Enemy - Stranger - Neighbour: The Image of the Other in Moche Culture (Archaeopress Pre-Columbian Archaeology) 9781789698824, 9781789698831, 1789698820

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright page
Contents Page
Introduction
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1
How to Represent an Enemy?
Foreign warriors
Foreign captives
Foreigners and large felines
Chapter 2
How to Represent a Stranger?
Coca takers
The ‘sleeping’
Bearded men
‘Siamese twins’
Chapter 3
How to Represent a Neighbour?
‘Salesmen’
Burden bearers
Owners of pack animals
Final Remarks
Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms
Appendix 2 Online Catalogues of Moche Art Collections
Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive
References

Citation preview

Archaeopress Pre-Columbian Archaeology 13

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour The Image of the Other in Moche Culture

Janusz Z. Wołoszyn

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour The Image of the Other in Moche Culture Janusz Z. Wołoszyn

Archaeopress Pre-Columbian Archaeology 13

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-78969-882-4 ISBN 978-1-78969-883-1 (e-Pdf) © Janusz Z. Wołoszyn and Archaeopress 2021

Front cover image: Bottle ML001062 (Courtesy Museo Larco - Lima) Cover background image: Fineline painted scene decorating the bottle V A 666 (Staatlische Museen zu Berlin - Ethnologisches Museum). After Albert Voss 1875: Taf. IV. Drawing by Colmar Schmidt.

Financing of the translation and publication: Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education, National Programme for the Development of Humanities, Grant No. ODW-0128/NPRH4/H3a/83/2016/1.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

To my Peruvian friends

My loyal comrades, stay here where you are. I’ll take my ship and my own company and try to find out who those people are, whether they are rough and violent, with no sense of law, or kind to strangers, with hearts that fear the gods. Homer, Odyssey, Book IX: 223-228

Contents

Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii Acknowledgements������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xi Chapter 1 How to Represent an Enemy?��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Foreign warriors....................................................................................................................................................................1 Foreign captives...................................................................................................................................................................45 Foreigners and large felines.............................................................................................................................................50 Chapter 2 How to Represent a Stranger?�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������61 Coca takers............................................................................................................................................................................61 The ‘sleeping’........................................................................................................................................................................86 Bearded men.........................................................................................................................................................................97 ‘Siamese twins’...................................................................................................................................................................100 Chapter 3 How to Represent a Neighbour?������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������111 ‘Salesmen’............................................................................................................................................................................111 Burden bearers...................................................................................................................................................................128 Owners of pack animals...................................................................................................................................................134 Final Remarks���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������139 Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������143 Appendix 2 Online Catalogues of Moche Art Collections���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������163 Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive��������������������������167 References���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������175

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Introduction The history of research of the problem to which this study is dedicated began more than 140 years ago, in 1875, when the German consul general in Peru, Johannes Lührsen, donated a perfectly preserved, painted vessel – coming from the vicinity of Trujillo – depicting the battle of two different-looking groups of warriors to the collection of the Königliche Museum für Völkerkunde, which was just being established in Berlin (Figure I.1).1 This object immediately aroused interest. A year after it was included in the collection, one of the museum’s employees, the prehistorian Albert Voss, published a brief article dedicated exclusively to this particular artifact, providing it with a precise rollout drawing of the scene under discussion.2 As the dating of the vessel was not yet known at that time, nobody knew who the fighting men represented on it were. Voss presumed that the better and more homogeneously armed fighters, who won this battle, may have been the Incas, the last pre-Hispanic rulers of those lands, but he simultaneously suggested that they could be representatives of some other important, earlier culture which had developed in this area before the Incas. It was just a quarter of a century later that Voss’ compatriot, a German archaeologist Friedrich Max Uhle, dispelled this doubt. After his pioneering excavations at Cerro Blanco in the Moche Valley, he presented the first general chronology of this region. In the early 20th century, Uhle described the creators of two-coloured pottery produced in the same style as the vessel from the Berlin collection as Proto-Chimú.3 Today, they are known as the Moche, while their domination of the North Coast of Peru dates from around 100 to 800 CE, more than 600 years before the Incas.4 1  The Lührsen bottle can currently be found in the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (Inv. No.: V  A  666). Until 1999, this museum was named the Museum für Völkerkunde. 2  The drawing by Colmar Schmidt, with which Voss’ article was illustrated (1876: Taf. IV), was one of the first and certainly the most perfect of the rollouts of the time, depicting a complex, painted scene captured on a Moche vessel. The first photograph of the Lührsen bottle was published a dozen or so years later by Eduard Seler (1893: Taf.  19, Fig.  3). A new rollout drawing of this scene was produced in the early 20th century by Wilhelm von den Steinen and was published by Arthur Baessler (1902–03a: I, Taf. 37, Fig. 196; 1902-03b: I, Pl. 37, Fig. 196). The Swedish researcher Gösta Montell was among those who used this drawing (1929: 104–107, Fig.  52) to discuss the details of the attire and armaments of the warriors on both sides of the presented conflict. It was also included in the catalogue of fineline painted scenes published by Gerdt Kutscher (1954: Lám. 21). The latest rollout of the battle scene depicted on the Lührsen bottle was produced by Donna McClelland (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 218, Fig. 6.51). These three drawings differ slightly in their details. 3  Uhle 1913, 1915. 4  The Incas conquered the North Coast of Peru in the 1470s. The conquest of their empire by the Spaniards under the leadership of Francisco Pizarro began 60 years later.

Figure I.1. Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

It took much longer for the researchers to provide answers to the second question posed by Voss: who were the warriors on the opposite side of the conflict represented on the Lührsen bottle and where were they from? The scholars suspected that they were representatives of people neighbouring with the Moche, probably less organized, who, in the scene in question, stood to battle more poorly armed, mostly with bare torsos and no helmets, and they were defeated. The iii

answers to these questions were sought for over the next few decades.5 A German Latin Americanist, Gerdt Kutscher, describing this scene in 1954, almost 80 years after Voss, based on analogies from the Aija district in the Ancash region, proposed that the homeland of these ‘foreign warriors’ was a mountainous region of the interior, lying to the east of the area occupied by the Moche.6 However, it was not until 2004, namely half a century later, that George F. Lau presented convincing, meticulously documented evidence proving that they were – as, after all, it had been assumed for a long time – neighbours of the Moche, members of groups living in the higher areas of the Andean valleys, representatives of Recuay culture or tribes related to them.7

A study of all Moche representations in which this alien group is depicted leads to some interesting conclusions. The combat scenes appear to definitely record an historic victory of the Moche army over one of its major rivals. The latter were evidently trading people from the interior for they are shown assembling their goods, transporting them across the mountains and displaying their wares: ornamental tunics, tropical birds, animals and other jungle products. They used coca, a narcotic jungle plant that when chewed with lime precipitated cocaine, that played a part in their religious ritual as well as sustained them during their arduous highland treks. The drug was probably as foreign to the Moche people as tobacco was to Europeans on the discovery of America, but it was eventually adopted by them as the conquered people were absorbed into the Moche population.9

Shortly after Voss’ publication, it turned out that the richly decorated stirrup-spout bottle donated to the Berlin museum by a German diplomat was not the only Moche vessel on which foreign warriors were depicted. It also became clear later that the iconographic corpus of this culture included numerous representations showing people who were clearly different from the typical coastal dwellers, not being exclusively warriors.8 Foreigners were distinguished by their physical appearance, as well as their attire or the types of ornaments they used. They were depicted in Moche art in various roles and in various contexts. Alan R. Sawyer, an outstanding expert on pre-Columbian art, wrote about them in the mid-1970s, in one of his catalogues, as follows:

The image presented by Sawyer corresponded to the prevailing vision of the time of the cultural development of the North Coast of Peru outlined several decades earlier by the father of contemporary Moche studies, an eminent Peruvian archaeologist and avid collector of pre-Columbian art, Rafael Larco Hoyle.10 According to this model, the strong, centralized and expansionist Moche State, ruled by theocratic elites, in the first millennium CE conquered the whole of this region, successively annexing individual coastal valleys and gaining control over their inhabitants. The main source on which Larco based his hypotheses – presented in his books in the 1930s and 1940s – was the extremely rich and diverse iconography of Moche culture preserved to this day mainly on its pottery: painted, decorated with bas-relief and effigy vessels. The many themes it represented included numerous battle scenes, images of warriors and prisoners-of-war, as well as weapons and war trophies. This art read literally – especially during the Second World War and in the years immediately after the war – had to give rise to the conviction that the Moche were a courageous and aggressive people, while military action was one of the main areas of their activity.

5  Voss (1876: 165) described the sides of this conflict with the terms das Heer der Bewohner Truxillos (‘the army of the Trujillo residents’) and die rohere Nachbarstämme (‘wilder neighbouring tribes’). Baessler (1902-03b: I, Pl. 37, Fig. 196) used the terms ‘the Chimu nation’ and ‘an uncivilized people’, respectively. In later literature, the Moche’s opponents were defined in a more neutral manner as ‘foreign warriors’ or ‘others’, in Spanish: guerreros extraños (Kutscher 1954), guerreros foráneos (Pardo and Rucabado 2016), Fremdkrieger in German (von Schuler-Schömig 1979, 1981) and иноплеменники in Russian (Berezkin 1978). 6  Stone sculptures of Recuay culture (also referred to as Santa, Huaylas or Pashash culture in the past) depicting warriors, which Kutscher (1954: 54–55) used in his interpretation, were published slightly earlier by Richard P. Schaedel (1948: 67, Fig.  56). In 1956, an article was published by Hans Dietrich Disselhoff, in which he discussed elements of the attire and armaments of the foreigners represented on the Lührsen bottle and appearing on Recuay pottery. 7  Lau (2004: 174), arguing in favour of such an identification of the foreigners represented on the Lührsen bottle, simultaneously stipulated: ‘It is more difficult to determine whether the scene represents a bounded historical event (i.e. the defeat of ten individuals), an abbreviated reference to a series of real events (e.g. the defeat of ten communities), or a more complex mytho-historical allegory. A fundamental problem is temporal. At present we cannot distinguish whether the action occurs in real time, synchronously, or as a narrative arc of separate but linked images [...]. It is also difficult to determine whether the scene shows actual Recuay people or people dressed up as Recuay, as in a masquerade or in a re-enactment’. Similar claims about the identification of foreigners in Moche art were also made by Immina von Schuler-Schömig (1979, 1981) and Elizabeth P. Benson (2012: 103), who believed that these depictions could represent some group of the Moche population. 8  Baessler 1902–03a: I, Taf.  38, Fig.  197; Fuhrmann 1922: Pl.  18; d’Harcourt and Niqué 1934: Pl. II, Fig. 1; Tello 1938: Pl. 41–42.

Although this model was not questioned fiercely at the time, a radical breakthrough took place in the way of interpreting Moche iconography in the 1970s. For decades, the image presented by the art of the North Coast of Peru, which was preserved on thousands of artifacts scattered around museum and private collections all over the world, was treated as a faithful record of the realities of the everyday life of the inhabitants of these lands. The works of such researchers as Elizabeth P. Benson, Christopher B. Donnan and Anne Marie Hocquenghem meant that 9 

Sawyer 1975: 31. Larco 1938, 1939.

10 

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Moche art began to be interpreted in a completely different way, seeing in it more of a kind of symbolic language which was not used to describe all aspects of the lives of the ancient Peruvians, but was used by them to consolidate and disseminate messages that were the most important to them, mainly of a religious nature.11 It was a tool used to record myths and immortalize their protagonists. It was also used to represent various activities of a ritual nature and to define the roles played by individual objects, plants and animals, representatives of various social groups, inhabitants of the world of the dead and supernatural beings in the general order of the universe. In this new perspective, the numerous battle scenes appearing in Moche iconography, in which very similarly clothed and armed warriors usually took part on both sides, began to be interpreted not as representations of battles aimed at conquering territories or wiping out enemies, but rather as depictions of ritual fights, the main objective of which was to capture prisoners-ofwar as sacrifices for the gods.

foreigners and their images could play in Moche art and worldview were generally developed on the basis of the analysis of individual scenes (as was the case of the articles dedicated exclusively to the Lührsen bottle), selected themes (i.e. based on the results of studies of groups of representations, usually depicted on no more than a few vessels) or, finally, groups of themes, which, as was thought, were somehow related to each other. The whole of the discussion conducted in the literature of that period on the depictions of foreigners was, therefore, based on the conclusions drawn from studying no more than a dozen or, at best, several dozen artifacts. The authors of those publications were still trying to determine who the strange-looking people represented in Moche iconography might be and where they may have come from, but they also started to ask themselves whether the status of foreigners should indeed be assigned to them. On the one hand, there were arguments supporting their possible identification with the representatives of Recuay culture, while, on the other hand, it was postulated that they could – despite being clearly different – simply be a part of the internally ethnically diverse population of the North Coast of Peru, governed by Moche rulers. This conviction was reinforced by the archaeological research conducted at that time. It concerned both the types of contact that could have taken place between individual coastal valleys (almost certainly being reasonably culturally uniform), as well as the relations that may have existed between the two neighbouring communities (i.e. social, political, economic and religious organisms, the material remnants of which are currently being identified by archaeologists as Moche and Recuay). These studies were no longer based only on iconographic data and museum artifacts largely deprived of their archaeological context, but mainly on an increasing amount of material from professionally conducted surveys and excavations.14

The matter of presenting foreigners in Moche art was readily taken up by various authors from the mid1970s through the 1980s. Non-Moche individuals were described in all the roles mentioned by Sawyer, namely as warriors, coca takers, or as so-called ‘salesmen’ (this is how characters holding exotic goods – originating in ecological zones, most probably not directly controlled by the coastal population – as if they were selling them, were called). New contexts, in which the representatives of this group were sometimes depicted, were also noticed: some of them were presented as prisoners-ofwar, while others were shown in the company of large felines or as people who were sleeping or in a trance.12 However, the symbolism of these images has never been analysed comprehensively, nor has an attempt been made to collectively describe various topics related to foreigners and discuss the matter of what type of ideological message these depictions could bring to the audience.

The end of the 1980s and the 1990s permanently changed the archaeology of the North Coast of Peru. After a series of spectacular discoveries of the rich tombs of the members of the highest Moche elite at the Sipán site in the Lambayeque Valley, several new long-term and large-scale international excavation projects were launched. Work conducted at numerous sites, which had not yet been studied or had only been partially explored, quickly brought a huge amount of

After all, this is hardly surprising. The main problem of Moche iconographers at the time was the difficult access to sources. Individual researchers usually studied objects housed in the collections in their home countries, collections which they visited personally abroad, and a small number of artifacts published in the literature. In particular, complex painted scenes produced using the fineline technique – which became known thanks to Kutscher’s catalogues and Donnan’s publications – were used (and often overused) in this research.13 The hypotheses about the role that

14  Bankmann 1979; Nersesov 1987; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1982, 1985; Wilson 1988; a summary of this research was presented by Izumi Shimada (1994a, 1994b). Attention was drawn in the iconographic studies, among others, to the borrowing of certain highland motifs appearing on Moche pottery (primarily the so-called ‘Moon Animal’) and the presence of ceramics combining the technological and iconographic features of both styles (cf. Mackey and Vogel 2003; Reichert 1982).

Benson 1972; Donnan 1976, 1978; Hocquenghem 1972, 1973. Benson 1974, 1976, 1984a; Berezkin 1978; Reichert 1982; von Schuler-Schömig 1979, 1981. 13  Donnan 1976, 1978; Kutscher 1954, 1983. 11  12 

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new data. First of all, after almost 50 years, it made it possible to question the model of a single state with centralized power, developing through military conquest, which was proposed by Rafael Larco Hoyle, and it opened a discussion about what the phenomenon referred to by archaeologists as ‘Moche’ really was.15 The results of this research also shed new light on the problem of the relations between the two neighbouring communities. Among other things, it was established that the contact between them was probably much more intense than it had been assumed so far. For instance, it turned out that there were many more borrowings of highland motifs in coastal iconography than it had been previously believed and they did not appear on ceramics only. The walls of the most important Moche temples erected at monumental ceremonial centres (such as Huaca de la Luna in the Moche Valley and Huaca Cao Viejo in the Chicama Valley) which were unearthed during this research, proved to be covered with impressive, polychromed murals that represented images of deities of highland provenance.16 The model of a multi-ethnic society whose members – the dwellers of the lower, middle and upper parts of the river valleys of the North Coast of Peru – lived in relative symbiosis, trading goods and ideas, gained strong source support in the following excavation seasons.17

dating back to 100–300  CE (Moche  I and II according to Larco’s traditional chronology), although their production peaked in the middle phases (Moche III and IV, 300–600 CE). They were virtually no longer made in the late phase, which was related to a strong influence of Wari culture (Moche V, 600–800 CE). They have been discovered almost exclusively at the sites lying in the so-called Southern Moche Region, primarily in the Chicama, Moche, Virú and Santa river valleys. The south-eastern part of this territory constituted a border area of two strong cultural traditions developing in the neighbourhood. The representations of foreigners caught my attention a dozen or so years ago while working on a collection of almost 800 so-called Moche portrait vessels.19 The production of this category of depictions developed almost identically, just as the production of vessels representing foreigners. They were created in the same area, mainly in phases III and IV, probably in the same pottery workshops, and by the same artists. As I demonstrated at the time, the portrait vessels did not represent members of the highest elite of Moche society (as would have been expected and as suggested by most of the previous researchers), but mainly anonymous and typical representatives of the middle classes and individuals of a lower status: priests of various groups (over 60%), captives (nearly 10%) and even women and children (approximately 10% in total). During these studies, it also turned out that images of men with clearly marked foreign attributes – such as the use of a hairstyle with a characteristic forelock over the forehead or a ponytail, the use of wire-and-drop circle earrings or long tubular earplugs, or the use of face painting with round spots or so-called Maltese-cross motif – constituted a large and extremely cohesive group in this category of depictions (approximately 13%).20 Nearly three-quarters of this set were images of foreigners presented with an uncovered head, while approximately one quarter constituted their depictions with various types of headgear.

This new way of looking at the social and political situation of the region in the first half of the first millennium CE meant that the problem of foreigners’ depictions, which had been discussed for decades, lost its previous, confrontational dimension and the interest in it dropped practically to zero. Distinct differences between the representatives of both communities, clearly shown in the iconography, ceased to be interpreted in such an unambiguous manner as it had been to date and, in fact, ceased to be intriguing. Attributes, which were considered clear determinants of cultural otherness of foreigners, began to be treated by the majority of Moche scholars as a kind of ‘folkloric’ distinction of one of the groups constituting an undoubtedly internally diverse but ideologically – if not politically or economically – highly integrated society.18

Such very high percentage of portrait vessels depicting representatives of the foreign group was surprising and difficult to interpret. This was due to the fact that

The images of foreigners have been preserved to date mainly on pottery, with few representations made of metal or stone, as well as those on murals covering the walls of temples. The vessels representing foreigners already appeared in the early phases of Moche culture

The so-called Moche portrait vessels (Spanish: huacos retrato) is a category of vessels that only represent human heads (over 98% being men’s heads), often, but not always, characterized by a high degree of realism in providing the represented figures with individual characteristics. There are many indications that these were not portraits in the Western meaning of the word – i.e. images of specific, historically existing characters, as some researchers have argued (Donnan 2001, 2004) – but rather images of different types of people, in a way, nameless representatives of individual social groups fulfilling specific functions in Moche ritual life (Wołoszyn 2000, 2008a). 20  See Appendix 1 – Glossary of Terms. Most of the non-Moche attributes mentioned here have been distinguished by earlier authors, among others, based on the analysis of the scene on the Lührsen bottle. 19 

Castillo and Donnan 1994; Castillo and Uceda 2008; Quilter and Castillo 2010; Shimada 1994a. 16  Mujica 2007; Uceda 2001. 17  Makowski and Rucabado 2000. 18  The nature of the relations between the Moche and their neighbours currently begins again to be a subject of discussion, which was best evidenced by the exhibition at the Museo de Arte de Lima (MALI) organized in 2016 named Moche y sus vecinos. Reconstruyendo identidades (Pardo and Rucabado 2016). 15 

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the literature of that time had two fundamentally contradictory views. On the one hand, it was claimed that portrait vessels only depicted members of Moche elites (i.e. deserving characters of this community or their spiritual leaders referred to as shamans or priests21), while, on the other hand, it was clear that the characteristics of certain individuals shown in precisely this form enabled them to be identified as foreigners or, possibly, as representatives of a culturally different nonMoche people subordinated to the dominance of a more powerful neighbour. Additionally, it was surprising that a large percentage of these foreign men did not have headgear, which was one of the most important status markers in Moche artistic canon.22 Therefore, not only could they not be considered representatives of the upper classes of Moche society, but also nothing suggested that they were members of the elite of their own community.23 On the contrary, it was conceivable that they were rather individuals of a fairly low social standing.

while their images were only decorated with a very characteristic forelock and two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings. At this point, it is worth emphasizing that nowadays it is much easier to study the iconography of preColumbian cultures, including Moche culture, than it was several decades or even a dozen or so years ago. Online catalogues of the most important museum collections, which are widely available in the Internet, currently give easy access to materials and offer the opportunity to work on very large samples of hundreds of artifacts, constituting an aid, the value of which cannot be overestimated.25 Unfortunately, the materials that are available in this way are deprived of context in most cases,26 but the large quantity of sources sometimes makes it possible to capture regularities that are statistically significant.27 It is also worth noting that such catalogues, especially those that present all the artifacts from a given collection, make it easier to find rare and unusual representations, as well as lesswell-made artifacts (from an artistic or technological point of view) or items of which only fragments remain, and which have never been published or studied before. Currently, another thing that makes it easier to undertake this type of research is the large number of well-published, detailed and fully illustrated books and articles reporting the results of the work of individual excavation projects and providing a comprehensive body of sources from well-researched archaeological contexts.

It was also striking that the fact that foreigners were different was not expressed only through the use of standard status markers. Many of their images were characterized by exceptional realism, which suggests that they must have been based on detailed observations of live models. The authors of these images were not satisfied with merely representing strange hairstyles or unusual ornaments used by non-Moche individuals (the marking of which would indeed have been sufficient to create a stereotypical and easily recognizable image of the ‘other’24), they also noted their physical features that clearly distinguished them from the normative coastal residents. The obvious interest of Moche artists was caused by the different facial features of the foreigners and the fact that some of them had facial hair. Another striking issue that encouraged taking a closer look at this problem was the fact that the largest portrait vessels ever leaving the workshops of Moche potters represented precisely foreigners of a relatively low social status. They were men without headgear,

The study presented here is mainly iconographic in nature. Its main objective is to attempt to read the meanings attributed to the representations of the foreigners in the symbolic language of Moche art. The nature of this art and the main tasks it had to perform are still under discussion, but it can be accepted without any major objections that it was both one of the important media of the content of the religion which gained particular popularity and many followers in the first millennium CE, as well as the official language of the elites which promoted this religion, building their own social, economic and political prestige on its basis.28 The pottery created in the workshops of the North Coast of Peru was one of the most important luxury goods and was widely distributed throughout the large area under

I have presented a discussion of the identity of the individuals depicted on portrait vessels in Wołoszyn 2008a: 49–72 (cf. inter alia Donnan 2001, 2004; Hocquenghem 1977; Larco 1939: 131–153; Makowski 1999; Sawyer 1966: 35–38; Sawyer 1975: 20–23; UbbelohdeDoering 1947). 22  E.g. Bawden 1996: 123–126; Donnan 1978: 73. Of the characters that do not have supernatural features, other than a large percentage of foreigners, only prisoners-of-war, women and children were represented without headgear in Moche art (Wołoszyn 2008a). 23  Representatives of the elite of conquered people could theoretically assimilate quickly, adopting the patterns imposed by the victors and having the honour of becoming immortalized in the form of a portrait as loyal vassals and direct leaders of a new group of subjects. 24  Today, this procedure can most often be found in caricatured depictions of the representatives of certain nations. So it is known that, for instance, in order to create an unambiguous, but obviously stereotypical and largely outdated image of a ‘typical’ Frenchman, it is enough to represent a man with a moustache, in a beret, with a baguette in one hand and a glass of wine in the other and, therefore, with elements of the physical appearance, outfit and food which are allegedly typical of this nation. 21 

See Appendix 2 – Online catalogues of Moche art collections. It is estimated that the share of Moche artifacts from grave looting that can be found in museums and private collections around the world, is around 95% (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 18). Based on various types of evidence, the number of looted graves of this culture, from which this material has been obtained to a large extent (from the time of the Spanish conquest to the present day), can be roughly estimated at several to a dozen or so thousand. Approximately 1000 Moche burials have been discovered so far during excavations managed by professional archaeologists. 27  E.g. Giersz, Makowski and Prządka 2005. 28  Bawden 1994, 1995, 1996; Bourget 2016; Quilter 2010. 25  26 

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Moche control. As an important status symbol and a valued export commodity, it also enabled building the prestige of the local elites in areas which came under Moche influence relatively late.29 It can be assumed that it had to carry a clear and important ideological message. Numerous representations of foreigners that appeared in Moche art certainly constituted a noteworthy component of this message.

affiliation of the characters represented in art on the basis of archaeological research, or to specify the extent to which they participated in one or another culture. Only ethnographic research conducted on living cultures provides such cognitive possibilities. It is also impossible, just by using iconographic research, to conclusively answer the question of whether people of a different appearance (represented mainly on sculptural and painted Moche vessels) were in fact foreigners who lived in the highland regions, but visited the main coastal centres quite regularly (for example, as pilgrims going to the ceremonial sites located there), or residents of the buffer zone who travelled and constantly changed their place of stay as, for example, intermediaries in the trading of goods between two areas, or perhaps members of what various authors propose as being a multi-ethnic society, spending most of their lives on the coast, assimilated and wellknown, but for some reason retaining certain elements of their native culture that testify to their otherness.33 Therefore, since cultural or ethnic affiliation of the men and women in question cannot be unambiguously determined, I have decided in this study to refrain from linking them arbitrarily to Recuay culture (although I fully agree with the interpretation given by Lau and some earlier authors) and to interchangeably use two terms to describe them, namely ‘foreigners’ or ‘nonMoche’ individuals, that are not so definite and should not give rise to any significant controversy.34

This study also addresses the issue of the relatively young areas of archaeology, such as archaeology of ethnicity, or more broadly, archaeology of identity. Although these approaches deal with topics that have long been of interest to archaeologists, they have only gained a certain amount of autonomy over the last two decades or so, trying to develop methodological grounds for researching these matters, including with respect to cultures for which – as for Moche – there are no written sources.30 Studies on these issues have now started to be taken up by researchers dealing with the pre-Columbian past of the Central Andes.31 Why did artists working in the pottery workshops of the Southern Moche Region produce representations of foreigners? In what roles did they depict them? What function could these images have had in the everyday and ritual life of the coastal dwellers? Why were they placed in their graves? What elements made up the image of a foreigner in the eyes of the patrons, artists and the audience of this art? Which of them were the most important and why? Did Moche artists emphasize the otherness of foreigners for some specific ideological – political, social or religious – purposes, or did they simply show it because it was interesting to them for artistic reasons, it constituted a curiosity of some kind, an element of local colour or folklore? To whom could this message be addressed in the first place? How could it be perceived by the audience of this art? Finally, how could this message be received by the foreigners, who were certainly aware that they were represented in this original form and that their depictions – which were more or less faithful images of them – were used for various purposes by their neighbours?32

In my opinion, the most important matter is that, for several hundred years, the representatives of this particular minority group were represented in Moche iconography clearly and consistently as others, who were different and clearly distinguishable from the ‘typical’ coastal dwellers, whose depictions were predominant in Moche art for obvious reasons. The status markers and attributes which demonstrated the distinctness of the former were carefully codified and used as part of the Moche artistic canon. They were clearly indicated and easy to grasp, even on small or miniature images, showing that the artist’s intention was to depict a member or members of this particular

The matter of the actual status of foreigners represented in Moche art is, obviously, of fundamental importance to the problems addressed in this study, although it appears that it may still remain unresolved for a long time. This is because it is impossible to finally determine the ethnic, linguistic or religious

33  Perhaps bio-archaeological research will contribute to a better understanding of this problem in the future, as it will make it possible to determine the place of origin of individuals discovered in graves or their genetic connections with the local population. It is possible to imagine that some special context will one day allow this type of data to be associated with iconographic information. 34  While deciding to do this, I took into account the reservations cited above, which were voiced by such scholars as Benson, Berezkin, von Schuler-Schömig, and finally Lau himself, although I consider some of the hypotheses they put forward unlikely (such as the fact that, in the case of the representations of foreigners being considered here, we may be dealing with images of coastal dwellers only dressed as foreigners as part of a ritual which recreates events that passed a long time ago). I shall use the terms ‘foreigners’ and ‘non-Moche individuals’ throughout the study as synonyms for one specific cultural group that can most probably be identified with the Recuay. The words ‘other’, ‘otherness’ or ‘alterity’ will mean general sociological or anthropological categories.

Chapdelaine 2008. Díaz-Andreu García et al. 2005; Insoll 2007; Jones 1997; Shennan 1989. 31  Amaro 1994; Lau 2013. 32  No realistic portraits can be found in Recuay art. The individualization of specific characters is minimal in it and is based exclusively on their status markers (various elements of their attire, headgear, types of ornaments used and facial painting motifs). 29  30 

viii

non-Moche group. After all, the distinctive features of this group appeared not only in the depictions of human beings; they were also attributed to certain species of animals and plants, inhabitants of the world of the dead and even deities.35 One of the main objectives of this study is to specify the scope of the meaning of these symbols and to establish the ways and purposes of their use in Moche art.

be able to help us. A series of detailed studies have been dedicated in these disciplines to the description and analysis of such categories as ‘other’ or ‘otherness’, as well as ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘borderland’. Drawing attention to the borderland category is not accidental. The influence of Moche culture – whatever this phenomenon described by archaeologists was – encompassed a long but very narrow strip of the Peruvian coast. Its meridional length was over 500km (from the Piura Valley in the north to the Huarmey Valley in the south); however, the latitudinal width was incomparably smaller and was no more than a few dozen kilometres (from the Pacific coast through the central parts of the river valleys to the foothills of the Andes). Such a short distance could be travelled on foot – wandering alone, with a group of people or with a caravan of llamas carrying goods for trading or for offerings – almost certainly within a maximum of two or three days. The presumption arising from this fact is that the whole of the Southern Moche Region, which was subject to the political, economic and religious control of elites interested in propagating the ideology of this culture, could, in principle, be of the nature of a typical borderland. It was somehow doomed – to permanent contact with another, external world that existed and was developing on its periphery and constantly exposed to foreign cultural influences. I believe that the use of anthropological, sociological and psychological models describing social phenomena and types of behaviour that can take place in such or a similar cultural environment can greatly facilitate finding answers to some of the questions posed above.

It should be noted at the outset that we are not going to deal with all types of representations related to foreigners here. This is a subject that requires many years of study, and it goes far beyond the scope of this book (which I regretfully had to admit during the research). In the following chapters, I shall want to deal more precisely with the most important groups of depictions of foreign men and women providing the reader with the fullest possible set of currently available sources showing them in individual, selected roles and to take up a discussion with their interpretations to date. This analysis will allow us to see how Moche artists perceived and presented foreigners and which – often surprisingly different – features they attributed to them. In the following chapters, I shall also try to answer the question of the content of the message (or messages) that Moche patrons and artists wanted to convey to the audience in this form.36 The Moche and the Recuay – like other pre-Columbian peoples of South America – did not leave any written documents. We do not know what language or languages were spoken by the representatives of both communities, how they described themselves and their neighbours. We do not know what features they attributed to them in their myths, stories or songs performed during ceremonies or in other solemn moments, we do not know how they described them in everyday stories, sayings or jokes. In our attempts to solve these problems, we shall primarily rely on physical documents (excavation material and extensive iconography), which – as we can already assume in advance – will unfortunately be unable to give us any final answers to many of the questions asked above. Therefore, it will be necessary to refer to other types of sources, sometimes distant analogies and results of studies conducted within other disciplines. I believe that the findings of anthropologists, sociologists and psychologists describing similar social situations, both in the form of a model and in many specific cases, will

I also hope that, despite being dedicated – at least at first glance – to a fairly narrow issue, this study will contribute to a better understanding of the symbolism of Moche art and will once again confirm the importance of iconographic research to the understanding of the worldview of the former inhabitants of the Central Andes. If this study should manage to solve even a few of the problems over which Moche scholars have been pondering for the last 140 years, its goal will have been achieved. I also hope that, despite being dedicated to such a temporally and spatially distant civilization, this study will allow us to see that the ways of thinking about ‘the Other’, regardless of the period and latitude, are largely comparable and governed by similar rules.

Wołoszyn 2007. It is also worth mentioning a fact that is often overlooked in similar studies. It is currently known that, despite many similarities, the style in which Moche artworks were produced was not homogeneous. It evolved over more than five hundred years in a large coastal area of today’s Peru. Studies carried out in recent decades have demonstrated the existence of numerous local varieties of this style (e.g. Donnan 2011; Quilter 2010). The ideological messages conveyed by the individual pottery centres did not have to be exactly the same but could change both in time and space. 35  36 

ix

Acknowledgements

The research that led to this book would not have been possible without the cooperation, support, assistance and help of many people and institutions to whom I would like to express my heartfelt thanks at this point.

photographs housed in the Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks, a rich collection of Moche iconography created over decades by these two eminent Moche scholars. A long-time friend of mine, Manuela Fischer, provided me with invaluable help at the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin.

My six-month stay at the University of Florida in Gainesville in 2011 was possible thanks to the Senior Advanced Research Award from the Polish-American Fulbright Commission. I would like to thank Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo for his invitation, hospitality and inspiring conversations we had at that time. I owe a great deal to the opportunity to carry out research at this university’s impressive library, and especially in its Latin American Collection headed by Richard Phillips. My research in European museums would not have been possible without financial support from my home Institute of Archaeology of the University of Warsaw, and in Peruvian museums without a grant from the Foundation for Polish Science.

I received the photographs from the archives of the Museo de América in Madrid courtesy of Nuria Moreu Toloba, from the Museum Folkwang in Essen courtesy of Nadine Engel, from the GRASSI Museum für Völkerkunde in Leipzig courtesy of Frank Usbeck and Christiane Klaucke, from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University courtesy of Cynthia Mackey, from the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology in Berkeley courtesy of Alicia Egbert, from the San Diego Museum of Man courtesy of Rosa Longacre and Grace Johnson, from the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology courtesy of Melanie Jocelyn, and from the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian courtesy of Nathan Sowry.

In collecting the rich source material presented in this work, the staff of many museums helped me a lot. I would like to thank the directors, curators and employees of those institutions for the welcoming atmosphere, their unconditional cooperation, the photographs of individual artifacts they sent me, and for giving me permission to use this material in this study.

I obtained permission to use the photos of artifacts from Dutch museums thanks to the cooperation of Merel van Heesewijk from the Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen. Rodolfo A. Raffino, the-then director of the Archaeological Department of the Museo de La Plata, Argentina, agreed to including the photos from this collection in my book. Yutaka Yoshii allowed me to use one of his wonderful photographs and Edward de Bock – one of his drawings. My friends Stéphanie Borios, Carlos Cañas, Ilder Cruz, Manuel Forno, Michał Gilewski, Liz Gonzalez, Alberto Manzo, Claudio César Olaya and Zofia Zakrzewska-Fabirkiewicz also helped me a lot in obtaining rare source materials and valuable information on individual museum collections. Thank you all very much.

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to the director of the Museo Larco in Lima, Andrés Álvarez Calderón Larco, to its curator, Ulla Holmquist, and to Isabel Collazos and Giannina Bardales from the Registration and Cataloguing Division. Giannina deserves my particular gratitude, as during the hard period of the COVID-19 pandemic, she found the time and energy to fulfil my request and sent me two hundred high resolution photographs needed for this publication.

For the discussions and comments that influenced this work, I would like to thank Jorge Gamboa and George F. Lau and many other participants in the unforgettable Primer Simposio Internacional sobre la Cultura Recuay they organized in Huaraz, Peru in 2017 with special regard to Krzysztof Makowski who introduced me to the research on Moche iconography years ago, and Sarahh Scher whose remarkable contributions were used in this book. At the various stages of my work, many colleagues and friends helped me in various ways and shared their knowledge with me generously. I would especially like to mention the following people in this group:

My documentation work in the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú in Lima, in 2017, was made possible thanks to the courtesy of its the-then director Ivan Ghezzi and the help of the employees of the museum’s Pottery Department: Elba Manrique and Piero Muro. I would like to express my gratitude to the present director of this museum, Rafael Varón, for his permission to publish the photos I took at that time. Equally warm thanks go to Bettina Smith and Frauke Sachse for giving me the possibility to include Donna McClelland’s drawings and Christopher Donnan’s xi

Edward de Bock, Steve Bourget, Miłosz Giersz, Bartosz Hlebowicz, Marta Kania, Federico Kauffmann-Doig, Monika Rekowska, Julio Rucabado, Justyna Straczuk, Jan Szemiński and Wiesław Więckowski. I also benefitted a lot from the comments of several anonymous reviewers from American Anthropologist, who gave their opinions on an article dedicated to one of the topics covered in this publication.

into English and the editorial work were financed by a grant from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under the National Programme for the Development of Humanities (grant ODW-0128/NPRH4/ H3a/83/2016/1). Izabela Gregorczuk-Stasiak deserves my thanks for assisting me in the application process, Roman Wojtasz for the translation work, David Davison and the staff of Archaeopress for their interest and assistance in preparing this book. I am deeply indebted to Danko Josić who designed an excellent layout for this publication and was kind enough to comply with all my requests regarding the final format of the illustrations, and to Ben Heaney for the wonderful cover.

The first version of this book (my post-doctoral dissertation) titled Wróg-Inny-Sąsiad. Obraz obcego w kulturze Moche was published in a limited number of copies by the Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw in 2014. The current edition is significantly extended and revised and includes the analysis of additional material from collections to which I had no access at that time. The translation of the book

I am particularly grateful to my loved ones, Andrzej and my Mom, for their support, patience and encouragement during all the stages of this work. Janusz Z. Wołoszyn

xii

Chapter 1

How to Represent an Enemy? The largest amount of data on the situations in which humans could participate and be depicted in Moche iconography is provided in complex fineline painted scenes. The most interesting of them decorate the surface of vessels produced in Moche  III and IV phases. Far less frequently, this type of information can be obtained from vessels made using the bas-relief technique1 and, quite sporadically, from effigy vessels which – despite being extremely diverse thematically and much more numerous than those in the first two categories – only exceptionally portray some kind of interaction between two or more characters.

Voss published in 1876, dedicated to the representation of a battle depicted on the Lührsen bottle. Two (and a half) works by one artist Exactly one hundred years after Voss’ article, in his book titled Moche Art and Iconography published in 1976, Christopher B. Donnan presented photographs and rollout drawings of two complex fineline painted battle scenes that covered the bodies of two Moche IV stirrup-spout bottles. As, in the author’s opinion, the characters depicted in both scenes showed a great deal of similarity in terms of the way in which the details of their anatomies (eyes, noses and hands), as well as elements of clothing and armaments were presented, Donnan already expressed the presumption that both depictions were almost certainly created by the same painter.3 In his work dedicated to detailed research into the possibility of attributing individual scenes to individual artists published more than 20 years later, Donnan confirmed his earlier suggestion, naming the alleged producer of both scenes as the Forehead Crescent Painter.4

Foreign warriors In fineline painted scenes, non-Moche individuals were most frequently depicted as warriors. Although there are relatively few preserved representations of this type (20 will be discussed below),2 they have a special place in the available corpus of depictions of foreigners. After all, it is worth beginning the analysis of the material with them for several reasons. Firstly, these representations will help us dive head first into the subject and notice that the attitude of Moche artists to their eastern neighbours was not unidimensional. Secondly, they will give us an idea of what features and attributes were assigned to foreigners and what artistic means were used to make their depictions recognizable and understandable at first glance. This will help us later to more easily identify representations of foreigners among thousands of figural depictions created by Moche artists and will give us a greater sensitivity to the presence of certain symbolic markers of their alterity appearing in other, sometimes completely unexpected contexts (for example, in representations of animals and supernatural beings). It is also worth beginning with them because it was precisely the analysis of one of such painted scenes depicting warriors that initiated the whole discussion about the representations of the non-Moche in Moche art. As already mentioned in the Introduction, it was triggered off by an article by Albert

The first of the representations attributed to this artist adorns a stirrup-spout bottle which was given to the Berlin Königliche Museum für Völkerkunde collection in 1875 by the German consul in Peru, Johannes Lührsen. Being in the generally accessible collection for almost 140 years, this vessel has repeatedly attracted the attention of many researchers of Moche art, becoming one of the most frequently commented on artefacts of this culture.5 The scene decorating the object is Donnan 1976: 37–39, Figs  21 and 22, 138; Donnan 1978: 48–49, Figs 67 and 68. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 218. 5  Vessel V  A  666 and the scene decorating it have been repeatedly published both in the form of photographs and rollouts. The first article dedicated exclusively to it and illustrated with a rollout by landscapist Colmar Schmidt was published by Albert Voss in 1876. The most famous reproductions of the scene presented on the vessel, however, include the rollouts by draftsman Wilhelm von den Steinen (published, amongst others, in: Baessler 1902–03a: I, Taf. 37, Fig. 196; Baessler 1902–03b: I, Pl. 37, Fig. 196; Montell 1929: 104, Fig. 52; Schmidt 1929: 194; Kutscher 1954: Lám.  21; Donnan 1976: 38–39, Figs  21 and 22; 1978: 49, Fig. 68; Berezkin 1978: 128, Fig. 3; von Schuler-Schömig 1979; Shimada 1994b: 109, Fig. 5.5; Bawden 1996: 126, Fig. 4.10) and Donna McClelland’s drawing (published in Donnan and McClelland 1999: 218, Fig. 6.51 and used later, amongst others, in Lau 2004: 167, Fig.  3). These three rollouts differ in minor details: primarily the presentation of the order of pairs of battling warriors depicted in the lower register of the scene in question and the presence of two plants on the right side of the representation (a cactus and plants from the Bromeliaceae family, called achupalla or tillandsia), which were presented in the drawing by McClelland, although they were not 3  4 

1  Most of the vessels decorated with scenes produced using the press moulded convex bas-relief technique present just a few selected, primarily mythological themes with a small number of characters. 2  It is estimated that approximately 2000 painted Moche vessels decorated using the fineline technique can be found in museum and private collections around the world. Assuming that these vessels were made in workshops along the North Coast of Peru over approximately 700 years, a very small sample of them – of an average of three vessels per year – is available (Donnan and McClelland 1999).

