem with me. I follow up with them, and that is why I moved them to a public school… Mr. Ghazi adds, “My children learned Urdu more than Arabic as all the teachers are Pakistani, and the Arab teachers do not teach Arabic” … Mrs. Ghazi explains, “I did not finish my education -that is why I encourage my children to get their education. I make up for what I am missing … I would rather live here, and be away from my family and country. In return, I want my children to have a good education and not loose them in the Israeli jails. For me, my children’s education comes first whether I am comfortable or not. Mrs. Hani adds she would look for a place with good schools, no drugs, and no crime. She explains:

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Most important for me, that the area where I live has good schools for my children, to get the best education. Having a church nearby does not concern me much; schools are more important for my children. Mrs. Hani explains that education, as a formal system, is important, as the child will have to deal with and mix with all types of people, but she is worried about the negative influence. The students in school meet daily, however, the members of the church meet once a week at least, and she believes that going to church and taking part in religious teachings, extend to the home teachings and upbringing. She knows the people there, and does not mind her children mixing with the small church community members, but she worries about the school environment.

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Although Mrs. Dawood’s daughter is young, she is already thinking about where she is going to send her after she graduates from the ninth grade of the Islamic school; she is thinking of putting her in an all-girls’ school, an Islamic school in Chicago, or returning to Jordan and sending her to school there. Mr. Dawood adds, “I want to teach my children engineering and medicine, for they can go back to Palestine, and the people [and community] benefit from their work and services. I want my daughter to be a doctor so she can treat women. When she is a successful doctor, it will be better for the women because females go to women doctors instead of male doctors.”

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Mrs. Basim has the same perspective. As any parents, she wants the best education for her children, and for this she prefers to go to Chicago, where there is an Islamic school with 95% of its students Arabs from Palestinian origins. She sees that as a good environment for her 14 year-old daughter, who will be in high school next year. No school in Baltimore is close to her, affordable, and exclusive, and she is worried about how the friends will influence her daughter’s thoughts. She is trying to protect her by removing her from the environment in high school because she is concerned that in the private school for girls her daughter would be harassed for wearing the Islamic “Hijab.” Similarly, although Mr. Basim was born in America, he also wishes his children to receive an Arabic educational experience. The school in Chicago that they are considering has many Arabic activities accepted by the religion, particularly separating the boys from the girls. Mrs. Basim also told me that she is also planning to move this summer to Chicago, so that her daughters can attend the Arabic school there. As noted above, a few of the families are willing to relocate in search of better schooling and discipline as their children grow up. Mrs. Farah’s father did the same thing. When she reached the age for school, he moved her to Chicago so she would be in an Arab / Islamic school. In March 2007, while continuing to have contact with the women, I met them in a farewell gathering for Mrs. Ameen, who was going to Egypt during spring break. She was going to look for schooling for her girls there, and arrange for an apartment for the summer, because she wants to put them in a private school away from Western influence.

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All the families interviewed came to the United States to provide a better life and education for them and their children; they have kept up this mission and continue the search for better schools, ones that accept their children’s religious beliefs and practices, as well as their Middle Eastern Palestinian background. For most, the quality of the school and the religion are most important. There is a saying in Arabic, “Education at an early age is like engraving in stone,” meaning that when beginning at an early age, religion or teaching will be forever part of who children will be in the future.

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Despite the efforts of the parents, and the sense of identity and belonging to the Palestinian community, the second generation of Palestinians in Maryland is more moderate toward many of the traditions. Seiklay (1999) found that with education, the Palestinians in Chicago, whether Christian or Muslim, are moderate and flexible in their cultural and religious practices. The children seem to know more about both cultures than their parents do. As the parents attempt to duplicate the same lifestyle they had in their homeland, the children seem to accept this and add some of the new culture to their environment. The first generation Palestinian parents in Maryland seem to focus on religion, language, education, and traditions while the children refuse some of the traditions and focus on their belongingness and education. The children understand the importance of practicing the religion and are familiar with the religious teachings, but they find difficulty applying them, as they restrict many of their social interactions within the group or with their American friends. According to the children, their parents do not always understand that they need to fit in and adapt to the American culture, and many things that are expected of them are not accepted or cause them embarrassment when they have to practice their traditions in front of the American friends and community, for example, wearing the “Dishdashe” on Friday when going to the noon prayer at the mosque. Celebration of Holidays The families focused on celebrating religious holidays more so than Palestinian national holidays and occasions, which they remember but do not celebrate. They focus only on the two main Islamic holidays:

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Eid El-Fitr (the breaking of the fasting month Ramadan), and Eid elAdha (the sacrifice holiday, which refers to the Prophet Ibrahim sacrificing a ram instead of his son Ishmael, which marks an important milestone in Haj). Although Ramadan (the month of fasting for the Muslim families) is a holy month, it is not considered a holiday. The Christian family celebrates the major Christian holidays Christmas and Easter, as well as other church events.

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As with the other families, Mrs. Dawood celebrates the religious occasions, especially Eid El-Fitr so that the children feel its importance and the importance of fasting the month of Ramadan as a reward for enduring 30 days of fasting and giving up many materialistic things. To make the children want to fast, they help the children look forward to the end of the fasting, when they have a big celebration marking the end of fasting. Because the American friends get gifts for their birthdays, Christmas, and other occasions, the Dawood family does not want their children to feel that they do not get presents like their American counterparts and friends. As a result, they give each child four presents for Eid El-Adha and share the celebration with friends. They buy the children the presents they want. This occasion also marks the end of the Haj [pilgrimage to Mecca] season for the Muslims. Mr. Dawood continues “I do not believe in birthdays or Halloween or mixed-sex weddings. I do not go to them. I go if there is a segregated wedding; I go to graduations, and celebrate the birth of a new child, and religious lessons.” It appears that while the first generation of Palestinians living in Maryland all celebrate religious holidays, and have made them part of their culture while living here, the children seem to understand the greater importance of celebrating them over the national holidays. The children understand the national holidays, their reasons, their times, but they do not show any signs of wanting to celebrate them, and are content with celebrating the religious holidays, as the parents extend extra effort to make it worthy to the children. Adaptation in the New Home Another way of preserving their identity is by being involved with the Palestinian community in the area where they live, and helping their

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children to befriend other children from the same ethnic origin. The parents want their children to belong to a society here, and do not want the children to feel they are alone especially because some of them do not have relatives in America. The friends are the new family, both for them and for their children and through them their children observe the traditions and the customs from those of the same ethnicity. They take advantage of the reality that they all have the same feelings about preserving their culture and heritage, and they practice strong support for the members of the Palestinian community living in the United States. They plan weekly activities for the children, going together to Chuck E. Cheese, Six Flags, amusement parks, camping, house visits, group lunches and dinners, and many other activities. Despite the western influence of Chuck E. Cheese and other commercial places, they go together and the children play with each other. The parents seem to accept some of the western culture by going out and eating fast food with their children, but they only communicate in Arabic with each other during the outings. The women are together without the men, and the children enjoy the good time they have together. Four of the families come from different cities and towns in Palestine, and immigrated to the United States from different countries. None of them had known each other before they came to this country, except for the Dawoods, Ghazis, and Farahs. These three families are from the same town in Palestine and they belong to the same tribe. They found mutual grounds to form a small community, befriended each other, and became one large family in a Western country. The rest of the families come from different cities and villages, emigrated from different countries, and did not know each other before meeting in the United States. This pattern is similar to the finding of Cox and Connell (2003), who reported that most Palestinians in Sydney, Australia, also come from other countries other than Palestine. As a result, they do not have one distinct definition of a ‘Palestinian culture.’ It is a combination of all cultures, from different backgrounds, and there was no specific character to define the community. Although they do accept some of the American culture while residing in the United States, they keep a Middle Eastern tradition of periodic visits to Jordan and Palestine, taking the younger children with the one, or both, of the parents in order to meet and know the extended family members. In addition, this is a means for introducing children to

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their heritage, customs, foods, and cultural and social environment. The children learn how to interact with the grandparents, aunts and uncles, the cousins, the neighbors, the vendors in the local shops, and the community, all of which help in developing the cultural way of behaving within the extended family and the society. They learn to deal with the different age groups in the community, which is very important in Arab society, where the elders are spoken to and treated differently than the younger ones. It is expected that they will respect the elders, obey their commands, look after their needs, and not disagree or disappoint them. The elders would include the grandparents, aunts and uncles, and those elder persons in the society. Mehta and Belk (1991) also found that the practice of learning to deal with the elders is common among the Indian immigrants to keep their children in touch with their mother country and extended family in India. In the Ameen family, the mother was born in Jordan and raised in Libya, while the father was born in Palestine and raised in Jordan. The family still keeps in touch and has strong relationships with the mother’s siblings and relatives in Jordan, Palestine, Canada, Libya, and New Zealand, and the father is in touch with his relatives in Palestine and Jordan. For the Ameen family, maintaining these relationships keeps them related to the land. That does not mean if they do not have relatives in Palestine they are not related, it is just one of the ways the families use to keep them feeling that they belong to a larger family. They also continue to encourage good relations with their family members and relatives for the sake of the children, because they want them to fit and belong to the original family. The visits ensure indirectly that the children, as well as the parents, know and practice their traditions, and follow-up on the political situation of their families living in the homeland. The children hear from the relatives, neighbors, media, and other sources about what is going on, and they are expected to act as a part of the group, not as a visiting American. The parents therefore do their best to teach the children much about the traditions, culture, and the values that help them more easily integrate with the extended family and the community. The families all have their homes furnished in the Arabic and American style, with small Palestinian ornaments around the house.

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Their diet is mostly Palestinian, yet they also serve American food at home for their children at least once a week. They hear American news and music and watch American programs and movies. They want their children to be open to everything and yet maintain the traditions. Fast-food restaurants seem to be quite appealing to the young children, as they go out on social occasions to different places. They eat different kinds of fast foods. Also, as the younger generation is more fluent in English than they are in Arabic, they listen to English songs and music, while the older children, who can speak Arabic very well, mix the music. They listened to some Arabic music, it did not matter from what country, and some music in English as well. Here, they can fit in both communities with no difficulties. To ensure that many of the values are established in the children, most of the family’s social relationships are with Muslim, Arab, or Palestinian people. American friends are allowed, and they have a few, but not much time is spent with American friends.

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The American or the Western culture also influences the way the second generation dresses. They wear baggy pants, oversized tee-shirts, and big bulky tennis shoes. The girls wear trousers, or pants with teeshirts if they are just going outside or to school. However, on special occasions, the girls wear the traditional garments. For the first generation, however it is a little different. The majority of the mothers in the families wear the Hijab over the western, jeans, tee-shirts, and fashionable styles. For those who do not wear the Hijab, the style is western, trousers, tee-shirts, western style dresses, but all within the limits of conservativeness. Another influence of the Western culture on Palestinians is the number of cars outside the house: one for the husband, and a van for the wife, and perhaps one for the oldest child. Life in the United States demands that the mother take the children to activities after school, thus needing a car for herself. As the children become more independent, they need a car to go out, go to school, and do some chores for the family. It would be a problem if all had to share one car. Although the traditional gender roles of the husband and wife are still practiced, they have been transformed to a more liberal role for the

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women, with more responsibilities for the mothers. In this small community, the men are the sole providers, as they would be if they were still in Palestine. Many of them hold more than one job, so they can afford the semi-Western lifestyle the children as well as the parents have adopted. The Ameen household consists of eight individuals, as does the Ghazi family; the wives in these two instances do not work, but are responsible for caring for the children, managing the house, and the expenses of the general household. All the mothers take care of the children, clean the house, cook, attend to the children’s education and extracurricular activities, sports, and shop for clothes, but not food. It is the man’s role to bring the money into the household and shop for food. According to the women, their jobs at home are full time jobs with overtime. Men come from work to relax and the mothers are still working, more than 12 hours a day. In conclusion, wrapping all the cultural elements of the Palestinian identity together, the language, religion, culture and values, and history, are very important elements. The women do their best to keep identity alive in their households. For them, one of the most important elements is the Arabic language; they want their children to master the language so they can master the religion. They believe that by understanding their language (Arabic) they can keep their identity from being lost. “Language is the key to understanding Islam, history, heritage,” says Mrs. Dawood, who also communicates with the extended family in Palestine, especially the elderly who do not speak English. Therefore, they send their children to the Islamic school to learn the language and the religion as a first step, and their closest friends are from the same ethnicity: Palestinians, Arabs, or Muslims. Although they trust the school they follow up with the children to help them study Arabic and religion, because they do not want their children to be taught something incorrectly about Islam. The women want to stay involved with their children’s’ school and their religious education. In addition, at home they talk about Palestine, especially about the Palestinian people’s stories, the family stories, and the names of the cities there. They remind their children of the Arabic names for the cities, not the English or the Hebrew name. For activities inside or outside the house they make sure that the influence of the Palestinian identity is clear. For example, for any school social activity the mothers ask their children especially the girls to wear traditional Palestinian clothes. For example,

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the Palestinian dress that Mrs. Dawood’s daughter wears is very expensive because it is handmade especially for her. Her boys do not have many traditional clothes, but they wear the Palestinian Kofiah [black and white woven cloth] for these events. The women work hard inside the house to keep the Palestinian identity alive within their families. For example, they had the Arabic cable installed, mainly for the language and a few documentary shows. Regarding the Arabic cable, Mr. Dawood for instance does not like his children to watch some of the Arabic movies, because they do not reflect a true image of the culture. While Mrs. Dawood is cautious about watching these programs, she wants the children to watch them in her presence so they can understand the difference between the accurate or inaccurate portrayals.

