Epigram, Art and Devotion in Later Byzantium 2016001238

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Epigram, Art, and Devotion in Later Byzantium IVAN DRPIC

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CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

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CnunnrDGE UNTVERSITY PRESS University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University's mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

To Aleksandra and Filip and

wwwcambridge.org

Information on this title: www.cambridge.orgtgT9ll}T @

751512

Ivan Drpié 2016

This publication is in copyright. Subject to stâtutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction ofany part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2016 Printed in the United Kingdom by Tf International Ltd. padstow Cornwall

A catalogue

record

for

this publication is øvailnble

from the Britßh Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data Names: Drpió, Ivan, author.

Title: Epigram, art, and devotion in later Byzantium / Ivan Drpié. Description: cambridge, united Kingdom ; New york : cambridge university press, 2016. Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 201600123S I ISBN g7gtt}7t5tltz (Hardback) subjects: LCSH: Arts and society-Byzantine Empire. Arts and religion-Byzantine Empire. I Identity (Psychology) in art. I Epigrams, Byzantine. BISAC: HISToRY / Europe / General.

I

I

I

classification: LCC NXl80.s6

D7i

2016 | DDC 70rl.03-dc23 LC record available

at http://lccn.loc .gov /2016001238 ISBN 978-

I - r07

-l5I5t -2 Hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence o¡ accuracy of uRLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropdate. This publication is made possible in part by the International Centre of Medieval Art and the Samuel

H Kress Foundation.

MM

in memory of Nana

-,-

Contents

List of illustrations lpage vl1il List of color

plates

[xwii]

Acknowledgments ["ix] Note to the reader ["xi] Abbreviøtions lxxii]

Introduction Ill

I

From composition to performance: epigrams in

2

The patron's

"I"

context

[18]

167)

3 Kosmos [118]

4

Golden

5

Devotional

6

The erotics of

7

Image of the

words

gifts

Conclusion

1244)

devotion

beloved

12961

13321

[396]

Bibliography

Index

[186]

[403]

14751

VII

Illustrations

1.10 Detail of the dedicatory epigram of the tzaouslos Constantine Spanes, 1337138, church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (photo: Michalis Kappas) [53] 1.11 Detail of the dedicatory epigram of |ustinian I and Theodora, mid520s, church of Saints Sergios and Bakchos, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: author) [55] 1.12 Steatite pønagiarion of Alexios Komnenos Angelos, fourteenth

Illustrations

0.1 Icon of the Virgin Elpis ton Apelpismenõn, thkd quarter of the fourteenth century, Diözesanmuseum, Freising (photo: Diözesanmuseum, Freising). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. fpøge 2] 1.1 Icon of the Last Judgment, c. 1260-80, Saint Catherine's monastery Mount Sinai (photo: Kharbine-Tapabor / The Art Archive at Art Resource,

NY)

[201

L2a-b Ring, fourteenth century, National Archaeological Museum, Athens (photo: Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Education and Religious Affairs - National Archaeological Museum, Athens) l22l 1.3 Archangel Gabriel, 1294195, church of the Virgin peribleptos, Ohrid (photo:

author)

[30]

1.4 Pectoral cross-reliquary, ninth or tenth century, Saint catherine's monastery, Mount Sinai (photo: Michigan-princeton-Alexandria Expedition to Mount Sinai) [40] 1.5a-d Details of the epigram on the pectoral cross-reliquary, ninth or tenth century, Saint Catherine's monastery, Mount Sinai (photo: Michigan-Princeton-Alexandria Expedition to Mount Sinai) t4ll 1.6 Ivory diptych, tenth/eleventh or thirteenth century, cathedral treasury, Chambéry (photo: Damien Lachas / Direction régionale des affaires culturelles Rhône-Alpes, Conservation régionale des monuments historiques). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section. [43) 1.7 Porphyry column of Constantine, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Pascal Sébah, c. 1870 / Suna and inan Krraç Foundation photograph

Collection) t50l 1.8 Detail of the porphyry column of constantine with the dedicatory epigram of Manuel I Komnenos, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Robert Ousterhout) [51]

1.9 sanctuary

apse with the Deësis and a section of the dedicatory epigram of the tzaousios Constantine Spanes, 133713g, church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (photo: Michalis Kappas) I53l

vt11

century, formerly in the Panteleimon monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Kondakov 1902, pl. )(XXI) [59] 1.13 Mosaic of the Striding Lion, fifth century, The Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore (photo: Mitro Hood / The Baltimore Museum of Art,

Baltimore)

164l

2.1 Embroideredpodea(2.) with the archangel Michael and the supplicant Manuel, fourteenth or early fifteenth century, Museo diPalazzo . Ducale, Urbino (photo: Soprintendenzaper i Beni Storici Artistici ed Etnoantropologici delle Marche, Urbino). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. [68] 2.2 Dedicatory epigram, l3l4ll5, church of the Anasta.sls, Berroia (photo: Egopeío Ap¡ororf¡rov H¡ra0ía5, Berroia) 173l 2.3 Exonarthex of the cathedral church of Hagia Sophia, Ohrid (photo: Zoran

Letra)

176l

2.4 Dedicatory epigram of the archbishop Gregory, I3I3ll4, cathedral church of Hagia Sophia, Ohrid (photo: Zoran Letra) [76] 2.5 Church of the Dormition of the Virgin, Skripou in Boeotia (photo:

AmyPapalexandrou) l77l 2.6 Dedicatory epigram of the prõtospathario s Leo, 87 3 I 7 4, church of the Dormition of the Virgin, Skripou in Boeotia (photo: Egopeío ApXororl¡rcou Borcoría5,

Thebes)

[78]

2.7 Church of the Hagia Monë, Areia (photo: Christina Pinatsi) [81] 2.8 Dedicatory epigram of the bishop Leo, II49, church of the Hagia Monë, Areia (photo: Christina

Pinatsi) l82l

2.9 Dedicatory mosaic panel with the Virgin, Christ, and George of Antioch, c. ll43-51, Santa Maria dell'Ammiraglio, Palermo (photo: Alfredo Dagli Orti / Art Resource, NY) [83] 2.10 Medallion with the Virgin and Child and the dedicatory epigram of the protostrator lohn Phrangopoulos, c. 1430, church of the Virgin P antanassø, Mistra (photo: Eqopeía ApXcxrorflrcov Aorcovío5,

Sparta)

[84]

lX

X

Illustrations

Illustrations

2.ILa-b

Seal of Basil, metropolitan of Thessalonike, middle of the twelfth century, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC (photo: Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, Washington, DC) [106] 2.12 Icon of Saint Irene with the supplicant Nicholas, eighth or ninth century, Saint Catherine's monastery, Mount Sinai (photo:

Michigan-Princeton-Alexandria Expedition to Mount

Sinai)

[109]

2.13 |oshua before the archangel and the entombment of foshua, so-called Menologion of Basil II, Ms. Vat. gr. 1613, p. 3, c. 1000, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City (photo: Biblioteca Apostolica

Vaticana)

[110]

2.14 Embroidered paten veil with the Communion of the Apostles, twelfth century, cathedral treasury, Halberstadt (photo: furaj Lipták / Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-

Anhalt) lII2l 2.15 Embroidered chalice veil with the Communion of the Apostles, twelfth century, cathedral treasury Halberstadt (photo: ]uraj Lipták / Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-

Anhalt)

[113]

3.1 Icon of Christ with the silver frame dedicated by the archbishop Demetrios Chomatenos, 1,2I6117-c. 1236, formerly in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos, Ohrid (photo: after Fllov t922) [119] 3.2 Personification of Kfisls from the basilica at Ras al-Hilal, sixth century, Apollonia Museum, Souza/Sozousa (photo:

Chick)

[122) 3.3 Personification of Kosmësis from the basilica at Ras al-Hilal, sixth century, Apollonia Museum, Souza/Sozousa (photo: Jane

Jane

Chick)

[1231

3.4 Metropolis of Saints Theodores, Serres (photo: author) ll}6l 3.5 The Ascension of Christ, middle of the eleventh century, cathedral church of Hagia Sophia, Ohrid (photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource,

NY)

[128]

3.6 Front cover of the so-called Phokas or Skeuophylakion Lectionary, tenth or eleventh century, Great Lavra, Mount Athos (photo: Kurt Weitzmann Archive, Department of Art and Archaeology, princeton

University)

[131]

3.7 Icon of Saint John the Theologian, twelfth century (with fifteenthand nineteenth-century repainting), monastery of Saint fohn the Theologian, Patmos (photo: Monastery of Saint John the Theologian, Patmos) [133]

3.8 Icon of Saint Nicholas, c. 1390, monastery of the Great Meteoron in Thessaly (photo: after M. Chatzedakes and D. Sophianos, To MryaÀo Merëapo: loropía xæ Téyvry [Athens: Interamerican, 1990],

p.61) lr34l 3.9 Precious-metal appliqués of the icon of Saint Nicholas, c. 1390, monastery of the Great Meteoron in Thessaly (photo: after Subotié 1,992, frg.

II)

[13s]

3.10 lcon of the Virgin Akatamachëúos, fourteenth century, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens (photo: Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens) ll37l 3.11 Icon of the Transfiguration of Christ,886, from theZarzma monastery, Georgian National Museum, Tbilisi (photo: Georgian National Museum, Tbilisi) [138] 3.12 Front cover of Codex gr. I, 53 (= 966), fourteenth century, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice (photo: Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo - Biblioteca Nazionale

Marciana) [151] 3.13 Back col¡er of Codex gr.I,53 (= 966), fourteenth century, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice (photo: Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo - Biblioteca Nazionale

Marciana) [I52] 3.I4 Staurothëkë,twelfth century (central field) and late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (frame), cathedral treasury, Esztergom (photo:

Attila Mudrák / Cathedral of Our Lady of the Assumption and Saint Adalbert Cathedral Treasury, Esztergom). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. [159] 3.15 Croce degli Zaccariø (obverse), restored 1278-83, cathedral treasury, Genoa (photo: D. Vinco / Comune di Genova, Archivio fotografico dei Musei di Strada Nuova) Í1621 3.16 Croce degli Zaccariø (reverse), restored 1278-83, cathedral treasury, Genoa (photo: D. Vinco / Comune di Genova, Archivio fotografico dei Musei di Strada Nuova) [163] 3.17 Theodore Rallis, The Booty, c. 1905, National Gallery - Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Athens (photo: Stavros Psiroukis / National Gallery - Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Collection of the E. Koutlidis Foundation, Athens). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section. [168] 3.18 Saint Onouphrios,

1270171, church

near Prilep (photo: Giorgos

of Saint Nicholas at Manastir

Fousteris) [I7I]

xl

7 xlI

Illustrations

Illustrations

3.19 Portrait of Michael Philanthropenos and his wife Anna, Typikon of the convent of the Virgin Bebaia Elpis, Ms. Lincoln College gr. 35, fol. 4r, c. 1330s, Bodleian Library, Oxford (photo: Rector and Fellows of Lincoln College, Oxford) [176) 3.20 Khludov Psalter, Ms. gr. 129d, fol.67r, ninth century, State Historical Museum, Moscow (photo: State Historical Museum,

Moscow)

[183] 4.1 Saint James the Persian, back of a double-sided icon, late twelfth century, Holy Bishopric of Paphos, Paphos (photo: Giorgos

Philotheu / Holy Bishopric of Paphos, Paphos) [190] 4.2 Saint Nestor, 1294195, church of the Virgin Peribleptos, Ohrid (photo: author). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section.