1

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.1a. Scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (after Voss 1876: Taf. IV; drawing by Colmar Schmidt).

artistic means available, so as not to leave any doubts that he meant to depict warriors from a society other than the Moche. These men are clothed completely differently (they are frequently half-naked, wearing only modest loincloths), have different hairstyles, use different headgear and body decorations and, which is also represented very clearly, they use weapons of different types to those of Moche men. Not only do they differ from their opponents, but there are also substantial differences between themselves. At first glance, these warriors give the impression that they are members of an army which is not only less wellarmed, but was also formed in a less organized and even hurried and chaotic manner. It appears as if they were drafted through a kind of levée en masse, in which everyone who is armed was required to equip himself on his own. Therefore, there is little wonder that they face a heavy defeat in this clash.

perfectly preserved and can certainly be considered one of the most interesting battle scenes known from Moche iconography (Figures 1.1a, 1.1b and 1.1c). One of the groups taking part in the clash depicted on the Lührsen bottle is typical Moche warriors, dressed in sleeveless short tunics and short, knee-length skirts. They are mainly wearing the characteristic conical helmets (decorated at the top with metal, crescentshaped ornaments) or headgear made of fabric and are using trapezoidal backflaps suspended from the waist. They are fighting with conical-headed clubs which are typical of Moche warriors. All of these elements of their armaments give them the appearance of members of a well-organized and uniformly-equipped army. Their opponents are individuals who differ in almost every respect from the members of the first group. The author of the depiction made every effort to use all

Many researchers studying this representation have emphasized that, among the numerous battle scenes known from Moche iconography, this one should certainly be considered exceptional. This is because most of the images of this type present clashes in which

depicted on von den Steinen’s rollout. Images of six identical snakes with forked tongues are presented on the stirrup spout of this bottle. Three of them were represented on the rollout in Voss’ article (1876: Taf. IV), and only one of them is shown in Kutscher’s catalogue (1954: Lám. 20B). McClelland’s drawing does not include them.

2

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.1b. Scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (after Kutscher 1954: Lám. 21; drawing by Wilhelm von den Steinen).

Figure 1.1c. Scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

final stage of the clash is shown in a given scene, one of the parties is usually victorious overall. As in most battle scenes, the representatives of both armies look almost identical, while, in principle, none of them ever die on the battlefield,7 the military encounters depicted in this way used to be considered a type of a ritual fight which mainly, if not exclusively, was aimed at gaining prisoners who would shortly be offered as sacrifices to the gods.8

there are only typical Moche warriors, men clothed almost identically and using the same type of weapon, on both sides of the conflict. The battles that take place between them are usually presented as a series of duels between members of the opposite but almost identically depicted teams.6 These duels usually end in capturing the enemies and taking them prisoner. If this In the iconographic message, they are small groups, usually equal or similar in number of between two and a dozen or so warriors. However, the most developed scenes of this type present battles in which more than 30 (Kutscher 1983: Abb. 107; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 56, Fig. 3.29) or even more than 70 warriors take part (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 134, Fig. 4.106). In the scenes with just several warriors, the representatives of each of the opposing groups are usually depicted as advancing from one side; in scenes in which several dozen armed men are taking part – who are represented almost identically and in a fairly disorderly manner – it is very difficult to precisely establish whose side the individual participants are on.

6 

7  Representations of warriors killed on the battlefield are extremely rare in Moche art. Naked men, without a rope (that is typical of prisoners), with limbs flung to the sides and with eyes closed are usually considered dead (e.g. Kutscher 1983: Abb.  97A; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 56, Fig. 3.29). 8  Even in the scenes from the Early Moche phases (Moche I and II), or in the later, but still quite straightforward representations from Moche III phase, it can be seen clearly that both the victors and the defeated use the same types of weapon (e.g. Donnan and McClelland

3

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour However, the vessel from the Berlin collection presents a scene in which, despite being composed identically (the fight between the two groups is a series of duels in which the representatives of one side win), the members of the two parties can be easily distinguished. The scene, which is divided by a clear line into two horizontal registers, presents nine pairs of fighting men. The upper register contains four such pairs (Moche warriors are always on the right), while the lower register has five pairs (Moche warriors always on the left). In addition, two small figures are depicted at the very top of the vessel’s body, above the upper register in the main scene: a running Moche individual carrying elements of his opponent’s armor on his club (this is the so-called panoply or weapon bundle) and a naked figure of a foreigner from whom, as should be expected, these items have just been taken. This individual is probably dead and left on the battlefield. This may be evidenced by his closed eyes and limbs scattered limply in both directions. Therefore, a total of 20 warriors, ten on each side, are represented in the scene in question.

a.

The researchers of this scene to date have mentioned the following among the status markers which distinguish, to the greatest extent, the foreigners depicted on the Lührsen bottle from typical coastal warriors:11

the use of hairstyle with a characteristic forelock, which was mistakenly considered by some authors to be headgear (individuals 1-2, 1-5, 1-7, 1-9, 1-16 and 1-20); the use of unusual headdresses which do not appear in the case of Moche warriors and are simultaneously very rarely presented in Moche art, i.e. head coverings decorated with human forearms or representations of forearms and two stick-like elements with circular pendants (individual 1-18), or elements in the form of feathers or bird wings (individual 1-3) and helmets with three tapering spokes and circular finials (individuals 1-12 and 1-14). In some cases, a characteristic element of the headgear of foreigners is a double-crescent ornament, probably made of metal (individuals 1-3 and 1-12);12 the use of ear ornaments not used by Moche warriors, having the form of wire-and-drop circle earrings (individuals 1-5, 1-7 and 1-20) or narrow and long tubular earplugs (men 1-5 and 1-7). Similar earplugs – probably shorter and thicker – also appear to be used by four Moche warriors in the Lührsen scene (individuals 1-6, 1-11, 1-13 and 1-17), but only foreigners use both these types of ornaments at the same time;13 the use of face painting motifs not used by Moche men, consisting of large, dark circles (individuals 1-7 and 1-18); going into battle half-naked, namely with a naked torso, in just a loincloth (individuals 1-5, 1-7, 1-16 and 1-20), which never takes place in the case of the Moche, or exclusively in a loincloth and a short tunic with short sleeves (individuals 1-3, 1-12, 1-14 and 1-18);14 the use of yokes put on the tunic and decorated with long and wide rectangular fringes (individuals 1-3 and 1-14); the use of large rectangular fringed plaques – with a function and technique of production that has remained undefined to date – decorated with geometric motifs and small trophy heads or representations of human heads cut off. Plaques of this type can be hung from the neck or held in the teeth (in this scene, the following non-Moche warriors have them: 1-3, 1-7, 1-12 and 1-16, with individual 1-3 having two such objects, while

1999: 33, Fig. 2.18; 63, Fig. 3.40; 200, Figs 6.20 and 6.21). The cultural function of these struggles was analysed using an ethnographic analogy with the ritual clashes of neighbouring territorial communities – referred to as tinku or tinkuy – which are held in the Andes even today (e.g. Lau 2004; Topic and Topic 1997a, 1997b). 9  In the digital markings used here, the first digit indicates the number of the scene while the second one indicates the number of the individual in the scene. 10  E.g. Wołoszyn 2009 (includes an extensive bibliography on the subject). 11  The most important studies of the battle scene presented on the

Lührsen bottle are the publications by Voss (1876), Montell (1929), Kutscher (1954), Berezkin (1978), von Schuler-Schömig (1979, 1981), and Lau (2004). Cf. also Wołoszyn (2014: 22-35). 12  This element appears very rarely in Moche iconography. 13  Lau (2004: 170) also mentions round ‘ear plugs or spools [that] cover the entire ear, and feature two short parallel slashes’ in his article, among the ear ornaments used by non-Moche warriors 1-3, 1-12, 1-14 and 1-18. These elements are, in fact, round ear protectors fixed to helmet chin straps. 14  Moche warriors most frequently wore short sleeveless tunics and short skirts.

b.

c.

A very interesting feature of this depiction is that, in principle, the Forehead Crescent Painter is explaining the course of the whole battle, simultaneously placing various episodes of this event in the scene. It, therefore, depicts warriors attacking each other from a certain distance (e.g. pairs of characters: 1-3 and 1-4, 1-17 and 1-18),9 standing closer to each other (pairs: 1-7 and 1-8, 1-11 and 1-12), dueling (pair 1-19 and 1-20), as well as the moment that the duel is settled, in which the victorious Moche warrior takes his opponent captive by grabbing him by the hair (pair 1-5 and 1-6). The next stage of conduct with the prisoner is to undress him, put a rope around his neck and strike him in the face so that blood runs from his nose (pair 1-9 and 1-10). Next, as can be seen in many similar scenes,10 the defeated, naked and bound prisoners are taken from the battlefield (which is not represented on this vessel) or – although this situation is much less common – they are left dead there and all their possessions are taken by the victors (the pair of individuals 1-1 and 1-2).

d. e.

f. g.

4

How to Represent an Enemy? Moche warrior 1-1 is carrying such a plaque on his club among the other war trophies gained from his defeated opponent 1-2); h. the use of clubs with star-shaped mace heads (individuals 1-1, 1-5, 1-12 and 1-18) or ovoid mace heads (1-7, 1-16 and 1-20) in battle. A type of flange is usually located at the thinner end of the shafts of clubs which belong to foreigners;15 i. the use of slingshots (individual 1-3) or just, probably stone, hand-thrown missiles (1-14). In the 1970s, the second vessel, which Donnan attributed to the Forehead Crescent Painter, belonged to a private collection in Buenos Aires (Figures 1.2a and 1.2b).16 This is also a stirrup-spout bottle which differs from the previous one mainly in that its globular body has a low ring base, while a deck figure depicting a man sitting cross-legged is placed on its top. This small sculpture shows a foreign warrior in headgear which most closely resembles the helmets of individuals 1-12 and 1-14 on the Lührsen bottle. Additionally, the headgear is decorated at the front with a kind of large tassel made of fabric17 or a fan with four feathers. Furthermore, the depicted man is using large ear protectors, has a coca bag suspended from his neck, is holding some long object in his left hand and something in his right hand that he is, perhaps, lifting to his mouth. Only six figures divided into three pairs of dueling men are taking part in the battle scene painted on the body of the Buenos Aires bottle. Typical Moche warriors are on the left side of each pair, while the foreigners are on the right. Donnan’s presumptions regarding the joint authorship of the two representations appear to be well-grounded in this case. Indeed, the way in which various details are painted (parts of the bodies of the fighting figures, their eyes, noses, chins, hands and feet, as well as elements of their attire or weapons and even the plants appearing in the scenes) is strikingly similar in both cases.

Figure 1.2a. Buenos Aires bottle (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan 1978: 48, Fig. 67).

is difficult to agree with the interpretation proposed by George F. Lau that the Buenos Aires bottle presents ‘probably a version of the Lührsen scene, by condensing the action to three pairs of combatants’.18 Despite the noticeable stylistic similarities, it seems that the meaning of the scene placed on the second vessel is fundamentally different.

Although the shape of the vessels and the way in which they are decorated are so similar, this cannot be said about the content of the two scenes. This is because it 15  According to Lau’s description (2004: 171), such a flange had the form of a ‘truncated or conical element [...] resembling the basket feature of skiing poles’. 16  This vessel was published in the form of a photograph and rollout drawing in Donnan’s books in 1976, 1978 and 1999. These books have two different versions of the rollout of this scene. The earlier version is by Patrick Finnerty and Donna McClelland, while the later version is by McClelland herself (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 218, Fig. 6.50). The later version was prepared much more carefully. Donnan asserts that this vessel is in Buenos Aires only in his book titled Moche Art and Iconography (Donnan 1976: 138), while in his publications from later years he only states that it belongs to a private collection without giving its location (Donnan 1978: 198; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 315). I am only familiar with this vessel from photographs and drawings included in the cited books. 17  An example of such an ornament from archaeological material was published by Donnan (2004: 64, Fig. 4.38).

In the scene on the Lührsen bottle, the author’s intention was clearly to depict the defeat of foreigners (they have already lost in four of the ten duels being fought), whereas in the case of the Buenos Aires bottle, his intention was to show a scene in which there is a clash, but its outcome has not been decided yet and is even difficult to predict (this does not mean, however, that it was not known to the author or the audience). 18 

5

Lau 2004: 180.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.2b. Scene decorating the Buenos Aires bottle (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0711d_b by Donna McClelland).

None of the typical Moche warriors or any of the foreigners are depicted here as having been defeated. The warriors on both sides are attacking each other, but none of them have yet struck a blow. It is possible that this is how the artist wanted to suggest that, in this particular encounter, the outcome was not favourable for the coastal dwellers.

with depictions of human heads. While this was a very distinctive and definitely ‘exotic’ element of the equipment of the non-Moche warriors on the Lührsen bottle (it appeared there as many as six times), it does not appear at all here. Furthermore, none of them are using weapons other than a club. They do not have slingshots here, and there are no daredevils moving towards the enemy with only a stone in their hands.

It appears that such a presumption is not groundless. The author’s intentions can be evidenced both by placing a deck figure depicting a well-dressed foreign warrior on the vessel and showing some foreigners (at least individuals 2-2 and 2-4) as being slightly larger than Moche men fighting against them. Furthermore, it is worth pointing out that the foreigners are just as well dressed and armed as their enemies in this scene. None of them are going into fight with a naked torso; all the figures are holding clubs in their hands and wearing helmets on their heads. It is true that each of the non-Moche individuals looks different, but, in this scene, this can also be said about the Moche warriors. The attire of the foreigners is extremely homogeneous compared to the appearance of the foreign warriors in the scene represented on the Lührsen bottle and consists of a loincloth, tunic with short sleeves and a yoke with rectangular fringes.

The figures depicted on the Buenos Aires bottle are probably not the same as those who appeared in the scene shown on the Lührsen bottle, which, had it taken place, would have more easily enabled the acceptance that this is a ‘condensed depiction’ of the same event illustrated by the same artist. Battling individuals wearing completely new headgear appear on the Moche side as well as on the foreigners’ side. On the Moche side, this is a warrior in headgear made of fabric and a feline circlet with a characteristic crescent-shaped ornament superimposed on it (individual 2-3), while on the foreigners’ side, this is a man whose helmet has the form of a feline head and is decorated with three feathers (individual 2-6).19 Although the headdresses of non-Moche warriors 2-2 and 2-4 resemble the headgear already known from the Lührsen bottle (1-3 and 1-18, respectively), they differ in the details. The helmet worn by character 2-2 is decorated with a metal double-crescent headdress ornament, which is positioned above his forehead, whereas the extremely impressive headgear of warrior 2-4, consisting of four human forearms, does not have two stick-like elements with circular pendants, but is furnished with a fan of feathers or tassel of fabric and a reduced trophy head (or an ornament made of other material that imitates it). This head has a simple, short hairstyle, while

The scale of this representation and the inclusion of figures of fighting men in one and not two registers – as in the case of the Lührsen bottle – mean that the individual warriors on both sides may have been represented here a little more precisely, with more details. However, it is worth noting that the artist took this opportunity almost exclusively to more clearly depict their headgear and the ornaments on their uniforms. The scene depicted on the Buenos Aires bottle is, in fact, much poorer and much less ‘scenographically’ interesting than the scene on the vessel from the Berlin collection. For example, none of the foreigners here have a fringed plaque decorated

In both cases, this may be headgear made of different materials which only give the impression of being animal skin or parts of animal bodies. Headgear in the shape of a feline head is only known from the Buenos Aires bottle; other than that, it does not appear in the known iconographic Moche corpus.

19 

6

How to Represent an Enemy? intended to be painted were decorated with various three-dimensional zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurines and sometimes even more complex sculptured scenes in which several figures took part.23 These fullfigure representations were usually closely related to the subject of the scenes depicted in painted form on the bodies of the vessels. The three-dimensional figures sometimes complemented such a scene, depicting some participant or participants appearing in it. Representations of people or anthropomorphized animals taking part in ritual runs were most frequently depicted in the form of deck figures. These figures were placed over the painted scenes of such runs and represented seated men with their legs crossed, holding the ends of headgear straps in their hands under their chins in a characteristic gesture of tying or adjusting them.24 Deck figures representing individuals being tortured were placed over painted scenes of bloody human sacrifices.25 Figurines of deer26 and sea lions27 decorated vessels depicting scenes of hunting these animals. In other cases, characters depicted in the form of deck figures were the main protagonists of the scenes which, in a way, were painted around them.28 Figurines of this type, depicting Moche warriors, appeared relatively rarely on vessels covered with painted scenes;29 they were more frequently placed on tops of bottles with bodies that were monochromatic and undecorated.30 Among the published examples, two interesting Moche III vessels should be mentioned: in the case of the first of these, a three-dimensional representation of an individual with a shield and club was placed above a battle scene showing two pairs of typical Moche warriors,31 while in the case of the other, a very similar looking man holding just a shield prevails over the scene portraying two weapon bundles, a Moche warrior, a seated foreign prisoner and a man standing next to him, offering the prisoner something to drink.32

a wire-and-drop circle earring – just like the ones which several foreigners had in the scene on the Lührsen bottle – can be seen in the ear. This might suggest that it is a reduced head or a miniature representation of a cut-off head of a foreign man.20 In the scene portrayed on the Buenos Aires bottle, none of the non-Moche warriors are using characteristic wire-and-drop circle earrings; all of them have large round ear protectors attached to the chinstraps of their headgear. However, it should be pointed out that, in the first of the scenes, the simple circle earrings of this type were characteristic ornaments only of warriors going into battle with naked torsos and bare heads (and therefore, as expected, of the lowest rank), whereas not one such individual appears here. It is also worth noting that none of the Moche warriors presented in the second scene have a shield, whereas two foreigners are holding shields (individuals 2-2 and 2-6). In the scene from the Lührsen bottle, only two Moche warriors (individuals 1-1 and 1-6) and as many as seven foreigners have shields, which Lau interpreted as a sign that it was precisely the Moche who were the attacking side in this conflict.21 Was this really the case? And was it the same here? It seems that in order to understand the general message from the Buenos Aires bottle, the placement of the so-called deck figure depicting not a Moche warrior – which would make sense if this side was supposed to be victorious – but a foreign one is of particular importance. Although this is doubtlessly a warrior (this is evidenced by his helmet and the pair of impressive ear protectors), he was not depicted with a weapon in his hands but either at the time of preparing for battle or resting afterwards. It cannot be ruled out that this man is taking coca. The placement of deck figures on stirrup-spout bottles, the bodies of which were generally covered in complex painted scenes, began in Moche III phase and became particularly popular in Moche IV.22 The vessels

The conclusion can be drawn from this brief review that, although the deck figures may sometimes represent 23  The fineline painted vessel published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 242, Fig. 6.90) presents a hunter, a dog and a deer in the form of three deck figures. 24  E.g. ML002351, ML002366, ML002375, ML002383 and ML002593. In this study, the most frequently mentioned examples are vessels from the Museo Larco collection in Lima (with ML inventory numbers). This museum’s online catalogue contains four colour photographs of each artefact (http://www.museolarco.org/catalogo/index.php). 25  E.g. ML001474, ML013344 and Donnan and McClelland 1999: 121, Fig. 4.85. 26  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 215, Fig.  6.46; 222, Fig.  6.57; 231, Fig. 6.71; 243, Fig. 6.93. 27  Donnan 1978: 32, Fig.  55; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 122, Fig. 4.87. 28  For example, the famous representation of the medicine woman (in Spanish: curandera) with the features of an owl and a deity lying next to her (Donnan 1978: 128, Fig. 200a). 29  E.g. ML001633, ML001681, ML001683, ML001704 and ML001705. 30  E.g. ML001608-ML001611. 31  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 41, Fig. 3.4. 32  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 72, Fig. 3.52. The rollout of this scene is presented in Figure 1.46 in this study.

20  If this headgear (like some of the fringed plaques on the Lührsen bottle) were actually to be decorated with war trophies, which were acquired from the bodies of their kinsmen, it should be presumed that this is how the author of the scene indicated that foreigners – just like Moche warriors on the coast – also had fratricidal fights between themselves. In contrast with the clashes that were fought by the Moche, those that were conducted by their neighbours, however, were not organized to obtain prisoners for making sacrifices to the gods, but probably precisely to obtain trophies and, therefore, to build the personal prestige of the individual warriors. 21  Another key difference between the equipment of the two groups concerns the use of shields. The Moche in the scene do not favour or need the use of shields; Warriors 1 and 6 carry them but only as perfunctory elements of their weapons bundles. The implication is that, unlike their opponents, the Moche are the aggressors. Being on the offensive, at least in this scene, obviates the need for defensive devices (Lau 2004: 176). 22  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 40, 75.

7

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.3a. La Plata bottle 15009 (Courtesy Museo de Ciencias Naturales – La Plata; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.3b. Scene decorating the La Plata bottle 15009 (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 114; drawing by Walter Lehmanns).

victims (e.g. hunted animals or tortured people), in the vast majority of cases, however, they were affirmative; they depicted the participants in the scenes painted on the surface of vessels or even the main protagonists of these representations. If the figurine depicting the foreign warrior on the Buenos Aires bottle were to be construed in this way (as the leading figure or even the patron of the battle), it should be accepted that, in this particular clash, it was precisely the foreigners to whom the artist wanted to assign the dominant role and perhaps even a future victory, which, however, he did not show clearly in the painted scene for some reason.

take place periodically or did they rather occur in exceptional circumstances? Did the foreign prisoners captured in the battle displayed on the Lührsen bottle meet the same fate as Moche prisoners depicted on so many other vessels? What could Moche warriors expect if they were defeated? Was the display of a battle against foreigners in the same way as a battle between Moche warriors (a series of duels held in parallel) a result of real-life observation, or only an effect of applying a certain well-established artistic convention? If battles with foreign warriors were of a ritual nature, it could be assumed that their timing and form were known in advance to both parties. If so, should they not be conducted with comparably equal chances, namely by warriors clothed and armed in a similar way (and, therefore, as in other such scenes shown in Moche iconography and as depicted on the Buenos Aires bottle)? It is difficult to believe that members of the regular army on one side and, on the other side, halfnaked individuals without headgear, trying to fight using a stone in their hand (as depicted on the Lührsen bottle) would take part in this kind of announced skirmish. On the other hand, if these were undeclared clashes (for example, as a result of an unexpected attack by either side), fighting such a battle in pairs, especially with such drastic disproportions in equipment, armaments and organization of the army, would only make sense from the position of the stronger side. Why were the non-Moche warriors portrayed in both of these scenes as people respecting the rules of such a highly sacrificial way of fighting, as a result of which half of the participants of each battle – namely all the losers in the individual duels – had to either die or be taken prisoner?

Therefore, the question arises of what may have guided the Forehead Crescent Painter, a skilled artist creating in the advanced Moche style – being, as already mentioned, the language of the elites, the official ideology or even social, religious and probably political propaganda – in his decision to create (probably in a reasonably short time, perhaps no more than several or a dozen or so years) two works which, in many respects, are very similar, but appear to have such different content? In the first case, he made the representatives of the community to which he presumably belonged the winning side, whereas in the second case, he left the outcome of the fight open or even, in a way, by using the artistic means available to him, he suggested that the opposing side was victorious. The two battle scenes discussed above do not inform today’s viewer of either the cause of the conflict or the consequences of the two clashes. After all, the list of questions that can arise when analysing them is long. Were both battles fought for the same purpose as those fought – probably much more often – between the coastal dwellers, namely in order to take prisoners? Were they also of a ritual nature? Did they constitute a permanent element of some cycle and did they

Wondering about the interpretation of the two scenes and the possible motives of the Forehead Crescent 8

How to Represent an Enemy? Although, in the case of the individual shown on the right side of the scene, there is no doubt that he should be included in the group of foreigners, such identification of the warrior running in from the left does not seem so obvious, primarily because of the presence of the crescent-shaped ornament placed on his feline circlet. This element, like the type of headgear itself, appeared in the scenes previously discussed only in the case of typical Moche warriors.37 Unlike other foreigners represented on the Lührsen bottle and on the Buenos Aires bottle, this man has painted feet and knees. However, the other elements of his appearance correspond to the image of a foreign warrior, which may have been built on the basis of the representations discussed previously. This person is wearing long tubular earplugs, while his face is decorated with painted circles. He is holding a club in his hands, the head of which most closely resembles the club held by the non-Moche warrior on the Buenos Aires bottle (individual 2-2). Just like his opponent, he also has two fringed plaques – one hanging on his neck, the other held in his teeth. His outfit is painted so carelessly that it is impossible to conclude what elements it consists of, but it seems as if the presence of the loincloth and yoke (but without any characteristic rectangular fringes) is schematically marked. In summary, this is probably a representation of two foreign warriors; the image of one was presented in accordance with the previously discussed principles, whereas certain inaccuracies or even ‘errors’ can be noticed in the second depiction, which was made rather carelessly by a much less skilled artist.

Painter, it is worth drawing attention to one more Moche IV stirrup-spout bottle, which is also decorated with a small deck figure at the top (Figures 1.3a and 1.3b). It is now housed in the Museo de Ciencias Naturales collection in La Plata, Argentina. Its body is covered with a fineline painted scene and presents an encounter or a clash of two warriors taking place in a hilly landscape.33 It is immediately noticeable that each of the two men depicted on this vessel was painted in a completely different way: the individual on the left is portrayed much less diligently than the warrior on the right. In the light of Donnan and McClelland’s method of identifying the works of specific painters (those who painted the individual representations),34 it should be accepted that, in the case of this scene, we would be dealing with the joint work of two different artists, who used different ways of representing eyes, noses, feet, elements of attire, and even the ropes of the fringed plaques hung on the necks or held in the teeth. It also seems very likely that the artist who created the image of the warrior on the right could be the already mentioned Forehead Crescent Painter. This may be evidenced by the manner of presenting the details of the man’s attire and ornaments, as well as the way of portraying the position of his legs while running or his hands in which he is holding his weapons.35 The warrior depicted on the right was painted with a similar number of details as the men represented on the two vessels described earlier. He has a conical helmet topped with a tapering spoke and a circular finial, as well as ornaments resembling feathers or bird wings.36 He has ear protectors on the chinstrap of his helmet depicted in the same way as it was in the scene on the Lührsen bottle. The man is wearing a short sleeveless tunic, yoke and dark loincloth. He is armed with a club with an ovoid mace head held in one hand, with which he is taking a swing, as well as a round shield and a new type of weapon (which is not presented in the previous scenes), namely a feathered staff held in his other hand. He also has two fringed plaques adorned with geometric motifs (he is clenching the smaller one in his mouth and a similar, but much larger one is dangling from his back). In addition, he has a small bag suspended from his shoulder (it is probably a chuspa, i.e. a coca bag). Two circles are painted on his face, while a third adorns the tip of his nose and a thicker line is painted on his lips and eyebrows.

The deck figure crowning the body of the La Plata bottle complicates the interpretation of the scene in question even more. This is because it represents a woman and a child squatting next to each other, as if they are watching the whole event taking place at their feet. The woman has a load on her back carried with the help of a tumpline and can be treated as a representative of burden bearers or porters (Spanish cargadores and cargadoras), as referred to in Chapter 3. Both figures also have small bags suspended from their shoulders (a piece of equipment which, as will be demonstrated later, was only typical of foreigners in Moche art), while the woman’s robe is gripped by two shoulder nail-headed shawl pins (referred to as ticpis) which, as Sarahh E. M. Scher has recently proved, were only typical of women who did not come from the coastal area.38 The child accompanying the woman, presumably a boy, despite the small scale of the image, has a clearly marked forelock above his forehead. This element of the hairstyle, as mentioned above, was one

The scene represented on vessel 15009 from the La Plata collection was published by Kutscher (1983: Abb. 114). 34  Donnan and McClelland 1999. 35  The similarities are exceptionally well visible if the details of the image of warrior 3-2 are compared with the representations of individuals 2-2, 2-4 and primarily 2-6 on the Buenos Aires bottle. 36  Similar headgear is worn by non-Moche warriors 1-3 and 2-2; in this case, however, the helmet is not additionally decorated with the characteristic double-crescent headdress ornament. 33 

37  The headgear of warrior 3-1 is additionally decorated with a fan of feathers or tassel of fabric placed at the back and two vertical elements resembling stick-like elements with circular pendants, which were previously observed in individual 1-18. 38  Scher 2010.

9

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.4a. Bottle ML001745 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.4b. Scene decorating bottle ML001745 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0485d_B by Donna McClelland).

of the most clearly understood ethnic markers for nonMoche men. The question arises: why were these two motifs combined on this artefact, and why did Moche artists produce a vessel depicting only foreigners, their relations (a possible conflict or meeting of two foreign warriors), as well as a woman and a child from their community?

are wearing conical helmets decorated with crescentshaped ornaments, while one of them has a backflap suspended on his belt. The first of the foreign warriors (individual 4-1) is wearing a short tunic and short skirt, has a typical hairstyle with a forelock, and is holding a fringed plaque in his teeth, whereas, on his back, he has a bag with a vessel placed in it.41 The second foreigner (individual 4-3) probably has a bare torso, while his whole body, including his face, is painted in a dark colour. He is wearing a short skirt, while his headdress is decorated with human hands and two stick-like elements with circular pendants.42 He has a fringed plaque suspended from his neck, which is decorated with a frontal depiction of a human head. Both foreigners have wireand-drop circle earrings. Just as the Buenos Aires bottle, this vessel does not clearly show which side will be victorious. The warriors of both parties are just attacking each other with their clubs raised but no blow has yet been struck. The indication of the expected result of the battle here may only be the relative sizes of the opponents and, just as in the scene on the Lührsen bottle, the better armaments of the Moche warriors.

In principle, the three scenes described above, so very different but probably produced by one artist, determine the range of contexts in which foreign warriors were depicted in Moche art. On the one hand, these were scenes of their battles with their neighbours from the coast, while on the other hand, they were scenes in which only foreigners appeared. Clashes between Moche warriors and foreigners in other fineline painted scenes One of the earliest known painted representations of clashes between typical Moche warriors and foreigners is the scene decorating the Moche  III stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo Larco collection (Figures 1.4a and 1.4b).39 The men presented on it are painted in a fairly simplified manner, although the status markers, which were already mentioned in the description of the scenes on the previously discussed vessels, can be easily recognized in their appearance. Only two pairs of warriors are fighting in this clash. The Moche men, shown on the right-hand side of both pairs, are depicted as being significantly larger than their opponents.40 This time, all the warriors have shields (round or square, regardless of which side they are on), as well as clubs (the Moche – classical, conical-headed clubs, the foreigners – clubs with an ovoid mace head and a flange on the shaft). The warriors from the coast

The outcome of the battle is also not yet prejudged in the next two scenes. The first one decorates the Moche IV jar from the Museo Nacional de Antropología, Arqueología e Historia del Perú collection in Lima, which was published several times in the form of photographs and rollouts (Figures  1.5a and 1.5b).43 This is almost certainly a coca bag with a lime container placed inside, a typical attribute of foreigners, which will be discussed in greater detail in the next chapter. 42  The stirrup-spout effigy bottle (Inv.  No.  C-01306) presenting precisely this form of headdress is housed in the Museo Nacional de Antropología, Arqueología e Historia del Perú collection in Lima (later in the study referred to as the MNAAHP). 43  E.g. Harth-Terré 1972: 35, Lám.  IV-6; 39, Lám.  VIII-1.; Kutscher 1983: 25-26, Abb.  113A-C; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 79, Fig.  4.9. The rollouts of this scene published by individual authors differ in minor details. Some small fragments of the scene in question have not been preserved to this day. 41 

Donnan and McClelland 1999: 70, Fig. 3.49. This may have been both a deliberate artistic or propaganda move, or it may have arisen from the fact that the silhouettes of Moche warriors were presented on the body of this bottle between the stirrup arms, so there was slightly more room for them. 39  40 

10

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.5a. Jar C-04435 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.5b. Scene decorating jar C-04435 (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 113A-C).

of a seated naked prisoner-of-war (individual 5-5) with a rope around his neck and his arms raised (the hairstyle suggests that he could be a Moche captive) and a small, schematically presented character (individual 5-6) with a round shield in his hand. A vertically positioned club with an ovoid mace head – namely a weapon that was typical of foreigners – is placed between them. It may be a war trophy or a base for a weapon bundle.

This scene again presents only two pairs of warriors attacking each other. The silhouettes of the characters in each pair are separated by vertically set weapons. The Moche warriors, who appear on the left side of each pair, are represented here in a way that is already known to us. They are wearing conical helmets, using conical-headed clubs, and one of them has a backflap. The appearance of their opponents can give rise to certain doubts. The depiction of individual 5-2, which has been preserved in whole, shows that he is dressed very similarly to the Moche warrior standing opposite him; he also has a short tunic and skirt, a conical helmet with a chinstrap and ear protectors, and he is even using an identical weapon (a square shield and conical-headed club). However, certain significant differences can be seen between them, which suggest that the artist’s intention in this case was to represent a foreigner. The shaft of the club held by the man is fitted with a clearly presented flange, while his helmet is decorated with vertically positioned human hands and probably an owl’s head. This individual is holding a fringed plaque in his teeth, which is decorated with a depiction of a human head (elements of this type never appear in the representations of typical Moche warriors). The second foreigner (individual 5-4) is holding a club with a mace head in the shape of a human head, two spears and an unusual star-shaped shield, while his conical helmet is also decorated with human hands.44 Although the outcome of the clash represented on the body of the vessel is not prejudged, the scene depicted on its neck may be a certain continuation or commentary on the main scene. This is the depiction

A scene presenting a clash between two pairs of warriors – also with an outcome that is difficult to foresee – can also be found on a Moche  IV false-jarneck stirrup-spout bottle which belongs to an unknown private collection (Figures 1.6a and 1.6b).45 The military encounter presented here is taking place in a hilly area covered in cacti. The equipment and armaments of the warriors attacking from the left can undoubtedly be considered typical of the Moche. The foreigners (individuals 6-2 and 6-4) are wearing short tunics and have similar fringed plaques on their backs, which are decorated with geometric motifs. The first of them has a feline circlet on his head, which is probably decorated with a large crescent-shaped headdress ornament. In one hand, he is holding a round shield and three spears, while in the other he has a sling and a club with a mace head in the shape of a feline’s head, decorated with two flanges on the shaft.46 The other is probably bareheaded (or he has an unusual headdress decorated with long hair), is holding a small shield in his hand, as well as a club that is very similar to that which was just described. His ears are decorated with wire-and-drop circle earrings and, perhaps additionally, with long tubular earplugs. A typical Moche club with a round This vessel was published in the form of a photograph and rollout drawing by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 84, Fig. 4.18). 46  This may be an unusual representation of a feathered staff.

44  It is worth noting the frontal depiction of a human head hovering above the helmet of warrior 5-3. It probably has a simple hairstyle and wire-and-drop circle earrings.

45 

11

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.6a. Bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan and McClelland 1999: 84, Fig. 4.18).

Figure 1.6b. Scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0555dc1m by Donna McClelland).

appeared in the scenes commented on so far), while, in his other hand, he has a square shield and probably a feathered staff similar to that which appeared on the La Plata bottle. Small circles are painted on his face. The second foreign warrior (individual 7-4) has long loose hair or headgear very much resembling such hair.51 He is holding a club with an ovoid mace head in one hand and a square shield with a spear-thrower decorated with the head of a bird of prey, three spears with thin tips52 and a feathered staff in the other. He has a large fringed plaque on his back, which is decorated with representations of two human heads in profile. This individual’s face is decorated with two stripes painted on his cheeks. Both foreigners probably have earspools in their ears, which is also a new element of their appearance and which are represented clearly differently from the ear protectors used by their opponents. The result of the battle presented on this vessel is easy to foresee. Foreign warrior 7-4 is just receiving a blow to the head and, as it appears – as is evidenced by the short lines marked on and beside his face – is bleeding heavily. Warrior 7-2 also has similar lines around his lips. Therefore, although both nonMoche men are still holding their weapons and are represented in full armour, they have probably already been defeated.

shield suspended from it is located between the second pair. This may symbolize the future victory of one of the sides (as a war trophy or a base for the expected trophies). The next scene presents an image of a clash, this time won by Moche warriors (Figure 1.7).47 This is a dynamic depiction of a confrontation of two pairs of opponents decorating the body of a Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection.48 The Moche warriors – attacking from the left – have conical helmets49 and backflaps, both have their faces painted with two wide stripes and painted noses. Both foreigners are wearing short tunics, while warrior 7-2 also has a fringed yoke. This man is wearing a helmet which can be considered another version of the type already known to us from both the Lührsen bottle (individuals 1-12 and 1-14) and from the Buenos Aires bottle.50 The elements of armaments on warrior 7-2, which are unusual of foreigners, are the crescent-shaped headdress ornament placed on the front of his headgear (individual 1-12 on the Lührsen bottle had a double-crescent ornament here) and a backflap (which was only used by Moche warriors in the scenes described so far). In one hand, the man is holding a club with a ribbed mace head (which has not

Another artefact alongside the Lührsen bottle, decorated with a complex depiction of a battle of two different groups of warriors, is the Moche  IV flaring bowl from the Museo Amano collection in Lima. Two fineline painted scenes adorn the external and internal surfaces of this vessel (Figures 1.8a and 1.8b).53 The two scenes contain a total of 19 men.

Photographs of bottle 46-77-30/4939 are available in the Peabody Museum’s online catalogue. 48  The rollout of this scene has been published to date in two different versions. The first was presented by Kutscher (1983: Abb.  115) and the second by Shimada (1994b: 109, Fig. 5.6). The rollout published by Shimada additionally shows that the stirrup spout of the bottle was decorated on both sides with representations of rays or fish called life (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 93, Fig. 4.36; Gálvez and Runcio 2009). 49  In the case of individual 7-1, this is a variety described as a conical tiered helmet. 50  The form and colour scheme of this type of headdress are different in the scene on the Peabody Museum bottle: the side tapering spokes somewhat resemble representations of cacti (cf. the headgear of individual 16-6), while its two-coloured central part resembles a typical Moche conical helmet. 47 

The last stage of the battle, in which as many as seven Moche warriors and only four foreigners are taking part, is depicted on the internal surface of the vessel. The military tactics in this scene are the same as in all the 51  This may be a more careful representation of the type of headdress observed earlier in the case of warrior 6-4. 52  Similar spears were used in some deer hunting scenes (e.g. Kutscher 1983: Abb. 74, 80, 81, 83, 84, 86, 87). 53  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 78, Fig. 4.7; Golte 2009: 197, Fig. 8.39.

12

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.7. Scene decorating bottle 46-77-30/4939 from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 115).

Figure 1.8a. Amano flaring bowl (Courtesy Museo Amano – Lima and Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan and McClelland 1999: 78, Fig. 4.7).

Figure 1.8b. Scenes decorating the Amano flaring bowl (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0515d_2b by Donna McClelland).

In addition to the men fighting or holding the captives, three more Moche individuals are participating in the scene. One of them (individual 8-3) – who, as can be presumed, is not actively participating in the battle – is holding a square shield in one hand (this time, this is the only man with a shield in the whole scene) and a tied leather bag in the other.54 The two other Moche individuals (8-10 and 8-11) are either playing trumpets made of Strombus galeatus conch shells or their ceramic

scenes discussed above, but of the figures represented here, only two pairs of warriors are fighting. The Moche are the victors in both duels. After all, the outcome of the battle has been determined to their advantage; the two other duels ended earlier in the defeat of the foreigners. Upon losing, they were stripped naked and ropes were tied around their necks. One of them (individual 8-2) is being struck in the face by a Moche warrior, while the other (captive 8-9) is being led on a rope by the victor.

Bags of this kind were most frequently presented in the hands of so-called Moche ritual runners. They are also known from the archaeological material (artifacts ML700001-ML700004).

54 

13

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour imitations.55 Neither the musicians nor the man with the shield have backflaps, whereas the other Moche warriors have two-coloured, probably bimetallic ones.56

characteristic feature of the foreigners in this scene is also the way of painting or tattooing the torso, arms and legs with large, rectangular, unevenly distributed spots.57

It should be admitted that the non-Moche warriors presented on the Amano flaring bowl differ from the foreigners discussed so far. Those who do not have headgear have long straight hair and do not have the characteristic forelocks (which makes them resemble Moche captives frequently represented in the iconography). Three of them (individuals 8-2, 8-5 and 8-9) have their faces painted with two vertical stripes on their cheeks, namely just like almost all Moche warriors shown in this scene. In turn, the fourth (individual 8-7) has a chin painted in a manner identical to that of Moche warrior 8-8 leading captive 8-9. None of the men have faces that are completely unpainted, painted in whole in a dark colour or painted in circles, which was typical of foreigners in the scenes discussed previously. None of them have the characteristic wireand-drop circle earrings. The only one who has any ear ornaments appears to be warrior 8-5, who is wearing tulip-like earrings, which is a form not encountered in the representations discussed so far, but which will appear in later scenes.

The external surface of the Amano flaring bowl is decorated with a scene of leading the captives.58 Just like there were four pairs of fighters in the depiction on the inner surface, four pairs of men are also presented here, being a prisoner and the individual who is leading him. The captives are completely naked and have ropes tied around their necks, while foreigner 8-12 also has his hands tied behind his back. The faces of all captives are painted with two vertical stripes, while their bodies – their arms, legs and torsos – are covered in rectangular spots. While discussing this scene, it is worth drawing attention to the fact that the men leading the foreign captives are not, as frequently appears in similar depictions, typical Moche warriors, but individuals dressed more like civilians. Men 8-13 and 8-19 have simple circlets on their heads, probably made of fabric and decorated with two feathers at the front, while individuals 8-15 and 8-17 are wearing headdresses which are made entirely of fabric, with a knot tied above the forehead.59 All four are clothed almost identically, none of them are carrying a weapon bundle decorated with war trophies (which is the case in most scenes of this type), however, all have shawls round their necks and some sort of load carried on their backs. The entire depiction suggests that the captured prisoners no longer pose a threat to the Moche; there are no weapons or warrior escort in this scene, while the captives are being led not by their former adversaries, but by completely different, unarmed people designated for this task.