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Palestinian families living in the Baltimore area move across four identities and naming practices: Muslim / Christian, Arab, Palestinians, and/or Americans. These practices are grounded in the political and cultural challenges they faced after coming to the United States. They continue to face some of these challenges being in a country where little is known about their background, their history, and religion. In addition, while residing in the United States, they employ language and dialect to maintain their identity within the Arab community, and use storytelling to convey their history to the second generation. They also prefer to celebrate the religious holidays with their children and close friends, rather than Palestinian national holidays. Although they share the same heritage, they choose religion over the nation to group themselves together, as they all come from different backgrounds and different cities, and their nation is without a liberated land. There is always a large Eid celebration for the families, for which they rent a large space, and invite everyone from the Arab Muslim community. To ensure that the children are not influenced by single-sided media coverage, all the families have Arabic and American cable TV and internet access. This way they can get different views about events in the Middle East. To continue with the modern and folklore music and songs, the first generation of Palestinians living in Maryland encourage their children to listen to music in both languages. These families are concerned with their children’s education, the main reason for them to come to the United States.

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CHAPTER 5

Come to my House

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For me, these artifacts are not important if they were available or not, because I do not forget my origins and where I come from, for me they have sentimental value no matter what the price is, its importance is for my children because it represents their culture and country (Mr. Dawood).

Material culture is of central importance to Palestinians living in America, because cultural artifacts help them express, develop and retain their identity. As Palestinians had to relocate and travel extensively around the Eastern and Western Worlds, it is important to 111

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have concrete items to carry with them as they travel and that are not prone to change and will help preserve certain elements of their Palestinian identity. If they did not do so, they would feel that their Palestinian identity would fade away, especially with the new generations being born and raised outside Palestine. This analysis of material culture demonstrates to us how the Palestinians externally construct their identities in relationship to a deep connection to land and representations of the land while removed from their homeland.

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Four types of material artifacts emerged that are of central importance for Palestinian identity: Palestinian national artifacts (maps, representations of the Dome of the Rock-an Islamic shrine, the flag, books, clothing), religious artifacts (photos and pictures of Mecca and/or Jerusalem, Christian symbols, jewelry, type of clothing, e.g., long sleeves), social artifacts (food from distinct cities, house and garden, books, clothing), and gender specific artifacts used by women 21 (clothing, kitchen tools, food, jewelry) . Of particular note, almost all of these artifacts have a distinct connection to the land or places in Palestine. Different members of the Palestinian Community (or of the Palestinian households) attribute different degrees of importance to various types of artifacts and for various purposes relative to identity. In general, material culture seems particularly important to women who are responsible for and in constant contact with artifacts in the home. There is also evidence that second generation men find artifacts of Palestinian national identity to be of great importance, while these same artifacts seem less important to first generation men. Material culture is significant for the creation and maintenance of multiple aspects of identity. It becomes significant in various processes of identity formation in which Palestinians use material artifacts to distinguish themselves from other Arabs, other Muslims, other Middle Easterners, and Americans. Palestinians use the artifacts to connect intimately with their origins, to acculturate and raise their children to move fluidly through the four identities, and to participate effectively in their own family unit within the Palestinian community in the United States as well as the broader Arab community and with American neighborhoods and society. 21

The Appendix includes photographs of various cultural artifacts with detailed descriptions.

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For the Palestinian families, material artifacts serve as the concrete expression of the lost land. It is the bridge between life in diaspora and Palestinian lands. Different Palestinian communities around the world are connected through artifacts, especially images of the Dome of the Rock and the map, which represent the past and future for people “lost” in the present, the memory of the elders, and the futures of the youth. The connection to the past through the artifacts energizes hopes for a future which includes an independent Palestine. National Artifacts

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National identity is expressed through material artifacts including the map, the flag, the Hatta, the Thobe, The Dome of the Rock, pictures of Jerusalem, and the national wall hanging including the historical map of Palestine before the 1948 occupation, which preserves the memory of their country. The parents want their children to grow up knowing the original size and shape, not just segments of the West Bank and Gaza Strip as Palestine is currently represented, and stress the significance of the wall that separates the Palestinian cities from one another. They want to know and transfer to their children a whole Palestine, before any political agreements were made to divide the country. Along with the map, there is a flag. As Palestine used to be a country with contiguous land and a flag, before 1948, these families are trying to preserve the past by showing their children the colors and shape of the flag of Palestine, so that it can be in their memories for generations to come. Their children can link their people to the land, to the flag, and to their ancestry. Every household I visited had at least one map, one flag, and one picture of the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque (Holy mosques for Muslims). They also all had at least one piece of the Palestinian dress, such as the Hatta and the Palestinian Thobe. In the country, there is traditional attire and dress for both men and women. The Hatta is the head dress for men, and now it is currently worn by many Palestinians to show that they are distinct from other Arabs. The black and white Hatta is specifically for Palestinians. Jordan uses red and white, and the people in the Gulf area have off-white solid color head dresses. As part of the traditions, culture, and heritage, the women are proud to wear the Thobe the handmade, cross stitched, long sleeved garments. Mainly they are on black material, and the colors of the threads are that of

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nature. They include red, yellow, green, and blue, but are predominantly red. For Palestinians, the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque are not only religious sites, but represent the existence of their country. Although each holds significant religious value, for them, each is a symbol of Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine, and is the evidence that Prophet Mohammed visited that place. Thus it is evidence of the Muslim religion. Each is also a unique beautiful architectural shrine, and a cause to defend. Map

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When I began asking about what artifacts each one had in their home, I was asked to look around and see for myself. All the homes had the map and flag in the front room of the house. All referred to this as the map of their country. Mrs. Ameen and Mrs. Ghazi explained that they are placed in the front room of the house so that visitors know they are Palestinians.

Figure 2. A home décor made from an olive tree trunk. Showing the map of Palestine with the names of all the cities, the sign of victory, the Palestinian flag, and the word “Falastine” (Palestine) in Arabic.

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The Ameens, and the Basim family, have a figure of the map made from olive wood with the flag located in the front room of the house. Flag Some of the families have the flag of Palestine accompanied with the map as found in the Esam’s home in the children’s bedroom. They are hand drawn and colored by the children; the girl used eye shadow and lipstick to color the flag.

Figure 3. A child’s drawing of the Palestinian Map hangs in one of the bedrooms.

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Hatta The black and white Hatta is a symbol of Palestinian identity and was found in all the homes. Some have used Hatta for décor, for example in the bedroom of the oldest daughter of the Esam family, and in the Esam home, in the boy’s bedroom. The Hatta found in the Esam house was bought at one of the fundraising events for Palestine in Washington, D.C. They were for all the people at the event to wear and support the Palestinian case. This Hatta is special because it has a picture of the Dome of the Rock, and the inscription “Jerusalem is ours… we are coming.” It is also decorated with the colors of the Palestinian Flag. Mrs. Basim has another use for the Hatta. She has the original black and white Hatta that is used to wear with the dress. Her daughters wear it with the traditional dress as an accessory. Mrs. Esam, has the

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Hatta as part of the whole Palestinian event attire, the girl and boy both have the Hatta on, the boy has it on his head, and the girl is only putting it on her shoulders.

Figure 4. The end piece of a Palestinian Hatta, with the picture of the Dome of the Rock, and A Palestinian flag ruffle, printed with “Jerusalem is ours, we are coming.”

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Thobe I observed the Ameen and Basim families’ women wearing their Thobes for many occasions.. Figure 5 is a new style of the Palestinian hand embroidered attire for women, to make it practical for daily use, especially for the people who are living abroad, and many need to wear trousers. Mrs. Farah explained that this style was made especially for her, as she does not feel comfortable wearing a long dress. Mrs. Basim who was born and raised in Kuwait, reported that when she came to America, she brought many cultural artifacts with her, such as the “Thobe” (see Appendix). These dresses represent the traditional Palestinian clothing and her city of origin. She always wears them to social occasions. The Palestinian Thobe can be worn on happy and sad occasions; it can be worn inside and outside the house. Palestinian women put a considerable amount of hand work into each garment. Mrs. Basim said, “The Thobe is a Palestinian identity; it is only the

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Palestinians in the whole Arab world that wear it, it is known for the embroidery style used.”

Figure 5. A new design for Palestinian embroidery. This design is new to fit the desire of wearing trousers for practicality.

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These pieces for me are like I am in Palestine through the pictures. The artifacts are my memories and longing, and the Thobes are my identity. I am Palestinian; I find myself special when I wear it because it was made especially for me. There is no other Thobe made in the same way; each has its own uniqueness as it is handmade. The person who made it, made it for me. I wear it in all weddings, and I feel I am special because no one has the same thing on. It is a symbol, and who sees it, knows I am Palestinian. Bushnaq (1991) wrote “The pride of village brides took on an added importance as a symbol of national identity for all sectors of the society” because of these artistic dresses. Bushnaq added that this art has been taken away from its origins. She explains that in 1967, a weaver and a craftsperson, Ziva Amir, printed a book, “Arabesque: Decorative Needle work from the Holy Land,” giving instructions on

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the patterns used and diagrams for many patterns. Unfortunately, Amir dropped the word Palestine or Palestinian from the text and suggested that this art is traced to biblical times and cities in the Byzantine heritage of the Ottoman Empire. This example of how the art is taken away from the original people’s heritage and appropriated by someone else reinforced for the Palestinians the importance of preserving this heritage wherever they go and linking it as a symbol for their specific Palestinian cultural identity. The Dome of the Rock

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Many of the wall hangings are made from brass. The shine and reflection resembles the real shine of the Dome of the Rock as one enters Jerusalem. Many of the families had duplicate pictures; families have them hung on the wall of their homes so that everyone can see the beauty of the Dome of the Rock, and how it is a symbol of their country; it is a replica that was found in the homes. Some of the replicas in the house are handmade by Palestinian prisoners in the Israeli jails. Each one of these families had a family member in jail, and they gave them these replicas as a gift to remember them (See Appendix).

Figure 6. A clay plate with a hand painted picture of the Dome of the Rock. Arabic writing translates “The Holy Dome of the Rock” on the top and “Jerusalem” at the lower part.

Mrs. Basim brought with her a replica of the Dome of the Rock made by one of her relatives who is currently serving time in the Israeli prisons. This replica was also found in two other homes, also made by

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relatives in prison. The Dome of the Rock was made with shiny sequins, and it was a present from Mrs. Basim to her husband for their wedding anniversary. She has all these pictures of the Dome of the Rock because she wants her children to know Jerusalem, the old city, and the view and location of the Dome of the Rock in the heart of old Jerusalem, as it originally was, not as currently surrounded with many westernized buildings built in the European style. She also brought back many wooden artifacts, such as the map of Palestine before 1948 made with olive wood, with the Palestinian flag. Dome of the Rock, the word Allah, and the word Mohammed are all religious, national, and Palestinian symbols, and Jerusalem is a site that is important for Christianity, Judaism and Islam. Because it is the heart of Palestine, the whole Basim house is full of pictures of Jerusalem. Pictures of Jerusalem

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A variety of sites of the old city of Jerusalem are depicted, some made from clay in different forms as pots, cups, and platters, and wall hangings, and others made from bone and brass. In addition there are photographs of the city, a candle is engraved with a picture of Jerusalem and the Dome of the Rock. Mrs. Basim brought with her a picture of old Jerusalem carved in bone-like material representing the city before changes occurred such as the Israeli wall surrounding the city (See Appendix).

Figure 7. A representation of a gate of Jerusalem into the city, with the Dome of the Rock shining in the center of the art piece.

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National Wall Hangings and Home Décor All the homes visited had material artifacts that reflect their Palestinian national identity scattered nicely around the house, on walls, tables, or floors. The family views them with respect and values not only the artistry, but also the maker of the items and the symbolic meanings. The national wall hangings and home décor come in various forms and shapes. Mirrors, blankets, vases, boxes, wall hangings, and a plastic fan used in weddings in the suburban areas were found in the Ghazi home; they resemble the Palestinian peasant and crops. The mirrors found in the Ghazi home are made from Thobe materials that were old, and thus made into wall hangings (See Appendix Figures 14 and 15).

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Figure 8. A handmade traditional Palestinian picture depicting a female Palestinian peasant in the market.

The Hani family has embroidered pillows and wall hangings. Mrs. Hani explained that in spite of her children’s youth, they frequently ask about the artifacts. She often explains the importance of them to her children, and also presents her artifacts in church exhibits about Palestine and the Holy sites.

