Engendering Migration Journey: Identity, Ethnicity and Gender of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong 3031159748, 9783031159749

Table of contents :
Acknowledgments
Contents
List of Figures
Chapter 1: Introduction: Starting the Journey
Introduction
Background of the Research
Aims and Significance of the Research
Research Questions
Research Focus and Design
Overview of the Book
References
Chapter 2: Investigating Migrant Women in Hong Kong: Toward an Intersectional Analysis Approach
Women’s Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region
Southeast Asian Migrants in Hong Kong
Transnational Migration
Transnationalism and Migration
Incorporating Gender into Transnational Migration
Toward an Intersectional Analysis of Migration
Contemporary Identity Theories
National Identity
Ethnic Identity
Gender Identity
Identity Negotiation
Conclusion
References
Chapter 3: Establishing the Ethnographic Study of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong
Conceptual Frameworks to Guide the Ethnographic Study
Research Design
Gatekeeper in Fieldwork
The Field Site and the Researcher’s Multiple Role
Study Participants and Recruitment
Selection Criteria
Sampling Processes
Data Collection Methods
Pilot Study
Interview Questions
Formal Interviews
Participant Observation
Data Management and Analysis
Issues Relating to Trustworthiness and Authenticity
Ethical Considerations
Conclusion
References
Chapter 4: Transnational Migration and Identity Negotiation: Under the Gaze of Buddhism
Introduction
Transnationalism and Transnational Migration
Transnationalism and Identity
Buddhism and Transnational Nationalism
Transnational Space and Belonging
Rethinking Buddhism and Gender Equality
Conclusion
References
Chapter 5: Navigating the Ethnic Boundary: From “In-Between” to Plural Ethnicities
Introduction
Southeast Asian and Thai Migrants in Hong Kong
Theoretical Background: From In-Between to Plural Ethnicities
Ethnicity in the Context of Thai Women
Research Methodology
Findings
In-between vs Plural Ethnicities Among Thai Migrant Women
Navigating Ethnic Boundaries—Generational Differences
Conclusion
References
Chapter 6: Reinventing Transnational Womanhood: In the Journeys of Migrant Women
Introduction
Incorporating Gender into Transnational Migration
An Overview of Thai Migrants in Hong Kong
Sample, Method, and Fieldwork
Sociocultural Structure of Gender in Thai Society
Negotiating Gender Roles and Expectations in the Hong Kong Context
Negotiating Gender Roles and Expectations in the Hong Kong Context
Clash and Negotiation in Hong Kong Family Life
Conclusion
References
Chapter 7: Conclusion: Moving Beyond
Overview of the Research
Understanding Identity Negotiation of Thai Migrant Women
Contributions to Theory Building
In-betweenness of Transnational Migrants
Understand Various Categories of Migrant Women
Implications for Policy and Practice
Limitations of the Research
Suggestions for Future Research
Concluding Remarks
References
Index

Citation preview

MIGRATION, DIASPORAS AND CITIZENSHIP

Engendering Migration Journey Identity, Ethnicity and Gender of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong Herbary Zhang

Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship Series Editors Olga Jubany Department of Social Anthropology Universitat de Barcelona Barcelona, Spain Saskia Sassen Department of Sociology and Committee on Global Thought Columbia University New York, NY, USA

For over twenty years, the Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship series has contributed to cross-disciplinary empirical and theoretical debates on migration processes, serving as a critical forum for and problematising the main issues around the global movement and circulation of people. Grounded in both local and global accounts, the Series firstly focuses on the conceptualisation and dynamics of complex contemporary national and transnational drivers behind movements and forced displacements. Secondly, it explores the nexus of migration, diversity and identity, incorporating considerations of intersectionality, super-diversity, social polarization and identification processes to examine migration through the various intersections of racialized identities, ethnicity, class, gender, age, disability and other oppressions. Thirdly, the Series critically engages the emerging challenges presented by reconfigured borders and boundaries: state politicization of migration, sovereignty, security, transborder regulations, human trade and ecology, and other imperatives that transgress geopolitical territorial borders to raise dilemmas about contemporary movements and social drivers. Editorial Board: Brenda Yeoh Saw Ai (National University of Singapore, Singapore) Fabio Perocco (Università Ca’Foscari Venezia, Italy) Rita Segato (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil) Carlos Vargas (University of Oxford, UK) Ajmal Hussain (University of Warwick, UK)

Herbary Zhang

Engendering Migration Journey Identity, Ethnicity and Gender of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong

Herbary Zhang Department of Applied Social Sciences The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Hung Hom, Hong Kong

ISSN 2662-2602     ISSN 2662-2610 (electronic) Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship ISBN 978-3-031-15974-9    ISBN 978-3-031-15975-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Aleksandr Matveev/Alamy Stock Photo This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

ดวงดาวยังประกายทอแสง จรัสแรงยามมืดมนบนฟ้าไกล (วงสามัญชน, ๒๕๖๓) The stars still sparkle and shine Strong and bright in the dark times, in the sky far away

To my parents, for their unconditional love To late David, whom I would be nowhere near who I am today without

Acknowledgments

The journey of completing this book has been accompanied by many uncertainties. In bringing it to life, I owed my gratitude to many people who are the light of my life. To God, the unseen guide. I am grateful for everything I have been blessed with in my life. To all Thai migrant women who participated in the study. They have enriched my life enormously, and I hope this book does voice their stories. I have been truly humbled by their willingness to share their lives with me and the trust they placed in me. I wish to express my sincere thanks to those whose mentorship has supported and guided me through my academic journey, Isabella Ng, Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot, Ben Ku and Annie Chan. Thanks for their encouragement, support, help and critique. I thank my family, wherever they are in the world. This book is dedicated to my parents, to R, without their unconditional support and love, this book would have never been possible. Last, my deepest gratitude goes to late Dr. David Ip, my lifelong mentor. May he rest in peace. I appreciate his wisdom and passion, without which I would be nowhere near who I am today. I gratefully acknowledge the permission to reprint material from the following publications in this book. Zhang, H. (2020). Identity negotiation of Thai female migrants in Hong Kong: Under the Gaze of Buddhism. Journal of the Siam Society, 108(1): 113–126. Reproduced with permission of the Siam Society. ix

x 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Ng, I., & Zhang, H. (2021). Navigating the ethnic boundary: From ‘in-between’ to plural ethnicities among Thai middle-class migrant women in Hong Kong. Journal of Sociology, 58(1): 59–75. Reproduced with permission of The Australian Sociological Association and SAGE Publications. Zhang, H. (2021). From Thailand to Hong Kong: Reinventing womanhood in the journeys of migrant women. South East Asia Research, 29(2): 231–247. Reproduced with permission of SOAS University of London and Taylor & Francis Group.

Contents

1 Introduction: Starting the Journey  1 2 Investigating  Migrant Women in Hong Kong: Toward an Intersectional Analysis Approach 15 3 Establishing  the Ethnographic Study of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong 41 4 Transnational  Migration and Identity Negotiation: Under the Gaze of Buddhism 67 5 Navigating  the Ethnic Boundary: From “In-Between” to Plural Ethnicities 91 6 Reinventing  Transnational Womanhood: In the Journeys of Migrant Women113 7 Conclusion: Moving Beyond135 Index149

xi

List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 6.1

Identity negotiation between Thailand and Hong Kong Suprasystem to understand migration and its impacts The impact of migration experience on gender and identity Location of Wat Buddhadhamaram in Yuen Long, Hong Kong. Source: Google Maps Location of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong at Wan Chai, Hong Kong. Source: Google Maps The interview guides The Main Entrance of Wat Buddhadhamaram Logo of Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong

34 42 42 49 49 53 71 117

xiii

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Starting the Journey

Introduction My interest in this research was piqued by a chance meeting with Suthida, a 42-year-old Thai woman and her 16-year-old daughter Grace at the Royal Thai Consulate-General in Hong Kong in January 2016. A Thai migrant woman married to a Hong Kong Chinese husband with one daughter, Suthida has lived in Hong Kong for more than 20  years and established her trading business between Hong Kong and Thailand. Her elaboration more or less revealed the marginal status of Thai migrant women like her in both Hong Kong and Thai society, because the official at the consulate rejected Grace’s Thai passport application and blamed her for “not being a good mother to teach Grace to speak Thai, and forget Thai traditions”, Suthida shared with me how she feels “stuck in-between Hong Kong and Thailand society”. There are many migrants from all over the world in Hong Kong, like those new immigrants from China, ethnic minorities from South Asia, domestic workers from Southeast Asia… But we are different, many of us moved to Hong Kong from Thailand for more than two or three generations, we got married to Hong Kong local husbands, settled our families here, and became permanent residents of Hong Kong… It is hard to tell others whether we are Thai or Hong Konger, or both… It depends on the place, depends on the situation and depends on who I talk to… For me, I think I am an © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_1

1

2 

H. ZHANG

­ verseas Thai and a Hong Konger, because I still feel I belong to Thailand… o But for Grace, she always thinks that she is a Hong Konger, and refuses to learn the Thai language… I don’t know why, but this is her choice… (Suthida, 42 years, business)

Suthida’s view reflects the identity dilemma which she and other Thai migrant women have to face. As Frable (1997) defined, identity is the individual’s psychological relationship to particular social category systems (p. 139). There are a few studies related to Thai migrant women, mostly conducted in Western countries. However, there is a dearth of research on this phenomenon in Hong Kong except for a few focusing on ethnic minorities from South Asia and domestic workers from Southeast Asia. With Hong Kong recognized as a city where the East and the West meet, where the social and cultural contexts are significantly different, this is a recognized gap to be investigated. Therefore, this book investigates the complicated identities of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. More particularly, it is concerned with providing an understanding of the day-to-­ day experience of a specific sociodemographic group—Thai migrant women, in order to contribute knowledge to understand their identity negotiation in Hong Kong. According to Bhugra and Becker (2005), migration has a close link with identity. Identity, furthermore, can be influenced and changed by different migration experiences. Therefore, one may not only have a single and fixed identity, but also double or multiple identities. When migrants move from one region or country to another, they are usually confronted with new national, cultural, and ethnic identity from the host society. However, migrants also bring their own identity, language, values, beliefs, and behaviors, which might differ from those of the host country. Identity has long been studied and understood by sociologists as a contextual phenomenon (Huddy 2002). However, the process of identity negotiation needs to be understood along with different migratory spaces (home and host countries) and different time periods (before and after migration). Through the in-depth study of everyday forms of identity negotiation, this research aimed to capture sociocultural instances of identity negotiation and to document how this negotiation process applied to Thai migrant women in Hong Kong.

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

3

Background of the Research In 2016, a total of 584,383 ethnic minorities, constituting 8% of the entire population were living in Hong Kong. Analyzed by ethnic groups of Asians (other than Chinese race), the majority are Filipinos (2.5%) and Indonesians (2.1%) (Census and Statistics Department 2017, p.  18). Conversely, of the 8879 Thai migrant women living in Hong Kong at that time, only 1723 were classified as domestic workers, constituting only 1% of the total population. The migration pattern of Thais moving to Hong Kong is highly feminized with approximately 87% of Thai migrants in Hong Kong being female. The term “Thai Migrants” here refers to those Thai nationals who were born in Thailand, whose first language is Thai, got married to Hong Kong Chinese husbands, migrated, and lived in Hong Kong more than seven years with permanent resident status. According to population by-census, most of these Thai women migrated through marriage with local Hong Kong Chinese. As a migrant who is both an ethnic minority and a woman, how they perceive themselves in Hong Kong society and how they find the way and meaning in their lives has a great impact on personal, familial, and societal levels. This issue motivated me to embark on this project to explore the subjective life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. The total number of Thai people in Hong Kong is small when compared to Indonesian and Filipino. Despite an increasing trend of Thai females migrating to Hong Kong, there are as yet no studies about their situation. Afore stated, approximately 87% of Thai population in Hong Kong are female. Recently, there are some studies on common stereotypes of Southeast Asian women in Hong Kong society related to prostitution, mail order brides, or the negative images of them as domestic workers. It is worthwhile for us to investigate how Thai migrant women perceive themselves in Hong Kong society and how they respond to these common perceptions and stereotypes against them. It is also important for us to find out what kind of challenges and strategies that Thai migrant women use to face or deal with, and understand their identity negotiation along with their journey of migration. Another key point of this book is to study Thai migrant women’s participation in transnational practices and understand how they negotiate their identity and reinvent their womanhood through these premises in Hong Kong. This book argues that Thai migrant women should be understood within “transnational migration” in this globalization era, as their migration experience has a close relationship to both the home and host countries.

4 

H. ZHANG

The Thai migrant women in this research grew up in Thailand, where Thai traditional cultures and values prevail within a “nation-religion-­ monarchy” trinity. However, Hong Kong as a city where the East meets the West, under the long period of British governance, the local Chinese culture in Hong Kong has been amalgamated with a lot of western ideologies like Christianity, democracy, and capitalism (Ho et  al. 2003). This study strengthens our understanding of how the social and cultural discrepancies in Hong Kong affect Thai migrant women’s lives and their identity negotiation. The life experience of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong raises the question of what kind of racial discrimination and stigma they face. In recent years, there are many studies regarding stigmas of Southeast Asian women in Hong Kong which related to sex work, human trafficking, mail-­ order brides, and fake marriage. These images of Southeast Asian women are often represented in local and international mass media. If transnational migrants are to participate fully in the life of the host society, more needs to be investigated about their subjective experiences. Particularly, there is a need for us to understand further how they negotiate their identity in the host society and how this identity negotiation process impacts their womanhood. Through the analysis of the narratives, this study brings to light not only the complex psychosocial processes caused by the experience of transnational migration, but also a sense of their experiences as both women and migrants in Hong Kong. Since transnational migrants in this age of globalization engage in several social fields and roles, and maintain their connections in two or more societies, which are their home and host countries, this book proposed that Thai migrant women do not simply abandon their national, cultural, and ethnic values and identity. Instead, they will carry these ideologies and sociocultural practices through their migration journey. Besides, their life experience in both the home and host countries helps them create a unique transnational social sphere and develop an in-between identity in Hong Kong. The significance of analyzing contemporary migration under transnationalism recognizes that transnationalities affect migrants’ survival challenges and strategies and their identity along with migration. Moreover, this book also investigated the social positions and roles of Thai migrant women by using “intersectionality” as the approach, to find out how the different social-cultural contexts shape their identity negotiation and affect their womanhood in Hong Kong.

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

5

Aims and Significance of the Research There are two main significances of this research. First and foremost, this study aims at contributing to the field by providing insightful information concerning transnational migration. The increasing trend of cross-border marriages and transnational migration affects the demographic structure in Hong Kong as many migrants in Hong Kong are culturally different from the current cultural majority. Understanding the motivation for their migration, their experiences, and related challenges are staples of social science inquiry (Bernard 2000). Findings from this study also enrich our understanding of identity negotiation and womanhood reinvention of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Secondly, this study also contributes to theory building, which is an essential feature of qualitative research. Blumer (1969) provides effective strategies for theory development emphasizing the salience of sensitizing concepts to knowledge building. Identity has been studied and understood by sociologists as a contextual phenomenon. However, the process of identity negotiation still cannot be generalized and needs to be understood within different spaces and times. Through the in-depth study of everyday forms of identity negotiation, this research aims to capture sociocultural instances of identity negotiation and to document how this negotiation process applies to Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, generating new knowledge about the process of transnational migration and the process of identity negotiation.

Research Questions In keeping with the aims of this research, the following research questions were formulated. 1. How do Thai migrant women living in Hong Kong perceive their national and ethnic identity, and their identity as a woman? 2. How do different generations of Thai migrant women identify themselves differently in the host community and navigate the ethnic boundaries in the host community? 3. How does the sociocultural context of Hong Kong shape Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation and affect their womanhood?

6 

H. ZHANG

Research Focus and Design This study focused on the identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in the process of transnational migration. Identity is a way people position themselves in relation to others and act accordingly (Burkitt 1991). Identity gives one the idea of who one is and how one relates to others in the world in which we all live (Woodward 1997). Identity also provides the link between an individual and the society in which the individual lives, and gives an individual a sense of belonging to the society and location in the world. This research raises issues of transnational migration, nationalism, social and ethnic identities of female migrants, giving voice to Thai migrant women, enhancing our understanding of their identity negotiation and womanhood reinvention. A qualitative methodology was employed in this research to collect rich data and generate insights into the life experiences of Thai migrant women. A qualitative method has the capacity to value Thai migrant women’s first-­ hand experience as a basis for knowledge. Alston and Bowles recognize the value of this type of research as having the capacity to yield rich data allowing for an examination of complex situations (1998, pp. 185–186). Semistructured in-depth interviews were conducted with 40 Thai migrant women in Hong Kong; two fieldwork sites were studied. One is Wat Buddhadhamaram, one of the most influential Thai temples in Hong Kong managed by the Office of National Buddhism, Thailand. The other one is the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, which is a nongovernmental organization (NGO) organized by Thai people in Hong Kong to provide support for Thai people in Hong Kong. The characteristics of ethnographic research enhance the interactions between members and outsiders, provide the means of bringing discovery of new relationships, new meaning, and understanding of an area that has been little researched (Dwyer and Buckle 2009). In this way, this approach best suited the purposes and aims of this research, in that it enabled a theoretical reflexivity and allowed for an inclusive approach to the research task (Bergold and Thomas 2012). Narratives gained in semi-structured interviews conducted with 40 Thai migrant women were the primary data collection methods, while participant observation at Wat Buddhadhamaram and Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong being the secondary method. Through the stories from Thai migrant women, narratives of life experiences involved in the process of transnational migration were illuminated. The rich data collected provides insights into the life experiences of Thai migrant women to understand their identity negotiation in Hong Kong.

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

7

Overview of the Book This book focuses on Thai migrant women and their identity negotiation through their engendering journey of transnational migration to Hong Kong. As increasing numbers of Southeast Asians are moving into the middle class, many are becoming mobile as tourists and increasingly as white-collar workers. The literature on intra-Asian migration to date has largely focused on working-class or rural women who work as domestic workers and within related occupations. Therefore, the turn to middle-­ class Thai female migration in Hong Kong is very promising, as it allows us to move beyond standard stories of victimized migrants through the lives of migrants who may very well come to be identified as such because of their national backgrounds and associated stereotypes. This book consists of seven chapters. Chapter 1 provides the focus of the book, which is Thai migrant women and their identity negotiation through the journey of transnational migration to Hong Kong. Identifying the particular issues specific to Thai migrant women in Hong Kong established the book’s foundation. Chapter 2 reviews the literature on women’s migration in the Asia-­ Pacific region, explores the situation of Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong, and provides the background to understand Thai migrant women’s lives in Hong Kong. This chapter also explicates the rationale for the focus on female migrants and highlights the gender perspective in migration studies. Firstly, this chapter will revisit women’s migration in the Asia-­ Pacific region. In the era of increasing mobility and globalization, migration from and within the Asia-Pacific region has assumed a highly feminized gendered dimension, affecting migration flows, trends, and patterns. Secondly, this chapter explores the trend, the factor, and the impact of women’s migration in the Asia-Pacific region, thus providing a background to understand Thai migrant women nowadays. Secondly, as a multicultural cosmopolitan, transnational migration has an inseparable relationship with the socioeconomic development of Hong Kong, the phenomenon of transnational marriage between Hong Kong men and Southeast Asian women has become one of the influential factors impacting the family and social structure in this city. I will provide an overall understanding of Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong. Hong Kong has seen a marked increase in migrant labor since the late 1960s, and in the past twenty years, Southeast Asian migrant workers have been essential for Hong Kong’s socioeconomic development. Hong Kong remains an

8 

H. ZHANG

immigrant society as 40% of the population in Hong Kong are foreign-­ born. Most Southeast Asian migrants who work in Hong Kong come from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand as domestic workers in middle-class families. However, little is known of the current situation of professional migrants from Southeast Asia, especially those female migrants who married and lived in Hong Kong. The chapter will also explicate the rationale for the focus on female migrants and highlights the intersectional approach to studying gender and transnational migration within the mobility frame nowadays. Intersectionality has become one of the most influential theoretical frameworks to study women nowadays, especially marginalized women in the global south context (Collins 2019; Conaghan 2009; Davis 2008; McCall 2005). By applying an intersectional approach to this study, many gender scholars not only focus on the complex entities of different social categories, but also highlight how they connect and influence each other by time and space (Bilge 2013; Phoenix and Pattynama 2006; Yuval-Davis 2006). To study the identity negotiation and belonging of Thai migrant women in this specific social demographic group in Hong Kong from an intersectional approach, we must pay attention to their socioeconomic background and social class. There are wide, measurable differences in life chances between social classes. As the social class has a significant influence on people’s lives, an individual’s social class has a significant impact on his or her life chances; the chance of obtaining those things defined as desirable and avoiding those things defined as undesirable in any society. From an intersectional perspective, the study on Thai migrant women in Hong Kong is compelling, and this study will contribute to the migration study theory. The purpose of this study is to understand the life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong and how Hong Kong’s sociocultural context shapes their identity negotiation. Through the critical perspective and use of intersectionality analysis, this study adopts a qualitative research methodology with an ethnographic approach. Semi-structured interviews were used as the primary data collection method, while participant observation was the secondary method. The narratives are used to examine the perceptions and experiences of Thai migrant women. The study enhances an understanding of the life experiences and migration stories of Thai migrant women, recognizing that identity is a complex concept, especially for transnational migrants; their perceptions may be changed by time and space, by their multiple roles in the home and host countries. A conceptual

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

9

framework is needed for us to understand the different aspects of identity formation over time and space and various perspectives from both the micro and macro levels. As an ethnographic study, the details of this ethnographic method will be elaborated on as well. By using the concept of “positionality” and “reflexivity”, in Chap. 3, I will discuss my position as a male researcher in conducting this gender-related research. I will also contain this kind of reflection to discuss the power relation between “male researcher” and “female participant” in a gender study, and how this relationship influences my fieldwork and my writing. Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation must be understood along with their journey of transnational migration; although they moved and settled in Hong Kong, they still keep close relations and maintain social ties with Thailand. The narratives of the migration stories of Thai migrant women allow us to analyze their subjective experiences and perception. Their journey of transnational migration and their life experiences in Hong Kong brought them to face different problems, such as how they perceive themselves as Thai women in Hong Kong. What is the meaning of being a Thai woman in Hong Kong? Chapter 4 will answer these questions and explore how Thai Buddhism reinforces their Thai identity and how the sociocultural context in Hong Kong shapes their identity as a woman. Buddhism has long been a source of identity for Thai people, rather than a universalistic religion. Thai people living in Hong Kong maintain their identity through the “nation-religion-monarchy” trinity. Many Thai migrant women retain strong ties to Thailand, enhancing their identity of Thainess through various means from Buddhism perspectives. However, transnational migration has proved to be an opportunity and a challenge. However, when Thai migrant women arrived in Hong Kong, their experiences due to a new wave of autonomy and the freedom enjoyed by women in Hong Kong society empowered them to challenge and question the gender inequality that exists in Thai Buddhism, even shaking their inherent faith in Buddhism. Under these circumstances, the Buddhist faith becomes a “buffet” for Thai migrant women: they will rationally choose some parts and reject others. These subtle ideological changes set the way to negotiate their gender role expectations and reconstruct their womanhood as Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. In Hong Kong society, Southeast Asian women are generally perceived as members of low status. They felt a sense of exclusion from other residents in Hong Kong. Some informants noted that they sometimes faced discrimination because of their “Southeast Asian ethnicity”. For Thai migrant women

10 

H. ZHANG

migrating into Hong Kong society, the definition of “ethnicity” refers to the concept of “ethnic boundary” that defines the group rather than the race (Barth 1969, p.  68). The ethnicization of recent migrants from Southeast Asia contributes to their status as a minority group. These female migrants are caught in an ethnic dilemma in which they struggle to position themselves between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia. Chapter 5 examines the self-ethnic identification of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. It looks into how different generations of Thai migrant women identify themselves differently in the host community. In the first part of this chapter, I will explore the ethnic self-identification of the Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Did they perceive themselves as Hong Konger or Thai? Did they find their sense of belonging in Hong Kong? In the second part, I will examine the conflict between their self-­perception and the perceptions of others; and the consequences of such conflict. Based on the fieldwork, I found that Thai migrant women in Hong Kong navigate their ethnic boundaries and negotiate their identity strategically in order to respond to the different local perceptions of them. By providing empirical evidence of how Thai migrant women navigate the ethnic boundary and negotiate their ethnic identity in Hong Kong, we complement earlier studies of boundarycrossing by looking at the processes of identity negotiation and the different strategies of Thai migrant women’s identity work within existing boundaries in Hong Kong. The aspiration for a “Hong Kong identity” could be a source of stress for female migrants. A lot of informants were deterred from identifying themselves as a “Hong Konger” because of their perceived lack of cultural and economic assimilation. For some, they believed that they needed to work hard to gain the acceptance of the local group before they were entitled to membership. For others, they gave up the effort to refute the immigrant stereotypes and became apathetic toward mixing with the majority group. The mainstream perception of the immigrant women as “the other” and their own self-perception as “Thai” impacted their identity negotiation, as well as their integration into the local society. In Chap. 6, I will examine how assumptions about gender roles learned by Thai migrant women in Thailand are called into question upon arrival in Hong Kong along with their journey of transnational migration, and how these Thai migrant women reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. This chapter explores the identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong as they are placed in new socioeconomic and sociocultural environments, facing multiple social roles, what challenges and

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

11

strategies they have to face, and the consequences of these challenges and strategies for their identity negotiation from an intersectional perspective. Many Thai migrant women experience and witness significant changes in their lives in Hong Kong. These changes affect their identity as Thai women in Hong Kong and lead them into the process of identity negotiation. Through their narrative of their own life experiences, firstly, I revisit the literature on gender and migrations, and provide an overview of Thai migration to Hong Kong. Then, I discuss the sociocultural structure of gender in Thai society, how the sociocultural context in Hong Kong shapes their gender role and gender expectations, and how they reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. As all the participants in this research are considered the middle class with well-educated backgrounds compared to domestic workers from Southeast Asia, it is crucial to analyze the relationship between their social class, gender identity, and womanhood from an intersectional perspective. Migrants grow up in a society where socioculturally different from the host society. From the social perspective, as a migrant, especially female migrants from the less developing country, they have always been excluded from the mainstream society and live marginally in the host society. As an “outsider” in the host country, they are forced to reconsider their identity, find their reference groups, and establish new interpersonal ties. In the new social and cultural environment, migrants have to redefine the meaning of in-group and out-group. From a cultural perspective, migrants have to learn different languages, cultures, values, and thoughts in the host society to demonstrate their experiences and feelings. After the migration, they are in the process of defining, redefining, interpreting, and reinterpreting the meanings of their life experiences. In this scenario, female migrants will negotiate their identity, change their gender role expectations and reinvent their womanhood. After moving from Thailand to Hong Kong, many Thai migrant women experienced the socioeconomic and sociocultural shock in Hong Kong, and they found the autonomy and freedom of women conferred by the Hong Kong government and society to be hugely different from Thailand. They realized that the meaning of “being a woman” is different in Hong Kong society compared to Thailand, and this kind of difference and shock in the Hong Kong context leads them to negotiate their gender role and reinvent their womanhood. My study participants found there are various challenges and strategies they must face when reinventing their womanhood in Hong Kong. On the one hand, because of the socioeconomic and sociocultural situations

12 

H. ZHANG

in Hong Kong are different from Thailand; on the other hand, from a daughter in Thailand to becoming a woman with multiple roles—labor in Hong Kong society, wife, mother, and daughter-in-law in Hong Kong family. Will Thai migrant women participate differently in the economic and gender roles in the Hong Kong labor market? Will they expect to be a good wife to their husband and a daughter to their parents-in-law? Will their interaction with the new sociocultural environment affect their gender role expectations and gender identity? How do they perceive themselves as women now, and how do they reinvent their womanhood? These questions will be addressed in this chapter. This book aims to explore the identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong through their engendering journey of transnational migration by focusing on their life experiences from individual, family, community, and social perspectives. The findings of this book revealed the uniqueness of how these Thai migrant women experienced the transnational migration journey from Thailand to Hong Kong when compared to the other domestic workers from Southeast Asia. In this book, I have demonstrated that along with identity negotiation between the home country and the host country, Thai migrant women develop an in-between identity base on their gender, religion, socioeconomic class, and other factors. This in-between identity is experienced while they perform multiple social roles in both the home country and the host country. Categorized by gender, race/ethnicity, and class, Thai migrant women follow different paths to lead themselves into the in-between. In Chap. 7, the concluding chapter, I will introduce the significance of my study by framing it as part of a broader phenomenon of middle-class/professional migration within Asia; discuss my contributions to mobility theories building and implications for social policy and practice in Asia society; I will also discuss the limitations of my study and provide directions for future research on gender, migration, and mobility.

References Alston, M., and Bowles, W. (1998). Research for Social Workers: An Introduction to Methods. Sydney, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Barth, F. (1969). Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget. Bergold, J., and Thomas, S. (2012). Participatory Research Methods: A Methodological Approach in Motion. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung/ Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 13 (1), 1–24.

1  INTRODUCTION: STARTING THE JOURNEY 

13

Bernard, H.  R. (2000). Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Bhugra, D., and Becker, M.  A. (2005). Migration, Cultural Bereavement and Cultural Identity. World Psychiatry, 4(1), 18–24. Bilge, S. (2013). Intersectionality undone: Saving intersectionality from feminist intersectionality studies1. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 10(2), 405–424. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burkitt, I. (1991). Social selves: Theories of the social formation of personality. London: Sage Publications. Census and Statistics Department. (2017). 2016 Population By-census Thematic Report: Ethnic Minorities. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department. Retrieved from http://www.census2016.gov.hk/pdf/EM.pdf. Collins, P. H. (2019). Intersectionality as critical social theory. Duke University Press. Conaghan, J. (2009). ‘Intersectionality and the Feminist Project of Law’, in Grabham, E., Cooper, D., Krishnadas, J. and Herman, D. (eds) Intersectionality and Beyond: Law, Power and the Politics of Location, pp.  21–48. Abingdon: Routledge-Cavendish. Davis, K. (2008). Intersectionality as buzzword: A sociology of science perspective on what makes a feminist theory successful. Feminist Theory, 9(1), 67–85. Dwyer, S. C., and Buckle, J. L. (2009). The Space Between: On Being an Inside-­ Outside in Qualitative Research. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 8(1), 54–63. Frable. D.  E. S. (1997). Gender, Racial, Ethnic, Sexual, and Class Identities. Annual Review of Psychology, 48, 139–162. Ho, K.  M., Wong, Y.  C., and Chan, C.  L. W. (2003). Cultural Divergence in Cross-border Marriage in Hong Kong: A Call for Culturally Sensitive Approach in Social Work Practice. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work, 13(1), 42–58. Huddy, L. (2002). Context and Meaning in Social Identity Theory: A Response to Oakes. Political Psychology, 23(4), 825–838. McCall, L. (2005). The Complexity of Intersectionality. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 30 (3), 1771–1800. Phoenix, A., and Pattynama, P. (2006). Intersectionality. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 13(3), 187–192. Woodward, K. (1997). Identity and difference. London: Sage Publications. Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Intersectionality and feminist politics. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 13(3), 193–209.

CHAPTER 2

Investigating Migrant Women in Hong Kong: Toward an Intersectional Analysis Approach

Women’s Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region In the era of increasing mobility and globalization, migration from and within the Asia-Pacific region has assumed a gendered dimension being highly feminized affecting the migration flows, trends, and patterns (Sijapati 2015). This section explores the trend, the factor, and the impact of women’s migration in the Asia-Pacific region, thus providing a background to understand Thai migrant women nowadays. Generally speaking, the motivations for women’s migration are widely diversified, including economic and education opportunities, marriage and family reunification, as well as forced migration. Globally, the proportion of women among all migrants was 48% in 2015 IOM 2015). Due to the vast size, as well as its social, economic, and cultural diversity and complexity of the Asia-Pacific region, the discussion of migration patterns and trends in the Asia-Pacific region is not easy to be generalized. Firstly, as women’s migration rises in some regions, it declines in others. In line with global trends, female migrants account for 48% of the total number of migrants to the Asia-Pacific region, and 44% of migrants from the region IOM 2015). Secondly, the destinations for female migrants are heterogeneous, and intra-regional migration is significant. The oil-rich Gulf countries and the developed countries in East Asia and Southeast Asia are the main destinations for women’s migration (World Bank 2014). Thirdly, many female migrants migrate through irregular channels and/or © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_2

15

16 

H. ZHANG

are in irregular status (Shah 2014). The official statistics on women’s immigration in most countries of this region are considered to be a major undervaluation because a large number of women migrate through informal channels and/or are working in irregular and illegal status (UN Women 2013). Last but not least, female migrants mainly work in female-­ dominated occupations. The gendered perception of women migrants has meant that their demand is primarily in the domestic, hospitality, health and care, garment, and entertainment sectors (UN Women 2013). In the past, many scholars believe that women’s migration mainly occurs in the context of association migration, including family reunification and marriage. However, with the increased number of female migrants who migrate on their own, there has been increased attention on the determinants of women’s migration (Agrawal 2006). In a broad sense, political, economic, cultural, and social factors have been identified to study female migrants in current times. Under these circumstances, the traditional “push” and “pull” approach in migration studies cannot simply explain the actual migration of women in the era of globalization. The complex web of social networks has resulted in circular and cumulative impacts with women’s migration higher in places where there already are earlier migrants (Massey et al. 2005). The existing literature also points out the significant contributions by female migrants to both home and host countries. Firstly, is the financial impact. In many sending countries, women’s remittances are among the largest sources of cash revenue. Even though some women understandably send smaller amounts than men, women remit a higher proportion of their earnings and do so more frequently (IOM 2010). The combined effects of these remittances can be significant; contrary to men’s remittances, which are spent overwhelmingly on “productive assets”, women’s remittances tend to be used for education, health, food, clothing, and housing (UN Women 2013). Secondly is the social impact. Besides financial remittances, the social remittances of women migrants regarding ideas, skills, attitudes, and knowledge can also contribute to socioeconomic development, human rights and gender equality in countries of origin. While a complete transformation in gender hierarchy and relations is not evident, migration of women contributes toward reformulating gender roles and cultural norms (Lopez-Ekra et al. 2011). Further, instead of replacing native workers, immigrants, especially women migrants, often take up jobs that native workers are unwilling to do, such as elder care, which is particularly important in countries with aging populations. For

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

17

instance, in Hong Kong, migrant domestic workers, (1) make it possible for Hong Kong women to go out and work, (2) help fill the existing void in child-care services, and (3) if English-speaking, serve a dual role as helper and English language assistant. Without domestic help, a family member, often the woman, would have to stay at home, resulting in lower household income (Nagy 2013). Despite increased women’s migration in the Asia-Pacific region and a large number of research studies on various aspects of this new phenomenon of women’s migration, there is a need to further investigate the cause and motivation of women’s migration and their life of adaption in the host country, particularly in Asia and Southeast Asia. Previous and current studies have been limited to the labor migration and domestic worker only. Moreover, a lack of literature and academic concern with female professional and volunteer migrants including female migrants from middle and upper-class backgrounds in developing countries, leave a vacuum for understanding the diverse forms of migration among women.