[1921

4.3 Inscription of Leo III and Constantine Y, c. 727-40, walls of Nicaea/ Iznik (photo: K. O. Dalman, 1930 / Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Istanbul) [193] 4.4 Plaster cast copy of a section of the edict issued by Manuel

I Komnenos in 1166, Hagia Sophia, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Cyril Mango) lI94l 4.5 Icon of the Virgin and Child, late fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and LoberdouTsigarida 2006, frg.

r27)

[196]

4.6 Epigram, icon of the Virgin and Child, late fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006, fig. 130) [I97) 4.7 Reliquary-enkolpion (obverse), twelfth century, Moscow Kremlin Museums, Moscow (photo: S. V. Baranov / Moscow Kremlin Museums,

Moscow)

[199]

4.8 Reliquary-enkolpion (reverse), twelfth century, Moscow Kremlin Museums, Moscow (photo: S. V. Baranov / Moscow Kremlin Museums,

Moscow)

[200]

4.9 South pørekklësion of the former church of the Virgin Pammakørisfos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul

(photo:

author)

[203]

4.10 Detail of the epigram on the exterior, c. 1310, southpørekklesion of the former church of the Virgin Pammakarisúos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Cyril Mango / Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives, Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington,

DC)

[204)

4.11 Interior of the south parekklesion of the former church of the Virgin P ammakarisúos

(Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (photo:

VasileiosMarinis)

12071

4.12 Plan showing the two inscribed interior cornices (marked grey), south parekklësion of lhe former church of the Virgin Pømmøkøristos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (drawing: Nataða

Zugié)

[208]

4.13 Mosaic decoration of the sanctuary with Christ Hyperagathos in the apse, the Virgin and fohn the Baptist on the side walls, and the four great archangels in the vault, c. 1310, sotth parekklesion of the former church of the Virgin Pømmøkørisúos (Fethiye Camii),

Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Erich Lessing I Art Resource, NY). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. í2101 4.14 Interior looking north with the restored arcosolium tomb of the protostrator Michael Doukas Glabas Tarchaneiotes, south parekklësion of the former church of the Virgin Pømmakaristos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Vasileios

Marinis) l2l4l 4.15 Cross-section and plan showing the layout of the dedicatory epigram of the tzøouslos Constantine Spanes (marked grey), church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (drawing: Nataéa

åugié) [216) 4.L6 Melismos and a section of the dedicatory epigram of the tzøousios Constantine Spanes, 1337138, church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (photo: Michalis Kappas) l2l9l 4.17 Page with a section of the reading for Pentecost Sunday (John 7:37-52), New York Cruciform Lectionary, Ms. M. 692, fol. 56r, middle of the twelfth century, The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York (photo: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York) l22Il 4.18 Page with a marginal scholion in the form of a bird, The Heavenly Lødder of iohn Klimax, Ms. Coislin 88, fol. 107v, second half of the eleventh century, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (photo: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris) 12221 4.19 Labyrinth poem, Liturgical Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos, Ms. gr. D.282 (olimProdromos P. A. 14), fol.3v, middle of the thirteenth century, Center for Slavo-Byzantine Studies "Prof. Ivan Dujðev," Sofia (photo: Center for Slavo-Byzantine Studies "Prof. Ivan Dujðev," Sofia). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section.

1223)

xl11

I xlv

Illustrations

Illustrøtions

4.20 Figured dedicatory epigram of the panhypersebastos Andrew, Ms. Med. gr. 43, 1ol. 142v, second half of the sixteenth century, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, vienna (photo: österreichische Nationalbibliothek, vienna). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section. [2281

4.21 Icon of Christ, middle of the fourteenth century,Icon Gallery, Ohrid (photo: Zoran Letra) L23Il 4.22 Two plaques with the dedicatory epigram of the sebastokratõr Isaakios Doukas (drawing: Dalibor Novak, after Kissas 2003,

p.4sI)

12321

4.23 Icon of the Birth of Saint John the Baptist, fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and

Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006, ñg. ru! 1240) 5.1 Embroidered icon veil with the crucifixion, c. l29i,National History Museum, Sofia (photo: National History Museum, Sofia). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. [245) 5'2 Mosaic with rheodore Metochites presenting the church of the

chorø to christ, c. 1316-2r, former church of the chõra monastery (Kariye camii), constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Erich Lessin g I Art Resource, NY) [248] 5.3 Fresco of Saint George on horseback, late twelfth century church of the Virgin Phorbiotissa, Asinou (photo: Gerald L. Carr). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section.

[2701

5.4 Embroidered aer-epitaphios or Andronikos II palaiologos, early fourteenth century National History Museum, Sofia (photo: National History Museum, Sofia). For the colour version, please refer to the

section. [272] 5.5 Embroidered qer with the Virgin and Child, c. I2t5_25126, plate

National History Museum, Sofia (photo: National History Museum, Sofia) [2771 5'6 Icon of the archangel Gabriel from the pair of icons showing the Annunciation, eleventh or twelfth century(?), Icon Gallery Ohrid (photo: ZorunLetra) [296]

5.7 rcon of the virgin from the pair of icons showing the Annunciation, eleventh or twelfth century(?), Icon Gallery, Ohrid (photo: Zoran Letra) [287] 5.8 Detail of the icon of the virgin from the pair of icons showing the Annunciation, eleventh or twelfth century(?), Icon Gallery, Ohrid

(photo: ZoranLetra). For the colour version, please refer to the plate

section.

[288]

6.1 Icon of the Virgin and Child, thirteenth century, Benaki Museum, Athens (photo: Benaki Museum, Athens) 12971 6.2 Revetment of the icon of the Virgin and Child, early fourteenth century, Benaki Museum, Athens (photo: Benaki Museum,

Athens)

1298)

6.3 Icon of the Virgin Hodëgetriø, early fourteenth century (revetment) and eighteenth century (painted panel), Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006, frg.234). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. [304] 6.4 Vita icon of Saint George with portrait of the hieromonk ]ohn, early thirteenth century, Saint Catherine's monastery, Mount Sinai (photo: Michigan-Princeton-Alexandria Expedition to Mount Sinai) [309] 6.5 Portrait of the princess fuliana Anicia, Vienna Dioskorides, Ms. Med. gr. 1, fol. 6v, early sixth century, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna (photo: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna) [3I7) 6.6 Scene of the Deësis, 1383184, church of Saint Athanasios tou Mouzake, Kastoria (photo: Michalis Kappas) [325] 6.7 Saint Alexander from the Deësis, 1383184, church of Saint Athanasios tou Mouzøke, Kastoria (photo: Michalis Kappas) 13261 6.8 Icon of the Virgin Phobera Prostasia, sixteenth century(?), Koutloumousiou monastery, Mount Athos (photo: Koutloumousiou monastery, Mount Athos) [330] 7.1 Icon of Christ, sixth century with thirteenth-century(?) retouching, Saint Catherine's monastery, Mount Sinai (photo: Kharbine-Tapabor / The

Art Archive at Art

Resource,

NY)

13541

7.2 Icon of the Virgin Hodëgëtria, c.1370, Museum of Macedonia, Skopje (photo: Zoran Letra) [3571 7.3 Epithet f¡'Oõtynrprø, detail of the icon of the Virgin Hodëgëtriø, c. 1370, Museum of Macedonia, Skopje (photo: ZoranLeira) [358] 7.4 Yirgin Oxeia Antilëpsls pulling the monk Kaloeidas out of sarcophagus, Psalter, Ms. gr. 61, fol. 102v, shortly after 1391, Christ Church, Oxford (photo: Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford) 1362) 7.5 Christ Eleëmon, Psalter, Ms. gr. 61, fol. 103r, shortly after 1391, Christ Church, Oxford (photo: Governing Body of Christ Church,

Oxford)

[363]

7.6 lcon of the Virgin Elpis ton Apelpismenor¿, middle of the fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas

XV

xvl

Illustrations

and Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006,frg.314). For the colour version, please refer to the plate section. [3711

7.7 Portrait of Anna Philanthropene on the icon of the virgin Elpis tõn

Color plates

Apelpismenor¿, middle of the fourteenth century, Vatopedi

monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and Loberdou_ Tsigarida 2006, frg.210) 1373)

7.8 Drawing of the portrait of Anna philanthropene on the icon of the Virgin Elpis ton Apelpismenõn, middle of the fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: aÍïer Tsigaridas and Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006, frg. 2II) [374] 7.9 Icon of the Virgin Hodëgëtriø with portraits of Constantine Akropolites and his wife Maria, late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (revetment) and last quarter of the fifteenth century (painting), State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow (photo: State Tretyakov Gallery,

Color pløtes cøn be found between pages 264 and 265.

Plate 1 (= Figure

0.1)

quarter of the fourteenth century, Diözesanmuseum, Freising (photo: Dioezesanmuseum, Freising)

Plate2 (= Figure

1.6)

archbishop Nicholas of Ohrid, middle of the fourteenth century, Icon Gallery, Ohrid (photo: ZoranLetra) [3781

'12 rcon of the Martyrdom of saint Demetrios, fifteenth or sixteenth century, Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e postbizantini, venice (photo: Icon Museum, Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini, Venice) [383] 7.r3 rcon of christ Pantokratõr, c. 1363, state Hermitage Museum, saint Petersburg (photo: Vladimir Terebenin / State Hermitage Museum, saint Petersburg). For the colour version, please refer to the plate 7

section.