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Religious Artifacts Christian Symbols When I asked Mr. and Mrs. Hani, if they have any material artifacts in their home, Mrs. Hani explained: I brought with me religious artifacts from Jerusalem, pictures of churches, mosques, embroideries, sculptures of Virgin Mary, and other related things to the Christian religion; I brought them because I feel they fulfill my life here. I am living here in America but I still feel connected to my origins through the artifacts which is why I like to see them every day in my face. I brought them because I feel that they have to be here, I love looking at them, I love my children to see them, and if any of my children ask me about them, I will explain it. The girl asks about the icons because she sees them in church... I brought with me a small cooker (Babbour), I do not know, but I felt it is part of our culture. Mr. Hani added that his daughters from his first marriage, one married to an American and the other to an Egyptian, know the value of the pieces and appreciate them.

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When my daughters got married, I gave them as a wedding gift artwork from Palestine, they appreciate it very much, and they have them in the front room of the house.... One piece was the Last Supper made from brass and wood. They accepted these pieces because they are a religious symbol and from Palestine. As much as they loved those pieces, they also gave their in-laws pieces like that, to represent the country their father is from. Islamic Symbols For Muslims, the Islamic symbols range from writings of the word ‘God’ and the Prophet’s name ‘Mohammed’, to Quran verses, and anything that is related to the Haj, to Mecca. They are clay hand printed wall frames with verses of the Quran. A hand-made wall hanging by

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Mrs. Basim was given to her husband for their wedding. It is a picture of the Dome of the Rock with the words “God” and “Mohammed” on each side of it. The Basim’s have a wall hanging made with mother of pearl on a wood frame, with a brass center with the name of God and a wooden wall hanging made with mother of pearl with the name “Mohammed” in the center. Moreover, the Basim’s home shows another verse of the Quran, and as a décor they added wood rosary beads. A picture of a page from the Quran was found in the Esam home too. The Esam home had various religious wall hangings, representing Quran verses and mosques The Ghazi home had a wooden frame with a hand printed Quran Verse (See Appendixes). .

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Figure 9. A beautiful handmade wall hanging, made from wood, decorated with an Islamic design frame from mother of pearl with a brass center showing Allah “God.”

Three of the Muslim families had already gone to Haj (the Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca). They brought several artifacts back with them, and placed these around the house for everyone, including their children, to remember their trip and their religious obligation towards Islam. Also, many of the artifacts in their homes are gifts from family and friends who had visited Mecca. The center décor of three pictures brought from Mecca is comprised of a photograph of Mecca during the period of

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Pilgrimage; the two side pictures are verses of the Quran. In the Dawood home, there is a brass replica of the Ka’ba door in Mecca decorated with verses from the Quran and another verse of the Quran (Figure 19). The Ka’ba is God’s house in the Islamic religion, and all Muslims go there for their annual Pilgrimage and face the direction of its location for daily worship wherever they are in the world. It is located in Mecca, in Saudi Arabia. In the Esam house, there is a replica of the Ka’ba bounded by two ceramic plates. One has the name of God and the other Mohammed. This is one of the Esam’s religious collections, set in their house in the United States. It is a clay plate with a hand painted Quran verse. As part of their religious collection, a handmade clay rosary with the 99 names of God in Arabic is hand painted on each of the beads is displayed.

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When people go to Haj, they need water containers. The Dawood family brought a carafe that has a carving of the Ka’ba on the front to remember the moments they had during the Pilgrimage. The Ameen family, who did not go to Haj, has a small replica of the Prophet’s Mosque. It is an alarm clock that calls for the Islamic prayer five times a day. The religious material artifacts, bought either during Haj or brought back from Mecca, were in all the homes I visited. Quran verses were neatly framed and hung on the wall for everyone, household members and guests, to view every day. Religion is an essential part of the daily lives of the Palestinian participants, and from the home décor and the layout of their ornaments around the house, it is clear that national and religious artifacts are the dominant accessories in their homes. For Palestinians, Palestine is considered holy for the three major religions, and everyone takes pride in having hand-made religious and cultural artifacts demonstrating their relationships to the land, country and religion at the same time. The Palestinians considered not only Jerusalem and the country as central to national identity, but also all Islamic and Christian symbols are related to identity. Clothing and Jewelry Most, if not all, of the women’s dress, especially for wearing in public, meets the requirements of the religion. In Islam, it is required that

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women wear long and loose dresses, long sleeves, and cover the hair. The Thobe accomplishes all of these; therefore, the women wear the Thobe when they leave the house. They also have regular Islamic dresses, called Hijab, which is less decorated and designed for daily use. However, Mrs. Dawood, presented three dresses, she and her daughter wear, that are not Palestinian in make or model.

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Figure 10. A long black dress, suitable for all Muslims, made with gold embroidery and long sleeves. This dress is not specifically worn by Palestinians. The decorative embroidery makes it festive.

The jewelry worn by women holds cultural as well as religious symbolism. Many of the women had a necklace displaying the name of God; others had gold necklaces with a replica of the Ka’ba, yet they were presented as cultural not religious elements. During my observation, all the women, including some of the little girls, wore gold jewelry brought from the Middle East as gifts, or bought during their visits; the mothers, however, had some of the gold that was presented to them as dowry. Social Artifacts Social artifacts are those that relate the Palestinians in America to part of the Middle East and the Arab community. They include clothing,

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musical instruments, home décor, jewelry, and food from distinct cities, and house and garden items. Clothing As Palestinians are part of the Arab community, there are many of their material artifacts that can be considered Arab in nature. For instance, the boy’s dress in Figure 11 is traditional attire for boys and men. What makes it distinct is the color of the head piece. For Palestinians in particular, it would generally be black and white; plain white or light cream is most likely from the Gulf area. It is still accepted to wear the head piece in any of the Arab countries. Most men in the Middle East and in the Palestinian community in the U.S wear western style cloths.

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Figure 11. A plain white head cover for men and boys decorated with the golden Igal (band). A Dishdashe (white long garment). While this is traditional Arabic garb, it is not specific to Palestinians.

Generally, all Arab men have the same style of clothing that includes the Hatta and a long dress called the Dishdashe. This style is more Arab rather than being Palestinian in particular. The Dawood family wants their son Kamal to wear the Dishdashe every week. He said “If it is just a regular Friday, I don’t wear it, but for special occasions like Eid I will listen to them because I know how important it is for them in presenting my identity … but if it were my decision, I wouldn’t wear it...” The traditional Middle Eastern attire for men can

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be worn any place if they are in the Middle East. Many Arab cultures do not favor wearing it outside the house, although in Gulf countries it is generally worn all the time, and some only wear it to go to the mosque or for informal social settings. This type of dress is different than that explained in the national artifacts. The Dishdashe and Hatta here are part of the social identity. In the U.S. it is a symbol of being an Arab, not a Palestinian. Palestinians have their own traditional attire for men, but is not very common even in their homeland. The Hatta, black and white, is a Palestinian symbol, and can be worn by men any time or anywhere. Women’s dress is different. While some choose to wear western attire, others choose the Islamic Hijab, and still others choose the traditional attire of the country or city from which they come. Socially, all three are acceptable depending on one’s own personal preference. All the Muslim women wear the Islamic Hijab, while the Christian woman prefers the more western style of clothes. Musical Instruments

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As part of the Arab culture in general, there are a few very distinct musical instruments that are used for folk music. One very common instrument is called ‘Derbeke’ or ‘Tableh’. This instrument is not restricted to Palestinians, but rather is used by all Arabs.

Figure 12. The Tableh (drum), an aluminum musical instrument, used for traditional Arabic music.

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Jewelry With regard to the women’s jewelry, it is part of the Arab women’s costume. The gold was presented as a dowry for Mrs. Dawood. The pure gold coins are known as Ottoman coins, and are only used for decoration. Gold is part of the Arab culture, not Palestinian, specifically. Jewelry is part of the dowry for a bride as part of the Arab culture and a reflection of the social status of the girl, bride, and woman. The gold reflects the wealth of the father or husband, and girls and women take pride to show off their gold for social occasions such as weddings, baby showers, and other celebrations.

Figure 13. Accessories of the Palestinian Thobe. The gold jewelry (Necklaces, bracelets, and earrings), an embroidered belt, and an embroidered head cover decorated with gold.

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Home Décor The Hooka is used as a center piece for home décor when it is not in use for burning incense in the Arab house. A small metal plate used to serve candies has a picture of a traditional Arab on a camel with the word Jerusalem at the bottom of the picture.

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Figure 14. A collection of Argilas (Hookas) with a brass tray.

The water jug is crafted of handmade pottery and is used to store water and keep it cool during the hot weather. It was commonly used before refrigeration. Nowadays, many shop keepers have this water outside their stores to serve cool water in the summer for their clients, or for anyone that asks for a glass of water. It is not commonly used in houses anymore except for decoration. Food from Distinct Cities

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Every city in Palestine has a special dish, based on the natural resources of the area. In spite of the distance in time and space, the families from Gaza, originally from Yaffa (Jaffa) which is close to the sea, continue to cook fish dishes. This fish is served with a special dip (Tahina and parsley) and rice on the side; the rice is also cooked with fish and other sea food. People from the villages where there is agricultural land continue to cook with olive oil, in dishes like Msakhan (chicken with onions and olive oil). Despite the efforts of the parents to make traditional breakfasts, lunches, and suppers, the children, especially the younger ones, love pizzas, hamburgers, soda drinks, French fries, and other fast foods. The parents do occasionally provide these meals for the children but as side dishes rather than the main meal. As they grow a little older, children seem to acquire the taste and appreciate the efforts put into preparing a traditional meal that takes hours to prepare and minutes to

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eat. Sweets are an important part of the meal, and a symbol of the hospitality of the host. According to the Palestinian families, these traditional dishes are part of their daily diet. The children eventually acquire the taste for the traditional meals. Their foods represent their Palestinian and Arab identity, and through serving it continuously, the children also adopt this aspect of their identity. House and Garden The house features, including the arrangement of furniture and the design of outdoor areas reflect that the families are not only from Middle Eastern decent, but they are Palestinian.

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The front of the Esam house is similar to other houses in the American neighborhood, with grass and flowers. However, in the back yard, they have fruit trees and vegetables. For Palestinians, it is important to make use of the land, and many of them plant the trees of Palestine that can live in this climate, like grapes and figs. The Farah and Ghazi families do not plant anything, as they live in the city or town homes, and do not have private land. When I asked Mr. Hani if he had anything in his yard, he responded that he has some vegetables and fruits as well. His mother came and planted the trees. For Arabs in general, the land is important for supplying food for the family. It is part of the belief system, to cultivate the land and plant it with fruits and vegetables to provide quality foods for their children and family, to teach the children what the land can produce, how to care for the land, and the value of the crops for everyone. However, while the first generation works to produce the vegetation, the younger children are not concerned very much about the yard and try to avoid yard chores. The backyards are common to other Palestinians living in Maryland, and to Muslims and Arabs, who share the belief about the land, planting vegetables instead of flowers and other plants. Mrs. Ameen, criticized one of her Syrian friends for not planting vegetables in her backyard, but rather planting flowers. For her, this seemed a waste of land, as she verbalized a need to plant organic foods for her children. Mr. Hani explains “We planted because we do that back home.” Every house has to have produce trees, all the Arabs in Diaspora, their bodies are here, but their minds are there; we do this.

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Our children learn Arabic, eat Arabic foods, we plant trees in our homes, to substitute the emptiness we have and longing for our country.” Artifacts and Identities Material culture and other cultural elements are significant for the creation and maintenance of identity (Martin, 1996). They become significant in various processes of identity formation and Palestinians in Maryland use them to distinguish themselves from other Arabs, other Muslims, Americans, and members of other religions. They also use the artifacts to connect intimately with their origins, acculturate and raise their children, to participate in their own family, the Palestinian and Arab communities, and their American society. Home furnishing was discussed by Mehta and Belk (1991), Hurdley (2006), Martin (2006), and Tilley (2006), who all wrote about the house, furnishing, home décor, and the landscape, concluding that a person is attached to certain things in their memories that occupy the landscape, not just the land, but also the homes. People collect artifacts and art work representing who they are in their own spaces. When they are outside their homes, they take on a persona acceptable for their friends but the homes reflect a true identity.

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Artifacts and Heritage Cultural artifacts reflect what the families consider themselves to be, in their hearts. Artifacts are the material evidence of what they preach to their children and people around them. Although it was easy to photograph specific tangible evidence, it was not easy to document the Arabic language, songs, dances, stories and other non-tangible elements. When asking the parents about what cultural elements they are trying to transfer to their children, it appears that there are common elements utilized among the families to transfer culture from one generation to the other. Mrs. Basim for instance, indicated that the Palestinian traditional foods, family ties, the importance of extended family, family duties, family respect, and establishment of the true Islamic faith, including following the prophets teachings of the religion, were all important. The Arabic language is also important, because she wants them to

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preserve it as everything now is in English. Mr. Hani considered respecting the elderly, keeping Arabic traditions, and focusing on education as the most important elements. Mrs. Esam wants her children to know and practice the Palestinian customs and traditions, develop a taste for Arabic foods, Arabic hospitability, Arab generosity, and the Arabic language. She would love to transfer everything about the traditions, most importantly, the love of their country, the Islamic religion, and religious principles to her children. Also, just as important, are maintaining the honor of the family and its members, and marriage according to the Arabic and Islamic way. Mr. Esam explained that he does not want the children to choose leaving the house to be independent, thinking that the family may not understand what they are going through and search for that void outside the house, away from the family. He wants them to know the value of family support and belongingness. Mr. Esam would like to transfer to his children: The concepts of religion, honor, Arabic customs and traditions, marriage traditions (avoiding sex before marriage, boyfriends), obeying the parents, and family ties. In addition, spending time with the family and the relatives is more important than friends, I want to teach them that family comes first and last, not like that common to some of the other cultures where children at the age of 16 they [have the option to] leave the house. In addition, [parents] spending time with the children, and having meals as a family, culture, and family traditions that are unique to each city [in the Arab World].