Southeast Asian Migrants in Hong Kong Hewison (2004) provides an overall understanding of Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong. Hong Kong has seen a marked increase in migrant labor since the late 1960s, and in the past twenty years, Southeast Asian migrant workers have been important for Hong Kong’s socioeconomic development. Hong Kong remains an immigrant society as 40% of the population in Hong Kong are foreign-born. Most of the Southeast Asian migrants who work in Hong Kong come from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand as domestic workers in middle-class families. However, little is known of the current situation of professional migrants from Southeast Asia, especially those female migrants who married and live in Hong Kong. A total of 584,383 ethnic minorities, constituting 8% of the whole population in Hong Kong, were living in Hong Kong in 2016. Analyzed by ethnic groups of Asians (other than Chinese), the majority of them were Filipinos (2.5%) and Indonesian (2.1%). The remaining included Indians (0.5%), Pakistanis (0.3%), Nepalese (0.2%), Japanese (0.1%), and Thais (0.1%) (Census and Statistics Department 2017, p. 18). With Indonesian and Filipino migrant workers being the largest of these minority groups, existing researches have paid inordinate attention to study domestic workers from these two countries in the traditional way, which is using “power”

18 

H. ZHANG

to understand the “pull” and “push” factors in transnational migration between a developing country and developed country. On the other hand, recent studies and policies in Hong Kong focus on South Asian rather than Southeast Asian. Under these circumstances, it is more necessary to study Southeast Asian female migrants, a minority within the minority. There have been numerous studies of overseas migrant workers in Hong Kong, but few consider Thais. Also, most recent researches focus on Thai migrants from the working class but ignore the internal differences among Thai women. It is therefore worth exploring the different life stories of different Thai migrants to understand their life experiences in Hong Kong. From the previous studies, it is clear that Thai workers view their time in Hong Kong as providing them with an opportunity to support their families, including parents and younger siblings. There is strong cultural pressure for Thai women to do this. Women are unable to make merit by entry into the Buddhist monkhood, so there is often an expectation that they will “repay” parents in other ways. There are also pressures for women to demonstrate filial respect, generosity, and family orientation within villages (Hirai 2002). Studies of domestic workers in Hong Kong observe that NGOs are significant in representing the interests of “marginalized” workers, especially domestic workers (Sim 2002, p. 4). However, NGOs do not loom large for Thai workers. The international mass media in Hong Kong and NGO reports highlight the problems faced by migrant workers. There is no doubt that some migrant workers are subject to gross mistreatment. Indeed, the Hong Kong experience is similar to that of Thai workers in other places—the mainly male workers in Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, and Japan (Samarn 2000) and those studied earlier in Hong Kong (Ng and Lee 2000). The dilemmas and opportunities faced by Thai migrants in Hong Kong are different from other Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong. Also, Thai male migrants and Thai migrant women have different life experiences in Hong Kong. As migration experiences have a close link with identity, it is crucial for us to explore their life stories further and understand their different identity in Hong Kong. Against the current privileging diasporic identity as the (trans)migrants’ challenge to the normativity of national identity and belonging, Lai’s (2011) paper takes into account the situation of contract migrant workers in Hong Kong. This study explores the critical potential of diasporic identification in challenging hegemonic national discourses outside much-­ discussed European and American contexts. While acknowledging contract

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

19

migrant workers in Hong Kong maintain the transnational connections with their home countries, Lai’s paper highlights that it is important for contract migrant workers to forget their own understanding and representation of their situation and identity. In light of the common refrain of forgetting observed among these migrant workers in Hong Kong, this paper explains the politics of diasporic identification in their situation, especially the dependence of diasporic identification on consolidating national identity and allegiance through the mediation of gendered norms of family duties. Lai’s paper also discusses about the diasporic identity. Against the assimilation paradigm of past studies of (im)migration, the current theorization of migrant identities tends to stress and celebrate interconnections across borders and negotiations of multiple affinities and relationships, notably in a transnational framework and its related refiguration of diaspora (Cohen 1988a, b; Glick Schiller et al. 1995). The increase in cross-­ border movements is believed to bring about a destabilization of the link between place and identity, and a concomitant weakening in the sense of settlement. Thus, rather than an identity tied to a singular “imagined community” in which one currently lives, migrants simultaneously maintain multiple connections with, and define themselves in relation to, kin, relatives, and ethnic communities in different places besides the society they reside. Such lateral, multipolar nexus cultivates an unfixed, moving, and morphing identity that is a hallmark of contemporary conceptions of diaspora (Brah 1996; Hall 1990). From previous studies, we can only know the general situation of Southeast Asian female migrants in Hong Kong with most studies focusing only on domestic workers. The main constructs of this book take on another important perspective in transnational migration and identity, that of how the host society accepts and affects the identity of migrants. In the era of globalization, immigration and its impact on the changing urban social landscape exacerbate the social differences between “outsiders” and “insiders”, affecting the order of social divisions in the host society. This distinction is based on the differences and similarities between the consciousness of social inclusion and exclusion, involving a social process of “othering” (Ngan and Chan 2013). Insider-ness and outsider-ness is a social experience that is not just confined to ethnic groups as it “exists in all communities and societies, between those who belong, who are part of “us”, and those who may be experienced as foreign or alien” (Billington et al., in Crow, Allan, and Summers, 2001, p. 30).

20 

H. ZHANG

Ngan and Chan (2013) also mentioned that an outsider is always an outsider, the dynamics of social inclusion and exclusion is a complex and multi-dimensional process shaped by institutional frameworks as well as informal practices. While some of these frameworks are justified by economic rationality, migrants with a low socioeconomic background are often excluded from aspects of labor and social protection, therefore reinforcing hegemonic ideas about “insider-ness” and “outsider-ness”. It highlights how policies veer toward the exclusionary when targeted toward low-income migrants from Southeast Asia and East Asia, which manifest racial discrimination against them. The structure of social policies is an embodiment and expression of the state toward constituent ethnic aggregates which has reinforcing effects on the insider/outsider dichotomy. Policies driven by the state are a mechanism that contributes to the reinforcement of social divisions between “foreign” migrants and local citizens. At the same time, the state’s categorization of immigrants is often based on historically situated social constructions of ethnicity, race, class, and gender, which are influenced by hegemonic ideas of belongingness (Glenn 1999). According to Noels et  al. (2010), it is important to examine how migrants’ feelings of identity align with their perceptions of how other people see them in the host society, and how these reflected appraisals from others contribute to migrants’ experience of discrimination and integration. The majority of research to date on Southeast Asian women in Hong Kong has focused on those who come as domestic or sex workers (Constable 2009; Yamanaka and Piper 2005). And the common stereotypes about Southeast Asian women in Hong Kong are Indonesians are stupid, dirty, and not respectful of the local culture; while Filipinos are irresponsible, noisy, and take advantage of their employer; and Thais are money-grubbers and work as sex workers. In general, these studies’ findings highlight the negative stereotypes many Hong Kong people have about them without any focus on identity issues of in-group differences among them. Wee and Sim (2003, 2005) observe the discursive representation of Southeast Asian-Hong Kong couples in Hong Kong local mass media. They found that Southeast Asian-Hong Kong marriages are portrayed in general as a “social problem”; an intersection of various power structures such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class which mutually constitute “the other” of Southeast Asian-Hong Kong couples. Stereotypes thus are reinforced through universalized and essentialized images of Southeast

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

21

Asian-Hong Kong couples. From their analysis of Hong Kong local mass media, Wee and Sim found that the relationships between Hong Kong men and Southeast Asian women are at times presented as unequal and in different power positions. Hong Kong local mass media also highlights Southeast Asian women as poor, racialized, oppressed, and sexually deviant from Hong Kong norms and Southeast Asian-Hong Kong couples were discursively constructed as “the other”. Apart from domestic and sex workers, there is a sizable population of middle to upper-class Thai women migrating to Hong Kong through marriage with Hong Kong local husbands. There is a dearth of literature focusing on this group of people. This research has sought to address this gap using social class and social-economic background as indicators to understand the life experiences and identity of this population in Hong Kong from an intersectional analysis approach.

Transnational Migration To analyze Thai migrant women in Hong Kong regarding their identity construction and negotiation, firstly, the notion of “transnational migration” is discussed. The concept of transnational migration serves to explain the recent form of migration in which migrants maintain connections with their home countries with an engagement in multiple societies and cultures that altogether shape or transform their identities. This section highlights women in transnational migration to incorporate gender into the migration study. Secondly, “intersectionality” is detailed as a theoretical approach to understanding the experiences of Thai migrant women through the recognition of various mutually constitutive social categories such as gender, race, ethnicity, and class. This “intersectionality” approach enriches an understanding of Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation. Transnationalism and Migration In the age of increasing globalization, greater spatial mobility has engendered a host of new migration phenomena across global space, including new settlement patterns and increased levels of spatial interaction between the home country and the host country, and among diverse places settled by global “tribes” (Kotkin 1993). Therefore, the old conceptions of international migration cannot fully capture the essence of international migration nowadays.

22 

H. ZHANG

Basch et  al. (2020) proposed the new concept “transnationalism” to understand international migration, conceptualized as: The processes by which immigrants build social fields that link together their country of origin and their country of settlement. Immigrants who build such social fields are designated “transmigrants”. Transmigrants develop and maintain multiple relations—familial, economic, social, organizational, religious, and political that span borders. Transmigrants take actions, make decisions, feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously (pp. 1–2).

In their opinion, the newly introduced term “transnational migrant” explains a new type of migrant who constructs social fields that connect their home countries and host countries (Schiller et al. 1992, p. 1). This definition puts heavy emphasis on the process of creating a “social field” for transnational migrants and views transnationalism as a dynamic social process. “Social field” is not precisely defined, but it mentions as a type of global space in which political, economic, social, and cultural relations for the group of people from a common place of origin are constituted and located (Levitt and Schiller 2004). A set of multiple interlocking networks of social relationships through which ideas, practices, and resources are unequally exchanged, organized, and transformed […]. Social fields are multi-dimensional, encompassing structured interactions of differing forms, depth, and breadth that are differentiated in social theory by the terms organization, institution, and social movement. National boundaries are not necessarily contiguous with the boundaries of social fields. (p. 1009)

On the other hand, the concept of “transnational space” has been defined by Pries (2001, p. 18) as “configurations of social practices, artifacts and symbol systems that span different geographic spaces in at least two nation-states without constituting a new ‘de-territorialized’ nation-­ state”. By “transnational spaces”, it means there are relatively stable, lasting, and dense sets of ties reaching beyond and across borders of sovereign states. Transnational spaces comprise combinations of ties and their substance, positions within networks and organizations, and networks of organizations that cut across the borders of at least two national states (Faist 2000).

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

23

Fouron and Schiller (2001) defined transnational migration as “a process of movement and settlement across international borders in which individuals maintain or build multiple networks of connection to their country of origin while at the same time settling in a new country” (p. 60). More recent studies understand transnational migration as taking place within fluid social spaces that are constantly reworked through migrants’ simultaneous embeddedness in more than one society (Levitt and Schiller 2004; Pries 2001). Therefore, focusing on transnational migrants as “people in transit” reveals that exploring migration is crucial to study their identity (La Barbera 2013). Transnational migration has never been a one-way process of assimilation into one society or one country but one in which migrants, to varying degrees, are simultaneously embedded in the multiple sites and layers of the transnational social fields in which they live. More and more aspects of transnational activities take place across borders, even as the political, economic and cultural salience of nation-state boundaries remain clear. By choosing transnational migration as a key concept in this research, it is important to realize that Thai migrant women’s identities are shaped by their multiplicity of engagement in different social fields (Hong Kong and Thailand). Their situations cannot be described as fully engaging to either the home country or the host country; they must be understood in terms of being “in-between”. It is meaningful to investigate the reconstitution and reinforcement of their identities as de-territorialization occurs. Incorporating Gender into Transnational Migration In their review of migration theories, Boyd and Grieco (2003) remark that “there has been little concerted effort… to incorporate gender into theories of international migration. In fact, migration theory to date has not had much to say on the issue of gender (p. 10)”. To appreciate why women and gender were traditionally absent from migration scholarship, one has to chronicle various historical assumptions about research on the migration process. From the 1950s to the 1970s, scholarship on migration focused almost exclusively on men as the “birds of passage” while women, children, and the elderly were seen as following their paths (Handlin 1951; Simon and Brettell 1986). These earlier researches assumed that males were more inclined and able to take risks to journey far away in search of better job opportunities, whereas women if they migrated at all, were depicted as emotional caretakers who accompanied men to ensure family and community stability.

24 

H. ZHANG

In the 1970s and 1980s, scholars and policy makers began to focus on women in the migration process, in part because of the dramatic growth in feminist scholarship and women’s studies programs, as well as demographic reports showing that more women than men were migrating to the United States of America (Hondagneu-Sotelo 1992; Houstoun et al. 1984). By the late 1990s, numerous migration scholars included women in their research, resulting in important articles and books focusing on women and the migration process. Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994) was a pioneer theorist who urged scholars to examine immigrant families and social networks as gendered institutions. In her study of undocumented Mexican migrants’ settlement patterns, she urged that “we must question and investigate the gender-based character of immigrant social networks in order to understand immigrant patterns” (Hondagneu-Sotelo 1994, p.  7). Others joined Hondagneu-­ Sotelo in questioning the absence of gender in migration research, and, over the 1990s, a lively body of literature that treated gender as a central theoretical concept in migration patterns was added to the few previous works (Tienda and Booth 1991). Recent writing focused on women and gender, however, continues to highlight labor as the fundamental dimension of migration, and as the principal arena in which gender relations are reconfigured. For example, the abundant scholarship on female migrant domestic workers across the globe considers women’s labor as the central determinant of gender relations in migrant families (Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001; Parrenas 2001). This labor emphasis is perhaps a concerted strategy to avoid framing women as “passive followers” in migration flows. Feminists have also called attention to gender issues in relation to migration (Fresnoza-Flot 2021; Sutton 1992). Sutton proposed that the rethinking of migration from a gendered perspective must go beyond consideration of how the experiences of migrants differ for women and men. She suggested that we also need to know more about how women’s and men’s roles in the global economy differ in both the sending and receiving countries; what their gender-specific roles are in sustaining and transmitting cultural traditions; and to explore more fully the work and caretaking experiences of immigrant women (Sutton 1992). Understanding gender as a “social construction” is critical in the migration context. Gender is deeply embedded in transnational migration enabling an understanding of the sensitive issues related to migrants, such as their sense of belonging, identity, dilemmas, and trauma (Boyd 2006).

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

25

The rethinking of migration from a gendered perspective must go beyond consideration of how the experiences of migrants differ for women and men. We need to know more about the gender-specific roles regarding sustaining and transmitting cultural traditions and explore more fully the work and family experiences of different socio-class migrant women in the host country. Regarding identity negotiation, many scholars suggest that identity negotiation processes need to avoid gender-blindness and instead pay heed to the fact that the diasporic experiences of men and women are different and are shaped by gender politics (Yeoh and Huang 2000). Female migrants’ experiences are particularly relevant in revealing the (in)ability of transnational migrants to contest and shape new identities for themselves in the diaspora. Female migrants actively (re)negotiate their identities in the context of their positionality within the family, the home country, and the host country. According to such assertions, it can also be assumed that Thai migrant women in Hong Kong would struggle with different sets of gender norms in Thailand and Hong Kong along with their transnational migration. Therefore, their fight with various contesting hegemonic discourses of gender should also be examined because this may contribute to the negotiation of their identities. Toward an Intersectional Analysis of Migration In recent years, the traditional explanations, such as push-pull factors based on neo-classical economic theory from Lee (1966) are criticized by scholars for being no longer sufficient for understanding migration in the context of globalization. As suggested by Anthias (2012), transnational migration studies should be framed within a contextual, dynamic, and processual analysis that recognizes the interconnectedness of different identities and hierarchical structures relating to gender, ethnicity, race, class, and other social divisions at local, national, transnational, and global levels. As mentioned earlier, it is proposed that identities are constructed through various cross-cutting social categories, and many scholars call for “intersectionality” to be used in the analysis of migrants’ experiences and identities. Intersectionality was introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1991) to analyze black women’s experiences in the US. The term became popular in feminist writings as it addresses the intermeshing and mutual construction of social categories which shape people’s experiences. This concept argues that “identity politics” is problematic because it tends to

26 

H. ZHANG

shed light on each social category such as gender, class, and race separately. Rather, what shapes the individuals’ lives are the cross-cutting and mutually constitutive social divisions. An intersectional approach emphasizes the importance of attending to the multiple social structures and processes that intertwine to produce specific social positions and identities. From this perspective, we need to simultaneously attend to processes of ethnicity, gender, and class to grasp the complexities of the social world and the multifaceted nature of social identities and advantage/disadvantage. What is common to the approach is that it posits that each division involves an intersection with the others (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992; Crenshaw 1991). It is crucial to understand various analytical issues involved in conceptualizing the interrelationships of gender, class, ethnicity, and other social divisions, and the different analytical levels at which social divisions need to be studied, because their ontological base and their relations to each other (Yuval-Davis 2006b). Also, the ontological basis of each of these divisions is autonomous, and each prioritizes different spheres of social relations (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1983, 1992). Different social divisions, such as gender, class, race, and ethnicity, tend to have certain parameters in common. They tend to be “naturalized”, to be seen as resulting from biological destiny linked to differential genetic pools of intelligence and personal characteristics (Cohen 1988a, b). For example, gender should be understood not only as a “constructed” social difference between men and women, but also as a mode of discourse that relates to groups of subjects whose social roles are defined by their sexual/biological difference, as opposed to their economic positions or their membership in ethnic collectivities (Yuval-Davis 2006a, p. 201). “Class” divisions are based on the economic processes of production and consumption that produce inequality in society (Yuval-Davis 2006b). However, class cannot be merely understood as related to economy. The formation of classes, class struggle, or processes are prevalent within the sphere of production, and are historically constructed in relation to the division of gender and ethnicity (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992, p. 17). Ethnic and racial divisions relate to discourses of collectivities constructed around ­exclusionary/inclusionary boundaries (Barth 1969) that can be constructed as permeable and mutable to different extents and that divide people into “us” and “them”. Although it is useful to understand social issues, intersectionality is questioned in many ways. Knapp (2005) argued that intersectionality often becomes a nomenclature without being concretized “a formula

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

27

merely to be mentioned, being largely stripped of the baggage of concretion, of context and history” and a “fast traveling concept” (p. 255). Nash (2008, p. 2) cites McCall’s (2005, p. 1771) claim that intersectionality is “the most important” theoretical contribution made by women’s and related studies. She further asserts it is “the “gold standard” multidisciplinary approach for analyzing subjects’ experiences of both identity and oppression”. However, Nash (2008) contends that the question of whether all or only multiple marginalized identities are intersectional is ambiguous: “This unresolved theoretical dispute makes it unclear whether intersectionality is a theory of marginalized subjectivity or a generalized theory of identity” (Nash 2008, pp.  9–10). It is an essential argument when applying to this study, there are assumptions that female migrants from the developing country to the developed country confront exclusion or discrimination in the host society. But in this study, from an intersectional perspective and given the specific sociodemographic and socioeconomic backgrounds of Thai migrant women, we should still be open to the possibility that some of them might be in privileged positions in Hong Kong society; some of them may be enjoying economic privileges while facing discrimination based on gender or race. To study identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in this specific social demographic group in Hong Kong from an intersectional approach, we must pay attention to their socioeconomic background and social class. There are wide, measurable differences in life chances between social classes. As the social class has an essential influence on people’s lives, an individual’s social class has a significant impact on his or her life chances; the chance of obtaining those things defined as desirable and avoiding those things defined as undesirable in any society (Kelly 2012). In relation to transnational migration study, class can usefully be regarded as a multidimensional phenomenon that manifests itself as social position, process, performance, and politics, and understanding class as subjectively constructed provides an important means of discerning its role in the lives of transnational migrants (Kelly 2012). As all the participants in this research are considered as the middle-upper class with welleducated backgrounds when compared to domestic workers from Southeast Asia, it is important to analyze the relationship between their social class and their in-between identity. Meanwhile, transnationalism also requires a careful consideration of the multiple spaces and scales in which social class and identities are constituted.

28 

H. ZHANG

“Transnational migration” is chosen as one of the theoretical frameworks, highlighting the “intersectional approach” in this study to enable an understanding of the complex process of Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation in Hong Kong. It is essential to realize that their identities are shaped by both the home country and the host country, by many intersected factors, such as gender, class, ethnicity, class, education, and age.

Contemporary Identity Theories This section first reviews three contemporary theories of identity. Firstly, national identity theory which elaborates one’s identity or sense of belonging to one state or one nation (Bechhofer and Mccrone 2009; Connor 1978). Secondly, ethnic identity theory which explores one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and one’s thinking, perceptions, feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership (Phinney 1996; Smith 1991; Verkuyten 2005). Lastly, gender identity theory which can be affected by, and is different from one society to another depending on the way the members of society evaluate the role of females and males (Connell 1987, 1996, 2003; Markus et al. 1982; West and Zimmerman 1987). National Identity The beginning of this review is Antony Smith’s (1991) national identity theory, which posits that national identity is one of the most basic social identities. He defines national identity as “the continuous reproduction and reinterpretation of the pattern of values, symbols memories myths and traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations, and the identifications of individuals with the pattern and heritage and with its cultural elements” (p. 18). Connor (1978, 1993) suggested the essence of national identity is the irrational and psychological bond that binds fellow nationals together. This psychological bond is usually termed “a sense of belonging” (Connor 1978) or “a fellow feeling” (Geertz 1963). Such expressions point to the close link established between the individual and the collective self, namely the nation. Bechhofer and Mccrone (2009, p. 5), from the theoretical perspective, explained that “national identity is taken as ‘natural’, as essential, but it is also seen as actively constructed by the state. It’s taken-for-granted quality may serve the state well, but it has to be continually manufactured and

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

29

sustained. National identity is not a once-and-for-all process, but is something of a con-trick, worked by the state and its institutions to make the citizenry malleable, and willing to do its bidding”. National identity also involves many social, political, and economic issues. These include the legitimacy of public policies, matters of social inclusion and exclusion, prejudice and discrimination, whether we judge the actions of organizations to be in the “national” interest, that is, the interest of the collective “we”, and whether we are willing or not to move away from “us” and live among “them” (Bechhofer and Mccrone 2009, p. 15). Therefore, national identity helps individuals to locate their sense of belonging and creates the difference between “we” and the “other”. Ethnic Identity Ethnic groups are groups that have the characteristics of “a collective name, a common myth of descent, a shared history, a distinctive shared culture, an association with a specific territory of a sense of solidarity” (Smith 1991, p. 32). The term ethnic group is generally understood in anthropological literature as a group of people whose members identify with each other, through a common heritage, often consisting of a common language, a common culture, including a shared religion, and an ideology that stresses common ancestry or endogamy (Seidner 1982). While ethnic identity refers to one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and the part of one’s thinking, perceptions, feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership, the ethnic group tends to be one in which the individual claims heritage (Phinney 1996). Ethnic identity is separate from one’s personal identity as an individual, although the two may reciprocally influence each other. There are four major components of ethnic identity, which are: Ethnic awareness (understanding of one’s own and other groups) Ethnic self-identification (label used for one’s own group) Ethnic attitudes (feelings about own and other groups) Ethnic behaviors (behavior patterns specific to an ethnic group). (pp. 145–148)

Verkuyten’s (2005) model posits that ethnic identity comprises four dimensions of being, feeling, doing and knowing. “Being” relates to an individual’s origins—their ethnicity, their family, and homeland. “Feeling”

30 

H. ZHANG

refers to the importance and commitment individuals place on their roots. “Doing” relates to an individual’s socialization within his/her group and participation in group activities. Finally, “knowing” refers to a person’s understanding of group beliefs and cultural mores and norms (p. 118). In many of the definitions and conceptualization of ethnic identity, the central emphasis is on the sharing of a common culture (Hutnik 1991). Barth (1969) points out the limitations of such an approach, suggesting that the focus of investigation should shift from the cultural components to the process of creation and maintenance of ethnic boundaries and the “continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders”. An adequate understanding of ethnic identity, and of its redefinition and transformation during an individual’s or group’s cultural transition, should take into account both the boundaries of group membership and the group’s cultural aspects as perceived by its members (Ferdman 1992). National identity and ethnic identity overlap in a lot of ways. However, we can clarify that national identity is one’s identity or sense of belonging to one state or to one nation (Smith 1991), while one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group is part of one’s thinking, perceptions, feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership (Phinney 1996). Ethnic group formation involves processes that make people identify as an imagined community in a nation-state. Indeed, the processes that create ethnic and national identities are part and parcel of the same historical processes. It is also necessary to relate national identity to ethnicity, as national identity is imagined differently by different ethnic groups in a nation-state (Tan 2010). It is a complex and critical issue to discuss the national identity and ethnic identity within the Thai context; as the “nation-religion-­monarchy” trinity in Thailand has a vital impact on national and ethnic identity in Thailand. Chapter 5 elaborates the concept of “Thainess”, which is composed of both the national and ethnic identity to clarify what characteristics Thai people should have in order to “be a Thai”. Gender Identity Self-schemas are knowledge structures developed to understand, integrate, or explain one’s behavior in a particular domain, and gender identities have been conceived as gender self-schemas in the cognitive tradition (Markus et al. 1982) or as constructed achievements in the interactionist tradition (West and Zimmerman 1987). Therefore, gender is a social category, and thus gender identity is about more than personality.

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

31

Connell (2006) has described gender as “above all, a pattern of social relations in which the positions of women and men are defined, the cultural meanings of being a man or woman are negotiated, and their trajectories throughout life are mapped out” (p. 839). From this perspective, gender is a social construction; “the set of practices that bring reproductive distinctions between bodies into social process” (Connell 2002, p. 11). In other words, “gender concerns the way human society deals with human bodies and their continuity, and the many consequences of that ‘dealing’ in our personal lives and our collective fate” (Connell 2009, p. 11). The social conception of gender used in this study involves an attempt to avoid the traps of biological determinism that dominate popular understandings of gender relations, including many feminist accounts. Connell (1987) describes biological determinism as a recurrent problem in feminist accounts of gender, suggesting that in contemporary Western culture “the notion of natural sex difference forms a limit beyond which thought cannot go” (p.  66). In her work Gender and Power (1987), Connell advances a systematic social theory of gender which is further developed in her later work. In this theory, Connell (1996) proposes, “Gender is a way in which social practice is ordered. In gender processes, the everyday conduct of life is organized in relation to a reproductive arena, defined by the bodily structures and processes of human reproduction” (p. 159). In the study of identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in this book, gender is explored as a social practice, or as a socially constructed phenomenon. The concept of identity has become widespread within the migration studies in recent years. All individuals claim particular identities given their roles in society, groups they belong to, and characteristics that describe themselves. To explore identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, an examination of the dynamics of their national identity, ethnic identity, and identity as a woman in their daily experiences from an intersectional perspective is needed.

Identity Negotiation “Identity” as perceived in the present is derived mainly from the work of psychologist Erik Erikson in the 1950s. Generally, the concept “identity” can be described as a set or as individuals who hold a common social identification or view themselves as members of the same social category. Properly speaking, it is the person’s sense of belonging to a particular group that shares not only ethnicity and common cultural practices, but

32 

H. ZHANG

the person’s thoughts, perceptions, feelings, and behaviors are also consistent with those of other members of the ethnic group. Turner’s social identity theory posits that a person has not one “personal self”, but rather several selves that correspond to widening circles of group membership. Different social contexts may trigger an individual to think, feel and act on the basis of his personal, family, or national “level of self” (Turner et al. 1987). Apart from the “level of self”, an individual has multiple “social identities”. Social identity is the individual’s self-concept derived from perceived membership of social groups (Hogg and Vaughan 2002). In other words, it is an individual-based perception of what defines the “us” associated with any internalized group membership. Through a social comparison process, persons who are similar to the self are categorized with the self and are labeled the in-group; while persons who differ from the self are categorized as the out-group (Stets and Burke 2000). The process of identity negotiation has many different components, one of which includes those self-presentation processes people perform in the service of establishing who they are. Identity negotiation cannot be equated with self-presentation; however, self-presentational activity represents a collection of behavioral tactics designed to achieve various interaction goals (Jones and Pittman 1982). In contrast, the process of identity negotiation refers to a much broader set of processes through which people strike a balance between achieving their interaction goals and satisfying their identity-related goals, such as the need for agency, communion, and psychological coherence (Swann Jr. and Bosson 2010). Swann Jr. and Bosson (2008) also mentioned people negotiate their identities to increase the probability of coherence with others. Identity negotiation processes define relationships and make them viable as a foundation for socialization. It is true that we constantly affirm, adapt, and disconfirm aspects of our identities, and identity negotiation is indeed a concept addressing an implicit, informal, open-ended, overlearned, automatic and unconscious phenomenon. The study by Chiou (2003) further explores the relationship between migration and identity negotiation. Migration and identity have an inseparable relationship as migration experiences may affect one’s identity. Migrants may (trans)format, (re)construct, and negotiate their identity during migration processes. Thus, identity may be varied by the different migratory places, by time, and space along with the journey of transnational migration. Migrants may not have a distinct identity; it may be

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

33

double or multiple. Therefore, in the separate spaces, time, and contexts, new forms of identity may be constructed. When ethnic minority groups or migrants move to the new country or region, they may negotiate their identities between the original identity and new identity from the host society in order to better integrate into the mainstream society. Moreover, Chiou (2003) encouraged the thinking about anti-­ essentialism in the study of migrants’ identity. It can be said that according to postmodernism, which emphasizes uncertain, broken, and borderless concepts, essentialism probably provides a clear criterion for understanding migrant’s identity. Therefore, the concept of postmodernism can be incorporated into the discourse of migrants’ identity, as well as other issues relating to the construction of identity in different spaces and places. Simultaneously, identity is no longer fixed on a single boundary. The concept of identity is transgressive, double, and even plural, through the negotiation process between the original identity and the host identity. In Identity and Ethnic Relations in Southeast Asia, Tong (2010) explores the plural identity of migrants, analyzing the different time and contexts of how the home society (China) and the host society (Southeast Asia) take effect to construct Chinese diasporas’ subjectivity or their new form of identity. Apart from the above, migrants’ identities may change by different time, space, ages, and personal background. When migrants move to the host society, how do they confront identity negotiation between their original identity and host identity? What are migrants’ identity attachments and what form of identity do they tend to present? Some studies have explained these phenomena. Ngan and Chan (2012) described that a person could have multiple identities, and the diverse cultures and social elements can form such multiple identities. She narrated that she has a multicultural self because she regards herself as an Australian Chinese. However, she also defines her “Chinese” as more likely the “Hong Konger” style of Chinese. This is complicated since she has experienced many migrations in her life. That is to say, she was born and grew up in Hong Kong, then moved to Australia, and finally settled down in Hong Kong. How might we use the above framework to comprehend how complex and conflictual is the identity formation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong? I explored their identity negotiation which is affected by behaviors, emotions, and belongings from both the host society and home society and applied the migrants’ identity negotiation coordinate (see Fig. 2.1),

34 

H. ZHANG

Fig. 2.1  Identity negotiation between Thailand and Hong Kong

by examining migrants’ identity based on the way they feel, think and act, which are reflected in their daily life, work, and social interaction. The coordinate below is composed of two major axes; they are the home society/host society; and the division of the psychological and behavioral conflicts of being close and being away. This coordinate helps to clarify and to see a clear picture of how their complex identity is negotiated as well as examining the interplay of their identity between “Thai” and “Hong Konger”. In this coordinate, the host society refers to Hong Kong, and the home society refers to Thailand. Behaviors of being close refer to the part they share in the sense of being or belonging to a part of one society, and behaviors of being away, meaning the aspect in which they feel disliked or psychologically needy for being distant from that society. The coordinate is used in this study to show four dimensions of information collected from in-depth interviews with 40 study participants relating to their feelings, beliefs, thoughts, and behaviors. These arise because of the negotiation between their home and host societies. From these four dimensions composed in the coordinate, it can be concluded that migrants will keep different distances (psychologically and behaviorally) from their home society and host society; and have different strategies to be close or distant to their original identity and host identity. Furthermore, migrants may not prefer one side to another; that is, they are not totally integrated into the

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

35

host society, and not totally inherited from their home society. They will assimilate the identities from two cultures and societies into one and regard the home society and host society’s culture as a tool for living, that enables them to have a better life. Simultaneously, they will keep the same degree of distance from both cultures and societies, not choosing one to give up on another.

Conclusion This chapter has explored the fundamental concepts of this research through the contemporary literature and theories of transnational migration and identity. It is important to think about transnationalism as a process and strategy as migrants negotiate their complex identity through this process. Identity is indeed essentially comparative in nature and must be understood as originally connected to inclusion/exclusion dynamics. Identity is intended and best described as a relational and contextual process that refers to how individuals and groups consider, construct, and position themselves in relation to others according to social categories such as gender, race, nation, age, class, culture, and occupation. Identity negotiation is the outcome of two main processes: self-representations and social categorization. The combination of these two processes results in the feeling of differentiation from others, the recognition of one’s difference, the sense of belonging, and consequent mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion in both home and host countries. In this way, a foundation has been laid to understand Thai migrant women’s national, ethnic, and gender identity and the process of their identity negotiation in Hong Kong. This foundation guides the formulation of a conceptual framework and research methodology that will enable the researcher to answer the research questions.

References Agrawal, A. (2006). Women and Migration in Asia: Migrant Women and Work. Sage Publications, New Delhi. Anthias, F. (2012). Transnational Mobilities, Migration Research and Intersectionality, Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 2 (2), 102–110. Anthias, F., and Yuval-Davis, N. (1983). Contextualizing feminism—gender, ethnic and class divisions. Feminist Review, 15(1), 62–75. Anthias, F., and Yuval-Davis, N. (1992). Racialized Boundaries: Race, Nation, Gender, Colour and Class and the Anti-Racist Struggle, London, Routledge.