[391]

7.14 Portrait of the

megas primikëriosJohn on the icon of Christ Pøntokratõr, c, 1363, State Hermitage Museum, Saint petersburg (photo: Vladimir Terebenin / State Hermitage Museum, Saint

Petersburg)

13921

Ivory diptych, tenth/eleventh or thirteenth century, cathedral treasury, Chambéry (photo, Damien Lachas / Direction régionale des affaires

Moscow) [376]

7.10 Icon of the virgin Psychosõstriø with portrait of the archbishop Nicholas of Ohrid, middle of the fourteenth century, Icon Gallery, Ohrid (photo: Zoran Letra) [3771 7.11 Detail of the icon of the virgin psychosostria with portrait of the

Icon of the Virgin Elpis ton Apelpismenon,third

culturelles Rhône-Alpes, Conservation régionale des monuments historiques) Plate 3 (= Figure

2.1)

Embroidered podea(?) with the archangel Michael and the supplicant Manuel, fourteenth or earþ

fifteenth century, Museo diPalazzo Ducale, Urbino (photo: Soprintendenzaper i Beni Storici Artistici ed Etnoantropologici delle Marche, Urbino) Plate 4 (= Figure 3.14) Staurothëke,lwelfth century (central field) and late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (frame), cathedral treasury, Esztergom (photo: Attila

Mudrák / Cathedral of Our Lady of the Assumption and Saint Adalbert Cathedral Treasury, Esztergom) Plate 5 (= Figure 3.17) Theodore Rallis, The Booty, c. 1905, National Gallery - Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Athens

(photo: Stavros Psiroukis / National Gallery Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Collection of the E. Koutlidis Foundation, Athens) Plate 6 (= Figure 4.2) Saint Nestor, 1294195, church of the Virgin Peribleptos, Ohrid (photo: author) Plate 7 (= Figure 4.13) Mosaic decoration of the sanctuary with Christ Hyperagathos in the apse, the Virgin and |ohn the Baptist on the side walls, and the four great archangels in the vault, c. 1310, south parekklësion of the former church of the Virgin Pømmakøristos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Erich Lessing I Art Resource, NY)

xvll

f xvlll

Color pløtes

Plate 8 (= Figure 4.19)

Labyrinth poem, Liturgical Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos, Ms. gr. D. 282 (olim prodromos P. A. 14), fol. 3v, middle of the thirteenth century,

Acknowledgments

Center for Slavo-Byzantine Studies "prof. Ivan Dujðev," Sofia (photo: Center for Slavo-Byzantine Plate 9 (= Figure 4.20)

Studies "Prof. Ivan Dujðev," Sofia) Figured dedicatory epigram ofthe panhypersebøsúos

Andrew Ms. Med. gr. 43,

fol.142v, second halfofthe sixteenth century Österreichische Nationalbibliotheh Vienna (photo: Österreichische Nationalbibliotheh Vienna) Plate 10 (= Figure 5.1) Embroidered icon veil with the Crucifixion, c. 1295, National History Museum, Sofia (photo: National History Museum, Sofia) Plate 11 (= Figure 5.3) Fresco of Saint George on horseback, late twelfth century, church of the Virgin Phorbiõtissø, Asinou (photo: Gerald L. Carr)

Over the years of work on this book, I have incurred many debts, and

I

can

Plate 12 (= Figure 5.4)

Embroidered aër-epitaphios of Andronikos II Palaiologos, early fourteenth century, National History Museum, Sofia (photo: National History Museum, Sofia)

Plate 13 (= Figure 5.8)

Detail of the icon of the Virgin from the pair of icons showing the Annunciation, eleventh or

only begin to acknowledge them here. I am deeply gratefirl to Ioli Kalawezou, my mentor at Harvard, for her unflagging support in matters big and small, academic and personal. A special debt of gratitude is owed to |effrey Hamburger and John Duffy. Their formidable erudition, intellectual generosity, and exemplary dedication to teaching continue to inspire me. The book has profited tremendously from the critical input of Stratis Papaioannou. Ever since the unbearably hot Athenian summer of 2005, when, behind the marble-clad walls of the Gennadeion, I made my first forays into the poetry of Manuel Philes under his guidance, Stratis has been closely involved in this project, and many ideas presented in the pages below bear his imprint. Foteini Spingou has been a godsend. In addition to many fruitful exchanges about Byzantine epigrammatic yerse, I am indebted to her for allowing me to use her unpubLished edition of the anonymous epigrams from the Anthologia Marciønø and for reading the entire manuscript with a critical eye and astonishing attention to detail. Special thanks are also due to

twelfth century(?),Icon Gallery, Ohrid (photo:

Andreas Rhoby who provided meticulous comments on an earlier version of

ZoranLetra) Icon of the Virgin Hodëgëtria, early fourteenth

the text, as well as to the late and much-lamented Titos Papamastorakis who

century (revetment) and eighteenth century (painted panel), Vatopedi monastery, Mount

memorable conversations in late spring 2009.

Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and Loberdou-

colleagues and friends, among them Dimiter Angelov, Elka Bakalova, Jelena

Plate 14 (= Figure 6.3)

Tsigarida 2006, frg. Plate 15 (= Figure 7.6)

na)

Icon of the Virgin Elpis ton Apelpismenõn, middle of the fourteenth century, Vatopedi monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Tsigaridas and Loberdou-Tsigarida 2006, ñg. 314)

Plate 16 (= Figure 7.13) Icon ofChrist Pøntokrator, c. 1363, State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg (photo: Vladimir Terebenin / State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg)

generously shared his expertise in epigrams and other things Byzantine over

At various

stages

in this project I have benefited from the help and advice of

Bogdanovió, Emmanuel Bourbouhakis, Annemarie Weyl Carr, Jane Chick, Ioanna Christoforaki, Joachim (lohn) Cotsonis, Dejan Dåelebdåió, Maria Evangelatou, Giorgos Fousteris, Leonela Fundió, |ulian Gardner, Maria Geor-

gopoulou, Kathryn Gerry, David J. Getsy, Sarah Insley, Catherine JolivetLévy, Michalis Kappas, Dina Kefala, Nikos Kontogiannis, Gojko Lalió, Bogdan-Petru Maleon, Vasileios Marinis, Miodrag Markovió, Tommaso Migliorini, Benedetta Montevecchi, Robert Ousterhout, Maria Parani, Christina Pinatsi, Andrei Pop, Milan Radujko, Ljubinko Rankovió, Alexander Riehle, David Roxburgh, Rossitza B. Schroeder, Kosta Simió, Cristina Stancioiu, Gojko Subotió, Ben Tilghman, Ayça Tiryaki, Marka Tomió Djurió,

Alice-Mary Talbot, Alexandra Trifonova, Tolga Uyar, Konstantinos

xlx

I xx

Acknowledgments

Vafeiadis, Hugo van der Velden, Maria Vassilaki, Elena Velkova Velkovska, Alicia Walker, Diana Wright, Nektarios Zarras, and Nataða Zugió. My colleagues at the University of Washington, especially Estelle Lingo, Stuart

Note to the reader

Lingo, Sonal Khullar, Marek Wieczorek, and Haicheng Wang, have provided steady encouragement and collegial advice. I am also grateful to the school of Art, Art History and Design and its director, Jamie Walker, for their support. Several institutions contributed generous funding for this project, includ-

ing the Alexander S. Onassis Public Benefit Foundation, the University of Washington, and in particular, the National Gallery of Art in Washington, DC. A David E. Finley Fellowship from the Center for Advanced Study in the visual Arts at the National Gallery allowed me to conduct extensive fieldwork across the Mediterranean and Western Europe, from Oxford's Ashmolean Museum to the monastery of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai, from the PaJazzo Ducale in urbino to the Byzantine churches of Messenia and the Mani. A Fellowship in Byzantine Studies at Dumbarton Oaks in 2013-14 afforded me the necessary time and resources to give the manuscript

its final shape. Daily interactions and exchanges with a splendid group of scholars in that enchanting library on a hill in Georgetown - the Byzantinist's paradise - have enriched my thinking and expanded my knowledge in manifold ways. I am particularþ gratefirl to Margaret Mullett, then Director ofByzantine Studies, for her insight, unstinting support, and good cheer.

At Cambridge University Press I would like to thank Michael Sharp and Marianna Prizio for their interest in this project and their patience and oversight during the publication process. I would also like to acknowledge the perceptive comments and suggestions made by the manuscript's two anonymous reviewers. Gill Cloke copy-edited the manuscript with precision and finesse. To underwrite the costs of publication, I am honored to have received a Millard Meiss Publication Grant from the college Art Association and a Samuel H. Kress Publication Grant from the International Center of Medieval Art. For the strength and comfort they have given me, I thank my parents, Ljubomir and Ljiljana, my sister, Aleksandra, and my nephew, Filip. While they have never quite understood all the fuss about epigrams, they will be thrilled to hold this book in their hands. David young Kim witnessed and participated in countless discoveries, joys, and frustrations that accompanied the making of the book, and on more than one occasion came to my rescue and saved the day. For this and much else gratitude.

I owe him more than

Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. Scripture quotations in English follow the Revised Standard Version of the Bible' In a few

all signaled in the notes, I have provided my own rendering of the scriptural text in English. As any attempt at consistency instances however,

in the transliteration of Greek is bound to yield cumbersome results, I have used several systems. Long vowels are marked with a macron in Greek terms that appear in italics: hence eikon rather than eikon. Fot the names of historical personages and locales, I have mostly adopted the spellings in A. P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxþrd Dictionary of Byzantium (hereafter ODB). The names of modern Greek scholars, when encountered in bibliographical references in Greek, are lafinized, but without the application of macrons. The system of the Library of Congress has been employed for transliterating references to scholarly works in Bulgarian, Macedonian, and Russian. All bibliographical references in Serbian are rendered in the Latin alphabet. When citing S. Lampros' incomplete edition of the poems preserved in the Anthologia Mørciana ("'O Mopxrcvò5 xõõtl 524," Néos'EÀÀnvopvr1pcav S [1911] 2-59, 123-92, abbreviated as Anthologia Marciana), I have included a second number in parenthesis: e.g., Anthologia Mørciana, no. 88 (8145). This second number refers to the new enumeration of the poems adopted in F. Spingou's forthcoming Poetry for the Komnenoi. The Anthologia Marciøna: Syllogae B ¿/ C. When I use the term'cat. no.', I am referring to the numbered catalog entry on a particuiar object within the catalog, the full reference to which is given in the Bibliography; when I give a name in brackets afterwards, this always refers to the author of the numbered entry, who is often not identical with the editor of the catalog. Lastly, Chapter 2 ofthe present book incorporates and expands upon parts of my article, "The Patron's 'I': Art, Selfhood, and the Later Byzantine Dedicatory Epigram," Speculum 89.4 (2014) 895-935. I am grateful to Cambridge University Press for granting me permission to reproduce this material.