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From another perspective, Mr. Ghazi explains that: I would like to transfer to my children the history about their origins, where did they come from, and what happened to their country and their people. Education is very important to the Palestinian; it is the only way to survive wherever Palestinians go in the world. As Palestinian, no one recognizes them as people because their country does not exist on the world map [anymore], they do not have a state [or country] to live in, but they are recognized for their knowledge and their education. This is why education is important; it is a way to survive.

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States Mrs. Ghazi adds: Religion is a way of life and our religion Islam is a peaceful religion if you practice it in the right way; it will teach you the right and the wrong like any other religion. Respecting the elder is part of our culture [and religion]. If I teach them how to respect the elderly, I know deep in my heart when I get old and I cannot take care of myself, they will be around me and their father, not in a nursing home. Customs and traditions are the only way to remind them of their origins, and to keep them from getting lost, especially my kids, who were born and raised in America. Mrs. Ghazi continues, I want my children to marry Palestinian women; I do not want them to marry any Arab women, only Palestinian, her origins from Palestine, and having Palestinian blood. Because when my son marries a Palestinian and he is Palestinian, both would be attached to the Palestinian culture and land, I always encourage them to go and live there, after they get their [university] degrees…

Mrs. Ghazi wants her children to know their history [national identity] pursue their education, understand the religion, respect the elders, and know the proper Palestinian customs and traditions.

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Similarly, Mr. Ameen explains, The most important thing I would like to transfer to my children is the love of their Arab origin, and to imbed the Palestinian identity. I do not see that the Arab traditions differ very much from the Palestinian traditions, only in one thing: the Palestinians‘ love for an education and I want to transfer that to my children, as they preserve their identity around the world through the elite educated strata of any society. The second element is the good social traditions, not the bogus ones, as the city I am from has many Arabic traditions that sometimes reach to the point that they are meaningless.

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When Mrs. Ghazi goes to Palestine, she encourages her children to go with their cousins to social events, so they can practice the Palestinian traditional dance Dabke, use a special instrument called Tableh and be active participants in the society during their stay. The Ghazi children all know the Dabke, and after learning it, they returned to the United States and taught their Palestinian friends in America. Shomali (2002) explained in detail the traditional elements of the Palestinian folklore that are being revived at this time, so that they will not disappear, as their homeland does.

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Most families want their children to continue their appreciation of family ties, respect the elderly, honor their religion, preserve the cultural practices, and acquire a taste for the Arabic-Palestinian meals, in order to fit with the extended family and the society in their homeland. They want them to know all the aspects of the culture, so if they return, they will not be strangers. Most importantly, they want their children to love their country, build a sense of nationalism towards their national origin, and their religion. The families here did not associate family ties and respecting the elderly with religion; however, they considered it as cultural elements. It is, according to their religion, important to all individuals to help and respect all elderly people. The families adopt this religious teaching, and it is in the cultural practices as well. For their children, this will ensure that the children will take care of their parents when they are old; nursing homes are not an option in the culture or religion. All the families strive to hold onto their own belief systems. For the Muslim families, their homes are filled with Islamic wall hangings and home décor, flags for the children to understand and practice the belief system their families and tribes follow. Both Muslim and Christian families believe in the importance of God, the one with power to help them with struggles in their daily lives in diaspora. Religion for the Palestinians is important not only as a social cultural practice, but also for the personal spiritual strength necessary to live in a foreign country. It gives them a sense of security. The Palestinian families living in Maryland are in many ways like other immigrants to the United States. In their world of constant motion, the focus on material culture is particularly important, not only

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for nostalgia, but also to represent concrete parts of their histories. In many ways artifacts are used to avoid the erasure of their Palestinian selves. Having been pushed off their lands, and not belonging to any recognized state, they experience anxiety that they may have no homeland to return to during their lives, hence, the importance of the materiality of the things they have brought with them. Artifacts and Maintaining a Distinct Palestinian Identity In the process of trying to adjust and adapt to a new culture, the Palestinian families in Maryland were and still are trying to strike a balance between their own culture and the strengths and the temptations of the new culture. At times, the American culture is desirable, yet their memories, their homeland, their families left behind, the country, the city, and the neighborhood of origin surface at different times. For the Palestinian families, the artifacts are tangible items that reflect something in their past, represent those they left behind and their longing and thus are part of their past and who they are. According to Mrs. Ghazi,

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I brought these artifacts with me because I like to remember Palestine and I want to have pictures of Palestine around my children. I want my home to show it is Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim …these artifacts allow our memories to survive. When looking at them, my kids know this is Palestine. When they look at the Aqsa Mosque or the Dome of the Rock, the first words they tell people are, “I was there.” When I initiated the discussion of material culture, everyone was enthusiastic about the collected material culture in their houses. They served as reminders of their homes and families left behind, and allowed their children to learn to cherish the Palestinian handmade artifacts and religious symbols. Parents want to remind their children of the hard work it took to make them, as well as the hardship of bringing them here. In the homes, there were large collections of handmade home décor, dresses and clothes, replicas of the religious sites, and cooking utensils. When talking about the material culture with the women, I found that they reported the story behind every piece with animation. According to the women, it took years to build the collections, which they are still collecting, and they welcome any

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presents from their homeland. For everyone, the monetary value is unimportant, compared to sentimental and educational value. As Mrs. Dawood explains: I am interested in these artifacts and pictures about Palestine more than I am interested in the pictures of my mother and father, my parents are in my heart all the time. My children and their children will forget them and will not be interested, but the pictures about Palestine, I want it to be engraved in my children’s minds, and not erased from their memory, to remind them that their origin is Palestinian. The locations of the cultural artifacts in the houses and the distribution and quantities each family possesses are obvious to anyone visiting their homes. The artifacts for décor are located in the center of the homes, despite their lack of utilitarian worth. Mr. and Mrs. Ameen have a wooden corner shelves facing the entrance of the house; it is the first thing anyone will look at when entering, and it has a variety of decorative elements reflecting cultural and religious items including Quran verses, the Palestinian Map and flag, a plate and replica of the Dome of the Rock, and on the lower shelf, a Quran. For the Ameen family the artifacts are an indirect message for the children to adopt and important identifiers for all who enter the home.

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The Basim family has wall hangings around the living room, sitting room, and dining room, representing a variety of cultural and religious themes. In addition, they have sculptures of the Dome of the Rock on the end-tables. These elements allow the children to ask questions and learn from their parents. They view the items and understand the importance of each artifact as part of who their families are. This facilitates the children knowing and adopting these elements as part of their own identity. In the main entrance of the Ghazi house, the walls are full of cultural artifacts including decorative, handmade embroidery. This gives a clear impression to those entering the house that this is a Palestinian home. For their children, as they admire the beauty, color, and art, also they know the items were handmade especially for their parents by their relatives or others in Palestine. Having them all around

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the house creates a sense for the children that these items are part of their identity. The Ghazi family encourages their children to start their own collections as they frequently travel to Palestine, bringing back as many artifacts as possible. When the children start their own collections, they begin to understand in depth the Palestinian identity, struggles, and hope. As the most frequent traveler to Palestine, Mrs. Ghazi has the largest collection of cultural artifacts:

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I want my home to show it is an Arab and Muslim house. In my house, I reflect my identity, which I am. I have pieces from Palestine, Jordan, Turkey, and Egypt. All of them have an Arabic and Islamic theme to them. I brought them for my children to remember that they are Palestinian, Arab and Muslims.” She adds the embroideries in the house mean history and memories of home. The picture of the female farmer reminds me of the farmers in Palestine, and the farmers in Bab-el-Amood [one of the seven gates of old Jerusalem]; the carpet in the house reminds me of the carpet in our home. Every time I look around at these pieces and the pictures, I remember myself, and where I came from. The embroideries were made on the land of Palestine, with Palestinian hands. All the families have immediate relatives and family members who live in the United States, some still living in Palestine, and many relatives in diaspora around the world. Some of the material artifacts I found in the homes were made by family members in Palestine. The Thobes for instance are specially made for the first and second generation of Palestinians living in Maryland. Because the Dawood family has only one girl, Mr. Dawood’s sister sends the daughter a new Thobe every year as the girl outgrows the previous one. Mrs. Ghazi has many relatives in Palestine that make the Thobes. In order to help them out financially, she orders different styles of the Thobes every year and sells their products here in the United States. She also orders new Thobes that are unique in design just for her. Mrs. Dawood, used the cross stitch to embroider a picture that has her name, her husband’s, and her children’s names. It is in the home for everyone to know how much the mother cares about all the family

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members. Mrs. Basim also embroidered a picture, for her anniversary, and gave it to her husband as a gift. The design and colors are unique; it was made from one family member for another. The handmade and specially designed nature of these gifts gives sentimental value for each of the artifacts they exchange and collect.

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Exchange of Artifacts The material artifacts collected by the Palestinian community in Maryland, some brought from Palestine, are also shared with the other Palestinians, Arabs, and Americans with whom they interact. In addition to the material being displayed decoratively in open areas in the houses, for all to enjoy as they enter the house, these materials also transmit a message to the people visiting their homes, whatever their nationality. As the families and their friends appreciate the Palestinian, Arab, Middle Eastern cultural artifacts, the Palestinian families buy gifts for their friends on every visit to their homeland. They share these artifacts with whomever they can to give a message to the people here, including other Arabs, that they do have a land and a heritage that is stronger than their existence in the United States. They exchange gifts from one culture to the other, especially those artifacts that are from their country. They all cherish these gifts and allow them to be added to their collections of material artifacts. The Palestinian families in Maryland bring their American friends many gifts when they come back from visiting Palestine, Jordan, or any other country. For them, there is a hidden message to the Americans, that they do have a civilization and beautiful art, and gifts are a peaceful gesture. For example, the Basim family gives their American friends presents made from Palestinian olive trees because olive trees are important symbols of Palestine where the land is famous for its olive trees. They represent the age of the land, its deep roots and evidence that the trees were planted by their grandparents and their great grandparents. The olive tree is a symbol for peace, and for a Palestinian, it is a main source of income and food. American friends receive pieces that represent places in Bethlehem, where Christ was born, such as the Nativity Church, made from olive tree wood. Through these gifts, they enlighten Americans about the Palestinian people and their suffering. They help their American friends understand about the people who are living under occupation, and how this nation that is described in the Western

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media by their violence and killings, is peaceful. They explain to their American friends how people in Palestine are humans trying to express their suffering and oppression often through beautiful handmade art works. Often these are made by an elite artist, full of feelings and emotions, who is not a criminal or killer, just a human living under occupation. “These gifts represent a message of peace from the land of peace to change the ideas that the western media transmits, and which does not reflect the truth.” (Mrs. Basim) Moreover, Mr. Dawood brings artifacts as presents for his friends and his son’s American friends, especially the pieces from Jerusalem and Bethlehem, particularly those related to Jesus and Christianity. Mr. Dawood adds:

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I bring these pieces especially those related to Christ so I could show my Christian friends that Jesus is as important to us as he is important for them; also to show them from where I came from, Jerusalem, my city, the Holy Land. I bring them pictures of Jerusalem to tell them that this is a place for all three religions and not only for one. … “For me these artifacts are not important if they were available or not, because I do not forget my origins, and where I come from, for me they have sentimental value. It does not matter what the price is; its importance is for my children because it represents their culture and country. Gifts are also brought for the neighbors and teachers, and the themes are always related to the country where pieces were made. The children of the Palestinians living in Maryland feel proud when they explain to their American friends about the cultural artifacts, and they try to do it whenever the circumstances allow. In addition, the children enjoy sharing some of the material artifacts in school during “Diversity Day,” allowing them to express their feelings and knowledge to their American friends and teachers. Despite the denial of the first generation Palestinians who did not believe that their views and beliefs regarding their struggle and their identity have been influenced by American society, it is clear that there is an influence on their lifestyle. For the second generation Palestinians here, it was a little different and this is common. According to Fakhouri

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(2001) second and subsequent generations have been influenced by Western society and modernization in a manner different from their parents, which has had an impact on their habits, traditions, and attitudes. The first generation was indeed affected by residing in the United States by the way they brought up their children, giving them more freedom to fit within the American society, and lessening the responsibilities of the children towards their families. The parents use both Arabic and English to communicate with their children rather than Arabic alone. The cultural influence on the men was greater than on the women. As the men go out and work with the Americans, they have changed many of their views about the raising of their children, and running the household. Because the mothers do not work outside the house, they cherish their traditions more, expect more from their children, and do not allow the same freedom for the children as the men do.