Despite these differences, however, the members of the losing army presented on the Amano flaring bowl have certain features that lead one to the presumption that even in this case, the artist’s intention was to represent foreigners from the same group as that being discussed here. Those who are still fully clothed (individuals 8-5 and 8-7) are wearing short tunics and visible dark loincloths, while individual 8-5 probably also has a characteristic fringed yoke. He is the only foreigner who also has headgear which appears to have been made of feline skin. Two foreign warriors (8-5 and 8-7) have slings and clubs with ribbed mace heads which are somewhat similar to the weapons used by individual 7-2 on the Peabody Museum vessel. The third such club – now as a war trophy – is suspended from the conical-headed club of victorious Moche warrior 8-8. Although these are not the clubs of the types described earlier, they clearly differ from the typical Moche clubs. Non-Moche warriors 8-5 and 8-7 have fringed bags suspended from their forearms, while the third such bag (which probably originally belonged to individual 8-9) is positioned between its former owner and Moche warrior 8-8, who took him prisoner. Although these bags (they are most probably coca bags or chuspas) do not resemble the characteristic, previously described fringed plaques and are suspended from the warriors’ forearms and not from their necks, they constitute another clear marker of their otherness. A particularly

The next vessel decorated with a painted scene showing a conflict between typical Moche warriors and foreigners belongs to the Wereldmuseum collection in Rotterdam.60 The scene portrayed on it features exceptional elegance of the drawing and unusual mannerism – absent from the works of other Moche artists – involving the representation of certain elements of headdresses on a substantially increased scale (Figures 1.9a and 1.9b). This vessel depicts two pairs of fighting men. The Moche warriors on the left-hand 57  Such adornment of the body does not appear in any other known Moche fineline painted scenes. 58  An interesting element of this scene is also the presence of a net which is very similar to those used in hunting for deer and preventing animals from escaping (e.g. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 220, Fig. 6.54). 59  This is headgear which most resembles the H-IV-4a type that is characteristic of Group C priests who sometimes took part in human sacrifices (e.g. ML002047; Donnan 1978: 167, Fig.  243; WassermannSan Blas 1938: Fig. 474; Wołoszyn 2008a: 195-197). 60  The photograph and the rollout drawing of the scene represented on bottle WM-73374 – produced by Edward K. de Bock – were published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 87, Fig. 4.24).

Falcón, Martínez and Trejo 2005. A bimetallic backflap (coxal protector) was discovered in a Priest’s tomb at the Sipán excavations (e.g. Alva 1999: 120, Lám. 205).

55  56 

14

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.9a. Rotterdam bottle WM-73374 (Courtesy Collection Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen).

Figure 1.9b. Scene decorating the Rotterdam bottle WM-73374 (Courtesy Edward K. de Bock and Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan and McClelland 1999: 87, Fig. 4.24; drawing by Edward K. de Bock).

slings in their hands which are outstretched to the front, whereas in the hands held behind them, they are probably carrying clubs with ribbed mace heads. In the case of warrior 9-2, the shaft of his club is probably decorated with a bundle of feathers, whereas in the case of warrior 9-4 it has a flange. This latter individual is holding a square shield and two spears in one hand, and he has a backflap suspended from his belt. A large fringed plaque decorated with a stylized frontal image of a human head is suspended on a string from his neck.

side of both pairs have feline circlets on the headcloths on their heads, are wearing short-sleeved tunics, short skirts (probably decorated at least partially with metal plates), bracelets on their wrists, ear protectors and backflaps. They are using classic conical-headed clubs that they hold firmly in both hands. Their whole faces are painted in a dark colour. The foreign warriors presented in this scene are men with naked torsos, only wearing short skirts which are almost identical to those worn by their adversaries. Their headgear consists of simple circlets decorated with very large feather fans or tassels made of fabric. The circlet of the first man (individual 9-2) is additionally decorated with a representation of a small human head and a human forearm. Both foreigners use unusual tulip-like earrings, which are rare in Moche art, while their faces are painted with subtle patterns which did not appear in the previously described scenes. Warrior 9-2 has triangular motifs painted on his nose, chin and cheek (there is also an oval spot under the last of these), while individual 9-4 only has the motif of a triangle painted on his cheek, which is outlined on the top and bottom with two thin lines. Since the face painting in the majority of cases known from Moche iconography was symmetrical,61 it can be assumed that the pattern presented on the first man’s face viewed frontally in whole would have the shape of a so-called Maltese-cross motif with two circles on his cheeks. This very characteristic face painting pattern also appears repeatedly in the representations of the foreigners discussed later in this book. Both foreigners on the Rotterdam bottle have their mouths open, in which their teeth can be seen,62 both are holding

The outcome of the battle appears to have already been determined. In the case of both pairs, the Moche warriors are just striking their opponents in the head. What seems to be particularly intriguing is that the latter are running towards their enemies (who are only armed with clubs) as if they were opening themselves up to a blow: both have outstretched arms in which they are holding ‘too many’ weapons to be able to use them properly. They are running towards Moche warriors like madmen only to be struck in the head and are neither attacking nor defending themselves. The rollouts of the next scenes presenting the struggles between the Moche and the foreigners were first published in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie by the outstanding German scholar Eduard Seler (Figures  1.10 and 1.11). Two vessels, on which these scenes were presented, belonged to two private collectors from Peru at that time. The surface of the first of these vessels, which was a part of the Eduard Gaffron collection in Lima, was decorated with a depiction of two pairs of warriors facing each other in reasonably static poses, albeit ready for battle, but not yet striking any blows.63 scenes. It was presented above in the representations of non-Moche warriors 1-5, 2-4 and 5-2. 63  Seler 1912: 218, Abb. 11a and 11b.

Wołoszyn 2008a: 272-287. 62  Showing teeth in an open mouth is a rare motif in Moche painted 61 

15

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour A Moche warrior with a conical-headed club and a backflap is presented on the left of each pair, while the non-Moche are shown on the right. The most characteristic elements of the foreigners’ equipment are, in this case, strange feathered staffs (or clubs with disproportionately large ribbed mace heads) held in their hands, most resembling a form of weapons which has already appeared in the hands of foreign warrior 9-2 on the Rotterdam bottle. The dress of the foreigners presented on the Gaffron bottle is quite unusual. The first of them (individual 10-2) has a simple circlet decorated with a feather fan and two long feathers at the back (it is very similar to that which warrior 9-4 had on his head), a shortsleeved tunic probably decorated with square metal plates and a short skirt with geometric motifs. Two long tapes are waving from his belt from which also a bimetallic backflap is suspended. In his arm stretched out backwards, he is holding a spear-thrower (a weapon which only foreign warrior 7-4 has used so far) in which a spear with a thin tip is placed. The pattern painted on his face, as can be presumed, is a Maltese-cross motif.

Figure 1.10. Scenes decorating the Gaffron bottle (after Seler 1912: 218, Abb. 11a and 11b).

The second foreigner (individual 10-4) is most probably holding a sling in his hand, and his attire is similar to that of his kinsman. He is wearing tulip-like earrings and impressive headgear decorated at the front with a representation of a small trophy-head, five feathers and exceptionally large representations of two ulluchu fruits. A horizontal triangular motif relating to a Maltese cross is painted on the man’s cheek.

The second scene shows two typical Moche warriors attacking a foreign enemy (individual 11-4) from two sides. This man no longer has any headgear (it was almost certainly a conical tiered helmet which was struck off his head and is depicted in the third scene) and is being held by the hair by one of the assailants. Even though he is losing, he is still holding a square shield in one hand and a feathered staff or club with a ribbed head in the other. His attire is a short tunic (probably decorated with metal plates) and a skirt.

The next representation published in Seler’s article was that of three scenes decorating the vessel which belonged to the Emilio Larco collection from Trujillo at that time. All these scenes present the defeat of foreigners in a battle with Moche warriors (Figures 1.11a and 1.11b).64 The first of these scenes represents Moche individual 11-1 and foreigner 11-2 standing in front of him, wearing a short tunic (which looks a little like plate armour), a short skirt and a feline circlet decorated with a large feather fan and ornaments resembling two stick-like elements with circular pendants. This man is holding a sling with a missile in it in one hand and a square shield and a strange-looking weapon in the other. In this scene, this weapon can be interpreted with greater certainty as a club with a ribbed mace head and a flange on the shaft additionally decorated with a bunch of feathers. This individual has a fringed bag decorated with a geometric motif suspended from his shoulder and, although he is still fully armed, his imminent defeat can be evidenced by the drops of blood around his nose. Additionally, the position of his feet (both turned to the right) may suggest that he wants to escape from the battlefield. 64 

The third scene presents two characters. The first one (individual 11-6) is a naked, probably dead man whose limbs are spread in both directions. His arms and calves are painted or tattooed with rows of points, while his chest is decorated with a cross motif. His chin is painted in a dark colour and his teeth can be seen in his open mouth. Two typical Moche clubs, two spears and a small fringed bag are lying at his feet. The second character is Moche warrior 11-7 wearing a conical helmet. He is running to the left, holding a square shield and club with a mace head in the shape of a so-called half-fist65 in one hand and a club with a ribbed mace head facing downwards (i.e. like weapons taken from enemies) in the other. Beside him are two spear-throwers decorated with representations of bird heads. Clubs with a mace head in the shape of a half fist are carried by typical Moche warriors in two marching scenes (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 219, Figs 6.52 and 6.53).

65 

E.g. Seler 1912: 219, Abb. 12a-c.

16

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.11a. Scenes decorating Figure 1.11b. Scene decorating the Emilio Larco bottle (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton the Emilio Larco bottle (after Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0116d_B by Donna McClelland). Seler 1912: 219, Abb. 12a-c).

Of the deck figure, only the lower part of the body of the represented individual (almost certainly a man), who is squatting, has been preserved. Only his legs and a part of the square shield or fringed plaque that he is holding, which is decorated with a representation of a human head, can be seen. Two Andean camelids (probably llamas), animals which, as will be demonstrated in Chapter  3, were frequently associated with foreigners in Moche art, were painted on both sides of the unusually shaped upper part of the vessel’s body next to the figure of the seated man.

Based on the photographs of the vessel in question, which are included in the book titled Culturas precolombinas: Moche,66 on which the first of these scenes and some part of the characters from the third one can be seen, as well as the new, more correct rollout of the entire representation produced by Donna McClelland67 it can be concluded that the arrangement of the drawings in Seler’s article is misleading. In reality, naked man 11-6 is represented on a vessel not horizontally but with his head facing downwards, which further confirms the hypothesis that this is a dead individual who was killed on the battlefield. In turn, the Moche warrior running with two clubs (individual 11-7) is not shown next to him but at the top of the vessel’s body, between the arms of the stirrup spout. Consequently, this situation is very similar to that which appeared between characters 1-1 and 1-2 in the scene on the Lührsen bottle that was commented on at the beginning of this chapter.

The body of the vessel has been reconstructed from its pieces, although several larger parts thereof are missing. The scene painted on it presents five men. Its first part depicts three characters: the first (individual 12-1), running from the left, is holding a club with a star-shaped head in a raised hand, the third one (individual 12-3), who is attacking from the right, has a spear-thrower with a spear in it. A completely naked body of a defeated enemy (individual 12-2) is lying between the attackers. It can be presumed that this man has just been killed and then beheaded and one of his arms has probably been cut off. The attacking warriors are now in possession of these trophies. The individual approaching from the left is holding the enemy’s head in his hand (he also has a round shield, probably taken from the dead enemy), while the man running from the right has the enemy’s arm suspended from his elbow and his own square shield in his hand. The second scene on the vessel presents a standing Moche warrior holding a seated naked foreign captive on a rope.

The scene depicting the bloodiest battle between the warriors of two rival communities, which has been preserved to our times, is the scene decorating the – unfortunately more damaged – Moche III stirrup-spout bottle with a deck figure found in Grave 12 at Site F in Huaca de la Luna (Figures 1.12a and 1.12b). The vessel was discovered during the excavations conducted by Max Uhle and is currently housed in the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology collection in Berkeley.68

De Lavalle 1985: 73. Quilter 2008: 223, Fig. 12.7. According to the information in the Moche Archive, the vessel currently belongs to the MNAAHP collection in Lima. 68  Photographs of bottle 4-2967 are available in the museum’s online catalogue. I received the photographs of this vessel from the museum’s archive, courtesy of Alicja Egbert. The rollout of the scene represented on the body of this vessel was produced by Donna McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0107d_B in the Moche Archive). 66  67 

Since the scene on the Uhle bottle, presenting such brutal behaviour on the battlefield, is absolutely exceptional in the entire known Moche iconographic corpus, it requires a more precise description. Warrior 12-1, who is presented on the left-hand side of the first 17

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.12a. Uhle bottle 4-2967 (Courtesy Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology – Berkeley).

Figure 1.12b. S decorating the Uhle bottle 4-2967 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0107d_B by Donna McClelland).

a representation of two duels. In each pair, Moche warriors (individuals 13-2 and 13-4) are presented as attacking from the right. They are both using conical-head clubs and backflaps. Their adversaries are foreign warrior 13-1, who is escaping from the battlefield and individual 13-3 who is just receiving a blow to his head with a club. The former has headgear decorated with a bunch of feathers, human hands, and a representation of a small human head with wire-anddrop circle earrings and a Maltese-cross motif painted on its face. He is wearing a loincloth and a short tunic with a fringed yoke on it. This man has two wire-anddrop circle earrings, modest facial stubble and a face painting in the form of Maltese-cross motif. He is holding a feathered staff and a round shield in his right hand, a club with an ovoid mace head in his left hand and a large fringed plaque decorated with a geometric motif in his mouth. The second foreign warrior, dressed in a loincloth and a short tunic, has just lost his helmet with three tapering spokes and circular finials but he still has wire-and-drop circle earrings in his ears. He is holding a round shield and three spears in his left hand and a club (probably with a ribbed mace head) in his right hand. A fringed plaque decorated with a geometric motif suspended from his neck is dangling behind him.

group, is almost certainly a foreigner. He is wearing a simple circlet decorated at the front with two stick-like elements with circular pendants, a short tunic probably decorated with square metal plates and a short skirt, while a Maltese-cross motif can be seen on his face. The type of club he is holding is characteristic of foreigners. He has a large fringed plaque decorated with a frontal representation of a human head, dangling from his neck. The character approaching from the right (individual 12-3) is also a foreign warrior in a circlet decorated at the back with a feather fan or tassel of fabric and two feathers at the front. This man is wearing a short skirt, a short tunic decorated with a checkerboard motif, and has wire-and-drop circle earrings in his ears. The decapitated body of individual 12-2 is probably that of a Moche warrior who has just been killed. His identity can be evidenced by the conical helmet shown above the body, with a crescent-shaped ornament, chinstrap, and the ear protectors attached to it. In the context of such brutal treatment of the defeated enemy, the pair of characters positioned to the right of the scene, consisting of a typical Moche warrior (individual 12-4) and a seated naked foreign captive with a rope around his neck (individual 12-5), is all the more surprising. The most interesting element of the captive’s image is the hairstyle, namely a forelock and shaved head with hair beginning to grow back, as well as the face painting resembling a Maltese-cross motif. A club stuck into the ground and a square shield are represented behind this man.

Another Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle presenting a dynamic fineline painted scene of a clash between two pairs of Moche and two non-Moche warriors was was closed and the collection itself was dispersed. A significant proportion of it is housed and currently displayed in the building of the Municipality of the Moche District in the city of Moche, where this bottle (Inv. No. 2113) can be found. The Casinelli collection (registered by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura in 2008) also contained a richly decorated flaring bowl (Inv. No. 2013), on which a battle scene between foreigners and Moche warriors was presented. This scene – which I have, unfortunately, only seen on photographs – has a total of ten characters, five on each side. Nevertheless, certain elements of the iconography of this vessel suggest that this may be a modern counterfeit (a copy or pastiche), which is why it has not been presented in this analysis.

The next battle scene between non-Moche and Moche warriors, in which the former are defeated, is shown on Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo Casinelli collection in Trujillo (Figure 1.13).69 It contains 69  After the owner’s death, the Museo Casinelli Mazzei – which was once located in the famous gas station building in Trujillo –

18

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.13. Casinelli bottle 2113 (Courtesy Municipalidad Distrital de Moche; photograph by the author).

included in the book Alt-Peru und seine Kunst by Ferdinand Anton (Figures 1.14a and 14b).70 The Moche warriors depicted in this scene (individuals 14-1 and 14-3) are wearing a tiered conical helmet adorned with a metal decoration somewhat similar to a double-crescent headdress ornament (typical of non-Moche warriors) and a conical helmet with a crescent ornament. They are attacking from the left-hand side, using typical conical-headed clubs and round shields. The two foreigners are represented on the right-hand side of each pair. The first one (individual 14-2) is wearing a circlet clearly decorated with human hands, while the other one (individual 14-3) is wearing a helmet made of feline skin and has a fringed yoke placed over his short tunic and probably decorated with metal plates. Both warriors are using clubs with a conical mace head and a flange on the shaft. The first man has a square shield decorated with a geometricized zoomorphic motif and a coca bag suspended from his elbow, whereas the other one is carrying two spears and a spear-thrower in his hand. Two other items of – probably – his armaments, namely a square shield decorated with a geometric motif and a feathered staff, are placed near him. It can be presumed from the position of the legs of the two foreigners and the expressions on their faces (the second non-Moche warrior is showing his teeth) that – just like individuals 11-2 and 13-1 described earlier – they are probably trying to escape from the battlefield.

(Figure 1.15).71 The scene presents two typical Moche warriors coming in from the right (individuals 15-2 and 15-3) and their non-Moche opponent (individual 15-1) running towards them from the left. His headdress is somewhat similar to the helmets of foreign warriors 1-3 on the Lührsen bottle and 2-2 on the Buenos Aires bottle. It is decorated with two feathers at the front and with a feather fan or tassel of fabric at the back. The man is wearing a short tunic, fringed yoke and dark loincloth. He also has two rectangular fringed plaques: the larger one, probably decorated with square metal plates, is hanging on his back, while the smaller one – with a frontal image of a human head – is held in his teeth. The warrior is holding a club with an ovoid head and a flange on the shaft in his right hand and a square shield and two spears in his left hand. His calves have zigzags painted on them. In many respects, the style of this representation resembles that of the Forehead Crescent Painter. If it were the case, we could consider it to be the fourth known work of that skilled artist who specialized in painting battles between Moche warriors and their non-Moche opponents. Other fineline painted scenes presenting foreign warriors Apart from the scenes discussed above, in which non-Moche warriors are fighting with typical Moche warriors, there are also several fineline painted scenes

The last, very carefully produced representation of a clash decorates the Moche IV stirrup-spout bottle from the Museum Folkwang collection in Essen, published in 1922 by Ernst Fuhrmann in his book titled Reich der Inka

Until 1922 the Museum Folkwang was based in Hagen, North Rhine-Westphalia; then, after the death of its founder, Karl Ernst Osthaus, its collections were moved to Essen. One of the two photographs of this vessel (Inv.  No.  K  347) published by Fuhrmann (1922: Taf.  18) was later used at least twice in articles on the representations of foreigners in Moche iconography (Berezkin 1978: 129, Fig.  4; von Schuler-Schömig 1979: 211, Abb.  34). The rollout of this scene, which is incomplete as it shows just one Moche warrior, was produced by Donna McClelland from two photos published by Fuhrmann (drawing PHPC001_0039d_B).

71 

70  Anton 1962: Taf. 70. According to the author, this vessel belonged to a private collection in Zürich.

19

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.14a. Bottle from a private collection (after Anton 1962: Taf. 70).

Figure 1.14b. Scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0082d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure 1.15. Bottle K 347 (Courtesy Museum Folkwang, Essen; photographs © Museum Folkwang, Essen).

16-8 has a conical-headed club which is typical of Moche warriors, but nothing suggests that he intends to fight with any of the foreigners. Both he and three other participants in this scene (individuals 16-7, 16-9 and 16-10) are probably holding bags in their hands which, in the iconography, are similar to those mainly found in the hands of ritual runners.

in which they are presented almost exclusively among other foreigners, in completely different contexts.72 The most complex scene in this group decorates a stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Figure 1.16).73 It illustrates a hilly area overgrown with cacti and plants of several other species, among which six supernatural-sized land snails (Sculatus sp.) are represented, as well as ten men in various types of headgear. Two of them are sitting on the ground (individuals 16-1 and 16-2), one is resting in a litter (individual 16-4), while the others have been presented standing up. Four individuals (16-4, 16-7, 16-9 and 1610) are holding clubs with ovoid heads in their hands, while three others (individuals 16-1, 16-2 and 16-6) are probably holding clubs with ribbed mace heads. The shafts of most of the clubs have flanges which are additionally decorated with feathers. Only individual

The drawing is too schematic to say anything certain about the attire or headgear of the foreign men represented in it. The circlets of several of them (individuals 16-1, 16-4, 16-7 and 16-9) resemble the headdresses described above, which were decorated with human hands or feline paws on the sides. The man 16-6 walking in front of the litter is wearing headgear that is decorated with images of cacti on its sides. He is the largest in the whole scene, whereas, on his back, he has a large, schematically presented fringed plaque or feline-headed banner. It seems that most men are only wearing loincloths and short tunics which are not

72  One of these scenes was the representation on the La Plata bottle discussed above (Figure 1.3b). 73  Vessel 1/484 (3953). Kutscher 1983: 25, Abb. 109.

20

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.16. Scene decorating bottle 1/484 [3953] from the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 109).

Figure 1.17a. Macedo bottle V A 4683 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.17b. Scene decorating the Macedo bottle V A 4683 (after Kutscher 1954: Lám. 18).

evidenced by the shape of the animal’s mouth and ears), while individuals 17-2 and 17-4 are wearing circlets decorated with human hands. The faces of warriors 17-1 and 17-3 are painted dark, while individuals 17-2 and 17-4 probably have Maltese-cross motifs and moustaches painted on their faces. All foreigners have wire-and-drop circle earrings, and they are all wearing short tunics. Two of them (individuals 17-1 and 17-4) have round-bottomed coca bags dangling from their backs, while the other two (individuals 17-2 and 173) probably have small rectangular fringed plaques decorated with simple geometric motifs. A small silhouette of a dog or fox is presented at the legs of one of the men, while there are two anthropomorphized hummingbirds above their heads.75

decorated or decorated with the motif of dark crosses on a light background (individuals 16-7, 16-9 and 16-10). This group of scenes also includes a representation decorating the Moche III stirrup-spout bottle from the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin, which was purchased in 1884 from the well-known José Mariano Macedo collection.74 The four foreign warriors represented on it are facing right and are depicted in almost the same pose (Figures 1.17a and 1.17b). They are all carrying round shields and two or three spears in their left hands, and clubs with an ovoid head in their right hands. The characters in the scene are very similar to each other in pairs, differing only in small details. Warriors 17-1 and 17-3 are wearing circlets probably made of fox skin (as 74 

Berezkin (1978:130) suggested that the represented animal may be a dog used in battle for attacking intruders entering the Moche territory (so he considered the first character in the march to be warrior 16-1). The dog – which is facing in the same direction as the marching warriors – is represented in the scene published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 207, Fig. 6.32). It cannot be ruled out that the scene positioned alongside in their book, which, according to the authors, is the work of the same artist (Donnan and McClelland 1999:

75 

Kutscher 1954: 53 and Lám. 18.

21

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour A similar scene is also represented on a Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle which belongs to the same Berlin collection (Figures 1.18a and 1.18b).76 It depicts two almost identical-looking foreign warriors facing left. The differences between them are only in the ornaments that decorate their attire. Both men are wearing feline circlets decorated with large tassels or fans and short tunics with fringed yokes on them, and they have wire-and-drop circle earrings. They are holding round shields and two bundles of spears in their hands that are outstretched to the front, and feathered staffs (which are most similar to those of foreign warriors 7-2 and 7-4 on the Peabody Museum bottle) in their hands that are outstretched to the back. They both have small round-bottomed coca bags suspended from their arms and probably another type of bag or stylized fringed plaque on their shoulders.

an architectural structure (it is probably a small temple with a few individuals inside), while a complex painted dance scene probably taking place in the underground world is depicted on its surface (Figure 1.20). It contains the figure of a deity in a snake belt (individual 20-8) and six other male characters with long loose hair, holding hands. Above this scene – as if protecting access to the world of the dead – there are two small, schematically presented silhouettes of foreign warriors (individuals 20-1 and 20-2) facing each other, with fringed plaques suspended on their backs and with clubs with starshaped heads in their hands. When making a preliminary summary of the information obtained as a result of the analysis of the 20 fineline painted scenes discussed above, presenting foreign warriors, it is worth drawing attention to several interesting matters.79

The next scene, depicting an encounter or clash between two non-Moche warriors, is presented on a small fragment of the stirrup spout of a bottle (Figures 1.19a and 1.19b) which also belongs to the Berlin collection.77 Judging by the precision of the drawing, it can be presumed that the decoration of the body of this vessel (that has not survived) was very rich. The shorter man (individual 19-1) – walking to the right – is dressed in a short-sleeved tunic and short skirt, with a circlet decorated with three human hands on his head, and a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings in his ears. In one hand, he is carrying a club with an ovoid head, and in the other – a square shield and two spears. The headgear of the taller man (individual 19-2) is probably a slightly modified form of representation of a helmet with three tapering spokes that is typical of foreigners. The man is wearing a short-sleeved fringed tunic and schematically represented yoke. He is holding a round shield in one hand and a club with an ovoid head in the other.

First, the images of the foreigners which appear in scenes of this type are both few and highly differentiated. As they were not made very frequently, it seems logical that a refined canon of such representations, or even purely technical fluency in rendering individual, characteristic elements of the appearance of non-Moche warriors in painted form could not have developed. The analysis of the available depictions may give the impression that not all Moche artists were equally wellinformed of the actual appearance of enemies, and not everyone was aware of the existence of a long list of differences between them and the coastal warriors who were much better known to these artists from their everyday experience. Furthermore, it appears that, even if individual painters were aware of the existence of these differences, they were not all experts in representing them using their artistic techniques. It is largely for this reason that, on the one hand, the ‘errors’ or ‘inconsistencies’ that we have observed in the representations of some foreigners arose (which mainly involved providing them with attributes that they ‘should not have’, namely, elements of clothing, weapons or decorations that were characteristic of typical Moche warriors)80 and, on the other hand, the

The last scene in this group decorates a Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle from the British Museum collection. According to Donnan and McClelland, it is one of the works of the so-called Dance Painter.78 The body of the vessel is crowned with a sculptural representation of

Battle scenes of Moche warriors against their non-Moche enemies may also be presented on three Moche  V vessels produced by the so-called Doering Painter (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 266-267, Fig. 6.136-6.138). The foreignness of the smaller warriors presented in these scenes may be evidenced by the unusual shape of the mace heads of the clubs they are using and the chin stubble clearly identified on all of them. It is also possible that the rows of short lines behind them refer in some way to the forms of bags or fringed plaques which are present in images from the earlier phases. If this hypothesis were to be correct, the group of Moche  V depictions of foreigners could also include images of warriors represented on the flaring bowl which belongs to the MNAAHP collection (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 152-153, Fig.  5.26). Due to the difference between these representations and the images from the earlier phases, as well as the lack of a sufficient number of certain analogies, these depictions were not included in the sample of images of non-Moche warriors presented here. 80  It would also be worth considering the hypothesis that when 79 

207, Fig. 6.33), also presents non-Moche warriors. However, it is made so schematically and without attention to detail that it has not been included in the analysis presented here. 76  There are two rollouts of the scene represented on bottle V A 17638: one – reproduced here – made by Donna McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0015d_B) and another, much earlier one made by Wilhelm von den Steinen (Baessler 1902-03b: I, Pl. 31, Fig. 182). 77  A rollout drawing of a part of this scene was published by Immina von Schuler-Schömig (1979: 203, Abb. 19b). 78  Kutscher (1983: 50 and Abb.  300) reports that this scene was previously published, among others, by Kelemen (1946: Taf.  153), Calkin (1953: Taf. 51, 221) and Bankes (1980: 28). Later, a photograph of this vessel and a rollout drawing of this scene (as well as other works presumably produced by the Dance Painter) were published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 262-263, Fig. 6.127-6.129). There are minor differences between the available rollouts.

22

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.18a. Baessler bottle V A 17638 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.18b. Scene decorating the Baessler bottle V A 17638 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0015d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure 1.19a. Stirrup spout V A 65451 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.19b. Scene decorating stirrup spout V A 65451 (after von Schuler-Schömig 1979: 203, Abb. 19b).

23

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.20. Scene decorating bottle Am1909, 1218.77 from the British Museum collection (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 300).

sometimes exaggerated and grotesquely distorted way of representing elements that were appropriate for them, but the actual appearance of which was probably not known in detail. Secondly, based on the painted scenes analysed, it seems that Moche artists did not give equal importance to all status or ethnic markers attributed to the non-Moche warriors. Of the features mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, which distinguish foreigners from the Moche, their use of different types of weapon (especially clubs and slings81) and the different types of headgear were by far the most frequent and they appeared in virtually all the representations analysed. The next feature particularly worth emphasizing was their use of exotic-looking ornaments, primarily fringed plaques decorated with trophies made of human heads or their representations. Sometimes the coca bags used by foreigners and the ear ornaments they wore were also shown. Specific face and body painting and the use of fringed yokes placed on tunics were highlighted much less frequently. The different hairstyles of foreigners and the fact that some of them stood to battle with bare torsos were the least often presented in these scenes.

c.

d. e.

f.

The following can currently be added to the list of characteristics of non-Moche warriors, which was presented at the beginning of this chapter: a. b.

g.

the use of a hairstyle with a forelock and shaved head (individual 12-5); the use of unusual headgear: circlets decorated with feather fans or tassels of fabric, images of

human forearms, hands and heads or paws of felines (warriors 9-2, 9-4, 10-2, 12-1, 14-2, 16-1, 16-4, 16-7, 16-9, 17-2, 17-4 and 19-1), headdresses made of skin or feline body parts (individuals 2-6 and 8-5), and finally headgear decorated with representations of ulluchu fruits (individual 104), which are all rare in Moche iconography; the use of ear ornaments, not used by the Moche, having the form of single or double tulip-like earrings (individuals 8-5 and 10-4, and 9-2 and 9-4, respectively); the use of face painting in the form of a Maltese cross (sometimes with two additional circles on the cheeks); the use of smaller or larger, round-bottomed or rectangular bags with or without fringes, suspended from the shoulder or neck (individuals 3-2, 4-1, 8-5, 8-7, 11-2, 14-2, 17-1, 17-2, 17-3, 174, 18-1 and 18-2), which, in most cases, may be interpreted as chuspas (coca bags); the use of clubs with ribbed mace heads of various shapes (warriors 2-2, 7-2, 8-5, 8-7, 9-2, 9-4, 10-2, 10-4, 11-2 and 11-4), with heads decorated with an image of a human or animal head (individuals 5-4, 6-2 and 6-4) and with a flange on the shaft, with the shaft sometimes being decorated with a large bunch of feathers; the use of feathered staffs (warriors 3-2, 7-2 and 7-4).

Regardless of the extent of the knowledge of the appearance of foreign warriors or the artistic abilities and skills of individual Moche painters, in all the scenes discussed above, a clear intention of the artists to present non-Moche individuals as obviously different from the coastal warriors can be seen. In their works, the artists probably identified all the features of foreign enemies known to them and supplemented any ‘white spots’ with elements that were typical of Moche warriors. This can probably explain the creation of such bizarre representations as the images of foreigners using conical helmets (typical of the Moche),

presenting weapons that are typical of Moche warriors which are used by foreigners, the artists wanted to suggest that the latter may have been using weapons obtained earlier from defeated Moche enemies in subsequent clashes. The foreign warriors may have appreciated these weapons for some reason (for instance they may have considered them to be more effective or more prestigious) or they may have used them as an element of intimidation in the psychological struggle. 81  Moche warriors practically never used slings. One of the few exceptions to this rule is the scene published by McClelland (2008: 47, Fig. 3.13).

24

How to Represent an Enemy? group, did not use headgear decorated with trophies of human heads, forearms or hands. In his opinion, their main weapon was clubs with ribbed heads and a flange on the shaft which was richly decorated with bundles of feathers.

but decorated with human hands or using clubs with conical heads (which are also typical of the Moche), but supplemented with a flange on the shaft. Only the best-informed artists, including almost certainly the Forehead Crescent Painter, were able to avoid mistakes on the one hand and not to exaggerate with a grotesque caricature on the other. These best-informed and skilled artists confined themselves to presenting only a few of the many differentiating elements that were well-known to them, which, when properly applied, were fully sufficient to create a clear picture of the adversaries from the east.

Berezkin thought that the picture he presented might prove to be too simplistic as a result of future research. He supposed that the discovery of further representations of foreigners would make it possible to set apart a larger number of groups of non-Moche figures within the Moche iconographic corpus or at least internally differentiate the two groups he defined in this article even more. Therefore, this author explained the ‘imprecisions’ or ‘errors’ observed in some of the images of foreigners by the incomplete knowledge of the archaeologists of the time of all cultural or ethnic groups with which the Moche may have liaised.

It appears that, in the case of less-informed artists, there may have been some kind of caricatured exaggeration of the exotic features of appearance that were stereotypically attributed to foreigners. This is probably why the ribbed mace heads of their clubs were presented as being disproportionately large, and the clubs, spears and staffs themselves as extremely decorative. It would also probably be difficult to explain in any other way the emergence of the images of foreign warriors 6-2 or 9-4 in which they appear simultaneously with three different types of weapon (namely a club, several spears, a sling, not to mention a shield and a fringed plaque) against Moche warriors who are only armed with clubs. And they lose, too!

The analysis of the much larger group of depictions discussed in this chapter leads one to conclusions that are quite different from those presented by Berezkin. It seems certain that, in all the presented cases, Moche artists tried to show members of one and the same specific cultural group. Such a hypothesis is confirmed by the scenes on the Amano flaring bowl (Figure  1.8) and on the vessel which belongs to an unknown private collection (Figure 1.6), which clearly show that various status markers attributed to Berezkin’s both groups of foreigners were mixed up in individual depictions, while different artists simply chose those that they knew and were able to represent.

This diversity of the ways in which individual Moche artists depict non-Moche figures, as well as a certain amount of discretion characterizing the choice of status markers assigned to them, have influenced the fact that earlier scholars dealing with this topic did not interpret the images of the foreigners as referring to one and the same cultural or ethnic group. When writing about them in 1978, Yuri  E.  Berezkin was convinced that Moche iconography featured at least two different groups of non-Moche warriors.82 The Russian scholar included the men presented most carefully on the Lührsen bottle, as well as those depicted in three scenes described here (Figures 1.14, 1.15 and 1.17) in the first group of foreigners, which he associated with Recuay culture. He put the warriors depicted mainly in two scenes known to him from Seler’s publication (Figures 1.10 and 1.11) in the second group, which he associated with Gallinazo culture, the inhabitants of the Pacasmayo and Lambayeque valleys or some other group of Moche adversaries (defeated by them – as he presumed – in distant mythical times). Berezkin considered that the warriors in the second group mainly had tulip-like earrings, were clothed similarly to Moche warriors (in a tunic and a short skirt) and, in contrast with the first

In the context of this observation, of particular interest is the scene on the Rotterdam bottle (Figure  1.9), showing non-Moche warriors 9-2 and 9-4. Not only did the Moche painter give them specific markers of both groups distinguished by Berezkin (for the first group, they were the use of headgear decorated with human hands, of fringed plaques with the image of a human face, of slings and clubs with flanges on the shafts, as well as going into combat with a naked torso; for the second group, they were the use of tulip-like earrings and strange-looking feathered staffs), he even provided them with face painting, the Maltese-cross motif, which is extremely characteristic of foreigners but which rarely appears in battle scenes, and with the status markers typical of Moche warriors (short skirts, backflaps, painted feet and calves). The artist additionally equipped these eclectic images of ‘exotic foreigners’ with monstrous fans decorating their headdresses, much larger than those used by Moche warriors in the same scene.

Berezkin (1978) relied on a relatively small number of representations available to him at that time, among which there were only six of the scenes discussed above (Figures 1-1, 1-10, 1-11, 1-14, 1-15 and 1-17), tracings of murals from Huaca de la Luna (not included in my analysis) and just a few three-dimensional effigy representations.

82 

It is also worth emphasizing another observation at this point. In 14 of the discussed battle scenes between Moche warriors and foreigners, in as many as ten cases 25

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour the Moche are clearly presented as approaching from the left. It can be presumed that this is no accident but a certain regularity and deliberate procedure, probably referring to the directions identified by Moche artists with warriors from the coast and the highlands, respectively. There is no doubt that only the scene on the vessel from the Museo Larco collection (Figure 1.4), the scene on the Casinelli bottle (Figure  1.13) and the scene published by Fuhrmann (Figure  1.15) are exceptions to this rule.

Foreign warriors in bas-relief representations Two-dimensional depictions of foreigners appearing both in clashes with typical Moche warriors and individually were presented in Moche art not only using the fineline technique, but also on vessels decorated with convex bas-relief produced using moulds. Only exceptionally did they appear on artifacts made of other materials. One of the most complex representations of this type covers Moche  III stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo Larco collection. The relief scene decorating it presents three pairs of fighting warriors (Figure 1.21). Two duels – between individuals 21-1 and 21-2 and between 21-5 and 21-6 – have already been won by Moche warriors. In the first duel, the foreign enemy received a blow to his head with a club, while his position suggests that he may even have died on the battlefield. The second duel presents a defeated foreigner just having been grabbed by the hair. The third duel is still going on. Individual 21-3 taking part in it on the left can be identified as a Moche warrior (he is fighting with a conical-headed club), while his enemy (individual 21-4) – as a foreigner (he has no headgear, in one hand he is holding a club with a ribbed mace head and a flange on the shaft, and in the other – a sling from which he is just about to take a shot). All three non-Moche warriors presented in this scene have tulip-like earrings. Individual 21-2 probably has a bare torso, while the lack of headgear on warrior 21-4 or any headgear lying near the defeated foreign men could suggest that they all went into battle with bare heads.

In the context of this observation, the most problematic is obviously the scene represented on the Lührsen bottle – the basic one for the considerations presented here – the upper register of which depicts a direction of attack by Moche warriors which is different from that in the lower one. However, it should be emphasized that this is an extremely rare arrangement of the scene in Moche art which only has a few known analogies.83 The argument in favour of the hypothesis that the actual direction from which the attack of Moche warriors came in this case was from the left (i.e. as presented at the bottom of the scene) may be the fact that the lower register presents earlier stages of the battle.84 The suggested direction of the attack can also be confirmed by the representation of individuals 1-1 and 1-2 at the very top of the Lührsen bottle. Moche warrior 1-1, running with the trophies, is ‘returning to his own’, heading leftwards, namely where he came from; a foreigner (individual 1-2) is also facing left, probably having arrived there ‘from the right’ and died on the battlefield.85 Similarly arranged scenes include the ritual run scene presented in three registers (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 214, Fig. 6.45), the scene with running anthropomorphized bean-warriors in three registers (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 232, Fig.  6.72) and the scene of the ritual run on the vessel from the Museo Larco collection (Inv. No. ML002363) in two registers. Perhaps this way of presenting a battle on the Lührsen bottle was supposed to suggest that the artist who created it somehow ‘participated’ in the event (i.e. he did not look on the course of the battle from the side, but was able to observe and present the action that took place ‘around him’ – in front of him and behind him at the same time). 84  Nevertheless, a detailed analysis of this scene made by Donna McClelland while preparing its rollout drawing confirms that the author of this painting began his work from the upper register. 85  Using this depiction as an example, attention can be drawn to the matter of right- and left-handedness of the characters appearing in painted Moche scenes. In many cases, it is not easy to establish which hand of a given character the artist was presenting from the front and which from the back (after all, the same applies to distinguishing between the chest and the back of certain individuals). On the one hand, it can be presumed that, in Moche culture, there was a clear symbolism of the right- and the left-hand sides (see the comments on dualism, the significance of the right- and left-hand sides – related respectively to offerings of gold and silver – in the royal tombs of the Moche, Alva 1999); on the other hand, examples of representations are known in which this issue does not seem to play a significant role. The matter is complicated further by the sculptural depictions that do not give rise to any doubt. Such representations of warriors include both those in which they are holding a shield in their left hand and a club in their right hand (e.g. vessels ML000533, ML000535, ML000536, ML000767, ML001037, ML001534, ML001577 and ML001610) and vice versa (e.g. vessels ML000534, ML000954, ML001134, ML001551, ML001559 and ML001582). 83 

In this scene, it is worth drawing attention to the fact that the clash slightly differs from most of the fineline painted scenes discussed so far. It is true that it is conducted just like the others (as a series of duels), but the winners and losers are not always on the same side in the pairs (Moche warriors 21-1 and 21-3 are presented as running in from the left, while individual 21-6 is running in from the right). Two bas-relief scenes depicting non-Moche warriors also decorate the rectangular body of Moche  III stirrup-spout bottle from the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (Figures 1.22a and 1.22b).86 The first of the scenes presents a clash between a typical Moche warrior and a foreigner who is already being held by his hair. The latter is still trying to defend himself: he is holding his enemy’s arm with his left hand and is about The photographs of this vessel were published by Hocquenghem (1987: Figs 85a and 85b). There are two drawings of the scenes represented on this bottle: one – reproduced here – made by Donna McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0016d_B; in the Moche Archive online catalogue this depiction is incorrectly published as a mirror image) and another, much earlier one made by Wilhelm von den Steinen (Baessler 1902-03b: Pl. 39, Fig. 198).

86 

26

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.21. Bottle ML001742 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

to hit him with some object held in his right hand. The second scene shows a non-Moche warrior taking coca (a coca bag is suspended from his left shoulder, and he is holding a lime container and a lime stick in his hands). Just like the foreigner in the first scene, this one also has a bare head and is wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings. A metal double-crescent headdress ornament, an object that very rarely appears in Moche iconography, but is already known from the depictions of the foreign warriors on the Lührsen bottle and the Buenos Aires bottle, is represented next to his forehead. A club with a star-shaped head and a flange on the shaft, two spears and a square shield suspended from them are set upright behind the man.

two men walking towards the right (individuals 23-1 and 23-2), one standing frontally with his face turned to the left (individual 23-3) and the other one facing left (individual 23-4). The first of the characters is doubtlessly a typical Moche warrior, while the group affiliation of the other one is not so easy to establish. His headgear is probably a feline circlet decorated with a feather fan or tassel at the back (based on the analysis of previous representations, such headgear was used by both foreigners and Moche warriors). He is wearing a short skirt and a tunic with an oval pectoral or yoke on it. In his right hand, he is holding a club with an ovoid head and a flange on the shaft, typical of foreigners, but in his left hand he is holding the same set of weapons as the first of the men (a square shield, spear-thrower and two spears). Although the form of the club he is carrying could suggest that this warrior is from the group of foreigners, the fact that he is holding it with its head pointing downwards could suggest that this is a war trophy taken from an enemy (probably individual 23-3 who is no longer armed). The fourth man (individual 23-4) is a non-Moche warrior with wire-and-drop circle earrings, a small coca bag suspended from his shoulder and a weapon that is typical of foreigners in his hands. The strangest-looking figure in this group is individual 23-3. On the one hand, he has no headgear and, as mentioned above, he has no weapon, whereas, on the other, he is fully clothed. The composition of the entire scene suggests that he may be a foreigner defeated in a duel with Moche warrior 23-2 (the next ones who were probably supposed to clash in a duel are individuals 23-1 and 23-4).