xxl

Abbreviations

Abbreviations

BZ

By z antini s ch e Zei

ts

chrift

CA

Cøhiers ar chéolo giques

DACL

F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq (eds.), Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, 15 vols. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané,

AXAE

AeÀ'ríov rfiç

Demetrakos

D. Demetrakos, Mëya Àefxòv öÀqs rñs (Athens: A. Ar¡¡ulrpaxos, 1936-50)

Victor Palmé, 1863-1940)

DOP

Analecta Bollandianø

EAM

Anthologia Palatinø The Art Bulletin

Dumbørton Oaks Papers Enciclopedia dell'arte medievøle, 12 vols. (Rome: Istituto della enciclopedia italiana, 199 I -2002)

EEBZ

'

A. Rhoby, Byzantinische Epigramme in inschriftlicher

GRBS

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies

HSCPU

Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

IRAIK

Izv estiia Russkago ørkheolo gich eskago in stitut a v

t907-53)

Acta sanctorum,Tl vols. (3rd edn.; Paris, Rome, Brussels:

,4ASS

AB AP

ArtBull BEIÜ I

Üb erli

eferung, vol. I: Byzøntinis che Epigr amme auf Fresken

und Mosaiken (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2009) BEIÜ

II

IOB

l

BF BMFT)

Lampe

éÀÀqwxfiç yÀcbooqç

Ererqpìç' Eratpeíaç Bv(awuõv Zrovõã:v

O st erreichi schen Byzantinistik G. W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford:

I ahrbuch der

Clarendon Press, 1961)

(Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der

E. Trapp (ed.), Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, besonders des 9.-12. Jahrhunderts (Vienna: Verlag der

Wissenschaften, 2010)

Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1994-)

A. Rhoby, Byzantinische Epigramme in inschriftlicher Überlieferung, vol. III: Byzøntinische Epigramme auf Stein. Nebst Addendø zu den Bänden 1 und 2 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2014) Byzantinische Forschungen Thomas and A. Constantinides Hero (eds.), Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: a Complete Translation J.

LBG

LSI

Mansi

H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, and H. S. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996) G. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissimø collectio,53 vols. (Paris: H. Welter, l90I-27)

MEG

Medioevo Greco

MM

F. Miklosich and |. MüLller (eds.), Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi søcra et proføna, 6 vols. (Vienna: C. Gerold,

of

the Surviving Founders' Typika and Testamerfs, 5 vols.

1860-90) MSpätAByz

BMGS

(Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2000) Byzøntine ønd Modern Greek Studies

NE

Nêoç'EÀÀqvopvrl¡tcov

BS/

Byzantinoslavica

NRlx

NËa'Pci;¡t'Ìl: Rivistø

ByzAD

L. Bender, M. Parani, B. Pitarakis, J.-M. Spieser, and A. Vuilloud, Artefacts and Raw Materiøls in Byzantine Archival Documents / Objets et matériaux dqns les

OCP

Orientalia Christianø Perio dica

ODB

A. P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium,3 vols. (New York Oxford University Press, 1991) ]. A. Simpson and E. S. C Weiner (eds.), The Oxþrd Englßh Dictionary,2nd edn. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989)

do cum ent s d' ar chiv

typika xxtl

ía ç

Konstantinopole

A. Rhoby, Byzøntinische Epigramme in inschriftlicher Überlieferung, vol. II: Byzantinische Epigramme auf Ikonen und Objekten der Kleinkunst, Nebst Addendø zu Band 'Byzantinische Epigramme auf Fresken und Mosaiken'

BEIÜ TI

Xpørøvtxfi ç ApyatoÀoytxfi g' Erarpe

e

s by zant

i

n

s, URL: www.u nifr. ch I go I

Mitteilungen zur spätantiken Archäologie und by zantinis

OED

chen Kunstgeschichte

di ricerche bizantinistiche

xxlll

xxlv

Y-

Abbreviations

PG

J.-P. Migne (ed.), Pøtrologiae cursus completes. Series graecø,

PLP

161 vols. (Paris: Petit-Montrouge, 1857-66) E. Trapp (ed.), Prosopographisches Lexikon der Paløiologenzeit (Y ienna: Verlag der österreichischen

RbK

Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1976-96) K. Wessel (ed.), Reallexikon zur byzøntinischen Kunst (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1963-)

R,E'

G. Wissowa and W. Kroll (eds.), Pøulys Reøl-Encyclopödie cla s si s ch en Alt ertum sw i s s en s ch aft (rev. edn. ; Stuttgart : i. B. Metzler, 1894-i980)

Introduction

I.

der

REB

Revue des études byzantines

RËG

Reyue des études grecques

,RSBN

Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici Apqoxurtx4 xaì' H 0x4' EyxuxÀoraãela,

OHE

I

2 vols. (Athens:

A0cucrorog Mapríuog, 1962-68)

TM

Travaux et mémoires

VizVrem

V izant ií skií vr e m enn

wst

Wiener Studien

ZLUMS

Zbornik za likovne umetnosti Matice srpske Zbornik rødova Vizantololkog instituta

ZRVI

ik

Among the select number of Byzantine images of the Virgin that, upon their transfer to Western Europe, came to be attributed to the paintbrush of the evangelist Luke is a delicate, small icon now housed in the Diözesanmuseum at Freising (Plate 1, Figure 0.1).1 Measuring no more than

x

21.5 cm, the icon shows a half-length figure of Mary turned slightly to the right, with her hands raised in prayer, gently gazing out at the spectator. The figure's halo and background are covered by a silver-gilt 27.8

revetment that, apart from the standard abbreviated appellation Mirnp OEoû ("Mother of God"), bears an additional label identi$'ing the compassionate mediatrix as f¡ 'EÀni5 róu AneÀnro¡réu. These may be called epic verses, that is, heroic hexameters; for the most part they are full of

From composition to performance: epigrams in context

requested, and now

for> compassion. For this reason and with regard to what has sent, as was your demand, I wished to write to you something been the crucifixion" or "(verses inscribed> on the crucifixion." occasionally, a title can be more informative and can even provide details that are otherwise missing from the poem itself. A case in point is an epigram copied in the Anthologia Marciøna with the following title:le Eiç rr¡u eìxóyq toû áyíov l-ecopyíou, ypoqÉuro5 öu those whom I have depicted for the sake of intercession with much desire.Ts

The epigram represents a prayer acldressed to Christ by the commissioner of the diptychs, who is identified only by the office of rhaiktor he held.

Depending on the date assigned to the diptych, this information can be interpreted in two different ways. If a tenth- or eleventh-century date is accepted, the commissioner must have been a high-ranking courtier in Constantinople. Should we subscribe to the view that the diptych dates from the thirteenth century, the commissioner was most likely a Westerner living in Outremer, either an ecclesiastical official in charge of a Latin religious or charitable house or a civil administrator in the service of the Venetian Republic.'u For the purpose at hand, the questions of chronology and the patron's identity are less relevant than the fact that the length, content, and physical layout of the epigram perfectly match

the shape and iconography of the diptych. Each of the poem's ten lines occupies the length of one clearly defined section of the frame. The epigram begins on the left leal with the first line running along the semicircular border of the arched top. The verses continue arouncl the

leafs rectangular frame, with each side of the frame accommodating exactly one line, in a sequence that was typical for Byzantine inscriptions displayed around rectangular fields: top-right-left-bottom.77 The same arrangement is then repeated on the right leaf. In terms of their content, not only do the verses make direct reference to the imagery of the diptych, but they do so in a way that neatly corresponds to the distribution ofindividual scenes and figures on the object. Incised on the left leaf, the first half of the epigram points to the images carved on this leaf: the Virgin and Child (w. 1-2) and the scenes of Christ's miracles and ministry (r'v. 3-5). Similarly, the second part of the epigram (w. 6-8) on the right leaf highlights the themes of Christ's Passion and Resurrection depicted there. The epigram ends with a reference to the saints assembled in the lowest section of the diptych (v. 9), whom the patron has introduced as his personal intercessors before Christ. It seems that, in

as

your coming , through which you saved mortals from every harm, driving the ailments away, O Word of God, with your word, and the terrors of the passion and the crucifixion full of dread, the self-effected Resurrection, the Ascension into heaven that is beyond comprehension. I, rhaiktõr, your faithful servant, beseech

7s

It should be noted that my translation ofline 9 signifrcantly differs from the translations found

in the scholarly works cited in the previous note. I take this line to refer specifìcally to the saints in the lowest section of the diptych (see p. 46). 76 For the earlier date, see Cutler 2008t BEIÜ I, no. E120. For the later date, see Kiourtzian 2005; folivet-Léry 2007;Kiourlzian 2009-10. On the Byzantine ofrce of rhaiktõr, which seems to have disappeared after the eleventh century, see ODB, s.v. 'rhaiktor'with further bibliography. 77 Or.r this sequence, see Follieri 1964; Paparnasto¡akis 2007, 59-60; Belnard 2014,83.

45

From composition to performance: epigrams in context

46

laying out the verses on the frames of the two leaves, considerable care has been taken to physically juxtapose, wherever possible, specific words and phrases and the images to which they refer. Note how the words ("crucifixion"), ÈlÉyeporu ("Resurrection"), and ei5 oùpcuoù5

orcxúprooru

ënoporu ("Ascension into heaven") are placed right next to the relevant scenes, or how the phrase ôr' ãru ëyporyc npeopeúeru ¡opru ("through those whom I have depicted for the sake of intercession',)

on the left border of the right leaf descends toward the solemn file of these very intercessors. overall, the synergy of text and image in the chambéry diptych is such that the poet and the ivory carver employed by the anonymous rhaiktõr must have worked quite closely on this object. As it would appear, the composition of the verses and the design of the diptych went hand in hand. we know too little about the processes and mechanisms of artistic patronage in Byzantium to reconstruct in any detail the exact nature of interactions and negotiations that took place within the triangle patronpoet-artist. was the patron always the engine behind the creation of an inscribed object? or could the poet play a more fundamental role in this enterprise, beyond providing appropriate verses for the object or even collaborating with the artist on its design? our sources are silent on this account, but it is possible that, in some instances, the poet could act as a liaison between the object's commissioner and its maker. Byzantine artists and intellectuals often moved in the same circles. The fourteenthcentury scholar and bureaucrat Michael Gabras, for instance, wrote letters to a monk-painter by the name of Gabriel.Ts Gabras' younger contempor-

ary, the writer Manuel Raoul, seems to have shared a decades-long if not friendship, with Gastreas, a painter active in the Byzantine Peloponnese. Raoul commissioned an icon of the Dormition of the virgin from the painter in a letter tentatively dated to c. 1360, in which he recalled how diligently Gastreas had studied and copied ancient icons, including those showing the Dormition, twenty-six years acquaintance,