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Despite their efforts to preserve many of the traditions, they accepted some change in their views related to privacy, individuality, concerns, priorities, and lifestyles For instance, while soccer is known among the Arab communities as a sport only for boys, many of the families have their daughters in soccer teams as well. This would not have been allowed or accepted in Palestinian or even Arab society. The mothers are responsible to take the younger boys and girls to sport training and soccer because the father is at work. Also, it is the mothers who are responsible to take their children to school and bring them back. So in fact, the United States has affected some of the women’s perceptions of traditional gender roles although they do not admit it openly. American culture has had an impact on both the first and second generations. Not surprisingly, the second generation, although strongly influenced by the parents, was more subjected to the influence of American culture. This is due to the fact that they had to go to formal schooling and integrate with the community at a different level than the parents at a much younger age, and the families acknowledge this influence. Kamal elaborates: I follow the western culture more than the Palestinian culture. This causes me a lot of confusion to a certain extent... if you follow the Palestinian culture, just by itself and you go to

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States American schools, people will criticize you; there are a lot of ignorant people. They will look at you differently based on where you are from, and if you just act like a westerner and you go back to your Palestinian culture, you just look like someone that has no real meaning. You’re just like a copycat; you have no real identity; you’re like everyone else … I want to feel different because I am Palestinian.

Artifacts and Gender Identity Gender roles appeared clearly through the material culture as many items were differentiated according to male or female use. It was clear that the men are accepted as the head of the households and sole providers for the family. The men all have full time jobs with benefits and Mr. Ameen, Mr. Basim, and Mr. Ghazi also have investments in real estate and trade.

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As for the women, their main duties entail taking care of the house, the children, and managing the household. The Palestinian women living in Maryland have taken on more than their traditional duties. They look after their children’s extracurricular activities, drive them to sport events, take them to practice, and excursions. Although driving for women is not strange or uncommon, the use of a vehicle in Palestine for a woman is usually to go to work, or to visit family members and friends. Driving vans and minivans however is uncommon. All the women were working before they came to the United States and worked for a short while after they arrived, until they started their own families. When their husband’s jobs stabilized, they decided to leave the workforce and become full-time housewives. They explained that they did not feel it was worthwhile to leave and neglect their houses and children for a little extra money. With the Palestinians living in Maryland, the gender division of labor was very clear. Husbands and wives both respect the duties and responsibilities their roles entail. Despite the added roles of the women, the men continue to hold the sole responsibility of being the main economic provider in the house. Women have accepted the added responsibility of taking their children to extracurricular activities, being in charge of their upbringing, and constructing and maintaining the Palestinian identity in their children. The added responsibilities stress

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the importance of the mother’s role in the household. Both men and women go shopping for household goods, while it is not common among the Arabs in general that the women go to the vegetable market or meat market. On the weekends, both fathers and mothers spend time with their children and their social groups to stay in touch and help each other out, and to open the path for their children to interact within the Arab and broader communities. Mr. Hani wants his children to grow up around children from the same origin. In addition, Mr. Ameen said that he interacts with the Palestinian group living in the neighborhood so that his children would grow up in similar surroundings, or at least as close as possible, to the environment back home. When he wants to discipline his children, he knows that the community will support him, as all the fathers discipline their children in the same way to preserve the culture and heritage of their elders. In the Palestinian culture, the community is just as responsible for the upbringing of the children. It is common among the older generation, and in many rural areas in the Middle East, that discipline is the responsibility of everyone.

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Young boys and girls stay with the mothers to be cared for and looked after. As they mature, the fathers become more involved with the boys’ lives. The mother continues to care for the girls and the young during the summer to take the children to recreational places such as Six Flags. Weekends are usually for the family to spend together doing all sorts of things as the fathers will all be at home. As the women do not work outside the home and all their friends are from Arab or Muslim countries, they introduce each other to any new member in the community. Conversely, as men go out to work in the American community, they have American friends and acquaintances. They have a larger network around them that affects the Palestinian fathers in how they deal with their family members. American culture has influenced traditional roles and expectations. Women take the children to public parks and sports training while men sometimes help around the house on the weekends in preparing meals and taking care of the children.

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The Palestinians take great pride in the cultural artifacts they have collected over the years and that they display here in the United States. The wide variety of artifacts they have ranges from clothes, to home décor items, to cooking utensils. They are located all around the house as ‘flags’ or symbols to identify the origin of the family to all who enter. The children all know the value of these artifacts, and cherish them as much as the parents.

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The material artifacts supporting the national, religious, social, and gender identities have two objectives: either to show they belong to a group, whether it was Palestinian, Muslim /Christian, Arab, or American; or to distinguish themselves from others around them. The social identity artifacts are mostly shared among Arabs from different countries; the religious artifacts are also shared by all Muslims or Christians despite the nationality; the national identity serves to distinguish them as Palestinian in particular.

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CHAPTER 6

When We Go Back …

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My grandmother used to describe Yaffa (Jaffa) and the orange trees, and how well off they were. She was dreaming to go back to Yaffa one day, (Mrs. Esam.)

Going back to Palestine is one of the central concepts of Palestinian ideology and life; it includes the right of return in the political arena. Right of return is a subject of international negotiation which Palestinians demand and Israelis reject (Hammer, 2005). The Palestinians have powerful feelings towards their country, and they eventually hope to go back, even after years living outside Palestine. A common storytelling consequence is reported by one of Dorai’s (2002) 143

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informants, “My parents and my grandparents told me so much about Palestine and our village that I’ll be able to find my way the day we go back to Palestine ” (Dorai, 2002, p. 93). This is also true for Mrs. Esam who explains; In my last visit to Palestine, I taped a video movie about my town and relatives, and play it all the time to remind my children of their visit to their home and family. When my children watch the movie they ask when are we going back the next time? As Christison (2002) explains, many Palestinian immigrants are more likely to move back to their home country than other Arabs. The political factors mainly focus on the loss of their land through confiscation, and economic reasons such as taking care of the land and property in Palestine. In preparation to go back and live in Palestine, Mrs. Ghazi bought land and an apartment for her six children. She explains: I go back to Palestine every other year for my children to know they have family and land there… I bought my children houses, and land, I wanted them to know that their origins are there, and they are Palestinians not Americans … I told them this land is more valuable than their lives and it is their responsibility to protect it.

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If Palestinians stay a long time outside their country, away from their properties and land, the ruling government will confiscate the property with the excuse of an absent owner. That is mainly why the Palestinian families continue to visit their country, so they will not be considered absent. For the Palestinians, living in the United States is a long but temporary settlement. Going back is the dream that sustains them, especially for the first generation. Mrs. Ameen, who does not own a house in Palestine, although her husband’s family owns land and a house, dreams of going back. She says, “I wish if I had a house in Palestine, all my children want to go back. I cannot see myself living anywhere else. If I ever left America, I want to go back to Palestine.”

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This similar sentiment was expressed by Mr. Dawood who inherited lands from his father there and cannot claim it because he does not have residence in Jerusalem. He voiced his wish to go back in these words, “I want to go back today before tomorrow, and settle there, I want my children to know their origins and country, I wish I can go back and die there. Palestine for me is the most beautiful place on earth, especially for its Islamic status…. when I get off the plane I cannot describe to you my feeling, Glory to God, a feeling that does not end.” The particular strength of Palestinian identity may be related to their continued connection to the land which they still own or have bought for their children. The second generation expects to inherit the land thus they too have a pronounced identity as Palestinians. They extend the feeling of belonging to the land and their attachment. For example, Issa, explains his feelings about going back to Palestine, …..go back to where I came from… I actually came from my mom’s stomach other than that I know myself as Falestini, one Palestinian. … I have an accent… I consider myself Palestinian…I will go back because it is my land... I will go one day and live there. Of course I am going to go there but I need the money to go there, why do you think I want money … you come here you make the money right… you go back home … what do you do with the money … you buy what is already stolen from you … so all we are doing is buying back what we have lost.

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Jamal adds: I hope to go back to Palestine. I would love to; I would love to get rich just like that… in 10 years I would love to be out of this country, and living in Palestine. Because I know, if I stay too long in this country, I am not going to go back just for the sheer fact that I am going to get used to living here, once I go back it is going to be impossible to adapt, I am going to get used to working, … I do not want that, but get something established, here where I could still be making money and still be back home, I would not mind making a trip here just to check up on things, on my business, make sure everything is

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Palestinian Immigrants in the United States still running, but I do not plan on being here in the next 10 years.

Dreams of living someday in Palestine are dampened by the realities of war. Labeeb explains, “I go to Palestine to visit my family and land; I go there every two to three years. I love traveling there, but I hate to go because of the war and it is not safe.” Labeeb understands the difference between living in peace and living under war. He says “I do not like to go there to live, because here in the United States there is freedom, in Palestine it is sad, it is not a happy place to live in, especially if you know a person who was killed, and this person is less than two miles away. I like to live in the United States. It is safer.” While living outside their homelands they only have memories and artifacts to allow them to stay connected with their homeland. Kalpakian (2005) explains that when people are exiled to a new host country, they create what is called ‘Diaspora cultures,’ living with the hope to one day go back and on the basis of cultural memories and a painful need to return home.

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This study focuses on understanding the particular importance of cultural material artifacts and their relationship to the identity development and preservation of Palestinian immigrant families living in diaspora in Maryland. Their material cultural artifacts help to bridge the gap between belongingness and homelessness. Unlike most ethnic groups, these Palestinians have only fragments of their original country of origin and can no longer find a state called Palestine on the map. They live with the fear of a disappearing homeland, and their artifacts play a role in tying the past with the present and their imagined future. The artifacts in their homes are a panorama of their lives and stories which are intimately connected to the land of Palestine and the land of their families. The families are economically stable in the United States. They came into the country in legal ways and had help from their immediate families who had established themselves before bringing in new relatives. Most of these families came to the United States well equipped with experience and education which helped them to build their careers and become well established middle class citizens who own businesses and houses. Despite the fact that these families are

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from well known families in Palestine who already own farm lands, they bought extra land and built houses for their children in Palestine, so that they can imagine returning to actual places and homes. Mrs. Esam explains that: After 9/11 I felt insecure, especially the hate that was developed against Muslims and Arabs, I was afraid to leave my home, because I wear a head cover. I wanted to go back to Palestine during that period, but the circumstances in Palestine were worse, war, killing, and destruction (Intifadat el-Aqsa). I bought an apartment 5 years ago, hoping to go back soon with my children. At this age, they want to go back, but it would be difficult for my husband to find a job there, it would be difficult for the children without their father.

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The Palestinian families have the time and the economic resources to collect artifacts through their own travels, the travels of their friends and family, and purchases of artifacts imported to the United States. Thus for them, material culture artifacts become an ever-present tool that implants identity and transfers it from one generation to the next in a peaceful, silent and recursive process. Generations continually revisit the stories associated with the artifacts, often prompted by the questions and curiosities of the younger generation. Palestinian family members carry in their minds visual representations of their artifacts and their meanings which can have a calming effect amidst the challenges of living in diaspora where they sometimes experience a sense of homelessness. They have a country living inside of them; this is embodied through their cultural material artifacts that carry history and memories. Having the cultural artifacts ever present in the homes, the cars, and actively in the mind’s eye eventually establishes a sense of belongingness and a deepening of the connections to their origins. Cultural artifacts have particular significance for the first generation women whose main work is in the domestic sphere where they are primarily responsible for childcare, education and the home. Women place the artifacts in their homes as symbols of their culture which provide comfort as the women adjust to their new and culturally challenging lives in diaspora. Having material artifacts such as kitchen tools, traditional clothing, paintings and photographs, and folk art in the homes allows the women to bring the familiar culture of their homeland

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to their new country thus easing their feelings of forced estrangement. Mrs. Basim explains, “These pieces for me are like I am in Palestine, through the pictures, the artifacts are my memories and longing, and the Thobes are my identity. These artifacts are a symbol, who sees them, knows I am Palestinian.” The house is the kingdom and pride of the women where they are free to control the placement and display of the artifacts which they constantly touch, clean and rearrange. Everyday, the women work with kitchen tools to produce traditional meals for the family that they believe are essential to the cultural identity of all members of the family. Artifacts become the actors, scenery and props of the mothers’ stories for the children about their culture and homeland. “I am interested in pictures about Palestine more than my interest in pictures of my mother and father,” Mrs. Dawood explains. “My parents are in my heart….but the pictures about Palestine, I want it to be engraved in my children’s minds, not erased from their memory, and to stay reminded that their origin is Palestinian.”