36 

H. ZHANG

Barth, F. (1969). Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget. Basch, L., Schiller, N. G., and Blanc, C. S. (2020). Nations unbound: Transnational projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nation-states. Routledge. Bechhofer, F., and Mccrone, D. (2009). National Identity, Nationalism and Constitutional Change. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Boyd, B. and Grieco, E. (2003). Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into International Migration Theory. Migration Information Source. Migration Policy Institute, Washington, DC. Boyd, M. (2006). “Migration in an Interconnected and Gendered World”. in Joseph Chamie and Mary G. Powers (eds.), International Migration and the Global Community: A Forum on the Report of the Global Commission on International Migration. New York: Centre for Migration Studies. Brah, A. (1996). Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities. London, Routledge. Census and Statistics Department. (2017). 2016 population census: Thematic Report: Ethnic Minorities. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department. Retrieved from http://www.census2016.gov.hk/pdf/EM.pdf. Cohen, A. (1988a). The Symbolic Construction of Community. London: Routledge. Cohen, A. (1988b). The Symbolic Construction of Community. London: Routledge. Connell, R. (1987). Gender and Power. CA: Stanford University Press. Connell, R. (1996). New Directions in Gender Theory, Masculinity Research, and Gender Politics. Journal of Anthropology, 61(3–4), 157–176. Connell, R. (2002). Gender. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Connell, R. (2009). Gender: In World Perspective (2nd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Polity. Connell, R. W. (2003). Masculinities, change, and conflict in global society: Thinking about the future of men’s studies. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 11(3), 249–266. Connell, R. W. (2006). Glass ceilings or gendered institutions? Mapping the gender regimes of public sector worksites. Public Administration Review, 66(6), 837–849. Connor, W. (1978). A nation is a nation, is a state, is an ethnic group is a…. Ethnic and racial studies, 1(4), 377–400. Connor, W. (1993). Beyond reason: The nature of the ethnonational bond. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 16(3), 373–389. Constable, N. (2009). Migrant Workers and the Many States of Protest in Hong Kong, Critical Asian Studies, 41(1), 143–164. Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review, 43, 1241–1299. Faist, T. (2000). The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

37

Ferdman, B.  M. (1992). “The Dynamics of Ethnic Diversity in Organizations: Toward Integrative Models”. In K. Kelley (Ed.), Issues, Theory and Research in Industrial/Organizational Psychology (pp.  339–384). Amsterdam: North Holland. Fouron, G., and Schiller, N.  G. (2001). All in the family: gender, transnational migration, and the nation-state. Identities Global Studies in Culture and Power, 7(4), 539–582. Fresnoza-Flot, A. (2021). Negotiating transnational mobility and gender definitions in the context of migration. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Education. Geertz, C. (1963). Peddlers and Princes: Social Change and Economic Modernization in Two Indonesian Towns Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Glenn, E. (1999). “The Social Construction and Institutionalization of Gender and Race: An Integrative Framework”, In M.  Ferree, J.  Lorber and B.  Hess (eds.), Revisioning Gender (pp. 3–43). New York, NY: Sage. Hall, S. (1990). Cultural identity and diaspora. In J. Rutherford (Ed.), Identity: Community, Culture, Difference (pp. 222–237). London: Lawrence & Wisbart. Handlin, O. (1951). The Uprooted. Boston, MA: Little, Brown. Hewison, K. (2004). Thai Migrant Workers in Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 34(3), 318–335. Hirai, K. (2002). “Exhibition of Power: Factory Women’s Use of the Housewarming Ceremony in a Northern Thai Village”, in Shigeharu Tanabe and Charles F. Keyes (eds.), Cultural Crisis and Social Memory. Modernity and Identity in Thailand and Laos, London: Routledge Curzon, pp. 185–201. Hogg, M. A., and Vaughan, G. M. (2002). Introduction to Social Psychology, London: Prentice Hall. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1992). Overcoming patriarchal constraints: The reconstruction of gender relations among Mexican immigrant women and men. Gender & Society, 6(3), 393–415. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1994). Gendered transitions. University of California Press. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (2001). Domestica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Affluence. University of California Press, Oakland. Houstoun, M. F., Kramer, R. G., and Barrett, J. M. (1984). Female predominance in immigration to the United States since 1930: A first look. International Migration Review, 18(4), 908–963. Hutnik, N. (1991). Ethnic Minority Identity: A Social Psychological Perspective, Oxford: Clarendon Press and New Delhi OUP. International Organization for Migration (IOM) and UN- INSTRAW. (2010). Gender, Migration and Remittances. Info Sheet. IOM, Geneva. International Organization for Migration (IOM). (2015). Global Migration Trends Report 2015. Geneva.

38 

H. ZHANG

Jones, E. E., and Pittman, T. S. (1982). Toward a general theory of strategic self-­ presentation. In J. Suls (Ed.), Psychological perspectives on the self (pp. 231–261). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kelly, P. (2012). Migration, Transnationalism, and the Spaces of Class Identity. Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints, 60(2), 153–185. Knapp, G. A. (2005). Race, Class, Gender: Reclaiming Baggage in Fast Travelling Theories, European Journal of Women’s Studies, 12(3), 249–266. Kotkin, J. (1993). Tribes: How Race, Religion, and Identity Determine Success in the New Global Economy. New York: Random House. La Barbera, M. C. (2013). A Path Towards Interdisciplinary Research methodologies in Human and Social Sciences: On the Use of Intersectionality to Address the Status of Migrant Women in Spain. The International Journal of the Humanities, 9(12), 193–201. Lai, M. (2011). The present of forgetting: Diasporic identity and migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong. Social Identities, 17(4), 565–585. Lee, E. S. (1966). A Theory of Migration. Demography, 3(1), 47–57. Levitt, P., and Schiller, N.  G. (2004). Conceptualizing Simultaneity: A Transnational Social Field Perspective on Society. International Migration Review, 38(3), 1002–1039. Lopez-Ekra, S., C. Aghazarm, H. Kötter and B. Mollard. (2011). The Impact of Remittances on Gender Roles and Opportunities for Children in Recipient Families: Research from the International Organization for Migration, 19(1), 69–80. Markus, H., Crane, M., Bernstein, S., and Siladi, M. (1982). Self-Schemas and Gender. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42(1), 38–50. Massey, D. S., J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor. (2005). Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium. Oxford University Press, Oxford. McCall, L. (2005). The Complexity of Intersectionality. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 30 (3), 1771–1800. Nagy, S. (2013). The Challenges and Opportunities of Transnational Migration for Global Metropolises in the Asia Pacific: Case Studies of Hong Kong, Tokyo and Vancouver. Asia Pacific World, 4 (2), pp. 55–80. Nash, J. C. (2008). Re-thinking Intersectionality. Feminist Review, 89(1), 1–15. Ng, Sek-hong and Lee, G. (2000). “Thai Migrant Workers in Hong Kong”, in Supang Chantavanich et al. (eds), Thai Migrant Worker in East and Southeast Asia, 210–235. Ngan, L.  L. S., and Chan, K.  B. (2012). The Chinese Face in Australia: Multi-­ generational Ethnicity Among Australian-born Chinese. New York: Springer. Ngan, L.  L. S., and Chan, K.  W. (2013). An Outsider is Always an Outsider: Migration, Social Policy and Social Exclusion in East Asia. The Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 12(2), 316–350.

2  INVESTIGATING MIGRANT WOMEN IN HONG KONG… 

39

Noels, K., Leavitt, P., and Clément, R. (2010). “To See Ourselves as Others See Us”: On the Implications of Reflected Appraisals for Ethnic Identity and Discrimination. Journal of Social, 66(4), 740–758. Parrenas R. S. (2001). Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press. Phinney, J. S. (1996). Understanding Ethnic Diversity. The American Behavioral Scientist, 40, 143–152. Pries, L. (2001). “The Approach of Transnational Social Spaces: Responding to New Configurations of the Social and the Spatial”. In: Pries, L. (ed.), New Transnational Social Spaces, London: Routledge. Samarn L. (2000) “Thai Migrant Workers in Taiwan”, in Supang et  al. (eds.), pp. 159–76. Schiller, N. G., Basch, L. G., and Blanc, C. S. (1992). Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered. New York, NY: New York Academy of Sciences. Schiller, N. G., Basch, L., and Blanc, C. S. (1995). From immigrant to transmigrant: Theorizing transnational migration. Anthropological Quarterly, 68, 48–63. Seidner, S.  S. (1982). Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective. Bruxelles: Centre de recherche sur le pluralinguisme. Shah, N. (2014). Recent Amnesty Programmes for Irregular Migrants in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia: Some Successes and Failures. Gulf Research Centre, GLMM-­ EN-­No. 9/2014. Gulf Research Centre, Geneva. Sijapati, B. (2015). Women’s Labor Migration from Asia and the Pacific: Opportunities and Challenges. Bangkok and Washington, D.C.: International Organization for Migration and Migration Policy Institute. Sim, A. (2002). Organizing Discontent: NGOs for Southeast Asian Migrant Workers in Hong Kong, City University of Hong Kong, Southeast Asia Research Centre Working Papers Series No. 18. Simon, R. J., and Brettell, C. (Eds.). (1986). International migration: The female experience. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld. Smith, A. (1991). National Identity. Salt Lake City, UT: Utah University Press. Stets, J. E., and Burke, P. J. (2000). Identity Theory and Social Identity Theory. Social Psychology, 63(3), 224–237. Sutton, C. R. (1992). Some Thoughts on Gendering and Internationalizing Our Thinking about Transnational Migrations." In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered. Vol. 645. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, New York. pp. 241–249. Swann, W. B., Jr., and Bosson, J. K. (2008). Identity Negotiation: A Theory of Self and Social Interaction. In O.  John, R.  Robins, and L.  Pervin (Eds.) Handbook of Personality Psychology: Theory and Research, 3rd ed. (pp. 448–471). New York: Guilford Press.

40 

H. ZHANG

Swann, W. B., Jr., and Bosson, J. K. (2010). Self and Identity. In D. T. Gilbert, S.  T. Fiske, and G.  Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of Social Psychology (5th ed., pp. 589–628). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Tan, C. B. (2010). Ethnic Identities and National Identities: Some Examples from Malaysia. Global Studies in Culture and Power, 6(4), 441–480. Tienda, M., and Booth, K. (1991). Gender, migration and social change. International Sociology, 6(1), 51–72. Tong, C. K. (2010). Identity and ethnic relations in Southeast Asia: Racializing Chineseness. Springer Science & Business Media. Turner, J., Hogg, M., Oake, P., Reicher, S., and Wetherell, M. (1987). Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-Categorization Theory. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. UN Women. (2013). Managing Labor Migration in ASEAN: Concerns for Women Migrant Workers. Asia-Pacific Regional Office, Bangkok. Verkuyten, M. (2005). The Social Psychology of Ethnic Identity. New  York, NY: Psychology Press. Wee, V., and Sim, A. (2003). Transnational Labour Networks in Female Labour Migration: Mediating Between Southeast Asian Women Workers and International Labour Markets. City University of Hong Kong, Southeast Asia Research Centre Working Papers Series, No. 49. Wee, V., and Sim, A. (2005). Hong Kong as a Destination for Migrant Domestic Workers, pp. 175–209 in S. H. Huang, B. S. A. Yeoh and N. A. Rahman (eds) Asian Women as Transnational Domestic Workers. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic. West, C., and Zimmerman, D.  H. (1987). Doing Gender. Gender and Society, 1(2), 125–151. World Bank. (2014). Gender, Poverty Reduction and Migration Report. Yamanaka, K., and Piper, N. (2005). Feminized Migration in East and Southeast Asia: Policies, Actions and Empowerment. Geneva: UNRISD. Yeoh, B. S.A., and Huang, S. (2000). “Home” and “Away”: Foreign Domestic Workers and Negotiations of Diasporic Identity in Singapore. Women’s Studies International Forum, 23(4), 413–429. Yuval-Davis, N. (2006a). Belonging and the Politics of Belonging. Pattern of Prejudice, 40, 197–214. Yuval-Davis, N. (2006b). Intersectionality and feminist politics. European journal of women's studies, 13(3), 193–209. 邱琡雯 (Chiou Shu-Wen) (2003). 《性別與移動—日本與台灣的亞洲新娘》。台北:時英出版社。 .

CHAPTER 3

Establishing the Ethnographic Study of Thai Migrant Women in Hong Kong

Conceptual Frameworks to Guide the Ethnographic Study This study aims to gain an understanding of the life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong and how Hong Kong’s sociocultural context shapes their identity negotiation, leads them to navigate ethnic boundaries, and finally reinvent their womanhood. The identity of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong is constructed multi-contextually and multidimensional on both micro and macro levels. The multi-contexts include their individual, family, community, and society micro and macro perspectives within the multidimensional constructs of their gender, race, class, and religious belief, which affect their lives in Hong Kong. The conceptual framework incorporates the suprasystem (see Fig. 3.1) developed from Aroche and Coello (1994) and the impact of migration experience on gender and identity (see Fig. 3.2) developed from Ho (2006), which enables an understanding of the identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong through their journey of transnational migration. Firstly, in keeping with the issues raised in the literature review, this study adapted the suprasystem from Aroche and Coello (1994) to understand the complicated interface of Thai migrant women and their identity and study the relationship among Thai migrant women, Hong Kong society, and domestic workers from Southeast Asia from different perspectives. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_3

41

Fig. 3.1  Suprasystem to understand migration and its impacts

Fig. 3.2  The impact of migration experience on gender and identity

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

43

The model adapted from Aroche and Coello (1994) explains the psychological perspective of transnational migration as there are three different circles which represent the different aspects of their lives—the normal life cycle (before the migration), sequelae in the context of transnational migration (in the migration), and adaption (after the migration). This model also recognizes the complex interface of issues of transnational migration and identity as a means to study the relationship among Thai migrant women, Hong Kong society, and domestic workers. This holistic model has the capacity to explore the link between transnational migration and identity in the context of Hong Kong, in that it encompasses the individual, family, community, and social experience from all aspects of their life journey. Secondly, the theoretical concept of the impact of migration experience on identity adapted from Ho (2006) provides another useful framework to explore Thai migrant women’s migration experience and identity negotiation. According to Abrams and Hogg (1988, p. 2), identity is people’s concepts of who they are, what sort of people they are, and how they relate to others. Identity refers to how individuals and collectivities are distinguished in their social relations with other individuals and collectivities, one’s identity is based on one’s socialization to a particular culture, where norms, values, roles, and status are interpreted (Blumer 1969). Transnational migrant involves significant changes in the social space from their home country to the host country. When migrants move from one country to another country, they are usually confronted with a new culture or identity from the host society. However, migrants also bring their own culture, language, values, beliefs, and behaviors; migrants will undergo a complete reinterpretation of their roles and identification in the host country. Figure 3.2 shows the conceptual framework of how Thai migrant women’s experience influences and shapes the migrant’s identities negotiation. For Thai migrant women who migrated to Hong Kong, they have experienced two significant changes. Firstly, the spatial movements; moving from Thailand, where they are the majority, then moving to Hong Kong, where they become the minorities. Secondly, they face multiple social roles in Hong Kong, such as labor, wife, mother, and daughter-in-­law. Following the conceptualization of social and ethnic identity theory (Turner 1982; Verkuyten 2005) and identity negotiation theory (Chiou 2003), this study explored the changes in Thai migrant women from their life experiences

44 

H. ZHANG

to find how they perceive themselves and their identity as a Thai woman in Hong Kong; how does the social-cultural context in Hong Kong shape their identity negotiation and affect their womanhood. Migrants grow up in a society which is socioculturally different from the host society. From the social perspective, a migrant, especially a migrant woman from a less developing country, has always been excluded from mainstream society and lives marginally in the host society. As “outsiders” in the host country, they are forced to reconsider their identity, find reference groups, and establish new interpersonal ties. In the new social and cultural environment, migrants have to redefine the meaning of in-group and out-group. From the cultural perspective, migrants have to learn different languages, cultures, values, and thoughts in the host society to demonstrate their experiences and feelings. After the migration, they are in the process of defining, redefining, interpreting, and reinterpreting the meanings of their life experiences. In this scenario, migrant women will negotiate their identity, change their gender role expectations and reinvent their womanhood. Thai migrant women face many problems and dilemmas when encountering the new socioeconomic and sociocultural environments in Hong Kong. The different values and expectations from Hong Kong lead them into the process of identity negotiation, where they keep different distances (psychologically and behaviorally) from the home country and the host country. Furthermore, Thai migrant women do not just prefer one side to another; they are not entirely integrated into the host society and not wholly inherited from their home society. They will assimilate and adopt the different identities from two cultures and societies into one and regard the inbetween identity as a survival strategy for them, which enables them to have a stable and better life. For Thai migrant women, the most important social roles for them are laborers, daughters, wives, and mothers, or broadly speaking, a woman in society. As these migrant women grew up in Thailand, the different social and cultural backgrounds created different understandings of gender roles and gender expectations, which is different from the gender norms and values in Hong Kong. These different gender values and norms between Thailand and Hong Kong may lead them to a new understanding of gender identity and womanhood. Thai migrant women will start thinking about what it means to be a wife, a mother, and a daughter. What should a woman do or not do? What is the perfect relationship between husband and wife? Thai migrant women’s definition of woman will provide insights into their perception and experience of identity negotiation and womanhood reinvention.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

45

Therefore, this conceptual framework incorporating the mentioned two models provides direction from a dynamic point of view and intersectional perspective to understand the “in-between” situation of Thai migrant women. Aroche and Coello’s model emphasizes the dynamics and coherence of the transnational process to investigate Thai migrant women’s in-between identity to guide an understanding of their interactions with individuals, family, community, and society, together with the changes and impacts on their identity along with their transnational migration from Thailand to Hong Kong. Ho’s model enables an understanding of Thai migrant women’s in-between from another perspective. This model explains that transnational migration is a dynamic and coherent process. With the spatial movement, Thai migrant women’s identity is changed, and this change is caused by the different social-economic and social-cultural environments in the home country and the host country. This conceptual framework looks at Thai migrant women as a transnational group who maintain a connection with both Thailand and Hong Kong to understand their in-between identity.

Research Design A social constructivist approach underpins this research into Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation in Hong Kong. Constructivism relates to the philosophical position that all knowledge is socially constructed. This directly impacts how people see themselves in relation to their world and other people through shaping understandings that lead to interpretative frameworks and structures (Rodwell 1998, p. 254). This approach provides a strong foundation which allows for a combination of theoretical perspectives to inform and enhance the work. Mary Rodwell (1998, p. 254) defines constructivism in a social sciences context as a philosophical framework supporting the notion that “reality is constructed” and is specific to the time and context of the situation. She understands constructivism to be concerned with how people think and how they use their experience to make meaning of the world and proactively use the information in their own world (Rodwell 1998, p. 19). For Rodwell (1998, p.  4), research underpinned by constructivism finds ways of understanding and managing different possibilities rather than finding one true answer, recognizing and respecting diversity. Working from this way of knowing ensures empathetic understanding is a priority using a collaborative approach to gaining the participants’

46 

H. ZHANG

viewpoint (Rodwell 1998, p.  15; Padgett 2008). In line with the constructivist research, this research follows an interpretive framework (HesseBiber and Leavy 2006, p. 36), which prioritizes the relationship between researcher and researched in order to engage in knowledge building from a combination of subjective and objective experiences (Rodwell 1998, p. 16; Rosen 2003). Through the lens of a constructivist, the researcher needs to be aware of his or her own knowledge, and values must be explicit (Jones et al. 2013, Rodwell 1998, p. 9). The researcher must place themselves alongside the researched to allow the whole picture to be understood and produce meaningful results. On the other hand, the social constructivist approach also enables the researcher to understand the social knowledge of the research subject him/herself. Social constructivists view knowledge and truth as created by the interactions of individuals within a society (Andrews 2012). Therefore, researchers suggest that national, ethnic, and gender identities are fluid, multidimensional, personalized social constructions that reflect the individual’s current context and sociohistorical cohort. Identity as a social construct is continuously re-created and personalized social, including multiple social categories that function to keep people whole. In this way, the social constructivist approach not facilitates the researcher’s self-­ reflection; but also enriches the understanding of the research subjects. Consistent with social constructivism, the qualitative research method with an ethnographic approach was used to capture the complexity and diversity of experiences of becoming Thai migrant women in Hong Kong and all the contextual elements surrounding this experience to understand their identity negotiation. Qualitative research seeks an answer to questions about how social experiences are created and given meanings by focusing on the socially constructed nature of reality (Denzin and Lincoln 2008). Qualitative research was the most appropriate because the purpose of this research was to uncover the processes of becoming a female transnational migrant and the experiences of the Thai female transnational migrant. Participant observation and interviews captured the narratives of Thai migrant women as “…the observation and interview are just as much a social situation as is any other interaction” (Mason 2002); leading to a comprehensive understanding of Thai migrant women, as it is located in the contextual, situational and interactional life experiences in these Thai women’s transnational journeys. The situation faced by Thai migrant women in Hong Kong today is one of complexity. This level of complexity ideally lends itself to a

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

47

qualitative method of inquiry, in that it can reveal rich data yielding a greater understanding of how these events have contributed to identity perspectives (Alston and Bowles 2003, pp. 185–186). Given the complexity, the limited scholarship, and the specific cultural nuances of the social phenomena under study, methods were utilized that focused the study in four directions as posited by Clandinin and Connelly—on the inwards, that is, internal thinking; the outwards, that is, the external context; the backwards, that is, the past; and the present, that is, now and the future (1994, pp.  418–420). Narratives gained in semi-structured interviews were the primary data collection methods. The field notes gained from my participant observation at two field sites were secondary methods. The use of narratives was chosen as it is recognized that they function to construct identities at individual, communal, and national levels (Clandinin and Connelly 1994; Frank 2002). “Narrative might be the term assigned to any text or discourse, or it might be the text used within the context of a mode of inquiry in qualitative research (Chase 2005), with a specific focus on the stories told by individuals (Polkinghorne 1995)”. The most often used source of stories in the contemporary narrative inquiry is through interviews (Mishler 1986). By simply asking the participants to tell how their transnational migration journey happened, the stories are generated as memories or recollections of Thai migrant women. Since stories are often identified as a form of meaning construction in qualitative interview data, the oral narration needs to be carefully transcribed and transformed into written texts for analysis. Richardson (1990) sums up the purpose of narratives as a data collection method in research when she writes: Narrative displays the goals and intentions of human actors; it makes individuals, cultures, societies and historical epochs comprehensible as wholes; it humanizes time; it allows us to contemplate the effects of our actions, and to alter the directions of our lives. (p. 117)

The defining feature of narrative research is that the data are in some form of a story, either about a particular event that they experienced or their life (Merriam 2002). It is crucial for the researcher to understand the impact and meaning of the story to the individual and consider the social and cultural background of the stories. The journey of transnational migration from Thailand to Hong Kong constitutes a transition state for Thai migrant women affecting their identity as in-between. In this study,

48 

H. ZHANG

life stories of their transnational migration journey were used as a way to understand how they negotiated their identity when they faced the new socioeconomic and social-cultural environments in Hong Kong.

Gatekeeper in Fieldwork At the very early beginning of my research, I identified the people who would help me carry out the field research and established relationships with them. I was assisted in this process by relationships formed with members and staff of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong. The consultation process began after I moved to Lingnan University in early 2016 for my postgraduate study. I contacted Ms. Tamasorn, the President of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong via phone and email. She permitted me to proceed with this study in my Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong and invited me to work as a volunteer in the organization to enable me to conduct field research. I provided the Gatekeeper Information Sheets to Ms. Tamasorn, who assisted me in this study. The Gatekeeper Information Sheets explained the aims and purposes of the research and other necessary information for this study. Once my gatekeeper agreed to assist me in the study, they needed to sign an agreement which contained a confidentiality clause.

The Field Site and the Researcher’s Multiple Role The fieldwork for this research was conducted in Hong Kong from 2016 to 2020. As an ethnography research, Wat Buddhadhamaram (see Fig. 3.3) and the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong (see Fig. 3.4) were the field sites for my research. Wat Buddhadhamaram was built in 2006 and is located in Yuen Long, Hong Kong, and managed by the Office of National Buddhism, Thailand through the Royal Thai Consulate-General, Hong Kong, which alongside the Thai Sangha, promotes Thailand’s overseas Buddhist missionary policy and activities. Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong was established in 2001 during the proposed wage cut for Foreign Domestic Helpers (FDH). Thai organizations and individuals joined together with the Asian Migrant Coordination Body (AMCB), an alliance with different migrant organizations in Hong Kong. As a result, Thai people in the spirit of solidarity saw the need for the establishment of an effective organization to represent their needs and thus Thai Regional Alliance Association was born. It is registered under the Societies Ordinance.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

49

Fig. 3.3  Location of Wat Buddhadhamaram in Yuen Long, Hong Kong. Source: Google Maps

Fig. 3.4  Location of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong at Wan Chai, Hong Kong. Source: Google Maps

50 

H. ZHANG

This research was built on the experience as I adopted an “active membership” role in the field research process. With an active membership, the researcher moves clearly away from the marginally involved role of the traditional participant observer and assumes a more central position in the setting. Researchers who adopt active membership roles do more than just participate in the social activities of group members. However, it is recognized that within this “active membership” role, it is crucial to maintain a researcher identity and periodically withdraw from the field (Adler and Adler 1987, p. 50). In consultation with Ms. Tamasorn, President of Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, I accepted an invitation to work as a volunteer within the organization’s office every Sunday. My previous social work training helped me adapt well to this role at the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong.

Study Participants and Recruitment The study was designed to ensure that a diversity of Thai migrant women’s life experiences was represented. Instead of generalization and representativeness, a more proper task of qualitative research is to gain an in-depth and sophisticated understanding of a phenomenon. As an exploratory study, the purpose of the recruitment was not to make generalizable comparisons between participants’ perceptions or experiences, but to contribute rich and detailed information about the participant’s experiences and perceptions to understand the mechanisms and processes involved in identity formation and negotiation by inspecting the cases closely. In total, 40 Thai migrant women were recruited through the researcher and gatekeeper. The gatekeeper was asked to inform these Thai migrant women with whom she was in contact with the research. The researcher also contacted Thai migrant women from his personal social connections. Subsequently, times were arranged to meet with each of the study participants to discuss the aims and purposes of the study and expectations of their role. An information form detailing the background and aims of the study was given to each study participant. After all of them signed the consent form, appointments were made for the in-depth interviews. The mode of recruiting Thai migrant women was through those who had or were engaged in activities from the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong. On the one hand, this could be seen as a limitation with the potential to cause bias, as these study participants were able to access social support from the NGO should they need it. However, on the other hand, as they are

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

51

engaging in different activities in the NGO, these study participants are more active and outgoing and hence can better articulate their experiences and identities than those who are passive and unattached. Selection Criteria There were three criteria for the selection of study participants in this study. They are Thai migrant women who are married to local Hong Kong Chinese husbands, having resided in Hong Kong for a continuous period of not less than seven years, and who have taken Hong Kong as their place of permanent residence. Also, the study focused on the socioeconomic background and age of different generations of migrants. The first selection criterion is a Thai woman, born and grew up in Thailand with her first language as Thai, having migrated and lived in Hong Kong and still has the connection and contact with her Thai family. Within the traditional Thai culture and values, genders have ascribed roles that exercise an impact on identity. As the migration pattern of Thai migrants in Hong Kong is highly feminized, 87% of Thai people in Hong Kong are female. The gender gap index (Gender Gap Index ranks countries according to the calculated gender gap between women and men in four key areas: health, education, economy, and politics) between Thailand and Hong Kong is significantly different. The researcher assumes that in comparison to given gender roles and statuses, such as social and labor division, property holding, and control of life chances from the socioeconomic and sociocultural perspective in Thai societies with the current Hong Kong society, the social-cultural and significant socioeconomic differences will influence those migrant women to negotiate their identities. The second selection criterion is being married to local Hong Kong Chinese husbands, living and working in Hong Kong, and having their family-in-law in Hong Kong. The idea of transnational migrants observes people’s multiple relationships with two or more nation-states, as well as how the interconnection of different societies serves to shape and transform the identities of transnational migrants. As I reviewed transnational migration as a process for Thai migrant women, one of the significant changes in their family role, from a daughter in Thailand to a wife, a mother, and a daughter-in-law, will cause them to rethink and reinvent their womanhood to adjust their family life in Hong Kong. Therefore, being married to a local Hong Kong Chinese husband and living in Hong Kong society will impact their identity and also reflect upon and share

52 

H. ZHANG

their experiences of both the interpersonal and intrapersonal challenges and rewards they experience in the context of being a migrant woman who has a local Chinese husband in Hong Kong. The reason to choose a local Hong Kong Chinese husband is that it will enable us to see the different life experiences in Hong Kong society and the identity negotiation process between Thai migrant women who are Thai Chinese sharing a similar cultural background with Hong Kong Chinese, and these non-Thai Chinese migrant women who grew up in a different cultural background. It also helps analyze how Hong Kong’s local sociocultural factors, such as ethnic identity construction and family structure, and normative values and cultural practices shape their identity negotiation and reinvent their womanhood. The third criterion is that they have become a permanent resident of Hong Kong. There are many studies and researches on the domestic worker from the Philippines and Indonesia in Hong Kong, but according to the current immigration policy in Hong Kong, these domestic workers are ineligible to get permanent resident status or even stay in Hong Kong for more than seven years. However, those who immigrate to Hong Kong through Admission Schemes for Talent, Professionals, and Entrepreneurs or marriage are eligible to become permanent residents after living in Hong Kong for seven years. This third criterion ensures study participants are transnational migrants and not domestic workers, explore from their perspective how they have been portrayed in mainstream society, and what kind of relationship between them, Hong Kong society, and domestic workers. Sampling Processes Samples in qualitative research are usually smaller than in quantitative research (Ritchie et al. 2003, p. 83). Large samples are not necessary nor practical for narrative analysis (Riessman 2008). The reason for this is that qualitative researchers work in the context of discovery and often follow emergent empirical and conceptual findings in unexpected ways. A qualitative sample should be small enough to capture experiences and views that are important, that is, it should reach saturation when no new data or relevant information is emerging. According to Creswell’s (1994) suggestion on sample size and sample process, the sample should allow for a diversity of experiences and views to be captured and saturation to be reached. After discussing with my supervisor and gatekeeper, 40 Thai migrant women with diverse backgrounds were recruited for this research, and two field sites were studied.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

53

Data Collection Methods As mentioned above, narratives gained in semi-structured in-depth interviews were the primary data collection methods in this research, with the secondary method being the field notes gained from participant observation at two field sites. Interviews followed the semi-structured style. Unlike unstructured interviews, where there is no interview guide or schedule, the questions, probes, and prompts in semi-structured interviews are in the form of a flexible interview guide (see Fig.  3.5), which is used during a research interview (Crabtree and Miller 1999). This interview guide provided general direction for the interview and guide to the questions to ask to find out the answers and responses related to the key concepts of this study— transnational migration and identity—covering four broad areas, self, family, community, and society, from an interactional perspective. Study participants were encouraged to adopt an open attitude to reflect on their own experiences. In-depth narrative interviews were used to collect the data. This meant that participants had the opportunity to express their ideas and feelings as well as to draw on their knowledge and experience (Corby 2006). Open-ended questions encouraged the participants to start to tell their stories, and the use of probing questions and verbal encouragement created opportunities to extend the story.

Fig. 3.5  The interview guides

54 

H. ZHANG

Field notes from participant observation in two research field sites were also utilized. Writing field notes helped me identify essential questions and domains of life that needed to be examined in greater detail. Participant observation is an appropriate method for addressing some sensitive issues (Kearns 2000), extending the internal and external validity of the study by aiding the meaning of observations, and helping to formulate sensible questions for later stages of research (Bernard 2000, p.141). Pilot Study The term pilot study is employed in two different ways in social science research. It can refer to so-called feasibility studies, which are “small-scale version[s], or trial run[s], done in preparation for the major study” (Polit et al. 2001, p. 467). However, a pilot study can also be the pretesting or “trying out” of a particular research instrument (Baker 1994, pp. 182–183). One of the advantages of conducting a pilot study is that it might give advance warning about where the primary research project could fail, where research protocols may not be followed, or whether proposed methods or instruments are inappropriate or too complicated. The pilot interviews were conducted in May 2016 in Hong Kong before the formal data collection process. These interviews were particularly helpful in developing possible categories of analysis and modifying the interview guide. The pilot studies also helped the researcher become familiar with the research subjects, pay attention to sensitive issues, and be alerted. Interview Questions After finishing the pilot study, the interview questions were developed in preparation for the formal interview process based on the researcher’s reflections on the interview guide and discussion with his supervisor. The interview questions related to how and why these Thai migrant women came and lived in Hong Kong, their family background, their work background, life before coming to Hong Kong and now in Hong Kong, cultural heritage in everyday life, religious faiths and practices, what it means to be Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, views on the woman in Hong Kong and Thailand and their plans for the future life. While questions were not asked in any particular order, each of the interviews covered these different topics. The purpose of the interview was to keep in line with the research questions, at the same time, give chances to the study participants to share whatever they were comfortable with.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

55

Formal Interviews The in-depth interview method is an efficient way of accessing people’s perceptions and examining individual’s perspectives and feelings relating to particular ideas, situations, or phenomena; thus, this study used a semi-­ structured interview process whereby the topic area guided the questions asked. The formal interviews with 40 Thai migrant women were conducted in multiple rounds in Hong Kong between 2016 and 2020. Consideration was given to the location of the interviews. Ideally, I wanted to conduct interviews in participants’ homes as I was aware of the need to locate the interview in a setting that was private, comfortable, and quiet for the participant (Richards and Morse 2007, p. 113). Also, from a holistic view, I wish to gain a deeper understanding of participants’ lived lives and observing them in their own home setting would assist in this. However, the constraints within a migrant woman did not always lend themselves to this. Some participants told me it is not convenient for me to come to their homes due to their parents-in-law and other undisclosed reasons. Following further consultation with some participants and my supervisors on what would be most appropriate, we all agreed that the interviews would take place in participants come where possible and where not, such as their homes, my two research field sites, and cafe. The interviews were conducted in both Thai and English, and each interview averaged one and half hours. While Minichiello et  al. (2008) recommend that in cross-language research, interviews are best conducted in the participant’s first language, some of the participants stated they were comfortable speaking in English and indeed, spoke English in the course of their working life in Hong Kong. During the interviews, study participants were given opportunities to narrate the stories of their life experiences as transnational migrants. The interview covered different broad areas, beginning with some general questions about their life, including their personal information, such as their occupation, educational background, religion, and their memories of Thailand. These broad questions were designed to build rapport. As this was a face-to-face in-depth interview, it was essential and necessary to develop a positive relationship with the study participants. By initially asking broad and non-threatening questions, a safe and comfortable environment was established to encourage study participants to share their personal experiences and attitudes (DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree 2006). In the next part of the interview, they were asked about their pathways into transnational migration, which included the process of

56 

H. ZHANG

becoming a migrant woman, feelings about being a migrant woman, and their life experiences in Hong Kong. Aspects of their current lives in Hong Kong were explored, including work, family, and social life. Study participants were encouraged to talk about life changes and life experiences related to their transnational migration journey in both positive and negative terms, for example, employment, economic situation, and the relationship between themselves and their family members, friends, and colleagues. Also, their life experiences as a Thai and as a woman in Hong Kong were discussed. In the last part of the interview, study participants were asked how these life experiences influenced their identity and womanhood, how they managed those conditions, what they expected in the future, and their suggestions related to improving their lives, especially in relation to their family, community, and society. Some participants were interviewed two or three times in two rounds because some of the interview questions needed to be elaborated more to gain a substantial understanding of Thai migrant women’s life experiences and increased my understanding of that social reality from their perspective. Also, repeating the interview process can enhance the trustworthiness and credibility of the data and generate full descriptions contextualizing experience and interpretation (Denzin and Lincoln 2008, p. 100). All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed by myself. I aimed to do this as soon as possible after the interview, and generally, this was achieved within seven days. I listened to the recordings on multiple occasions reviewing my typed transcriptions for accuracy. Drisko (2004) refers to this process as part of “preening the data”, ensuring that it is analyzed as thoroughly and accurately as possible (p. 197). Participant Observation As mentioned above, field notes gained from participant observation at two field sites were the secondary data collection method for this research. Participant observation was an essential part of this research. Much information was gained from just spending time with Thai people at Wat Buddhadhamaram and Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong every weekend, learning how they dress, think, feel and talk, interact with others, and participate in activities. Participant observation allows the researcher to observe the actions, behavior, and language used by Thai migrant women in their natural settings. The researcher participates in the everyday life of people for a period. During this time, the researcher watches what is happening,

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

57

listens to what is said, observes reactions and interactions, asks questions, and generally collects whatever data is available that might shed light on the issue being researched (Hammersley and Atkinson 1995). Throughout the book, quotes from the field notes and interviews have been used to reflect the real-life situation of Thai migrant women in this research.