Patrons, poets, ørtists

allow us to trace the contours of an intriguing network that connected artists and men of letters with powerful aristocratic patrons through personal ties of friendship and service. A key figure in this network was Melchisedek Akropolites' relative by rnarriage, lhe pinkeru es Alexios Doukas Philanthropenos.to It-r 1293, this dashing young general was sent

by Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos to Western Asia Minor to flght the Turks. His meteoric success on the battlefield accorded him a heroic status among the local Greek populace, oppressed by the enemy, and eventually led him to stage an abortive coup that ended with his arrest and blinding on Christmas in 1295. The exigencies of warfare with the Turks did not prevent Philanthropenos from commissioning artworks in

With the assistance of Planoudes, who resided in the a certain goldsmith to manufacture precious-metal revetments for some icons. As Planoudes reported in a Constantinople.

capital, the pinkernes employed

letter, this proved to be a bad choice.st After receiving one-third of the promised reward - which, unfortunately, went unspecified in the letter the goldsmith had mysteriously disappeared without a trace; his whereabouts were unknown even to his wife. Planoudes was, therefore, forced to ship the unadorned icons off to Philanthropenos. "Shoulcl it be God's will," he wrote, "when we see each other, you yourself will show me (these icons) furnished with adornment [xóo¡.rou] as a sign of your' reverence for the divine."82 It is tempting to speculate whether the icons in question were works of the monk-painter Isaiah, another member of the network emerging from Planoudes' correspondence.s3 An acquaintance of Melchisedek and the pinkernës Alexios, Isaiah was a man of some eminence, as can be deduced from the fact that the title kyr, meaning "lord" or "master," was accorded to him.84 He appears to have been an amicable person, willing to pull strings on behalf of his fellow artists. One

of Planoudes' letters to Philanthropenos is essentially a recommendation letter for a friend of Isaiah's.85 monk-painter,

man excellent in art, irreproachable

before.Te

I write in regard to

Particularly revealing in regard to the intermediary role that intellectuals could play in the field of artistic patronage and production is the

in character, moderate in spirit, someone who knows how to spread the word about a benefaction . Although I had formerly been

s0

Gabras, Letters, nos. 263, 264, and 277. 7e Raoul, Letters,no. 12.ForanEnglishtranslationof

249-50.

On this fi.gure, see PlP, no. 29752;Radié 1998; Taxides 2012,97-116. 82 Planoudes, Letters,164.2I-23. Planoudes, Letters,no. 103. 83 8a Kontogiannopoulou 2012. On Isaiah, see PIP, no.6730; Pallas i952. 8s Planoudes, Letters,no. l0l.

ut theletteranditsdate,see Mango1972,

a

acquainted with this man, Lord Isaiah, who knows how to show affection

correspondence of Maximos Planoudes. several among planoudes' letters

tt

a

47

From compositíon to perþrmance: epigrams in context

48

Epigrams and the viewer/reøder

to a fellow artist [grÀeiv eiõò5 ròu é¡róre¡vou], introduced him and urged me to w¡ite to you on his behalf.s6

Planoudes

then proceeds to explain the matter at hand. some of the relatives of the unnamed monk-painter were forced to leave their home in the otherwise unidentified area of Tempsis (',epï rr¡u TÉ¡ryru) and settle

in the Maeander valley, which, in the wake of his spectacular victories, Philanthropenos set out to repopulate with Greeks. pranoudes asks that these people be allowed to return to their home. whether the monkpainter was given an opportunity to demonstrate his artistic prowess to

removed from the spoken idiom, and often embroidered with scriptural quotations, references to classical and patristic authors, and borrowings

from hymnography, Byzantine epigrams were addressed primarily to an educated audience. Their reach, however, was much broader, as the communicative potential of epigrams was not limited to the linguistic register. To begin with, not all verse inscriptions were meant to be actually read. The famous porphyry column of Constantine still bears an elegant dodecasyllable couplet commemorating its restoration at the behest of Manuel

I

Komnenos.sT

the general is not known.

Thanks to their proximity to members of the Empire's elite, Byzanfine men of letters could and, as planoudes'correspondence demonstrates, did act as intermediaries between artists and high-placed patrons. Hence it is not inconceivable that, at times, they could arso take care of artistic commissions on behalf of their powerftrl protectors and friends.

In the above-mentioned triangle of actors that took part in the process of creating inscribed artifacts, the poet may occasionally have been the man in charge.

Epigrams and the viewer/reader So far we have been concerned with the patronage and production of

epigrams. Now we must turn to the questions of reception. Indeed, what kind of audiences did verses displayed on artifacts, monuments, and build-

ings address? How were such inscrþtions read? Were there any specific occasions that called for the reading of epigrams? were verse inscrþtions necessariþ read or could they engage their audiences in other ways?

on the most basic level, the readership of an epigram was determined by

its setting. The verses displayed on the walrs of great public churches could have been scrutinized by many, while those found, for instance, on a personal devotional object such as the chambéry diptych or the crossreliquary at sinai spoke only to the chosen few who had the privilege of handling it' written in an archaizing la'guage, a form of Greek fairly

[Tò 0]eîou ëpyou èvOoõe q0opÈu ¡póvç xorvoî MovovrlÀ, [e]ùoepns cúroxporco[p].

Manuel, the pious emperor, restored this divine work, which time had defaced.

Inscribed on the column's capital, at a height of over 30 m above the street level, the couplet is illegible from the ground (Figures 1.7 and 1.8). Even

though inlaid lead originally enhanced the visibility of the inscription, an inquisitive passerby would hardly have been able to decipher the letters. If this is the case, then, what was the purpose of the inscription? Was this pithy proclamation of imperial munificence designed for divine rather than human eyes?88 Or did the inscription have a prophylactic function, ensuring the stability of the restored column?8e

Confronted with such inscrutable inscriptions, one should bear in mind that in Byzantium publicly displayed texts had a powerful visual presence. Their significance and impact extended beyond basic linguistic communication. Several factors contributed to this. As a religion of the Incarnate Word of God propagated through a set of sacred texts, Christianity ensured that the Byzantines assigned a special place to the written word in their culture. Writing was associated with the sacred and perceived as a vehicle of truth and knowledge.eo Besides, since the Empire

of the New Rome was to a large extent a bureaucratic state, the proper functioning of which was predicated upon the production and circulation

"' 86

Planoudes, ¿¿ tters, 162.14-19: ypdqo repì (oypáqou rrvò5 ¡rovo¡oü, dvôpòç ròv rpórov où goúÀou, perpiou rò gpóv¡¡ro, xr¡púneru eìôóro5 rùepysoicv.

tt r¡v rÉ¡v¡v dpÍorou,

roúrov ïixov.o xcì ròv ó¡rórexuov xoí ooí pe úrÈp oûroû ypáqerv npoùrpÉyaro. I have adopted the emendation -ov ó¡ró-e¡uw (r. 1g) proposed by Wendel 1940,432. rpór:pov

ei5 yudroru Ê¡roì

Ë.

¡:õÀÀov xoi ó xupòç'Hooíog ouudorr¡os grÀeiu eì6ò5

BEIÜ111, no. TR55. See also Mango 1951,62;Janin1964,77-80; Müller-Wiener 1977,255-57;

Ousterhout 2014, esp. 314-I7.

O.t God as the ideal reader, see Lassus 1947, 260; lames 2007b,199, As suggested by Rhoby 2012a,747. For different perspectives on inaccessible or concealed inscriptions, see Frese, Keil, and Krüger 2014. e0 See, e.g., Cavallo 1994, esp.54-62; Kessler 2006; Rapp 2007. Cf. also Wenzel 2000. For the role of books in Byzantine society and the related mentøl¡tà libresca, see also Cavallo 2007, esp.

8e

176-83.

49

50

From composition to performance: epigrams in context

Epigrams and the viewer/reader

,l6rrv/< I

rh i!

7,, ,r

l*

t,-¡

,lfi

Figure 1.8 Detail of the porphyry column of Constantine with the dedicatoly epigranr of Manuel I Komnenos, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Robert Ousterhout)

and clivine names, but also mysterious inscriptions in the form of clusters of unintelligible figures and letter-like signs known as charøkteres.e2 Such

texts rvere considered inherently poteut, capable of exertiug a tangible impact in one's life by driving away demons, effecting cures, or securing protection from sorcery and other harms. Monumental epigraphy, too, harbored supernatural forces. In the so-called Parøstaseis Syntomoi Chronikai, a compilation of stories, datable to the eighth century, about

the monuments of Constantinople, ancient inscriptions figure not so much as epigraphic traces of the past, but as conveyors of cryptic and potentially dangerous messages.nu The deeply ingrained belief in the symbolic and mystical significance of the letters of the Greek alphabet further contributed the status and power Figure 1.7 Porphyry column of constantine, constantinople/Istanbul (photo: pascal / Suna and inan Krraç Foundation photograph Collection)

Sébah, c. 1870

of large quantities of written documents, writing was a quintessential index of power and authority in the Byzantine mentalité2r But the prestige enjoyed by the written word had another, no less significant facet. writing was also connected with magic. Byzantine magical amulets commonly feature texts of different kind, including spells, invocations, er The classic study retnains Hunger 1984.

of the written word. Bringing together several strands of pagan, Jewish, and Early Christian thought, this belief held that the letters were not simple

conventional signs, but symbols pregnant with religious, cosmological, and other meanings, which may be uncovered by analyzing their visual form,

t'

see Bonner 1950; Greenfield 1988, esp. 268-85; Spier 1993;

Frankflrrter 1994; Kotansky 1994; Foskolou 2014. On magic and the ivritten lvord, e3

See also Déroche 2006a.

Th" tribliography is extensive, but Franklirr 2002,

see also

255 -7 4.

Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikal, 84-86 (chap.