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The children accept the parents’ messages about being proud of their Palestinian identity, and develop their own collections of material artifacts that focus on their Palestinian national identity, such as maps, the Hatta head cover for men, and pictures of Al-Aqsa mosque. Mrs. Ghazi explains, “My children understand the meaning of these artifacts very well, and they appreciate them very much, they put them in their rooms, and look at it as something very important. They continuously ask me about these pieces, especially the pictures of Jerusalem. These items have a great influence on the children in preserving their identity.” The children use artifacts to decorate their bedrooms, hang them from their car mirrors, and wear them as jewelry and thus demonstrate to their families and peers that they are Palestinian and proud of it. Kamal described his room, These artifacts make me feel like I have connections with them, it makes me remember my identity every time. I look at them, I remember I am Palestinian. I feel comfortable having them around to remind me that every time I look at them I am connected to Palestine. This ethnographic research was conducted by an ‘insider’ as described by Fetterman (1998); I share the same cultural background with the Palestinians residing in the United States. Like them, I also

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have experienced the difficulty of living in another country and trying to preserve my social identity. The Palestinian community in Maryland accepted me for several reasons. First, I am originally from Palestine, and second, I am a native Arabic speaker, which gave me the advantage of understanding the language and the dialect that the families spoke and interpreting the interview content in context. Speaking in Arabic allowed the participants to give more accurate explanations about many of the issues, and allowed me to understand the deeper meanings and participate as a natural member of the Arab community in the United States; this may not have been the case if a non-Arabic speaking person were conducting the interviews.

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As a Palestinian researcher carrying out a study with a group of people who share similar backgrounds, my intimate understanding of language and culture, eased my acceptance in the community. Throughout the interview process as well as the social events, I never felt that being a Palestinian was an obstacle; in fact it helped me and my study because the participants felt that I was one of them. Any achievement for me is a success for them all. The participants I interviewed cooperated openly and freely, and they asked me to turn off the tape recorder if they wanted to share information with me not related to the study, or which they did not want included in my research. I always respected their wishes, which resulted in trust between us. But there were also challenges. As the researcher, I became deeply involved in the study and the life of the families. I had to remember to record certain detailed information that seemed obvious and natural to me but that may be important to enrich the study. Despite the benefits that I had by being an “insider,” I also felt that I was under a lot of pressure from the women in my study when I had to separate myself as an “objective researcher,” and as a Palestinian single woman living in the United States After knowing that I was not living with my family, they wanted me to become part of their group. They wanted me to participate in all the occasions. They had regular weekly and weekend gatherings and vacations which they wanted to shared with me. They expressed hope that I could rearrange my schedule to accompany them. When the participants talked to me, they knew I understood their troubles and circumstances and so they invited me frequently to join them, allowing for personal relationships to develop. As a result, I had

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to limit my interaction with them until I finished collecting the data and analyzing it. Before that I managed to keep my relationship with them on a professional level for the purposes of this study which included guided interviews, active observation, an analysis of the material culture in the homes of the participants, and finally sharing of results with the participants.

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The Social Identity Practices of Palestinian Families in Maryland Many studies have focused on the issue of identity of Palestinians such as those reported by Said (1978, 1979, 1999, and 2003), Khalidi (1997), Ahed (1995), Seikaly (1999), and Schulz, H. & Hammer, J. (2003). While these studies explored identity primarily from a political perspective, grounded in the wars and the conflict with Israel, other studies focus on the social identity for immigrants in the U.S. like Palmer’s (1998) study which explains that there is a continual reminding of nationhood on a daily basis. Palmer found that, the use of artifacts may serve to keep people aware of their belongingness and beliefs. As such, the artifacts are present in daily activities and routines, thus not allowing immigrants to forget their identity and who they are. Moreover, Hurdley’s (2006) study entitled “Dismantling Mantelpieces: Narrating identities and materializing culture in the home,” used a narrative approach to understanding why people displayed objects in their homes. She found that through telling stories about the material artifacts in their homes, the participants are also telling stories about themselves. She also found that through stories of the artifacts individuals can account for identities that otherwise might not be immediately present or presentable. Another study conducted by Mehta and Belk (1991) focuses on the material culture of immigrants to the United States and is closely related to the focus of this study in terms of how material artifacts play a role in strengthening and maintaining self identity in their homes. Mehta and Belk researched the favored material artifacts of Indian immigrants to the United States and compared some material artifacts to the collection of artifacts by Indians living in India. They found that there are some unique possessions that Indian immigrants use to secure and reconstruct immigrant identity while living outside their country. Geographic movement away from homelands places a burden on individuals who must anchor their identity.

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In order to understand the unique circumstances of Palestinian immigration to the United States and other countries, it is important to understand the historical events that shaped Palestinian identity. Modern Palestinian identity emerged influenced by the political issues and wars over the land, and the displacement, exile, and diaspora suffered by the local population. As wars continued into the twentieth century Palestinians could not prevent new immigrants from taking their land. In 1948 the state of Israel was created on Palestinian land. Then and only then did the Palestinians initiate their diaspora, and begin to consider how they would preserve their identity as they lost their land. As of 1948, the name ‘Palestine’ was no longer used in official international documents and the political arena. It was replaced by ‘Israel,’ ‘West Bank’ and ‘Gaza Strip.’ After the war of 1967, the West Bank and Gaza Strip were under full Israeli control, and the entire area of Palestine was then called Israel. Legal and official maps considered the whole area as Israel with no mention of Palestine. Thus a political identity crisis for the Palestinians emerged along with the need to invent methods to preserve identity and maintain connection to Palestine as home even after decades of diaspora. These methods included safeguarding material culture, material artifacts, folklore, and heritage. The political and cultural challenges that Palestinians faced and are still facing while away from their homeland are the context of this research. These challenges include traveling around the world finding a home in a new country, finally settling in a safe place, and raising their children and providing them with proper schooling within the foreign culture of the U.S. The seven Palestinian families in Maryland are similar to the other Arab groups in the United States in that they have similar traditions, histories, and religious beliefs. They also face many of the same challenges as other immigrant groups in general, such as discrimination in employment. However, Palestinian immigrants have distinct needs and concerns because of their history; in particular they differ from other refugee groups because they face the possibility of their homeland actually disappearing. They are loyal to the ideas and reality of Palestine, and they seem caught between the likely permanency of being here in the U.S. and the hope of being able to return someday to an intact Palestine. The families have a particularly strong hope of returning because they still own land that they bought recently or inherited from their parents. The prices of the land in

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Palestine after the 1948 war increased tremendously, because the new Israeli state wanted more Palestinian land to attract more Jews to settle in Palestine. This increased the prices and caused Palestinians who owned land to sell some of their land in order to afford to support their children who wanted to study or work overseas. They hoped their children would come back eventually and buy more land in Palestine.

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The United States was not the first country in which the study participants settled. At least one member of each family in the study had come through Jordan or Egypt, or one of the Arab countries of Libya, Kuwait and Dubai. The parents of Mrs. Farah had come to the United States through South America. Similarly Cox and Connell (2003) found that some of the Palestinians in Sydney had traveled through seven countries before settling in Australia. It appears this global travel pattern is a part of Palestinian lives as they search for safety and freedom, good education and work. According to the first generation participants, the United States was not their first stop and might not be the last, and they consider all the countries where they have settled as temporary residences. They long for and miss their relatives, the country, the landscape, their homes, and their people. This is especially true for the first generation who feels estranged in the United States as they dream of returning to their native home. Mrs. Dawood explained that “a person who is forbidden from his country always holds onto it more.” Similar to Palestinians in Australia described by Cox & Connell (2003) the Palestinians living in the United States have a sense of identity and nationalism; they are immigrants as a result of political events in their homeland rather than personal choice to vacate Palestine. In general the participants share the same suffering, diaspora, displacement, history, and memories. The first generation of the participants experienced living under the struggles of occupation, and oppression, while the second generation is given a chance to live in a more peaceful context in the United States. Yet this second generation is familiar with the current situation in their country, and the older children are generally familiar with the history of the region, perhaps without the political details; however, they know enough to understand the Palestinians‘ strife, and what role they as the younger generation, have to contribute to the people of Palestine. Both generations are familiar with the towns and cities where their extended family members

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still reside. The parents visit their families in Palestine or Jordan, and they take the children with them to keep them in touch and connected to the land, the people, and their heritage. The children learn to recognize and value the land they will some day inherit.

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Preserving their unique identity is a driving force for the first and second generations. Wanting to continue to show, maintain, and transfer their cultural identity to the next generations is critical, especially as they are all removed from their homeland and slowly losing their country due to occupation. According to the families, in addition to being estranged in the United States, the struggles of the Palestinians for their land are magnifying the importance of identity for the Palestinians. This may be true anywhere Palestinians go; however, listening to American and Western news via television or cable, the Palestinians feel that Palestinians and Arabs living in the Middle East are powerless partly because governments there have signed peace treaties with Israel and strictly restrict criticism. Living abroad and being able to group together as a nationality with a similar historical background seems to help Palestinians in the United States to declare and maintain their national identity. Palestinians here express identity freely to the younger generation, who unlike their peers in the Middle East, sometimes participate openly as Palestinians in organized peaceful demonstrations and political dialogue committees. The participating Palestinian families identify themselves as Muslims or Christians, Arabs, Palestinians, or Americans depending on the context. The American identity is only utilized in legal and formal documents that request proof of legal residence or citizenship, especially for international travel but not as an identity of daily life in the United States. Despite the fact that they have American citizenship, they consider themselves Palestinians without a State, and live on the hope that one day they will return. But in the meantime, they are well established in the United States, and they have bought homes, found stable jobs, have investments, and participate in their communities. Whether Christian or Muslim, all the participants believe that they must raise their children, within their community, according to accepted standards and a code of behaviors. This can be Muslim or Christian. In this manner, if they ever return to their homeland, having the teachings of religion will allow the children to easily fit in the

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community and within the extended family. Many of them also stressed that they are Palestinians more than anything else. This result coincided with results reported by Mehta and Belk (1991) that the Indian immigrants to the United States continued to stress that they are more Indian while they are in America than they were Indian in India.

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Participants in the study use Arabic language and dialect as a key element in their social practices to distinguish themselves from other Arab immigrants and to identify places of origin. Through usage, they hope to preserve the local dialect of their city or town for generations to come. When meeting a group of Arabs, Palestinian dialect is the first distinguishing feature from the Arabs of other countries. Each area in Palestine has its own distinct dialect, and a Palestinian can easily identify the difference between a person from the north or south, from one city or another, from one village or another, or from the city or the country. People from Nablus, Jerusalem, Hebron and the Gaza strip all have unique local expressions which identify them as natives of these cities. According to Ennaji (1999), the mother tongue, the dialectal Arabic, is considered a symbol of “identity, intergroup relations, and cultural authenticity, as they reflect the typical cultural aspects of the region” (p. 385). Both the Muslim and Christian Palestinians use Arabic with the children at home. It is considered their mother tongue, and English is learned later from television and school. Arabic is needed to communicate with the nuclear and extended family, as well as with the Palestinian community in the United States and in the homeland to which they hope to return. Oral history and storytelling is another cultural linguistic practice that is part of daily lives. The parents take advantage of any occasion or event to talk about their country, their land, and the people there often in a story form. McKean Parmenter (1996), who wrote about Palestinians in Diaspora, reported that storytelling was part of the Palestinian traditions to keep their memories alive while in diaspora. This finding is also supported by Shomali (2002). Parents tell stories about their past to their children, explain about their own families, neighbors, and friends, and describe the suffering of the parents during travel through the diaspora and during long wars. They also use storytelling to share happy moments with their children to connect their children with the larger family and country. Through storytelling, the

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memories of the parents and the people’s history are kept alive across generations in diaspora.

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The participating Palestinian immigrants are selective of the media that they and their children use on daily basis. They reported their choices of media, such as using American and Arab cable television networks to allow their children to hear different perspectives about the Arabs and the Palestinians. They also gather information from the Internet in English. All these media provide different information and a wide selection of music ranging from American or western to current Middle Eastern to traditional Palestinian folksongs and national songs and dances. The Arabic cable is used more commonly among the first generation of Palestinian immigrants, and the Internet is commonly used among the second generation of Palestinian immigrants. The first generation listens to the daily news and breaking news on the Arabic cable, so they are well aware of the developments in their countries. They stay in touch by phone with their families. The children get their knowledge from the chat rooms and other Internet resources, in English or in Arabic. They use text messaging, email, and chat rooms to stay in touch with family and friends. The Arabic cable T.V. allows families to stay in touch with the events occurring in their homeland. Mainly, all the participants subscribe to Arab cable just for specific channels, such as Al-Jazeera, to give a Middle Eastern perspective of the political events. It also allows the children to know the Arabic art, music, folklore, culture, as well as more modern music and arts. While residing in the United States, and being open to hearing the Western perspective on the events in their homeland, they feel that an unfair bias is presented. They can see and hear that the Palestinians are blamed for the escalation of the Intifada, the Palestinian uprising against the oppression of Israel. Mainstream U.S media covers the ‘suicide bomber’ who killed so many Israelis, but it does not cover how many Palestinians died from Israeli air strikes. The families feel the media is not fair in representing their case of oppression and exile. They hear the White House spokesperson condemning the killings of Israelis while not much is said about the thousands of Palestinians who died during the last two Intifadas. Instead, the Palestinians participants feel that it is their duty to promote true information about Palestinians, their rights, and the reality they have been living since 1947. With the freedom of speech practiced in

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the United States, the families feel that they can help their Palestinian relatives at home by continuing to live in the United States while keeping contact with the members abroad. Many Palestinians recognize that there is an inaccurate image of Arabs and Palestinians in the news media that influences the general populace of the United States. Therefore, as Palestinians living here and interacting with other nationalities, they feel that they are helping to promote a more correct image of the Arabs, Palestinians, Muslims, and their struggles for freedom and independence. This could not be expressed as freely if they were in another country where talking about politics is not allowed in public.