Data Management and Analysis Data management and analysis processes are a continuum that begins with the raw data, progressing in turn to descriptive statements, interpretations, and the final presentation for the reader. This section will begin by outlining the processes taken concerning the transcription of the interviews and the decisions made in relation to the use of pseudonyms of the research participants and the gatekeeper, before detailing the data analysis. All interviews were transcribed by the researcher firstly, from spoken Thai and English to written Thai and English. This process is considered to provide a more careful review of the translation process, thus enhancing rigor and trustworthiness of the data (Shibusawa and Lukens 2004, p.  185). Back translation based on Brislin’s (1980) model was utilized. Back translation ensures that the original translation “was not an exercise of mere lexical equivalence, but one of conceptual equivalence too” (Papadopoulos 2006, p. 94). It ensures that the translator conveyed correct information and meaning, did not alter or omit any of the information, and used language that accurately conveyed the meaning expressed by the original speaker (ibid, p. 95). In order to keep the translations as accurate as possible, some Thai words and phrases have been left in the Thai language pronunciation, followed by the literal English explanation in parentheses. There were situations where no English word or phrase existed as a meaningful translation for the Thai word or phrase. In addition, any inconsistencies were noted, these were then discussed with my supervisors and gatekeeper. In the following finding chapters, I have aimed to represent the voices of all the participants and their stories. Participants’ own words are used throughout to bring the reader the meaning of their story from their viewpoint. However, to safeguard the anonymity of the participants, pseudonyms were used. In assigning each participant a pseudonym, I sought to give Thai names that while they would not identify the person or misidentify another person, would still reflect the personality of the participant based on their actual situation.

58 

H. ZHANG

To manage the large amount of data collected, I chose the MS Word and NVivo programs as they contain many features that make the handling and integration of different types of data more manageable. Analysis was thematic, which depends upon the recognition of emerging themes in the research material throughout the coding process (Alston and Bowles 2003, p. 211) with an emphasis on “what is said” (Bryman 2004, p. 412) and often uses direct quotations within the text (Silverman 2006, p. 163). The task of identifying links in the coded data into categories is central to making sense of the data and the development of themes, which in turn is integral for conclusions and explanations to be developed (Denscombe 2007, p. 292). As transcription was necessary from the audio recording, analysis was commenced during the transcription in the form of line numbering, coding, and adding notes (Denscombe 2007, p. 185). Therefore, the analysis process was divided into different stages, which include: 1. The first stage of this process involved the reading and rereading of the transcripts and field notes to get a sense of the whole. From this, themes were developed which reflected the stories told by the participants and my own personal observations. These beginning themes were recorded into a coding frame, from which the transcripts were then coded accordingly. As the interviews progressed and new codes emerged, the coding frame was amended, and transcripts recoded to accommodate the changed frame. This process continued throughout the interview process. An early example of a specific theme that emerged from the data was labeled “gender” and “ethnicity”. All of the participants and many of the people with whom I had contact during my participant observation at two field sites were Thai and migrant women. As mentioned in Chap. 2 that the relationship between gender, ethnicity, and transnational migration is essential for us to study identity negotiation in the era of globalization, I decided that “gender” and “ethnicity” are two of the major themes in my study. Similarly, another early theme emerging from the data was “religion”. This was not surprising as the majority of the participants identified as Buddhists and I also did my participant observation at Wat Buddhadhamaram; Also, I have explained it is a complex and critical issue to discuss the identity in Thai context under the “nation-religion-­ monarchy” trinity. Even so, as I scanned my field notes and interview transcripts, different aspects of faith became apparent.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

59

In this way, the two major themes of this study, gender, ethnicity, and religion were developed inductively from the transcripts and emerged organically from the data. 2. The next stage was categorizing. This step involved generating new categories and refining existing categories. There were various storylines started to emerge once the coding procedure was started. I constantly compared existing codes and themes with the new data on their similarities and differences. This process included a continual return to the data until each category was theoretically saturated and defined with codes that represented various perspectives about the category. At this data analysis stage, I started to explore the relationship between different categories and develop thematic concepts and theoretical propositions. 3. The last stage was interpreting, which is the process of moving to a deeper meaning of the text and a process of decontextualization and recontextualization of the data. In this stage, the thematic texts were re-contextualized within the Thai migrant women’s life experiences. In this way, the thematic texts and categories from each of the narrator transcripts were integrated into a holistic way to form interpretations of the life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. This has involved the writing up of the research, dissemination of findings within the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, speaking at conferences, and submitting for publication. Generalization of the findings is not possible due to the nature of this type of research and the sampling strategy, which is more concerned with developing “tentative suppositions” (Rodwell 1998, p. 17) related to specific cases (Hammersley 1997). Some may see this as a limitation, however, on the contrary, in this research specifically, I am interested in presenting the life experiences and identity of Thai migrant women. Therefore, the findings take the form of a body of knowledge, relevant to the participants and subject matter and offer a variety of both similar and different positions and understandings (Rodwell 1998, p. 17). The study aimed to understand the life experiences of Thai migrant women along with their transnational migration, involving the complexity and diversity of experiences in becoming a migrant woman and the sociocultural content that impact their identity negotiation and womanhood in Hong Kong. For this purpose, an extensive amount of qualitative data was collected. I chose to undertake a thematic analysis for this study because

60 

H. ZHANG

this provides a flexible, rich, detailed, and complex account of data (Braun and Clarke 2006). Thematic analysis is a method which not only reflects reality but also unpicks or unravels the surface of “reality” (Braun and Clarke 2006). The participants’ narratives are used extensively in the following chapters. This is to ensure that the meaning of the narratives, especially because it is in a language other than English, is accurately reflected. While presenting the findings in words as direct quotations may reduce the readability of the text, it “is the only chance that the readers have to ‘see for themselves’ what the participants ‘look like’” (Liamputtong 2010, p. 215). The strategy was applied for this book to give Thai migrant women opportunities for their stories to be heard. Data analysis is not a linear process but rather iterative. As such, I moved back and forth between collecting, reflecting, analyzing, reflecting, collecting, analyzing, and writing in a continuous cycle. Throughout the data collection and data analysis processes, I was conscious of the responsibility to interpret the findings from the participants’ viewpoint, to give space for their voices to be heard, and the need to be systematic and reflexive in my approach to ensure that this occurred.

Issues Relating to Trustworthiness and Authenticity In qualitative research, issues of validity and reliability are most usefully viewed in terms of the credibility or trustworthiness of the research. However, it has been argued that validity and reliability are not attainable in constructivist inquiry, instead, researchers strive for quality research that incorporates “trustworthiness and authenticity” (Rodwell 1998, p. 59). Trustworthiness relates to the inquiry process which must be meticulous and thorough. Indeed, Rodwell (1998, p. 60) discusses the idea of rigor of the research and goes on to describe four crucial elements that accentuate the likelihood of credible findings in constructivist research, these are: 1. Credibility—refers to whether the descriptions fit the claims made (Lincoln and Denzin 2003, p. 69). 2. Transferability—relates to what information can be used in other areas (Rodwell 1998, p. 60).

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

61

3. Dependability—refers to the ability to compare the research processes with what would be expected of constructivist inquiry (Rodwell 1998, p. 99). 4. Confirmability—shows how data and results are linked (Rodwell 1998, p. 60). Rodwell (1998, p. 59) describes authenticity as being an integral aspect of the research process and not an end result. Authenticity is displayed through acknowledgment of participants’ positions, working hard to address power inequities within the research process, consciousness raising, and identifying the research as an impetus for change. The integrity of qualitative research is premised on trustworthiness and authenticity. In this study, a combination of strategies has been used to enhance the researcher’s trustworthiness to the participants, and these strategies include prolonged engagement, triangulation, peer debriefing, and member checking (Guba and Lincoln 1989). 1. Prolonged Engagement Prolonged engagement as a strategy addressed both reactivity and respondent bias. My active membership role afforded me the ability to engage with the research topic over a lengthy period of time and to develop mutual acceptance and respect. In the twelve months of my participant observation at Wat Buddhadhamaram and Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, I was able to observe the operation of the temple and the organization in practice as well as interact with the participants in the context of their daily lives over a lengthy period of time. The interview process also involved prolonged engagement. The second and third interviews gave credibility to data collected as information shared in the first interviews was often reiterated with greater detail in subsequent interviews. 2. Triangulation Triangulation is a dynamic process whereby complementary methods intertwine at different times throughout the research process enhancing the rigor of the study (Lewis and Ritchie 2003). In this study, I have employed a variety of data sources, including in-depth interviews, participant observation, and field notes—served to enhance the trustworthiness and credibility of the data collected.

62 

H. ZHANG

3. Peer Debriefing Peer debriefing is “a process of exposing oneself to a disinterested peer in a manner paralleling an analytical session and for the purpose of exploring aspects of the inquiry that might otherwise remain only implicit within the inquirer’s mind” (Lincoln and Guba 1985, p. 308). My social work training experience prepared me for the realization of its necessity in the research process. In the process of reflexivity, I developed a support network during both the data collection and analysis phases of this study. These processes have assisted in the amelioration of researcher bias in the study. 4. Member Checking Padgett (2008) mentioned that “member checking remains one of the most important ways to lend trustworthiness to a qualitative study” (p. 101). Member checking is used to determine the accuracy of the findings by taking what has been written and specific descriptions of themes back to participants to determine whether they feel they are an accurate representation of the data (Creswell 2006, p. 196). In this study, member checking was conducted at the end of individual interviews. This was done by the researcher making a summary of his findings for checking.

Ethical Considerations Beginning from a reflexive stance, within the research role, the ethical terms of engagement are ones whereby the researcher is obligated to the people being researched and a recognition that making oneself present and open is vitally important to members of marginalized groups (Frank 2002, p. 16; Miehls and Moffatt 2000, pp. 343–344). In accordance with the policies of Human Ethics Approval for Research at Lingnan University, a research proposal was submitted to the supervisors and approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee. Study participants were provided with a participant information statement, which included a summary of the study, benefits of conducting this research, and contacts for the researcher involved. In addition, study participants were informed that participation was voluntary through a written participant consent form which was given to the study participants at the beginning of the interview and they were asked to sign the form before the interview began. Moreover, it was explained to study participants that they might stop the interview at any time and any information revealed in it not be included in the study; that the recording of the interview would be destroyed. All the study participants’ information has been kept confidential as required by the university.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

63

Five ethical criteria for social research were identified. These are autonomy/self-determination, non-malfeasance, beneficence, justice, and positive contribution to knowledge (Alston and Bowles 2003, p. 21). Two of these ethical principles emerged as particularly important in this research, related to the nature of the participants. The first was the issue of autonomy/self-determination. According to Sieber (2000), “Potential participants must be free to decide whether a particular study has merit and whether their involvement in the study is appropriate” (p. 29). Thai migrant women are the group who have been considered as others in mainstream society. While it is believed that this research has the potential to assist in the process of making their voices heard, it was essential that it be conducted in a manner that did not further exploit this already vulnerable people group. The second issue is related to non-malfeasance. “Although researchers do not intend harm to their participants, unintended harms can occur during the course of the research or as a consequence of it” (Eyde 2000, p. 62). Women migrating from developing countries to developed countries is a sensitive issue for women who often experience hardship and social discrimination, so there was a possibility that study participants might become emotionally distressed during the interview. As Thai people find it difficult to disagree or challenge the views of a guest based on traditional culture and religious beliefs, also because study participants were migrant women married to Hong Kong men. Therefore, the researcher had to be very careful in both his verbal and non-verbal communication within the open and public space to make them feel safe and comfortable.

Conclusion This chapter has summarized the conceptual framework and research method of this research. The thematic analysis of the narratives gained from my participant observation and in-depth interviews will be presented in the following three chapters. The first chapter analyses the ethnographic study in Wat Buddhadhamaram to answer the question of how Thai migrant women living in Hong Kong perceive their identity. The second chapter examines the self-ethnic identification of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong and looks into how different generations of Thai migrant women identify themselves differently in the host community and navigate the ethnic boundary. The third chapter introduces the narratives gained from my in-depth interviews with Thai migrant women by utilizing the conceptual model, to answer how the Hong Kong context shapes Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation and affects their womanhood.

64 

H. ZHANG

References Abrams, D., and Hogg, M. A. (1988). Comments on the Motivational Status of Self-esteem in Social Identity and Intergroup Discrimination. European Journal of Social Psychology, 18, 317–334. Adler, P., and Adler, P. (1987). Membership Roles in Field Research. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado. Alston, M. and Bowles, W. (2003). Research for Social Workers: An Introduction to Methods (2nd Ed.). Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Andrews, T. (2012). What is Social Constructionism? The Grounded Theory Review, 11 (1), 39–46. Aroche, J., and Coello, M. (1994). “Toward a Systemic Approach for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors in Exile: The Experience of STARTTS in Australia”, Paper presented at the 4th International Conference of Centres, Institutions and Individuals Concerned with Victims of Organised Violence: Philippines. Baker, T. L. (1994). Doing Social Research, New York: McGraw-Hill Inc. Bernard, H. R. (2000). Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Braun, V., and Clarke, V. (2006). Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. Brislin, R. (1980). Translation and Content Analysis of Oral and Written Materials. In H. Triandis and J. Berry (Eds.), Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Vol. 2 (pp. 389–444). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bryman, A. (2004). Social Research Methods (2nd Ed.). Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press. Chase, S. (2005). Narrative inquiry: Multiple Lenses, Approaches, Voices. In N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (3rd Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (pp. 651–680). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publication. Clandinin, D. and Connelly, F. (1994). “Personal Experience Methods”, in N.  Denzin and Y.  Lincoln (eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research. Sage, Thousand Oaks, pp. 413–427. Corby, B. (2006). Applying Research in Social Work Practice. New York, NY: Open University Press. Crabtree, B.  F., and Miller, W. (1999). Doing Qualitative Research (2nd Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Creswell, J. W. (1994). Research Design: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. Sage, Thousand Oaks. Creswell, J. W. (2006). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publication. Denscombe, M. (2007). The Good Research Guide: For Small-scale Social Research Projects (3rd Ed.). Maidenhead, England; New York, NY: Open University Press.

3  ESTABLISHING THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THAI MIGRANT WOMEN… 

65

Denzin, N. K., and Lincoln, Y. S. (2008). Collecting and Interpreting Qualitative Materials (3rd Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. DiCicco‐Bloom, B., and Crabtree, B. F. (2006). The Qualitative Research Interview. Medical Education, 40(4), 314–321. Drisko, J. (2004). Qualitative Data Analysis Software: A User's Appraisal. In D.  Padgett (Ed.), The Qualitative Research Experience (revised edition) (pp. 193–209). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Eyde, L.  D. (2000). Other Responsibilities to Participants. In B.  D. Sales and S. Folkman (Eds.), Ethics in Research with Human Participants (pp. 61–73). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Frank, A. (2002). Why Study People’s Stories? The Dialogical Ethics of Narrative Analysis. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 1 (1), 186–194. Guba, E. G., and Lincoln, Y. S. (1989). Fourth Generation Evaluation. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications. Hammersley, M. (1997). Qualitative data archiving: some reflections on its prospects and problems. Sociology, 31(1), 131–142. Hammersley, M., and Atkinson, P. (1995). Ethnography: Principles in Practice (2nd edition). London: Routledge. Hesse-Biber, S.  N. and Leavy, P. (2006). The Practice of Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ho, K. M. J. (2006). Stories of Marriage Migration: Identity Negotiation of Chinese Immigrant Women in Hong Kong. PhD thesis, the University of Hong Kong. Jones, S. R., Torres, V., and Arminio, J. (2013). Negotiating the Complexities of Qualitative Research in Higher Education: Fundamental Elements and Issues. Routledge. Kearns, R. (2000). “Being There: Research through Observing and Participating”, In L. Hay (ed.), Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Lewis, J., and Ritchie, J. (2003). Generalising from qualitative research. In J. Ritchie and J. Lewis (Eds.). Qualitative Research Practice: A Guide for Social Science Students and Researchers (pp. 263–286). London: Sage. Liamputtong, P. (2010). Performing Qualitative Cross-cultural Research. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lincoln, Y. S., and Guba, E.G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Lincoln, Y. S., and Denzin, N. K. (2003). Turning Points in Qualitative Research: Tying Knots in a Handkerchief. Rowman Altamira. Mason, J. (2002). Qualitative Researching (2nd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Merriam, S. B. (2002). Qualitative Research in Practice: Examples for Discussion and Analysis. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Miehls. D. and Moffatt, K. (2000). Constructing Social Work Identity Based on the Reflective Self. British Journal of Social Work, 2000 (30), 339–350. Minichiello, V., Aroni, R., and Hays, T.  N. (2008). In-depth interviewing: Principles, techniques, analysis. Pearson Education Australia. Mishler, E. G. (1986). Research Interviewing. Context and Narrative. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

66 

H. ZHANG

Padgett, D. (2008). Qualitative Methods in Social Work Research: Challenges and Rewards. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Papadopoulos, I. (2006). Promoting Culturally Competent Research. In I. Papadopoulos (Ed.), Transcultural Health and Social Care: Development of Culturally Competent Practitioners (pp.  85–97). Philadelphia, PA: Churchill Livingstone Elsevier. Polit, D. F., Beck, C. T. and Hungler, B. P. (2001). Essentials of Nursing Research: Methods, Appraisal and Utilization, Philadelphia: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins. Polkinghorne, D.  E. (1995). Narrative Configuration in Qualitative Analysis. Qualitative Studies in Education, 8, 5–23. Richards, L., and Morse, J. M. (2007). Users Guide for Qualitative Methods (2nd Ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Richardson, L. (1990). Narrative and Sociology. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 19, 116–135. Riessman, C.  K. (2008). Narrative methods for the human sciences. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ritchie, J., Lewis, J., and Elam, G. (2003). Designing and selecting samples. In J.  Ritchie and J.  Lewis (Eds.), Qualitative research practice (pp.  77–108). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Rodwell, M.  K. (1998). Social Work Constructivist Research. New  York, NY: Garland Publishing, Inc. Rosen, A. (2003). Evidence-based Social Work Practice: Challenges and Promise. Social Work Research, 27(4), 197–208. Shibusawa, T., and Lukens, E. (2004). Analysing Qualitative Data in a Cross-­ Cultural Context: A Collaborative Model. In D. Padgett (Ed.), The Qualitative Research Experience (revised ed.) (pp.  179–192). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson. Sieber, J.  E. (2000). Planning Research: Basic Ethical Decision-Making. In B. D. Sales and S. Folkman (Eds.), Ethics in Research with Human Participants, (pp. 13–26). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Silverman, D. (2006). Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analysing Talk, Text and Interaction (3rd Ed.). Thousand Oaks, London: Sage Publications. Turner, J. (1982). Toward a cognitive definition of the group. In H. Tajfel (Ed.), Social Identity and Intergroup Relations. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Verkuyten, M. (2005). Ethnic Group Identification and Group Evaluation Among Minority and Majority Groups: Testing the Multiculturalism Hypothesis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88(1), 121–138. 邱琡雯 (Chiou Shu-Wen) (2003). 《性別與移動—本與台灣的亞洲新娘》。台北: 時英出版社。.

CHAPTER 4

Transnational Migration and Identity Negotiation: Under the Gaze of Buddhism

Introduction My original interest in this area of research was sparked by my contacts with Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. I was known to Warunee through Wat Buddhadhamaram, one of four Thai Buddhist temples under royal patronage in Hong Kong. Her words were so revealing of the marginal position of a Thai migrant woman: I do not know where to belong. Sometimes I do not know if I am a Hong Konger or a Thai… In Thailand, people envy me as Hong Kong wife, but here people just think I am a domestic worker like other Southeast Asians … I feel that I have no position in society … I just can’t find meaning living here. I would rather go back to Thailand … Only when I come to Wat Buddhadhamaram, the people, the food, the language make me feel like I am back home and miss Thailand less. (Warunee, 65, self-employed)

Warunee’s idea of positioning reflects the concept of identity, which refers to the individual’s position and relationship to particular social category systems (Frable 1997). In Hong Kong, where anti-immigrant sentiment is strong, migrant women are always classified as outsiders and find themselves in vulnerable positions. There was an estimated average of around

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_4

67

68 

H. ZHANG

8879 Thai migrant women living in Hong Kong as of 2016. How they position themselves in society and how they find meaning in their lives would have a great impact on personal, familial, and societal levels. This issue motivated me to embark on this project to explore the subjective experiences of migrant women from Thailand. Although there are a few studies related to Thai migrants, most of the research was conducted in Western countries. However, little attention has been paid to Hong Kong, which is deemed to be culturally and socially significant and different from the West as a city where East meets West. However, no significant literature existed investigating the specific sociodemographic group of Thai migrant women, rather studies existed on domestic workers from Southeast Asia. Statistically, by 2016, a total of 584, 383 ethnic minorities, constituting 8 percent of the entire population, were living in Hong Kong. Analyzed by Asian ethnic groups (other than of Chinese race), the majority were Filipinos (2.5 percent) and Indonesians (2.1 percent). For Thai migrants, the number totaled 10, 215, constituting 1.4 percent of the population in Hong Kong, but the migration pattern of the Thai people moving to Hong Kong is highly feminized. Recently, there have been a number of studies regarding common stereotypes of Thai women in Hong Kong society, as associated with the sex trade, prostitution, and mail-order brides, or the negative images of them as domestic workers. These images of Thai women are often represented in Hong Kong media, such as in newspapers, documentaries (about Thai massage parlors which offer sex services), TV shows, and so on. According to these representations, and general perceptions of Thai women in Hong Kong, it is, therefore, imperative to examine how Thai migrant women in Hong Kong perceive themselves in Hong Kong society despite all the challenges and stereotypes they face as Southeast Asian women. It is also worthwhile finding out what kind of strategies Thai migrant women adopt to counter, or deal with, these challenges. Another main point of my research has been to observe the participation of Thai migrant women in transnational migration practices and networks; how do they perceive their identity through a Buddhist perspective in Hong Kong? And how does the Hong Kong context shape their identity negotiation and reconstruct their womanhood?

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

69

Transnationalism and Transnational Migration Basch et  al. (1994, p.  7) proposed the idea of “transnationalism” to describe “the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-­ stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement”. In their view, the analysis of migrants as those who move from one country to another without maintaining a relationship to their origin is no longer adequate to describe today’s migration (Ibid, p.  4). Accordingly, they introduced the term “transnational migrant” as a concept to explain a new type of migrant, who constructs social fields that connect their home countries and host countries together (Schiller et al. 1992). Basch et al. (1994) define the social field as a set of multiple interlocking networks of social relationships through which ideas, practices, and resources are unequally exchanged, organized, and transformed. Schiller (1992, pp. 1–2) described transnational migrants as those who “take actions, make decisions, and feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously”. This notion of transnational migrant is significant for the fact that in today’s globalized world, migration cannot only be analyzed in terms of permanent rupture or abandonment of “roots” of migrants because migrants nowadays maintain their ties, create networks and take part in activities of their country of origin and country of settlement at the same time. Therefore, it is important to understand transnational migrants as “people who are in transit, whose identities are unfixed, destabilized and in the process of changing” (McDowell 2005 cited in Huang et al. 2000). The concept of transnational migration should be discussed along with the notion of belonging because as Yuval-Davis (2006) states: “belonging is about emotional attachment, about feeling at home”. The idea of transnational migration observes people’s multiple relationships with two or more nation-states, as well as how interconnection of different societies serves to shape and transform identities of transnational migration. However, it gives little focus on the narratives, in which transnational migration describes itself or judges the migrants’ own and others’ belonging. One of the interesting points in the discussion of belonging is that transnational migrants do not necessarily have a feeling of “belonging” in the community in which these migrants are identified. Alternatively speaking, one might feel accepted and “belong” without fully identifying in, or giving full allegiance to, the community they live in (Anthias 2006).

70 

H. ZHANG

Yuval-Davis (2006, p.  202) asserts that “identities are narratives, stories that people tell themselves and others about who they are (and who they are not)”. She suggests that the creation of belonging is not only about how people perceive themselves and their collectivities, but also their reflection of “emotional investments” and their “desire for attachment”. Furthermore, it is suggested that people’s experiences of exclusion, rather than inclusion, partly shape the feelings people have about their social locations. Furthermore, regarding narratives of identity as a “process”, thus it is important to note that narratives of identity can transform, be challenged, and multiply; as Yuval-Davis (2006, p. 202) puts it: “individuals and groups are caught within wanting to belong, wanting to become, a process that is fueled by yearning rather than positing of identity as a stable state”. Arguing that belonging is a gendered process, Anthias (2006) explains that gender is an essential marker of boundaries. She also asserts that women are often burdened with the responsibility of reproducing national discourses, imaginary, and practices. Women have a crucial role in the ideological and cultural reproduction of the nation. Moreover, women not only give birth to national subjects in a biological sense, they also yield nationalized subjects through the transmission of national and cultural values and practices; women are often referred to as the symbol of the nation. Sutton (1992) proposed that the rethinking of migration from a gendered perspective must go beyond consideration of how the experiences of migrants differ for women and men. She suggested that we also need to know more about how the roles of women and men in the global economy differ in both the sending and receiving countries; what their gender-specific roles are in sustaining and transmitting cultural traditions; and to explore more fully the work and caretaking experiences of immigrant women.

Transnationalism and Identity As mentioned above, Thai migrant women’s identity and belongings must be understood under the scenario of transnational migration; although they have moved to and settled in Hong Kong, they still preserve various types of connections to Thailand, which is their homeland. The narratives of the migration stories of Thai migrant women allow us to analyze their subjective experiences and perceptions. It can be seen that the lived experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong were embedded in an array of paradoxes along with their transnational migration experiences across the border.

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

71

Buddhism and Transnational Nationalism “As we are Thai, we should be very proud of being Buddhist. Buddhism makes us more united. Buddhism makes us more loyal to our king … I am glad to see many young people preserve our Thai culture! We adults must teach them how to be a Thai because they don’t care much, but we know how important it is and it is our job to teach them”, stated the Thai host, cheerfully introducing the Thai music and Buddhism culture exhibition during the Visakha Bucha (Buddhist festival), celebrated at Wat Buddhadhamaram in Yuen Long (see Fig. 4.1). Wat Buddhadhamaram, built in 2006, was initiated by a Thai woman, who had married a wealthy Hong Kong husband and donated money and the land in Yuen Long. The temple has an abbot, or “Luang Por”, which means “venerable father” and is used as a title of respect for the senior Buddhist monk in charge of general affairs of the temple. The “Luang Por” was sent to Hong Kong by the National Office of Buddhism in Thailand through the Royal Thai

Fig. 4.1  The Main Entrance of Wat Buddhadhamaram

72 

H. ZHANG

Consulate-General in Hong Kong, alongside the Thai Sangha, which promotes Thailand’s overseas Buddhist policy and activities. According to Bao (2008), the main purpose of expanding Thai Buddhism abroad is to serve overseas Thai communities and other Theravada Buddhist followers outside Thailand. Building a distinctive Buddhist temple overseas and promoting Buddhist culture is the mission of the National Office of Buddhism in Thailand. It involves not only transnational migration, but also Buddhist monks within and outside Thailand, as well as local people of different cultural, religious, racial, and ethnic backgrounds. Therefore, as Massey (1992, p. 80) suggests, we must “conceptualize space as constructed out of interrelations, as the simultaneous coexistence of social interrelations and interactions at all spatial scales, from the most local level to the most global”. In the movement of deterritorialized and reterritorialized Buddhism, Buddhist spatial practices challenge prevailing notions of “Thai Buddhism”, which often associates Thai nation-state building converts with meditation and immigrant Buddhists with rituals, ceremonies, and merit-making. As illustrated above, Thai Buddhism has a close relationship with Thai nation-state building and the impact on the identity of Thai migrants. Understanding how Thailand’s process of nation-building was carried out, and how Thai Buddhism was involved in the building of the Thai nation-state, will enable us to understand the influence of nation-state building and identity. King Rama IV Mongkut (r. 1851–1868 A.D.) and King Rama V Chulalongkorn (r. 1868–1910 A.D.) carried out the institution policy to modernize the country based on the “nation-state” concept from the western. King Chulalongkorn and the Siamese ruler’s class began to administer their territory in order to ensure a modern Siam. Mapping played a crucial role in this process because the boundaries are integral to the concept of a “nation” or territorial sovereignty, without clearly delineated borders, a nation is not held to “exist” (Keyes 1995). Winichakul (1994) defined the geographical boundaries of Siam as a “geo-body”, the king united Siam’s surrounding tributary kingdoms into one in Siam. The king centralized the government’s power, and began to replace the local rulers with government officials. Simultaneously, to accomplish the change, Siam started schools, reformed the legal system, reorganized the government, and ended slavery. After the revolution in 1932, the Thai political regime changed from absolute Thai monarchy into a constitutional monarchy. By the end of Siam’s absolute monarchy, the issue of ethnic diversity and heterogeneous society gradually emerged. In 1939, the

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

73

name of the kingdom, “Siam”, was changed to “Thailand” by Prime Minister Phibun Songkram. The name “Thailand” means “land of the free”, thus explaining the pride of the people that they have never been colonized. In order to establish social harmony and produce a sense of unity among all ethnic groups, Thailand’s nationalist leader produced a series of shared national identities and defined “Thai Nation” (Sattayanurak 2002). Numerous relevant academic studies explore how Thai national identity, or the “Thai Nation”, was created and have examined the ways this concept affects Thai people and Thai society. Sattayanurak (2002) further points out: “The Thai nation” or national identity through the definition of “Thainess” or “being Thai”, which clarifies what the characteristics each Thai citizen should have. She explained that the concept of “Thainess” in the present day was strongly dominated by a number of government-­ supported intellectuals. The dominant thought was led by (M. R.) Kukrit Pramoj, “Thainess”, for which Promoj gave the definition, displays characteristics, thoughts, and the ways that real Thais (citizen) should behave, and can be concluded as follows: 1. “Nation”: The “Thai nation” is superior to other nations because it has many valuable components of “Thainess”, including Thai king, Thai-style governance, Thai language, Thai arts, such as literature and drama, as well as Thai decorum and Thai traditions. These elements of “Thainess” helped support the hierarchical social structure that formed the basis of a dictatorial political system. Therefore, the Thai people should be proud of the Thai nation. 2. “Religion”: Buddhism is one important component of “Thainess” by making people aware that the worldly part of Buddhism was the source of various aspects of “Thainess”, such as Thai art, Thai decorum, Thai characters, as well as Thai-style governance that is full of kindness, because Thai-style rulers firmly uphold Buddhist ethics, which made them righteous and used their power justly, so that check-and-balance mechanisms became unnecessary. In addition, Buddhism was the wellspring of Thai moral standards, which made Thai society organized and peaceful without hindering its economic development. In addition, Buddhism made Thai society a “society of kindness” whose members are full of compassion and do not harshly exploit each other. 3. “King”: The Thai king is sacred in the Thai royal institution, a magnanimous and generous and righteous ruler not only helping to

74 

H. ZHANG

develop the country to be prosperous and peaceful, lifting people from poverty, but also helping to sustain precious “Thainess”. Under the unifying spiritual centers of kingship and Buddhism, society is characterized by kindness, generosity, hospitality, and harmony. Therefore, Thai people, who are genuine Thais, are loyal to the king, and must sacrifice even their lives to preserve “kingship” and “Buddhism”, so that “Thailand is good” remains true forever. Although no Thai constitution has ever specified that Buddhism is actually the state religion, all have stated that the king professes the Buddhist faith. The official Buddhist hierarchy parallels the bureaucratic order, and is intimately tied to the Thai state, for which it performs important political, economic, cultural, and social functions in the nation (McCargo 2004). Obviously, Buddhism is one of the essential components of “Thainess”. Being Thai means having such and such a feeling and a Thai character. Buddhism has become a symbol of the Thai people to articulate their identity and became the connection between Thai migrants and Thailand. Even Thai people would think that being a Thai and a Buddhist is equal, so this “Thainess” has a core that is no less universal than European civilizations, because it is built on Buddhism which was “superior”. Visakha Bucha is celebrated on the full moon day of the month of Visakha, usually in April (first), May, or June (last) every year. Thai people in Hong Kong usually commemorate the major Buddhist events and festivals such as Makha Bucha (Buddhist festival), Songkran (Thai New Year), and other important religious and Monarchy holidays at Wat Buddhadhamaram. These celebrations are usually held on weekends, so people can join in their free time without taking leave from their work. The management committee of Wat Buddhadhamaram is sufficiently flexible about the dates of the celebration of the events for the mentioned reason, especially after receiving complaints from Thai domestic workers in Hong Kong. Visakha Bucha is considered the most important and sacred Buddhist festival. People need to get up early and come to the temple to make merit and offer food to monks. Thai people will also pray for the blessing of the Buddha, and good luck for the future. On 21st May 2016, 200–300 people went to Wat Buddhadhamaram to celebrate Visakha Bucha. Most of them were Thai women living in Hong Kong. Some of these Thai women also brought their husbands, their children, and their family-in-law with them. Some of the family-in-law also

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

75

joined the religious ceremony in the morning and husbands prayed with their Thai wives. Some Thai women deliberately wore traditional Thai dresses came to the festival. Wat Buddhadhamaram had several different activities for Visakha Bucha. In the early morning, people started by making merit by offering food and daily necessities to monks. People also donated money to Wat Buddhadhamaram by putting money into the donation boxes or delivering it to the monks through a male, since women are forbidden to touch the monks, a religious taboo in Thailand Buddhism as well. There were also some stalls that sell Thai products from different regions in Thailand, and some hawkers cooked and offer Thai food and snacks. People organize this for charity; it is the way for Thai people to make merit. On the other hand, Thai people can donate money to support the temple. Thai food is a symbol of Thailand and is very important for Thai people as well. There were many traditional Thai foods which are not easy to find at Thai restaurants in Hong Kong; also, some Thai snacks from different regions are made by Thai people in Hong Kong. People seemed very happy and excited to have a chance to find and eat authentic Thai foods at Wat Buddhadhamaram. It is not difficult to find mainstream Thai food in Hong Kong at an affordable price, but there are foods across regions with different flavors. Many people told me it was a great chance to eat different foods and snacks from different Thai regions at the festival. Many also bought different Thai products which they wanted and needed from the stalls. Officers from the Royal Thai Consulate-General in Hong Kong came to attend the festival as the Thai government representatives, giving a short speech and donating money to express their support for the Thai government. The management committee of Wat Buddhadhamaram also set stages for performances. The outdoor stage was for Thai traditional folk dance by a group of young children and teenagers. Also, other people were welcomed to join and dance together with them on the stage. The indoor stage for the Thai cooking competition was organized by the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong. People were very enthusiastic about the cooking competition, and the hosts on the stage also interacted well with everyone. I also noticed many Thai women’s husbands, family-in-laws, and other local friends participating in the folk dance and cooking competition rather than the religious ceremony. Many people told me that attending this event and celebrating the festival at Wat Buddhadhamaram was just like going back home to Thailand, and they felt pleased and relaxed here.