Four Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottles, probably made from the same mould or very similar moulds, also contain representations of battle scenes. Three of them belong to the Museo Larco collection,87 while the fourth belongs to the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (Figures  1.23a and 1.23b).88 Although they present the same theme using the bas-relief technique, each of the vessels was painted in a slightly different way. The bodies of the first two bottles were basically left unpainted (only their stirrup spouts and certain elements of the weapon or attire of the presented characters were covered with white paint), while in the next two cases, the stirrup spouts were painted red, and the bodies of the vessels had a cream background added to show dark figures in a more contrasting way. The vessels in this short series present a scene in which four men are taking part. The arrangement of the figures here differs from that on the vessels discussed so far; the fighting warriors of the opposing groups are not paired up in this case. The scene portrays

The next battle scenes depicted using the bas-relief technique and probably produced from the same mould decorate two vessels of a different shape. The first one is a bowl from the Museo Larco collection (Figures 1.24a and 1.24b), and the second one – an unusual canteenshaped vessel from the British Museum.89 A non-Moche

I.e. ML001738, ML013614 and ML013634. There are two drawings of the scene (represented on the bottle from Berlin): one – reproduced here – made by Donna McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0014d_B) and another, much earlier one made by Wilhelm von den Steinen (Baessler 1902-03b: I, Pl. 17, Fig. 67).

87  88 

89 

27

I only know this vessel from the photographs in Scher’s PhD

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.22a. Bottle V A 18373 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.22b. Bas-relief scenes decorating bottle V A 18373 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0016d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure 1.23a. Bottle V A 18370 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.23b. Bas-relief scene decorating bottle V A 18370 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0014d_B by Donna McClelland).

28

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.24a. Bowl ML011931 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.24b. Bas-relief scene decorating bowl ML011931 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0024d_B by Donna McClelland).

determined, amongst others, on the basis of the ovoid shape of the heads of the clubs they are holding or the presence of coca bags suspended from their shoulders. All the men are shown without headgear, some of them with wire-and-drop circle earrings, while the faces of some of them are decorated with a Maltese-cross motif and two circles on the cheeks.

warrior is presented on the left in the scene depicted on these two vessels, with a tonsure characteristic of certain foreigners and long hair falling onto his back, wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings and holding a club with a ribbed mace head and a square shield in his hands. The man is leaning slightly forward and is kicking a naked, long-haired figure of an enemy who is probably lying dead at his feet. The head of the defeated character is pointing downwards, his eyes are closed, and his limp limbs are stretched out in both directions. The lower, pointed end of the shaft of the club held by the standing warrior is aimed at the neck of the man lying on the ground. The defeated man is completely naked and has no elements of attire or weapons which were taken away from him. This makes it impossible to determine to which group he belongs.

The last artefacts with two-dimensional depictions of non-Moche warriors to which attention should be paid are two stone engraved and originally inlaid tablets which probably constituted the walls of a rectangular box.91 In the early 20th century, they belonged to the Herbert Tweddle collection and were published in 1901 in the book titled Peru History of Coca ‘The Divine Plant’ of the Incas by William Golden Mortimer, where they were described as ‘plaques representing Incan warriors’.92 They can doubtlessly be considered works of Moche art. Each of the plaques depicts a pair of foreign warriors running across a hilly landscape to the right (Figure 1.26).

The next seven vessels decorated using the same technique are jars. Although they were made from various moulds, they present very similar motifs, namely figures of non-Moche warriors who are standing (Figure 1.25a) or sitting (Figure 1.25b) and who are turned to the left or to the right.90 Their identity can be

The Museo Larco collection houses a stone box inlaid with turquoise, preserved almost in its entirety, made of similarly decorated tablets and presenting scenes of battle between Moche warriors and scenes of taking prisoners (Inv.  No.  ML300014; dimensions: 4.4cm x 5.5cm x 8.5cm). The Dumbarton Oaks Museum has a beautiful stone box which is also decorated with a battle scene showing Moche warriors (Inv.  No.  PC.B.536; dimensions: 5.8cm x 7.7cm x 5.8cm). A single tablet of this type is also known from the literature, probably constituting a fragment of a box (de Lavalle 1985: 236). The Metropolitan Museum of Art collection contains a complete inlaid stone bowl showing a battle scene with Moche warriors (Inv. No. 1979.206.413; it is 6.8cm high and 11.1cm in diameter). 92  Mortimer 1901: 81. These representations were later published by Berezkin (1978: 130), who tentatively included those warriors in the first of his groups (he noted, however, that they do not have the most characteristic element of equipment of this group, namely fringed plaques). Mortimer’s publication is available on the Internet (https:// archive.org/details/peruhistorycoca00mortgoog). 91 

dissertation (2010: 375, Fig. 5.106, 503, Cat.  No.  112). This author states that it is a ‘canteen-shaped vessel’ and gives its number as 1954  W  Am5  182. The British Museum’s online catalogue does not have a photograph of this vessel; its catalogue card describes it as a ‘ladle’ and gives its number as Am1954,05.182. 90  Four of these vessels belong to the Museo Larco collection (Inv. Nos ML012188, ML012191, ML012192 and ML012199), the fifth – discovered in Grave 10 in Huaca de la Luna – to the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology collection in Berkeley (Inv. No. 4-2897), the sixth – to the Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas de Moche collection (Inv. No. CA35-214; Scher 2010: 790, Cat. No. 952), the seventh to the Museo Casinelli collection in Trujillo (Inv. No. 1194). The following abbreviations will be used hereafter: PAHMA (the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology) and PAHM (Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas de Moche).

29

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.25a. Jar ML012188 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.25b. Jar ML012199 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.26. Inlaid stone tablets from the Herbert Tweddle collection (after Mortimer 1901: 81).

All the men are represented in an almost identical manner. Each of them is wearing a loincloth and short tunic decorated with vertical stripes and a circlet on his head, decorated with two rectangular elements at the front, arranged in the form of the letter V (perhaps these are depictions of ulluchu fruits shown in a simplified way) and with a feather fan or a tassel of fabric at the back. The warriors’ long hair is tied with tape or string and forms a kind of a ponytail (this is another type of hairstyle typical of non-Moche men), while their ears are decorated with earspools. Each of the men is holding a square shield, a spear-thrower decorated with the head of a bird of prey and a spear in one hand and a club with an ovoid head in the other. Each of them has a large fringed bag, probably a coca bag, decorated

with a simple geometric motif, suspended from their shoulders. The scenes depicted on both tablets essentially differ only in that two anthropomorphized hummingbirds are flying above one pair of runners, while two strange-looking jar-like objects are floating above the other. Three-dimensional representations of foreign warriors Apart from more than 30 two-dimensional painted, bas-relief and incised images of non-Moche warriors described above, we also have a slightly larger group of their three-dimensional depictions. Admittedly, compared to the hundreds of such images of Moche warriors, this is a relatively small set, but it provides 30

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.27a. Bottle ML001559 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.27b. Bottle ML001541 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.27c. Bottle TM 3842-2 (Courtesy Collection Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen).

group are usually holding a round or square shield in the other hand. Two members of this group have wireand-drop circle earrings, and several others have their faces painted with a Maltese-cross motif.

a large amount of additional data about the appearance of foreigners, as well as the situations in which they were presented in Moche iconography. This group can be divided into images of characters depicted with their heads uncovered and individuals who have some type of headgear.

The second group of depictions in this category presents men with short hair and a typical forelock. They are shown on two jars. The first one is in the Museo Larco collection (Figure  1.28) and represents a foreigner with long tubular earplugs. The man has a coca bag suspended from his left shoulder and a club with a rounded head.95 In his left hand, he is probably holding a small human head which had been cut off (this may be a shrunken trophy head of the defeated enemy or its depiction made of other material). The second vessel belongs to the MNAAHP collection in Lima.96 This is a round-bottomed jar whose neck presents the head of a man with facial hair and wire-and-drop circle earrings. The details of his outfit and weapons were painted on the body of the vessel and rendered in bas-relief form. The man is holding a club with a star-shaped head in his right hand and a square shield with a cross motif in his left hand, and he probably has a fringed plaque with an image of a human head dangling from his neck.

The simplest representations that can be included in this set are 11 full-figure depictions of warriors without headgear. Nine of them show men with a simple hairstyle with a tonsure on top of the head and long hair falling down the back.93 All vessels in this group are Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottles; as many as seven of them were probably made from one mould or very similar moulds.94 They depict men squatting, usually with one hand holding a club resting on the shoulder. In the case of seven vessels made from one mould (Figure  1.27a), these are clubs with ovoid heads (the individuals holding them have coca bags suspended from their left shoulder), whereas in the case of two vessels from the Museo Larco and the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam collections (Figures  1.27b and 1.27c) these are clubs with star-shaped heads. The men in this Two vessels in this group belong to the Museo Larco collection (Inv.  Nos  ML001541 and ML001559), three to the PAHMA collection (Inv. Nos 4-3033, 4-3035 and 4-3047a), three to the PAHM collection (Inv. Nos PU-422, PU-423 and PU-435) and one to the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam (Inv. No. 3842-2; Donnan 1978: 69, Fig. 110; Scher 2010: 844, Cat.  No.  1107). Three vessels from the PAHMA collection come from Grave 15 at Site F which was excavated by Max Uhle, whereas three from the PAHM collection come from the so-called Plataforma Uhle (Scher 2010: 759, Cat. Nos 864 and 865; 819-820, Cat. Nos 10361038). 94  These seven vessels are bottle ML001559 and all the vessels from the PAHMA and PAHM collections. 93 

A group of vessels depicting non-Moche warriors in headgear includes 28 representations and is much more diversified than the previous one. One of the most basic depictions in this group can be found on 95  In Moche iconography this type of club appears much more often in hunting scenes than in battles (e.g. Kutscher 1983: Abb. 75, 77, 83 and 87-89). 96  Donnan 2001: 134, Fig. 16; Donnan 2004: 119, Fig. 7.11.

31

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour Two jars, probably made from one mould and belonging to the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (Figure  1.30), depict men in headgear decorated with a motif of bright circles.99 Both individuals have wireand-drop circle earrings and are holding clubs with star-shaped heads in their hands. Three more vessels in this category that are similar to each other are stirrup-spout bottles presenting men with circlets decorated on the sides with rounded elements resembling feline paws, with large earspools in their ears and clubs on the right shoulder (Figures  1.31a and 1.31b).100 The headgear of the first two is decorated schematically with double-crescent shaped ornaments, the circlet of the third one is adorned with a representation of two pairs of sticklike elements with circular pendants protruding to the sides. Three other vessels are also stirrup-spout bottles presenting foreign warriors in feline circlets decorated not only with paws, but also with animal heads and tails (Figures  1.32a and 1.32b).101 All the men in this group are wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings and yokes covering their tunics. Only in the case of the warrior presented on a carefully made vessel from the Museo de América, is such a yoke finished with rectangular fringes, additionally decorated with probably metal discs.

Figure 1.28. Jar ML005769 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The vessel that is an exception in the described group is the elaborately crafted black Moche III stirrup-spout bottle representing an individual sitting cross-legged, with a circlet on his head, decorated on both sides with two elements depicting feline paws (or human hands) and a pair of human hands placed in the shape of the letter ‘V’ at the front; between them there are four sticklike elements with circular pendants and a feather fan or tassel is attached at the back (Figure 1.33a). The man has a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings, bracelets and a necklace made of large metal beads in the form of owl heads, which is rare in Moche iconography and which appears practically only in representations of members of the highest Moche elite.102 He is wearing a short tunic probably covered with square metal plates, holding a club with an ovoid ribbed mace head in his right hand, and a square shield on his left forearm. Another indicator of his otherness is his stubble: a moustache and a small goatee.

three stirrup-spout bottles (very similar but made from different moulds), two of which belong to the Museo Larco (Figures 1.29a and 1.29b), and one to the MNAAHP collection in Lima.97 They depict squatting men in conical helmets with two tapering tapes on their backs. Although such headgear resembles helmets used by typical Moche warriors, in this case they are additionally decorated on the sides with rounded elements, probably representing human hands or feline paws, which the helmets used by warriors from the coast never have. All the men have wire-and-drop circle earrings, are holding clubs with ovoid heads in their right hands and have small square shields on their left forearms. They are all also showing their teeth in which they are holding rectangular fringed plaques decorated with painted geometric motifs and small images of human heads. Another vessel in the MNAAHP collection also presents a very similar foreign warrior (Figure 1.29c).98 The man depicted on it mainly differs from the three who have been described in that he has a fringed yoke, a fringed plaque with an image of two human heads dangling from his back, and in his teeth he is holding a small trophy head by the hair.

97  98 

Another quite exceptional vessel is also a black stirrupspout bottle from the MNAAHP collection, showing Vessels V A 17729 and V A 17735. Vessels ML001554, C-00545 (Scher 2010: 673, Cat.  No.  614) and V A 735. 101  Vessels MAM 1030 (from the Museo de América in Madrid), ML001561 and V A 4671. 102  Wołoszyn 2008b. 99 

100 

Vessel C-00506. Scher 2010: 662, Cat. No. 580. Scher 2010: 664, Cat. No. 588.

32

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.29a. Bottle ML001594 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.29b. Bottle ML001595 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.29c. Bottle C-00515 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

a sitting non-Moche warrior in the form of a deck figure (Figure 1.33b). The man is wearing a feline headdress (which probably had a decoration at the front that is now missing), a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings, a short tunic (possibly covered with a wide pectoral), and a strange-looking mantle finished with three wide bands ending in round elements (possibly rattles). He has a feline-headed banner on his back, which is unusual in this group of representations. A rare and extremely carefully made Moche  IV stirrup-spout whistling bottle depicts a warrior in a helmet with three tapering spokes and circular finials, decorated with a double-crescent headdress ornament at the front and round ear protectors at the sides (Figure  1.34a). Only the man’s head, his helmet and wire-and-drop circle earrings were presented here in three-dimensional form, while the rest of his outfit, decorations and weapons were painted on the body of the vessel. The man is holding a club with a star-shaped head in his right hand and a square shield and probably a feathered staff in his left hand. A large, richly decorated fringed plaque with an image of a human head is suspended from his neck. An almost identical vessel, probably made from the same mould and painted by the same painter – but unfortunately not equally well preserved – belongs to the MNAAHP collection (Figure 1.34b). Finally, a very similar individual with the same type of headgear is represented on a rare doublechamber stirrup-spout whistling bottle from the same Lima collection (Figure 1.34c). The man depicted on it

Figure 1.30. Jar V A 17735 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

has long tubular earplugs and, instead of a club he is holding a small human head in his right hand. A helmet with three tapering spokes and circular finials, with two large round ear protectors, also constitutes 33

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.31a. Bottle ML001554 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.31b. Bottle V A 735 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.32a. Bottle MAM 1030 (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.32b. Bottle ML001561 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

34

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.33a. Bottle ML001597 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.34a. Bottle ML001691 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.33b. Bottle C-03264 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.34b. Bottle C-01034 Figure 1.34c. Bottle C-01007 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author). Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

the headgear of two other foreign warriors. The first one is represented on a Moche III stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection, which may have been originally inlaid (Figure  1.35a). The man is sitting on a stepped platform, wearing a short tunic, short skirt and fringed yoke, holding a square shield in his left hand and a raised club with a star-shaped mace head in his right hand. A small fringed plaque decorated with an image of a human head (its face was originally one of the inlaid elements of the vessel) is represented just under his mouth. The second man in headgear of this

type is depicted on a ceramic whistle from the Museo de América collection (Figure  1.35b). He is wearing a tunic and yoke, holding a feathered staff in his left hand, a round shield in his right hand and a fringed plaque decorated with images of two human heads in his teeth.103 Perhaps the seated warrior depicted on a stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo de La Plata also I obtained the photographs of this artefact from the Museo de América Archives, courtesy of Nuria Moreu Toloba.

103 

35

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.35a. Bottle C-54646 Figure 1.35b. Ceramic whistle MAM 10981 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid). Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.35c. Bottle (Courtesy Museo de Ciencias Naturales – La Plata; photograph by the author).

has a similar type of helmet (Figure 1.35c).104 This man is wearing a long-sleeved tunic probably decorated with metal disks. He is holding a club with an ovoid head and – which is unique in the entire known Moche iconographic corpus – probably a small animal (perhaps a guinea pig) in his mouth. The next vessel is, unfortunately, a quite badly damaged black stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection in Lima, representing a squatting foreign warrior in a short tunic and a yoke, with a square shield in his left hand and a club with an ovoid head in his right hand (Figure  1.36).105 The man’s headdress has not been preserved in whole (it was probably a circlet decorated on both sides with human hands or feline paws and three or four stick-like elements with circular pendants), but his most interesting decorative element, which is placed above the forehead, is a small sculptural image of a human head which has been preserved intact. The non-Moche warrior has extremely large wire-anddrop circle earrings in his ears and, in his mouth, he is holding a small fringed plaque decorated with another carefully depicted human head whose ears are also adorned with wire-and-drop circle earrings. Figure 1.36. Bottle C-00570 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

This group also includes two stirrup-spout bottles from the Museo Larco collection depicting warriors in headgear that is extremely rare in Moche iconography, This helmet is also similar to the headdress of warrior 2-2 from the Buenos Aires bottle. 105  Scher 2010: 679, Cat. No. 632. 104 

36

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.37a. Bottle ML001601 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.37b. Bottle ML001768 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.37c. Bottle 1947.315 A (Courtesy University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, after Bushnell 1975: Pl. 24).

He has tulip-like earrings in his ears, is kneeling and holding a club with a ribbed mace head in both hands. The body of the vessel is decorated with a painted geometricized zoomorphic motif.109

decorated on both sides with vertical elements in the shape of deer ears. In the case of the first vessel, this headdress was additionally decorated with some element at the front which, unfortunately, has not been preserved intact (Figure  1.37a),106 while in the case of the second one (on which the warrior is presented in the form of a deck figure inlaid with turquoise) – it had a decoration resembling four stick-like elements with circular pendants (Figure 1.37b).107 The first individual (who, unlike those previously described, is not squatting but kneeling) has wire-and-drop circle earrings and is wearing a short tunic decorated with probably metal disks, while the second one (with earspools in his ears) is holding his left hand above his eyes in the pose of an observer.

The appearance of the warriors presented on the last four stirrup-spout bottles, which can be included in this group, gives rise to certain doubts as to which group they belong to. Some elements that appear in their images are characteristic of Moche warriors, while others suggest that they are foreigners. The first of these controversial vessels belongs to the Museo Larco collection (Figure  1.38a) and presents a man squatting, wearing a headdress that is most reminiscent of a conical helmet (typical of Moche warriors) originally decorated at the front with two elements which have not been preserved to this day. However, the other details of the man’s attire and weapons suggest that this is more likely a depiction of a foreigner. His ears are decorated with a pair of wireand-drop circle earrings, he has a fringed yoke on his short tunic, and he is holding a club with a rounded or ribbed head and a flange on the shaft.

The representation of a foreign warrior decorating a stirrup-spout bottle from the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology collection at the University of Cambridge also has the form of a deck figure (Figure 1.37c).108 The man’s headdress is decorated with a feline head and paws, and six feathers at the front. 106  Another part of this vessel which has not been preserved was an element (probably a depiction of a miniaturized trophy head or a small fringed plaque) which this man held in his mouth; he is grinning, and his teeth are very clearly marked. 107  The figures represented in a very interesting scene on a stirrupspout bottle in the collection of the San Diego Museum of Man also have headgear decorated with vertical elements in the shape of deer ears (Donnan 1978: 72, Fig.  114). This scene undoubtedly presents foreigners in the company of a Moche priest, taking part in the ritual of the so-called Ceremonial Badminton. 108  Vessel 1947.315 A. Anton 1962: Taf. 27; Bushnell 1975: Pl. 24.

The second vessel that can be included in this category is the bottle from the d’André collection published in the work of Raoul d’Harcourt and Jeanne Nique 109  Berezkin (1978: 132-133, Fig.  10) included this figure among his second group of foreigners.

37

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.38a. Bottle ML001586 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.38b. Bottle from the d’André collection (after d’Harcourt and Nique 1934).

(Figure  1.38b).110 It presents a kneeling warrior with a typical Moche conical-headed club in his hands.111 The man has a feline circlet decorated with an animal’s head and paws and equipped with two large ear protectors and, in his mouth, he is holding a small human head with short hair and wire-and-drop circle earrings, which may suggest that, in this case, we are also dealing with an image of a foreigner.

Figure 1.38c. Bottle C-00481 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

ears and a fringed yoke over his short-sleeved tunic. In his right hand, he is holding a bag (perhaps a coca bag) lying in front of him, decorated with a checkerboard pattern, and he has a round shield in his left hand. A club with a large rounded head is lying by his left side. Foreign warriors in a highland landscape Non-Moche warriors were depicted in threedimensional form not only on effigy vessels presenting their individual figures, but also in more complex scenes taking place in the mountains.113 The first four vessels in this group are housed in the Museo Larco collection and depict men without headdresses, with forelocks.114 The first vessel is unusual because of its form which is a double-chamber figure-and-spout bottle. It is decorated with the image of a warrior wearing large wire-and-drop circle earrings, sitting between two mountain peaks and holding a round shield in his left hand (Figure 1.39a).

The presence of a Moche conical-headed club in the hands of the warrior depicted on a heavily damaged bottle from the MNAAHP collection gives rise to similar doubts (Figure 1.38c). However, in this case, the matter seems easy to explain, because it can be seen clearly that it was precisely this fragment of the vessel that was – probably incorrectly – reconstructed. Other elements of the man’s appearance, mainly his wire-and-drop circle earrings and two impressive ponytails falling down on his back, show that he belongs to the group of foreigners.

Two seated individuals between three peaks, touching their mouths with one hand, are presented on the next three stirrup-spout bottles. On the first vessel, both

The fourth of the vessels that give rise to doubts is housed in the British Museum collection and presents a warrior sitting cross-legged, wearing a conical helmet with a chinstrap and decorated with an exceptionally large metal crescent-shaped ornament and three large, slightly concave discs fastened at the sides and at the back.112 The man has wire-and-drop circle earrings in his

online catalogue of the British Museum (https://www.britishmuseum. org/collection/object/E_Am1909-1218-7). 113  Moche warriors in various types of helmets (conical: ML001614, ML001617, ML001619, ML001707, ML001709, ML001710, ML001715 and ML001718; conical with side elements: ML001612, ML001618, ML001711 and ML001719) are also frequently presented in such scenery. 114  I.e. vessels ML001708, ML001712, ML001714 and ML009649.

D’Harcourt and Nique 1934: Pl. II 1. The same kneeling position is also typical of Moche warriors. 112  The photograph of the vessel Am1909,1218.7 can be found in the 110  111 

38

How to Represent an Enemy? warriors only have round shields, while the body of the vessel is additionally decorated with the image of a bicephalous snake (Figure 1.39b). On the other vessel, one of the men has a round shield, the other a square shield, while both are holding clubs with ovoid heads. The third vessel is badly damaged and made reasonably carelessly. Apart from people, it also probably showed four images of land snails. All the figures on the last three vessels have rectangular fringed plaques suspended from their backs. The group of the next six vessels which are similar to each other (four from the Museo Larco,115 one from the Museo de América116 and one from the National Museum of American Indian117) presents a very similar motif – a non-Moche warrior standing between two mountain peaks (Figures  1.40a and 1.40b). Although, unlike the previously described figures, these individuals do not have weapons, the fact that they have backflaps (that are characteristic of warriors) and that they are presented here as observers of the terrain suggests that these representations should be included in the category described here. These men are wearing short tunics, wide pectorals or yokes, feline circlets decorated with animal heads and paws, and wire-and-drop circle earrings. Their left hands are generally lowered, while their right hands are covering their mouths or touching their foreheads in a gesture of an observer.118

Figure 1.39a. Bottle ML001712 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The next eight vessels presenting non-Moche warriors in the mountains are dark grey or black stirrup-spout bottles (most of which were probably originally inlaid or intended to be inlaid). The first three – whose bodies were probably produced using one mould (the figurines were made by hand and added later) – are bottles from the Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire collection in Brussels (Figure 1.41a),119 the British Museum120 and the Världskulturmuseet collection in Gothenburg.121 They present seated warriors in conical helmets decorated at the top with a small cylinder and two lateral rounded elements in the shape of human hands or feline paws, in short tunics and with wide pectorals or yokes, with mountain peaks in the background. The men have round shields on their left forearms, and clubs with ovoid heads in their right hands. The individual on the Gothenburg vessel is wearing large wire-and-drop circle earrings. A standing non-Moche warrior in a very similar dress and type of headgear (but with no lateral elements) is represented on a stirrup-spout bottle housed in the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Figure I.e. vessels ML001613, ML001615, ML001616 and ML001750. Vessel MAM 01293. 117  Vessel 7/2721. 118  A similar theme was also probably represented on the damaged stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo de América collection (Inv. No. MAM 11115). 119  Purin 1979: Pl. XLV. 120  Vessel Am1954,05.47. Scher 2010: 502, Cat. No. 110. 121  Vessel 1925.13.0001. 115  116 

Figure 1.39b. Bottle ML001708 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

39

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour 1.41b). He is wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings and a fringed yoke and holding a club in his left hand. This group also includes a vessel from the Museo Larco collection, representing a foreign warrior (wearing a short tunic, wide pectoral or yoke, feline circlet, and wire-and-drop circle earrings) standing against the background of seven mountain peaks (Fig.  1.42). In his right hand, he is holding an oval object – probably a bowl – pressed to his chest, while his left hand is resting on the head of a naked captive sitting next to him, with a rope around his neck.122 The captive’s identity can be evidenced by the club with a conical head which is set vertically (maybe as a war trophy) on the right side of the main figure. The bodies of the next two, very sophisticated Moche IV stirrup-spout bottles were probably made from the same mould. I have only come across the first of these in the literature,123 while the second one belongs to the Museo Larco (Figures 1.43a and 1.43b). Both vessels are a puzzle which is similar to the one we dealt with in the case of the painted scenes decorating the Lührsen and the Buenos Aires bottles which were probably produced by the same painter. These two vessels were also probably manufactured in one workshop and it cannot be ruled out that they were even produced by the same hand of one talented artist, but they were decorated with completely different deck figures, which radically changed their final appearance and the content of the represented scenes.

Figure 1.40a. Bottle ML001615 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The first of the bottles depicts an impressive figure of, without doubt, a foreign warrior kneeling between two steep mountain peaks. This man is wearing a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings and a headdress decorated with a feline head and paws, a huge fan of feathers or a tassel of fabric at the back and two sticklike elements with circular pendants. He is clenching a miniature human head between his teeth. In his raised hands, he is holding a square shield and a club with an ovoid head and, on his back, he has a fringed plaque decorated with simple geometric motifs. The other vessel is decorated with a figurine representing a kneeling Moche warrior in a conical helmet with large ear protectors and a backflap suspended from his belt. He is holding a square shield and club (the head of which has not been preserved) in his lowered hands. At the feet of both men on both vessels, there are two much smaller silhouettes of warriors standing on either side of a mountain.124 They both have conical helmets The foreign warrior represented on this bottle probably had a shield fastened to his left arm. However, this fragment of the vessel has not been preserved, as was the case with a large part of its stirrup spout. 123  De Lavalle 1995: 121. 124  The figures of the armed individuals presented at the bottom 122 

Figure 1.40b. Bottle ML001616 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

40

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.41a. Bottle A.AM.39-127 (Courtesy Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire – Brussels; after Purin 1979: Pl. XLV).

Figure 1.41b. Bottle C-03262 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.43a. Bottle from a private collection (after: Lavalle 1995:121).

Figure 1.42. Bottle ML001751 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.43b. Bottle ML001688 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

41

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour on their heads, with large ear protectors (which may suggest that they are typical Moche warriors), but they are holding clubs with ovoid heads and flanges on the shafts, which are characteristic of foreigners. Additionally, the warrior standing on the left has a rectangular fringed plaque on his back, which confirms that the Moche artist’s intention was to present non-Moche figures. It is perplexing why these two very similar vessels were probably made in the same place and within a relatively short period of time, being decorated in one case with a dominating image of a foreigner and in the other – of a Moche warrior.

This category of scenes taking place in the mountains should also include a fragment of an intricately made jar from the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (Figures 1.45a and 1.45b). It presents two, probably snow-covered, mountain peaks, two small structures underneath and seven human figures sitting on hillocks. Among them is a woman (sitting at the top, between the peaks) whose robes are fastened with a pair of ticpis (shoulder nail-head shawl pins which are typical of highland dwellers), two young men with forelocks taking coca and four foreign warriors with feline circlets on their heads, holding square shields and clubs. In their teeth, the men are clenching small trophy heads by their hair (in one case) or fringed plaques decorated with images of human heads (in the other three cases).

One of the most complex scenes taking place in the mountains was presented on two stirrup-spout bottles probably made from one mould. The first one is a reduction-fired, black and perfectly preserved vessel which belongs to the Fowler Museum collection in Los Angeles,125 while the other, which was painted and fired in an oxygen-rich atmosphere – unfortunately preserved in a worse condition – is housed in the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Figure 1.44). Three mountain peaks are represented in this scene. The central one is the highest. Foreign warriors (only preserved in full on the Los Angeles vessel) – in feline circlets decorated with heads, paws and tails of animals, wearing wireand-drop circle earrings – are sitting on the two lower peaks shown on either side. Both men are depicted in more or less the same position: they are holding clubs (probably with ribbed heads) in their right hands, they have small round shields on their left forearms and they are touching their lips with their left hands. Six human figures crossing a hilly area are presented on the body of the vessel using the bas-relief technique. These characters do not form pairs of fighting warriors, but they belong to two groups moving towards each other. Three of these individuals are heading to the right and three to the left. This scene probably depicts a clash of typical Moche warriors (approaching in a group from the left, being recognizable because of the conical helmets worn by two of them and clubs with conical heads) and foreigners (who are approaching from the right, with circlets on their heads, which are decorated with images of ulluchu fruits or feline paws, wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings and carrying clubs with rounded or ovoid heads). Only the leaders of the two groups heading towards each other are clearly threatening one another with their weapons. The two groups of warriors are separated by a representation of a fox facing the oncoming foreigners.126

Several dozen bas-relief and sculptured depictions of non-Moche warriors discussed above make it possible to present their image which existed in Moche iconography in more detail. They mainly show several additional types of attributes that are typical of foreigners, which have not appeared in the fineline painted scenes analysed so far, but which will be used in the subsequent analysis as a kind of alterity markers of the presented figures. They are primarily new types of headgear, hairstyle, facial hair and face painting. Secondly, these representations clearly relate foreigners to the highlands, namely to the area that they not only inhabited, but which was also under their control. The potential dangers they posed to the Moche are also marked much more strongly than in the case of the painted scenes. For some reason, at least in some cases, Moche artists (probably at the request of their patrons) decided to present non-Moche warriors as worthy and dangerous rivals who were well-armed and militarily capable. The issue that is related to this process of creating the image of the ‘other’ in Moche art and which is worth drawing greater attention to here is the use of ornaments made of parts of human bodies – which are probably trophies they obtained in battle – by foreigners. This motif appears in Moche iconography purely as a determinant of the otherness of non-Moche warriors and is never observed in the case of typical coastal warriors, or in the representations of foreigners appearing in different roles or in different contexts. In the set of representations described so far, the forearm and the human head that have been cut off have only once been shown as undisputed war trophies obtained in battle. In the scene on the Uhle bottle analysed above, two non-Moche warriors gained such trophies on the battlefield from an enemy who they defeated and killed (Figure 1.12). Much more frequently, forearms and hands (or their representations made of other materials) were presented as elements of

appear to be almost identical on both vessels. Their bodies were rendered using the bas-relief technique, whereas their threedimensional heads were shaped by hand in a slightly different way. 125  Vessel FMLA X86-3819. 126  The arrangement of the characters is somewhat reminiscent of that found on a series of vessels decorated using the bas-relief technique (Figure 1.23). Perhaps the representation of the fox could be related to the scene on the Macedo bottle (Figure 1.17).

42

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.44. Bottle C-54622 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Let us first try to determine what Moche artists were actually depicting. Did their representations of heads present real human heads or perhaps only their imitations – images made of other materials?

foreigners’ headgear. They can be seen in many fineline painted scenes and on one effigy vessel, in a form that does not give rise to any doubt (Figure  1.33). In turn, human heads (or their depictions) may either have been held in the hand or by the hair in the teeth, or they may have been attached to fringed plaques held in the mouth, resting on the chests or backs of foreign warriors, or finally, just like the hands, they may have decorated their headdresses.

Gerdt Kutscher, who studied this matter previously, believed they were real, shrunken trophy heads of the famous tzantza type produced by Jivaro Indians, namely specially prepared scalps obtained from enemies, which underwent long thermal treatment and were miniaturized to the size of a fist.128 Such an interpretation could be supported by both this wellknown ethnographic analogy and the size of the heads presented in Moche art itself (equally in painted, basrelief and three-dimensional forms). If the scale of these depictions had been proportionally maintained in iconography, the heads – both those held by foreign warriors in their teeth and those decorating their fringed plaques or headdresses – should be about a third of the size of real human heads and about 10cm tall.

George F. Lau – both in his already cited article dedicated to the scene on the Lührsen bottle and in his two recently published books – thoroughly discussed the presence of human forearms and heads as trophies in the iconography of Recuay culture with which, as mentioned in the Introduction, the foreigners represented in Moche iconography can be identified.127 There is no doubt that the Recuay frequently obtained trophies and used them to create ornaments, especially headdresses and fringed plaques, as evidenced by Recuay reliefs and stone sculptures, as well as their ceramics. Therefore, the answer to the question of where this motif came from in Moche art is simple: it arose from observing the actual behaviour of the neighbours from the east. The question remains of why some Moche artists decided to present this motif at all, and why at least some of them did it quite willingly.

Elizabeth P. Benson, who dedicated a part of her article The Men who Have Bags in Their Mouths in 1984 to this problem, was of a different opinion. She was inclined to presume that fringed plaques were probably above average sized coca bags decorated not with real trophy heads but with applications in the form of heads probably made of metal – i.e. similar to those found, for example, at the Loma Negra site – and sewn onto fabric.129

The cut-off heads and hands used as ornaments of clothing were almost certainly among the most interesting features of the appearance of non-Moche warriors in the eyes of Moche potters. They fulfilled the function of an extremely exotic marker of their cultural otherness which, admittedly, was just as noticeable as the different hairstyles or different types of weapons that they used, but they almost certainly affected their imagination much more strongly and incited more intense emotions. 127 

It cannot be determined clearly, exclusively on the basis of the available iconographic material, what it was really like, although it is worth drawing attention to two issues supporting Kutscher’s hypotheses. First of all, some of the depicted heads that had been cut off have clearly marked hair (just like the tzantzas) and are 128 

Lau 2004, 2011, 2013.

129 

43

Kutscher 1954. Benson 1984a: 369; Lapiner 1976: Pl. 349, 351, 355 and 358.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.45a. Jar V A 18297 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.45b. Drawing of the jar V A 18297 (after Baessler 1902-1903b: Pl. 38, Fig. 197; drawing by Wilhelm von den Steinen).

individual status of individual owners of fringed plaques decorated with human heads important to them, or was it purely the fact that such ornaments were so clearly visible and easily recognizable that they enabled a foreigner or a whole group of foreigners to be immediately identified in the depictions? It should be noted that there were as many as six plaques of this kind on the Lührsen bottle alone, while heads were presented as a decorative element on only three of them. Two of the three plaques adorned with heads belonged to one of the most splendidly clothed men in the whole scene (individual 1-3), but the third one was suspended from the neck of a character who stood to battle half naked and without a headdress (individual 1-7). It can be clearly seen in both painted and sculptural scenes in which there are fringed plaques that, according to Moche artists, any non-Moche warrior may actually have had such an ornament, regardless of his place in the hierarchy. Both ‘privates’ and ‘officers’ had them. In turn, in many cases, warriors who wore exceptionally rich clothes did not have any.

sometimes held by the hair by some foreign warriors in their teeth. It is worth mentioning that the heads which were represented in Recuay iconography as an ornament of fringed plaques also had hair.130 Secondly, it can be assumed that non-Moche warriors using ornaments of this kind primarily in combat and Moche artists presenting this fact in their works were mainly interested in inciting a strong psychological effect. If the heads held in the teeth or presented on fringed plaques were not real (i.e. they were, for example, woven or embroidered on fabric or had the form of metal applications, as Benson would have liked), they would have had hardly any effect at all. So, they were probably real trophies in all of the cases described above. They almost certainly had the form of either shrunken heads or only facial scalps. Trophy heads were displayed clearly in representations in both Recuay and Moche art. In the case of the former, the intention was almost certainly to clearly mark the status of the warrior wearing such an ornament. But what could Moche artists have meant? Was the

In summary, it appears that, for Moche artists, fringed plaques (and the human heads decorating them) were certainly a particularly characteristic marker of the

Lau 2004: 172, Fig. 8 and 174, Fig. 11; Lau 2011: 161, Fig. 32 and 235, Fig. 66.

130 

44

How to Represent an Enemy? their defeated enemies into trophies and did so almost immediately, on the battlefield. However, because in most cases presented in the iconography these trophies did not come from Moche warriors, they probably did not incite a desire for immediate retaliation or revenge in the observers. The depictions of trophy heads in art may have enticed the coastal dwellers to defend themselves more strongly in the event of an attack, but perhaps they were also supposed to deter them from aggression or explain why expansion eastwards would be extremely difficult and risky. It is possible that anxiety was also accompanied by other emotions: aversion, disgust or a sense of superiority over the ‘barbarians’. These representations may have also given rise to admiration and a kind of jealousy caused by the fact that, unlike the Moche, their opponents were capable of such cruel behaviour. To some extent, the foreigners’ practice may have set them on a par with Moche deities which were sometimes depicted in iconography as decapitating their supernatural enemies defeated in combat.

cultural and ethnic otherness of foreigners, clearly demonstrating their alterity and exoticism, and constituting an important element of attire of their warriors, but they were not seen as an attribute attesting to the individual social position of their owners, and therefore they were assigned to very different-looking individuals in Moche iconography. It is also worth emphasizing that, in the case of the trophy-head representations in which they were depicted a bit more precisely, with greater detail, it can be said that they were the heads of foreigners (this is sometimes demonstrated by their hairstyles, but primarily the wire-and-drop circle earrings in their ears). It seems that this only means that Moche artists wanted to inform vessel users in this way that the trophies sported by foreign warriors came mainly (if not exclusively) from their kinsmen and that they were most probably obtained as a result of the battles that the foreigners fought among themselves. Returning to the psychological aspect of the use of such decorations by non-Moche warriors and representing them in Moche iconography, several hypotheses can be raised. The starting point should be the observation that the objectives of obtaining and using trophies from human bodies can differ from culture to culture and that the trophies can mean different things.131 Based on the available historic and ethnographic analogies, it can be assumed that, among the Recuay, the objectives of individual warriors using trophies were to indicate their place in the hierarchy, provide them with magical protection, and almost certainly also to intimidate the opponent. It cannot be ruled out that the trophies also had many other functions.132 What were they? Moche art will almost certainly not answer this question. Therefore, one can at most wonder what the objective was of the artists of this culture in presenting foreigners adorning their fringed plaques and headgear with limbs and heads of their countrymen. But what reaction did they want to incite in the audience of this art?

Although the iconography and archaeological material discovered in Moche sites demonstrate that the coastal dwellers tortured and killed captives taken prisoner during ritual battles, this only happened during religious ceremonies.133 The lives of the victims were then symbolically in the hands of supernatural beings. The very moment of killing by decapitation or cutting the carotid artery was presented extremely rarely in Moche art, while the activity itself was practically reserved for deities or priests playing their roles. Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that the depictions of foreigners as performing such an act directly on the battlefield was even a kind of accusation of blasphemy raised against them. Perhaps the idea of representing non-Moche warriors with trophy heads held by the hair in their teeth had a similar, accusing nature (it is worth emphasizing that no such representations can be found in Recuay art at all). It cannot be ruled out that this is how Moche artists wanted to accuse their neighbours not only of cruelty but also cannibalism. This would be one of the most typical or even stereotypical, heaviest but also groundless, allegations that people at all latitudes, times and cultures were inclined to level at the ‘others’, sometimes even their close and well-known neighbours.

The first objective that comes to mind is, of course, to incite fear. Perhaps showing foreigners with trophies obtained from their kinsmen meant that Moche artists (and their patrons) wanted to say, ‘Look, if they can do it to their countrymen, think about what they would do to you if they should win.’ The representation on the Uhle bottle shows that this was not an empty threat. Foreigners were, in fact, able to convert the bodies of

Foreign captives In addition to non-Moche warriors (fighting or not, but fully or partially armed), foreigners were also depicted in the battle scenes presented above as having been defeated or overcome and taken prisoner. In Moche iconography, a clear symbol of defeat in battle was the

Chacon and Dye 2007. 132  If the heads and limbs of non-Moche warriors placed on headgear and fringed plaques were actually from other foreigners, the hypothesis could be considered that they were not war trophies but the revered remains of their ancestors or relatives. They may have been stored and presented in this way during battles, giving magical protection to the warriors wearing them. Even if it were the case, Moche artists may not have been aware of such significance. 131 

133 

45

E.g. Bourget 1997, 1998, 2001; Bourget and Millaire 2000.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour receipt of a blow to the head, loss of the headdress, and immediately afterwards being grabbed by the hair by the victor. Upon defeat, the captive was stripped naked and a rope was tied around his neck. He would become a prisoner-of-war.134 Interestingly, foreigners were presented as captives in Moche art exceptionally rarely.135 Among the many fineline painted scenes described above, the figures of foreigners taken prisoner have only appeared on three vessels: on the Amano flaring bowl (Figure  1.8), where there were a total of six prisoners (two in the battle scene and four in the scene where captives are being led), on the Lührsen bottle (Figure 1.1) and the partially preserved Uhle bottle (Figure 1.12), on each of which one captured foreigner was depicted.

a square shield, are placed on the panoply on the lefthand side, while a club with a rounded head, two spears, a tunic and perhaps a small coca bag form part of the panoply on the right. It is worth drawing attention to the pattern that is repeated twice in this scene (which is similar to a Maltese-cross motif), which can be seen on both the trophy shield and the tunic.139 Full-figure, sculptural renderings of prisoners-of-war, depicting completely naked men with ropes around their necks and, sometimes, also with their hands tied behind their backs with a rope, are a frequent theme in Moche iconography but, which is curious, they include a negligible percentage of representations of individuals with clearly marked non-Moche features.140 Based on, for example, the Museo Larco collection – the online catalogue of which enables the quick preparation of simple statistical schedules of this kind – it can be concluded that the share of three-dimensional depictions of captives with clearly marked attributes of foreigners in all the representations of prisoners-ofwar in Moche art is only around 3% (Table 1.1).