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They also play Arabic music in the homes, and the children have their own collections of this music. Through the music, they listen to different dialects in Arabic, learn about the modern and folk singers and songs, and stay connected with the progress of musical styles understood by their extended families that live outside the United States. This does not mean that the second generation only listens to and watches Arab music programs as they also enjoy listening to American music and movies. The parents make sure that they have a balance of both cultures. The families also face challenges in the religious and educational choices. Despite having come to the United States to provide better education for their children, the parents continue to struggle to find schools that will accept their ethnicity and that respect their religious practices. Religion is important; the majority of Muslim families live within five miles of the local mosque, and the Christian family lives near their church. The first generation parents all believe in preserving their ethnic and religious identity and transferring it to their children. The children seem to have their own ideas, which are influenced by their families and the western culture. All the families are active in the mosques or church. Part of the Palestinian identity is education. Parents search for schools all over the United States for a better education and for a school environment that will accept them for the people they are. They are willing to relocate for Islamic schools, for the girls in particular because of the need to wear the Islamic dress. It is hoped that the girls will not be subjected to any harassment or discrimination because of

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their religious practices and will be around other girls who have the same background. The Palestinian families celebrate the religious holidays more than national holidays which commemorate sad national events including wars, massacres, and assassinations. Muslim Palestinians are part of the Islamic society, and as such only the two main religious holidays are celebrated with family and friends. With regard to the Christian family, their children are still young, and they also only celebrate the religious holidays with groups of family and friends around them. Both religious groups, as Palestinian friends in diaspora, visit during each others’ religious holidays, and participate in the celebrations. In regard to Palestinian national holidays, the parents make sure that their children know about the events, but no actual celebrations take place. They remember the national occasions, talk about them to the children, explain the history behind them, and try to make them as memorable as possible for the children.

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Cultural Artifacts in the Identity Formation of Palestinians in Maryland To construct, maintain, and transfer a coherent sense of identity for the multifaceted mission of Palestinians, the parents do their best to expose and educate their children to everything they think is related to their identity as Muslims or Christians, Arabs, Palestinians, or Americans. There are many aspects of identity, from the Palestinians’ perspective, that need to be transferred to preserve the culture and heritage that distinguish them from others. The study revealed how the participating Palestinian families employ material artifacts to distinguish themselves from others, to educate children while allowing the second-generation to develop its own sense of identity, to ease estrangement and to increase a sense of belongingness. Every household I visited had many artifacts which remind the families of their history, ethnicity, home land, and family’s land. Despite the fact that most of them have been in the United States for several decades, the participants continue to strongly identify themselves with the land as Palestinians. Seikaly (1999) found that as part of keeping the memories of their homeland alive, first generation Palestinians in America have material artifacts such as embroideries,

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wall hangings of religious drawings and scripts, Arabic music, and Arabic and Palestinian cuisine. Similarly, Ahed’s (1995) interviewees in New York, both first and second generation, revealed how their political consciousness affected their identity, and how it influenced how these immigrants live two lives in one country. In addition, Ahed found that that they have a strong sense of national identity which was reflected by the material culture found in their homes.

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Material artifacts found in homes of the Palestinian participants demonstrated various aspects of identity. Palestinian national identity was shown with the map, flag, Hatta, Thobe, The Dome of the Rock, and national wall hangings. Some artifacts such as pictures of Mecca and Quran verses supported religious identity while others demonstrated social identity. These social identity artifacts included clothing, musical instruments, jewelry, home décor, and food from distinct cities, and house and garden. Gender identity for women was revealed through their attachment to kitchen tools, foods, spices, clothing, jewelry, and home décor. One family had a videotape of their house, their city, and its environment. Material artifacts related to Palestine are of primary importance in all of the houses of the participants. All of the families hang the map of “Historical Palestine”22 in a central place in their homes. The map is one symbol of their struggle as they are losing parts of the land every day and the shape of the country is changing. They all had the Palestinian flag at home to remind them of their country, their past and future, their home land, and the struggle to keep it alive wherever they are. Another common artifact is a picture or model of the Holy Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem that reminds them to continue their struggle to free the Al-Aqsa mosque and The Dome of the Rock, and other mosques and holy places throughout the whole area. The majority of the families had pictures of old Jerusalem to remind them of their holy city before the political changes took effect in the city, especially in East Jerusalem. The pictures reflect the representation of Jerusalem before any walls were built and before the city was divided.

22

Historical Palestine is the Palestinian land before 1948, before the start of the modern wars on the area.

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All these artifacts are not only to help the first generation live abroad but intended for the second generation to understand and preserve their identity. It was interesting to see the second generation young adults beginning to start their own collections as they travel back home, or meet friends who travel to different countries and bring those gifts they think are important to represent their identity. The second generation young adults were wearing the Palestinian map as a necklace while those who had cars had the flag, Hatta, and Arabic music in their cars.

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Religious material artifacts also play a role in not only transferring the identity elements to the second generation, but also in conveying Palestinian heritage. These religious artifacts and social practices distinguish them from others and group them as ‘Palestinians in Diaspora.’ Both generations collect religious material artifacts when they go and visit their relatives in Palestine. Gifts from other countries such as Mecca and Jerusalem are shared among the larger group of the Arab community in Maryland, and when people go to Haj, they bring back souvenirs to their friends. Every family interviewed had hand-embroidered Thobes for the women and girls. The Thobes are a unique heritage of the Palestinians where nearly every city has its own colors and designs. The girls and women also wear the Palestinian Hatta or Kufia (head dress/ black and white traditionally for men) as a scarf. The black and white Hatta distinguishes Palestinian men from from other Arabs who wear either white like in Kuwait or red and white in Saudi Arabia, and Jordan, and cream in the Gulf. The Thobe and Hatta are essential symbolic elements of Palestinians’ struggle and the ongoing international case. Wearing the Kufia or the Hatta symbolizes engagement and hope for the return of Palestine. Moreover, all the families had in their homes some kind of Palestinian embroidery artifacts, such as pictures of the traditional “Palestinian wedding” and pillows in the sitting room. Another important social and material element is the food. The women mainly cook Palestinian /Arabic traditional meals; traditional foods are a part of the history of Palestine, and the mothers assure that the children know the different variety of dishes. All the parents prefer to serve traditional Palestinian dishes as much as possible. They have three main meals, and the family all sit together for breakfast, lunch,

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and dinner. They talk about their daily lives and encounters, and share stories with the other members of the family. They also serve American or western foods, but the main dishes are always Palestinian or Arabic foods. Moreover, all the families consider the “Palestinian Kitchen” as their main diet. The tradition of cooking family meals, the layout of the table, and the ingredients are all traditional. They buy many of their products from a local Arabic store that carries many of the ingredients; sometimes ingredients are brought by visiting relatives from home or acquired when the families visit their relatives in Jordan and/or Palestine.

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The division of labor between men and women is traditional among the older generations. The participants have an option to follow the traditional divisions of labor between women and men or to choose a different path. Most of the women and mothers do not work, and thus have selected to follow the more traditional approach with little influence from the western culture. In general, women take care of the house and children while their husbands go out and work to provide the main source of income for the family. Considering that the mothers are housewives and the fathers work outside the home, the primary responsibility of transferring culture and identity to the children rests with the mothers, who seem to have the full support of the fathers. Generally, the boys younger than 16 and the girls of all ages stay with their mothers, except while in school. The mother would be the primary caregiver until they grow up. However, when the boys become young adults, around 16 years old, it becomes the father’s responsibility to take the young men wherever he goes. They go together to buy the groceries; attend men’s gatherings, such as engagement ceremonies, funerals, weddings, and traditional wedding proposals; and do anything that would be considered a man’s job or duty in their culture. It is not common that at the age of 16 the boys get a job to help support the family. The child’s responsibility is considerable to make his parents proud by finishing his education, becoming a responsible man or woman, and establishing his/her own family. This study of Palestinian cultural material artifacts paves the way for other researchers to investigate issues of Palestinian identity in relation to the continuum of homelessness and belongingness in

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diaspora. The Palestinian community in Maryland is understudied or at least underrepresented in many scholarly papers. While some issues are covered from a western point of view, additional studies are needed to reflect the Palestinian perspective. Moreover, future social, political, and socio-economic studies are needed in more states in the United States which explore how Palestinians live and assimilate in a foreign country. Future research could begin to accumulate the material culture of the Palestinian immigrants in a catalog or database in order to preserve it, especially given the threat of loss of their homeland, and thus document the wealth of material artifacts outside Palestine.

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As a continuation, perhaps studying another Palestinian community, larger than the one in this research or of different economic backgrounds, would add to the topic of social identity practices. Research could include second and third generation Palestinians, could focus on the second generation Palestinians in their homes and the role of the material culture in their new young families. Another useful study might be related to Palestinians married to nonPalestinians and an inquiry into if their children have the same identity elements as if both parents were Palestinians. How would each parent influence the children, and what identity issues will the children confront? In summary, this particular study of cultural material acquaints the reader with issues of origins, belongingness, and identity issues of immigrants. This study focuses on cultural material artifacts and their connection with the preservation of cultural identity for people in diaspora. This study was conducted in a particular time and place –post September 11 in the United States. Thus, like much of life in Arab communities in the United States after 9/11, the Palestinian participants were acutely aware of the potential instability of their diaspora, especially in the United States. The study examines the potential for understanding culture and the complexities of identity through the material artifacts prized by immigrant groups. It provides a perspective of the Palestinian people not generally presented in Western media of a people striving for the peaceful preservation of their nationality through their cultural artifacts and social identity practices. For Palestinians, material culture artifacts connect them to their homeland even as it is being reduced to a fraction of its former landmass. Yet they identify as

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Palestinian people who may be scattered around the world but still retain a powerful connection to each other and their land.

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APPENDIX

Photo Album

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Group 1: Thobe (Traditional Dresses) and accessories

Figure 1-1. Two Palestinian ladies wearing hand embroidered Thobes in their home. In the background, there are the hand embroidered wall hangings and oriental rugs.

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Figure 1-2. A traditional cotton head cover worn by women.

Figure 1-3. Girl wearing the Hatta with the Thobe.

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Figure 1-4. Boy wearing the Palestinian Hatta on his head.

Figure 1-5. A close-up of the details in a hand embroidered Thobe.

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Figure 1-6. A different style of the Palestinian traditional dress; long wide sleeves from a fine material, hand embroidered front, and motifs down the front. Main dress material is green and black, with a head decorative strap to match the embroidery on the front of the dress.

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Figure 1-7. A new color for a Palestinian dress, with colorful floral embroidery on the front, sleeves, and the sides of the dress.

Figure 1-8. A traditional Palestinian blue dress, with hand embroidered decorative floral motifs on the front, side of sleeves, and side of dress. Accessories for this dress include a handmade head cover, head band, and belt.

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Figured 1-9. A traditional Palestinian Thobe with floral embroidery on the front of the dress and sleeves. As the dress is colorful, it is most likely worn with a plain white head cover.

Figure 1-10. Another design from hand embroidered front and sleeves of a different design of the Palestinian Thobe. The sleeves are also different than the other others. Accessories of dress include the white head cover and embroidered head band.

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Jewelry

Figure 1-11. Gold accessories of the Palestinian Thobe. Necklaces, bracelets, and earrings, an belt, and a head cover decorated with gold.

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Group 2: National Identity A. National wall hangings

Figure 2-12. Another type of wall hanging of the Dome of the Rock on brass.

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Figure 2-13. A decorative wall piece of the Dome of the Rock and Jerusalem, The sun shining above the city with hope.

Figure 2-14. A picture of the Dome of the Rock, painted on cloth, showing the Dome of the Rock dominating the scene in the back, which is Jerusalem.

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Figure 2-15. A traditional use of brass and material. A mirror made from brass and embroidered materials. It is an artistic wall hanging.

Figure 2-16. A decorative wall hanging. mirror, made from embroidered materials. It is

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Group 2: Traditional wall hangings and home décor B. Religious wall hangings

Figure 2-17. Two-hand painted Quran verses on clay plates.

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Figure 2-18. Three religious wall hangings

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Figure 2-19. A framed Quran verse wall hanging and Wooding beads commonly used by Muslims.

Figure 2-20. A beautiful wall hanging, representing a replica of the doors on the Ka’ba in Mecca.

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Figure 2-21. A handmade wall decoration for a common saying of the Prophet Mohammed.

Figure 2-22. “Our ABC book about Islam”.