76 

H. ZHANG

They had the chance to meet different Thai people who live in Hong Kong, enjoy the variety of Thai foods, watch Thai dance shows and listen to Thai music. The importance of delineating the presence of Wat Buddhadhamaram and its activities is to examine its implication as a transnational social field regarding the lives of Thai migrant women. The temple is an evident sphere where transnational practices occur in a concrete sense. Rudolph’s (2018) Transnational Religion and Fading States mentions that, for migrants, religious participation offers not just a way to express and interpret their interests and to remain connected to their origin communities, it also provides a link to churches and religious organizations that maintain an active collective engagement by creating and shaping transnational spaces. In fact, it has been argued that in today’s postmodern age, religious communities have become important agents in the creation of transnational civil society. In her studies of religious transnationalism of Salvadoran migrants in the United States, Cecilia Menjívar (1999, p. 589) states that: “for migrants, religious participation offers not just a way to express and interpret their individual interests and to remain connected to their origin communities; it also provides a link to churches and religious organizations that maintain an active collective engagement by creating and shaping transnational spaces”. In Thailand, the relationship between Thai Buddhists and the temple prevails at every step of their lives. As reported by Thailand’s National Office of Buddhism in 2015, there were only four Thai Buddhist temples located in Hong Kong, but about 40,000 Thai Buddhist temples in Thailand. Except for being the venue for religious practice, the temple also plays crucially diverse roles in the Thai community, such as an educational function wherein schools are set up in the temple’s domain. In rural areas, government officials sometimes use the temple’s space as a meeting hall for district functionaries, village headmen, and villagers. Furthermore, the temple is regarded as the sociocultural center, as it provides space for recreational activities, where parents may bring their children to play in the temple yard. Its space is commonly used during major events, such as the New Year celebration where shows, dances, and other recreational activities take place (Virasai 1981). As mentioned above, Buddhism and nation-building in Thailand are inextricably linked. Kymlicka’s (1995) concept of nation-building explained the nation-state is an imagined state created through the process of nation-building. Even though the members of the nation do not share

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

77

the same ethnicity, they still feel and believe that they live in the same category, and share the common language, territory, and nationality. Properly speaking, nation-building is the process of de-pluralize a society; generally, through the process of assimilation policies. Moreover, the nation-state will risk political instability and insecurity, if it does not concrete a collective national identity to unify the diversity of people in the territory. Buddhism is one of the core symbols of the Thai state, and the “nation-­ religion-­monarchy” trinity still prevails in Thai society today as it is reinforced both at the institutional and individual levels. In addition, a discourse of “being Thai” equating “being Buddhist” is still prevalent in Thai society and widely recognized by the public (Bao 2015). Therefore, participation in Buddhist practices and activities of overseas Thais cannot be simply seen as a matter of faith, but through this trinity, in particular, maintaining close relationships with Thai Buddhist temples and participating in Buddhism religious practices, Thai people perceive and enhance their Thai identity. Benedict Anderson (1983) asserts that, even though members of a nation do not possess face-to-face interactions, they are bounded together by an imaginary mutual connection. This imagination is forged by the creation of language and symbols, such as censuses, maps, and museums. In the Thai case, the creation of the national flag and the meanings of the national symbols attached to it are the best example. Given the discourse of the “trinity”, Thai Buddhism must be understood as closely related to the Thai nation-building project. Transnational Space and Belonging Historically, the temples were a “space” where the Lord Buddha delivered his teachings and sermons to monks and laypeople. Later on, the faithful people provided land for temple construction as the residence for monks to conduct religious activities, as well as for the stability of the religion. Buddhist temples, in addition to being a central place of religious practice, also play a vital role in the Thai community. In Thailand, temples also have educational functions, many primary schools are built on the land of the temple and have a close relationship with the temple. In rural areas, government officials often use the temples as spaces for meetings and public events, while in urban areas, local residents will organize charity events in the temple. Furthermore, the temple is not only a crucial social resource

78 

H. ZHANG

underpinning all aspects of the Buddhist community, it also plays an essential role as the sociocultural center (Fresnoza-Flot 2021). During interviews, Wat Buddhadhamaram was often mentioned by Thai migrant women as a connection to “baan” (meaning either country or house, i.e. “home”). Apparently, the temple, as a reterritorialized national and cultural space, provoked migrants’ sense of belonging and emotional attachment to their home country. For instance, Noo, a 62-year-­ old self-employed Thai migrant woman told me when I asked about her religious belief and opinion in terms of monarchy: Although I live in Hong Kong, as a Thai, we should still believe in Buddhism, and respect the king, because the king is the spiritual sustenance of the Thai people, although the Hong Kong society is more democratic, I think as a Thai, this is the way to express our loyalty. Buddhism made Thai people more united and cared about each other. I always go Thai temple here. It was fun to help temple’s activities and to meet a lot of Thai people. It makes you feel like going back to Thailand. It is a small Thailand there. The people, the conversation, the language, it’s Thailand there. It’s a small Thai community that Thai people can get everything, Thai food, Thai culture, Thai friends and happiness. It’s warm, and it makes me feel like I miss Thailand less. Maybe because it fulfils those feelings. I don’t miss Thailand much. When people cook Thai food, it’s truly Thai food. It feels like the yearning for food decreased. (Noo, 62, self-employed)

Based on the statements from Noo, we can find that the Thai temple is where cultural and national boundaries are reinforced. Especially at the Thai temple outside Thailand, Thai migrants can find everything that makes them feel close to Thailand, such as Thai food, Thai culture, Thai friends, and Thai language. The Thai temple not only became a home away from home for Thai migrant women in Hong Kong to heal their homesickness, but has also become a place for their spiritual presence to empower them in the host country. Another interesting finding, which emerged during my interviews, was that some of the Thai migrant women told me that they were much more interested in religion after moving to Hong Kong. When I asked Mukdawan, also a self-employed Thai woman in her 50s about her religious beliefs and whether she thinks religion is a key element in keeping traditional culture and values, she replied:

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

79

I am a Buddhist; I feel it is good to be a Buddhist. I feel great and respected when I went to the temple and met other Thai people who live here in Hong Kong. It makes you go back to your hometown in Thailand…I think the Thai Buddhism temple is a small Thai community for us to get everything, not only for materials stuff but also it makes you feel warm and miss Thailand, you don’t know how important the Thai temple is to you until you left Thailand and live in a foreign country…As a Thai who is living abroad, how do you find your sense of belonging to Thailand? How do you find your identity as a Thai? I think Buddhism is important for me; I can feel I am a Thai only when I come to Wat Buddhadhamaram. (Mukdawan, 50, self-employed)

Malee, a 65-year-old Thai woman who has lived in Hong Kong for more than 30 years also explained why Buddhism is important to her and why she feels a greater interest in Buddhism after she left Thailand and moved to Hong Kong: Buddhism means a lot to me. Every time I face problems, I go to meet the Buddha and pray: the Buddha will help me to solve these problems. Especially after I moved to Hong Kong, I have to face many problems … the temple is the only place for me to relax during this hard time for work and life in Hong Kong. The monk taught me how to face karma. I saw the results, so I became more religious. It turns out that I go to the temple more often than when I was in Thailand. Also, it reminds me as a Thai when I’m not in Thailand. (Malee, 65, self-employed)

In terms of its sociocultural functions, the Thai temple invokes feelings of yearning for one’s culture and sense of collectivity. A Thai temple also functions as a cultural institution to socialize the children of Thai migrant women into Thai culture and its identity. Yuval-Davis (2003) asserts that: “religion construct of the “Other”—the stranger, the enemy, are crucial in that respect”. In the same way, Plank (2015) suggests that the Thai Buddhist temple serves to maintain a physical and spatial boundary where Thai people define their identity against the non-Buddhist. Therefore, Thai migrant women becoming more interested in religion and more religious can be related to ideological constructions of individual identity: the ideological construction of differences between cultures. This frequently invites stereotypes about “us” and “them” and evaluations that present certain cultures as superior.

80 

H. ZHANG

In Thai society, the temple is of the utmost importance, as it is deemed “necessary for a civilized social existence” (Potter 1976). Wat Buddhadhamaram also can be seen as a “spiritual sustenance shelter” for Thai migrant women. The temple provides a space for public worship, religious ceremony, a community meeting place, solving personal crises, and celebrating festivities. Buddhist activities are essential practices for the maintenance of the spiritual identities and roles—“spiritual self”—of these Thai migrant women. For Thai migrant women, visiting the Thai temple is a means of coping with difficulties when they are living in Hong Kong. In addition, the persistence of the Thai Buddhist institution in Hong Kong must be credited to the daily contributions and involvement of these Thai migrant women, as Thai male workers rarely visit these Buddhist temples while working in Hong Kong. As Noo, a 62-year-old self-employed woman emphasized: I think this (Buddhism) is not just my hobby, but also my spiritual sustenance. I can meet many different friends there. Some of them come from Thailand to Hong Kong like me. Some of them are local people who are interested in Thai culture. Some of them come from Southeast Asia and share the same religious culture with Thailand. I met many friends there and have broadened my social network; it is a way to make me happy and make more close friends here. (Noo, 62, self-employed)

Wasu, a 38-year-old Thai woman who works as a banker, also mentioned the temple as a “spiritual sustenance shelter” for Thai migrant women, especially when they have psychological and emotional problems in Hong Kong: Buddhism is important to me because I don’t always find happiness here. Sometimes I can find a way out, but sometimes cannot. Who should I talk to, who can I talk to? I can talk to my husband, my parents-in-law, but not always … I can’t make them understand everything about me. But, the temple, the monk, the people there give you an answer. So I like going to the temple, participating in activities and meeting friends who talk about, and are interested in, the same things, and the monks are really generous there. They give me advice and point me in the right direction, so I can find the meaning of life when I got lost. (Wasu, 38, banker)

Antonsich (2010) states that belonging should be analyzed both as a personal, intimate feeling of being “at home” in a place (place-belongingness)

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

81

and as a discursive resource that constructs, claims, justifies, or resists forms of socio-spatial inclusion/exclusion (politics of belonging). While Yuval-Davis (2011, p. 4) argues: “It is important to differentiate between belonging and the politics of belonging. Belonging is about emotional attachment, about feeling ‘at home’ … The politics of belonging comprise of specific political projects aimed at constructing belonging to particular collectivities”. Belonging can involve shared values, networks, and resources with others, but need not do so. Its technology is multiple and its operations wide-ranging. We can ask about the politics of shared values, networks, practices, and resources. In these formulations, the experience of resistance of Thai migrant women negotiates, or shapes, their sense of belonging to their home country. Some of the Thai migrant women said that they cannot fully assimilate with local people and local society, or felt trapped in-between. Under these circumstances, Thai migrant women found the temple to be a “spiritual sustenance shelter”, or a place where answers are provided for self-empowerment when they faced frustration and problems. Rethinking Buddhism and Gender Equality Thailand has a close relationship to Buddhism since 94 percent of its population is Buddhists, the highest per capita percentage of Buddhists in the world. Since 1200 A.D., Buddhism has played a major role in Thailand politically, socially, and culturally; its ideology seamlessly infused into Thai society. Buddhism is the wellspring of Thai moral standards, which made Thai society organized and peaceful without hindering its economic development. In addition, Buddhism made Thai society a “society of kindness” whose members are full of compassion and do not harshly exploit each other. Although Thai society has hierarchical social classes that typically characterize other societies, it is unique in that the belief in Buddhist laws of karma helps promote virtuous men and demote evil men, so social classes in Thai society are not permanent. These contexts in Buddhism have an important impact on women and men’s actual social roles and statuses in Thai society (Sattayanurak 2002). The context of gender in Buddhism and the way Buddhism teaches gender has serious consequences and effects on Thai society and affect Thai migrant women’s identity as a woman. Although the concept of gender equality existed and was first mentioned in the Vinaya Pitaka (Buddhist scripture), where the Buddha, when pressed for an answer from Ananda,

82 

H. ZHANG

proclaimed that it is possible for women to leave their household life by becoming bhikkhuni (female monk) and for women to achieve different levels of enlightenment. Therefore, he allowed women to become ordained. However, contemporary Thai Buddhism and its current practices believe that physiological sex does make a difference in terms of enlightenment and reflecting gender inequality. For instance, some senior Thai monks, especially those from an influential temple under royal patronage, teach that being born as a woman is the product of bad karma accumulated in their past lives. Women, therefore, cannot attain enlightenment. The only way she can become enlightened is by first making lots of merit by offering donations to the temple, then praying to be born as a man in the next life, as only men can become enlightened. Therefore, many people in Thai society are firmly convinced that contemporary Thai Buddhism is a core of gender discrimination, with enlightenment only possible for men as everyone else has bad karma. Women are considered inferior by influential temples and Buddhists, so protocols within popular Buddhist practice derive from this inherent belief. Women are, therefore, procedurally barred from being ordained as monks in Thailand and they are also forbidden in sacred places, such as certain pagodas. Kirsch (1975, p. 176) focuses on what he takes to be a striking fact: “Thus the Thai pattern of occupational specialization follows a sexual division of labor, women specializing in ‘economic-type’ activities, men specializing in bureaucratic or ‘political-type’ activities”. He adds to this the additional significant fact that only males can become monks, thus assuming the role in which the teachings of the Buddha are both practiced and perpetuated. The distinctive sexual division of labor, that Kirsch believes he has discovered, can be traced, he maintains, to a Theravada Buddhist worldview wherein women are deemed to be more firmly rooted in their worldly attachments than are men; men are thought to be more ready to give up such attachments. Social attitude surveys on the prevailing double standard in sexual relations and gender equality were conducted throughout Thailand by Wasikasin and Haemaprasith (1996) and Wasikasin (2002), with 1838 and 996 participants respectively. It was noted that gender inequality had been initiated in the family through Buddhism. In Thai society, parents have traditionally treated their girls and boys differently. For example, daughters were educated to serve the husband and look after the parents. In the Buddhist context, Thai children own “bunkhun” (debt) to their parents

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

83

for giving birth and raising them and the children should repay their parents as soon as possible (Chamratrithirong et al. 1988). However, due to the religious beliefs that hold that women are born with lower karma and that men can go into monkhood to make the highest merit, the way of repaying the parents is different for boys and girls (Keyes 1984; Kirsch 1985). While boys were expected to practice as a monk temporarily and earn merit for their parents, girls were supposed to serve their parents for their entire life. Nowadays, even though girls are offered the opportunity to gain more education, in some, particularly rural, areas, parents still believe that the future for girls is to get married and take care of their households, and therefore education is not necessary (Praparpun 2009). In addition, traditional Thai Buddhist familial norms encourage women to be selfless, nurturing, devoted to their husbands, and prepared to make sacrifices for the well-being of their families (Xu et al. 2011). According to a classic Thai proverb, which like many other proverbs, places men above women, the male of a couple is compared with the front legs of an elephant, while the female is the hind legs (Limanonda 1995). This is reflected in Thai women still traditionally being responsible for the household and for taking care of all family members, despite the fact that they have also played an economic role for a long time, the same as their partners, and are also expected to support their parents. It could be said that these family roles have contributed significantly to the patriarchal gender attitudes prevalent in Thai society. However, Charles Keyes (1984) argued that notions of gender are a given for most people, as they are rooted in fundamental assumptions about the underlying meaning of reality. In Buddhist Thailand, gender notions can be shown to derive from sources that formulate a Buddhist worldview. He argues that Thai Buddhist culture does not relegate women to a religiously inferior status relative to men; rather, both males and females, who understand the world in Buddhist terms, face the same problem of attachment to the world, although the characteristic tension between worldly attachment and orientation toward Buddhist salvation is expressed for females in gender images that are different than those for males. After getting married to a Hong Kong husband and immigrating to Hong Kong, Thai migrant women have to negotiate some of the Buddhist beliefs that they bring with them, while also confronting Hong Kong regulations. In Thailand, the east direction, where the sun rises, is considered

84 

H. ZHANG

a more auspicious direction than the west, where the sun sets. Facing east also is preferred for the purpose of air circulation. The south direction is the least desirable direction because the Thai word for south puns with the word “underneath” or “below”. With this kind of belief, the Buddhist temple in Thailand always has the privilege of using reserved land even if sometimes against the urban development plans. However, in Hong Kong, all construction proposals must be approved by the Housing Department, the direction of the buildings being decided by an urban development plan. However, the most significant consequence is that Thai migrant women start rethinking the gender inequalities in Thai Buddhism and challenge them. As Jun, a 30-year-old clerk said, life experiences in Hong Kong as a Thai migrant woman make her rethink the context of gender inequality in the Buddhist context and want to discover what she wants to be: They (Thai people) are born for the king and can die for the king. But not me, I used to be like this, but not now. Born in Thailand as a Thai, we don’t have choice … But after you go abroad, you have to think what is right and what is wrong. I don’t mean Buddhism is bad, at least Buddhism teaches Thai people to be kind and honest. What I don’t like is the Thai government, Thai institutions, they always use religion as a tool to force us follow their orders … But why Buddhism teaches people that women cannot be a monk, why women should serve men, I think many women in Thailand will never think about it, maybe they dare not do so or they don’t want to, but after I moved to Hong Kong, I saw women in Hong Kong are willing to fight for their rights. They have a lot of campaigns to express their dissatisfaction and to ask for freedom. (Jun, 38, clerk)

Pinkaew, a 42-year-old Thai professor, works for a university in Hong Kong also shared the difference between gender roles in Theravada Buddhism and the impact on her life: Actually, I have more freedom in Hong Kong because in Thailand, we believe in Theravada Buddhism, which somehow brings discrimination to women. Women in Thailand are required to focus on domestic roles after marriage. And in Thailand, women are more likely to be subservient to males, to their children, but in Hong Kong, women are much more equal to men, especially women have more chance to work outside their homes. But this situation might be caused by the social fact that Hong Kong is a more expensive place so that there is greater economic pressure on both husbands and wives. (Pinkaew, 42, academic)

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

85

Pinjai, a 35-year-old Thai woman who works in the finance industry also told me, that because Hong Kong is a multicultural society, her life experience here broadens her horizon, and she has more freedom to make decisions for her own life and to think in a different way to how she had previously been taught: My life in Hong Kong makes me more independent, I began to think independently, to think about something I never thought about before, monk said women are low status, but what if I am a well-educated woman, and doing well on my work, do I still a low-status woman? Why my friends in other religions did not say that? It’s unfair, it’s a lie, I won’t debate with these monks openly, but I will not trust them like before. (Pinjai, 35, finance)

Namsai, a 45-year-old Thai migrant woman who works for a media company also shared with me her own view of the role of women has changed after she moved to Hong Kong, I started to believe in Buddhism when I was 6 or 7 years old following my parents. Buddhism seems to become a part of life, and I trust what monks tell me…After I moved to Hong Kong, I met a lot of Christian friends and Muslim friends in Hong Kong which I never had when I was in Thailand. They told me what their religion talked about women; I found it is not as same as what the monks told me. I also found the lifestyle of women in Hong Kong is very different from women in Thailand, so I start to think about it, think about what is “being a woman” means to me, I just need to be myself, but as a woman what I want to be, but not for others. (Namsai, 45, finance)

Bungon, the founder of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, also shared her experiences on how her own understanding of “woman” has changed: After I came to Hong Kong, I found what was taught at the Thai temples in Hong Kong, and the temples in Thailand are different, although they are all Thai Buddhist temples, I feel the monks here are not superior…Because of my work, I have met a lot of people from different countries and religions who work on issues of domestic workers and women’s rights in Hong Kong, I found many things in Thai Buddhism are not right, or even it is discrimination against women…The reason I set up the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, is because I want to empower Thai women to think independently, rather than completely believe in what monks said and blindly follow everything in Buddhism. (Bungon, 50, self-employed/NGO)

86 

H. ZHANG

From Namsai and Bungon’s stories, we can understand that Thai migrant women mostly acquired their composite in-between identity through the sociocultural conditioning process in Hong Kong. Namsai acquired her identity as a woman through her individual lived experiences with her husband and her family-in-law, while Bungon found her own definition as a woman through her intergroup and interpersonal interaction experiences. Thai migrant women start to challenge and question the gender inequality in Thai Buddhism after moving to Hong Kong. From a Buddhism-dominated Thailand to a multireligious Hong Kong, their life experiences and cultural shocks in Hong Kong lead them to become more free and independent; at the same time, their loyalty to Buddhism has also changed. Based on their own circumstances, they will choose what is right and good to follow after their rational thinking, rather than just blindly following the Buddhist regulations and practices and believing what the monks taught them. The case of Thai migrant women is interesting since their gender identities are intersected and, most importantly, contested by various political and cultural domains. Transnational migrants retain values and norms from their origin, but have to reevaluate them as they confront values and norms of the host country. Thai migrant women do not completely abandon their original culture; at the same time, they do not completely adopt the new one. From an intersectional perspective, not only because the different socioeconomic and social-cultural contexts between Thailand and Hong Kong lead these Thai migrant women to challenge traditional Thai Buddhism, but also because their complex interactions with family, community, and society lead them to rethink Buddhism and gender inequality. As discussed, gender roles and identities are fluid, as they are shaped by dynamic and overlapping power structures. Emphasizing the problematic assumption of “woman” as a stable universal identity, Butler (1999, p. 14) further explains that: “as a shifting and contextual phenomenon, gender does not denote a substantive being, but a relative point of convergence among culturally and historically specific sets of relation”. Furthermore, the examples above show us why we should not understand the category of “woman” as essentialized, universal, and unchanging, especially when studying migrant women.

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

87

Conclusion Women have always been key actors in the field of migration. Especially in the globalized world, women move, settle, and actively make their living in new countries. Despite their resettlement, migrant women still retain ties with their country of origin. They bring with them national and cultural aspirations, and practices from their homeland. At the same time, migrant women rework and renegotiate their identities as they confront the new norms and values of the receiving country. This process of sustaining multiple connections to the migrants’ homeland is referred to as “transnational migration”. This chapter has argued that the experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong should be examined in relation to the process of transnational migration. Women’s transnational and intersectional experiences also relate to the issue of belonging, as mentioned. The experiences of exclusion and the problems in life, to some extent, affected their emotional attachment and feelings of belonging to their home country. Many Thai migrant women retained strong ties to Thailand and enhanced their identity of Thainess through various means on Buddhist perspectives. However, when Thai migrant women arrive in Hong Kong, their experiences due to a new wave of autonomy and the freedom enjoyed by women in Hong Kong society empowered them to challenge and question the gender inequality that exists in Thai Buddhism, even shaking their inherent faith in Buddhism. Under these circumstances, Buddhism becomes a “buffet” for Thai migrant women; they will choose what is right and good to believe, but also what to refuse and not to follow. At the same time, the subtle ideological changes set the way for Thai migrant women to negotiate their gender role expectations, and help them reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong.

References Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. New York: Verso. Anthias, F. (2006). Belonging in a Globalising and Unequal World: Rethinking Translocations, in Yuval-Davis, N., Kannabiran, K. and Vieten, A.U. (eds.), The Situated Politics of Belonging. London: Sage Publications. Antonsich, M. (2010). Searching for Belonging – An Analytical Frame, Geography Compass, 4(6), 644–659.

88 

H. ZHANG

Bao, J. (2008). From Wandering to Wat: Creating a Thai Temple and Inventing New Space in the United States, Amerasia Journal, 34(3), 1–18. Bao, J. (2015). Creating a Buddhist Community: A Thai Temple in Silicon Valley. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Basch, L.  G., Schiller, N.  G., and Blanc, C.  S. (1994). Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-­ States. Pennsylvania, Gordon and Breach. Butler, J. (1999). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, New York and London: Routledge. Chamratrithirong, A., Morgan, S. P., and Rindfuss, R. R. (1988). Living arrangements and family formation, Social Forces, 66(4), 926–950. Frable, D. E. S. (1997). Gender, racial, ethnic, sexual, and class identities, Annual Review of Psychology, 48(1), 139–162. Fresnoza-Flot, A. (2021). ‘Men are butterflies, women are hindlimbs of an elephant’: Thai women’s gendered being in transnational spaces, Gender, Place & Culture, 28(5), 680–701. Huang, S., Teo, P., and Yeoh, B.  S. A. (2000). Diaspora Subjects and Identity Negotiations: Women in and from Asia”, Women’s Studies International Forum, 23(4), 391–398. Keyes, C. F. (1984). Mother or Mistress but Never a Monk: Buddhist Notions of Female Gender in Rural Thailand. American Ethnologist, 11(2), 223–241. Keyes, C. (1995). Who are the Thai? Reflections on the Invention of Identities. In Lola Romanucci-Ross and George A. De Vos (eds.), Ethnic Identity: Creation, Conflict and Accommodation. London: Alta Mira Press. Kirsch, T. (1975). Economy, Polity and Religion in Thailand. In G.  William Skinner and A. Thomas Kirsch (eds), Change and Persistence in Thai Society: Homage to Lauriston Sharp. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press. Kirsch, A. T. (1985). Text and Context: Buddhist Sex Roles/Culture of Gender Revisited. American Ethnologist, 12(2), 302–320. Kymlicka, W. (1995). Multicultural Citizenship. NY: Oxford University Press. Limanonda, B. (1995). Families in Thailand: Beliefs and Realities. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 26(1), 67–82. Massey, D. (1992). Politics and Space/Time. New Left Review, 196, 65–84. McCargo, D. (2004). Buddhism, Democracy and Identity in Thailand. Democratization, 11(4), 155–170. Menjívar, C. (1999). Religious Institutions and Transnationalism: A Case Study of Catholic and Evangelical Salvadoran Immigrants, International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, 12 (4), 589–612. Plank, K. (2015). The sacred foodscapes of Thai Buddhist temples in Sweden, Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis, 26, 201–224. Potter, M.  C. (1976). Short-term Conceptual Memory for Pictures, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Learning and Memory, 2, 509–522.

4  TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND IDENTITY NEGOTIATION… 

89

Praparpun, Y. (2009). Gender Sensitivity & Accountability in Thai Government Policy Formulation, Implementation & Evaluation from an Historical Perspective. Paper presented at the IAFFE 2009, Boston, MA. Rudolph, S. H. (2018). Transnational religion and fading states. Routledge. Sattayanurak, S. (2002). Intellectuals and the Establishment of Identities in the Thai Absolute Monarchy State, Journal of the Siam Society, 90(1&2), 101–124. Schiller, N. G., Basch, L. G., and Blanc, C. S. (1992). Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Sutton, C. R. (1992). Some Thoughts on Gendering and Internationalizing Our Thinking about Transnational Migrations. In Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and Nationalism Reconsidered. Vol. 645. New York: Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, pp. 241–249. Virasai, B. (1981). Buddhism in Cultural, Social and Economic Life. In Punyasingh, T. (ed.) Buddhism in Thai Life. Bangkok: The National Identity Board. Wasikasin, W. and Haemaprasith, S. (1996). Value and Attitude of Thai Society to Women and Effect to Family Institute and Social. Bangkok: Faculty of Social Work, Thammasat University. Wasikasin, W. (2002). Double Standard that Affects the Problem of Gender Inequality in Thailand. Bangkok: Faculty of Social Work, Thammasat University. Winichakul, T. (1994). Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation. Hawaii: University Press of Hawaii. Xu, X., Kerley, K.R., and Sirisunyaluck, B. (2011). Understanding gender and domestic violence from a sample of married women in urban Thailand, Journal of Family Issues, 32(6), 791–819. Yuval-Davis, N. (2003). Belonging: from the Indigene to the Diasporic. In Umut Ozkirimli (ed.), Nationalism and its futures, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Belonging and the Politics of Belonging, Pattern of Prejudice, 40, 197–214. Yuval-Davis, N. (2011). Power, Intersectionality and the Politics of Belonging. Aalborg: Institut for Kulturog Globale Studier, Aalborg Universitet. FREIA’s tekstserie, No. 75.

CHAPTER 5

Navigating the Ethnic Boundary: From “In-Between” to Plural Ethnicities

Introduction Ethnic boundaries are patterns of social interaction that give rise to, and subsequently reinforce, both the self-identification of members within groups, and the confirmation of group distinctions by those outside (Sanders 2002). To speak of a “boundary” was formerly to employ a metaphor that highlighted observance of a degree of social distance, but contemporary scholarship on the subject of ethnic boundaries has emphasized their blurred and porous nature, especially in the age of migration and globalization (Ahmed 2005; Castles 1998; Jiménez 2004; Kandiyoti 2003; Meintel 2000; Ng 2016; Vasquez 2010). As many scholars have argued, geographic boundaries are losing their significance in the context of globalization and intensive flows of people and capital; national identities can either be reinforced or reconstructed within immigrant communities (Anderson 2006; Ng 2016; Scholte 1996, 2002). Moving from one country to another not only affects expectations of one’s role, but also calls into question one’s ethnic identity. As Freedman and Tarr (2000, p.  5) assert, “within their families, as well as within society as a whole, women of immigrant origin are in a dynamic process, creating new social spaces and negotiating new identities”. Definitions of a person’s ethnicity and his or her sense of belonging are structurally unstable, often incomplete and contingent, owing to the intersections of class, gender, religion, © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_5

91

92 

H. ZHANG

or ideological orientations in a particular time and space (Ang 2003; Fresnoza-Flot and Shinozaki 2017; Hall 1997; Massey 2013). This study investigates how a group of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong cross or even subvert the ethnic boundaries which are very often prescribed by the host or home communities. We examine how globalization facilitates this transgressing of ethnic boundaries that were once considered fixed and immutable. We also analyze how the experiences of mobility contribute to the rupture of ethnic boundaries, recognizing that different generations could be exposed to different types of experiences— whether through virtual reality (internet) or actual reality—and examining how these different experiences of different generations may contribute to changes in the way that they define their own ethnicities. We focus on the Thai migrant women because studies on Thai migrants in intra-Asian migration are few, and have largely focused on working-class or rural women who work as domestic workers and within related occupations (Chan 2015; Esara 2004; Hewison 2004; Mills 1999, 2017; Peth and Sakdapolrak 2020). In recent decades, Thailand has undergone dramatic levels of urbanization, producing a new middle-class that is well-­ educated, sophisticated, and highly mobile (Charoentrakulpeeti et  al. 2006; Funatsu and Kagoya 2003). Yet, there has been no research to date exploring how this class thinks of its own identity in the context of increasing mobility and globalization that could potentially blur the previously clear ethnic divide. Our research attempts to advance previous scholarship in two dimensions. First, we want to focus on the self-defined ethnicities of migrant women from a developing country—a topic which has been understudied in the migration literature. Second, we seek to understand how generation could intersect with gender, leading to different ways of navigating and crossing ethnic boundaries that result in changes to the migrants’ self-­ defined ethnicity. In this chapter, we intend to argue that different generations have very different perspectives when it comes to defining their own ethnicities and that these definitions are subject to the impact of globalization and the technological advances that are conducive to mobility and other changes. The chapter draws on ethnographic data collected over 4 years between 2016 and 2020, and in-depth interviews with 40 Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. In discussing the findings, we first explore the ethnic self-­ identification of the Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Did they perceive themselves as Hong Konger or as Thai? Did they feel a sense of

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

93

belonging in Hong Kong? We then examine how the women experienced, negotiated, and navigated the ethnic boundaries there.

Southeast Asian and Thai Migrants in Hong Kong Hewison (2004) provides a general picture of Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong. Hong Kong saw a marked increase in migrant labor from the late 1960s, and since then, Southeast Asian migrant workers have been important for Hong Kong’s socioeconomic development. Hong Kong remains an immigrant society, with close to 40% of the population being born outside the territory. Most of the Southeast Asian migrants who work in Hong Kong come from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand as domestic workers in middle-class families. However, little is known about the current situation of professional migrants from Southeast Asia, especially married migrant women who live in Hong Kong. In 2016, 584,383 people belonging to ethnic minorities (i.e. non-­ Chinese) were living in Hong Kong, constituting 8% of the total population. Among Asians, the majority of these were Filipino (2.5%) and Indonesian (2.1%). The remainder included Indian (0.5%), Pakistani (0.3%), Nepalese (0.2%), Japanese (0.1%), and Thai (0.1%) (Census and Statistics Department 2017, p. 18). With Indonesian and Filipino migrant workers being the largest of these minority groups, existing research has tended to concentrate on domestic workers from these two countries (Cheng 1996; Chung et  al. 2020; Constable 2007, 2014; Paul 2011, 2015; Sim 2009), focusing on economic perspectives, the impact of migration on the host as well as the home countries, and migrants’ personal experiences. While a voluminous amount of work has been done on these two groups of Southeast Asian migrants, Thai migrant women—probably the earliest group of female foreign migrants to live and work in Hong Kong—have been relatively understudied. Moreover, most studies on Thai migrants focus on those from the working class and the ethnic clusters (Chan 2015; Hewison 2004); while recognizing the intrinsic differences in terms of socioeconomic class, they do not pay attention to Thai migrant women. Yet while Thai migrant women accounted for 8879 of the total 10,215 Thai migrants in Hong Kong in 2016, 7156 of these 8879 were not domestic workers (Census and Statistics Department 2017)—a significant difference from the Filipino and Indonesian migrant workers.