Apart from the three scenes mentioned above, only one more published representation decorating a Moche III stirrup-spout bottle which belongs to a private collection can be added to this set (Figures  1.46a and 1.46b).136 This is a vessel decorated with a deck figure depicting a Moche warrior sitting cross-legged, wearing a hemispherical helmet with a transverse crest, and holding a shield on his left forearm. There is a spearthrower in front of him and a bundle on his right.137 The scene painted on the body of the vessel presents three figures: a typical Moche warrior sitting on the ground with a shield in his right hand and a spearthrower in his left hand, a standing figure in rather unusual headgear (typical of some Moche warriors),138 equipped with a backflap and holding a net bag in his right hand with a ceramic vessel placed inside it, and finally a seated foreign captive with a rope around his neck, drinking something from a small jar. The scene is supplemented with the representations of two weapon bundles positioned between the figures. The alterity of the naked prisoner can primarily be evidenced by his hairstyle with a clearly marked tonsure and weapons hanging from both Moche clubs as war trophies. A club with a star-shaped head, as well as three spears and

The data in the table shows that the full-figure depictions of naked captives were primarily rendered in the form of jars (84% of all representations) and much 139  In this context, two scenes depicting an army camp presented on two sides of the body of the stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection (Inv. No. 1/476 [3931] – C-54645; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 116a and 116b; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 85, Fig.  4.21) are also noteworthy representations. They show a total of seven Moche warriors (recognizable by their conical-headed clubs, helmets decorated with crescent ornaments and trapezoidal backflaps) and four naked captives. However, the identity of the latter is uncertain, therefore these scenes have not been included in the set of the representations of non-Moche captives that have been described in this study. The weapon bundles carried by the men or set upright in the camp include weapons that are both typical of the Moche (conical helmets, conical-headed clubs) and non-Moche warriors (clubs with ovoid heads), although the latter are decidedly less numerous. It is also worth drawing attention to the trophies on the camp fence, namely a human head and forearm. Based on what is known from the iconography, Moche warriors did not take trophies of this type in battles but, as shown above, this was typical of foreigners. 140  Three-dimensional representations of captives in Moche art appear both on ceramic vessels and in the form of wooden sculptures (e.g. Benson 1972: 77, Fig.  4-6). Apart from the depictions of completely naked captives, there is also a large group of images of socalled ‘well-dressed captives’ (Benson 1982). There are 59 of them in the Museo Larco collection (44 jars, 12 stirrup-spout bottles and three decorated trumpets). Almost 40 of them present men with ropes around their necks and hands tied behind their backs, while 20 have their hands free (resting on their knees or holding a rope). Among the known depictions of ‘well-dressed captives’, there is not a single one that could, without doubt, be considered an image of a foreigner. Although the Museo Larco collection contains a representation of a fully dressed man in a headdress and with ear ornaments which are typical of foreigners (vessel ML000805), which is described as the image of a captive in the online catalogue, I decided not to include it in this group. This vessel depicts a man sitting cross-legged with his hands folded on his knees and a rope around his neck, but the rope is hanging down from his back in such a way that there is absolutely no certainty that this man is actually a captive (he certainly does not look like a warrior taken prisoner; he is wearing a mantle tied under his neck, which is never used in battle, and headgear not worn by non-Moche warriors).

Wołoszyn 2009. Moche art has many representations of Moche captives. One publication may contain a dozen or so depictions of this kind (e.g. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 33, Fig. 2.18; 56, Fig. 3.29; 62, Fig. 3.39; 63, Fig. 3.40; 71, Fig. 3.51; 76, Fig. 4.2; 77, Fig. 4.6; 130, Figs 4.100 and 4.101; 133, Fig. 4.105; 202, Figs 6.22 and 6.23; 210, Fig. 6.39; 233, Fig. 6.73 and 245, Fig. 6.96). Furthermore, it is also worth noting that not all captives presented in Moche iconography were naked. In the scene on a vessel from the Moche III phase (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 200, Fig. 6.21) a warrior in full armour is being led on a rope and he is even carrying his own weapons. In turn, in the scene on a Moche IV vessel (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 134, Fig. 134), dressed prisoners (but without headgear) are leaving the battlefield, led by the victors not on a rope around their necks, but by the hand. 136  Donnan and McClelland 1999: 72, Fig. 3.52. 137  This bundle probably contains a ceramic vessel and a sceptreknife – a tool resembling a chisel with a handle ending in a conicalheaded club. 138  E.g. Donnan 2004: 158, Figs 8.31 and 8.32; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 107, Fig.  4.60; 133, Fig.  4.105. The effigy depiction of the headdress of this type was shown, amongst others, on one portrait vessel (Donnan 2004: 148, Fig. 8.14). 134  135 

46

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.46a. Bottle from Figure 1.46b. Scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, a private collection Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0586d_B by Donna McClelland). (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, after can be clearly seen that the authors of these depictions Donnan and McClelland made an effort to distinguish non-Moche captives from 1999: 72, Fig. 3.52).

the more frequently depicted Moche prisoners as much as possible with the artistic means available to them.142

less frequently in the form of stirrup-spout bottles (16%). Among the depictions of naked captives without any explicit features of foreigners, the percentage of jars was even slightly higher and amounted to approximately 87% (96:110) and in the group of their representations with ropes around their necks and hands tied behind their backs it was even as high as 97% (84:87).

Just eight representations of foreign prisoners known from other collections and the literature can be added to this very small category of depictions. They all show naked men with a forelock, ropes around their necks and hands tied behind their backs. In the case of stirrup-spout bottles, one such vessel, held in the Sixtilio Dalmau collection in Lima, presents a man with marks from ear ornaments that have been removed (Figure 1.48a),143 while the other two show individuals with two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings, moustaches and goatees (Figures  1.48b and 1.48c).144 On the fourth vessel – an artistically weak stirrupspout bottle from the Virú Valley, currently held in the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection – the foreign captive shown in the form of a deck figure has no ear ornaments, but his forelock and moustache are clearly marked.145

In the case of vessels showing non-Moche naked captives, these proportions are completely different. All four vessels from the Museo Larco collection presenting this motif are stirrup-spout bottles (Figures  1.47a-1.47d). They depict men with ropes around their necks and hands tied behind their backs. Except for the artistically weakest bottle ML002032 (Figure 1.47b), three of them depict men with a characteristic forelock (the individual on vessel ML002043 also has a clearly marked tonsure; Figure 1.47c). The individual on vessel ML002025 (Figure 1.47a) has marks in his ears from ornaments that have been removed, while the other three vessels depict foreigners wearing two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings in their ears.141 On the one hand, it is worth emphasizing that none of the foreign warriors described above (found in fineline painted scenes) had ear ornaments of this type, while on the other, it should be noted that having ear ornaments clearly distinguishes foreign naked captives from Moche prisoners (none of the 110 Moche captives have any). This can be evidence of the exceptional treatment of foreigners taken prisoner-of-war.

The next four vessels showing naked foreign captives are jars (the form which was absent from the Museo Larco collection). All the men presented on them have forelocks, goatees and moustaches and, just like those described earlier, ropes around their necks and their hands tied behind their backs. These depictions were published by Christopher B. Donnan in his book on portrait vessels, who assumed that they were all images of a real character whom he called ‘Bigote’.146 The first of these vessels belongs to the Museum of Man in San Diego, California and presents a man with one pair 142  Mustaches and goatees are depicted on vessels ML002043 and ML002045. 143  Sawyer 1968: 41, Cat. No. 240. 144  The first vessel was published by Anton (1962: Taf. 33), the second one (Inv. No. C-00931 from the MNAAHP collection) by Donnan (2004: 121, Fig. 7.16). 145  Vessel 09-3-30/75604.10. 146  Donnan 2004: 120, Fig. 7.14; 122-123, Figs 7.17-7.19.

An additional, highly interesting element emphasizing the distinctiveness of foreigners from other naked captives represented in Moche art is their facial hair. It 141 

Vessels ML002032, ML002043 and ML002045.

47

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Table 1.1. Three-dimensional representations of naked captives according to the online catalogue of the Museo Larco collection.

Naked captives

Jars (96)

Stirrup-spout bottles (18)

114

Moche captives:

96

14

110

Rope around the neck, hands tied behind the back

84

3

87

Rope around the neck, hands free

10

11

21

Unusual representations

2

-

2

Foreign captives:

-

4

4

Rope around the neck, hands tied behind the back

-

4

4

*

*

Two unusual representations of captives can be seen on vessel ML002062 (the seated man’s arm are tied to a horizontal wooden beam) and ML001886 (the seated captive has his arms folded on his chest and simultaneously, in the view from the rear, they are tied behind his back, so he has a total of four arms).

questioned for the first time.150 Since, as demonstrated above, foreigners appeared quite sporadically as prisoners-of-war, it seems reasonable to argue in favour of the opposite case: the hairstyle with a forelock was exceptionally unusual for prisoners depicted in Moche iconography.

of exceptionally large wire-and-drop circle earrings and body painting,147 while the other three which, according to the cited author, may have been made from one mould, belong to three different collections: the Museo Casinelli in Trujillo, the Museo de Arqueología y Antropología de la UNMSM in Lima and the GRASSI Museum für Völkerkunde in Leipzig. They depict men with forelocks, goatees, moustaches and two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings.

Secondly, the information collected so far on the characteristics of foreigners – both warriors and captives – enables the hypothesis put forward by Donnan (that most vessels in the group in question presented the same, real character which, in his book on portrait vessels, was dubbed ‘Bigote’) to be rejected as being groundless.151 As demonstrated above, the hairstyle in the form of a forelock, the stubble and the use of wire-and-drop circle earrings were status markers of the whole group of foreigners and not individual features assigned to a specific, selected, actually existing person.152

In summary, it should be pointed out that the depictions of foreigners constitute a negligible percentage of both the painted and full-figure depictions of naked captives in Moche art. The main status markers of these individuals are the characteristic hairstyles, facial hair and typical ear ornaments. Several important conclusions can be drawn from the above description. First of all, the argument which is quite frequently found in the literature that the forelock was a hairstyle typical of captives or the so-called ‘eventual sacrificial victims’ can finally be rejected on its basis.148 Such an opinion was first presented by Alan R. Sawyer in the 1960s, but it was popularized and strengthened primarily by Elizabeth P. Benson.149 This hypothesis probably arose from the incorrect identification of this form of hairstyle with the custom of grabbing defeated warriors by the hair on the battlefield. It was only recently that this matter was

The third conclusion that can be drawn from the above considerations has consequences regarding the interpretation of the portrait vessels representing only the heads of individual characters. In the case of the depictions of Moche captives, the interpretation is relatively straightforward: the captive’s head is simply the head of a man without a headdress, frequently also devoid of any ear ornaments.153 However, in the case of the heads of foreigners, the matter is not so clear. Without a headdress, foreigners could appear as either free people or prisoners-of-war. After being taken prisoner, they were stripped naked, but for some reason they were generally allowed to keep their ear

This vessel was also published earlier by Donnan (2001: 135, Fig. 17). Bourget 2006. 149  Inter alia: ‘hairdress associated with prisoners-of-war, sort of soupbowl haircut with a tuft over the center brow’ (Benson 1972: 110); ‘the tufted haircut may have been part of the trophy-head ritual’ (Benson 1974: 26). When writing about the representations of a foreign woman with a child, the author states: ‘the little figure usually has the forelock seen on prisoners-of-war and/or sacrificial victims; the figures may appear child-sized because of the supernatural proportions of the women’ (Benson 1988: 66). The misinterpretation of this element of the hairstyle ultimately led Benson (Berrin 1997: 154-155) to mistakenly connect three themes: the Ritual Battle, the Coca Ceremony and the Human Sacrifice. 147  148 

150  Scher 2010: 202-203; Wołoszyn 2008a: 126, 182-184. Scher emphasizes that the depictions with a forelock clearly differ from the representations of the strands of hair by which the defeated enemies are grabbed in the battle against Moche warriors. 151  Donnan 2004: 117-123. 152  Wołoszyn 2005. 153  Wołoszyn 2008a: 178-180, 302-305.

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How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.47a. Bottle ML002025 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.47b. Bottle ML002032 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.47d. Bottle ML002045 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.47c. Bottle ML002043 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

49

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.48a. Bottle from the Sixtilio Dalmau collection – Lima (after Sawyer 1968: 41).

Figure 1.48b. Bottle from a private collection (after Anton 1962: Taf. 33).

Figure 1.48c. Bottle C-00931 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

ornaments, so the appearance of the head itself did not change at all.154

these men are certainly war captives, they are usually described precisely in this way.155

Foreigners and large felines

Two vessels from the Museo Larco collection present naked men with forelocks. Their only decoration is face painting which, in both cases, is of the form of a Maltese cross and two circles painted on the corners of their mouths (Figures 1.49a and 1.49b). The large feline sitting behind the man presented on bottle ML002804 is spotted and is raising its head above the man’s right shoulder, while the one with its paws on the man on bottle ML012989 has monochrome, light-coloured fur and looks as if it is attacking him.

In addition to the very few images of foreign captives described above, Moche iconography also has an interesting group of depictions (preserved exclusively in the form of stirrup-spout bottles) which appear to be somehow related to the topics discussed in this chapter. These depictions usually present a naked foreigner and a large feline sitting behind him, with its front paws resting on the man’s shoulders. The Museo Larco collection contains two such vessels, while five more, very similar ones, are known from other collections and publications. These representations are primarily related by the positioning of the body in which all the men were portrayed. In the majority of cases, they are sitting cross-legged, while their hands are joined as if they are praying. Their heads are usually tilted to the left, while their teeth can be seen through their slightly opened mouths. Their left eyes are generally squinting. Although, from a formal perspective, in the case of most representations of this type, it cannot be said that

Three other vessels representing naked foreigners in the paws of large felines are more similar to the first of the bottles described. They depict naked men sitting cross-legged, with their hands joined and their left eyes squinting, while the animal standing behind them is raising its head above the man’s shoulder but is not harming him. The first of the artefacts is a wonderful vessel in the collection of the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at the University of Cambridge, Although the represented individuals are generally naked, their hands are usually free, and they do not have ropes around their necks. The Museo Larco online catalogue describes the individual on vessel ML002804 as ‘a one-eyed captive accompanied by a large feline’, while the man on vessel ML012989 – as ‘a one-eyed person being attacked by a large feline’.

155 

As the vast majority of full-figure depictions of foreigners with a forelock and wire-and-drop circle earrings but without a headdress are representations of free individuals in Moche art, it can be assumed that the portrait vessels depicting such men were also images of free people.

154 

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How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.49a. Bottle ML002804 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.49b. Bottle ML012989 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

published and best known.159 This vessel actually presents a captive. The man is squatting and not sitting cross-legged like the others in this group, has a rope around his neck, while his hands are tied behind his back (Figure 1.51).160 His eyes are open and his head is raised. His teeth can be seen in his open mouth and his face has a clearly painted Maltese-cross motif. A large feline (with a dark coat and a light-coloured, spotted abdomen) is sitting on his right and is probably biting his neck.

presenting a man with geometric motifs painted on his chest and wrists (Figure  1.50a).156 The second vessel, which originally belonged to the WassermanSan Blas collection and then to the Nathan Cummings collection, also portrays a man with a painted body (Figure  1.50b),157 but in this case the decorations are much richer. The man has a checkerboard motif on his chest, while his whole arms are covered with geometric and zoomorphic patterns (including representations of monkeys). His left thigh has depictions of lizards and centipedes on it, while his calves are covered with crescent-shaped stripes. He has a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings in his ears. The third vessel originally belonged to the Eduard Gaffron collection, but is now housed in the GRASSI Museum für Völkerkunde collection in Leipzig (Figure 1.50c).158

The last of the vessels that are strictly related to this topic presents a foreigner without a rope around his neck, squinting his left eye, with his hands joined as if to pray, but fully dressed. This bottle belongs to the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin.161 The man has a typical forelock and a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings, he is wearing a long tunic decorated with a checkerboard motif, while his face is painted with two large circles. A spotted feline is sitting behind him and is probably biting his right shoulder (Figure 1.52).

The next representation that can be included in this group is the depiction on a stirrup-spout bottle which belongs to the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection, which is unusual because of the man’s pose, and is perhaps the most frequently

Vessel 16-62-30/F727. Donnan 1976: 126, Fig.  110; Donnan 1978: 169, Fig. 247. 160  In the online catalogue, this artefact is described as a stirrup spout bottle ‘in the form of a jaguar with a captive warrior’. 161  Benson 1974: 14, Figs 13 and 14. 159 

Vessel 1924.225. Benson 1974: 11, Fig. 11; Bushnell 1975: Pl. 23. Benson 1974: 12-13, Fig. 12; Wasserman-San Blas 1938: Fig. 463. 158  Vessel SAm 24196. Schmitz 2001: 82, Abb. 40. 156  157 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.50a. Bottle 1924.225 Figure 1.50b. Bottle from the Wassermann(Courtesy University of Cambridge San Blas collection (after WassermannMuseum of Archaeology and Anthropology). San Blas 1938: Fig. 463).

Figure 1.50c. Bottle SAm 24196 (Courtesy GRASSI Museum für Völkerkunde – Leipzig).

It should be pointed out that not all the men depicted in Moche iconography in such a pose and situation have features suggesting that they belong to the group of foreigners. At least two close analogies to these representations are known, which present individuals without a forelock, face painting or characteristic ear ornaments. The first of these is a stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection in Lima.162 It represents a man in a long-sleeved tunic and a short skirt richly decorated with geometric motifs. The man has open eyes, a closed mouth and no headgear, while the characteristic feature of his hairstyle is long strands of hair in front of his ears (which foreigners do not have, and which makes him similar to Moche prisonersof-war). The animal sitting behind him appears to be eating something that it is holding in its left paw. The second vessel which is housed in the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin is a spout-and-handle bottle with a deck figure depicting a Moche warrior (in a conical helmet, tunic and skirt, with a pectoral on his chest and bracelets on his wrists), as well as a large spotted feline sitting behind him, probably biting his left shoulder. The man’s mouth is closed, while his eyes are open, and his hands are joined as if he is praying (Figure 1.53). Moving on to the analysis of these depictions, it should be stressed that Moche art does not have many representations which show interactions between 162 

Figure 1.51. Bottle PM 16-62-30/F727 (Courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University; Gift of the Friends of the Museum, 1916. © President and Fellows of Harvard College, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology).

Benson 1974: 19, Fig. 19; de Lavalle 1985: 128.

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How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.52. Bottle V A 18043 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 1.53. Bottle V A 18042 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Two men sitting opposite two powerful spotted felines are depicted on the bottle from the Art Institute of Chicago collection (Figures  1.54a and 1.54b).166 Their poses somewhat resemble those of the characters from the series of representations of foreigners described above (the left profiles of both individuals are presented; their eyes are closed and they have parted lips), but certain important differences can also be seen here: the men are dressed, they are wearing tunics, probably decorated with metal discs and dark loincloths. It seems that they may both be Moche captives (they do not have headdresses, their characteristic long hair, which foreigners do not have, can be seen, while holes are marked in their ears, which remain from the ornaments that were removed). One of the individuals has a rope around his neck, while his hands, which cannot be seen, are probably tied up. The other man is not tied and is holding his hands in the already known gesture of prayer. Another artefact, namely a bone spatula decorated with an engraved ornament, shows a figure of a seated captive (also without visible features of a non-Moche individual), placed between two felines licking their lips.167

people and large felines (small felines are much more common, which will be discussed in Chapter 3). Of the fineline painted scenes presenting such situations, it is worth mentioning the representation of two welldressed Moche warriors, probably being attacked by a pair of animals that are much stronger than them,163 the image of three large felines among human heads and limbs that have been cut off164 and three other animals with the silhouette of a naked man, a human head and two human legs that have been cut off, presented on jar ML007686. In some versions of the Presentation Theme/ Sacrifice Ceremony, a large, realistically presented feline sitting on its hind legs is drawing blood from the neck of a naked captive into a flat bowl that it is holding, but this sacrifice is more frequently performed by an anthropomorphized animal.165 163  This scene is presented on vessel ML002168 from the Museo Larco collection (Larco 1939: 146, Fig. 199). 164  This scene is presented on the bottle from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection (Inv.  No.  46-77-30/4968; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 12). 165  Donnan 1976: 120-121, Figs 105a and 105b; Donnan 1978: 162-163, Fig. 240; cf. also vessel ML002912. The best known example of such a scene is the repeatedly published version of the Presentation Theme on the stirrup-spout bottle from the Staatlisches Museum für Völkerkunde collection in Munich (Inv. No.  30.29.8; e.g. Donnan 1976: 118-119, Figs 104a and 104b; Donnan 1978: 159-161, Figs 239 a-c; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 131, Fig. 4.102; Kutscher 1955a: 24-25; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 299). An anthropomorphized feline also appears in this role in a less-known version of the Presentation Theme (vessel ML010847; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 89, Fig. 4.29) and in a variation of the scene in which only five characters are participating

(vessel ML010850). 166  Vessel 1955.2264. Kutscher 1983: Abb.  122; Donnan 1978: 168, Fig. 245. 167  Donnan 1976: 114, Fig. 102; Donnan 1978: 155, Fig. 236.

53

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 1.54a. Bottle 1955.2264 (Courtesy Art Institute of Chicago).

Figure 1.54b. Scene decorating bottle 1955.2264 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0006d_B by Donna McClelland).

Several effigy depictions displaying anthropomorphic figures and large felines should also be mentioned here by analogy. These include a Moche I stirrup-spout bottle from the National Museum of American Indian collection, depicting a powerful animal standing on its hind legs and resting its paws on a human head with short legs.168 A slightly similar representation is found on a small turquoise sculpture inlaid with nacre, which is found in the Robert Woods Bliss Collection of Pre-Columbian Art deposited at Dumbarton Oaks and represents a feline resting its paws on the shoulders of a man with his hands joined.169 The anthropomorphized powerful feline on jar ML009743 is holding a small, frontally depicted figure of a probably dead, completely dressed Moche warrior in its paws (Figure 1.55a), while another, also fully clothed Moche warrior, holding a weapon, also probably already dead, is being attacked or devoured by a feline in a scene which is taking place in a hilly landscape, depicted on bottle ML001780 (Figure 1.55b). Several representations are also known in which a large feline lying down is holding a larger or smaller human figure in its front paws (examples can be two vessels from the Museo Larco collection, probably originating from one mould: ML007864 and ML007934; Figure  1.55c). At least two representations are also known, in which a powerful animal is holding

down a man, who is lying on his back, with its body. This scene decorates a stirrup-spout bottle ML007830 from the Museo Larco collection and the head of a wooden ceremonial digging stick from the Laura and Raymond Wielgus collection.170 In 1974, Elizabeth P. Benson published an insightful article on depictions of humans and felines in Moche art.171 Both in that article and in her later works, the author claimed that the men with forelocks depicted on these representations may have been blind in one eye,172 while, based on certain features of their appearance (primarily hairstyle and face painting), as well as their poses (hands folded), she linked this scene to the Coca Ceremony. Since most individuals portrayed in the company of large felines were naked, she supposed that the theme in question could be related to a narrative cycle: a ritual battle – capturing prisoners – human sacrifice, in which men sentenced to death were also stripped of their clothes. In a work published over 20 years later, Benson added that, because in many of these depictions the animal does not hurt the man in any way, while the man is not defending himself against it, the hypothesis that we are dealing with an attack scene does not have to be the only option: In Moche thought, the jaguar was surely both attacker and protector and, in depictions like this [vessel ML002804], it is not easy to tell which role it is playing. Jaguars usually attack the neck or head of the victim, and this one is in position for

Vessel 5/1888 (Benson 1974: 10, Figs 9 and 10). The head has closed eyes and a closed mouth, a simple hairstyle covering the ears and a painted face. Representations of this type have not yet been convincingly interpreted. There is a reasonably large number of images of the type shown, for example, on vessels ML000282ML000305, ML000326-ML000337 and ML000363-ML000368 from the Museo Larco collection. They are neither representations of squatting figures (as suggested by that museum’s online catalogue), nor portrait vessels or similar ‘generic heads’ as proposed by Donnan (2004: 16, Figs 2.8 and 2.9), but rather images of some supernatural beings. This can be evidenced by the almost identical representations with clearly marked predator fangs in their mouths (e.g. ML003029 and ML003030). 169  Artefact PC.B.534 from the Dumbarton Oaks collection was described in detail by Benson (1974: 4-5, Fig. 1-3). 168 

170  Benson 1974: 18, Fig.  18; de Lavalle 1985: 235. This exceptional artefact is currently in the Raymond and Laura Wielgus Gallery in the Indiana University Art Museum collection in Bloomington (Inv. No. 99.1). 171  Benson’s article was largely about the depictions of foreigners that were described above. The author did not just mention the vessel from the Leipzig museum among the representations in this category. 172  Benson (1974: 12) stated that ‘blindness seems to have had mystical significance’.

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How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.55a. Jar ML009743 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 1.55b. Bottle ML001780 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

attack. On the other hand, the jaguar, looking out over the man’s shoulder and holding him with both paws, seems to claim and protect the man. It is possible to entertain both views. This scene may depict part of shamanic initiation, given a widespread belief that surviving an encounter with a jaguar qualifies the survivor as a shaman.173 In her article from 1974, Benson did not emphasize any special differences between the depictions of men with and without a forelock and, while trying to explain the symbolism of the depictions of felines, she referred to examples of somewhat similar representations known from other cultures of northern Peru such as GallinazoVirú, Vicús, or Recuay.174 She believed that the hieratic images of a powerful animal in the role of a guardian holding a small human figure in front of it might refer to the idea of an alter ego (a double) of a given man (particularly a shaman), the spiritual kinship between a male warrior and a dangerous predator, or finally the Berrin 1997: 139. The term ‘jaguar’ used by Benson should be treated as a presumption; differences in the colour of the individual animals depicted in the scenes in question give rise to doubts as to the correctness of such identification of the species. 174  Benson 1974: 6-9, Fig. 4-8. Benson (1974: 21-22, Figs 21 and 22) also referred to examples of depictions from later cultures, such as Tiwanaku or Wari, in which the depictions of a usually anthropomorphized feline (Spanish chachapuma) holding a human head were a frequent motif. 173 

Figure 1.55c. Bottle ML007934 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

55

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour representation of the totem animal of the tribe or clan. It is worth emphasizing that all the alleged analogies presented by Benson – originating from other cultures – depicted men standing (and not sitting cross-legged), dressed, wearing headgear and large earspools, almost certainly being free and not captives. Despite some general similarity, in my opinion, none of the analogies mentioned by this scholar can be directly related to Moche depictions, with individuals seated, naked and practically deprived of all ornaments. When analysing the scenes discussed above, it is worth noting one puzzling detail in them. It should be reiterated that the characteristic feature of five out of the six representations of foreigners in a feline grip was that the man’s left eye was closed. This very clearly marked detail did not appear in any of the representations referred to later, either in Moche or in any of the other cultures mentioned. Most authors considered the squinting eye of the protagonist in the scene to be a sign of his blindness in one eye. They would assign some additional symbolic meaning to this feature (such as, for example, predestination to be a shaman). It would be worth considering whether such a hypothesis is correct. Figure 1.56a. Bottle ML002805 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The online catalogue of the Museo Larco collection has 75 Moche vessels depicting characters with closed eyes, sometimes with very characteristic, as if ‘absent’, facial expressions, which are described there – probably rightly so – as representations of blind people (Spanish ciegos), as well as 16 vessels portraying men with one eye squinting, described as representations of oneeyed men (Spanish tuertos). It should be emphasized that there is no individual among the blind who can be considered a foreigner on the basis of his appearance, whereas among the one-eyed representations (other than the two naked men with the large felines already described above) there are only two such depictions.

1.56c).175 It shows a man squatting in a long tunic with a simple circlet on his head. A coca bag is suspended from his left shoulder. Just like in the case of all other ‘one-eyed’ foreigners, the man’s left eye is closed. Of course, in none of the cases described above can it be concluded that the foreigner depicted on the vessels is really one-eyed or simply has a closed left eye. However, it is worth noting that of the 16 one-eyed representations in the Museo Larco collection, other than the four foreigners mentioned, only three men have their left eyes closed, while nine have their right eyes closed.176 Except for the man on bottle ML004257 depicting the scene of a woman copulating with a oneeyed man who has the features of a Moche captive (no headdress, marks from removed ear ornaments),177 as well as the four foreigners mentioned here, all other one-eyed individuals have some headgear that is typical of Moche priests.178 In turn, of the 75 blind men, all but one have such headgear (the exception is

The first of these was presented on a stirrup-spout bottle which shows a man with a forelock, his left eye closed and his lips slightly parted. He has two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings, is wearing a long-sleeved tunic and has a large coca bag suspended from his neck, as well as a rectangular fringed plaque decorated with a geometric motif. The man is probably holding a small lime container in his right hand, together with a spatula inserted inside it (Figure 1.56a). The second vessel is a portrait vessel, a jar depicting the head of a man with a forelock, with slightly parted lips and a closed left eye (Figure 1.56b).

De Bock 1988: 40, Cat. No. 51; d’Harcourt 1939:158, Fig. 56b. The motif of the left eye closed is represented on vessels ML002806, ML000428 and ML004257, while the motif of the right eye closed can be observed on vessels ML000138, ML000435, ML000925, ML002802, ML002803, ML002807-ML002809 and ML012981. 177  According to Bourget (2006: 97-98, Fig. 2.38), the man depicted is an ‘eventual sacrificial victim’. 178  Wołoszyn 2008a. 175  176 

In addition to these two vessels, a third representation of a ‘one-eyed’ foreigner from the Museum Volkenkunde collection in Leiden can be included in this group (Figure

56

How to Represent an Enemy?

Figure 1.56c. Bottle RV-3277-4 (Courtesy Collection Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen).

Figure 1.56b. Jar ML000425 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

the man with the uncovered head depicted on portrait vessel ML000419). Since the foreigners who appear frequently in Moche iconography were never shown as being blind (it is extremely interesting that they were practically never presented as suffering from any ailment whatsoever), it seems reasonable to conclude that this feature was not associated with them at all in the symbolic sense.179

a.

b.

As the above list shows, the one-eyed individuals in the sample of vessels from the Museo Larco were presented about five times less frequently in Moche iconography than blind men. In the one-eyed group (except for the images of foreigners under discussion), blindness in the right eye was three times more frequent than in the left eye, while all known representations of one-eyed foreigners – of whom nine have been discussed here – present men with the left eye closed. The following conclusions can be drawn on this basis:

c.

179  Blindness or monocularity in Moche iconography was certainly a symbolically distinctive and important feature, perhaps predestining a person affected with them to perform specific priestly functions. For example, among the portrait vessels representing Moche priests in Group C (wearing H-IV-4a type headdress), as many as 35% of the images were of blind and one-eyed individuals.

57

except for one very special context (the motif of a man gripped by a large feline), the presumed monocularity, just like total blindness, was not a trait that was associated with foreigners in Moche art; since monocularity was presented quite seldom in Moche iconography, while blindness in the left eye was depicted extremely rarely, the fact that all known images of one-eyed foreigners represent blindness in the left eye should not be considered accidental; if different artists producing representations of foreigners in the clutches of large felines made a point of clearly indicating this rare feature, then there are grounds to believe that there was some idea that they all knew (oral information, a myth), to which they were referring. It probably concerned one specific individual, probably the protagonist of some widelyknown story, who experienced precisely such an encounter with a predator. He was probably a historical, legendary or mythical character. The differences in the details of the individual representations of this scene indicate that they were not made from a living sitter, nor were they carelessly made copies of some existing model;

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour d.

the argument about the mythological or symbolic character of this scene seems to be additionally substantiated by the fact that all foreigners presented in the grips of large felines are defenceless and are not defending themselves against the animal’s attack; on the contrary, they are presented in a praying pose, while the expressions on their faces are neutral or even satisfied.

hand) was presented three times more frequently than blindness in the left eye. If it were to be assumed that the situations and characters depicted on Moche ceramics reflected the realities of everyday life, the following could be inferred: a.

If the five scenes mentioned at the beginning actually referred to one and the same specific figure, how should the other two representations – of a naked and bound foreigner with open eyes (Figure  1.51) and the dressed foreigner with a closed left eye (Figure  1.52) – be interpreted? Essentially, there can be two explanations: either these depictions were related to the same event and the same character as the previous ones, but were prepared by artists who knew a slightly different version of the story or they were simply not so well-informed (they knew that the man who had encountered the animal was a foreigner, but they did not know whether he was free or tied, naked or clothed, one-eyed or healthy during the encounter), or they depicted two different characters who also experienced such an episode in their lives or which were represented in a situation referring to a well-known historical or mythical event. Similar representations mentioned above, in which Moche individuals are depicted, support the latter interpretation.

b.

It is worth noting that there are many images in Moche art of figures sitting and standing with their eyes closed. Some of them are sleeping, others may be blind, while still others (especially those holding musical instruments in their hands) are probably in a trance.180 At this point, it is also worth mentioning a group of vessels (almost exclusively jars) which present men covering one of their eyes with their hand. I have come across 14 such representations to date, of which five depict foreigners. In four cases, they have a forelock,181 whereas they all have characteristic pendant crescent earrings. All the foreigners depicted in this way are covering their right eye with their right hand. Three other vessels in this group represent Moche priests (in almost identical headgear) who are also covering their right eyes.182 Of the other six figures, three are covering their right eyes,183 while three are covering their left eyes.184 As in the case of the one-eyed representations discussed above, it can, therefore, be seen that, in Moche art, blindness in the right eye (permanent – as a result of real blindness, or even temporary – arising from closing the eye or covering the eye with the

c.

in cases of the presentation of total blindness, the artists probably wanted to show individuals who were born blind or who went blind as a result of illness, an accident or deliberate action. There are no representations in Moche art of individuals being blinded or mutilated in any other way (only torture leading to death was depicted), and it is impossible to determine which cause of blindness was the most likely; the situation is different in the case of oneeyedness. Monocularity from birth is an extremely rare condition, so there are almost certainly only three possibilities of the loss of sight in one eye: illness, an accident or deliberate blinding. One of the first two reasons (illness or an accident) would probably mean that the number of individuals seeing only with the right or left eye would be the same or very similar. However, a significant and almost certainly not accidental disproportion can be noticed in Moche iconography, where there are around three times more people blind in the right eye than in the left. This leads one to the hypothesis that, in Moche culture, some individuals were most probably deliberately blinded. This was presumably done for ritual reasons to individuals who almost certainly belonged to specific groups of priests; the numerous depictions encountered in Moche art of individuals with closed eyes (sleeping or in a trance) and men covering one eye with their hand seem to suggest that even ‘temporary blindness’ or one-eyedness was probably of some ritual nature. Since, as we have concluded, there were no blind people among non-Moche individuals and, apart from the men described here (who were depicted as being in the grasps of large felines) presumed monocularity can only be found in three depictions, it seems much more likely that, in this particular case, Moche artists were not presenting a real ailment but a squinting gesture that was performed in some specific circumstances.

Squinting of the eye or both eyes (or possibly looking downwards) can be interpreted as a sign of demonstrating weakness or an expression of subordination to a being of a higher status. Monocularity (whether permanent or temporary) could be a sign of belonging to two worlds: the living and the dead, the real world and

This topic will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 2. I.e. vessels ML001888, ML001913, V A 17749 and V A 17750. 182  I.e. vessels ML005629, ML005708 and ML012268. 183  I.e. vessels ML005889, ML012278 and ML013047. 184  I.e. vessels ML001959, ML012276 and ML012277. 180  181 

58

How to Represent an Enemy? of the animal’s aggression towards humans can be seen in any of these images. On the other hand, all the depictions mentioned above, in which a large feline was clearly attacking a man or even tearing his body apart, presented individuals who did not have any features typical of foreigners. This could support Benson’s hypothesis that, in some of the scenes described, the large feline played the role of a guardian rather than attacking animal. It seems very likely that, in Moche iconograph and worldview, there was a strong symbolic relationship between felines and foreigners, just like that between foreigners and monkeys (which will be described in Chapter 2) or Andean camelids (which will be presented in Chapter 3).

a trance. In the case of the representations of the naked foreigners described here in the grasps of large felines, with their hands put together as if to pray, this could be interpreted as a representation of their extreme defencelessness, a sign of being on the verge of life and death or as a symbol of their ultimate surrender to the will of higher forces (personified by a predator). On the other hand, it could also be a sign of faith and trust in the favour of such forces. As will be shown in Chapter 3 – dedicated to the images of the so-called ‘salesmen’ – in Moche art foreigners were often depicted in the company of small felines which were usually presented as tamed animals, sometimes with leashes round their necks.185 No sign

Small felines, as tamed animals, also accompanied Moche dignitaries sitting on a throne (e.g. vessels ML000639-ML000641, ML000645 and ML000647).

185 

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Chapter 2

How to Represent a Stranger? to the use of three types of objects in Moche art. The first was a small, usually oval or rectangular, sometimes fringed, coca bag (Quechua chuspa or piksha) used to store a small supply of dried leaves for personal use and most frequently carried round the neck or off the shoulder. The second was a round-bottomed lime container (Spanish calero or poporo) that was used to hold the lime substance (llipta), which was added to leaves being chewed to improve their taste and increase the amount of alkaloid released.3 The third, the least characteristic item in this set, was a simple lime stick or lime spatula intended for placing small portions of the alkaline substance scooped with it from the container into the mouth.

Foreigners were presented in Moche iconography not only as real or potential enemies, but also, and decidedly more frequently, in other roles. These representations do not portray – at least at first glance – any animosity or aversion to the neighbours, even though it was possible to guess these feelings by observing some of their renderings described in the previous chapter. However, also these ‘peaceful’ depictions still show a clear intention of Moche artists to demonstrate the separateness and otherness of the foreigners from the coastal dwellers, which involved the constant emphasizing of the differences between them in terms of customs, attire and physical appearance. Coca takers

The available Moche iconographic corpus only gives a few examples of complex fineline painted scenes representing the coca taking ritual, in which several participants take part. Three-dimensional, full-figure depictions of individual characters indulging in this activity or perhaps being associated with it are much more numerous. Many of these characters carry some of the objects mentioned above, while some even have a full set of them.

One of the most interesting contexts in which foreigners appeared in Moche art were the scenes interpreted – mainly on the basis of ethnographic analogies – as the coca taking ritual.1 Chewing coca leaves2 was related In their seminal work, El mundo vegetal de los antiguos peruanos, Eugenio Yacovleff and Fortunato L. Herrera (1934: 297) wrote: ‘El consumidor de la coca en la alfarería de Moche se deja reconocer por el ‘calero’ de calabaza que tiene en una mano [...], el palito para sacar lliptta (Shukanka), en la otra y en la bolsa para llevar hojas de coca (chuspa) en el costado izquierdo’. Depictions of Moche coqueros and the utensils they use were already commented on more than 30 years earlier by Arthur Baessler (1902-03b: I, Pl.  39, Figs. 198-203). Representations of Inca coca bags and lime containers (made of gourds and being very similar to those found in Moche iconography) were published by William Golden Mortimer (1901: 210, 348) in his excellent and well-illustrated book titled Peru History of Coca ‘The Divine Plant’ of the Incas. In the first English-language monograph dedicated to Moche culture, Elisabeth P. Benson (1972: 59-61) interpreted the Coca Ceremony as an activity related to preparing for battle. In her opinion, Moche warriors were supposed to take coca for practical purposes as a stimulant, giving them endurance in battle and adding courage. They would also use this plant for ritual purposes, in the rite of blessing the weapons before the battle. The identification of complex fineline painted scenes as depictions of the coca taking ritual and the representations of particular individuals as coca chewers presented a few years later by Christopher B. Donnan (1978: 116-119) was primarily based on a comparison of items used during that ritual by the characters appearing in Moche iconography with those used by the Cágaba (Kogi) Indians in Colombia, among which ethnographic research was being conducted. While presenting this interpretation, Donnan referred to the article titled Tribes of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia (Park 1946), used photographs of Kogi Indians taken by Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff and the objects (a gourd container and spatula) donated by that scholar to the Museum of Cultural History, University of California in Los Angeles. 2  Coca is a collective name for two plant species (each with two varieties) which were domesticated in pre-Columbian times and have been cultivated since then. The first one is Erythroxylum coca (its mountain variety, called Bolivian coca, is cultivated in the humid, tropical climate of the eastern slopes of the Andes in Peru and Bolivia, while its lowland variety, known as ipadu or Amazon coca, is cultivated in the Amazonian selva of Peru and Colombia). The second one is Erythroxylum novogranatense (its mountain variety, referred to as Colombian coca, easily adapts to the climate of drier lowlands and

1 

The most numerous in this group are the representations of individuals with characteristic chuspas suspended from the neck or off the shoulder. However, the main focus here will not be on them. From the material presented so far – and this will also be clearly seen in the next chapter – it transpires that coca bags constituted one of the basic and most easily recognizable elements of foreigners’ appearance, one of the main attributes of their cultural and probably also ethnic alterity. Many individuals that have chuspas were not taking coca at the time they were depicted, while a large proportion of them have completely different roles (e.g. as warriors4 or so-called ‘salesmen’, who will be discussed in Chapter 3). Therefore, most of the present chapter will deal with the depictions of the characters holding lime containers and lime spatulas in is mainly cultivated in Colombia, while its truxillense variety, which is called Trujillo coca, is grown in the dry desert climate of the coast of Peru and Colombia). 3  Benson 1972: 59; Donnan 1978: 117. Such an alkaline substance was probably (and today still is) prepared from powdered shells or ash obtained from burning quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) stems, a plant that is rich in calcium compounds. 4  Coca bags were carried on the shoulders of some non-Moche warriors presented in Chapter  1. The men on vessels V  A  18373 (Figure 1.22), V A 18297 (Figure 1.45) and perhaps ML002805 (Figure 1.56a) are undoubtedly taking coca with the use of lime containers and spatulas.

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour their hands, namely with those who are presumably in the process of coca taking, or, possibly, just before or shortly after this act. The first to be discussed will be the published fineline painted scenes showing coca takers (Spanish coqueros) and scenes of the so-called Coca Ceremony representing both people and supernatural beings. The full-figure, three-dimensional depictions of the coqueros will be presented after that.