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Figure 2-23. A photograph of the Ka’ba in Mecca. & Quran verses.

Figure 2-24. A wooden wall decoration, hand written with a verse from the Quran.

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Group 3: Home Elements A. Clay and Glass

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Figure 3-25. Two traditional clay jugs used to keep drinking water cool.

Figure 3-26. A hand painted Quran verse on a clay plate.

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Figure 3-27. A collection of Palestinian handmade home décor, hand painted plates, embroidered vase, and replicas of the Dome of the Rock, a wooding box, candle, and a coffee pot.

Figure 3-28. A closer picture of the tea pot.

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Figure 3-29. A closer pictures of the handmade mugs of cities in the Holy Land.

Figure 3-30. Another decorative, hand painted plate.

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Figure 3-31. A handmade clay rosary.

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B. Arts and hand crafts

Figure 3-32. An alarm clock replica of the Haram Mosque in Mecca. It also call for the five prayers during the day. Muslims pray at least 5 times a day: Dawn, noon, Afternoon, Dusk, and evening.

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Figure 3-33. A wooden home décor with a representation of the Dome of the Rock, and a Quran verse in a crescent surrounding the mosque, and hand written Quran verse on the top and bottom of the picture.

Figure 3-34. A Palestinian Hatta decorating a bed head board.

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Figure 3-35. A bandana with the Name of “God” and “Mohammed”, “no God but God”.

Figure 3-36. A candle with an engraved picture of Jerusalem and the Dome of the Rock.

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Figure 3-37. A wall decoration, handmade from plastic and wool, using the main colors one would find in the traditional colors used in many of the art works.

Figure 3-38. A handmade vase from the materials of a Thobe, The red and gold satin and embroidered sides.

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C. Metallic

Figure 3-39. A colorful image of the Dome of the Rock.

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D. Wood

Figure 3-40. A wooden home décor customized to fit a handmade olive wood collection.

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Figure 3-41. A wooden replica of the Dome of the Rock.

Figure 3-42. A section of a tree with a Quran verse burnt on.

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Figure 3-43. A wooden map of Historical Palestine and its cities, also the borders with the neighboring countries.

Figure 3-44. A tree trunk with the map and flag of Palestine with its cities, and the sign of victory.

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Figure 3-45. A handmade wooden wall hanging with a religious prayer “God keep this house”.

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Group 4: Food & Meals

Figure 4-46. Whole Palestinian “Saiyadieh” (fish dish) from Gaza.

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Figure 4-47. traditional dish of rice and lamb.

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Figure 4-48. A selection of home Arabic sweets.

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INDEX

Artifacts, 1, 2, 3, 4, 36, 40, 41, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 67, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 130, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 142, 146, 147, 148, 150, 157, 158, 159, 161

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A Accessory, 116 Agriculture, 34, 35 al-Aqsa Mosque, 113 America, 3, 21, 23, 24, 51, 53, 55, 56, 58, 60, 65, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 106, 111, 116, 121, 124, 132, 133, 144, 152, 154, 157, 194, 195, 196 Arab, 1, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 27, 53, 73, 74, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 92, 93, 94, 95, 103, 109, 112, 113, 126, 129, 130, 137, 141, 142, 144, 147, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 196 Arabic language, 7, 11, 23, 25, 28, 31, 44, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 65, 67, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 84, 85, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 118, 123, 125, 126, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136, 139, 149, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 187

B Balfour Declaration, 5, 31, 193 Belongingness, 28, 71, 104, 131, 146, 147, 150, 157, 160, 161 British, 6, 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 31, 40, 41

C Celebrate, 32, 46, 77, 104, 105, 110, 157 Christian, 10, 24, 31, 37, 50, 79, 80, 82, 104, 105, 110, 112, 121, 123, 126, 133, 138, 142, 153, 154, 156, 157, 190 Christianity, 22, 24, 30, 31, 80, 119, 138 Citizenship, 52, 54, 55, 58, 80, 83, 84, 87, 88, 153 Community, 6, 8, 9, 14, 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 36, 39, 43,

197

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

198

Index

47, 50, 53, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 73, 74, 75, 81, 83, 89, 92, 94, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 112, 124, 125, 137, 139, 141, 149, 153, 154, 159, 161, 196 Construction of Palestinian Identity, 4 Cultural, 2, 3, 4, 11, 19, 26, 27, 28, 30, 36, 37, 38, 40, 44, 50, 53, 54, 59, 62, 66, 67, 75, 76, 93, 96, 104, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 116, 118, 123, 124, 130, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 154, 160, 161, 191, 193, 197, 198 Cultural artifacts, 2, 3, 62, 67, 111, 112, 116, 123, 135, 136, 137, 138, 142, 147, 161

D

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Dialect, 51, 70, 80, 90, 92, 93, 96, 110, 149, 154 Diaspora, 15, 22, 27, 52, 129, 146, 154, 159, 189, 192, 193, 196 Dishdashe, 104, 125, 126 Dome of the Rock, 67, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 119, 122, 134, 135, 158 Dress, 23, 28, 43, 64, 67, 81, 89, 101, 110, 113, 115, 116, 123, 124, 125, 126, 156, 159, 166, 167, 168

E Education, 20, 26, 51, 55, 57, 66, 69, 70, 72, 73, 89, 100, 102, 103, 104, 109, 110, 131, 132, 146, 147, 152, 156, 160, 190 Embroidery, 11, 42, 43, 45, 117, 124, 135, 159, 166, 167, 168 English

Language, 28, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 65, 77, 78, 82, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 97, 108, 109, 131, 139, 154, 155 Ethnic group, 2, 20, 27 Event, 11, 31, 62, 94, 115, 116, 154 Exile, 6, 10, 18, 20, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 36, 39, 42, 47, 146, 151, 155, 191, 192, 194

F Family, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 32, 34, 35, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94,ٛ 95, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 192 Fasting, 105 Flag, 38, 67, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119, 135, 158, 159, 185 Folk, 8, 9, 11, 29, 42, 99, 126, 147, 156 Folklore, 2, 28, 47, 68, 110, 133, 151, 155 Food, 29, 32, 35, 37, 38, 42, 44, 46, 47, 52, 64, 66, 67, 72, 78, 106, 108, 109, 112, 125, 128, 129, 137, 158, 159

G Gaza, 6, 16, 17, 27, 34, 55, 56, 92, 113, 128, 151, 154, 186

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Index

199

Geographic location, 30 Gift, 41, 45, 105, 122, 124, 137, 138, 159

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H Hatta, 67, 113, 115, 116, 125, 126, 148, 158, 159, 164, 165, 180 Heritage, 2, 3, 5, 9, 12, 22, 23, 24, 28, 39, 42, 43, 46, 59, 69, 75, 78, 91, 93, 94, 96, 98, 106, 107, 109, 110, 113, 118, 137, 141, 151, 153, 157, 159, 189, 197 History, 2, 3, 4, 5, 10, 19, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 37, 77, 78, 94, 95, 98, 99, 109, 110, 131, 132, 136, 147, 151, 152, 155, 157, 159, 189, 193, 194, 198 Home, 5, 12, 13, 14, 22, 23, 30, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 70, 72, 74, 75, 81, 89, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 100, 102, 108, 109, 112, 114, 115, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150, 151, 152, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 172, 177, 180, 183, 193 Homeland, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, 18, 19, 23, 25, 26, 27, 32, 38, 39, 44, 46, 47, 71, 91, 96, 99, 100, 104, 107, 112, 126, 133, 134, 135, 137, 146, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 161, 193, 196

36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 53, 60, 67, 68, 69, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 93, 96, 98, 100, 104, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 117, 118, 120, 123, 125, 126, 129, 130, 132, 135, 136, 138, 140, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197 Immigrant, 1, 2, 4, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 27, 28, 36, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 72, 74, 81, 92, 100, 107, 133, 144, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 158, 161, 192 Immigration, 2, 4, 14, 69, 71, 100, 151, 194, 195 Income, 32, 34, 137, 160 Islam, 11, 22, 28, 31, 81, 93, 109, 119, 122, 123, 132, 174

J Jerusalem, 7, 15, 16, 54, 55, 57, 58, 92, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 121, 123, 127, 136, 138, 145, 148, 154, 158, 159, 170, 181, 194 Jew, 5, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 30, 31, 37, 39, 83, 152, 191, 195 Jewish, 5, 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 32, 38, 39, 195, 197 Jordan, 11, 12, 16, 17, 20, 38, 43, 51, 52, 54, 55, 58, 59, 61, 70, 71, 72, 73, 82, 88, 95, 98, 100, 103, 106, 107, 113, 136, 137, 152, 153, 159, 160

I

K

Identity, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32,

Kuwait, 9, 11, 17, 53, 71, 88, 116, 152, 159

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200

Index

L Land, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 47, 51, 66, 67, 71, 84, 94, 100, 107, 110, 112, 113, 123, 128, 129, 130, 132, 136, 137, 138, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 152, 153, 154, 157, 158, 162, 189, 191 Land Day, 32, 96, 195 Language, 91, 92, 93, 97, 110 Lebanon, 11, 17, 20, 43, 82

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M Map, 16, 67, 84, 113, 114, 115, 119, 131, 146, 158, 159, 185 Material artifacts, 1, 2, 3, 25, 42, 44, 46, 50, 69, 112, 113, 120, 121, 123, 125, 136, 137, 138, 142, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 157, 159, 160, 161 Material Culture, 1, 2, 4, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 47, 50, 62, 67, 68, 112, 133, 134, 140, 146, 147, 150, 151, 158, 161, 190 Media, 3, 20, 22, 32, 69, 70, 74, 95, 96, 99, 107, 110, 138, 155, 156, 161, 193 Mesopotamia, 11 Minority, 13, 36, 69 Mosque, 22, 23, 53, 59, 67, 80, 81, 82, 86, 104, 126, 148, 156, 158, 180 Muslim, 10, 53, 59, 73, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91, 93, 104, 105, 108, 110, 114, 122, 126, 133, 134, 136, 141, 142, 153, 154, 156, 157

N Nationality, 11, 20, 47, 80, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 101, 137, 142, 153, 161

O Occupation, 6, 7, 12, 15, 17, 19, 29, 30, 32, 36, 78, 85, 88, 95, 113, 137, 138, 152, 153 Oppression, 6, 14, 32, 36, 70, 71, 138, 152, 155 Ottoman, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 31, 57, 118, 127

P Palestine, 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 42, 43, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 66, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 100, 103, 106, 107, 109, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154, 158, 159, 161, 185, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198 Palestinian, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79,ٛ 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108,

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Index

201

109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 177, 180, 186, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198 Palestinian diaspora, 2 Palestinian identity, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 23, 25, 49, 62, 72, 83, 85, 109, 112, 117, 136, 151, 160 Political conflict, 2, 29, 30 Political identity Identity, 26

Copyright © 2010. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. All rights reserved.

R Ramadan, 37, 105 Refugee, 1, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20 Relative, 2, 22, 23, 51, 57, 58, 61, 63, 65, 66, 71, 82, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 98, 106, 107, 118, 119, 131, 135, 136, 144, 146, 152, 156, 159, 160 Religion, 5, 6, 11, 22, 24, 28, 31, 36, 37, 47, 52, 54, 66, 69, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101, 103, 104, 109, 110, 114, 121, 123, 130, 131, 132, 133, 153 Religious, 5, 7, 22, 23, 25, 30, 31, 37, 38, 45, 47, 67, 69, 70, 75, 78, 80, 81, 82, 90, 93, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 109, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 131, 133, 134, 135, 142, 151, 156, 157, 158, 159, 172, 186 Replica, 45, 67, 118, 119, 123, 124, 134, 135, 173, 177, 179, 184

S Sentimental, 45, 47, 111, 135, 137, 138 Social identity Identity, 28 State of Israel, 14, 15, 16, 18, 31 Statelessness, 27, 28 Storytelling, 29, 42, 47, 94, 95, 110, 143, 154 Syria, 11, 14, 17, 18, 20, 30, 43, 82

T Thobe, 113, 116, 117, 120, 124, 136, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169 Traditional, 8, 26, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 50, 59, 64, 67, 68, 99, 108, 109, 110, 113, 116, 120, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 133, 139, 140, 141, 147, 148, 155, 159, 160, 164, 166, 167, 168, 171, 176, 182, 187

U UN United Nations, 15, 32 Unemployment, 19, 34, 35, 100 United States, 2, 3, 4, 13, 14, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 88, 89, 95, 100, 104, 106, 108, 110, 112, 123, 133, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 161, 195 UNRWA UN, 17

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

202

Index

W

Yaffa, 55, 56, 128, 143

Z Zionism, 13, 196 Zionist movement, 7, 12, 13, 31

Copyright © 2010. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. All rights reserved.

War, 2, 7, 17, 18, 19, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 36, 54, 55, 56, 88, 96, 99, 146, 147, 151, 152, 191, 196 Wedding, 23, 42, 43, 53, 99, 100, 105, 117, 120, 127, 160

Y

Ethnic Identity of Palestinian Immigrants in the United States : The Role of Material Cultural Artifacts, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,