94 

H. ZHANG

In Hong Kong society, Southeast Asian women are generally perceived to be of low status, and often report feeling a sense of exclusion from other residents in Hong Kong. Some research informants have noted that they sometimes faced discrimination because of their “Southeast Asian ethnicity” (Wee and Sim 2005). For Thai women migrating into Hong Kong society, the definition of “ethnicity” refers to the concept of the “ethnic boundary” that defines the group rather than the race (Barth 1969, p. 68). These migrant women are caught in an ethnic dilemma in which they struggle to position themselves between Hong Kong and Southeast Asia and the world. This chapter examines how migrant women from Thailand navigate this ethnic boundary and negotiate their ethnic identity in Hong Kong, and how they perceive themselves in Hong Kong. Lai (2011) has discussed the diasporic identity of migrants in Hong Kong. In contrast to the assimilation and integration paradigms advocated by past studies of (im)migration, current theorization of migrant identities tends to stress and celebrate interconnections across borders and negotiations of multiple affinities and relationships, notably in a transnational framework, leading to a reconfiguration of diaspora (Bauböck and Faist 2010; Cohen 1988; Levitt 2004, 2009). The increase in cross-border movement is believed to bring about a destabilization of the link between place and identity, and a concomitant weakening in the sense of settlement. Thus, rather than an identity tied to a singular “imagined community” in which one currently lives, migrants simultaneously maintain multiple connections with, and define themselves in relation to, kin, relatives, and ethnic communities in different places besides the society in which they reside. Such a lateral, multipolar nexus cultivates an unfixed, moving, and morphing identity that is a hallmark of contemporary conceptions of diaspora. While Ngan and Chan (2013) have argued that an outsider is always an outsider, the dynamics of social inclusion and exclusion form a complex and multidimensional process shaped by institutional frameworks as well as informal practices. While some of these frameworks are justified by economic rationality, migrants of low socioeconomic status are often excluded from aspects of labor and social protection, therefore reinforcing hegemonic ideas about “insider-ness” and “outsider-ness”. According to Noels et al. (2010), it is important to examine how migrants’ feelings of identity align with their perceptions of how other people see them in the host society, and how these reflected appraisals from others contribute to migrants’ experience of discrimination and integration.

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

95

Apart from domestic and sex workers, a sizable population of middle to upper-class Thai women migrate to Hong Kong through marriage to Hong Kong husbands (Hewison 2004; RTHK 2016). Scholars such as Ong (1999) have shown that migrant experiences may vary because of socioeconomic status, across generations, in particular among women from developing nations. This chapter therefore uses social class and socioeconomic background as indicators to understand the life experiences and identity of this population in Hong Kong from an intersectional analysis perspective. It shows what ethnic values people imagine for themselves, and how they navigate ethnic boundaries and redefine their identities.

Theoretical Background: From In-Between to Plural Ethnicities According to Smith (1986, pp. 22–31), an ethnic is “a community characterized by a common collective name, shared myth of common descent, shared historical memories, one or more elements of common culture, an association with a specific territory and a sense of solidarity”. The term “ethnic group” is thus generally defined as a group of people whose members identify with each other through a common heritage, often consisting of a common language, a common culture, including a shared religion, and an ideology that stresses common ancestry or endogamy (Seidner 1982). Ethnic identity refers to one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and the part of one’s thinking, perceptions, feelings, and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership, the ethnic group being the one in which the individual claims heritage (Phinney 1996). Sociologist Andreas Wimmer (2008, p. 973) defines ethnicity as “a subjectively felt sense of belonging based on the belief in shared culture and common ancestry”. This belief refers to cultural practices perceived as “typical” for the community, to myths of a common historical origin, or to phenotypic similarities. Ethnicity, according to contemporary sociologists, is separate from and more complicated than one’s personal identity as an individual, although the two may mutually influence each other (Malesevic 2004, 2006). Early scholars like Barth argued that ethnic boundaries are maintained even when ethnic groups’ cultures are similar, and social interactions could reinforce in-group members’ self-identification and outsiders’ confirmation of group distinctions (Barth 1969; see also Sanders 2002).

96 

H. ZHANG

More recent scholarship on migration has suggested that migrants’ ethnic identity is fluid and “in-between” (Ahmed 2005; Ip 2008; Marino 2021; Ng 2016; Van Zevern 1995; Vasquez 2010). Transnationalism literature concurs that a borderless identity and sense of belonging among migrants and migrant children is not only common but also necessary because of the multiple options and unlimited mobility offered by a post-­ territorial and globalized socioeconomic and sociocultural setting. For this reason, the construction of identity among migrants and their children today is frequently hybrid and channeled, multi-positional and network-­ bound, transgressive and affiliative, and freely formed—albeit socially determined (Ip 2008). Transnational migrants experience significant changes in the social space from their home country to the host country. When migrants move from one country to another, they are usually confronted with new cultural identities from the host society, but they also bring their own culture, language, values, beliefs, and behaviors. Migrants will undergo a complete reinterpretation of their roles and identification in the host country. While maintaining their network with their home countries and retaining their identity, migrants are also exposed to other ideas and concepts of the world, and merge all these into what Ahmed (2005, p. 99) calls “one imagined space”. Migrants will juggle and (re)negotiate their identities, consciously and sometimes unconsciously crossing the ethnic boundary. The negotiation of ethnic boundaries becomes even more complex with the intersections of race, class, age, and gender (Ahmed 2005; Jiménez 2004; Meintel 2000; Ng 2016; Rayaprol 2005; Vasquez 2010). Ahmed (2005, p.  121) points out that Bangladeshi migrant women to the UK may vary in terms of the way they define their own identity; whereas the first generation may embrace a more “essentialist” and “fixed” element in terms of defining their identity through religion and culture, the next generation will have a more “in-between” identity. They move between being Bangladeshi and British and are ready to identify themselves as both to capture employment and education opportunities. Rayaprol (2005), when researching second-generation Indian Americans, also noticed the tendency to oscillate in ethnic and racial self-­ identification. While they clearly know that they are American, and India is “only a place to pay occasional visits to meet grandparents” (2005, p. 139), their race also makes them a target of racism. In his study, Jiménez (2004) noticed that Mexican Americans have different ways of defining their own ethnicities and situations. They adopt multiple approaches to

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

97

navigate ethnic boundaries, and sometimes use a combination of them all. Vasquez (2010) examines third-generation Mexican Americans by looking into how race and gender intersect and contribute to the diversity of experience. She refutes the notion that the choice of ethnicity by migrants is based on purely strategic motives. Using the concept of “flexible ethnicity”, she discovers that female and light-skinned individuals could exercise flexible ethnicity more easily than male and darker-skinned individuals. Meintel (2000), in her study of the younger generations of Canadian immigrants of different countries of origin, found that their self-identified ethnicity is plural and multiple. The literature on ethnicities provides invaluable insights into how ethnicities and ethnic boundaries are messy and blurred, and very often unstable. In our study on Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, we intend to shine a light on intergenerational differences to examine how ethnicity and generations intersect with each other; through the lens of generation and ethnicity, we examine the diversity of experiences and the factors that contribute to this diversity. We also want to look into how different generations navigate ethnic boundaries.

Ethnicity in the Context of Thai Women Numerous academic studies (Anderson 2006; Sattayanurak 2002; Tejapira 2002) have explored how Thai identity was created and have examined the ways this concept affects Thai people and Thai society. Sattayanurak summed up Thainess as a kind of trinity of “nation”, “religion” and “king”. Ethnicity in the context of Thai women follows the definition of Thainess: to be a good Thai woman requires loyalty to the nation, the religion, and the king. Previous studies have concluded that Thai working-­ class migrants view their time in Hong Kong as providing them with an opportunity to support their families, including parents and younger siblings. There is strong cultural pressure for Thai women to perform their duties as a “good Thai woman” (Harrison 1997, 2000). However, Thai migrant women, especially many of the younger generation, who have moved and been educated in the host country or other countries, might have strayed from the principles of Thainess after enjoying autonomy and freedom in the host countries—have they transformed their idea of their own ethnicities? Our study aims to fill a gap in the existing literature, which has not addressed this emerging group and how they compare with older-generation Thai women.

98 

H. ZHANG

Based on our fieldwork and interviews with the migrant women, we found that Thai migrant women in Hong Kong navigate their ethnic boundaries and negotiate their identity strategically in order to respond to the different local perceptions toward them. Exposure to other cultures because of mobility and information and communication technologies (ICTs) and intergenerational differences also (re)shape their perceptions toward their own identity and how they perceive their relationship with the host and home communities. We aim to address the lack of knowledge about how Thai migrant women define their own ethnicities, and to determine how they think of their own ethnicities, whether there are any differences across different generations, and what factors influence the way they see themselves. In other words, how do they define their own ethnicities and navigate ethnic boundaries?

Research Methodology The data presented in this chapter originate from a study we conducted between 2016 and 2020 focusing on Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. To meet Thai migrant women, I carried out ethnographic fieldwork at two sites: Wat Buddhadhamaram, a Thai Buddhist temple built in 2006  in Yuen Long, Hong Kong and managed by the National Office of Buddhism, Thailand; and the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, which was established in 2001  in the face of a proposed wage cut for foreign domestic helpers. During this ethnographic fieldwork, I adopted qualitative data-­ gathering methods such as participant observations, informal conversations, and semi-structured interviews. In this chapter, we draw from my observations and interviews with Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Accessing the Thai migrant community presented no difficulties as the monks from Wat Buddhadhamaram and the chairperson of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong were willing to facilitate the research process. I started my ethnographic observations as a volunteer at the two field sites and attended weekly gatherings and activities. I also took part in events organized by Thai migrants’ communities, such as cultural festivals, religious festivals, and Songkran (Thai New Year). Isabella Ng joined the research later and observed some of the Buddhist activities that were run by a women’s organization in 2017. A total of 40 Thai migrant women were interviewed. Their average age was 42.8 years, and the majority of

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

99

them came from Bangkok, Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, and Hat Yai in Thailand; most of them had been residents in Hong Kong for more than 10 years, and were able to speak Cantonese and additional languages. All but five of the participants had children. The majority of the participants had a university education and a professional job, such as banker or businesswoman, or academic, and they all possessed Hong Kong permanent resident status. All the women were married to Hong Kong husbands, and their in-laws lived in Hong Kong. Of the 40 Thai women, 32 were Buddhist, five were Christian and the other two were Muslim. To protect their privacy, they have been given pseudonyms in this chapter. Open-ended questions were asked about each study participant’s life experiences as an ethnic minority Thai woman from the individual, family, community, and social perspectives. Using thematic analysis, the collected interviews and field notes were organized to identify emerging themes. Based on the findings from the participant observation and interviews, we attempted to identify the intersectional categories that could affect the way the participants perceive their ethnicities; how would the study participants categorize themselves and how would they navigate the ethnic boundary?

Findings Based on the findings, we identified generation as an emerging category that influences the way participants perceive their own ethnicities. Through inductive analysis, we classify the Baby boomer generation (born between 1946 and 1964) and Generation X (born between 1965 and 1976) as belonging to the older generation, and those who were born after 1976 as the younger generation. In this research, 16 of them belong to the older generation while 24 belong to the younger generation of Thai migrants in Hong Kong. This definition also corresponds to the gradual formation of the Thai ethnic cluster in Hong Kong, as it was during the 1970s that Southeast Asians started to migrate to Hong Kong and form their respective clusters (Hewison 2004). Our research revealed that older-generation Thai migrants perceive themselves as an “in-between ethnicities” group, whereas the younger generation very often consider themselves as possessing plural ethnicities. The way the generations perceive their ethnicities affects the way they navigate ethnic boundaries.

100 

H. ZHANG

In-between vs Plural Ethnicities Among Thai Migrant Women Our findings suggest that of the 40 Thai migrant women interviewed, 16 who belonged to the older generation (as defined above) responded “both” when asked whether they think of themselves as Thai or Hong Konger. Thai identity was reinforced in the communal and public sense at the temple, but our interviews suggest that Thai migrant women’s belonging and identity is a very complex issue. Even though most of the interviewees identified themselves as Thai and maintained strong ties with Thailand, many indicated that, at the same time, they also felt a sense of “belonging” to Hong Kong. One example is 56-year-old Am, who identified herself as both Thai and Hong Konger. Am asserted that there should be no need to distinguish between the two. She put it very clearly: I feel I am Thai who lives abroad. I will never abrogate my native culture, but I cannot hide the fact that I got influence from other cultures in my life. So, I am not like other real Thai people who live in Thailand, I think we just come at different times or were born in different places, but we live in Hong Kong and here is our home. (Am, 56, Civil Service)

Namsai, 45, has lived in Hong Kong for more than 20 years and works in the media sector; she regarded her “double identity” as holding dual responsibilities toward both places. I like to present myself as a Hong Kong citizen coming from Thailand to others. Because I think I am a Thai, but also a Hong Konger. I have been a member of Hong Kong society for a long time and have a responsibility for doing something good to Hong Kong society. But as I come from Thailand, I am a Thai too, so I don’t want to ignore my identity as a Thai. I want to present them at the same time. (Namsai, 45, Media)

Similarly, Bungon, 50, who is a businesswoman and chairperson of an NGO, also identifies herself as both Thai and Hong Konger: I think I am both Thai and Hong Kong citizen. If other people ask me where do I come from, I would say that I am a Hong Kong citizen and I’m living in Hong Kong right now, and my home country is Thailand. I’m proud to be a Thai and a Hong Kong citizen. (Bungon, 50, ­Self-­employed/NGO)

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

101

Like Namsai, both the home country and host country impact Bungon’s identity. Because she originally comes from Thailand, being a Thai demands that she retain her connection and obligation to Thailand. There are many ways for her to fulfill her responsibilities to Thailand, such as money remittances and donations to Thailand, but the most important for her is social remittances, which implies that she can take the advanced ideas, skills, attitudes, and knowledge from Hong Kong to benefit socioeconomic development in Thailand. On the other hand, she has obtained permanent residency in Hong Kong; as a member of Hong Kong society, she has acquired more Hong Kong sociocultural behaviors, actively participated in community services and fully integrated into Hong Kong society, giving her different ways to express her Hong Kong identity and meet her responsibilities to Hong Kong. Unlike the older generation, members of the younger generation often find it difficult to identify themselves as Thai–Hong Konger or Hong Kong–Thai, because they have been brought up in different environments. Most of the younger-generation Thai migrant women that we interviewed lived or studied abroad before coming to Hong Kong. While they possess certain knowledge of the Thai culture, they find it extremely difficult to place themselves in one or two categories. They are, in their own words, the product of “plural ethnicities”. Pattana, a 29-year-old Thai woman working for an investment bank in Hong Kong, told us: It is hard to say and explain, because I am confused as well. I was born in a Chinese family in Thailand, both my parents are Thai Chinese, and they are of Teochew origin. For me, of course, I am a Thai by nationality, but by ethnicity and culture, I am more a Chinese. However, after I came to Hong Kong, I found our “Thai Chinese” are different from my husband and my family-in-law’s “Hong Kong Chinese”. When people ask me, I have to spend time and tell them the whole story, I feel annoyed sometimes. I have many Hong Kong friends who have a foreign passport, how do they define themselves? I think it really depends on different people. (Pattana, 29, Banking)

Kitty, working in Hong Kong after getting her Master’s degree in the UK, also shared with us: I am a Hong Konger, but not like other Hong Kongers, I am a Thai, but not like Thai people in Thailand. When I did my Bachelor and Master in the

102 

H. ZHANG

UK, this question was easy to answer, I would just say I am a Thai. But after moving to Hong Kong, it is complicated, if I say I am a Thai, my local friends will say I am different from the other Thai people in Kowloon city. I have many Thai friends who study, live and migrate to other countries, people are moving all the time, so how you look at yourself, perceive your identity is not important at all, I mean in this globalization era. (Kitty, 36, Consulting Company)

The above cases of younger-generation Thai migrants all share interesting common features: as young Thai migrants, they have been in contact, one way or another, with other cultures, either through bloodlines, or through studying or living in other places before migrating to Hong Kong. As Meintel (2000, p. 14) discovered, the new generation of a variety of immigrants in Montreal regarded their ethnic identity as not “framed in a logic of closure, but rather [it] becomes the basis for wider solidarities both in the local setting and across transnational space”. This is not exclusively happening for those who are in their home countries. As we see in the younger-generation Thai migrant women, they also identify themselves as global citizens, fluid, multiple, and plural. They are products of globalization whereby mobility and exposure to other cultures have constituted their plural identities. Another reason for the discrepancy between the generations is that older-generation Thai women came to Hong Kong mainly because of marriage, so their lives are generally focused on work and family. By contrast, the younger generation came to Hong Kong for other reasons, such as Hong Kong’s international environment; living in Hong Kong—an international financial center with a rich colonial legacy—their feelings of plurality in terms of ethnicities are more salient and consolidated through their experiences in the former colony, where diversity and plurality play a crucial role in Hong Kong’s success. Here, we noticed, like Espiritu (1994) and Meintel (2000), that members of the younger generation tend to perceive themselves as having multiple and plural identities because of their exposure to other cultures. Ariely (2019), in his transnational study of the relationship between globalization and ethnic identity, also found that the older generation tends to see the “nation in more ethnic terms” (2019, p. 772). What we found from our study seems to confirm that there is a generational difference among migrants when viewing themselves in relation to the host countries

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

103

regarding their ethnicity. This difference in perception also affects the way they navigate ethnic boundaries in the host country, as the next section will explore. Navigating Ethnic Boundaries—Generational Differences Because of the different ways that different generations of Thai migrant women classify themselves, the ways they navigate ethnic boundaries are also very different. The older-generation Thai migrant women were more likely to make a conscious choice to “present themselves” strategically to gain approval or “membership”. Like Jiménez (2004) and Vasquez (2010), who speak of racial identity being “relational” and “situational”, because individuals can “amplify” or “downplay” their identity (Vasquez 2010, p. 47), we also found that forms of relational and situational ethnicity are exhibited by Thai migrant women when they are with different people and under different circumstances. As Malee told us: In Hong Kong, I like to present myself as a Hong Kong citizen, even when I travel in other countries, I like to say that I’m a Hong Kong citizen to others. But I like to show my Thai and Hong Kong identity at the same time when I am in Thailand. I think sometimes the Hong Kong citizenship makes everything easier in Hong Kong, for example, when I negotiate with official agencies, I like to present myself as a Hong Kong citizen very much. (Malee, 65, Self-employed)

Similarly, Nid also shared with us: Usually I introduce myself as someone who is living in Hong Kong but I know that I am still a Thai. I love living in Hong Kong and I am still proud of being a Thai too. However, you know when you introduce yourself as Thai, people look down on you. For example, when I went to Singapore I saw a lot of Thai women working in sex industry, so I didn’t feel comfortable expressing myself as a Thai woman. But when you say you are from Hong Kong, people treat you nicely with respect. (Nid, 60, Businesswoman)

It is clear that Malee and Nid consciously choose to “present themselves” in a certain ethnicity so as to make daily life easier. To “present oneself” in this sense encompasses the way of talking, dressing, and behaving in front of others. Presenting as a Thai is what each of the women was

104 

H. ZHANG

born with; presenting as a Hong Konger is their way to integrate into Hong Kong’s multicultural society. This is a very subjective approach, and its purpose is to increase convenience for those living as migrant women. The older generation’s way of navigating sheds further light on the fluidity of their in-between identity. Our findings show that in different situations and contexts, the older-generation Thai migrant women choose to reveal one or other ethnic identity to avoid a situation of identity conflict. This also demonstrates that their navigating is conditioned by the otherness that local people in Hong Kong apply to migrants. “In-betweenness” is the concept that grasps the essence of their dynamic identity. This in-betweenness goes beyond an attempt to stabilize the fluidity of the ethnic boundary. Rather, it situates that fluidity in a specific context embedded in the daily lives of the women, and clarifies what role they should play to articulate a specific ethnic identity. Since transnational migrants live between the terrains of host country and home country, their decision-making and behavior involve concurrent connections between the two countries. The in-betweenness of transnational migrants reflects their inability to fully engage in either the country of the host or that of the home, so they describe themselves as simultaneously “belonging” to one society but deeply connected to the other; some wanted to stay but some of them yearned to finally go back to where they originally came from. Having constructed a transnational identity hidden between the two cultures of Thailand and Hong Kong, Thai migrant women in Hong Kong struggle with issues of surveillance, assimilation, resistance, and identity confusion. In their efforts to strike a balance between a survival strategy overseas and a primordial attachment to the motherland, their identification with group boundaries may shift in accordance with changing situations. The idea of oscillating between two ethnicities and downplaying or amplifying a certain ethnicity does not seem to be a concern for the younger generation. As in Meintel’s (2000) analysis of the Canadian younger generation of different ethnicities, the younger-generation Thai migrant women identify themselves as being of fluid identity, of multiple and plural ethnicities, because of the multicultural environment to which they have been exposed. Following David Harvey’s (1989) influential definition of globalization as a new round of “time-space compression”, we can note that globalization brings about an inwardly contradictory dynamic of in essence spatially

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

105

defined reconfigurations of politics, culture, society, gender, race, and ethnicity. Globalization’s effects on ethnic identity are widely disputed. While some regard globalization as undermining ethnic identity and increasing cosmopolitanism, others argue that it works in the opposite direction, possibly even reinforcing ethnic feelings in the form of a backlash—or that it impacts different segments in society in dissimilar ways (Halikiopoulou and Vasilopoulou 2011; Tønnesson 2004). Transnational migration, a product of globalization, blurs and even transgresses boundaries and identities. Globalization promotes cosmopolitan identity rather than enhancing identification with a local or national community (Beck 2006). Therefore, for the younger generation like Wasu, mobility is no longer a difficult issue in this twenty-first century when compared to the older-generation Thai migrants who moved to Hong Kong 30–40 years ago. Easier access to international travel, ICTs, and many other factors all facilitate young generation Thai like Wasu or Pim to assume plural ethnicities. For the older generation, however, globalization was just taking off in Asia. International travel and ICTs were not as advanced as they are now. Also, the 1970s was the golden era of Hong Kong’s economy and well into the 1980s, with its rapid growth, Hong Kong emerged as the Asian—and ultimately international—financial center (Hewison 2004). Working in Hong Kong during that era and identifying themselves as Hong Kongers already elevated their status as sophisticated and progressive individuals. The different social settings between the two generations explains their divergent approaches in identifying their ethnicities. Wasu explained: It really depends on different situations. But I think how other people look at me decides who I am, right? Also, I think identity is nothing important nowadays, I can be whatever I want to and I don’t have to say it to the others, I think where makes you feel like home, then where you belong to. I think the local people can’t identify [where we are from]. They have a fixed image and thoughts on people from Southeast Asia, they don’t care and want to know about your background, they only judge you from your first look and skin colour So, if the people from the host society do not care, why should I be bothered? (Wasu, 38, Banking)

Pim expressed a similar opinion:

106 

H. ZHANG

I don’t need to define whether I am a Thai or Hong Konger, it is not important. I think in Hong Kong, for a migrant, your occupation, and your socio-­ economic class is more important than your ethnicity. (Pim, 37, Finance)

Pim’s and Wasu’s opinions reflect an interesting phenomenon that differs from the old generation Thai migrants: with their elite globalized migrant status, their international exposure, the young generation Thai migrants like Pim and Wasu can easily be accepted and thus what identifies them is no longer simply their ethnicity, but their occupation and their socioeconomic status. Through their transnational journeys, this younger generation themselves, as Kandiyoti (2003) suggested, have inherited particular social configurations of “here” and “there”, shot through with globalization, transnational networks, or cross-cultural exchanges. For the younger-generation Thai migrant women, their diverse backgrounds and different life experiences in other countries have given them a plural ethnic orientation, which leads them to confront and renegotiate multicultural social structures and to navigate ethnic boundaries in different times and spaces. To them, this form of renegotiation is actually not their concern. By placing the concerns of ethnic boundaries onto the host community, this group of young Thai migrant women has subverted the ethnic boundaries that have been confining the older generation, constraining them to behave or to act in certain ways to amplify or downplay their ethnicities. This younger group of migrants are not perturbed by the fact that relational and situational features of ethnicities are being subverted and ethnic boundaries transgressed: they see this as a problem of the host community. Transnational migration provides opportunities for the younger-­generation Thai migrant woman to challenge the preexisting and emerging ethnic boundaries and social relations in Hong Kong. That is, individuals undertaking the same movements in temporal and spatial terms do not necessarily experience them the same way because they are “classed, raced and gendered bodies in motion in specific historical contexts within certain political formations and spaces” (Smith 2005, p. 238).

Conclusion The aim of this chapter is to situate specific empirical findings from our fieldwork within studies of Thai migrant women’s identity across two different generations. The findings suggest that their identities are fluid, multidimensional, and personalized social constructions that reflect the

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

107

individual’s current context and sociohistorical cohort. Identity is always contingent, owing to the dynamic quality of social life. The generational differences within the subgroup of Thai migrant women underline the importance of socioeconomic background that facilitates different perceptions of their ethnicities. Through the examples provided, we have illustrated different interpretations of ethnicities; these different interpretations influence the way in which different generations of Thai migrant women navigate ethnic boundaries in the host country. The older generation sees ethnicity as situational and relational between their host and home countries, and oscillates in the realm of in-betweenness, attempting to negotiate and sometimes to alter or problematize the ethnic boundaries. The younger generation, on the other hand, crisscrosses, disrupts, and even transgresses these ethnic boundaries, as they see ethnicities not as a set of closed or semi-open systems, but as fluid, open and amorphous. This research has shown that transnational migration is a process that is influenced not only by the host and home countries but also, for the younger generation, by an ongoing series of changes that they encounter as they move. For the older-generation Thai migrant women who became permanent residents of Hong Kong and simultaneously became wives, mothers, and daughters-in-law, an in-between identity has developed. Due to their multiple social roles in both the home country and the host country, they encounter both the dilemmas and the opportunities of this in-between identity. They need to negotiate their conflicting worldviews and values to find a suitable position for themselves; this ongoing and lifelong negotiation process is what forms the in-between identity. This creates a situation in which transnational migrants not only subjectively identify themselves as from both the home and the host countries, but they are also objectively pulled in different directions, as both identities make demands upon them. This in-betweenness is a fluid identity and a survival strategy; a rationale the women have developed based on their life experiences in both countries. The younger-generation Thai migrants often have a wealth of different cultural experiences behind them, whether through studying or living in other countries, or through advanced information technologies. For this group, globalization has facilitated a plurality of identities; some believe that their identities go beyond the realm of ethnicities. They do not find the negotiation of identity necessary in Hong Kong because they are one and many at the same time. And in thinking that they are completely boundless, they have transgressed or subverted the ethnic boundaries which have been directing and constraining the older generation.

108 

H. ZHANG

References Ahmed, N. (2005). Women in Between: The Case of Bangladeshi Women Living in London, pp. 99–129 in M. Thapan (ed.) Transnational Migration and the Politics of Identity. London: Sage Publications. Anderson, B. (2006). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Ang, I. (2003). Together-in-difference: Beyond diaspora, into hybridity. Asian Studies Review, 27(2), 141–154. Ariely, G. (2019). The Nexus between Globalization and Ethnic Identity: A View from Below, Ethnicities 19(5), 763–783. Barth, F. (1969). Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Bergen: Universitetsforlaget. Bauböck, R., and Faist, T. (2010). Diaspora and transnationalism: Concepts, theories and methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Beck, U. (2006). Cosmopolitan Vision. Cambridge: Polity. Castles, S. (1998). The age of migration: International population movements in the modern world. Macmillan International Higher Education. Census and Statistics Department. (2017). 2016 Population Census: Thematic Report: Ethnic Minorities. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department, URL (consulted 30 December 2019): from http://www.census2016.gov.hk/ pdf/EM.pdf Chan, S. K. L. (2015). Segregation Dimensions and Development Differentials of Ethnic Enclave.International Journal of Social Economics, 42(1), 82–96. Charoentrakulpeeti, W., Sajor, E., and Zimmermann, W. (2006). Middle-class travel patterns, predispositions and attitudes, and present-day transport policy in Bangkok, Thailand. Transport Reviews, 26(6), 693–712. Cheng, S.  J. A. (1996). Migrant Women Domestic Workers in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan: A Comparative Analysis. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 5(1), 139–152. Chung, R. Y. N., Liao, T. F., and Fong, E. (2020). Data collection for migrant live-in domestic workers: A three-stage cluster sampling method. American Behavioral Scientist, 64(6), 709–721. Cohen, A. (1988). The Symbolic Construction of Community. London: Routledge. Constable, N. (2007). Maid to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of Migrant Workers. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Constable, N. (2014). Born Out of Place: Migrant Mothers and the Politics of International Labor. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Esara, P. (2004). “Women Will Keep the Household”: The Mediation of Work and Family by Female Labor Migrants in Bangkok. Critical Asian Studies, 36(2), 199–216.

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

109

Espiritu, Y. L. (1994). The Intersection of Race, Ethnicity, and Class: The Multiple Identities of Second-generation Filipinos. Identities Global Studies in Culture and Power, 1(2–3), 249–273. Freedman, J. and Tarr, C. (2000). Women, Immigration and Identities in France. Oxford: Berg. Fresnoza-Flot, A., and Shinozaki, K. (2017). Transnational perspectives on intersecting experiences: Gender, social class and generation among Southeast Asian migrants and their families. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43(6), 867–884. Funatsu, T., and Kagoya, K. (2003). The middle classes in Thailand: The rise of the urban intellectual elite and their social consciousness. The Developing Economies, 41(2), 243–263. Halikiopoulou, D., and Vasilopoulou, S. (2011). Nationalism and Globalization: Conflicting or Complementary? London: Routledge. Hall, S. (1997). Introduction: “Who Needs Identity?”, pp. 1–17 in S. Hall and P. du Gay (eds) Questions of Cultured Identity. London: Sage. Harrison, R. (1997). The “Good”, the “Bad”, and the Pregnant: Why the Thai Prostitute as Literary Heroine Can’t Be Seen to Give Birth, pp. 325–347 in V. Somswasdi and S. Theobald (eds) Women, Gender Relations and Development in Thai Society. Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University Press. Harrison, R. (2000). The Disruption of Female Desire and the Thai Literary Tradition of Eroticism, Religion and Aesthetics. Tenggara, 41, 88–125. Harvey, D. (1989). The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell. Hewison, K. (2004). Thai Migrant Workers in Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 34(3), 318–335. Ip, D. (2008). Memories and Identity Anxieties of Chinese Transmigrants in Australia, pp. 33–51 in K. Kuah-Pearce and A. Davidson (eds) At Home in the Chinese Diaspora: Memories, Identities and Belongings. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Jiménez, T.  R. (2004). Negotiating Ethnic Boundaries: Multiethnic Mexican Americans and Ethnic Identity in the United States. Ethnicities, 4(1), 75–97. Kandiyoti, D. (2003). Multiplicity and Its Discontents: Feminist Narratives of Transnational Belonging, Genders 37: paragraph 2, URL (consulted 15 May 2020): http://www.genders.org/g37/g37_kandiyoti.html Lai, M. (2011). The Present of Forgetting: Diasporic Identity and Migrant Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. Social Identities, 17(4), 565–585. Levitt, P. (2004). Transnational Migrants: When “Home” Means More than One Country, Migration Information Source 1.URL (consulted 2 September 2019): https://www.migration-­policy.org/article/transnational-­migrants-­when-­home­means-­more-­one-­country

110 

H. ZHANG

Levitt, P. (2009). Roots and Routes: Understanding the Lives of the Second Generation Transnationally. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(7), 1225–1242. Malesevic, S. (2004). The Sociology of Ethnicity. London: Sage Publications. Malesevic, S. (2006). Identity as Ideology: Understanding Ethnicity and Nationalism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Marino, S. (2021). Thrown into the world: The shift between pavlova and pasta in the ethnic identity of Australians originating from Italy. Journal of Sociology, 57(2), 231–248. Massey, D. (2013). Space, Place and Gender. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Meintel, D. (2000). Plural Identities among Youth of Immigrant Background in Montreal. Horizontes Antropológicos, 6(14), 13–37. Mills, M. B. (1999). Thai Women in the Global Labor Force: Consuming Desires, Contested Selves. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Mills, M. B. (2017). Gendered Morality Tales: Discourses of Gender, Labour, and Value in Globalising Asia. Journal of Development Studies, 53(3), 316–330. Ng, I.  F. S. (2016). Love Knows No Bounds: Redefining Ambivalent Physical Boundaries and Kinship in the World of ICTs, pp. 197–213 in S. Schultermandl and M.  Friedman (eds) Click and Kin: Transnational Identity and Quick Media. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Ngan, L.  L. S., and Chan, K.  W. (2013). An outsider is always an outsider: Migration, social policy and social exclusion in East Asia. Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 12(2), 316–350. Noels, K. A., Leavitt, P. A., and Clément, R. (2010). “To see ourselves as others see us”: On the implications of reflected appraisals for ethnic identity and discrimination. Journal of Social Issues, 66(4), 740–758. Ong, A. (1999). Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Paul, A.  M. (2011). Stepwise International Migration: A Multistage Migration Pattern for the Aspiring Migrant. American Journal of Sociology, 116(6), 1842–1886. Paul, A.  M. (2015). Negotiating Migration, Performing Gender. Social Forces, 94(1), 271–293. Peth, S. A., and Sakdapolrak, P. (2020). When the origin becomes the destination: Lost remittances and social resilience of return labour migrants in Thailand. Area, 52(3), 547–557. Phinney, J.  S. (1996). Understanding Ethnic Diversity, American Behavioral Scientist 40, 143–152. Rayaprol, A. (2005). Being American, learning to be Indian: Gender and Generation in the Context of Transnational Migration, pp.  130–149  in M. Thapan (ed.) Transnational Migration and the Politics of Identity. London: Sage Publications.