Coca takers in fineline painted scenes The description of the available representations of the coca taking ritual in fineline painted scenes can begin with a depiction related to the topic described in the previous chapter. It decorates the stirrup-spout bottle which belongs to the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (Figures 2.1a and 2.1b) and presents a scene in which two warriors, a Moche and a foreign one, are sitting opposite each other, most probably in a cave.7 Only the latter, whose identity does not give rise to any doubts,8 was presented as a coquero. He is holding a lime container in his left hand and a spatula in his right hand, which he is just bringing up to his mouth. In front of him, there is a bag which probably contains coca leaves. It should be emphasized that this is the only published scene that has been preserved to this day, which shows an involvement of a representative of the coastal population (exclusively as a witness and onlooker) in coca taking activities; in all other scenes, foreigners are only presented in their own company.9

My intention will be to demonstrate that it is only foreigners, and exclusively men, that were associated with taking this stimulating substance in Moche art, while coastal dwellers did not take it at all, or at least, contrary to the previous beliefs of some authors, such practice on their part was not represented in iconography. The doubts about this matter mean that the following section of this chapter will be dedicated to a discussion of the representation of all types of characters found in Moche art, which, in my view incorrectly, were sometimes considered in the literature to date to be images of coca takers, simply because the objects they possessed somewhat resembled those that were usually used in this activity.

The painted body of this vessel is crowned with a deck figure representing a magnificent-looking non-Moche warrior. The man sitting cross-legged has a headdress decorated with feline paws (or human hands) and two large disks at the front. His outfit consists of a long tunic, a fringed yoke and bracelets on his wrists. He uses both decorative ear protectors and exceptionally large wire-and-drop circle earrings reaching down to his shoulders, while his face is covered with face painting depicting a moustache and beard. The man’s armaments are a square shield decorated with a frontal representation of a feline’s head, a round headed club with a flange on the shaft, and a backflap fastened to his belt.

Since it is precisely lime containers that will be the main distinctive attribute of the coquero figures in this chapter (spatulas have an invariably simple form of usually quite long, undecorated sticks), at the beginning it is worth paying attention to their appearance. In Moche iconography, caleros have a very characteristic shape which is almost always the same. They are small, round-bottomed vessels, probably made of gourds or other material (e.g.  metal), but they always resemble fruit in shape and, as can be presumed on the basis of their representations, they measure approximately 20–30cm in height. They have a bulky, spherical body and a long straight neck usually ending in a wide and thick collar surrounding the vessel’s rim. As can be seen from the ethnographic analogies, such a collar is formed during the use of the container. Before putting the spatula in the mouth, the excess of lime substance, which is taken from inside the vessel with a lime stick, is carefully wiped on the edge of the neck, it settles there and hardens.5 Among the Kogi Indians living in the Colombian region of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, taking coca in this traditional way and using lime containers very similar to those presented in Moche art, such container can be assessed as to whether it belongs to a boy or a younger or older man solely by the width and thickness of a lime collar, which is formed over the years around the neck of the calero.6

5  6 

The second coca taking scene depicting five foreigners sitting in a hilly landscape was represented on a Moche IV vessel from the Museo Nacional collection in Lima (Figure 2.2).10 The men are wearing long tunics, fringed yokes and mantles. This representation is unusual in many respects. These include the headdresses Uceda 2008: 157-158. The man can be identified through a whole series of status markers. His headgear is decorated with two representations of ulluchu fruits and two stick-like elements; his hair is tied in a ponytail and the Maltese-cross motif is painted on his face. This individual has wireand-drop circle earrings and stubble, while his tunic is covered with geometricized zoomorphic pattern that are typical of foreigners. 9  This scene is interesting in that the Moche warrior is simultaneously holding two clubs in his hands: in the left, a typical Moche club with a conical mace head and in the right, a club with an ovoid mace head that is typical of non-Moche warriors. 10  There are two rollouts of this scene: the one presented here, more detailed, produced by McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0056d_B; according to the Moche Archive, this vessel belongs to the MNAAHP collection, but its inventory number is not given) and the one published by Kutscher (1983: Abb.  131; according to his catalogue, vessel 1/483 belonged to the Museo Nacional collection in Lima). Kutscher’s rollout shows only the first two characters in this scene. 7  8 

Donnan 1978: 116-118, Fig. 180-183. Mortimer 1901: 210.

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.1a. Bottle V A 62161 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 2.1b. Scene decorating bottle V A 62161 (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 129).

of the men (their decorations were depicted in a rare manner which does not appear anywhere else), their hairstyle (four of them have long hair, but no ponytails) and their unique face painting (this is a motif of small crosses not encountered in any other fineline painted scene).11 The lime containers presented in the men’s hands, which do not have the characteristic roundbottomed bodies, also have an unusual form here. There are two objects between the characters in two pairs, resembling clubs with an ovoid head and a flange on the shaft, but they are also represented in a very strange way. Such a substantial number of rare elements, or elements depicted in a way that differs from the commonly used conventions, suggests that all these side-line effects arose from the individual style of the author of this particular representation. An interesting motif appearing in this scene – this time being typical and repeated in further depictions related to the coca taking ritual – are large dark dots floating in the air. They are usually interpreted as representations of raindrops or stars.12

facing right, dressed in short tunics, skirts and fringed yokes. The men are not holding any lime containers in their hands, but only simple sticks which they are putting in their mouths. There are probably three net bags or ceramic vessels14 around one of them, while around both – as in the previous scene – there are large, dark dots. Both men are under the figure of a bicephalous snake.15 This motif also appears on two other vessels discussed below. The next three best known and most complex scenes depict the Coca Ceremony, a ritual in which, according to the interpretation proposed by Santiago Uceda, coqueros (seated men without any supernatural qualities, taking coca) and standing individuals not taking coca, who assume a pose of worshipers, are taking part.16 Opinions on the identity of the latter are divided. According to Uceda, these are representations of priests, members of Moche elite, who are responsible for taking care of the ritual items depicted in the scenes nearby; in the opinion of the other authors – including mine – they are images of a supernatural being, a deity, which, in some versions of this scene and in related representations, is clearly depicted with feline fangs.17

A similar scene is presented on a vessel from the Museo de Arqueología collection in Trujillo (Figure  2.3).13 It shows two standing men in headdresses topped with two elements branching sideways, with their heads

The objects represented here resemble somewhat strange-looking elements hovering over the running non-Moche warriors depicted on the second of the stone tablets from the Tweddle collection (Figure 1.26). 15  This motif is most often interpreted as a representation of the sky, a rainbow or the Milky Way, which means that Coca Ceremony rituals are usually depicted as being conducted at night. 16  Uceda 2008. 17  E.g. Benson 1972: 61, Figs 3-17 and 3-18; Golte 2009: 371, Figs 13.5213.54; Makowski 2005: 64-97; McClelland 2008: 49, Fig. 3.16. 14 

This face painting motif seems to refer to a way of decorating fabrics (especially mantles) that is typical of foreigners. 12  Larco 2001b: 350, Fig. 368; Uceda 2008. 13  Vessel U.  4212. There are two rollouts of this scene: the one presented here, produced by McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0101d_B) and the one published by Kutscher (1983: Abb. 130). Kutscher’s drawing shows two figures painted on both sides of the vessel’s body. 11 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.2. Scene decorating bottle 1/483 from the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0056d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure 2.3. Scene decorating bottle U.4212 from the Museo de Arqueología collection in Trujillo (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0101d_B by Donna McClelland).

of human hands and two stick-like elements. The second one has a similar simple circlet with four triangular elements somewhat reminiscent of ulluchu fruits, while the third has a circlet probably made of feline skin.19 All the men have large wire-and-drop circle earrings, their hair in ponytails and faces painted with a negative Maltese-cross motif. Their tunics are decorated with geometric patterns (a checkerboard or a so-called stepped wave) or geometricized zoomorphic ones. They are all holding lime containers in their left hands and spatulas in their right hands, which they are just dipping into the caleros or lifting up to their mouths. A small or large coca bag is placed in front of each of

The first of the scenes in this small group is represented on a vessel from the Linden-Museum collection in Stuttgart (Figures 2.4a and 2.4b) and has been previously published many times.18 The individuals depicted in it are presented in a hilly area covered with cacti. Three individuals sitting cross-legged taking coca are wearing different headdresses. The first from the left has a circlet or pillbox hat decorated with representations 18  E.g. Kutscher 1983: Abb.  125; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 84, Fig. 4.19. This is one of Moche fineline painted scenes most frequently published and referred to; Kutscher (1983: 28) gives a long list of publications containing photographs or rollouts of this vessel. This is also one of the few known three-coloured scenes in Moche art, in which, in addition to the usual paints, i.e. red/brown and cream, the artist also used light orange (Donnan and McClelland 1999: 84-86).

19 

64

According to Uceda, this is a headdress made of fox skin.

How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.4a. Bottle Figure 2.4b. Scene decorating bottle 93 387 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library 93 387 from the and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0099dc2b by Donna McClelland). Linden-Museum collection in Stuttgart (after Anton 1962: Taf. 20).

them, and a weapon bundle consisting of a club with a star-shaped head and a round shield decorated with a Maltese-cross motif can be seen in front of the largest of the sitting individuals. A male character is standing with joined and raised hands, with his head tilted backwards in front of the seated coqueros, under an arch in the form of a bicephalous snake. His headgear looks a little like the headgear of the second of the seated men, but the two elements adorning it at the front can already be more certainly identified as depictions of ulluchu fruits. This character is wearing a short tunic decorated with metal plates, he is having large wire-and-drop circle earrings in his ears (additionally decorated with smaller round pendants), while his hair is tied in a ponytail. On his right shoulder, he has a large coca bag with a calero in it and a lime stick in the calero, and an ornament suspended from his neck – probably made, at least partially, of metal – described as a feline-headed banner). In front of him, there are two other identical adornments, as well as a lime container with a spatula stuck in it, lying horizontally. The second scene, quite similar to the one just described, decorates the vessel from the Museo Larco collection (Figures 2.5a and 2.5b).20 The most important difference between the two scenes is that, here, under the arch in the form of a bicephalous snake, there is not a ‘worshiper’, but two coqueros. They are sitting opposite each other with a calero in one hand and a lime spatula in the other. Their headgear resembles that described above, their hair is tied in long ponytails, painted circles

Figure 2.5a. Bottle ML004112 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

can be seen on their cheeks, and they have wire-anddrop circle earrings in their ears. The individual on the left is wearing an undecorated tunic and fringed yoke, while the man on the right is wearing a tunic decorated with a geometricized zoomorphic motif. Between them

Donnan and McClelland 1999: 124, Fig.  4.90. The rollout of this scene in a slightly different arrangement (with the ‘worshiper’ with his back to the coca takers) was published by Larco (1939: 139140, Lám.  XXIX), who described this representation as: ‘Importante y complicada escena que nos habla de la adoración que efectuaban algunos personajes a la indumentaria y demás atavíos de los grandes jefes’.

20 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.5b. Scene decorating bottle ML004112 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0522dc_m by Donna McClelland).

The figure of a ‘worshiper’ is presented here in a slightly different way than in the previous scenes. This time, he is not standing opposite the coqueros, but – in the pose observed earlier, with his head tilted backwards and his hands joined as if he were praying – he seems to be running towards them. Apart from a short tunic decorated with square metal plates, he is wearing a short skirt, while his headdress has a semicircular, almost certainly metal, ornament at the front with two rectangular projections. Instead of wireand-drop circle earrings, the depicted individual has ear ornaments in the shape of snake heads, which are typical of supernatural beings in Moche iconography.23 Feline fangs are clearly marked in his mouth, which further confirms the hypothesis that, in the case of this character – which appears in all Coca Ceremony scenes – this is not an ordinary mortal (a priest), but a deity. Feline-headed banners are shown here in a much more schematic way than in the previously described scenes. They are not covered with square metal plates and do not have a clearly marked animal head. Two net bags with unknown contents and three pututu trumpets made of Strombus galeatus conch shells are presented in addition to two such adornments (dark and light) between the ‘worshiper’ and the coca taking individuals.24 These elements were also frequently associated with foreigners in Moche art, as will be demonstrated in the next chapter.

there are two coca bags and two clubs with ovoid head on which a round shield is hung. In this scene, the ‘worshiper’ (with a coca bag suspended from his shoulder and a feline-headed banner on his back) was more clearly characterized as a supernatural figure than it was in the scene on the Linden-Museum vessel. There are various objects lying in front of him, in a hilly or even mountainous landscape, namely large net bags, a rolled-up mat, a circlet made of feline skin, two lime containers with spatulas stuck in them, a feline-headed banner and other small items (including a pair of large earspools and probably a pair of tubular earplugs). A club with a star-shaped mace head and a square shield suspended on it is stuck in the ground next to them. The last of the complex scenes depicting the Coca Ceremony decorates a vessel from the British Museum collection (Figure 2.6).21 There is no bicephalous snake arch in this scene, while the round dark dots are replaced with images of elements resembling inverted tulip heads or animal tracks.22 The mountainous landscape is suggested here much more symbolically than in the scenes discussed previously, as a series of light and dark oval-ended stripes. Two coqueros sitting opposite each other (one of them on a raised platform) are holding lime containers and spatulas in their hands. The smaller individual has wire-and-drop circle earrings, while the larger one probably has big earspools. Their headdresses resemble those described earlier. Both are wearing short-sleeved tunics and dark mantles.

Other than the six representations just referred to, coqueros do not appear in other known fineline painted scenes. Several more painted depictions may be associated with the Coca Ceremony (which was depicted on just three recently discussed vessels) but they only

There are two rollouts of this scene which differ in small details: the drawing presented here, published by Kutscher (1983: Abb. 126) and the one made by McClelland (drawing PHPC001_0139d_B). 22  This way of depicting these details of the scene leads one to the suspicion that the interpretations to date considering these marks to be depictions of stars or raindrops may be wrong. 21 

Giersz, Makowski and Prządka 2005. The difference between the depictions of trumpets made of conch shells and the conch shells themselves can easily be seen by comparing this scene with the famous scene represented on vessel ML013653 from the Museo Larco (Kutscher 1983: Abb. 305). 23  24 

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.6. Scene decorating bottle Am,St.333.o from the British Museum collection (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 126).

Figure 2.7a. Bottle ML003155 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.7b. Scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0179d_B by Donna McClelland).

67

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour present its supernatural participants, i.e. the figure of a ‘worshiper’ (in attire that is sometimes similar to that of foreigners, but primarily endowed with the features of a supernatural being25) and the bicephalous snake. The ‘worshiper’ is always depicted in the same pose, namely with his head tilted backwards and his hands raised. There are usually one or two lime containers floating next to him. In turn, the bicephalous snake is represented in these scenes in an extremely decorative way as a creature decapitating human victims or devouring human heads. The motif of the dark spots invariably fills the background of these depictions (Figures 2.7a and 2.7b).26

The second vessel in the group is a black stirrupspout bottle (Figure  2.8b) representing a man who is wearing just a long tunic and has one pair of wire-anddrop circle earrings. His bulging cheeks may suggest that he is just chewing a large portion of coca leaves. Interestingly, this is one of the very few depictions in which the artist decided to draw attention to this detail of the appearance. The group being described also includes three similar, black vessels depicting men holding a lime container in the right hand and a spatula in the left.27 The next two artifacts are almost identical jars probably made using the same mould. They come from Max Uhle’s excavations in Huaca de la Luna and belong to the PAHMA collection.28 In addition to tunics, the men depicted on them are wearing white mantles slung over their shoulders. A man sitting cross-legged, wearing a similar light-coloured mantle, is depicted on a vessel from the Berlin museum collection (Figure 2.9). The upper part of his face is painted dark and a coca bag decorated with a checkerboard motif is lying on his right knee.

Three-dimensional representations of coca takers Apart from the fineline painted scenes discussed above, the Moche iconographic corpus also contains numerous sculptural depictions of foreigners taking coca. This set can be divided into two larger groups: representations of coqueros with a bare head and in a headdress. The collections analysed comprise 20 vessels that can be included in the first group and 35 that can be classified in the second one.

Another group of five vessels presenting bareheaded coqueros consists of two stirrup-spout bottles and three jars. These vessels are artistically poorer than those described above, but they present the same theme. The bottles are two vessels from the Museo Larco collection (Figure 2.10a).29 Of the jars which belong to this group, the first one is a vessel from Max Uhle’s excavations at Site  F in Huaca de la Luna, which is housed in the PAHMA collection30 and presents a man in a tunic decorated with a checkerboard pattern, wearing wireand-drop circle earrings.31 The next two jars, probably made from one mould, belong to the Museo Larco (Figure 2.10b) and the British Museum collections32 and present men without ear ornaments.

Effigy depictions of coca takers without headgear were primarily made in the form of stirrup-spout bottles and jars. Their description may start with seven elaborately made vessels depicting men squatting, wearing long tunics and having chuspas suspended from their necks and resting on their backs. Everyone is in the process of coca taking: in one (mainly the left) hand, they are holding a lime container, in the other, a lime stick. The first of these vessels is a frequently published, very carefully made stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo Larco collection (Figure 2.8a) presenting an individual in a richly decorated long-sleeved tunic and a mantle hanging down from his shoulder. Both pieces of his clothing are decorated with geometric and zoomorphic motifs. The man’s face is inlaid with turquoise or chrysocolla, which were used to mark the eyes, and a face painting pattern in the form of a Maltese cross with two circles on the cheeks. The man’s ears are not decorated, but each of them has four small perforations, so perhaps originally the representation was adorned with four pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings made of metal. The individual has a hairstyle with a clearly defined tonsure.

Two interesting double-chamber figure-and-spout whistling bottles, which are very similar to each other, belong to the Museo Larco collection (Figures  2.11a and 2.11b). They present men squatting, wearing short tunics and mantles over their shoulders. Both characters are holding caleros (with lime sticks in them) in their right hands. 27  These three stirrup-spout bottles belong to the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam (Inv.  No.  70786; Scher 2010: 848, Cat. No.  1120) and the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Inv. Nos C-00683 and C-01287). 28  Both vessels (Inv. Nos 4-2963 and 4-2964) come from Grave 12 at Site F (Donnan 1978: 42, Fig.  61; Scher 2010: 754, Cat.  Nos  851 and 852). Their photographs can be found in the online catalogue of the PAHMA collection (https://portal.hearstmuseum.berkeley.edu). 29  Vessels ML001051 and ML001053. 30  Vessel 4-2843. Scher 2010: 748, Cat. No. 834. 31  Four almost identical vessels which belong to the PAHMA collection are known from the same excavations (Inv. Nos 4-2840, 4-2842, 4-2843 and 4-2849; Scher 2010: 747-748, Cat. Nos 832-835). Only vessel 4-2843 presents a man holding some objects in his hands. 32  Vessel Am.2199. Scher 2010: 466, Cat. No. 4.

In addition to the feline fangs and snake-head-shaped earrings, another divine attribute of this figure is the double-headed-serpent belt represented on vessel ML003155. 26  For example, these depictions decorate three vessels which belong to the Museo Larco collection (Inv. Nos ML003155-ML003157) and two other vessels published by Larco (2001b: 350, Fig. 368) and McClelland (2008: 49, Fig.  3.16). In the same article, McClelland (2008: 48-49, Figs 3.15 and 3.18) presented two effigy vessels depicting the figure of this deity with a calero and spatula in its hands. 25 

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.8b. Bottle ML001057 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.8a. Bottle ML012801 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Casinelli collection in Trujillo.34 In the case of these vessels, only the heads of the men presented were made in three-dimensional form, while the rest of their bodies and attire, as well as the objects they are holding were painted on the bodies of these vessels. All the bottles present men with forelocks above their foreheads, but there are also certain differences between them. A vessel from the Museo Larco depicts an individual with two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings, a large coca bag suspended from his neck and a fringed plaque decorated with geometric motifs.35 The coqueros shown on the second and third vessels are represented in mantles, and their small chuspas are suspended from their right forearms. Finally, it is worth mentioning two rare stirrup-spout bottles depicting this theme. The first one belongs to the Ernst J. Fischer collection and is decorated with a painted scene showing Moche warriors and captives.36 Its body has a deck figure representing a coquero with a marked tonsure, a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings and a long tunic decorated with a checkerboard motif. The other vessel belongs to the MNAAHP collection and presents a foreigner with a forelock and a pair of wireand-drop circle earrings, holding a lime container in

Figure 2.9. Bottle V A 758 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

This category also includes three carefully crafted Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottles. The first is housed in the Museo Larco (Figure 2.12), the second is in the PAHM collection,33 while the third belongs to the Museo 33 

Vessel 2792. An interesting feature of this depiction is that the man represented in it has his left eye closed (namely just like the figures of some foreigners who are in the grip of large felines, which were discussed in Chapter 1). 36  Jürgensen and Ohrt 2000: 55, Cat. No. 102. 34  35 

Vessel CA25-047. Scher 2010: 393, Fig. 5.139; 786, Cat. No. 942.

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.10a. Bottle ML001053 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.11a. Bottle ML001044 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.10b. Jar ML001047 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.11b. Bottle ML001116 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

his hand and squatting in the company of a boy with a forelock.37

the form of human figures, as well as those in which the representations of coca takers were made as deck figures. It is worth emphasizing that the vast majority of coca takers depicted in headdresses do not have coca bags.

The group of depictions of coca takers in headgear is slightly more numerous than the group of bareheaded coqueros and definitely more diverse. It includes 35 vessels, including both effigy vessels with bodies in 37 

One of the most interesting vessels in this category is Moche  III black stirrup-spout bottle from the Museo Larco collection (Figure 2.13). This vessel was originally

Vessel C-00397.

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.12. Bottle ML002805 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.13. Bottle ML001062 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

heavily inlaid with tiny nacre beads, but only few of them have been preserved until our times. The vessel presents a man sitting cross-legged on a raised platform decorated with a zoomorphic motif with steps leading up to it. This individual has an impressive headdress, which is a circlet decorated with human hands on the sides, four stick-like elements with circular pendants at the front and a huge fan of feathers or a tassel of fabric at the back. The man is wearing a long-sleeved tunic with an engraved motif suggesting that it is decorated

with square metal plates and he has a pair of richly decorated wire-and-drop circle earrings. His eyes, cheeks and chin were probably inlaid (with nacre), but only the hollows for the inlay – in the form of a Maltesecross motif – have been preserved to this day.38 The man is holding a lime container in his left hand and a spatula in his right hand which he is bringing up to his mouth. The vessel has recently been renovated. Some missing fragments of the inlay at the front have been added.

38 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.14a. Bottle ML001064 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.14b. Bottle ML001058 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.14c. Bottle V A 17562 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

circle earrings, while his face is painted with two dark stripes. He is holding a lime container with a spatula inserted in it in his left hand and has a large coca bag between his knees, into which he is reaching with his right hand.

Two other stirrup-spout bottles in this group (Figure 2.14a) depict squatting men in tunics decorated with a checkerboard motif, with wire-and-drop circle earrings and headdresses probably decorated with small metal disks and representations of human hands placed at the sides.39 The faces of both coqueros are decorated with a painting of a Maltese-cross motif and moustache. The vessels clearly show lime containers and white limestone substance on the ends of their spatulas. The fourth vessel (Figure 2.14b) also represents a squatting man with a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings and a face painted in a similar way. In addition to the human hands placed at the sides, his headgear is decorated with a three-dimensional representation of what is probably a human head.

The man in a feline headdress is also depicted on another vessel from the Berlin collection (Figure 2.15). He is sitting on a raised platform, holding a large, fringed coca bag decorated with a geometric motif on his lap, into which he is reaching with his right hand. A lime container with a spatula inserted in it is lying on his left. Two coqueros represented in the form of deck figures crowning the bodies of two stirrup-spout bottles from the British Museum collection42 and the Museo de la Nación in Lima also have the same type of headgear and wire-and-drop circle earrings.43 The body of the second vessel is decorated with a painted scene in a hilly landscape, overgrown with cacti, in which there is a feline and four foxes. A panoply made of a club, two spears and a square shield is standing between the hills. The deck figure shows a man sitting cross-legged in an outfit richly decorated with a checkerboard motif and small light-coloured crosses on a dark background. Another vessel which belongs to the Museo de América in Madrid (Figure 2.16)44 depicts a seated man holding

This group also includes a vessel from the PAHM collection depicting a man in a circlet decorated with a feline head, paws and tail. He is wearing pendant crescent earrings and a necklace of rectangular or cylindrical beads, i.e. the types of ornaments which are characteristic only of foreigners.40 A man in a similar feline circlet is also depicted on a stirrup-spout bottle from the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (Figure  2.14c).41 This individual has wire-and-drop Both vessels (Inv. Nos ML001056 and ML001064) were discovered at the Pur Pur site in the Virú Valley. They were probably made from one mould and painted in a very similar way. 40  Vessel CA35-1298. Scher 2010: 792, Cat. No. 958. 41  Vessel V A 17562; Donnan 1978: 116, Fig. 180. 39 

Vessel 1909 12.18-43. Scher 2010: 479, Cat. No. 45. Vessel 1/2854 [771]. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 102, Fig.  4.51; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 128. 44  Vessel MAM 11008. Scher 2010: 480, Cat. No. 429. 42  43 

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.15. Bottle V A 47892 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 2.16. Bottle MAM 11008 (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid; photograph by the author).

Figure 2.17b. Bottle ML000963 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.17a. Bottle 1924.216 (Courtesy University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology).

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Figure 2.17c. Bottle ML000961 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.18a. Bottle ML001052 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). Figure 2.18b. Bottle ML001059 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

a calero in his left hand (the right one has been broken off). His tunic is also decorated with a checkerboard motif, while his hair is tied in two thick ponytails.

a circlet decorated with human hands and a realistically depicted image of a human head (with closed eyes, face painting in the form of circle spots, and a simple headdress).

Three stirrup-spout bottles representing bearded men taking coca also belong to this category. The first two of these characters were depicted on very carefully made vessels which belong to an unknown private collection45 and to the Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology in Cambridge (Figure  2.17a), while the third one is shown on a definitely less carefully crafted bottle from the Museo Larco (Figure 2.17b). The three coqueros are wearing light-coloured tunics and dark mantles tied at the neck and decorated with a motif of small circles, and they have large earspools ornamented with simple geometric motifs. They are all wearing circlets: the first and the third individuals – circlets decorated with depictions of feline paws, whereas the second one – 45 

A bearded man is also depicted on bottle ML000961 (Figure  2.17c). This individual has unusual headgear decorated at the front with a rectangular element. Just like the other men in this group, he does not have a coca bag but a feline-headed banner decorated with square metal plates dangling from his back. The man is showing his teeth, which is a rare motif in the representations of people in Moche art. It seems to be a grimace characteristic almost exclusively of foreigners.46

This grimace is also presented on some portrait vessels depicting foreigners (Wołoszyn 2008a: 310, 313).

46 

Donnan 2004: 7, Fig. 1.8.

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.19a. Bottle ML001054 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.19b. Bottle ML001048 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.19c. Bottle ML001055 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.19d. Bottle ML001065 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.20a. Bottle ML002247 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). Figure 2.19e. Bottle ML001063 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Two other men squatting and holding lime containers also have unusual headgear which can be seen in the last of the coqueros described. The first one is represented on vessel V  A  48045 from the Berlin museum, while the second is depicted on a black bottle from the PAHM collection.47 The first of the men has long tubular earplugs and hair tied in two ponytails, while his tunic is painted in a manner that is reminiscent of a checkerboard motif. The second coquero is wearing a tunic decorated on the sides with vertical stripes and has exceptionally long tubular earplugs reaching down to his shoulders. Two more coqueros with ponytails and wearing unusual headgear are depicted on the stirrup-spout bottles from the Museo Larco collection (Figures  2.18a and 2.18b). The first one has a circlet decorated at the front with two elements in the shape of ulluchu fruits and a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings. His face is painted with a Maltese-cross motif and two vertical lines on the cheeks. The second man has an unusual circlet on his head, decorated at the front with a diamond-shaped element, with large earspools in his ears, probably decorated with a schematic zoomorphic motif. This individual is wearing an exceptionally richly decorated outfit consisting of a tunic and a mantle 47 

Figure 2.20b. Bottle C-03124 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Vessel PLZ2B-243. Scher 2010: 808, Cat. No. 1004.

76

How to Represent a Stranger? a vessel from the Museo Larco collection also has the same set of paraphernalia used for coca taking (Figure 2.19a). This group also contains five stirrup-spout-bottles: two from the Museo Larco (Figures 2.19b and 2.19c) and one each from the MNAAHP,51 the Museum Volkenkunde52 and the Museo Casinelli collections,53 depicting men in very similar headgear, holding lime containers in their left hands and clubs in their right hands. All men have small bundles on their backs, held with shawls that are tied on their chests. The men’s attire suggests that they are probably not typical foreign warriors (like those presented in Chapter  1) but rather hunters or people using weapons only for self-defence or for emphasizing their status. This group of men armed with clubs also includes two representations from the Museo Larco collection. The first one (Figure 2.19d) depicts a man in a headdress with depictions of ulluchu fruits, wearing tubular earplugs and a light-coloured mantle without a hood, while the second one (Figure 2.19e) presents an individual in a circlet probably made of feline skin, with earspools, wearing a short tunic with a checkerboard motif and a light-coloured hooded mantle. Just like in the case of the representations of the bareheaded coqueros, vessels made using a mixed technique can be found in the group of images of men in headdresses. Only the heads of the foreigners presented on them were depicted in a three-dimensional form; the remaining elements of their costumes and the objects they are holding were painted on the bodies of these vessels. All of them represent non-Moche individuals with a forelock, wearing hooded mantles and holding a lime container in their right hand. The first of these vessels belongs to the PAHMA collection54 and presents a foreigner with tubular earplugs and a circlet decorated with depictions of ulluchu fruits, while the second one belongs to the PAHM collection55 and shows a man holding a lime container in his right hand and a small bowl in his left hand. Bottles from the Museo Larco (Figure  2.20a) and MNAAHP collections (Figure 2.20b) depict very similar individuals. Only the man represented on the last of these vessels is holding a spatula in his hand, so he is shown in the process of coca taking.

Figure 2.21. Bottle C-03158 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

tied under his chin. The lower part of his calero is ornamented with a geometric motif, which may suggest that this is a representation of a ceramic container. The coqueros shown on two stirrup-spout bottles from the Museo Casinelli collection in Trujillo48 have identical headgear with a diamond-shaped element. Yet another individual, with his hair tied in two ponytails and a circlet decorated with representations of two ulluchu fruits, is depicted on a vessel from the MNAAHP collection.49 Another group that can be included in the category of coqueros with headdresses are the representations of nine squatting men depicted in hooded mantles tied at the back of the neck, which is a garment very characteristic of foreigners. The first vessel in this group is a jar from the Museum Volkenkunde in Leiden50 depicting a man with a forelock and a pair of tubular earplugs, holding a calero (with a spatula inserted into it) in his left hand. A man with headgear decorated with two elements in the shape of ulluchu fruits depicted on

Finally, a very interesting but, unfortunately, badly damaged stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection (Figure  2.21) shows two burden bearers in the form of deck figures (there were originally three of them) with forelocks, dressed in hooded mantles and carrying some packs with a tumpline. The men are holding lime containers in their left hands and Vessel C-00681. Vessel 1872-114. Scher 2010: 730, Cat. No. 783. Vessel 1109. 54  Vessel 4-2837. Scher 2010: 747, Cat. No. 831. The photograph of the vessel can be found in the online catalogue of the PAHMA collection. 55  Vessel PT-003. Scher 2010: 810, Cat. No. 1010. 51  52  53 

Vessels 2021 and 3498. Vessel C-03078. Donnan 1978: 117, Fig. 181. 50  Vessel 1872-2. Scher 2010: 723, Cat. No. 767. 48  49 

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Figure 2.22a. Jar ML012888 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.22b. Jar ML012893 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.22c. Jar ML012267 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.22d. Jar ML012904 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

78

How to Represent a Stranger? spatulas in their right hands. The coca taking scene in which they are depicted is probably taking place in a hilly area, while a large feline is standing in front of the foreigners, looking away from them. Alleged coca takers More than 60 fineline painted and three-dimensional representations discussed above practically exhaust the set of the types of depictions of coca takers found in Moche iconography. It is clear that they all show only foreigners as users of this particular stimulant. Representations of other types of characters, sometimes described as images of coqueros, can be found both in the literature on the subject and in the online catalogues of various museum collections. They are men and women in costumes that are typical of the coastal dwellers. In my opinion, these characters are certainly not coca takers and should not be associated with this ritual. It is worth devoting some attention to these representations at this point to dispel any doubts related to them. Conducting a type of negative selection among these depictions will enable the conclusion presented in the introduction to this chapter to be drawn that both coca and the objects used to take it (a coca bag, lime container and lime spatula) were only associated with the group of non-Moche men in Moche art.

Figure 2.22e. Jar ML002692 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Several groups can be distinguished in a large set of representations sometimes identified as alleged coqueros. The images of the representatives of each of them can be found in the Museo Larco, which is why all the examples given below will come from precisely this collection. Men and women allegedly using lime containers The first group of alleged coca takers consists of men wearing short tunics and mantles tied at the neck, in headdresses made of fabric which are typical of various groups of Moche priests (Figure  2.22a). These headdresses are not worn directly on the head, as was the case with the foreigners’ circlets, but on a headcloth covering the hair.56 Additionally, they are fastened with tape or a scarf tied under the chin. In their left hand (i.e. the one in which the non-Moche coca takers usually hold the calero), these individuals are holding a doublechamber rattle with a long, sometimes decorated tape,57 and in their right hand – a round-bottomed object, that resembles (but is not) a lime container. In terms of shape, this object most resembles small leather bags which are most frequently represented in the hands of Donnan 2004: 46, Fig. 4.5. Rattles of this type were probably made of gourds, but many copies made of ceramics are also known (in the Museo Larco collection, these include artifacts ML014369, ML014370, ML014380-ML014382, ML014404, ML014414, ML014428 and ML036379).

56  57 

Figure 2.22f. Bottle ML002848 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour ritual runners,58 and less frequently in other contexts.59 In no case is there anything on these vessels that could be taken for a lime spatula. None of the men are holding such an artifact in their hands, and no such tool sticks out of any of the presumed caleros. Very similar vessels show Moche men (sometimes warriors) holding a round-bottomed bag in their left hand and a rattle in their right hand (Figure  2.22b).60 A double-chamber rattle is sometimes replaced here with a rattle made of separate balls mounted on one handle.61 This type of instrument can be held in either the left or the right hand (Figure  2.22c).62 Identical objects, namely a bag and a rattle, can also be held in the hands of men or women (Figure  2.22d) in the depictions which show individuals covered with large mantles or veils.63 While discussing this group of depictions, it is worth drawing attention to two issues. First of all, most of the vessels depicting the alleged coqueros are jars, so they are in a form which appears very rarely in the representations of the non-Moche coca takers described above. Secondly, many of the characters depicted with a bag and rattle (or much more frequently with just a rattle) have their eyes closed (Figures 2.22e and 2.22f),64 while foreigners (certainly taking coca) always had their eyes open. Although it can reasonably be assumed that the characters in question are participants in a ritual of some kind, in my opinion, this is a ritual of a completely different nature to coca taking. It is probably not related in any way to the use of a stimulant, but rather to playing rhythmic music and, perhaps, going into a trance. This could explain why some of the characters have their eyes closed, although they are certainly not sleeping while holding musical instruments in their clenched hands).

Figure 2.23a. Bottle ML002549 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

E.g. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 203-206, Figs 6.24-6.31. This kind of bag is held by Moche individual 8-3 depicted in the battle scene on the Amano flaring bowl (Figure  1.8). Bags of this kind were probably made of fabric or leather. The Museo Larco collection contains several such bags made of the latter material (Inv. Nos ML700001-ML700004). 60  E.g. vessels ML001932, ML002848, ML005553, ML012264 and ML012893. 61  The ceramic representation of such a rattle is known from artifact ML014397. It can be presumed that some rattles were also made of fruit or seeds. 62  The individuals presented, for example, on vessels ML001936, ML002622 and ML005526 are holding rattles in their left hands, while the individuals shown on vessels ML001935, ML001937, ML002620, ML002623, ML002624, ML002625, ML002701, ML012261, ML012263, ML012266 and ML012267 are holding them in their right hands. 63  E.g. vessels ML002607, ML002608, ML002662, ML002676, ML002703, ML012896, ML012902 and ML012904. There are also many representations in which men and women are holding only rattles (usually of the latter type described here). 64  E.g. vessels ML002611, ML002613, ML002615, ML002692 and ML002848. 58  59 

Figure 2.23b. Bottle ML002551 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.23c. Bottle ML002584 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.24a. Bottle ML002536 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.24b. Bottle ML002529 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.24c. Bottle ML002527 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

81

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour in headgear usually decorated with a fan of feathers or tassel of fabric and sometimes using a relatively rare form of ear ornaments of the wire-and-drop trapezoid earrings type (Figure 2.24a),69 as well as representations of the character referred to by Donnan as ‘Long Nose’ (Figure  2.24b)70 or images of Moche warriors (Figure  2.24c).71 As in the previous group, here too, there are many representations of anthropomorphic figures with heads of foxes.72

Men allegedly using coca bags and lime spatulas The second group of alleged coqueros consists of men sitting cross-legged and portrayed with large bags lying in front of them or on their knees. The men appear to be reaching into these bags (sometimes mistakenly considered to be chuspas) with one hand, while holding an elongated object in the other hand, which is sometimes mistaken for a lime spatula (Figures 2.23a and 2.23b).

The vessels depicting individuals holding sceptreknives in their hands and those depicting men with only bags with vessels in front of them are almost exclusively stirrup-spout bottles. They all probably show different moments of the same activity. All the figures appearing in these representations are sitting in a similar way, wearing similar attire and headgear, and making similar gestures. The existence of like images of anthropomorphic individuals with foxes’ heads support the hypothesis that this is a homogeneous group of depictions illustrating the same behaviour, probably of a ritual nature.

This object has an extended and flattened end, while its handle usually ends in a form resembling a conical head of a typical Moche club.65 Tools of this type can be seen both in the hands of men depicted in different types of headgear (typical only of various groups of Moche priests), as well as in the hands of anthropomorphic beings depicted primarily with the heads of foxes (Figure  2.23c).66 Utensils of this type are well known from archaeological material. They are instruments made of metal, the blades of which resemble the form of a chisel, while the decorative head can be of various shapes and often has the function of a rattle.67 Such an object is most frequently referred to in the literature as a sceptre-knife (Spanish cetro-cuchillo). It is worth mentioning that, in one of the chapters of his seminal book, Los Mochicas, Rafael Larco Hoyle described this tool as an awl (Spanish punzón), and the figures using it as sages, writers or decoders (sabios, escribas, descifradores).68 In his opinion, this tool was used to cut marks in Lima beans as some kind of prototype writing. Without entering into a discussion on this controversial hypothesis, it can be assumed that this is not about typical lime sticks used for coca taking in any of the cases discussed. It should also be added that, in the representations described, these tools are usually held low (at the height of the figure’s stomach), while their blades are usually directed towards the bags. None of the characters raises such an instrument to their mouths and none of them has a vessel that could resemble a typical lime container.

According to some authors, the expression on the faces of the individual characters in both groups described suggests that these individuals are holding something in their mouths. They believe the individual characters have ‘full cheeks’ implying that they are in the process of coca chewing. In my opinion, this is a fairly poor argument, especially because, in the case of the representations of foreign coqueros, who undoubtedly indulge in this activity, Moche artists practically never displayed any particular facial deformities. So why should they be emphasized in other cases? Any facial deformation – if it were to be accepted that anything like that can be seen at all in these depictions – could be due to consuming any other product that could be in the bag. Although it cannot be ruled out completely that coca leaves are kept in the bags in front of the figures described and that the depicted men are in the process of chewing them (they would just have to do so in a different way than foreigners), it is worth emphasizing that:

Men allegedly using coca bags The third, also quite numerous, group of representations depicting men sitting cross-legged, who only have bags or scarves with vessels inside, placed in front of them, is also sometimes considered to be images of coqueros. This group includes depictions of individuals

a.

65  E.g. vessels ML002526, ML002532, ML002535, ML002549 and ML002551. 66  E.g. vessels ML002512 and ML002584. A vessel is also known, which represents an anthropomorphic character with a bird’s wings, holding a tool that looks the same (Inv. No. ML002792). Such objects can also be recognized in fineline painted scenes having nothing to do with the Coca Ceremony scenes (e.g. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 72, Fig. 3.52). 67  E.g. artifacts ML101564-ML101566. Donnan 1978: 18-19, Figs 27-31. 68  Larco 1939: 83-124.

in unquestionable representations of nonMoche coqueros, the most important elements in the coca taking ritual are not so much coca bags as lime containers and spatulas. These utensils do not appear at all in the representations

E.g. vessels ML002530, ML002534 and ML002536-ML002542. E.g. vessels ML002529, ML002531 and ML002533. Donnan 2004: 124131, Figs 7.25-7.28. 71  E.g. vessels ML002527, ML002543, ML002544, ML002548, ML013421 and ML013422. We also rarely see individuals that are dressed and look differently in this group (e.g. ML002550). 72  E.g. vessels ML002432, ML002515 and ML002517. 69  70 

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Figure 2.25a. Figurine ML013860 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.25b. Bottle ML001061 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

b.

discussed here. In some Coca Ceremony scenes, chuspas are lying in front of the men taking coca (Figures  2.1, 2.4 and 2.5), and some coqueros represented in three-dimensional form also have them (Figures 2.9, 2.14c and 2.15), but this is not always the case. For example, most of the coca takers represented in headdresses do not have coca bags at all; the chuspas owned by the foreign coca takers look completely different from the bags shown beside the members of the group described. The former are generally small bags with a long strap to be worn on the shoulder or the neck; those which appear in the images being discussed are much larger, rather resembling bundles made of a shawl tied in a knot at the top. In some cases, after all, it seems as if these bundles only served the purpose of covering or transporting the oval ceramic vessels that fit inside them.73 These

73  E.g. vessels ML002527, ML002543, ML002549 and ML002550. Bundles with vessels inside can also be seen in anthropomorphic representations of individuals with foxes’ heads (e.g. vessels ML002587, ML002589, ML002592 and ML002599). A clear representation of such a bundle produced using the fineline technique appears in one of the scenes discussed in Chapter 1 (Figure 1.46). An untied bundle of this type with a vessel inside is depicted in painted form on vessel ML001772 and in the scene published by Kutscher (1983: Abb. 149).