24),88-90 (chap. 28), 140-46 (chaps- 64

See also Dergron 1984, 150-56; fames 2007b, 198.

ancl 65)

51

-t

From composition to performance: epigrams in context

52

Epigrøms and the viewer/reader

their place in the alphabet, and their numerical value.ea Thus, according to the anonymous sixth-century treatis e on the Mystery of the Letters, the letter a, for example, stands for the totarity of the created world.es The hierarchy of the universe is encoded in the closed triangular form of this letter; its broad horizontal base represents the lower parts of the world

-

the earth and the waters above and below it while its tent-like top points to the heavenly realm. The letter's triangular form moreover evokes the Holy Trinity, and its numerical value - four - signifies the four elements,

the four cardinal points, the four winds, the four seasons, the four great rivers, the four humors of the body, as welr as the four evangelists. verse inscriptions displayed on Byzantine artifacts and buildings par-

took of the multifaceted power of the written word. For an illiterate or semi-literate audience, incapable of grasping the message of an epigram, the extralinguistic connotations of writing would provide a basic f.u-. of reference for accessing the inscribed text.e6 In a sense, to fathom the message of an epigram, the viewer did not necessarily have to read it. Byzantine verse inscriptions possessed what Brigitte Bedos-Rezak has

in a different context "non-literate legibility.,,eT Their communica_ tive potential resided not only in their verbal message, but also in their letterforms, graphic structure and material fabric, the pracement and called

Figure 1.9 Sanctuary apse with rhe Deesis and a section of the dedicatory epigram of the tzaousios constantine spanes, 1337138, church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (photo: Michalis Kappas)

spatial arrangement of the text, as well as in the interplay between the text and its physical context. we shall explore these aspects in greater detail in chapter 4. For the moment, one example should suffice to illustrate the crucial role played by the visual presentation of epigrams in the construal of their meaning. The church of saint Nicholas near the village of platsa in the

Mani in the Peloponnese preserves a long dedicatory inscription in verse (Figures 1.9 and 1.10; see also Figures 4.r5 anð.4.16).e8 The inscription informs us that this unassuming three-aisled basilica with a dome was restored and decorated with frescoes in r33Tl3g by the tzøousios constantine spanes, the military governor of the highland region around Mount Taygetos, at ea

Drucker t995, 49-92; Ierodiakonou 2006; Bandt 2007; Maayan_Fanar 2011, Kalvesmaki 2013; Lawitzen 2013. e5 Bandt 2007, tl6-24.

e6

e7 e8

ll3_25;

see Lauxtermann 2003,

27r-g4, onriteracy in Byzantium, see .Browning 197g; Mullett 1990; oikonomides 1995a; cavalro 2007: and the studies colected in Hormesãnd waing2002 and Mondrain 2006. Bedos-Rezak 201I, 22.

on the church ofsaint Nicholas, see Mourfü 1975.Forthe inscription, see Feisser and Philippidis-Braat 1985, no. 70; BEIü r, no. 135, with further bibliography. we shall revisit this inscription in Chapter 4.

Figure 1.10 Detail ofthe dedicatory epigram ofthe tzaousios Constantine Spanes, 1337138, church of Saint Nicholas, Platsa in the Mani (photo: Michalis Kappas)

53

From composition to perþrmance: epigrams in context

54

Epigrams ønd the viewer/reader

that time inhabited by a Hellenized slavic tribe known as the Melingoi.ee Painted in black in accented capital letters, the inscription runs in a horizontal band around the nave. It starts on the north wall, at a height of about 2.60 m above the ground, continues into the sanctuary

and ends on the south wall. In all likelihood, few of the worshippers flocking to this remote provincial shrine would have been able to read the verses,

which in an elevated and rather tortuous language celebrate spanes'renovation of the church. But to an illiterate audience, the inscription's visual dimension effectively compensated for the lack of legibility. The expressiveness of the lettering, with its concatenation of strong vertical strokes, does not fail to impress the eye. Besides, the very manner in which the verses are displayed

t

on the walls would have allowed the viewer to set them apart from countless prose dedications encountered in other churches of the Mani and elsewhere, which are typically located either above the main entrance or in the sanctuary apse.too what is more, the verses are not simply arranged in a linear fashion. The horizontal band they occupy represents

painted imitation of a cornice carved in stone. The slightly darker strip in the band's upper part is meant to create the illusion that the letters of the a

inscription are inserted, if not carved, between two protruding horizontal moldings, so that the one above them casts a shadow. carved marble cornices of this kind' bearing poetic inscriptions, were a feature of great constantinopolitan churches such as those of saint polyeuktos and Sergios and Bakchos (Figure r.1r).101

In

saints the provincial peloponnese, the

painted rendition of such a cornice must have been something of a curiosity evoking associations with the splendor of metropolitan monuments. Thus the communicative power of the dedicatory epigram in the church of saint Nicholas was not limited to its verbal content, but also embraced the visual presentation of the text. A visitor to spanes' foundation did not have to actually read the verses encircling the church interior in order to grasp their messag e. The tzaousios itwas evident

-

-

l.ll Detail of the dedicatory epigram of Justinian I and Theodora, mid-520s, church ofsaints Sergios and Bakchos, Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: author) Figure

in Byzantium. From monumental

t00 t01

on constantine spanes, Kougeas 1950.

see

prp, no.26449; Avramea 1974,296-300. on

êyò

õé oor rrpénoura5 d0poíoa5 ¡.rírou5

're¡utxdóv nÀÉfo: ¡Àcx¡rúõo Àc¡rrrpàu

iiu oùð' ó rrõ5 õ¡nouOev

was a man

xpótou,

Ëxrpír.¡rer ¡póuog.

(w.6-8) Having strung together threads fitting for you, I shall skillfully knit splendid cloak of beats/rh¡hms, which not even all of time could

a

destroy.

to' the Melingoi, see also

See, e.g., Kalopissi-Verti 1992, esp.24. For Saint Polyeuktos, see Harrison l9g9; connor 1999 with further bibriography. For Saints Sergios and Bakchos, see Croke 2006 with further bibliography.

to books and letters, the viva voce.roz in the case of

written word was often, if not normally, read verse inscriptions, oral delivery is virtually a function of their poetic form. To comprehend and fully appreciate the rh¡hmical structure of an accentual meter such as the dodecasyllable, one has to hear it. Thus it is no accident that, in a poem addressed to a patron, Manuel Philes should call attention to his poetic skill in the following -anner,to'

of means, ambition, and refined taste. If a literate viewer examining an edifice or artifact was curious enough to read the verses inscribed upon it, he or she would most likely do it aloud. As has been convincingly argued, silent reading was not a standard practice

ee

epigraphy

Hnnger 1989, esp. 125-29;Papalexandrou 2001; Lauxtermann 2003,55-57; Cavallo 2007, esp' 61-72;Papalexandrou 2007; Reinsch 2008; Agosti 2010b; Cavallo 2012, 12-16. For an illuminating account of the socio-cultural embeddedness of reading practices in the ancient world that moves beyond the long-standing debate over silent vs. audible reading, see |ohnson 2010.

ro3

Philes, Carmina

I,

195 (no. XV).

55

From composition to performance: epigrams in context

56

Epigrøms and the víewer/reader

Based on the trope of text as textile, philes' comparison of his verses to a

garment fashioned from krotoi, meaning "beats" or "rh¡hms,', undoubt_ edly alludes to their vocal recitation.l'a In Byzantium, poetry was typically written with a view to oral derivery and experienced as performed speech. The same holds true for metrical inscriptions. seemingly mute in their material fixity, inscribed verses would have been, quite riteralr¡ given a voice each time an inquisitive viewer took the trouble to recite them.

Hence, numerous references to the ear, mouth, lips, and hearing

in

Byzan-

tine epigrams should not be understood as merely figurative. They are

indicators of the actual reading practice.l0s At times, epigrams rnake explicit reference to oral performance. A case in point is an epitaph composed by philes to accompany a funerary portrait of a certainprotoierøkøriø Melane.106 Following a device common

in

funerary inscriptions, the poet presents the dead woman directry

addressing the viewer. ivo

10

ôÈ

rräg öuOpr^rno5 êureû0eu pro0n

o'xràu 0ecopdðu ¡_r¡ rrroeio0or ròu píou,

rd xqr'

ê¡.rour¡v (oypogdö õr1 oor, fdue.

ycp ôriò riöu (cburr,:u Àóyou, nuoi5 õúuc¡_lu èyXdcura gor. ¡uxpoû ôaueío-o¡ror

So that, by beholding a shadow [i.e., Melane,s portrait], everyone may learn from this not to be desirous of the life, I paint

for you,

O stranger, a portrait of myself; for I shall borrow speech from the living, which nearly endows me with the power of breathing.

In an extended memento mori, Merane then proceeds to ïecount the facts of her bygone life to the viewer standing at her tomb. Her monorogue constitutes a verbal self-portrait. It is notable that, in the quoted excerpt, Philes uses the verb (coypcxgÉco - literalry meaning "to paint

in

from rife"

-

to Melane's depiction of herself. This discursive painting "from life" is implicitly contrasted with the pictorial portraii of the

toa

reference

ForthetropeoftextastextileintheGreektradition,seeBergrenlgg3; Hasel 2006.

r05

tou

on this trope in

of"rh¡hm" in

deceased, which the poet disparages as a mere shadow.

What breathes life

into Melane's verbal self-portrait is the voice borrowed from the viewer. By reading aloud Melane's monologue, he or she would literally lend voice to the dead woman and, by implication, animate the speechless image displayed at her tomb.lo7 The oral delivery of epigrams could take place at any given moment, essentially whenever a literate viewer approaching an artifact or a monument was sufficiently intrigued to read the verses inscribed upon it. Certain occasions and venues, however, seem to have been particularly well suited for the recital of epigrams. To reconstruct such performative situations is no easy task, as the available evidence is sparse and for the most part circumstantial. Nonetheless, some general propositions can be advanced.

To identift the moments when an epigram was likely to have been read aloud, one must, of course, consider its function and physical setting. In the case of epitaphs, for instance, it is reasonable to assume that their vocal performance was tied to the ritual commemoration of the dead.108 Byzantine custom dictated that, following the burial of a person and the forty-day postmortem period during which, according to tradition, the soul would gradually separate from the body, relatives and friends of the deceased would regularly assemble at his or her tomb in remembrance, most notably on the anniversary of the person's death.loe These commemorative gatherings furnished an ideal context for the recitation of the verses displayed at the tomb. Assuming that Philes' epitaph on Melane was inscribed next to her funerary portrait, which is by no means certain, the performative animation of this mute image by the voice borrowed from the viewer is likely to have coincided with and was an aspect of the commemoration of the departed prõ toilerakariø.

The solemn performance of epigrams appears to have taken place in conjunction with annual commemorative rites in other contexts too. The manuscript record preserves an anonymous poem, 145 dodecasyllable lines in length, on the monastery of Christ Pantokratõr in Constantinople founded by the emperor fohn II Komnenos and his wife lrene-Piroska.l10 Dwelling upon the physical structure and organization of this imperial

Assaël 2002;wagner-

Philes, see caramico 2013. For the use of the word krofos in the

Byzantine rhetoric, see Lauxtermann !g9g,24_25. poems,no.26, v.8; philes, CarminaI,3lT (no. CXXV, v. l7); philes, Carmina II, 239 (no. CCXXXIV, w. 7_8); Xanthopoulos, poems, no. g, w. 6_T;BÈ.f ü II, no. Te9, v. 1; Snlü ].I't, no. GR20, r.,v. 2*3.

r07

See, e.g., Kallikles,

Philes, Carmina I, 87-g8 (no. CLXXX).