5  NAVIGATING THE ETHNIC BOUNDARY: FROM “IN-BETWEEN” TO PLURAL… 

111

RTHK. (2016). Hong Kong My Home: Thai Beauty (video file). YouTube, 25 October. URL (consulted 20 July 2020): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =pk25tc7URn4&t=340s Sanders, J. M. (2002). Ethnic Boundaries and Identity in Plural Societies. Annual Review of Sociology, 28, 327–357. Sattayanurak, S. (2002), Intellectuals and the Establishment of Identities in the Thai Absolute Monarchy State. Journal of the Siam Society, 90(1), 101–124. Scholte, J.  A. (1996). Beyond the Buzzword: Towards a Critical Theory of Globalization, pp.  43–57  in E.  Kofman and G.  Youngs (eds) Globalization: Theory and Practice. London: Pinter. Scholte, J. A. (2002). What is Globalization? The Definitional Issue – Again. CSGR Working Paper. Coventry: University of Warwick. Seidner, S.  S. (1982). Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective. Bruxelles: Centre de recherche sur le pluralinguisme. Sim, A. (2009). Women versus the State: Organizing Resistance and Contesting Exploitation in Indonesian Labor Migration to Hong Kong. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 18(1), 47–75. Smith, A. (1986), The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford: Blackwell. Smith, M.  P. (2005). Transnational Urbanism Revisited. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31(2), 235–244. Tejapira, K. (2002). The Post-modernisation of Thainess, pp.  202–227  in S. Tanabe and C.F. Keyes (eds) Cultural Crisis and Social Memory: Modernity and Identity in Thailand and Laos. Abingdon: Routledge. Tønnesson, S. (2004). ‘Globalizing National States’, Nations and Nationalism 10(1–2): 179–194. Van Zevern, C. (1995). Transnational Ethnic Identity. Peace Review, 7(2), 171–176. Vasquez, J. M. (2010). Blurred Borders for Some but not “Others”: Racialization, “Flexible Ethnicity”, Gender, and Third-generation Mexican American Identity. Sociological Perspectives, 53(1), 45–71. Wee, V., and Sim, A. (2005). Hong Kong as a Destination for Migrant Domestic Workers, pp. 175–209 in S. H. Huang, B. S. A. Yeoh and N. Abdul (eds) Asian Women as Transnational Domestic Workers. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic. Wimmer, A. (2008). The Making and Unmaking of Ethnic Boundaries: A Multilevel Process Theory. American Journal of Sociology, 113(4), 970–1022.

CHAPTER 6

Reinventing Transnational Womanhood: In the Journeys of Migrant Women

Introduction Gender identities have been conceived either as gender self-schemas (Markus et al. 1982) in the cognitive tradition or as constructed achievements (West and Zimmerman 1987) in the interactionist tradition. Therefore, gender identities, in the sense of organizing a sense of self around the perception of one is female or male, and internalizing prescriptions and proscriptions of behaviors deemed culturally appropriate to these self-perceptions, are thought to be learned through early socialization and enacted and reinforced throughout the lifespan. The term “gender” in this study comprises the gender ideologies, gender expectations, gendered behaviors, and gender roles that vary among societies. It is both socially constructed and reinvented through time and space (Boyd and Grieco 2014). This chapter examines how assumptions about gender roles and gender expectations learned by Thai migrant women in Thailand are called into question upon arrival in Hong Kong, along with their transnational migration journey, and how these Thai migrant women reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. Prieto (1993, p.  186) notes, “When socially constructed ideas about gender confront a totally different environment (as happens with migration), migrant men and women may resist, change, or adapt their old beliefs to the new situation”. In this chapter, I explore © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_6

113

114 

H. ZHANG

the identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong as they are placed in new socioeconomic and sociocultural environments, facing multiple social roles; the challenges and strategies they have to face, and the consequences of these challenges and strategies for their identity negotiation from an intersectional perspective. Many Thai migrant women experience and witness significant changes in their lives in Hong Kong. These changes affect their identity as a Thai woman in Hong Kong and lead them into the process of identity negotiation. Through their narrative of their own life experiences, first I revisit the literature on gender and migration and provide an overview of Thai migration to Hong Kong. Then follows a discussion of the sociocultural structure of gender in Thai society, how the gender role and expectations of Thai migrant women are shaped by the sociocultural context in Hong Kong, and how they reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. As many of the participants in this research are considered to be middle class and well educated compared to domestic workers from Southeast Asia, it is important to analyze the relationship between their social class, their gender identity, and womanhood from an intersectional perspective.

Incorporating Gender into Transnational Migration In the literature on migration studies, gender as a conceptual category has become a useful analytical lens through which to interpret migrant women’s experiences, notably by illuminating their subjectivity and agency (Fresnoza-Flot 2021). Feminists have also called attention to gender issues in relation to migration. Sutton (1992) proposed that the rethinking of migration from a gendered perspective must go beyond consideration of how the experiences of migrants differ for women and men. Constable (2003) and Lapanun (2012) suggested that we also need to know more about how women’s and men’s roles in the global economy differ in both the sending and receiving countries; and what gender-specific roles they each play in sustaining and transmitting cultural traditions. Understanding gender as a “social construction” is critical in the context of migration. Gender is deeply embedded in transnational migration, enabling an understanding of the sensitive issues related to migrants, such as their sense of belonging, identity, dilemmas, and trauma (Boyd and Grieco 2014). The rethinking of migration from a gendered perspective must go beyond consideration of how the experiences of migrants differ for women and men. We need to know more about the gender-specific

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

115

roles regarding sustaining and transmitting cultural traditions, and to explore more fully the work and family experiences of different socio-class migrant women in the host country (Piper and Lee 2016; Yeoh et  al. 2013; Zhang 2020). Regarding identity negotiation, many scholars suggest, rather than practicing gender-blindness, instead to take note that the diasporic experiences of men and women are different and that they are shaped by gender politics (Yeoh and Huang 2000). Female migrants’ experiences are particularly relevant in revealing the (in)ability of transnational migrants to contest and shape new identities for themselves in the diaspora. Female migrants actively (re)negotiate their gender identities in the context of their positionality within the family, the home country, and the host country. According to such an assertion, it can also be assumed that Thai migrant women in Hong Kong would struggle with different sets of gender norms and expectations along with their transnational migration (Ng and Zhang 2021).

An Overview of Thai Migrants in Hong Kong Hewison (2004) provides a general picture of Southeast Asian migrants and, by focusing in particular on Thai migrants in Hong Kong, shows that this migration is more recent and highly feminized. Hong Kong saw a marked increase in migrant labor from the late 1960s, which is tied to the recruitment of foreign domestic workers (FDWs) from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand. Since then, Southeast Asian migrant workers have been important for Hong Kong’s socioeconomic development. The migration pattern of Thais moving to Hong Kong is highly feminized with 86.9 percent of Thai migrants in Hong Kong classified as female (Census and Statistics Department 2017). In 2016, of the total 8879 Thai migrant women living in Hong Kong, only 1723 were classified as domestic workers, constituting only 1 percent of the total population. Apart from domestic and sex workers, a sizable population of middle- to upper-class Thai women have migrated to Hong Kong through marriage with Hong Kong husbands (Hewison 2004; RTHK (Radio Television Hong Kong). 2016). From a historical perspective, Thailand has both high female workforce participation and a history of migration. It is common for Thais to engage in migration, seeking specialized skills, better land, or enhanced

116 

H. ZHANG

household resources (Chanwan 2007; Seri and Hewison 2001). Along with the recent socioeconomic development, many Thai people have shown a strong interest in working overseas. Even though transnational migration was not historically common, many Thai Chinese regularly moved between Thailand and Hong Kong, China, Malaysia, and Singapore for education, business, and work. Economic and cultural links between Thailand and Hong Kong are long-standing. In terms of family relations, many Thai Chinese came from Canton (Guangzhou), Teochew (Chaozhou and Shantou), or Hainan and have relatives both in these places and Hong Kong. In terms of politics, Hong Kong was an important place for Thai Chinese to have contact with China in the early years. These sociocultural and socioeconomic links developed into the business and cultural ties between Thailand and Hong Kong that have provided the historical background to the reasons why Thais migrated to Hong Kong (Bao 2005; Wilson 2004). Thai migrants’ experiences cannot be isolated from the historical connection between Thailand and Hong Kong, as the early migrants established and maintained social networks among themselves within the Asian region. Nowadays, many Thai migrants also retain connections with Thailand through dynamic transnational practices. Therefore, from the transnationalism perspective, using social class and socioeconomic background as indicators, this chapter shows how gender norms and expectations from both Thailand and Hong Kong influence Thai migrant women’s lives, as well as how these negotiations lead them to reinvent their womanhood in the labor market and family life in Hong Kong.

Sample, Method, and Fieldwork Data for this chapter are drawn from my ethnographic work with the Thai migrant community at Wat Buddhadhamaram and the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong in Hong Kong from 2016 to 2020, in which I adopted the role of an active member. In an active membership, a researcher moves away from the marginally involved role of the traditional participant–observer and assumes a more central position in the research setting. Researchers who adopt an active membership role do more than participate in the social activities of group members; they take part in the core activities of the group (to the extent that these core activities can be defined and agreed upon by group members). However, it is recognized

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

117

that within this “active membership” role, it is crucial to maintain a researcher identity and periodically withdraw from the field (Adler and Adler 1987, p. 50). Wat Buddhadhamaram in Yuen Long, Hong Kong, was built in 2006 under the management of the National Office of Buddhism, Thailand, through the Royal Thai Consulate-General, Hong Kong. Along with the Thai Sangha (Thai Buddhist monkhood), it also promotes Thailand’s overseas Buddhist missionary policy and activities. The establishment of the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong (see Fig. 6.1) in 2001 coincided with the period during which protests were made against proposed wage cuts for Foreign Domestic Helpers (FDH). To protect their interests, Thais and Thai organizations joined the Asian Migrants Coordination Body (AMCB), an alliance of different migrant organizations in Hong Kong. At this time, Thais also saw the need to establish an effective, specific organization to represent their needs. This gave birth to the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, which is registered under the Societies Ordinance. After conferring with the President of Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong, Ms. Tamasorn, about my proposed study, I accepted the invitation to work as a volunteer in the organization’s office every Sunday. My previous training in social work helped me adapt well to this role, and participant observation in the two field sites allowed me to study the actions, behavior, and language used by Thai migrant women in as candid a manner as possible. Being part of the everyday life of these Thai women for this given period, I was able to observe what was happening, listen to what was said, observe reactions and interactions, ask questions and collect rich data for analysis (Atkinson 2007). Fig. 6.1  Logo of Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong

118 

H. ZHANG

Concurrent with my participant observation, I carried out semi-­ structured interviews with 40 Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. The selection criteria for participants in this study were three-fold: (1) Thai migrant women married to a local Hong Kong husband; (2) residents of Hong Kong for a continuous period of not less than seven years (as anyone that has lived in Hong Kong for at least seven consecutive years under a valid visa can acquire Hong Kong permanent residency); and (3) permanent residents of Hong Kong. My focus centered on the socioeconomic background of the participants: the average age of the participants was 42.8 years old; the majority had migrated from Bangkok, Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, and Hat Yai in Thailand; most of them had been residing in Hong Kong for more than ten years and were able to speak three languages: Thai, Cantonese, and English. Except for five of them, all the participants had children. Many of the participants had a university education and a professional job, and all of them possessed Hong Kong permanent residence status. All were married to a Hong Kong husband and had family-in-laws in Hong Kong. While most were Buddhist (N = 32), five were Christian and three were Muslim. To safeguard the anonymity of the participants and some of the gatekeepers and/or key informants, pseudonyms were used. The interviews spanned one to two hours and were conducted in Thai, English, and Cantonese, depending on the participants’ preference. By initially asking broad and non-threatening questions, a safe and comfortable environment was established for encouraging participants to share their personal experiences and attitudes toward Hong Kong. In the next part of the interview, participants were asked about their pathways into transnational migration, which included the process of becoming a migrant woman, their feelings about this process, and their life experiences in Hong Kong. Aspects of their current lives in Hong Kong—including work, family, and social life—were explored and the participants were encouraged to talk about the changes in their lives that living in Hong Kong had brought about in both positive and negative terms. For example, they spoke of their employment, economic situation and their relationship with family members, friends, and colleagues. Their lives as Thai women in Hong Kong were also discussed. In the last part of the interview, participants were asked how their experiences informed their identity and womanhood, how they managed their conditions, what they expected in the future, and to suggest how they might improve their lives, especially in relation to their family, community, and society.

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

119

Sociocultural Structure of Gender in Thai Society Southeast Asia is a region that is often thought to support “gender equality”. However, the meaning of “equality” in the Southeast Asian context does not mean that men and women enjoy the same rights and privileges. On the contrary, their equality is “complementary” (King and Wilder 2020, p. 263). Like many other places in Southeast Asia, Thailand arguably has its religious domain largely dominated by men. Historically speaking, Thailand is famous for its gender inequality and gender discrimination with men playing a dominant role in Thailand and women having lower status (Thaweesit 2004). These inequalities and discriminations are not only prevalent in politics, but also in the workplace and home. According to Vichit-Vadakan (1994), the position and status of Thai women have been influenced by traditional Thai societal norms. In the past, Thai men could have many wives, particularly in upper-class society. Under the monarchical system, women were presented to kings, royal relatives, and powerful noblemen. Because physical power, as expressed through sexual power, corresponded with social and political power, a woman, as the sexual partner of a man, shared his status. A “major” wife was regarded as a supervisor of all “minor” wives (Vichit-Vadakan 1994). Tantiwiramanond (2007) also points out that these kinds of values have partly been kept alive through the Thai education system which has not been influenced by a Western educational system as Thailand has never been colonized. Moreover, applying different social norms to the sexuality of males and females seems to be acceptable to the Thai people. Male sexuality is viewed as biologically driven male behavior, while “good” women are seen as being in control of their sexuality. Women not only have to guard their virginity for their husbands but also should not express their sexual desires (Knodel et al. 1996; Tantiwiramanond 2007). While male promiscuity is considered natural, uncontrollable and an important part of manhood, the prescriptions for a “good” woman, especially of the upper class, are to please her husband, and to tolerate and be generous enough to look after the many wives of her husband. These attitudes may have resulted in the continuing prevalence of Thai male promiscuity. These dimensions of the sociocultural structure of gender in Thai contexts provide an essential backdrop to the study of the role and status of women in Thailand in general. However, it is important to understand that many Thai migrant women who participated in this study are from urban Thailand with a middle-class family background. As increasing

120 

H. ZHANG

numbers of Southeast Asians move into the middle class, their mobility allows them to be tourists and, increasingly, to be employed overseas as white-collar workers. The literature on Southeast Asian migrant women to date has largely focused on working-class or rural women who work as domestic workers and within related occupations. The turn toward research on professional and middle-class Thai migrant women in Hong Kong is therefore very promising as it allows us to move beyond standard stories of victimized migrants through the lives of migrants who may very well come to be identified as such because of their national backgrounds and associated stereotypes. From an intersectional perspective, I believe the situation faced by them may be different from others. While findings may not be applied generally to the wider population of Southeast Asian migrant women in Hong Kong, this research could potentially contribute to contemporary gender and migration studies.

Negotiating Gender Roles and Expectations in the Hong Kong Context Migrants grow up in a society that is socioculturally different from the host society. From a social perspective, a migrant—especially a migrant woman from a less-developed country—will always be excluded from the mainstream society and live marginally in the host society. As an “outsider” in the host country, migrants are forced to reconsider their identity, find their reference groups, and establish new interpersonal ties. In the new social and cultural environment, they have to redefine the meaning of an “in-group” and “out-group”. From a cultural perspective, migrants have to learn different languages, cultures, values, and thoughts in the host society to demonstrate their experiences and feelings. After migration, they enter the process of defining, redefining, interpreting, and reinterpreting the meanings of their life experiences. In this scenario, Thai migrant women have to negotiate their gender identity, change their gender roles, defy gender expectations, and reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. As “Asia’s world city”, Hong Kong is an open society, where economic and social freedoms are cherished (Brand 2020). As a former British colony and now a special administrative region, Hong Kong is often described as a harmonious multicultural society, where East meets West. Historically, westernization under the British administration created a culture mix

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

121

distinctive from other Chinese societies. Economically efficient, industrious, and resilient, Hong Kong people are renowned for their can-­do spirit, entrepreneurial skills, and the ability to create opportunities. Rapid economic development, especially the shift from the manufacturing industry to the service economy, created the space for migration. All of these have resulted in a growing demand for white-collar workers, both men and women, which, in turn, has resulted in a higher social status for women, a change in attitude regarding career attainment, and the growing involvement of women in professional positions. After moving from Thailand to Hong Kong, many Thai migrant women experience socioeconomic and sociocultural shocks, and they find the autonomy and freedom of women conferred by the Hong Kong government and society to be hugely different from that in Thailand. They realize that the meaning of “being a woman” is different in Hong Kong when compared with Thailand, and this kind of difference and shocks in the Hong Kong context leads them into a process of negotiating their gender roles and expectations, and then reinventing their womanhood. My participants found various challenges and strategies they must face when reinventing their womanhood in Hong Kong: not only do they find the socioeconomic and sociocultural situations in Hong Kong different from those in Thailand, but also they must adjust from being a daughter in Thailand to becoming a woman in Hong Kong with multiple roles—as a worker in Hong Kong society, and as a wife, mother and daughter-in-law in a Hong Kong family. Will they participate differently in the Hong Kong labor market in terms of their economic and gender roles? Do they themselves expect to be a good wife to their husband and a good daughter to their parents-in-law? Will their interaction with the new sociocultural environment affect their gender role expectations and gender identity? How do they perceive themselves as women now and how do they reinvent their womanhood? I address these questions in the following section. Negotiating Gender Roles and Expectations in the Hong Kong Context The life experiences of Thai migrant women should be understood as the outcome of interlinked social divisions and a variety of overlapping power structures. In this chapter, the experience of Thai migrant women in the Hong Kong labor market is an obvious example of the outworking of intersectionality as a social process and how the Hong Kong local context

122 

H. ZHANG

shapes Thai migrant women’s roles and positions. It is crucial to understand intersectionality in social and structural processes, which has an important impact on Thai migrant women’s inclusion and exclusion in Hong Kong society, enabling us to understand how they perceive their identity as women in Hong Kong. Gender is socially constructed and diverse; it varies historically and cross-culturally, and gender roles vary widely across different cultural contexts. Race is also socially and politically constructed; it always involves inequalities of power and material resources resulting from and constituting relations of domination, exclusion, and exploitation (Acker 2006, p. 6). Gender divisions in the labor market persist along with a dominating gender discourse in general. Many “domestic” tasks in the public workforce are still assigned to women because of their gender role, without consideration of their educational background, qualifications, and work experiences. For many of the migrant women from less-developed countries, employment choices in the host country are reduced; usually, they can only get jobs that are less attractive to the locals because of low pay and poor working conditions. Gender role has a much greater impact in the labor market, not only for Hong Kong local women but also significantly more for female migrants from less-­developed countries because of both their intersected gender and ethnicity. As a researcher, Ning shared with me an observation about her workplace, which superficially seems to be “fair” but actually is not fair indeed in terms of “gender division”: When I was in Thai university, there was no any other woman at the senior administration level in school, because the Thai public always thought that women are very careful, so women should work for certain positions, but men are good at decision-making, so they can lead the whole team … After I moved to Hong Kong, this situation has changed, maybe because everyone is well educated in my workplace and they know what gender equality is. In the Hong Kong labour market, if you are a migrant from a less developing country and you are a woman as well, you will face a lot unfair compare to others. (Ning, 42, Academia)

Before moving to Hong Kong ten years ago, Pinjai obtained postgraduate degrees in business administration and lived in the USA for five years where she met her husband. At first, despite her ability and educational background, she could not find a suitable job that matched her qualifications. She had to take language courses and pass several exams to get

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

123

further qualifications before finally securing a job as an institutional investor in an international company. She told me she felt very uncomfortable and under great pressure when she came to Hong Kong, although she believes the primary and the most serious discrimination at the workplace in Hong Kong is racial discrimination rather than gender discrimination: I thought that Hong Kong is an international metropolis, as it calls itself “Asia’s World City”. But it is not true; even [after] I got my MBA in the US, it is still not easy for me to get a job at the beginning just because I cannot speak good Cantonese. I know some white people whose background is not as good as me, who also can’t speak Cantonese but still can get a good job, just because they are white people … And one thing I still remembered until now is during the job interview—they even will ask your marital status and pregnancy plan. (Pinjai, 35, Finance)

Pianpchong expressed her concern about future instability in the labor market. She shared her story, explaining why she changed her Thai name to a Chinese name in Hong Kong, and the reason why her husband and she chose to use Chinese names for their two sons: My husband told me that when you are seeking jobs in Hong Kong, some local companies don’t like foreigners and they will treat you as others, which means lower-class people. He suggested me to change into a Chinese name. I also feel a little bit nervous after I heard a lot of these cases from my Thai friends … I am worried about my career here. I’m a Thai but whether I can get promote just like the locals and Westerners? After my two sons were born, we decided to use a Chinese name for them, and we feel it is much more convenient. (Pianpchong, 58, self-employed)

In addition to gender and racial discrimination, another main problem faced by Thai migrant women in the Hong Kong labor market is the language barrier. From an intersectional perspective, their gender, ethnicity, and language ability contribute to their difficulties and disadvantages when looking for a job in Hong Kong. In particular, most of the Thai migrant women told me that the language barrier is a disadvantage for them when looking for a job, and many of them had to deal with language problems: I always think why do I have to know Cantonese? I have learned a lot, I know English, Thai and I worked before I came to Hong Kong. I have a

124 

H. ZHANG

university degree and I have working experience, I should have more good chances with my qualification, but I didn’t … The most important problem I have to face is the language problem … I have to learn Cantonese, it is very important and necessary, not only for my career development, but also can expand my social network, let me better adapt to Hong Kong’s workplace environment. (Oradi, 32, consultant)

Conversely, Pim shared that, to some extent, the language barrier can also protect her from office politics as a foreigner. Her lack of Cantonese language proficiency is a symbol of the foreignness of her; it is a way for her to escape office politics and these so-called Chineseness social and cultural dilemmas: Our (with colleague) relationship is great I think. Maybe because I can’t understand Cantonese well, so I can’t always join their discussion and their networking, and also because of this, they won’t bring some conflict to me since they think I am a foreigner. There is something unlucky because of the language barrier, I cannot be a close friend to them, but on the other hand, it helps me avoid a lot of conflict and troubles due to Chinese people’s relation matter, and help me survive in my workplace. (Pim, 37, Finance)

According to Squires (2008), workplace discrimination can take many forms. Generally, it happens to employees that are treated unfairly because of their race, gender, nationality, religion, age, disability, or familial status (pregnancy, specifically). Workplace discrimination may also be of a different nature in different countries. Because of the significant influence of Buddhism in politics, economy and society in Thailand, gender inequality, and gender discrimination are the main workplace discriminations in Thailand. However, in Hong Kong, many Thai migrant women feel that the most serious discrimination and inequality against them is not gender-­ related, rather it is related to their race and where they come from. Although many Thai migrant women felt they have been marginalized in Hong Kong because of their gender, ethnicity, and language, they also said there was more gender equality progressing at a faster rate in the workplace in Hong Kong than in Thailand. As Thai migrant women, they feel they can fulfill and empower themselves as a woman in Hong Kong because the freedom and autonomy given by government and society bring them more opportunities for their career development and help them to reinvent their womanhood in this place. Jun shared with me her

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

125

experience of how her working experience in Hong Kong has fulfilled and helped develop herself as a woman: I think local colleagues may have an advantage because they know the local culture and local market well, but instead of that, I feel like nothing abnormal, they have no other privileges, and I think in Hong Kong the most important thing is your ability and your working performance … In Thai company, “connection” is everything for your career, in Hong Kong, I have to say “connection” sometimes works, but the most important thing is your ability. Hong Kong is an egalitarian society compared to Thailand, the more you pay, the more you can earn … Working in Hong Kong makes me feel fulfilled and hopeful … The fair social and workplace environment will give me more opportunities to develop myself and become a better woman. (Jun, 30, clerk)

Before their migration, many Thai migrant women worked full time in Thai companies where women are supposed to support the male employees in secretarial or assistant positions. In Thailand, the main target of a company’s career development and leadership training is male rather than female employees (Nakavachara 2010). After moving to Hong Kong and working in the Hong Kong labor market, many Thai migrant women reported that they were able to participate more in career development and leadership training. This was not just because of company requirements and the opportunities offered by their companies and the Hong Kong government, but also because their career experience in the Hong Kong labor market made them realize the importance of self-development and self-empowerment, enabling them to be recognized as competent and competitive women. Noo and many other Thai women joined a self-development workshop for women, organized by the community association in her residential district. Noo was happy to share her own experience of participating in this workshop: I am self-employed, I have my own business and restaurant … I never thought that I would join the self-development programme to improve and empower myself … I found there were many women in this programme … The staff gave us some lectures and training in management and business skills. I was not very confident at the beginning … I did not know what to say and share with others … After finishing the first two workshops, I feel what I’ve learned made me more confident and fulfilled, what I’ve learned

126 

H. ZHANG

not only can help my business but also can make me stronger and better … The community organization and the development programme gave me opportunities to improve myself. (Noo, 62, self-employed)

Noo found that participation in the self-development programme expanded her horizons and enriched her life and self-worth as a Thai migrant woman. Another participant, Somjai, was very impressed with the equal opportunities and fair environment in her workplace. Reporting from her own experience and observation, she found that women were able to enjoy the work opportunities and leadership training in her workplace, and they could have the same status and benefits as men in Hong Kong: When compared to Thailand, I really can find gender equality in Hong Kong. There are many female leaders in higher positions, not only in the public sector but also in private industry … Because women know how to defend their rights, and there is the Equal Opportunities Commission in Hong Kong which [is] responsible for implementing sex discrimination ordinance … I am always participating in the female leadership development programmes organized by my company; these development programmes helped me achieve self-worth. (Somjai, 48, Civil Service)

Oishi’s (2005) study showed that migration had some positive effects on women. From the cases above, we can see the positive effects afforded to some Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Many of my research participants agreed that they had experienced positive changes such as increased self-confidence and skills, even though some of them had been exploited and/or harassed at the same time. At the collective and structural level, the transformation of an “I cannot” fatalistic sentiment to a “we can” spirit can be observed. Women are able to both resist discrimination and stigma in the host society in a subtle way (Parreñas 2015) and also engage in strategic identity negotiations as a woman, which helps them reconstruct and reinvent their womanhood in the host society (Orloff 1993). Clash and Negotiation in Hong Kong Family Life As a Thai woman in a Hong Kong family, the given triple roles—wife, mother, and daughter-in-law—cause them to rethink and reinvent their

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

127

womanhood to adjust to their Hong Kong family life. How to be a good wife, how to be a good daughter-in-law, and how to be a good mother for their children are the conundrums they continually face. Before their migration to Hong Kong, most of the participants were working full time in stable employment, some starting to work immediately after they finished their higher education. They are unlike many other married couples in Thailand, where the husbands are the pillar of the family and the main provider, while the wives remain in the home. In the case of all participants, both the Thai wives and Hong Kong husbands are involved in gainful employment to support the family, and there is no significant difference in their income and occupation. Even so, some of these Thai migrant women still regarded themselves as supporting their husbands and sharing the responsibility of family finances: I have worked in many different positions in Bangkok before, like the manager of the hotel, the senior staff at a newspaper agency and the officer at the embassy. After I moved to Hong Kong with my husband, I know I must work hard to support our family with my husband if we want to have a better life. I think husbands and wives must work together to build up and support the family, and I saw this very common in Hong Kong. (Oradi, 32, consultant)

In these transnational marriage families, both the husbands and wives work to maintain the family finances. Domestic work like housekeeping and raising children are not the responsibilities of the wives only; their husbands are expected to share some of the duties with them, though for some, domestic workers fulfill this role. For these transnational married couples, the equal contribution of income from both the husband and wife enables the wives to gain more power and rights in the family: Usually, we do not cook at home because we all work outside in the office for the whole day and there is no time for us to do so. In this case, we have a helper from the Philippine[s]; she helps us with all the housework … But I have to say, before I came to Hong Kong, I do not want to have a helper who works and stays in my house, as my husband grew up in Hong Kong, he said many Hong Kong locals’ children are growing up with their ­helpers … I also found it is time-consuming for us to do housework, as long as we can afford and share the expense of hiring a helper, I am fine with this now. But I have to say, family income has a great impact on family relation-

128 

H. ZHANG

ships, and your family status as a wife also depends on your financial independence. (Wasu, 38, Banking)

In this research, Thai wife and Hong Kong husband couples are working toward more egalitarian gender roles in the family, with all participants admitting that the equality between a husband and wife depends on family income and economic conditions: Many people have a prejudice against the transnational marriage family [in] which the wife [is] from a less developing country but the husband [is] from a developed country … I think income equality is the most important thing to manage a family well, you should not always think about who you can rely on and depend on, but you have to support the family and make a contribution to your family together with your husband … Your husband and family-­ in-­law will respect you if you are the contributor, but not just take advantage of them. (Pinjai, 35, Finance)

Another participant, Malee, told me how she empowered herself against the stigma she had experienced: Many people think women from Southeast Asia are money-minded, they got married to a Hong Kong husband and came to Hong Kong just because they want to rely on their husbands and take the social benefits in Hong Kong. Maybe it is right and true in some cases, but not all, not for me … I have my own Thai restaurant and shop, I want to tell everyone I can work hard, I can make money, and I can support my family … Discrimination and prejudice are everywhere, but you have to know how to [fight] against them. (Malee, 65, self-employed)

Marriage and romantic relationships are nowadays based on love and companionship, with individuals choosing their partner for their self-­ fulfillment rather than cultural obligations. This has led to the acceptance of and increase in transnational couples (Lamanna et  al. 2020). Thai women living in Hong Kong and married to Hong Kong husbands are actively maintaining close relations and social ties with both Thailand and Hong Kong. In doing so, they have created a transnational space that not only is regarded as a social support but also helps them to find a suitable social position and role as a Thai woman in Hong Kong. In this way, they can find the right balance between being a good daughter in their family in their native Thailand, and a good wife, mother, and daughter-in-law in their Hong Kong family.

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

129

As discussed above, a significant transition of the participants in this research is that their family role has changed along with their migration, from a daughter in Thailand to becoming a Thai wife of a Hong Kong husband and later, also to being a mother in Hong Kong. Of significance is their experience of negotiating the clash between Hong Kong and Thai sociocultural gender structures that arises through pregnancy. In general, brides are expected to have children after marriage and to fulfill the traditional gender obligations of a wife, mother, daughter-in-law, and homemaker in the traditional Chinese family. However, in line with socioeconomic development, the concept of family has become more flexible for a young couple, especially as the child-rearing process could restrict a woman from potential employment opportunities. Even so, as a daughter-­in-law in a Hong Kong family, many Thai migrant women have to negotiate this with their parents-in-law to meet their standard of a “good daughter-in-law”, as Pim told me: I don’t want to have children because the cost of raising a child is too expensive in Hong Kong. If I work and have children at the same time, I will have many problems later on. In Thailand, I have many friends who didn’t get married and live alone or even got married but just live with their husbands without children. But my parents-in-law want children, and they always mention this to me, I can feel they are not happy and sad, I don’t want to be a “bad daughter-in-law” in their eyes, so I told them I would have one child and only one. (Pim, 37, Finance)

As a mother of five children, Noo told me her thoughts on childbearing and parenting: Back to my time, get married to my husband means you have to get married to his whole family. My parents-in-law love children, and they think their daughter-in-law should have more children to maintain the size of the family … In order to make them feel satisfied and feel I am a good daughter-in-­ law, I decided to follow them and give birth to five children, but I also told them they must help me to raise my children and educate my children. (Noo, 62, self-employed)

Pattana shared a different story of how she negotiated with her parents-­ in-­law about this issue:

130 

H. ZHANG

We don’t have the plan to have children now, it is too costly for raising children in Hong Kong, and we are not ready … My parents in Thailand don’t care about it because they know it is my life but not their life … But my parents-in-law, they hope we have children … I told my husband to negotiate with them and told them we don’t have much time now … They cannot force us, so they have to agree. (Pattana, 29, Finance)

The above narratives from Thai migrant women show their negotiation process and how they rationalize to make independent decisions about their bodies. Pim ignored the expected gender and reproductive roles of a woman and left it aside, while older participant Noo listened and followed the will of her parents-in-law, bearing children to meet their expectations as a good wife and “good daughter-in-law” in her Hong Kong family. Like many of the younger generation Thai migrant women, Pattana negotiates strategically through her husband, not only to persuade her parents-in-law and satisfy them, but also to maintain her autonomy on pregnancy.

Conclusion The aim of this chapter is to situate specific empirical findings from my fieldwork within studies of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. The findings illustrate how gender roles and gender expectations in both the home country (Thailand) and the host country (Hong Kong) influence Thai women’s migration experiences and lead them to reinvent their womanhood. The “gendered being” (Bjerrum Nielsen and Rudberg 1993) of these Thai migrant women is a by-product of those different intersected categories along with their transnational migration journeys. Thai migrant women’s experiences of the different gender roles and gender expectations in the Hong Kong labor market and Hong Kong family life, along with their self-reflection and self-empowerment, have paved the way for subtle ideological changes, enabling them to negotiate their gender identity and reinvent their womanhood in Hong Kong. Residing in Hong Kong, a world city in Asia with more gender-equal attitudes and a more gender-friendly environment than in Thailand (UNDP 2020), offers them greater employment opportunities. However, from an intersectional perspective, as an ethnic minority and a woman, there are still many challenges and strategies which Thai migrant women have to face in the Hong Kong labor market. Even so, while many participants felt that there are some inequalities in their workplace, this situation is still much better than in Thailand. Their Thai version of womanhood is

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

131

contested by the notion of gender equality in Hong Kong and their womanhood has been reinvented through their life experiences in Hong Kong. Therefore, many Thai migrant women feel confident about the potential for empowering themselves and changing their fate as a woman in the Hong Kong labor market. In this way, transnational migration has reflected a shift in their gender ideology on labor division, helping them to empower themselves and develop their leadership. Transnational migration also enables Thai migrant women to redefine and/or challenge the gender roles and expectations of their families and Thai society. While maintaining the good characteristics of Thai women, they also try to meet the expectations of women in Hong Kong society. The skills and knowledge learned from self-development and self-­ empowerment training lead Thai migrant women to enjoy greater freedom and independence in their family life, and these self-autonomies for women destabilize the traditional patriarchal system, eliminating gender inequality and promoting harmony in their family life in Hong Kong. On the one hand, the Thai characteristics of womanhood, such as being intelligent and talented, well-mannered, kind-hearted, self-cultivated, and virtuous, have been carried forward to show a woman’s identity as a good Thai wife, mother and daughter-in-law. On the other hand, the Hong Kong sociocultural context shapes their gender identity as a woman and reinvents their womanhood from different perspectives resulting in Thai migrant women becoming more independent, open-minded, and making contributions to their Hong Kong family. As such, the dilemmas and tensions resulting from their transnational migration have largely been resolved. This study has also confirmed previous works’ findings that many Thai migrant women strive to simultaneously satisfy gender expectations in their home country and the host country (Kitiarsa 2008; Fresnoza-Flot 2021). In this way, they have developed their “in-between womanhood” after the process of identity negotiation. Their “in-between womanhood” is a survival strategy for them; it is a by-product they have developed along with their transitional migration journeys.