Figure 2.25c. Figurine ML013832 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

c.

d.

vessels were most probably used to store a type of product completely different than coca leaves; the presence of sceptre-knives in the hands of the characters described and their blades pointing towards the bags suggests that these tools may have been used to cut or carve something in the objects that were in the bags and ceramic vessels (unfortunately, there is no data to be able to establish what these objects were); if the custom of coca taking were also known to the coastal dwellers, it most probably would have been acquired from their neighbours living in the highlands, among which it was widespread. Then, apart from the coca leaves themselves and the custom of chewing them, as well as using lime in this activity, they would probably also have borrowed all the instruments used for this purpose from them. However, it should be emphasized that none of the items used for chewing coca in its classic way appears in any representation of a Moche individual.

depictions,79 the musical instrument is suspended on a strap placed over the shoulder, whereas lime containers were never suspended. They were simply held in the hand and, if they were not used, they were placed in the coca bag together with the spatula. In the case of stirrup-spout bottles and figurines depicting well-dressed women with large necklaces, sometimes wearing ear ornaments and a headdress with two rectangular projections on the sides, it is worth noting that, in addition to the items of interest to us (the presumed caleros and lime sticks), they are usually holding one more objects,80 which, at least in some cases, looks like a spindle.81 If such an interpretation of this type of object were to be correct, the presumed spatula could simply be a thread of yarn, while the presumed lime container could be a ball of wool or cotton. Vessel ML013832 (Figure 2.25c) is the most convincing for the acceptance of such a hypothesis. However, whatever the objects held in the hands of the characters in question are, it does not seem as if the interpretation of them as being coca taking utensils is correct. First of all, in no painted scene and no sculptural representation of coqueros previously discussed have women appeared even as witnesses. Coca taking is always presented as a typically male activity.82 Secondly, the shape of the artifacts held in these representations does not match the shape of the caleros, which is known from iconography or excavation materials. Likewise, the appearance of alleged spatulas shown in these depictions differs from those described previously, which were usually longer and always perfectly straight, while these are shorter and curved. Thirdly, likewise, the gesture itself depicted in these images does not suggest that women are inserting or removing this object into or out of containers. Besides, they never bring this object to their lips.

Women allegedly using lime containers and spatulas The next group of vessels, and primarily ceramic figurines, sometimes referred to as coqueros, includes depictions of female characters that are bareheaded (Figure  2.25a) or wearing a characteristic headdress with two rectangular projections on the sides74 (Figures  2.25b and 2.25c). These figures are holding a smaller or larger object that can be considered to be a calero in one hand and a short stick with which they are touching it in the other. As for the figurines of the depicted bareheaded women holding a larger object that looks like a vessel in their left hand (or, in fact, under their arm) and an alleged spatula in the right hand, when taking a closer look at them, it turns out that these objects are not vessels, but small drums (the objects held by these figures in their right hand are, therefore, not lime spatulas, but drumsticks used to beat the drum skin). Such an interpretation is confirmed by numerous analogies depicting both women75 and men76 playing the drums, as well as many representations of anthropomorphic characters (this time with the heads of birds77 or sea lions78) performing the same activity. This interpretation is additionally supported by the fact that, in the case of the figurines in question, as well as in the case of some similar

Women allegedly using lime containers or coca bags The last group of vessels allegedly depicting representatives of the coastal population as coca takers consists of jars presenting very similar-looking E.g. vessels ML004044, ML004070 and ML004071. Not only does the woman depicted on vessel ML013907 have a spindle-like object, she is probably holding a small drum in her hands. 81  There are no iconographic analogies confirming such an appearance of spindles in Moche art. The most well-known fineline painted scene which certainly depicts spindles is the famous scene of the Weaving Workshop on vessel Am1913,1025.1 from the British Museum collection, which has been published many times (e.g. Donnan 1978: 65, Fig. 103; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 126, Fig. 4.94). 82  Among the Kogi Indians in Colombia, coca taking is practiced exclusively by men, while the receipt of lime containers (made by women) is one of the elements of the male initiation rite. In this culture, calero symbolizes the universe, the temple and the female womb, while the lime spatula is compared to axis mundi, a ray of the sun and a male member. 79  80 

74  E.g. vessels ML001061, ML002780, ML013832, ML013865, ML013871, ML013907, ML014347 and ML014348. 75  E.g. vessels ML013296, ML013835, ML013937 and ML014316. This group also includes strange-looking figures sometimes referred to as ‘women with vagina-shaped heads’ (Spanish mujeres con cabeza en forma de vulva), which can be seen, amongst others, on vessels ML004309 and ML004311. Cf. Cordy-Collins 2001. 76  E.g. vessels ML002221-ML002223. 77  E.g. vessels ML004027, ML004030 and ML004031. 78  E.g. vessels ML004044, ML004070 and ML004071.

84

How to Represent a Stranger? bareheaded women squatting and wearing long tunics and mantles thrown over their shoulders (Figures 2.26a and 2.26b).83 These women are touching their mouths with their right hands, while, in the left hand, they are probably holding small vessels, the shape and size of the visible lower part of which resembles typical calero bodies. Although both the object held in the hand and the gesture performed make these representations similar to the depictions of non-Moche coqueros, it should be noted that no full form of the vessel (especially its characteristic wide collar) or a lime spatula which is necessary for this activity can be seen on any of these vessels. The objects held by the women do not look like chuspas, either – they are too small and they do not have straps for being suspended from the shoulder. The rule when interpreting Moche iconography should be to assume that the artists making the individual representations – despite the obvious differences between the individual craftsmen and the workshops they represented – used a set of established, conventional and commonly accepted artistic forms and solutions enabling them to present specific objects, specific figures and specific actions in a clear and unambiguous manner that does not give rise to any interpretation doubts for the potential audience. This obviously does not mean that the contemporary viewer must be able to correctly recognize the individual details of the specific representation and interpret them correctly, but we should accept that the viewer of that time did not have the slightest problems with recognizing and understanding their content.

Figure 2.26a. Jar ML005635 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

As demonstrated above, the custom of coca taking was one of those practices in Moche iconography that, both on the basis of the objects used and the gestures performed when using them, was relatively easy to recognize. In the language of Moche art, this activity was only associated with men who had the status markers of foreigners. Among the representations of coastal men and women, there has not been one that, without any doubt, could be considered an image of a coquero. Some of the activities shown in individual controversial depictions are relatively easy to recognize (e.g. playing the drum), which certainly enables their association with the coca taking ritual to be ruled out. Unfortunately, the meaning of many other representations (such as the images of individuals with rattles or sceptre-knives in their hands) is still unclear and requires further research. Their true meaning may also be discovered in the future. However, it is clearly noticeable that they should not be associated with the coca taking practice discussed here. If it is assumed that the system governing the creation of these depictions was coherent and relatively homogeneous, the association of the representations which are currently

Figure 2.26b. Jar ML005644 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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E.g. vessels ML005635, ML005643 and ML005644.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour incomprehensible to us with images of coqueros should be ruled out, if only because they are not identical in terms of the appearance of the tools used or the gestures made.

they were warriors. They do not have any weapons, and many of them are wearing a mantle or even a hooded mantle, which is a part of the outfit that did not appear in any of the scenes discussed in Chapter  1, in which non-Moche warriors were presented.

In summary, it can be accepted that chewing coca leaves was treated in Moche iconography as another indicator of cultural otherness of foreigners. It can be presumed that, for the coastal residents, this was almost certainly an activity that was at least partially known, but was perceived as behaviour that was exotic to some extent. Although it is clear that Moche artists were able to present the very act of coca taking in a clear and unambiguous manner, properly using the depictions of the objects required to perform it, it cannot be ruled out that they did not fully understand the symbolic meaning of the ritual which, in the community of foreigners, may have been highly complex and may have been attributed many different symbolic meanings.

The second problem is the alleged use of coca by all ‘sleeping’ men presented on these vessels. As demonstrated previously in this chapter, only foreigners had access to this substance; we are not aware of a single representation in which the representatives of the Moche population (including warriors) used it. This finding undermines Benson’s hypothesis, at least with respect to this part of the category in question. The sleep, trance or meditation of Moche warriors could not have been caused by coca taking, because they most probably did not use this plant at all. Based on the analysis of the depictions discussed so far, coca bags were a standard element of the equipment of foreigners, one of the clearest markers of their cultural and probably also ethnic otherness. Therefore, the mere possession of a chuspa did not necessarily mean that the individual presented with it had just finished taking coca, was doing so at a given time or had such an intention. A discussion of the representations of foreigners who were depicted in a pose almost identical to the one in which ‘sleeping’ men were shown, but with their eyes open, will be presented further on in this chapter. Although they also have chuspas, none of these vessels portray the coca taking activity itself. The images of ‘sleeping’ non-Moche characters and those in which they are depicted with their eyes open (probably just before ‘falling asleep’ or just after ‘waking up’), seem to suggest that, even in the case of foreigners, it is wrong to connect images of ‘sleeping’ men with with the coca taking ritual.

The ‘sleeping’ A different type of representation, of the so-called ‘sleeping’ characters is sometimes – in my opinion incorrectly – associated in the literature with the representations of the coca takers just discussed. This term was introduced in 1976 by Elizabeth P. Benson in her article titled ‘Salesmen’ and ‘Sleeping’ Warriors in Mochica Art.84 Benson drew attention to a large group of images of squatting men with their heads resting on their knees and their eyes closed. She stated that the vessels which were used in ritual activities and as grave offerings had to have deeper symbolic meanings and could not simply represent sleeping or resting people. Similarly, she questioned what she believed to be an excessively naive interpretation of these images and hypothesized that these vessels did not depict ordinary sleep, but a trance or meditation. Benson was of the opinion that entering one of these states (facilitating contact with supernatural forces) may have been triggered or aided by coca taking.

We should not forget, either, that coca leaves contain alkaloids which are stimulants and not sedatives. In traditional Andean culture, coca leaves are used to reduce fatigue, add strength or eliminate the feeling of hunger or thirst. The result of their consumption is not sleep, but rather increased activity and psychomotor agitation.85 If the individuals depicted with their eyes closed (at least the foreigners who had access to this plant and had chuspas with them) were supposed to be under the influence of coca, this would rather be a sleep, not caused by its consumption, but perhaps by fatigue related to presumed, earlier increased activity. It cannot obviously be ruled out that this is what the creators of these vessels wanted to present, but this would be difficult to prove. Furthermore, the almost

Dream, trance or meditation? Although the hypothesis proposed by Benson sounds interesting and, at first glance, convincing, it has several weaknesses. To begin with, both Moche individuals and foreigners are represented in this category. The scholar did not distinguish between the representatives of these two groups, describing all men with the use of the same term, namely ‘sleeping warriors’. The Moche men in this group are indeed warriors (although it should be pointed out that they do not have any weapons of offense with them), whereas, in the case of the foreigners, there is no evidence to suggest that

85  Hobhouse 2010: 409-508. It should be emphasized that the effects of chewing coca leaves – containing between 0.25% and 0.77% of alkaloid (Plowman and Rivier 1983) – differ from the effects of taking cocaine (a chemically extracted substance) in its pure state.

The main thread of Benson’s article was to link the representations of ‘salesmen’ and ‘sleeping’ men with the theme of the Coca Ceremony.

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Figure 2.27a. Jar ML002617 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.27b. Jar ML002613 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

identical representations of ‘sleeping’ Moche warriors (who did not consume coca at all) also disprove this hypothesis. In order to maintain that the state in which the depicted men are is not an ordinary sleep but one that has been artificially induced in some way, it could be assumed that it was a result of the consumption of some other psychoactive substance to which both the representatives of the Moche population and their non-Moche neighbours had access. These could include, for example, alcohol (corn beer, called chicha), alkaloids contained in espingo seeds (Nectandra sp.)86 or mescaline contained in a decoction from the San Pedro cactus (Trichocereus pachanoi).87 However, there is no iconographic evidence to support such a hypothesis. Can the ‘sleeping’ men – both Moche warriors and the foreigners – really be in a trance or can they be meditating? There is also little to support this hypothesis. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, there are images of men and women in Moche iconography Figure 2.27c. Jar ML013953 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

86  87 

87

Donnan 1978: 127, 191; Montoya 1998, 1999. Donnan 1978: 127.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 2.28a. Bottle ML001677 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.28b. Bottle ML013353 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

who are certainly awake but are depicted with their eyes closed (Figures  2.21e, 2.21f, 2.27a and 2.27b). These figures are standing or squatting, always with their heads raised and, importantly, they are holding various objects in their hands. In almost all cases this is a kind of rattle (which is commonly considered one of the most important shamanic musical instruments). It can be presumed from the analysis of the costumes and headgear that these figures – who are probably actually in a trance or meditating – belong to various groups of Moche priests.88 Moche warriors are also – albeit very rarely – presented in the same pose, with closed eyes and with rattles in their hands (Figure 2.27c).89 None of these individuals are explicitly associated with the coca taking ritual.

Figure 2.28c. Jar C-00087 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

two cases was to present two different situations: one, probably common and everyday and the other, probably of a ritual nature. However, even if the state in which the ‘sleeping’ characters are found is to be ordinary sleep, this would not need to mean depriving of these representations of a deeper, symbolic meaning. The opinion presented by Sarahh E. M. Scher, who notes that ‘the close connection between sleep, trance and death places them in the realm of contact with the spirit world’,90 should be considered correct without any reservations. The Museo Larco collection contains a large and sufficiently representative sample of depictions of characters shown in the ‘sleeping’ position to be able to prepare a full typology on their basis. Essentially, vessels from other collections do not bring any new types of representations. However, some of them will be discussed below to give the fullest possible picture of this category of characters.

The difference between the two types of representations, namely the ‘sleeping’ and the ‘meditating’, which has just been discussed, is clear. It is also worth emphasizing that the vessels representing both categories of characters also differ significantly from each other in form. The first one almost exclusively includes stirrupspout bottles, while the second one almost exclusively includes jars. This fact seems to further support the hypothesis that the objective of Moche artists in these

‘Sleeping’ Moche warriors The Museo Larco collection has 41 vessels depicting ‘sleeping’ Moche warriors in typical conical helmets (Figure  2.28a).91 All these vessels are stirrup-spout

E.g. vessels ML002613, ML002617, ML002681, ML012885 and ML012889. Makowski 1994. 89  Both vessels from the Museo Larco, depicting warriors with rattles, were probably made from the same mould (Inv.  Nos  ML002682 and ML013953). 88 

Scher 2010: 234. Interestingly, for some reason, the type of vessel depicting a ‘sleeping’ warrior in a conical helmet was copied in later cultures of the North Coast of Peru. Examples of such vessels from the Museo

90  91 

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How to Represent a Stranger? bottles except for two late vessels which are in the form of double-chamber whistling bottles.92 Several series made of the same or very similar moulds can be distinguished in this large group.93 All warriors are squatting with their legs curled up to their chests (except one, on vessel ML001672, who is sitting cross-legged). Their arms are folded and resting on their knees, while their heads (tilted to the right or left, sometimes looking straight ahead or slightly turned up) are usually resting on their arms. The men’s attire consists of a short tunic, skirt and loincloth; the vast majority have a pair of wide bracelets on both wrists, while some have painted arms and calves. In a few cases, a mantle tied under the chin can be placed on a tunic – an item of the outfit that Moche warriors never used in combat.94 The headgear of all the men in this group is a conical helmet95 or a certain variation thereof, referred to as a conical tiered helmet, which appears only on four vessels in the Museo Larco collection (Figure  2.28b).96 Most men have large disk-type or semi-circular ear protectors or large ear spools. Eight of the warriors presented have a backflap,97 whereas only one of them (represented on vessel ML001675) has a weapon: a small club and shield.

Figure 2.29. Bottle ML001661 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

It is also worth mentioning that there was one vessel among the almost 800 artifacts in the sample of portrait vessels I analysed that certainly represented a ‘sleeping’ Moche warrior. This was a jar from the MNAAHP collection in Lima, which depicts a man’s head in a conical tiered helmet and a pair of semi-circular ear protectors (Figure 2.28c).98

Larco collection are known from the Lambayeque (Inv. Nos ML020177 and ML031787), Chimú (Inv. No. ML020988) and Chimú-Inca cultures (Inv. No. ML026837). 92  Vessels ML018536 and ML018538. 93  Pairs of vessels made from one mould include vessels ML001671 and ML013366, ML001655 and ML001680, as well as ML001670 and ML001673 (vessel ML001660 is very similar to them but is made from a different mould), triples are represented by the series ML001657, ML001668 and ML001669, as well as ML001229, ML001231 and ML013357, and quadruples – by the series of vessels: ML001227, ML001649, ML001667 and ML001677. 94  E.g. vessels ML001655, ML001679 and ML001680. 95  Helmets of this kind represent the H-I-1 type (Wołoszyn 2008a: 83, 254). They are depicted in a slightly more rounded form on several vessels discussed here (e.g. ML001229, ML001231 and ML013357). The conical helmet of the warrior presented on vessel C-00590 from the MNAAHP collection is additionally decorated with two large disks at the front (Scher 2010: 685, Cat. No. 651). 96  E.g. vessels ML001654, ML001656, ML001674 and ML013353. Conical tiered helmets (also known as stacked hats) were described as type H-I-5 in the typology of portrait vessels (Wołoszyn 2008a: 84, 254). 97  E.g. vessels ML001204, ML001654, ML013353 and ML013365. 98  The character represented on vessel C-00087 from the MNAAHP collection has closed eyes but is certainly not blind, as it would be difficult to understand the sense of producing an image of a blind warrior (Wołoszyn 2008a: 318, 329).

Figure 2.30. Bottle ML001591 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 2.31a. Bottle ML001220 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.31b. Bottle ML001226 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

In addition to the warriors in conical helmets, the Museo Larco has 13 vessels depicting ‘sleeping’ warriors in hemispherical helmets with a transverse crest (Figure 2.29).99 They include at least one pair of vessels which were made using one mould100 and a series of vessels made using very similar moulds.101 It should also be pointed out that this group is an extremely homogeneous set of representations. All the warriors are sitting in the same position, with their legs curled up to their chests, they have very similarlooking headgear (the only exception is the individual on vessel ML001591; Figure 2.30) and are dressed almost identically.102

These vessels are five jars (Inv.  Nos  ML001211, ML001650, ML005543, ML005560 and ML005561), four spout-and-handle bottles (Inv.  Nos  ML001643, ML001644, ML001647 and ML001648) and four stirrup-spout bottles (Inv.  Nos  ML001646, ML001652, ML001661 and ML013371). 100  Vessels ML001644 and ML001647. 101  Vessels ML001643, ML001646, ML001650, ML001652 and ML013371. 102  In two cases, the backs of the tunics of the ‘sleeping’ warriors look like plate armour (Inv.  No.  ML001643 and ML001648). Perhaps this type of dress was made of some material other than fabric (e.g. leather or metal). Interestingly, the representations of the armour-like garments of this type can be found on six vessels from the Museo Larco collection (ML011756-ML011758, ML011760, ML013429 and ML013430). 99 

Figure 2.31c. Bottle ML001095 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Stranger? This group of vessels depicts foreigners squatting, with their knees pressed against their chests, their arms usually folded on their knees and their heads resting on their arms.106 All the depicted men have short hair at the front and long hair at the back (sometimes with a clearly marked tonsure). Seven of them have wire-and-drop circle earrings,107 whereas seven others have perforated ears, which suggests that they may originally have had some decorations made of metal.108 The men are wearing one or two tunics. The bottom piece of clothing, sometimes decorated, is clearly visible in some representations.109 The top layer is a shortor long-sleeved tunic, sometimes ornamented with a simple geometric motif, but most frequently with just a series of vertical stripes on the sides.110 Some of the men are also wearing a mantle which is tied under the neck or on the shoulder.111 Almost all of them have coca bags suspended from their necks and resting on their backs.112 In a few cases, they have painted faces.113 Other than those who are listed, the category described includes an unusual representation of a bearded man squatting, with his hands on his knees (Figure 2.31c).114 The second group of ‘sleeping’ foreigners includes three stirrup-spout bottles presenting men in circlets decorated with depictions of two ulluchu fruits (Figure 2.32).115 They all have short, straight hair, wireand-drop circle earrings and some package in a shawl

Figure 2.32. Bottle ML001210 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Four vessels (Inv.  Nos  ML001086, ML001212, ML001232 and ML001236) depict men with their heads held straight or slightly inclined, with their arms folded on their chests. In this group, there are also several unique representations depicting men whose arms are not folded (Inv.  Nos  ML001221, ML001228, ML001233 and ML001234). Vessel ML001223 presents an individual whose arms and hands are not in contact with each other. 107  The men depicted on vessels ML001086, ML001200, ML001207, ML001212, ML001226, ML001236 and ML014000 have wire-and-drop circle earrings. 108  The individuals represented on vessels ML001218, ML001225, ML001228 and ML013737 have a single perforation of the ears, while those on vessels ML001221 and ML001239 have two holes in each ear, and that on vessel ML001220 has three holes. 109  E.g. vessels ML001215, ML001221 and ML001233. 110  E.g. vessels ML001216, ML001221 and ML001234. 111  E.g. vessels ML001212, ML001226 and ML001232. 112  Foreigners without coca bags are depicted on vessels ML001215, ML001228, ML001233 and ML001400. 113  E.g. vessels ML001226, ML001228, ML001234 and ML013737. 114  The collection of vessels depicting bareheaded ‘sleeping’ foreigners can be supplemented with 40 artifacts from other collections: 20 from the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Scher 2010: 683690, 701-707), four from the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin, three each from the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Museo Casinelli, and two each from the Museo de Arqueología de la Universidad Nacional de Trujillo and the PAHMA collection (Inv. Nos 4-2995 and 16-9909), as well as one each from the PAHM collection (Inv. No. PLZ2B-073; Scher 2010: 804, Cat. No. 992), the collections of the British Museum, the Museo de América in Madrid, the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge (Inv. No. 1924.190), the Världskulturmuseet in Gothenburg, as well as the Ernst J. Fischer collection (Jürgensen and Ohrt 2000; 46, Cat.  No.  76). Together with those discussed in this chapter, this gives a total sample of 70 representations of this theme. 115  Two vessels were probably made using the same mould (Inv. Nos ML001206 and ML001210). The third vessel in this group is ML001645. 106 

‘Sleeping’ foreigners The set of vessels representing ‘sleeping’ foreigners can be divided into several groups. The first one, which consists of 30 images, includes bareheaded men. Almost all the vessels presenting them are stirrup-spout bottles (26 vessels) or spout-and-handle bottles (three vessels);103 one is a miniature jar.104 The majority of these representations are vessels that were made quite carelessly. Only sporadically do we find items where it can be seen that the artist paid attention to details (Figures 2.31a and 2.31b). Four objects are black or gray vessels which are quite rare in the corpus of Moche pottery.105

103  The vessels representing bareheaded ‘sleeping’ foreigners are the following items from the Museo Larco: ML001086, ML001200ML001202, ML001207, ML001208, ML001212, ML001215-ML001226, ML001228, ML001230, ML001232-ML001234, ML001236-ML001239 and ML013737. The pair of stirrup-spout bottles (ML001219 and ML001225) and the pair of spout-and-handle bottles (ML001202 and ML001237) respectively were probably made using the same moulds. 104  Vessel ML014000. 105  Vessels ML001220, ML001224, ML001232 and ML001239. Several other vessels have a clearly dark discoloration indicating that they were probably also originally intended to be grey or black (e.g. ML001207 and ML001208).

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Figure 2.33b. Bottle ML001240 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.33a. Bottle ML001235 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.33c. Bottle MAK/AS/P.65 (Courtesy Muzeum Archeologiczne – Kraków; after Wołoszyn 1998: 35-36, Pl. 3; photo by Tomasz Kalarus).

Figure 2.34a. Bottle ML001288 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Stranger?

Figure 2.35a. Bottle ML000902 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). Figure 2.34b. Bottle C-54578 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

tied on their backs. They are wearing shorter- or longer-sleeved tunics. The men from the vessels made of one mould have bags (probably chuspas) suspended from their wrists.116 The third group of vessels presents ‘sleeping’ foreigners whose outfits consist of a long-sleeved tunic and a hooded mantle placed over it, tied at the back of the neck. Only three vessels from the Museo Larco belong to this group. Each of them has a different form: one is a jar,117 one is a spout-and-handle bottle (Figure 2.33a) and one is a stirrup-spout bottle (Figure 2.33b).118 Other than the hooded mantle, which is typical of foreigners, the fact that this also concerns representations of nonMoche characters is additionally evidenced by both the forelock (which can be seen on the individual depicted on vessel ML001240), as well as the checkerboard motif on the tunic of the man shown on bottle ML001235. Two such depictions can also be found in the MNAAHP collection (Inv. Nos C-00585 and C-00598; Scher 2010: 688, Cat. No. 659) and one in the Linden-Museum in Stuttgart (Benson 1972: 68, Fig. 3-25). 117  Vessel ML001676. 118  Stirrup-spout bottle C-00597 from the MNAAHP collection (Scher 2010: 688, Cat. No. 658) can be added to this group. 116 

Figure 2.35b. Bottle ML000687 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

93

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour A particular exception among the representations of ‘sleeping’ foreigners is the image of an armed man (Figure  2.33c) from the Władysław Kluger collection which belongs to the State Archaeological Museum in Kraków, Poland. This individual has a forelock, tunic and hooded mantle, but he also has a coca bag (suspended from his wrist), a club with an ovoid mace head (stuck under his left elbow) and a square shield (suspended on his back and decorated with a cross motif).119 The fourth and final group of ‘sleeping’ foreigners, who are not mentioned in Benson’s article referred to above, comprises non-Moche women with their children (boys with features of foreign men).120 The women are squatting, their hands are folded on their knees and their heads are resting on their arms, while their eyes are closed (although, interestingly, the children’s eyes are open). The women are wearing long tunics, with bags that are highly reminiscent of chuspas suspended from their left shoulders, although they are not necessarily used to hold coca leaves.121 The ‘sleeping’ women belong to the group of so-called porters or burden bearers (Spanish cargadoras), which will be discussed in Chapter 3. Each of them has a large pack attached with a tumpline on their backs. There is only one vessel in the Museo Larco representing such a pair of characters (Figure 2.34a), but more of them can be found in other museum collections (Figure 2.34b).122

Figure 2.35c. Bottle ML013322 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The ‘falling asleep’ or ‘awake’ In addition to the images of ‘sleeping’ characters, the Moche iconographic corpus also contains depictions of people (they are exclusively foreigners, whereas no images of Moche warriors are known that could be included in this group) who, despite being depicted in a ‘sleeping’ position, namely squatting, with their arms folded on their knees and the head often laid on the shoulder, have open eyes. These images, especially when compared with the images described above, seem to represent the moment just before falling asleep (or entering a trance or meditation) or immediately after waking up (or getting out of such state). This group includes both bareheaded men (Figure  2.35a), those 119  Wołoszyn 1998: 35-36, Pl.  3. The original form of this vessel (Inv. No. MAK/AS/P.65) was a spout-and-handle bottle. After it was damaged, it was incorrectly reconstructed as a handled figure. 120  A non-Moche woman and a child have been similarly represented in the form of a deck figure on the La Plata bottle (Figure 1.3a). 121  Not one representation is known from Moche iconography of a woman using coca (i.e.  holding or carrying a lime container and spatula). 122  Depictions of a ‘sleeping’ woman with a child can be found on five vessels of higher artistic quality, presented in Scher’s work (2010: 476, Cat. No. 34; 630-632, Cat. Nos 485, 488, 491 and 642, Cat. No. 522). All these vessels are stirrup-spout bottles. These are respectively: one vessel from the British Museum (Inv.  No.  1909 12-18 21) and four vessels from the MNAAHP collections (Inv.  Nos  C-00389, C-00392, C-00396 and C-00437). This second collection has one more vessel not mentioned by Scher depicting this theme (Inv. No. C-54578).

Figure 2.35d. Bottle ML001293 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Stranger? Not only was this position used for praying, but also for eating meals, working, resting and sleeping.127 The representations of ‘sleeping’ foreigners and Moche warriors in the same position suggest that certain types of behaviour of the former may have been borrowed from them by the latter. Sleeping in this position may have been considered by the Moche as strange or exotic behaviour, but it worked in practice, especially in the cool climate of the highlands which coastal warriors probably sometimes visited.128

wearing circlets decorated with representations of ulluchu fruits (Figure  2.35b), those in hooded mantles (Figure  2.35c), and finally women with children (Figure 2.35d).123 The squatting position, which may seem unnatural, uncomfortable and sometimes even difficult to assume for a Westerner,124 is often practiced by representatives of traditional cultures for various purposes. It is possible to work, rest or sleep in this position (especially if the ground is too dirty or wet to sit, kneel or lie down on it).125 One of the main advantages of sleeping in a squatting position, especially in a cool and humid highland climate, is that the curled-up body retains the maximum amount of heat (heat is only lost through a small area of the feet and head). This position also increases vigilance. The ears are exposed and can register dangerous sounds more easily; both hands are free, so it is also easier and quicker to put up a defence.

When considering the interpretation of the depictions described above, we should not forget that, in some cultures of ancient Peru, the dead were buried in a squatting position, resembling the most the fetal position. This was an extremely rare burial practice among the Moche, but it was the most common in areas dominated by the Recuay neighbours. It was precisely this position in which the mummified bodies of the Recuay were placed in the underground and aboveground chambers of tomb buildings called chullpas. George F. Lau believes that this position also had to be assumed by everyone who regularly visited these tombs and the dead buried in them.129 In Recuay art, such a position – sometimes with just curled-up legs and sometimes with curled-up and crossed legs – is assumed by many anthropomorphic figures depicted both on pottery and in the form of stone sculptures or bas-reliefs.130

The squatting position was adopted by the Andean highlanders in various situations, which is reported by both historical and ethnographic sources. In the chapter of Comentarios reales de los incas (Book VI, Chapter XXI) titled Adoraban al sol. Iban a su casa. Sacrificaban un cordero Inca Garcilaso de la Vega states: Prevenido lo necesario, el día siguiente, que era el de la fiesta, al amanecer salía el Inca acompañado de toda su parentela, la cual iba por su orden conforme a la edad y dignidad de cada uno, a la plaza mayor de la ciudad, que llaman Haucaypata. Allí esperaban a que saliese el sol y estaban todos descalzos y con grande atención mirando al oriente, y en asomando el sol se ponían de cuclillas (que entre estos indios es tanto como ponerse de rodillas) para adorarle y con los brazos abiertos y las manos alzadas y puestas en derecho del rostro, dando besos al aire (que es lo mismo que en España besar su propia mano o la ropa del príncipe cuando le reverencian), le adoraban con grandísimo afecto y reconocimiento de tenerle por su dios y padre natural.126

the hand or the dress of a Prince in Spain); and they adored with much fervour and devotion, looking upon the Sun as their god and natural father. (Inca Garcilaso de la Vega 1871: 158; translated by Clements R. Markham). 127  A Czech geographer and traveller living at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, Thaddäus (Tadeáš/Tadeás/Tadeo) Haenke/Haënke (1761-1817), wrote as follows about the Peruvian Indians in his work Descripción del Perú: Es una observación singular que se ha ofrecido repetidas veces sin que podamos dar razón de su origen, que cuando por cualquier accidente o casualidad duermen los casados en la habitación de un español, se mantienen sentados toda la noche en cuclillas (posición que acostumbran mucho) mirándose a la cara uno a otro, pero sin acostarse juntos, callados o hablando. The text of Haenke’s book is available at , the quoted fragment can be found on p. 68. 128  The coastal dwellers slept in a lying position on mats, covered with blankets, as depicted mainly on the so-called erotic vessels (e.g. ML004213, ML004225, ML036370 and ML036372). 129  The [funerary] structures facilitate movements, but in very specific and, I would argue, prescriptive manner. Anyone who enters a Recuay-tradition subterranean tomb or chullpa is struck by the interior’s dark, sombre, and cramped conditions. Even the relatively ample interment spaces at Jancu and Roko Amá do not permit an adult to stand; it is necessary to crouch and move forward slowly by squatting or kneeling. The experience immediately distinguishes tomb spaces from those of residential or activity areas. Inside and low to the ground, the visitor is also prompted to contemplate the stature of the tomb’s occupants, the mummy bundles and other cult objects, and the objective of reentering the tomb in the first place: to interact with them. The interior spaces force the visitor to be at eye level with the bodies and to be physically closer to touch and handle them. (Lau 2011: 114). 130  E.g. Eisleb 1987; Lau 2011.

‘Awake’ bareheaded men are depicted on vessels ML000902, ML001022 and ML013318 amongst others, those in a circlet decorated with images of ulluchu fruits – on vessels ML000687 and ML001009, while those in a hooded mantle on vessel ML013322. Women with children are depicted on vessels ML001276, ML001291 and ML001293. 124  This is because the Achilles tendon becomes shortened through the use of chairs or high heels. 125  Childbirth (e.g. ML004422 and ML004425) and ordinary physiological functions can also take place in this or a similar position. 126  Many editions of the text of the Garcilaso de la Vega chronicle are easily accessible in the Internet. The fragment quoted above reads: The necessary preparations having been made, the Ynca came forth at dawn, on the day of the festival, accompanied by all his relations marching according to their age and dignity. They proceeded to the great square, which was called Huacay-pata. Here they waited for sunrise, all of them being barefooted, and all watching the east with great attention. As soon as the sun appeared, they all bent down, resting on their elbows (which, among these Indians, is the same as going down on the knees), with the arms apart and the hands raised. Thus they worshipped, and kissed the air (which with them is the equivalent to kissing 123 

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Figure 2.36. Bottle 23/4865 (Courtesy National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution; photographs by NMAI Photo Services).

Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that a certain stimulating role for creating ceramic representations of the ‘sleeping’ may have been played by the fact that it was in this very position that foreigners were sent off to the other world. The differences between the funeral rites of the two neighbouring communities, of which both sides were almost certainly well aware, may have been among the most emphasized features which distinguished these communities from each other. The production of vessels – namely future grave offerings – depicting a state which was easy to enter, but which was also easy to exit (images of the ‘sleeping’ vs. images of the ‘falling asleep’ or ‘awake’) may have been inspired by the symbolism of sleep as a transient death-like state. There is much to suggest that in Moche iconography and worldview the non-Moche had a strong and explicit symbolic relationship with the world of the dead.

is an extremely rare representation and is, therefore, difficult to interpret. The scene depicted on the vessel is taking place in a mountainous landscape. In its centre (on the highest peak), there is a supernatural figure with feline fangs, whose hands are joined in a gesture of prayer, typical of the ‘worshipers’ appearing in Coca Ceremony scenes. This figure is wearing a rare, crescent-shaped headdress, wire-and-drop circle earrings and a felineheaded banner. Two smaller figures are sitting on either side, on the lower peaks. To the left of the deity is a naked prisoner with a rope around his neck and his hands tied (judging by his hairstyle – he is a Moche captive), while on the right – a foreigner with a forelock, long tubular earplugs, wearing a tunic decorated with a checkerboard motif and carrying a bundle on his back. The man’s head is slightly tilted to the side and his eyes are closed. It is not known whether he is in a trance or meditating, but the fact that he is holding a lime container in his clenched left hand does not suggest that he is sleeping.

Finally, as discussed above, it is worth noting that the theme of ‘sleeping’ Moche warriors and foreigners (who were not warriors), which frequently appeared in three-dimensional renderings, was not represented at all in fineline painted scenes. Therefore, there is no information about the context in which representatives of both these groups were falling asleep or entering a state that resembled this. The only representation available at this moment, which can shed some light on the problem in question, is a wonderful stirrupspout bottle which belongs to the National Museum of the American Indian collection (Figure 2.36). On the one hand, the depiction on it probably refers to some extent to the scenes of the Coca Ceremony that were described in this chapter, whereas, on the other hand, it may refer to images of the ‘sleeping’. However, this

In combination with known, fineline painted scenes depicting the Coca Ceremony, the representation on this vessel gives rise to a number of doubts. First of all, no prisoners appeared in any of the above scenes, so basically it is not known what the objective was of placing this particular figure in this depiction.131 131  Some authors link the Coca Ceremony theme to the Mountain Sacrifice Ceremony theme, which was most thoroughly analysed by Ari Zighelboim (1993, 1995a, 1995b). I believe that there are no appropriate grounds for this, because the Sacrifice Ceremony scenes do not show either individuals taking coca or even utensils related to this activity.

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Figure 2.37. Scene decorating bottle 4-2677 from the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology collection in Berkeley (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0106d_B by Donna McClelland).

Secondly, as already discussed, no bareheaded foreigners (and, therefore, presumably no individuals of a fairly low status in their community)132 participated in the Coca Ceremony, neither burden bearers nor ‘sleeping’ individuals. In turn, none of the threedimensional images of ‘sleeping’ foreigners discussed in this chapter were presented with a lime container in the hands. All this raises the question of whether the scene depicted on this vessel is actually related to both themes discussed here as strongly as it might seem at first glance. This problem should certainly be analysed in more detail.

representation is unclear, but it certainly depicts foreigners only, which – apart from the stubble – is clearly indicated by their outfits, the forms of their headdresses, ear ornaments, hairstyles and face painting. This scene depicts two pairs of men sitting opposite each other, probably involved in some exchange of objects.135 Attention is drawn to both their open mouths and their lively gestures. The individuals depicted on the left of each pair are holding strangelooking artifacts which resemble leather bags that appear in ritual running scenes,136 while those depicted on the right have small objects resembling the pods of some plant. There is probably a live parrot between the first pair, and a small jar with an effigy representation of a bird between the second pair. The number of repeating elements of the appearance of the men shown to the left of each pair indicates that these may be two depictions of the same individual. If this were the case, this scene should be interpreted as a representation of two episodes from the life of this very character.

Bearded men In the first part of this chapter describing the threedimensional depictions of foreigners taking coca, four vessels were mentioned, presenting individuals with more or less abundant facial hair.133 This element of appearance was also marked on several other images of non-Moche warriors and captives that were discussed in Chapter  1, as well as in the painted coca taking scene presented in this chapter (Figure 2.1b). In Moche iconography, facial hair was one of the most striking culture and probably also ethnic markers distinguishing foreigners from the coastal dwellers.

The images of bearded men attract particular attention among the three-dimensional representations of seated foreigners who are not performing any specific activities or are not carrying any objects that could directly suggest their function. Facial hair can mean a long beard, tufts of hair on the cheeks and a moustache.137 The collections I  examined have just over 30 vessels with representations of this kind.138

We know only one published fineline painted scene in which all the individuals depicted have facial hair. This scene decorates the body of a Moche  III stirrupspout bottle from Grave 3 at Site F in Huaca de la Luna, which is currently housed in the PAHMA collection (Figure  2.37).134 Unfortunately, the meaning of this

published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 40, Fig. 3.2), and a series of its photographs can be found in the online catalogue of the PAHMA collection. 135  Such activity of the foreigners represented in this scene is also suggested by Scher (2010: 742). 136  Although the objects held by the two men resemble bags of ritual runners, they are finished at the top with four rather than two long ends, as is the case in the running scenes (cf., amongst others, Donnan and McClelland 1999: 90, Fig.  4.30; 95, Fig.  4.40; 203-206, Figs 6.24-6.31). Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that these are some other objects, e.g. bunches of feathers. 137  E.g. vessels ML000960, ML000962, ML000967 and ML000969. 138  The Museo Larco collection has 14 vessels depicting seated bearded men (Inv.  Nos  ML000957-ML000960, ML000962, ML000964-

In the sample of 81 vessels depicting squatting ‘sleeping’ foreigners discussed above (37 of which belong to the Museo Larco collection and 44 come from other collections and publications) – almost 80% (64 vessels) are images of bareheaded men. 133  These were three vessels from the Museo Larco and MNAAHP collections (Figs 2.17a, 2.17b and 2.17c) as well as the vessel published by Donnan (2004: 7, Fig. 1.8). 134  Vessel 4-2677; Scher 2010: 742, Cat.  No.  819. The vessel was 132 

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Figure 2.38a. Jar ML000957 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.38b. Bottle ML012851 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.38c. Bottle ML012853 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.38d. Bottle V A 62153 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

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How to Represent a Stranger? This set is largely dominated by stirrup-spout bottles from Moche II and III phases; only four vessels are jars, sometimes with small handles (Figure  2.38a).139 Most of them are carefully made and often artfully painted vessels (Figures 2.38b, 2.38c, 2.38d and 2.38e).140 Except for a few vessels that do not show the legs of the figures or which represent men squatting,141 all the others depict them in the same position: sitting cross-legged with their hands resting on their knees. The outfits of the bearded men are generally two or, in most cases, probably three layers of clothing, namely a long tunic, a long-sleeved short tunic worn on top of it and a mantle tied on the chest. Individual garments may be monochromatic and undecorated, only one of them may be decorated or each may have a different ornament (they are usually geometric or zoomorphic motifs). The characteristic pattern found on mantles is one made of small dots or circles arranged in diagonal straight lines intersecting each other in the middle of the back.142 In several cases, the beards and moustaches of the men were decorated with vertical dark and lightcoloured lines showing streaks of hair,143 but they are usually completely white, which could suggest that the characters in question are advanced in years. The men generally have short, straight neck-length hair144 and headgear in the form of circlets (undecorated or decorated with a simple painted geometric ornament145 or two insets on the sides resembling feline paws146). Almost all the bearded men have very impressive, usually decorated, ear spools, which were the most prestigious type of ear ornaments presented in Moche art and are often discovered in the graves of representatives of the elite of this culture.147 Ear spools

Figure 2.38e. Bottle C-54673 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

ML000970, ML012851 and ML012853). Of the remaining vessels, 19 are from other collections: seven from the MNAAHP collection in Lima (Inv. Nos C-01049, C-01050, C-01052, C-01053, C-01056, C-54673 and C-54674), five from the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (Inv. Nos V A 3619, V A 12950, V A 14070, V A 47886 and V A 62153), two each from the PAHMA collection (Inv. Nos 4-3069 and 4-3345) and the Museo Casinelli in Trujillo (Inv. Nos 3256 and 3261), and one each from the Brooklyn Museum of Art (Inv. No. 30.883), the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Inv.  No.  63.112.9), and the Världskulturmuseet in Gothenburg (Inv. No. 1920.09.0002). 139  Vessels ML000957, C-00612 and V A 3619. 140  E.g. vessels ML012851, ML012853 and specifically V A 62153. 141  I.e. vessels ML000957, ML000959 and C-54673. 142  E.g. vessels ML000964, ML000966, ML000968, ML000970 and V A 47886. 143  E.g. vessels ML000966 and ML012851. 144  Only the individuals depicted on three vessels have their hair tied in two shoulder-length or longer ponytails (Inv.  Nos  ML000959, V A 14070 and vessel 63.112.9 from the Metropolitan Museum of Art). 145  E.g. vessels ML000958, ML000969, ML012851 and V A 62153. 146  E.g. vessels ML000960, ML000965, ML000967 and ML000962, on the last of which this element is particularly clearly indicated. These headgear decorations have not been preserved in the case of several vessels (e.g. ML000959, ML000964, V A 12950 and V A 62153). 147  The earspools used by bearded men could be decorated with geometric motifs (e.g. vessels ML000958, ML000960 and ML000966) or with geometricized zoomorphic motifs (e.g. vessels ML000964,

Figure 2.38f. Bottle ML000962 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour are very rare in the representations of foreigners, which additionally seems to indicate an exceptionally high status of the individuals described. ‘Siamese twins’ The Museo Larco collection contains nine vessels representing two non-Moche characters sitting side by side and embracing each other. In the specific pairs, these individuals are either dressed identically or wear different attire.148 In addition to the nine examples from this collection, the Berlin Ethnologisches Museum has two vessels depicting such pairs149, while the Museo de América in Madrid has one150 (they all show pairs of identically dressed men). The vessels which belong to this group were most frequently interpreted in the literature to date – both archaeological and dedicated to the history of medicine – as images of Siamese twins. Given this identification, they were usually categorized as images of diseases and pathologies recorded in Moche iconography and have been examined in detail by physicians and pathologists since the early 20th century.151 Seven vessels portraying foreigners clothed identically are five stirrup-spout bottles and two spout-and-handle

Figure 2.39a. Bottle ML002639 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

V  A  47886, V  A  62153 and 4-3345 from the PAHMA collection). A recurring motif is a spiral, octopus or anemone-shaped pattern. A man without ear ornaments is presented on vessel ML012851, while the ears of the individual depicted on vessel 30.883 from the Brooklyn Museum of Art are not visible. 148  Identically dressed men are represented on vessels ML002637, ML002639, ML012948 and ML012976, while men clothed differently are depicted on vessels ML002411, ML002415, ML002416, ML002417 and ML002418. Within these two basic groups, the appearance of the men and the set of attributes they have are basically unchanged. There are minor differences between individual representations, such as patterns appearing on men’s clothing, their gestures (especially in the first group) or motifs of their face painting. In addition to the above, the Museo Larco has a vessel which also presents ‘twins’ (Inv. No. ML002638), but it was not included in the analysed sample. It differs from the other images in form, is very schematic and can probably be dated to Moche V phase (unlike the vessels mentioned earlier which are from Moche III and IV phases). 149  Vessels V A 7674 and V A 18036. 150  Vessel MAM 01114. 151  A bottle with a tall neck and handle (Inv. No. 1-3334) representing a pair of identically dressed men described as: ‘Mochica. – Xifópagos? Huaco único en que se ven dos hermanos unidos por la columna vertebral lumbar? Dos piernas y cuatro brazos’ was published in 1943, in a richly illustrated album Representaciones patológicas en la cerámica peruana presenting vessels in the collection of the then Museo Nacional in Lima, containing depictions of sick and disabled individuals (Lastres et al. 1943: 11, Lám. XLII). Such an identification of the representations in question was preserved in the archaeological literature, as a result of the authority of Rafael Larco Hoyle himself, who described such depictions in one of the chapters of his book Los Mochicas as follows: La figura No. 278 nos confirma que sobrevivieron hasta edad madura dos tipos de gemelos siameses: un par de ellos unidos por la parte posterior, que permitía que ambas piernas quedaran hacia el frente, y el otro tipo, cuyo punto de unión se encontraba en el abdomen, que daba por resultado que quedara sólo una pierna de cada individuo hacia delante. (Larco 2001b: 249). In the medical literature, such an interpretation of the images in question can be found, amongst others, in: Topolanski 2008: Fig. 306; Carod-Artal and Vázquez 2006.