For the epitaph as ÀoÀro ("speech") and logos of the portrayed grave-dweller, cf. Kallikles, Poems, no. 19, r'v. 6-8.

tot cf. Rhoby Zorza,74r. roe 1r0

Koukoules 1.948-57,4:208-ll; Velkovska 200I,39-42; Brooks 2002, l8Z-243. Moravcsik 1923,43-47; Vassis 2013, 203-20. See also Hörandner 2006.

57

From composition to perþrmance: epigrams in context

58

Epigrams and the viewer/reader

establishment, the poem describes in considerable detail its splendidly appointed churches, the monks' quarters, its lush garden and circuit of walls, its hospital and old-age home. The verses lavish praise upon the imperial couple, highlighting in particular the role of the empress jalready

- in founding the monastery. The poem's title indicates that this lengthy text was recited annually on August 4, the day when the official inauguration of the pøntokrator was commemorated.rli Thanks to a sixteenth-century source, we know that at least the beginning of the poem, and most likely all of its 145 verses, once adorned a dead at the time

wall in the monastic complex.lt2 This inscription must have served as a focal point in the course of the festivities marking the monastery's inauguration ãay. we may assume that every year, on August 4, a group of monks and visitors would congregate in front of the inscribed verses to listen to their recitation. similar ceremonial readings of dedicatory epigrams could have taken in other monastic houses and ecclesiastical institutions in commem_ oration oftheir founders and benefactors.tt, place

Different contexts could generate different performative situations. Turning to epigrams inscribed on objects intended for liturgical or paraliturgical use, one may reasonably ask whether their oral delivery was occasionally integrated into the ritual. consider, for instance, the nowlost steatite panagiarion of Alexios Komnenos Angelos from the panteleimon monastery on Mount Athos (Figure r.r2).1r4 This intricately carved dish was used for the so-called Elevation of the panagia, a paraliturgical rite in honor of the virgin, which involved the sanctification of a piece of bread known as noucyíc ("all-holy") after one of the more common Marian appellations in Greek.lls The core elements of the rite were quite simple. To sanctis' the bread, the celebrant invoked the name of the Holy Trinity and appealed to the help and intercession of the Mother of God while lifting - and hence, "elevating" - the bread on his fingertips. Believed 11t

tt' r13

The title reads: Tfl oùrfl f¡¡rÉpg reÀoûvrqr ro Êyrcivra roû neprxoMoû5 xcì 0síou uaoú r!5 BoorÀrxi5 xoì rouroxparoprxfl5 ¡rovi5 roû flovroxpdropo5 Ioripoç Xptoroû roû Oeoû f1¡rd:v ("on the same day [i.e., August 4] is celebrated the feast of the consecration of the very beautiful and divine church of the imperial and armighty monastery of the pa ntokratõr, christ the Savior, our God"). Rlroby 2003b; BEIü I, no. 214. The sub;ect of commemoration and the reading of dedicatory epigrams will receive a more

sustained treatment in Chapter 5.

lra Kondakov 1902,222-25; Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 19g5, g3rg5, g7,206_g (no. 132); piatnitsky 2000; BEIÜ

\,

nos. St2-St3.

rrs on this rite and the

vessels used

for its celebration, Drpié 2011.

1972; Ryndina 1994; Sterligova 2008b;

see

von der Goltz 1905,57-65;yiannias

Figure 1.12 Steatite panagiarion of Alexios Komnenos Angelos, fourteenth century, formerly in the Panteleimon monastery, Mount Athos (photo: after Kondakov 1902, pl. )O{XI)

to secure the Virgin's protection, the sanctified pønagiø was consumed just like the Eucharist. Indeed, partaking of the panagiø could even serve as a substitute for the Holy Communion. Significantly, the rite of the Elevation was not a prerogative of the clergy, as even the laity could perform it. During the Palaiologan era in particular, special containers, or panagiøriø, used for the celebration of the rite appear to have become quite popular as personal devotional instruments among members of the lay elite. The steatite dish from the Panteleimon monastery is one of the more exquisite representatives of this category of objects. The panagiarion features a medallion with the Virgin and Child in the center surrounded by a row ofprophets, each with an unfurled scroll in his hands, in an arrangement that curiously recalls the decoration of a church

dome. Complementing the figural imagery of the dish are two metrical

59

60

From composition to perþrmance: epigrams in context

Epigrøms ønd the viewer/reøder

inscriptions, both meticulousry and painstakingly carved rather than incised - a feature that in and ofitselfcontributes to the object,s precious_ ness. The epigram encircling the central medallion voices a plea on beharf

of one Alexios Komnenos Angelos, the original owner o. porribly donor of the panøgiørion. 'Auouôpe pñrep, ncp0Ëye ppegorpóge Ko¡rur1vôv AÀÉlrou'AyyeÀou oxénor5.

O Mother without a husband, O Virgin nourishing an infant, may you protect Alexios Komnenos Angelos.

The second epigram running along the lobed border evokes the imagery materiality, and ritual function of the object. Aerprcbv

qvto re xai tprodxrruoç

o.éÀa5.

ó Àí0o5, guro x4púxcou gcxÀoyf, rpícx rproouyfr Xproró5, åpro5, nopgéuo5. Àer¡r5 npooxuvei-rcn). The matter, on the other hand, as the vehicle through which the portrait is actualized and becomes visible, ought to be likewise venerated, but "relatively" (oxerrrõ5 npooxuveiror).t07 The distinction between proskynesis and latreiø, or between relative veneration and veneration in terms of adoration, is critical and Leo is careful to affirm it. The problem is that, according to the orthodox iconophile position, it is misplaced. In the orthodox view, upheld by the synod at the Blachernai, latreia can be directed only to Christ himself, whereas an image of Christ - identified, it should be emphasized, with his likeness, not with is available only for proskynesis.ros The Fathers of the Second Council of Nicaea declared that "one may kiss and render to them Ii.e., to holy iconsl the veneration of honor, not the true adoration of our the material icon

-

faith, which is due only to the divine nature"; and further: "he who venerates the icon venerates The hypostøsls of the person depicted in it."10e Strictly speaking, in this hierarchy of worship there is no place for matter.llo

t06

the clefinition of the icon found in Leo's letter to l.ris nephew, Nicholas of Adrianople, which presents the most cogent exposition ofthe metropolitan's theological position: eixòv Àéyeror érí re Xproroû xai rfl5 Oeoróxov xoi rôu rt¡ríov åyyÉÀov xoi rovrov rÕv áyíov roi óoíov åvôpõv xoi rò ouvo¡rgorspov Ìiror Í¡ úÀ¡ rs roì ó roúr¡ êyypog:ì5 ¡opoxrrip ("An icon is said, in the case of Christ, the Mother of God, the venerable angels, and all the saints ancl holy men, to be both: the matter and the portrait inscribed in it") (Lavriotes 1900,415). 107 Lavriotes 1900,415: f¡ gèv eixovrr¡ úÀ¡ rr¡r¡rxõ5 xoï o¡elrtióg rpooxvveTror' roûtÉort 6ta rr¡v npò5 ròv 0eoüróorqrov Xprotoú XspqKripd o¡Éotv ó õè Èv cÙrfl ópó¡ievo5 oritoû ¡apcxrÍ¡p, où õi ä7ùov lvc, dM' oùrò5 õr' Ëouròu Àorpeulxô>5 npooxuveÌror ("The iconic matter is venerated honorably and relatively, that is to say, through its relation ro lhe theohypostatic poftrait of Christ. As for his portrait visible in it li.e., in the iconic matterl, it is not through something else, but through itselfthat the portrait itselfis venerated in terms ofadoration"). to8 See Sëmeioma ofAlexios I Komnenos, PG I27, cols.9s0D-9slA. On the synod at the Blachernai and its doctrinal definitions, see especially Glabinas 1972,179-93. r0e Mansi 13, col. 377D-E: xoì roúror5 donoo¡ròv xcì rr¡r¡rrx4v rpooxúv¡otv drové¡retv, où pr¡v rì¡v rqrà riolv flgõv åÀ¡Orvqv Àorpeíov, ij rpÉner póv¡ rfr Oeig qúoet ... ó rpooxuvõv r¡v eixóvc, rpooruvei Èv oûrfr roû ËyypoqopÉvou rlv únóoraotv. For a commentary on these pronouncements, see Uphus 2004,322-37 . See also Theodore of Stoudios, letters, l:167.85-90 See, e.g.,

(no. s7).

rr0 On matter in iconophile thought,

see especially

Parry 1989; Olewiúski 2004,467-79.

155

156

Kosmos

Kosmos, matter, ønd the søcred

Leaving the question of the correct doctrine aside, Leo's propositions should be seen neither as a misguided lapse into materiarism, nor simply as a critique of lay control over consecrated church properry clouded in abstruse theological speculations. As Annemarie weyl carr has astutely remarked, "his may be the most conscientiously observed and lucidly articulated explication of the relation of contempo rary Byzantines to their icons."l11 Indeed, Leo's emphasis on the icon as a physical thing, a material

specific

the latter mentioned above as having been lavishly adorned with gold and silver - which were to be displayed at his tomb.

Virgin

being the prime example. Invested with power and individuality, surrounded by rituals and gestures of piety, and often served by special confraternities of lay devotees, these icons operated not so much as sacred images but rather as sacred objects, repositories of tangible, particularized sanctity. 1 I 2

The affirmation of the thingness of images is also evident in the practice of restoring icons. careful to draw a distinction between the image as a material object and the likeness it bears, some iconophile theologians argued that, once an icon is damaged - and hence, its resemblance to the

prototype lost

- it ought to be destroyed.tt'

To what extent this dogmatic precept was applied in practice is difficult to say.1la By the Komnenian era, however, the repairing of old and venerable icons became not only common' but assumed such importance that it was deemed worthy of literary celebration. A series of twelfth-century dedicatory epigrams, for the most part preserved in the Anthologia Marciana, commemorate instances of icon restoration undertaken by patrons of varied social standing.rls contemporary interest in preserving icons in their physical integrity is also attested in other sources. In the Typikon for the monastery of the

ttt 1t'

tt3 t

t4

Cu., 1995,5g4. The bibliography on the cult of great charismatic icons in medieval Byzantium is immense. See especially Belting 1994; Lidov 1996; Carr 2002; Pentcheva 2006a. On confraternities dedicated to the service of icons, see Nesbitt and wiita 1975; patterson sevðenko 1995. See also Oikonomides 1995b, i63-65.