References Acker, J. (2006). Class Questions: Feminist Answers. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Adler, P. A., and Adler, P. (1987). Membership Roles in Field Research. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado. Atkinson, P. (2007). Ethnography: Principles in practice. Routledge.

132 

H. ZHANG

Bao, JM. (2005). Marital Acts: Gender, Sexuality, and Identity Among the Chinese Thai Diaspora. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Boyd, M., and Grieco, E. (2014). Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into International Migration Theory. Migration Information Source. Migration Policy Institute, Washington, DC. Brand HK. (2020). Hong Kong Asia’s world city. Website. https://www.brandhk. gov.hk/html/en/. Census and Statistics Department. (2017). 2016 Population Census: Thematic Report: Ethnic Minorities. Hong Kong: Census and Statistics Department. Retrieved from https://statistics.gov.hk/pub/B11201002016XXXXB0100.pdf. Chanwan, P. (2007). ‘Working Women’ in Modern Thai Society. Srinakharinwirot University Journal of History, 2550, 36–52. Constable, N. (2003). Romance on a Global Stage: Pen Pals, Virtual Ethnography, and “Mail Order” Marriages. Berkeley: University of California Press. Fresnoza-Flot, A. (2021). ‘Men are butterflies, women are hindlimbs of an elephant’: Thai women’s gendered being in transnational spaces. Gender, Place & Culture, 28(5), 680–701. Hewison, K. (2004). Thai Migrant Workers in Hong Kong. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 34 (3), 318–335. King, V.  T., and Wilder, W.  D. (2020). The Modern Anthropology of South-East Asia: An Introduction. Abingdon and New York, NY: Routledge Curzon. Kitiarsa, P. (2008). Thai Migrants in Singapore: State, Intimacy and Desire. Gender, Place & Culture, 15 (6), 595–610. Knodel, J., VaLandingham, M., Saengtienchai, C., and Pramualratana, A. (1996). Thai Views of Sexuality and Sexual Behavior. Health Transition Review, 6, 179–201. Lamanna, M. A., Riedmann, A., and Stewart, S. D. (2020). Marriages, Families, and Relationships: Making Choices in a Diverse Society. Australia: Cengage Learning. Lapanun, P. (2012). It’s Not Just About Money: Transnational Marriages of Isan Women. Journal of Mekong Societies, 8 (3), 1–28. Markus, H., Crane, M., Bernstein, S., and Siladi, M. (1982). Self-schemas and gender. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42(1), 38–50. Nakavachara, V. (2010). Superior Female Education: Explaining the Gender Earnings Gap Trend in Thailand. Journal of Asian Economics, 21(2), 198–218. Ng, I., and Zhang, H. (2021). Navigating the ethnic boundary: From ‘in-between’ to plural ethnicities among Thai middle-class migrant women in Hong Kong. Journal of Sociology, 58(1), 59–75. Bjerrum Nielsen, H., and Rudberg, M. (1993). Whatever happened to gender? Female subjectivity and change in a generational context. In Daughtering and Mothering. Female Subjectivity Reanalysed, edited by Janneke van Mens-­ Verhulst, Karlein Schreurs, and Liesbeth Woertman, pp. 44–52. London and New York: Routledge.

6  REINVENTING TRANSNATIONAL WOMANHOOD: IN THE JOURNEYS… 

133

Oishi, N. (2005). Women in Motion: Globalization, State Policies, and Labor Migration in Asia. CA: Stanford University Press. Orloff, A. S. (1993). Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States. American Sociological Review, 58, 303–328. Parreñas, R. S. (2015). Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. CA: Stanford University Press. Piper, N., and Lee, S. (2016). Marriage migration, migrant precarity, and social reproduction in Asia: an overview. Critical Asian Studies, 48(4), 473–493. Prieto, Y. (1993). Cuban Women in New Jersey: Gender Relations and Change. In Seeking Common Ground: Multidisciplinary Studies of Immigrant Women in the United States, edited by D. Gabaccia, pp. 185–202. Westport, CT: Praeger. RTHK (Radio Television Hong Kong). (2016). Hong Kong My Home: Thai Beauty. Video file. https://podcast.rthk.hk/podcast/item.php?pid=1219&ei d=90907&year=2017&lang=en-­US. Seri, P., and Hewison, K. (2001). Village Life: Culture and Transition in Thailand’s Northeast. Bangkok: White Lotus Books. Squires, J. (2008). Intersecting Inequalities: Reflecting on the Subjects and Objects of Equality. The Political Quarterly, 79 (1), 53–61. Sutton, C. R. (1992). Some Thoughts on Gendering and Internationalizing our Thinking about Transnational Migrations. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 645 (1), 241–249. Tantiwiramanond, D. (2007). The Growth and Challenges of Women’s Studies in Thailand. Interventions, 9 (2), 194–208. Thaweesit, S. (2004). The Fluidity of Thai Women’s Gendered and Sexual Subjectivities. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 6 (3), 205–219. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). (2020). Human Development Reports: Gender Inequality Index. http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/gender­inequality-­index-­gii. Vichit-Vadakan, J. (1994). Women and the Family in Thailand in the Midst of Social Change. Law and Society Review, 28 (3), 515–524. West, C., and Zimmerman, D.  H. (1987). Doing Gender. Gender & Society, 1(2), 125–151. Wilson, A. (2004). The Intimate Economies of Bangkok: Tomboys, Tycoons, and Avon Ladies in the Global City. University of California Press. Yeoh, B. S., Leng, C. H., Dung, V. T. K., and Yi’En, C. (2013). Between two families: the social meaning of remittances for Vietnamese marriage migrants in Singapore. Global Networks, 13(4), 441–458. Yeoh, Brenda S. A., and Huang, S. (2000). ‘Home’ and ‘Away’: Foreign Domestic Workers and Negotiations of Diasporic Identity in Singapore. Women’s Studies International Forum, 23 (4), 413–429. Zhang, H. (2020). Identity Negotiation of Thai Female Migrants in Hong Kong: Under the Gaze of Buddhism. The Journal of the Siam Society, 108 (1), 141–154.

CHAPTER 7

Conclusion: Moving Beyond

Overview of the Research Women are a key factor in migration studies, especially in the age of globalization, women are migrating, settling and living actively in different countries. Despite their movements, women still keep close relation and maintain ties with their home countries. They bring their national, ethnic, and cultural aspirations from their home country; at the same time, they experience the new socioeconomic and sociocultural environment in the host countries with the outcome that migrant women start to negotiate their identities as they confront new sets of norms and values of the host countries. As the identity of the migrant is fluid and variable, it may be shaped by many different migration patterns, such as time, space, and their life experiences. Migrants’ identity is not fixed on one boundary. Identity, therefore, is transgressive, double, or even multiple. When migrants move to new countries, they face the new socioeconomic and sociocultural environments in the host country which may be different from their home country. The new socioeconomic and sociocultural contexts in the host country shape their identity negotiation, as they deal with the two different identities and develop an in-between identity. This process is called identity negotiation. The relationship between identity and negotiation is not exclusive and never complete, rather it is a lifelong process for transnational migrants. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6_7

135

136 

H. ZHANG

The main purpose of this study was to find out how identity is perceived by Thai migrant women in Hong Kong through their journey of transnational migration, and to understand how the socioeconomic and sociocultural contexts in Hong Kong shape their identity negotiation and affect their womanhood. A qualitative method was employed in this research. The conceptual framework, together with the research design discussed in Chap. 3, provided the foundation and direction for data collection and analysis. The suprasystem and the impact of migration experience on the identity model guided this study on identity negotiation of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. The conceptual framework and research design, with the data gained from my participant observations and in-depth interviews, became an “apparatus of recognition” which allowed the study participants to share their life experiences from their own perspectives. In this case, the insights into the views and opinions of study participants provided rich data that enabled the researcher to achieve the aims and purposes of the study (Rubin and Rubin 1995). Two main concepts, which are transnational migration and identity were explored and discussed in alignment with intersectionality to gain an understanding of Thai migrant women’s lives in Hong Kong. The findings revealed how these Thai migrant women experienced the transnational migration to Hong Kong, perceive their identity, negotiate their identity, navigate the ethnic boundaries and reinvent their womanhood which is shaped by their new sociocultural context in Hong Kong.

Understanding Identity Negotiation of Thai Migrant Women As Hatziprokopiou (2003) observes, exclusion and integration of migrants in the host society are dynamic processes, which may be contradictory but operate in parallel. Transnational migrants entering the host country do not automatically identify with the new place. Those groups who are exposed to negativity and prejudices are most likely to internalize negative feelings about their ethnic identity. Participants in this study engaged in various strategies and challenges of identity negotiation which are related to their being mislabeled as domestic workers and sex workers. It is important to determine what affects whether transnational migrants see themselves as members of the host society or continue to identify primarily with their home society from the intersectional perspective and with a

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

137

multicultural orientation. For the Thai migrant women themselves, crossing the ethnic boundary is never an easy task. To facilitate integration, the experiences of participants in this study point to the importance of creating new in-between identities through which migrants and locals can interact on equal status and enhance the multicultural awareness of Hong Kong society. This book firstly argues that the life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong should be examined in relation to the process of transnational migration, regarding their individual, family, community, and social life experiences. To study Thai migrant women’s transnational activities and identities, I conducted ethnographic research at Wat Buddhadhamaram in Yuen Long, as well as worked as a volunteer at the Thai Regional Alliance in Hong Kong. The main purpose was to understand the collective activities of Thai people in Hong Kong and the implications of transnational social spaces of the Thai community in Hong Kong. Moreover, semi-structured in-depth interviews with 40 Thai migrant women who live in Hong Kong were the primary data collection methods in this study. Secondly, I argued that in order to understand the experiences and identities of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, we must analyze their socioeconomic background, their social status, and social roles in an intersectional analysis approach. Previous studies on Southeast Asian migrants in Hong Kong have not studied this specific sociodemographic group. Due to the different social and economic backgrounds, we should clear the boundaries between Thai migrant women and domestic workers from Southeast Asia. Likewise, we should not generalize the cross-border marriage migration between women from developing countries and men from developed countries to elaborate transnational migration without paying attention to individual differences. Therefore, it is essential to develop a multicultural orientation to enrich our worldview when studying a specific sociodemographic group. Thirdly, I argued that transnational migration and intersectional experiences also relate to the issues of identity negotiation. The experiences of being marginalized affect Thai migrant women’s emotional attachment and their sense of self-identification in both the home and the host country. Many Thai migrant women keep close relation and maintain strong ties to the home country in various ways, such as participating in Thai and Buddhist festivals, promoting Thai culture in Hong Kong, and showing their loyalty to the Thai monarchy. In the case of Thai migrant women, Buddhism is one of the essential components of “Thainess” and it is a

138 

H. ZHANG

symbol for Thai people to articulate their identity; it has become the connection between Thai migrant women and Thailand. As Thai Buddhism has a close relation with Thai nation-state building and impacts their identity, to understand Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation, it is necessary to comprehend the “nation-religion-monarchy” trinity, which is reinforced at both institution and individual levels. Although they have been living in Hong Kong for many years and have become permanent residents of Hong Kong, many Thai migrant women are still eager to maintain their sense of belonging to the home country and identity as Thai. On the one hand, Thai Buddhist temples in Hong Kong have become a transnational space for them to feel being “at home”. In terms of sociocultural functions, Thai Buddhist temples create a cultural and religious space and serve as a “spiritual sustenance shelter” for Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, inspiring their emotional attachment to Thailand and their “Thainess”. On the other hand, Thai Buddhist temple’s construct of the “other” serves to maintain a physical and spatial boundary where Thai people define their identity against the non-Buddhist. Fourthly, I argued that the journey of transnational migration and the life experiences in the host country is a process that makes Thai migrant women in Hong Kong from outsiders to in-betweens. After experiencing the new wave of autonomy and freedom for women in the multicultural society in Hong Kong, Thai migrant women started to empower themselves to challenge and rethink the gender inequalities which existed in Buddhist-dominated Thailand. On the one hand, Buddhism is the symbol of their Thai identity and where their sense of belonging belongs to. However, on the other hand, the sociocultural context in Hong Kong shakes their Buddhist faith. After the process of self-reflection and self-­ negotiation, Thai migrant women become more rational, and Buddhism becomes a “buffet” for them, which they will rationally believe some and refuse the others. Last but not least, I argue that after Thai migrant women experience the different social roles in the Hong Kong labor market and Hong Kong family, along with their self-reflection and self-empowerment, their subtle ideological changes set a way for them to negotiate their gender identity and reinvent their womanhood as a Thai female migrant in Hong Kong. They try to be a competent and competitive woman in the labor market; a good wife, a good mother, and a good daughter-in-law in their Hong Kong family. To a certain extent, they embody the different definitions of

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

139

women this gender roles in both Thai and Hong Kong societies. After negotiating their identity as women, Thai migrant women start to reinvent their womanhood to meet the gender role expectation in Hong Kong, but at the same time, they face the dilemma and walk in-between. In conclusion, all of my arguments serve as a critique as well as an alternative to understanding, and the discourse of transnational migration that represents migrant women from developing to developed countries because of their economic desperation in their home country. In fact, I argue that Thai migrant women are open-minded to interactions of different norms and values regarding their gender, class, religion, and ethnicity from different perspectives in the process of their transnational migration. Even so, at the same time, these interactions lead Thai migrant women to have a complex identity, in which their journey of transnational migration and life experiences in the host country help them to strategically confront stereotypes and prejudices in their everyday lives and empower them to challenge gender inequality and reinvent their womanhood.

Contributions to Theory Building The findings of this research contribute to both theory building and practice. The findings help us to enrich the theoretical understanding in two main areas; firstly, to explicate the dynamic and interactive nature of identity negotiation and enhance understanding of the in-between identity of transnational migrants, and secondly, to understand various categories of the female migrant. In-betweenness of Transnational Migrants This research has shown that transnational migrants experience a lifelong process of identity negotiation resulting in an in-between identity. This subjective identity is experienced in, expressed, and shaped by their life experiences along with their transnational migration in both the home and host countries. As Thai migrant women became permanent residents of Hong Kong simultaneously becoming wives, mothers, and daughters-in-­ law, they developed an in-between identity after the process of identity negotiation. Due to their multiple social roles in both the home country and the host country, transnational migrants encounter both the dilemmas and opportunities of this in-between identity. They need to negotiate their

140 

H. ZHANG

conflicting worldviews and values to find a suitable position for them; this ongoing and lifelong negotiation process is how the in-between identity came into being. The in-between identity creates the situation where transnational migrants not only subjectively identify themselves from both the home and the host countries, but they also are objectively pulled by both identities. This in-between identity is a fluid identity and a survival strategy; a rationale they develop based on their life experiences in both countries. Therefore, the in-between identity is fluid and unstable, unfolding in daily life and lifelong lasting. Rather than imagining themselves as being connected with the unknown and faceless others (Anderson 1983, p. 6), this identity is a subjective willingness to affiliate transnational migrants with other specific people. This in-between identity reflects their constant comparison and negotiation of the particular circumstances they meet, whereby they make an identity choice (preference to be close to or to be away from the original/host society) based on their value judgment. Further, this in-between identity is also reinforced by the contestation of the people in both the home and host countries. The process of Thai migrant women’s identity negotiation in the new socioeconomic and sociocultural environments involves two different levels; the micro-level which is the migrant woman’s negotiation of their national and ethnic identity, gender and social roles, and adaptation to life challenges and strategies. The macro-level encompasses their individual interactions with family, community, and society from all aspects of their life journey. By analyzing the data gained from participant observation and the interviews, it can be concluded these different dimensions on both the micro- and macro-levels can be combined, to form a composite framework to understand the dynamics and complexity of identity negotiation and in-between identity. Understand Various Categories of Migrant Women As mentioned in the identity negotiation framework, data was analyzed from the intersectional perspective. This study found there are three dimensions which reflect the identity of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, relating to their age, beliefs, and ethnicity. Each dimension in the framework reflects the process of impact on the identity negotiation of migrant women. The three dimensions are composed of the following:

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

141

. Age (older generation versus younger generation) 1 2. Religious belief (Buddhist versus non-Buddhist) 3. Ethnicity (Thai Chinese versus non-Thai Chinese) The analysis of the narratives gained from the in-depth interviews with 40 Thai migrant women revealed variations within the three dimensions impacting their identity. It should be noted that the purpose of the analysis is not to classify migrant women mechanically but was based on the backgrounds of participants and the research findings. The various categories are not mutually exclusive, and no subject is entirely consistent with the profiles to understand various categories of the female migrant. The purpose of theoretical synthesis is to discover the diversity of migrant women and use an intersectional perspective to understand their identity negotiation within the conceptual framework. Highlighting the three different dimensions from the intersectional perspective in this study provides a conceptual tool for us to understand the dominant characteristics of different sub-groups and in-group differences of Thai migrant women. The narratives gained from participant observations and interviews of each sub-group reflect a core theme which represents the most significant issues of identity negotiation. 1. Older generation versus younger generation As discussed in Chap. 5 in this book, I classify the Baby boomer generation (born between 1946 and 1964) and Generation X (born between 1965 and 1976) as belonging to the older generation, and those born after 1976 as the younger generation. In this research, 16 of them belong to the older generation while 24 belong to the younger generation of Thai migrants in Hong Kong. For the older generation, their Thai identity was reinforced in my study also suggests that Thai migrant women’s belonging and identity is a very complex issue. Even though most of the older generation Thai migrant women identified themselves as Thai and maintained strong ties with Thailand, many indicated that, at the same time, they also felt a sense of “belonging” to Hong Kong. However, some of them also expressed that they adjusted to life in Hong Kong very well and have a strong sense of “being Hong Konger” rather than Thai. They regard Hong Kong as their own home and present themselves as Hong Konger who come from Thailand. Therefore, it is important to understand the relationship

142 

H. ZHANG

between the length of residency in Hong Kong and the sense of belonging. For the younger generation, many of them often find it difficult to identify themselves as Thai–Hong Konger or Hong Kong–Thai, because they have been brought up in different environments. Most of the younger-generation Thai migrant women lived or studied abroad before coming to Hong Kong. While they possess certain knowledge of the Thai culture, they find it extremely difficult to place themselves in one or two categories. They are, in their own words, the product of “plural ethnicities”. 2. Buddhist versus non-Buddhist The majority of Thai migrant women who participated in this study are Buddhists, while the remaining are Christian and Muslim. This study found Buddhism played a significant role in Thai people’s identity finding that “being a Thai” is always equal to “being a Buddhist”. For these Buddhist Thai migrant women, Buddhism is their spiritual sustenance, through the Thai temple which is a transnational space where their Thai identity is reinforced. They have positive feelings toward Thai society and Thai identity; social circumstances make them psychologically desirable for being close to Thailand and Thai people. For these Buddhist Thai migrant women, “being a Thai” was always mentioned by them in the process of identity negotiation. However, for the other Christian Thai migrant women, without the shackles of Buddhism religion, they are more open-minded and have a multicultural orientation to interact with others in their life; the sociocultural context in Hong Kong makes them feel like “being a Hong Konger” which is influenced by Hong Kong society. 3. Thai Chinese versus non-Thai Chinese Many Thai Chinese ethnic migrant women showed their psychological desire to be close to Hong Kong society reflected by their behaviors. These Thai Chinese migrant women have positive feelings about “being a Hong Konger” and an eagerness to develop themselves in the new environment of Hong Kong society. As discussed in Chap. 6, economic and cultural links between Thailand and Hong Kong are long-standing, and many Thai Chinese regularly move between Thailand and Hong Kong. For Thai Chinese migrant women, as their ancestral home was in Canton (Guangzhou), Teochew (Chaozhou and Shantou), or Hainan, they shared a similar

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

143

s­ociocultural background with Hong Kong Chinese, practicing these cultural norms in their Thai Chinese families. For Thai Chinese migrant women, their ethnic background advantages their integration into Hong Kong society over other Thai migrant women, facing fewer difficulties in their work and family life in Hong Kong to enhance their feeling of “being a Hong Konger”. The various categories of migrant women represent the contribution of this study to offer a combined conceptual framework to understand transnational migration in the present time. It is essential for the researcher to distinguish the diversity and in-group differences among migrant women. All the narratives gained from interviews and participant observations explained how Thai migrant women respond to the national, ethnic, and gender identity dilemmas in their everyday life in Hong Kong along with their transnational migration journeys. Each sub-type of migrant women presents their challenges and strategies in the process of identity negotiation. Therefore, it is critical for the researcher to identify the different characteristics of migration and maintain multicultural orientation.

Implications for Policy and Practice Transnational migration has been long studied, in particular, the migrant women from developing countries to developed countries through transnational marriages. The common prejudices against these transnational marriages are that these marriages are pathological, are not normal relationship but are money-minded, and these relationships are maintained with the exchange rather than love. However, this study uses an intersectional approach to understand transnational migration and marriage is important, especially when the research target is a specific socio-­ demography group. In this study, the study participants are Thai women, from a society which has used traditional power relations, to understand their marriage with a husband from a developed country. However, the question arises is it appropriate to theorize the life stories of well-educated Thai women from middle-upper-class urban families working in professional capacities in Hong Kong in the same way as domestic workers from wider Southeast Asia? This study believes that it is important for researchers to be aware of the different sub-cultures and the within-group differences; to develop a multicultural orientation to understand so-called marginalized people and groups.

144 

H. ZHANG

Secondly, the study has shown that gender inequality continues in Thai society and has a deep impact on Thai women, despite policy commitments to reduce it. Further, gender inequality is experienced at the level of subjectivity. Chapter 4 showed how the “nation-religion-monarchy” trinity placed Thai women in a lower status. Cultural and religious structures specific to Thailand serve to reinforce these beliefs. As such, self-awareness needs to be raised in the women themselves to enable them to challenge gender inequality, just as the social structures that continue to position and respond to women as the unequal need to be challenged. Finally, labor market and workplace issues need to be addressed. Thai migrant women’s labor market participation patterns include what has been referred to as economic motherhood, where women traditionally participate in economic activities. Chapter 6 demonstrated that Thai migrant women still face discrimination and dilemmas because of their race, gender, and other factors. This suggests that all women, especially migrant women, should have access to fair and favorable labor market work, with social support benefits. It also suggests that more work needs to be done on eliminating discrimination against migrant women in Hong Kong, through legislative protection and changing societal attitudes.

Limitations of the Research First of all, the main limitation of this study is the findings of this study cannot be generalized to understand other transnational migration and the transnational migrants in other countries, as only 40 Thai migrant women were selected. As the study participants are from middle-upper class families and work in Hong Kong as professionals, more attention needs to be focused on the internal differences of study participants as well. Therefore, the sample in this research is not representative of other migrant women in Hong Kong and the findings may not reflect the situation of other migrant women in Hong Kong. Another limitation of this study is choosing a qualitative research method. Silverman (2010) argues that qualitative research approaches sometimes leave out contextual sensitivities, and focus more on meanings and experiences. This study focused on the Thai migrant women’s life experience, but it is also important for us to study other imperative issues in the context of transnational migration. The rigor of a qualitative study can be questioned, because it is more difficult to maintain, assess, and demonstrate, and the quality of research is highly dependent on the

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

145

individual skills of the researcher and more easily influenced by the researcher’s personal biases and idiosyncrasies (Anderson 2010). Even so, from the results obtained, I observed that under the influence of different social factors in Hong Kong and Thai societies, Thai migrant women do not just attach to one identity. Their identity is multiple, fragmentary, and constantly varying. Moreover, such social factors also result in an ambiguous and conflicted self-identity. Nevertheless, I discovered that though Thai migrant women have a mix of Thai and Hong Konger identities, their degree of sense of belonging to both Thai and Hong Kong cultures may differ, and there may be multiple degrees of mixed identity. This is because the level of Thai or Hong Kong identity is affected by an individual’s social attributions and the individual’s perception and experiences of particular social circumstances under Hong Kong social structures. Consequently, looking into the subjectivity of Thai migrant women, the individual members who are more affected by Hong Kong identity would show a higher degree of “Hong Konger” while having a sense of Thai identity. Those who are more influenced by Thai identity would feel a strong attachment to Thailand, while they also would also regard themselves as part of Hong Kong. The social attribution and the social structure of Hong Kong are the mechanisms of identity negotiation which is essential to Thai migrant women’s identities. The social attributions of Thai migrant women include their age, their ethnicity (Thai Chinese or non-Thai Chinese); their religion (Buddhist or non-Buddhist); their family background, their language ability, their education; and how long they have lived in Hong Kong.

Suggestions for Future Research Transnational migration is human mobility which has a far-reaching impact on both home and host countries. Focusing on the experience of transnational migration, this research has shown its impact on migrants’ identity negotiation. It has taken a very first step in studying Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, but as mentioned above, the findings of this study are limited due to time and resource constraints. As there are several issues requiring further investigation to understand more fully Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, I put forward the following suggestions to further understand the identity, ethnicity, and gender of transnational migrant women. Firstly, due to the specific focus of my study, I only focus on Thai migrant women’s current life in Hong Kong but do not focus much on

146 

H. ZHANG

the migratory stage before migrating to Hong Kong and after returning to Thailand. As transnational migrants, study participants always maintain close ties between Thailand and Hong Kong, and keep a close relationship with their Thai families as a daughter and their Hong Kong families as a wife, a mother, and daughter-in-law. It would be interesting to complement these transnational life experiences with follow-up research on the life experiences of Thai migrant women after they return to Thailand. Secondly, in terms of the in-between identity, it is necessary and important to study migrant women of different ethnicities and nationalities, Future research should also focus on the subgroups and the internal variations and differences among Southeast Asian migrant women in Hong Kong. This current study only focused on Thai migrant women in this generalized group, but I suggest the experiences of the Chinese diaspora, especially for female marriage migrants who come from Malaysia and Singapore as a Chinese diaspora with “Canton root” are different, and their life stories encourage further in-depth research. Thirdly, it is also worthy to study husbands and families of transnational marriage couples as the lack of information on husbands and families undoubtedly undermines a holistic understanding of transnational migration. It is important for us to further study the husband and the family in the local context. For migrant women, their husbands and families always play an important role and impact their life experience and identity in the host country. The support, encouragement, and care from husbands and families are also considered to be key factors in the process of social integration for migrant women. It points out the importance of studying the views and perceptions of their husbands and families in the host country. Concerning the transnational migration globally, the suprasystem and impact of migration experience on the identity model developed in this study help to gain insight and understanding of different social factors which affect transnational migrants’ lives from the individual, family, community, and social perspectives in the host country. From the beginning of their transnational migration journey to their current life experience and their future plans and hopes in the host country, from both the micro- and macro-levels, this model enables both researchers and policymakers to understand the different aspects of transnational migration nowadays and maintain a multicultural orientation.

7  CONCLUSION: MOVING BEYOND 

147

Concluding Remarks The journey of this research started with my encounter with Ms. Suthida. Her life experience as a transnational migrant inspired me to investigate the identity issues faced by Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. Along with the journey of this research, I continuously witness how Thai migrant women perceive their identity, navigate their ethnic boundaries, and how Hong Kong’s socioeconomic and sociocultural contexts shape their identity negotiation and their agency in empowering themselves and reinventing their womanhood as Thai migrant women in Hong Kong. This study will enrich our understanding of the life experiences of Thai migrant women in Hong Kong, enabling us to understand the process of identity negotiation and its impact on their womanhood reinvention in Hong Kong. Thai migrant women’s stories in this study show women’s agency in shaping their identity, expectations, and perspectives as a woman. At the same time, their narratives also reflect there are many socioeconomic and sociocultural factors from both the home country and the host country shaping their identity negotiation, Thai migrant women maintain the “in-between” identity and have multiple social roles in the two countries. Migrant women’s identity negotiation in a new sociocultural environment has important implications for their womanhood reinvention. Becoming in-between is a lifelong journey to negotiate their identity and find their sense of belonging, it involves both micro- and macro-level negotiation. It requires additional dedicated research to uncover how migrant women with different life experiences and cultural backgrounds negotiate their identity, navigate their ethnic boundaries, and reinvent their womanhood from an intersectional perspective at individual, family, community, social, and state levels.

References Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities. London, Verso. Anderson, C. (2010). Presenting and evaluating qualitative research. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 74, 1–7. Hatziprokopiou, P. (2003). Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki, Greece: Processes of Economic and Social Incorporation. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 29(6), 1033–1057. Rubin, H., and Rubin, I. (1995). Qualitative Interviewing, The Art of Hearing Data. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Silverman. D. (2010). Doing Qualitative Research. SAGE.

Index

A Active membership, 50, 61 Affinities, 19 Anti-essentialism, 33 Asia-Pacific, 7 Assimilation, 19, 23 B Baan, 78 Belonging, 69, 70, 77–81, 87, 138, 141, 145, 147 Bhikkhuni, 82 Boundaries, 5, 10, 91–107, 135, 137, 138 British, 4, 120 Buddhism, 67–87, 137, 138, 142 Buddhist, 137, 138, 141, 142, 145 Bunkhun, 82 Bureaucratic, 74, 82

C Categorization, 20, 35 Characteristics, 26, 29–31 Chinese diaspora, 146 Chinese family, 129 Chineseness, 124 Christian, 142 Civilisations, 74 Class, 7, 8, 11, 12 Collectivities, 43 Companionship, 128 Complementary, 119 Complexity, 46, 59 Constructivism, 45 Cosmopolitanism, 105 Cultural, 15, 16, 18, 22–25, 28, 30, 31 D Demographic, 2, 5, 8 Destabilization, 94

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 H. Zhang, Engendering Migration Journey, Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15975-6

149

150 

INDEX

Destinations, 15 De-territorialization, 23 Diasporic, 18, 19, 25 Dichotomization, 30 Discrimination, 9 racial discrimination, 4 Diversity, 45, 46, 50, 52, 59 Domestic workers, 1–3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 68, 74, 85, 136, 137, 143 E Egalitarian, 125, 128 Essentialist, 96 Ethnic, 2–6, 10 Ethnic boundaries, 91–93, 95–99, 103–107 Ethnicities, 91–107 Ethnic minorities, 2 Ethnographic, 41–63 Ethnographic observations, 98 Exclusion, 70, 81, 87 F Features, 102, 106 Foreign domestic workers, 115 G Gender, 16, 20, 21, 23–28, 30, 31, 35 Gender discrimination, 119, 123, 124 Gender expectations, 113, 120, 130, 131 Gender identities, 113 Gender inequality, 119, 124, 131, 139, 144 Gender roles, 113, 120–131, 139 Generalization, 50 Generation, 92, 96, 97, 99–107 Globalization, 3, 4, 7, 91, 92, 102, 104–107, 135

H Heterogeneous, 15 Hierarchy, 16 Historical assumptions, 23 Hong Kong Chinese, 143 Host, 2, 4, 5, 10–12 I Identities, 2, 6, 18–21, 23–25, 27–35, 67, 68, 70–87 ethnic identity, 28–31 gender identity, 28, 35 national identity, 18, 19, 28–31 Identity negotiation, 2–10, 12, 135–137, 139–143, 145, 147 Ideological, 70, 79, 87 Imagination, 77 In-between, 91–107, 135, 137, 139, 140, 146, 147 Inclusion, 70, 81 Information and communication technologies (ICTs), 98, 105 Insights, 44 Integration, 94 Intergenerational, 97, 98 Interrelations, 72 Intersectional, 86, 87, 95, 99, 114, 120, 123, 130 Intersectionality, 21, 25, 26, 121, 136 Intersections, 91, 96 Interviews, 6, 8 Intrapersonal, 52 K King, 72, 73 Rama IV Mongkut, 72 Rama V Chulalongkorn, 72

 INDEX 

L Labour market, 116, 121–123, 125, 130 Language, 2, 3 Legislative protection, 144 Luang Por, 71 M Macro-level, 140 Mainstream, 120 Makha Bucha, 74 Malaysia, 146 Marginalized, 18, 27 Marriages, 5 Mass media, 4 Member checking, 61, 62 Micro-level, 140 Migration, 2–12 Multicultural, 7, 137, 138, 142, 143, 146 Muslim, 142 N Narratives, 46, 47, 53, 60, 63 National, 70, 73, 77, 78, 87 Nationalism, 6 Nation states, 69 Nomenclature, 26 Non-malfeasance, 63 O Occupations, 16 Outsiders, 138 P Paradoxes, 70 Patriarchal system, 131 Peer debriefing, 61

Permanent rupture, 69 Postmodernism, 33 Power, 17, 20 Prejudice, 128 Prolonged engagement, 61 Promiscuity, 119 Pseudonyms, 57 Psychological, 80 Q Qualifications, 122 R Reinterpretation, 96 Religion, 4, 9, 12, 73, 76 Representativeness, 50 Resistance, 104 Reunification, 15, 16 Revenue, 16 Rupture, 92 S Sangha, 48, 117 Settlement patterns, 24 Sexuality, 119 Siam, 72 Singapore, 146 Situation, 3 Social construction, 114 Socialization, 30, 32 Social landscape, 19 Social norms, 119 Social roles, 137–140, 147 Societies Ordinance, 48 Socio-economic development, 115, 116 Solidarity, 95 Songkran, 74, 98 South Asia, 1, 2

151

152 

INDEX

Southeast Asia, 1, 2, 8, 10–12, 93, 94, 105, 114, 119, 128, 137 Space, 135, 138, 142 Spatial, 43, 45 Stereotypes, 3, 7, 10 Subjectivity, 144, 145 Suprasystem, 41 Surveillance, 104

U Urbanization, 92

T Territory, 93, 95 Thai Chinese, 141, 142, 145 Thainess, 73, 74, 87, 97 Transnational, 18, 19, 21–25, 27, 32, 35 Transnationalism, 69, 76 Transnational space, 102 Triangulation, 61 Trinity, 58

W Wat Buddhadhamaram, 6, 48, 49, 56, 58, 61, 63, 67, 71, 74–76, 78–80, 98, 116, 117 Wellspring, 73, 81 Westernization, 120 Womanhood, 3–6, 9–11, 113–131 Womanhood reinvention, 147

V Vinaya Pitaka, 81 Virginity, 119 Visakha Bucha, 74