-

As for the holy icons that have been dedicated to stand at my tomb, renowned as paintings, if ever over time their wooden parts should start to fall apart, the superior of the time must not fail to a first-rate craftsman to lay the images again on to other boards with skill out of elm wood, and must set the images back up where they were before, at my tomb.116

object imbued with the potency of the holy figure portrayed upon it, is consonant with the beließ and practices surrounding image veneration in medieval Byzantium, most clearþ epitomized in the rise of the cult of great charismatic icons from the eleventh century onward, with the Hodegëtria

for instance, the sebastokratõr Isaak Komnenos provides instructions for the maintenance of the icons of Christ and the

Kosmosõteira,

The technique to which Isaak refers in this passage was actually employed in the conservation of an icon of the Five Martyrs of Sebasteia, now in the Great Lavra on Mount Athos.r17 A study of this icon has revealed that the

figures of the saints were cut out of their original wooden support and transferred onto a new panel, which was subsequentþ gilded. This operation took place in 1197, the date recorded in an inscription on the back of the panel.

When treated like a thing, a potent material object, the sacred image comes close to a relic.118 In a short epigram, penned forwhat appears to have been a personal devotional panel of an anonymous patroness, Philes

exploits the icon-as-relic analogy to great effect.lle Ztofi5 oü xaï

rÕ

y on a silver gilt censer that the same Kanabina fashioned in the Peloponnese and sent and dedicated to George, the great mârtyr among saints, in his all-holy monastery of the Mangana"). On the Mangana monastery, see fanin 1969, 70-76i Majeska 1984,366-71. 6s See Amanieianos' epitaph to Kasandrenos in Bassi 1898, no. I, w. 16-22. For the date of the journey, see Nicol 1968,87-88 n.129. ënegye xoi ôvéOr1re

263

264

Devotional gifts

chøris for the great martyr George.66 In 1363164, a New Testament and Psalter manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. gr. 47) was copied at the same monastery under Kanabes' sponsorship. As stated in the colophon (fol. 444r),the patron dedicated the book to the monastery of Christ Zõodotës at Mistra, recently founded by Manuel Kantakouzenos, despot of the Morea and fohn VI's second son.67 The couple's connection with the monastic house of the Mangana was most likely established through Kasandrenos. As |ohn VI's faithful servant and companion, he must have been an habitué of the old Constantinopolitan foundation, to which, having abdicated the throne, his imperial master had withdrawn.6s Thus it would appear that both the Brontochion and the Mangana were places of special significance to the family. In both monasteries Kasandrenos' memory must have remained alive and could, moreover, be perpetuated for the benefit ofhis soul. The maintenance and perpetuation of the memory of the departed was a vital concern for people in the Middle Ages. Students of the culture of remembrance in the medieval West have amply demonstrated that memoriø was a pervasive phenomenon informing nearþ every aspect of social life.6e As a means of overcoming death and oblivion, memoria did not pertain only to the mental faculty of memory, the process of remembering in the cognitive and emotional sense. Rather, it embraced a range of material forms and social practices through which memory was preserved and a community of the living and the dead established and sustained. Tombs, monuments, and commemorative inscriptions, portrait likenesses and objects associated with the departed, prayers and funeral processions, endowments to monastic houses, alms, and charitable gifts, historiography and poetry were all variously mobilized in the service of remembrance.

Central among the diverse vehicles

of

memoria was the liturgical

66

Bassi 1898, no. VII.

67

Euangelatou-Notara 2000, 242-43 (no. 269). On tlrc Zoodotës monastery, the katholikon which is identified with the church of Hagia Sophia at Mistra, see Millet t899, t42-46;

Zak¡hinos 1932-53, 512-t5. 68

esp. 2:197,2:298; S. Sinos

of

in RbK s.v. 'Mistras', cols. 430-33, 452-53,

Nicol 1996,

135. Bassi 1898, 390, hypothesized that Kasandrenos may have been a monk at the Mangana, in other words, that he had been already tonsured before his trip to the Morea. However, the colophon of the Plutarch manuscript completed on 7 April 1362 mentions him under his lay name Demetrios, which suggests that he was tonsured after this date. See above, n. 61.

ut Oexle

1976; Oexle 1983; Schmid and Wollasch 1984; Lauwers 1997; Horch 2001; Bueren, Ragetli, and Bijsterveld 2011. For the culture ofremembrance in the Byzantine world, see Steindorff 1994, esp. 119-35; Grünbart 2012. On ritual remembrance, see below, n. 74. On memory in Byzantium, see also Papalexandrou 2010; Schreiner 2011; Papaioannou2014.

Plate 1 (= Figure 0.1) Icon of the Yirgin Elpis ton Apelpismenon, third quarter of the fourteenth century, Diözesanmuseum, Freising (photo: Diözesanmuseum, Freising)

Plate 3 (= Figure

2.1) Embroideredpodea(?) with the archangel Michael and the supplicant Manuel, fourteenth or early fifteenth century Museo di Palazzo Ducale, Urbino (photo: Soprintendenzaper i Beni Storici Artistici ed Etnoantropologici delle Marche, Urbino) Plate 2 (= Figure 1.6) Ivory diptych, tenth/eleventh or thirteenth century cathedral treasury, chambéry (photo: Damien Lachas / Direction régionare des affaires culturelles Rhône-Alpes, Conservation régionale des monuments historiques)

,l ù

r i;f í

i

Plate 4 (= Figure 3.14) Staurothëkë, twelfth century (central field) and late thirteenth or early fourteenth century (frame), cathedral treasury, Esztergom (photo: Attila Mudrák / Cathedral of Our Lady of the Assumption and Saint Adalbert Cathedrai Treasury, Esztergom)

Plate 5 (= Figure 3.17) Theodore Rallis, The Booty, c. 1905, National Gallery Alexandros soutzos Museum, Athens (photo: Stavros Psiroukis / National Gallery Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Collection of the E. Koutlidis Foundation, Athens)

-

PlateT (= Figure 4.13) Mosaic decoration of the sanctuary with Christ Hyperagathos in the apse, the Virgin and |ohn the Baptist on the side walls, and the four great archangels in the vault, c. 1310, south parekklësion of the former church of the Virgin Pammakaristos (Fethiye Camii), Constantinople/Istanbul (photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource,

Plate 6 (= Figure 4.2) saint Nestor, l2g4l9s, church of the yirgin periblepfos, ohrid (photo: author)

NY)

d

'ii Ìi li

iï s!

' ,li

¡.'l

''i"t*',u(fn-f

a{x

t gTyqn;;i,

i"fi^ye,oçú'e"'f ,

,if:lff*#fî'

' f^7unSê"]lY'

"fl\iÇ"s1, ,r:'*eier;r" .,, Jr'r-t xoÀÀro're rdöu

qíÀou, õíõv),t67 or why |ohn of Damascus demands that we should "venerate and kiss" the holy icons "with both eyes and lips" (npooxuueiu xoì xoragrÀeîu xaì ðq0oÀ¡roi5 xaì ¡eíÀeor).168 It is precisely this kind of affective

râru

ocular palpation that the portrait of ]ohn pictorially enacts.

with

his

upturned gaze, the diminutive worshipper reaches out from his subordinate place in the frame to venerate, touch, embrace, and kiss the face of the Lord. seeing is here not so much an act of detached contemplation as it is a participatory extension of self, a means of partaking of and commingling

with the object of vision. It goes without saying that the inclusion of the portraits of Alexios and fohn in the Hermitage icon served multiple purposes. perhaps most obviously' it was aimed at preserving and perpetuating their memory. Displayed on what must have been an important cult image, the portraits were instrumental in forging a lasting bond between the two brothers and the monastic community of their Athonite foundation. Anyone approaching the icon in prayer would have been prompted to intercede for the salvation of their souls. Moreover, since the painted figures were and that

-

r6s 166

tut tuu

On the evil eye, see Maguire 1994; Dickie 1995; Russell 1995. For the alliance ofsight and touch in religious devotion, see Frank 2000a, esp. 102-33; Frank 2000b, 104*9.

¡ohn Chrysostom, On the priesthood3.4.Z5-2g. ¡ohtr of Damascus, De imaginibus il.10.4g-.67. see also -rle imagínibus r.47.17-21.

to bathe vicariously in the radiance of the

divine face.

and the haptic rendered the visual apprehension of the sacred an extraor-

dinary and potent experience.l.. This explains why, for instance, John

self-

assertive, penetrating gazes that not only added emotional urgency to their

>t**

When viewed through the lens of pothos, the Byzantine icon emerges as

a

remarkably intimate devotional instrument. Far from being a remote object of veneration surrounded by an almost impenetrable aura of sanctity, within which we tend to enshrine it, the icon was an approachable and responsive companion. Inflected and personalized through epithets and inscriptions, veils and precious-metal revetments, as well as through the addition of devotional portraits, the icon was drawn into the human sphere, and its power to mediate presence and provide access to the holy figure depicted harnessed to the needs ofindividual devotees. Surrounding the holy figure's likeness, these various forms of personal intervention into the icon's sacred space did more than articulate bonds of spiritual clientage; they also transformed the icon into a vehicle of personal expression, a stage upon which one's self could be projected and dramatized

to the divine or saintly Other.

in relation

395

Conclusion

correspondence, included some of the leading intellectual figures of the time.2 It was only appropriate, therefore, that his thank-offering commemorating the miraculous cure should be fashioned with costly materials, gold

Conclusion

and silk thread, graced with figural imagery and most significantþ, furnished with a dedicatory inscription composed in "iambs" - that is, in dodecasyllables

When, sometime in the 1280s, his young daughter Theodora fell gravely ill, constantine Akropolites took her to the Kosmidion, an old constantinopolitan healing shrine dedicated to Saints Cosmas and Damian, in the hope of obtaining a cure. As related in a fourteenth-century collection of miracles of the saints, upon seeing Constantine's faith, the two holy physicians took

pity on the girl and in an ineffable manner restored her health. In return, the grateful father presented them with a luxury peplo.s, or textile hanging. As an act of compensation on behalf of his daughter, the father came bringing to the saints as a ransom [åuriÀutpou] a peplos woven with gold and silk thread, bearing the images of the saints and of his daughter. And inscription made all around fhe peplos [Èu xúxÀç ôè v, xerprlÀfu^>v xoì &yíav eîxovocv íptç (1081-1095) (Thessalonike: Kévrpou Bu(crurr-

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