Figure 2.39b. Bottle ML002637 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Stranger? on the chest (Figure 2.39a)156, while on one vessel, the men are embracing each other at the front (Figure 2.39b) and, on the other two, the man sitting on the left is holding a lime container in his hand with a lime spatula stuck in it (Figure 2.39c)157. The men are embracing one another at the necks with their arms shown at the back. The faces of the foreigners appearing in each pair are represented rather schematically, they look almost identical and have the same facial expression, which may indeed suggest that they are twins. The men’s attire is a shorter or longer tunic with long sleeves; each has a hooded mantle on it. This garment is made of a large rectangular piece of usually monochromatic fabric.158 In the case of most of the representations, the foreigners have scarves tied to their chests, in which they are carrying some bundles.159 On three vessels, they also have coca bags hanging down from their necks.160 Their headdresses are circlets decorated with representations of ulluchu fruits. The men depicted on five vessels use tubular earplugs161, while the individuals on two vessels have painted faces.162 In the first case, it is a Maltese-cross motif, in the second one, a motif covering the area of the chin and the eyes.

Figure 2.39c. Bottle ML012976 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The group of vessels depicting men dressed differently from each other consists of five stirrup-spout bottles. They were probably made using two moulds.163 All the vessels are almost identical in terms of the arrangement of the figures, their facial expressions, gestures, attire and equipment, differing only in their painting. Both men are squatting (the right leg of the man sitting on the left and the left leg of the man sitting on the right are visible). The right hand of the individual sitting on the left is pressed against his mouth, the left hand of the man sitting on the right is resting on his chest. The figure on the left is probably whistling, the facial expression of the man sitting on the right is neutral. Just as in the case of the identically dressed foreigners, the characters clothed differently are also embracing each other at the neck with their arms shown at the back of the vessels (Figure 2.40).

bottles152. Only two vessels in this set seem to have been made using one mould or very similar moulds153. In all the cases, the men depicted are squatting. On five vessels, each of their connected legs is depicted as one, which gives the impression that these merged individuals actually only had two lower limbs.154 In the other two cases, however, two legs of each figure were presented separately.155 The vessels in this group differ from each other in certain details. On four of them, the right hand of the man sitting on the left and the left hand of the man sitting on the right are placed on their knees or folded Vessels ML002637 and V A 18036. Vessels MAM 01114 and ML002639. These are vessels MAM  01114, ML002637, ML002639, ML012948 and V A 18036. 155  Vessels ML012976 and V A 7674. If, in the cases in question, this really was about Siamese twins, they would take on the form of dithoracic parapagus dipus tetrabrachius (twins with two torsos, with two legs and four arms) or dithoracic parapagus tetrapus tetrabrachius (with four legs and four arms). The probability of live births of Siamese twins is approximately 1:100,000–1:200,000; the parapagus form appears in approximately 15% of cases (Burgamina 2006). It would mean that the probability of the birth of a pair of twins as allegedly represented by Moche art would be approximately 1:1,000,000–1:2,000,000. The probability of survival of such twins until adulthood would probably be much lower, not to mention the reoccurrence of a similar event at a similar time and in the same area (as Larco suggested). According to estimates, the population of the North Coast in Moche era may have amounted to around 250,000 inhabitants (Schaedel 1972). 152  153  154 

These are vessels MAM 01114, ML002639, ML012948 and V A 18036. Vessels ML012976 and V A 7674. 158  In one case, the fabric of the mantle is decorated with a motif of dark crosses against a light background (vessel ML012976) and in the second case, a motif of intersecting black stripes on a dark background (vessel ML012948). 159  The exception is vessel V A 7674. 160  Vessels ML002637, ML012976 and V A 7674. 161  Vessels MAM  01114, ML002637, ML002639, ML012948 and V A 18036. 162  Vessels ML012976 and V A 18036. 163  Vessels ML002411, ML002417 and ML002418 were probably made from one mould (the last two come from the same site, San Ildefonso in the Virú Valley), while vessels ML002415 and ML002416 were made from another mould. 156  157 

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Figure 2.40. Bottle ML002416 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The foreigners in the second group differ from each other. Those sitting on the right are wearing circlets decorated with depictions of ulluchu fruits, while those on the left do not have headgear of this type, and only their hairstyles (with a forelock typical of foreigners) are displayed on the vessels. Both individuals are wearing short- or long-sleeved tunics. The man on the left also has a hooded mantle (in two cases, this is a dark fabric decorated with a motif of light-coloured crosses164), the man on the right has a light-coloured scarf tied at the back. The man in the ulluchu circlet has a small coca bag suspended from his left shoulder, from which a lime container with a lime stick is protruding. In turn, the man with a forelock has a large bag on his back, which is suspended from his neck and from which a lime container and a long, forked object inserted in it are sticking out. A strange convexity can be seen at the level of his chest and, under it, a vertical element with two branches bent downwards (perhaps this is an image of some plant or tool). The men’s ears can be seen, but there are no ornaments in them. None of the figures have any signs of face painting.

First, if the above depictions of the alleged ‘twins’ are compared to the images of other diseases, the conclusion could be drawn that, in this particular case, for reasons that are completely unclear, the producers of the vessels must have committed an inconsistency which is difficult to explain. When it comes to other types of disability, they were depicted very clearly in Moche art; here, this unusual affliction is almost completely camouflaged both by the gesture of the embracing men and their attire. Second, the men depicted on the vessels in question do not differ in any particular way from their kinsmen. They are dressed similarly, like some coca takers or ‘sleeping’ figures described in this chapter, or like some of the so-called ‘salesmen’ whose depictions will be discussed in Chapter 3. Judging by their attire, they are from the lower classes of the community of foreigners and are probably young people. Most of them have small bundles on their backs, so they seem to be doing some kind of work. It is difficult to presume that the existence of such a rare phenomenon – of potentially great symbolic importance – could be presented in the iconography in such an ordinary or even trivial way. If the men in question were indeed Siamese twins and managed to live long enough to reach adulthood, they would probably not have had such a low status in their community and would not have been required to carry even the lightest of goods (which, besides, is difficult to imagine even for medical reasons).

The analysis of Moche ceramics for making a medical assessment of the ailments and disorders presented on some of the vessels has a history which is almost as long as the research of this culture itself. Such eminent scholars as Hermilio Valdizán, Juan Lastres and Lizardo Vélez López dedicated their works to them as early as at the beginning of the 20th century, while Pedro Weiss and Rafael Larco Hoyle wrote about them later.165 In these publications, the researchers presented many valuable observations of the diseases from which the ancient inhabitants of the North Coast of Peru may have suffered. It seems, however, that they were wrong in the case of the alleged representations of the Siamese twins.166

Third, it is worth noting that the gesture of embracing or hugging each other, which is observed in the representations of the ‘twins’, is not at all unique in Moche iconography. It also appears in several other contexts, although in no case is it explained in such a bizarre way by scholars.167 The only difference is that, in the case of other depictions involving embracing

Vessels ML002415 and ML002416. E.g. Larco 2001b; Valdizán 1915; Vélez 1912; Weiss 1961, 1969. 166  The possible sources of this interpretative error were discussed in a separate publication (Wołoszyn 2015).

167  The symbolism of gestures depicted in Moche art, despite attention already being drawn to it by several authors (including Donnan 1978: 152–155, Figs 229–236; Donnan and McClelland 1999), has not been comprehensively studied to date.

164  165 

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Figure 2.41a. Bottle ML004306 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.41b. Bottle ML004322 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

frequently three) figures engaging in acts of a sexual nature.169 The characters embracing here are most frequently a cadaverous male character and a living woman (Figure  2.41a)170 or two cadaverous characters of different sex (Figure  2.41b).171 Except for the ‘erotic’ representations, very few other depictions of embracing people are known from Moche iconography. The sexual or erotic aspect is practically absent in these individual cases, or at least is not highlighted so emphatically. Examples may be vessel ML004218 depicting a man sitting on a raised platform, embracing – which are discovered, like most Moche pottery, mainly in graves – are among the best known and most frequently published archaeological artifacts of South America. They depict various types of sexual behaviour (predominantly heterosexual oral and anal intercourse) in an exceptionally realistic manner. As they are non-procreational acts, they are usually interpreted as activities of a ritual nature, probably related to the cult of the dead (Bourget 2006). Erotic vessels probably constituted approximately 1–2% of the pottery produced in Moche workshops for ritual purposes. Several hundreds of them are currently known, with the Museo Larco having the largest group of them (over 200 vessels). Unfortunately, the vast majority of museum and private collections worldwide contain artifacts acquired through grave looting; therefore, although it is known that the vessels in this group were discovered in the graves of men, as well as women and children, their exact archaeological context is generally obscure. 169  E.g. masturbation, the insertion of the tongue into the partner’s mouth, touching a woman’s mouth or chin by a male character. 170  E.g. vessels ML004306, ML004332-ML004338, ML004344, ML004345, ML036373 and ML040390. 171  E.g. vessels ML004316, ML004318 and ML004322.

Figure 2.41c. Bottle ML028652 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

characters, they are people of the opposite sex, which, of course, automatically rules out the possibility of interpreting them as images of Siamese twins. The gesture of embracing primarily appears on the so-called ‘erotic vessels’168, which may depict two (less 168 

The so-called ‘erotic vessels’ (or sex pots, Spanish huacos eróticos)

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour a woman standing next to him, or the moving scene on vessel ML028652 (Figure 2.41c), in which the embracing characters are a man and a woman probably standing over the bed of a sick person (perhaps a child) attended by a medicine woman (Spanish curandera). The gesture of embracing or hugging is a universal gesture which is well-known in many cultures and which is an expression of the warm, mutual feelings of both people performing it.172 Although in all the recently described types of depictions in which coastal dwellers (or cadaverous figures in attire and headgear that is typical of the Moche people) appear, this gesture is performed exclusively by people of the opposite sex, there is no doubt that the same behaviour is also represented on the vessels being described here, presenting pairs of non-Moche men sitting beside each other and interpreted so far as depictions of Siamese twins. The following question arises: what did Moche artists, who made the images of the two embracing foreigners, want to demonstrate? It seems that it may have been a clear suggestion regarding behaviour among neighbours that would never take place on the coast, or at least was never depicted in iconography. It cannot be said with certainty that it was about attributing ‘homosexual’ behaviour to foreigners, but this possibility should not be ruled out, especially because it is supported by several pieces of evidence.

Figure 2.42a. Bottle ML008189 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

This group of vessels certainly presents some kind of intimacy or bonds between the couple (or couples) of representatives of one of the groups of foreigners (just like the attire worn by both men suggests their equal status, while the way of presenting their faces creates the presumption that they are of a similar, probably young age). We obviously do not know what the nature of this relationship was. It may have been a purely platonic, family or friendship-like relationship but some sexual component may also have been associated with it. Although this erotic aspect is not literally shown in any of the depictions described (as in the case of many representations of mixed couples embracing), it should be emphasized that Moche men – who were, after all, portrayed in this iconography much more frequently than foreigners – were never depicted in this way.173 The couple or two couples of foreigners (dressed identically or differently) were almost certainly protagonists in some well-known story or myth, or 172  The gesture of embracing and hugging was also described in the case of primates (Call and Tomasello 2007). 173  The only types of scenes in which there is any physical contact between Moche men are – apart from the scenes of taking captives – dance scenes in which only Moche warriors take part. They may hold hands or dance with a rope held by all participants in such a ceremony (Donnan 1982).

Figure 2.42b. Bottle ML008191 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 2.42c. Bottle ML013668 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.43a. Jar ML009857 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.43b. Bottle ML008172 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.43c. Bottle ML002442 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 2.44. Scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0549dc1m by Donna McClelland).

The question arises of whether there may have been some moral judgment behind those depictions, e.g. condemning or at least mocking the neighbours’ habits? It appears that the first possibility can be ruled out: if the represented men were in a relationship that was not approved or even severely criticized by the Moche, it can be presumed that this would not end in such euphemistic suggestions. However, a condescending, patronizing or paternalistic approach to foreigners can be accepted with some caution. This can be evidenced by depictions of very similar-looking pairs of anthropomorphized male monkeys embracing, which were obviously given features of non-Moche men in Moche iconography (Figures  2.42a, 2.42b and 2.42c).175 These monkeys usually have wire-and-drop circle earrings, often carry coca bags suspended from their shoulders and sometimes also have a clear face painting with a Maltese-cross motif. Needless to say, in literature, these vessels are simply described as representations of embracing animals and not as a case of simian Siamese twins.

a general symbol, a depiction of typical members of a non-Moche group. It cannot be ruled out that, by portraying them in a gesture which was practically reserved in Moche iconography for representatives of the opposite sex, it was suggested that there may have been closer relations between young men in the community of foreigners, and that such relationships were accepted in this community.174 174  The prevalence of various forms of same-sex sexual activities in traditional cultures has been confirmed by many ethnographic and anthropological studies (e.g. Ford and Beach 1951; Herdt 1993; Lang 1998). In most communities in which such practices take place, they are generally treated with indifference and accepted as appropriate for certain members of the group. Such types of behaviour may also be institutionalized and may perform culturally important functions. Consequently, they may actually be recommended to representatives of individual groups in a given community (they usually occur sporadically or periodically, under strictly defined conditions). In his seminal book The Construction of Homosexuality of 1988, sociologist David F. Greenberg, based on earlier studies, using ethnographic materials, works of art and ancient written sources, divided the ‘homosexual’ activities observed in kinship- and class-structured societies into four possible types of relationships, primarily taking into account the social status of the individuals involved. In the case of kinship communities, these were relationships that he described as transgenerational (between an older and a younger man, a teacherstudent type of relationship, usually performing an initiating function), transgenderal (between partners of different gender; such relationships were usually observed in communities in which socalled berdaches – ‘two-spirit people’, winkte – were present), egalitarian (between people of the same age, young people of an identical or a similar social status; it was usually teenagers that were supposed to enter into such relations, and they were mostly temporary; as a rule, in adulthood, men involved in such relationship would normally establish relationships with women). The fourth type, which only appears in hierarchical societies, can be described as transclass or class-structured (it describes relationships in which the partners are

Although this issue extends beyond the scope of this study, it should be mentioned that it is precisely from different social classes, the free/rich maintain sexual contact with the non-free/poor). In the case of the group of representations of ‘Siamese twins’ discussed in this chapter, the intention may have been to present an egalitarian type of relationship. 175  In the Museo Larco collection, the most representative vessels of this group are ML008186, ML008187, ML008189, ML008191, ML008192 and ML013668.

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Figure 2.45a. Bottle ML004150 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.45b. Bottle ML008316 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.45c. Bottle ML008432 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.45d. Bottle V A 62138 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

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Figure 2.45e. Bottle C-01221 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 2.45f. Bottle ML004083 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.45g. Bottle ML008210 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 2.45h. Bottle 2009.20.156 (Courtesy The Walters Art Museum – Baltimore).

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How to Represent a Stranger? (Figure  2.45a). Some animals, often with poorly marked human features, had faces painted with the aforementioned Maltese-cross motif (Figure  2.45b). After all, it cannot be ruled out that, in a way, this typical face painting pattern, which is present in Moche art, but which also appears in Recuay iconography177, was inspired by the natural colouring of the animals themselves (Figure  2.45c). In some exceptional cases, anthropomorphized monkeys presented as foreigners had a hairstyle with a characteristic forelock, and even facial hair. Some of them would be holding objects that were typical of foreigners: a lime container and lime stick – the best example of which is the famous vessel from the Ethnologisches Museum or the vessel from the MNAAHP collection (Figures  2.45d and 2.45e)178 – or a pututu trumpet made of a Strombus galeatus conch (Figure 2.45f). There are representations of monkeys in headgear which was typical of nonMoche men (Figure  2.45g), as well as depictions of monkey warriors holding clubs with an ovoid mace head in their paws (Figure  2.45h).179 Many of the animals depicted are certainly males with protruding fangs, often baring their teeth. It cannot be ruled out that this grimace which, as was emphasized earlier, in the case of people, was typical only of foreigners, also symbolically linked them to monkeys, i.e. animals so strikingly similar to humans and yet somehow ‘incomplete’, devoid of many of their characteristics.

monkeys, probably some Capuchin (Cebinae) species, which were frequently portrayed in Moche iconography as having the features of foreigners. The representations of monkeys depicted both realistically and in a more or less anthropomorphic form are very numerous in the art of the North Coast. These animals do not live there in the wild today and they also probably had to be imported there in Moche times, even though the environmental conditions of that area were much better for them than they are today.176 Unlike the images of wild animals, the representations of tamed monkeys living in captivity are much more common. They are usually depicted with a leash tied around the waist (Figures  2.43a and 2.43b). These animals were probably used to pick ulluchu fruits, as evidenced by the numerous three-dimensional and relief representations (Figure 2.43c) and a painted mythical scene showing an intercourse between a deity and a woman, the result of which is precisely a tree that gives these fruits. There are monkeys on the branches of this tree, picking ulluchu fruits, whereas four foreigners are standing underneath, collecting them (Figure 2.44). The most popular attributes which were given to monkeys that were identified with non-Moche characters were wire-and-drop circle earrings, with which even non-anthropomorphized animals were represented. Much less frequently, monkeys also had long tubular earplugs that were typical of foreigners

Eisleb 1987: Abb. 178, Taf. VI (vessel V A 4753). Vessel V A 62138 (Donnan 1978: 117, Fig. 182) and vessel C-01221. The face of the warrior monkey depicted on vessel 2009.20.156 in the collection of the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore is decorated with a Maltese cross motif and two circles on its cheeks. The online catalogue of this museum contains the information about the state of preservation of this vessel: ‘Visual examination and X-radiography indicates that this vessel has been constructed of numerous fragments and is filled and painted to hide the joins. The handle does not appear to be original to this bottle.’ 177  178  179 

176 

Benson 2012: 2.

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Chapter 3

How to Represent a Neighbour? ‘salesmen’ were represented in Moche art exclusively in the form of full-figure effigy vessels depicting individual characters. They were not shown in either three-dimensional scenes or in scenes made using the bas-relief or fineline techniques which would present them in a specific, wider context. If such depictions had existed, they might have helped to form an opinion on the roles played by these individuals in the everyday or ritual lives of the coastal community.

As was demonstrated in the previous chapter, coca was treated in Moche art as a plant on the use of which foreigners had a kind of monopoly. Coca bags and other objects used for consuming it belonged exclusively to them. However, coca leaves were not the only exotic product to which the non-Moche had access. It was probably through them that various goods reached the west, the acquisition, production, or at least transportation of which was also related to them to some extent. At least some of these goods – probably of great symbolic value – were sent to the coast and eagerly used by the Moche, as evidenced by both iconography and excavation material.

Only men were depicted as ‘salesmen’ in Moche iconography. They could be dressed in various ways, appearing with a bare head or wearing various types of headgear, could also use various types of ornaments or face-painting motifs. They were usually presented as standing, squatting or sitting cross-legged, holding different objects, plants or animals which could be included in one of six different categories. In the 21 collections analysed, I managed to identify 255 images of people in this group.3 Among them, the images of men holding small felines (84  vessels, constituting approximately 1/3 of the sample) were the most numerous, followed by ‘sellers’ of decorated tunics (55  vessels – 22%), espingo seeds strung on strings (41  vessels – 16%), conchs of the Strombus galeatus or pututu trumpets (35  vessels – 14%), various species of birds (30 vessels – 12%) and ulluchu fruits (10 vessels – 4%).

Depictions of men holding various plants, animals or objects, which appear to have aroused a great deal of interest among Moche artists, are generally described in the literature as representations of so-called ‘salesmen’. This term was introduced by Elizabeth P. Benson in 1976, in her previously cited article ‘Salesmen’ and ‘Sleeping’ Warriors in Mochica Art, in which she intentionally used these words in quotation marks. The author noted that, in her opinion, for many decades – during which Moche art was treated as a simple record of the everyday life of the residents of the North Coast that was fundamentally devoid of deeper symbolic meanings – these depictions were interpreted by researchers in a naive and completely erroneous way as representations of ordinary merchants or traveling sellers displaying their goods for sale1. According to Benson, these images – after all, just like the whole of Moche iconography – were to be primarily associated with some aspect of religious activity. In her opinion, the objects held by the alleged ‘salesmen’ were not goods intended for sale or exchange, but they most probably constituted future ritual offerings.2 Regardless of the role actually played by the foreign ‘salesmen’ in the Moche world – merchants, taxpayers, sacrificers or suppliers of objects to be offered – the significant number of their images that have been preserved to this day clearly indicates that contacts between representatives of both cultures were not exclusively hostile.

The first part of this chapter will provide a more detailed description of the individual groups of ‘salesmen’. It will start with a presentation of those holding finished products (i.e. tunics and conch trumpets), to move on to a discussion of the depictions of those holding various plants and animals from ecological zones which were probably not directly controlled by the Moche. The second part of the chapter will be focused on another group of foreigners – this time both men and women The depictions of the ‘salesmen’ analysed here belong to the collections of the Museo Larco (118 vessels) and the Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú (50) in Lima, the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (20), the Museo Casinelli (8) and the Museo de Arqueología (8) in Trujillo, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (7), the Museo de América in Madrid (7), the British Museum in London (5), the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam (5), the Världskulturmuseet in Gothenburg (5), the Museo Tumbas Reales de Sipán in Lambayeque (5), the Museum Volkenkunde in Leiden (3), the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology in Cambridge, Massachusetts (3), the Proyecto Arqueológico Huaca Cao Viejo (2), the Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas de Moche (2), the Museo de La Plata (2), the Brooklyn Museum (1) and the National Museum of the American Indian (1) in New York, the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam (1), the Michael C. Carlos Museum in Atlanta (1) and the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge (1).

3 

‘Salesmen’ Moving on to a more detailed discussion of these images, it should be pointed out at the outset that This is how these depictions were presented, for instance by Sawyer (1975: 31) in the fragment cited in the Introduction. 2  Benson only distinguished three of the groups of ‘salesmen’ discussed later in her article, namely men holding ornamented tunics, small felines and birds. 1 

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Figure 3.1a. Jar V A 4661 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.1d. Bottle V A 48043 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.1g. Bottle ML012871 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.1b. Bottle V A 12952 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author)

Figure 3.1c. Bottle C-54593 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.1f. Bottle ML012870 Figure 3.1e. Bottle V A 4639 (Courtesy Museo Larco – (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Lima). Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.1h. Bottle ML012872 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.1i. Bottle 1957.417 (Courtesy Art Institute of Chicago).

How to Represent a Neighbour? depictions which were represented more realistically (Figure  3.1i). Of the latter group, two vessels are the most interesting. They are probably made from one mould, depicting ‘salesmen’ holding tunics with exceptionally long sleeves. The first of these tunics is embellished with depictions of two herons,10 the second one – with an image of the so-called ‘Moon Animal’.11

– who also transported goods and were described in the literature on the subject using the collective term of ‘burden bearers’ or ‘porters’ (Spanish cargadores and cargadoras). Tunic ‘sellers’ Men holding short-sleeved tunics decorated in various ways are depicted on 55  vessels. Among them, there are 16  jars and 39  stirrup-spout bottles. Usually, jars are vessels of lower artistic quality,4 although there are sometimes exceptions to this rule. Two vessels from the Berlin Ethnologisches Museum collection – a jar (Figure  3.1a) and a stirrup-spout bottle (Figure  3.1b), which were probably produced using the same mould – are particularly interesting examples; the first of these was manufactured a bit more carefully.

Pututu trumpet ‘sellers’ On 35 vessels from the sample in question, men holding large conchs of sea snails (most probably of the Strombus galeatus species) are presented.12 They are depicted on 12 jars and 23 stirrup-spout bottles, about half of which were made very carefully (Figure 3.2a).13 Jars are usually of lower artistic quality (Figure 3.2b). The small scale of the objects held by the ‘salesmen’ usually makes it impossible to conclude whether it is just a shell or maybe a trumpet made of it, usually referred to as pututu or huayllaquepa. In Moche times – as the iconography shows – these trumpets with a deep far-reaching tone were used by the coastal dwellers both in battle and in some ceremonies. In several cases – mainly where the shell has a string attached to it (hanging loosely or hung on the holder’s wrist) and where the trumpet mouthpiece was painted in a darker colour – there is no doubt that we are dealing with a depiction of a musical instrument.14

As many as 48  of the vessels under review have depictions of men with wire-and-drop circle earrings5 and the vast majority of characters have coca bags on their backs. Only seven tunic ‘sellers’ have been represented in headgear (Figure  3.1c). On one of the vessels from the Berlin collection this is probably a simple circlet,6 while on another (Figure 3.1d) it is an impressive headdress made of feline skin, furnished at the back with a fan of feathers or tassel of fabric.7 All other men have bare heads and a very similar hairstyle with hair cut short at the front, being longer at the back, and having a tonsure. Two individuals represented on vessels of low artistic quality are the exception as they have a characteristic forelock.8 The typical salesman’s attire is usually a short- or long-sleeved tunic, generally not ornamented, but sometimes decorated with vertical straight stripes, a zigzag motif or another simple geometric pattern. There is sometimes a mantle on it, tied on one of the arms. Very rarely, the men that are presented have a more clearly marked face painting (Figure 3.1f).

Twenty-nine vessels present trumpet ‘sellers’ with bare heads: 25 of them have the same hairstyle as the tunic ‘sellers’ (Figure  3.2a), while the other four have a forelock.15 Of the individuals with headgear, three use a headdress decorated with depictions of ulluchu fruits (Figure  3.2b), one has a richly decorated headdress with several additional elements fastened at the front and the sides (Figure  3.2c), one has a headdress which is completely unusual of foreigners, made of fabric and tied at the back of the head,16 and one has

The tunics held by the characters in question are generally richly ornamented: eight of them have a checkerboard pattern (Figures  3.1a and 3.1d), and 31 others have more or less complex geometric motifs (Figures  3.1b, 3.1f, 3.1g and 3.1h). Three tunics were decorated with a geometricized zoomorphic motif (Figures  3.1c and 3.1e),9 four others with zoomorphic

Vessel from the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection (Inv.  No.  67.167.33). Two other vessels – presenting men holding tunics decorated with a pair of birds – come from the National Museum of the American Indian (Donnan  1978: 21, Fig.  36) and MNAAHP collections (Inv. No. C-00644). 11  Vessel from the Världskulturmuseet collection (Inv. No 1922.01. 0071). 12  These shells reached Peru from the Ecuadorian coast, probably travelling across the highlands (Falcón et al. 2005, Gorriti and Falcón 2002). 13  E.g. vessels ML002217, ML002219, ML002220 and ML002250. 14  E.g. vessels ML002217, ML002219, ML002220, ML002249, ML002250 and V  A  17723. Some Moche trumpets made of real shells (e.g. artifacts ML200001, ML200010, ML200013, ML200014 and ML200015; Donnan 1978: 63, Fig.  99), as well as ceramic trumpets in the form of a conch also serving as musical instruments (e.g. items ML009912, ML016161, ML016162, ML016165, ML016168, ML016170, ML016176 and ML016232) have mouthpieces of a different colour. The former had mouthpieces made of copper, gilded copper or bone. 15  E.g. vessels ML002243 and ML002248. 16  Vessel ML002245. 10 

E.g. vessels ML001073-ML001079. Of the other ‘salesmen’: two have tubular earplugs, one has three perforations in each ear and four do not have any ear ornaments. 6  Vessel V A 14083. 7  The remaining vessels representing tunic ‘sellers’ in headgear belong to the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Inv.  No.  67.167.33), the Världskulturmuseet (Inv.  No.  1922.01.0071) and the MNAAHP collection (Inv. No. C-00639, C-00644). 8  Vessels ML005782 and MAM-01248. 9  A vessel from the Wereldmuseum collection (Inv.  No.  73221) presents a man holding a tunic decorated with geometricized zoomorphic motif (very similar to that shown on vessels V A 4639 and C-54593 from the Berlin and MNAAHP collections, respectively). 4  5 

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Figure 3.2a. Bottle ML002217 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.2b. Jar ML001919 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

a simple circlet.17 Two men presented in headdresses have their hair in a ponytail. As many as 27 members of this group use wire-and-drop circle earrings, three have long tubular earplugs,18 one has pendant crescent earrings (Figure  3.2b), one has marks from having perforated ears (Figure 3.2c), and three do not have any ear ornaments. Four men are wearing necklaces made of narrow rectangular or cylindrical beads,19 several others probably have necklaces of a different type or pectorals.20 In most cases, their costumes are a shorter or longer tunic with a long or elbow-length sleeve. Such garment is usually monochromatic but can sometimes be decorated with a checkerboard pattern or a different geometric motif. A mantle is sometimes tied on one of the arms or under the chin on top of such a tunic,21 usually being either not ornamented or decorated with a simple geometric pattern.22 Several trumpet ‘sellers’ Vessel 7419 from the British Museum collection. E.g. vessels ML002243 and ML002248. 19  E.g. vessels ML002249, ML002250 and V A 17723. 20  E.g. vessels ML001028, ML001916, ML001919 and ML002248. 21  E.g. vessels ML002244, ML002245, ML002250 and V A 12953. 22  The man presented on jar ML001916 is wearing the strangest costume decorated at the back with a pattern consisting of six large corn cobs, made using the bas-relief technique. This could suggest some association with the numerous anthropomorphic supernatural beings which appear in Moche iconography and are presented with a corn cob-shaped body (e.g. vessels ML003076, ML003080, ML003086, ML003090, ML003294, ML003323, ML003332 and ML007360) or 17  18 

Figure 3.2c. Bottle ML002249 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima)

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How to Represent a Neighbour? have more clearly marked face painting (this can be, for example, a Maltese-cross motif and two circles painted on the cheeks).23 Espingo seeds ‘sellers’ Depictions of men holding strings of espingo seeds (Nectandra sp.) are presented on 41  vessels. Among them, there are 28  jars (Figure  3.3a), 12  stirrup-spout bottles (Figures  3.3b and 3.3c) and one spout-andhandle bottle.24 The vast majority of these vessels are of poor technical and artistic quality. The exceptions are five carefully made Moche  IV bottles. The first one is in the MNAAHP collection and represents a man with a tonsure and face painting in the form of a Maltese cross, with two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings and wearing a beautiful mantle decorated with a checkerboard motif, holding four strings of seeds depicted in three-dimensional form (Figure  3.3c).25 A very similar vessel is housed in the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge (Figure  3.3d).26 The only iconographic difference to the former is the pattern on the man’s mantle – in this case there are small dark crosses on a light background. The third vessel is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection. The man depicted on it also has two pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings, but in this case only his head was represented in three-dimensional form, while his hands and two strings of seeds he is holding were painted on the vessel’s body.27 The fourth one, which is in the Museo Casinelli collection, depicting a man with a very rare type of headgear and two pairs of wire-anddrop circle earrings, was made in a very similar fashion. The man’s richly decorated attire and three strings of espingo seeds he is holding were painted on the body of this vessel.28 The exceptional object in both this small group and in the whole set of depictions of ‘salesmen’ is the spout-and-handle bottle from the Wereldmuseum collection in Rotterdam (Figure  3.3e).29 The figure of a man holding a string of seeds is represented on this vessel as a deck figure (one string of espingo seeds, a net bag and, probably, a wanderer’s cane were additionally painted on the vessel’s body).

Figure 3.3a. Jar ML002254 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

elements of attire in the shape of corn cobs (e.g. vessels ML003122, ML003339, ML006613 and ML006620). 23  E.g. vessels C-00790, ML002217, ML002219, ML002220, ML002245 and ML002249; Donnan 1978: 63, Fig. 98. 24  Espingo seeds were used in Peru in colonial times and are used today in folk medicine as a magic agent protecting against ‘soul maladies’ and as a psychoactive substance. Ground seeds were added to chicha maize beer (Donnan 1978: 127; McClelland 2008: 56; Montoya 1998, 1999; Towle 1961: 40; Wassén 1976). They have a strong and penetrating odour similar to curry, contain toxic substances (alkaloids), can act as an anticoagulant and – used in large doses – can even cause death. 25  Vessel C-07847 (Donnan 1976: 101, Fig. 82; 1978: 130, Fig. 202). 26  Vessel 1924.186. 27  Vessel 67.167.29. 28  Vessel 0161-INC 2007. 29  Vessel 70713.

Figure 3.3b. Bottle ML002234 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.3c. Bottle C-07847 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.3d. Bottle 1924.186 (Courtesy University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology).

It is worth emphasizing that, with two exceptions,30 all vessels in the group in question present men without headgear, with a hairstyle that is typical of ‘salesmen’ from the previously described groups (short hair at the front, long at the back, sometimes with a tonsure). Almost all of them have one pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings and most of them have a coca bag hanging from their shoulder, although their attire is fairly diverse. Some have shorter or longer tunics with short or long sleeves, which are either monochromatic or decorated with simple geometric motifs,31 others also have a mantle tied on one of the arms or under the chin.32 Traces of face painting have been preserved on several vessels. They present a Maltese-cross motif and two circles or other geometric patterns painted on the cheeks.33

Espingo seeds sellers in headgear are represented on vessels in the Museo Casinelli (Inv.  No.  0161-INC 2007) and in the MNAAHP collection (Inv.  No.  C-00791). The man on the latter vessel has a ponytail and a headdress decorated with a pair of ulluchu fruits. 31  E.g. vessels ML002232, ML002238, ML002254, ML002257 and ML002258. 32  E.g. vessels ML002234, ML002239 and ML002240. 33  E.g. vessels ML002234, ML002236, ML002238 and ML002254. 30 

Figure 3.3e. Bottle WM-70713 (Courtesy Collection Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen).

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How to Represent a Neighbour? The ‘salesmen’ from this group may hold one, two, three or four strings of seeds.34 In the case of most vessels (mainly from Moche III phase), the strings of seeds were made as a mould impression, namely in the form of bas-relief. The exceptions are the four Moche IV bottles mentioned above, on which the seeds were painted on the vessel’s body or presented in a three-dimensional, sculptural form. Ulluchu fruits ‘sellers’ The group of depictions of ‘salesmen’ holding strings of ulluchu fruits is the least numerous.35 It contains just ten vessels (only jars), amongst which two series can be distinguished – each consisting of three vessels – made from one mould or very similar moulds.36 These are vessels of rather poor artistic quality. Seven of them present men with bare heads and hairstyles as in the previously described groups (Figure 3.4a), while three (from one mould) depict men with headdresses decorated with images of ulluchu fruits (Figure  3.4b). The hair of the latter is tied in a thick ponytail. All men in this group have wire-and-drop circle earrings, while their attire consists of a short tunic with short or long sleeves. In several cases, the tunic is decorated under

Figure 3.4a. Jar ML002252 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Men with one string of espingo seeds are presented, amongst others, on vessels from the Världskulturmuseet (Inv. No. 1920.09-INC 0063) and MNAAHP collections (Inv. Nos C-00450, C-00716, C-00735, C-00791 and C-03558), with two strings – on vessels ML002234, ML002236 and ML002239, with three – amongst others, on vessels ML002232, ML002238, ML002240, ML002242 and ML002257 and with four – on the beautiful bottles C-07847 from the MNAAHP collection and 1924.186 from the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge. The number of seeds on the string can be between five and 15. Five seeds on a string are presented on the stirrup-spout bottle from the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Inv.  No.  67.167.29), while a string with 15 – on the bottle from the Museo Casinelli collection (Inv. No. 0161-INC 2007). 35  The botanical identification of ulluchu/ullucho fruits (their name was coined by Rafael Larco Hoyle) was a major problem for researchers for several decades (Hultin et al. 1987; McClelland 1977; Wassén 1985-86, 1989). They were known from iconographic depictions as fruits growing on trees and collected by tamed monkeys. They also appeared in scenes showing human sacrifices and scenes of ritual runs. It was not until the excavations in Sipán (Lambayeque Valley) and Dos Cabezas (Jequetepeque Valley) that the first remains of real fruits were found. They are currently identified as the fruits of trees (perhaps of several different species) from the Guarea genus of the mahogany family (Meliaceae). When performing human sacrifices, the juice of these fruits may have been used as an anticoagulant (a blood clotting inhibitor), while their powdered seeds may have been used because of their hallucinogenic properties (e.g. Bussmann and Sharon 2009; McClelland 2008). A string could hold between five (e.g. vessel ML002260) and 13 fruits (e.g. vessel ML002252). The number of fruits held by ‘salesmen’ varies: the individual on vessel V A 17717 has a total of eight, while the one on vessel ML002252 has as many as twenty-five. 36  The vessels ML002235, ML002255 and V  A  17728 come from one mould and vessels ML002237, ML002260 and ML005693 from another one. In the online catalogue of the Museo Larco, the figure of the ‘salesman’ with a string of ulluchu fruits is only described once as a representation of a man holding them (vessel ML005693). In other cases, these depictions – just as the images of individuals with strings of espingo seeds – are referred to as representations of characters playing a rattle (‘tocando sonajera’). 34 

Figure 3.4b. Jar ML002260 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.5a. Bottle V A 4040 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.5b. Bottle V A 14087 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.5d. Bottle ML013646 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima)

Figure 3.5c. Jar ML005791 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Neighbour? a checkerboard pattern. In rare cases, a mantle tied on one of the arms or under the chin – sometimes decorated with diagonal stripes or a motif of small crosses – is placed on the tunic. Clear signs of face painting have been preserved on six vessels, all of which relate to the motif of a Maltese cross.

the neck or a pectoral with a simple geometric pattern is placed on it. None of these characters have a coca bag. Bird ‘sellers’ In the set of depictions of the ‘salesmen’, the group of bird ‘sellers’ is fairly numerous and includes 30 vessels, of which 15 are jars (including five miniatures37), while 15  are stirrup-spout bottles. In most cases, these are vessels from Moche III phase, of poor artistic quality. As a rule, the bottles are made more carefully,38 but there are also occasionally some interestingly decorated jars.39

No doubt, the most interesting issue that relates to this category of ‘salesmen’ is the question of the identification of the species of the birds they are holding. In her article published in 1976, Benson suggested that these were exclusively sea birds, which then led her to the presumption that sacrificing animals (for which, she believed, the birds and felines brought by the ‘salesmen’ may have been intended) may have symbolized the dichotomy of the sea and the mountains.44 Unlike that author, I do not believe the species in question were local species at all. The exotic nature of most of the products in the hands of the ‘salesmen’ suggests that also the birds may have come from ecological zones other than the North Coast of Peru.

Bird ‘sellers’ are certainly the most uniformly-looking group of ‘salesmen’ with regard to their status markers. Almost all the vessels presenting them show men with headgear.40 In 20 cases, this is a type of pillbox hat, which is usually not decorated (Figure  3.5a) or is decorated with a painted geometric motif of diamonds (Figure  3.5b), whereas in the next eight cases – the men have circlets which are additionally ornamented with side tabs (Figures 3.5c and 3.5d), which sometimes clearly resemble feline paws or human hands. The man on vessel ML001139 has precisely such a headdress, which is additionally decorated at the front with a bird’s head. Almost all the men in this group have the same hairstyle (with a thick ponytail41), almost all have necklaces and, in over 20 cases in which they were clearly presented, these are necklaces of the same type, made of long rectangular or cylindrical beads. The vast majority of the members of this group have the same ear ornaments, namely pendant crescent earrings42 and none, again except for one case, has a coca bag.43

As regards the species of fauna not found in this region and certainly exotic to the Moche people, one of the directions from which they may have been imported would be the north, namely the coastal area of today’s Ecuador. This direction was suggested by Christopher B. Donnan who claimed that this is precisely where both species associated with the foreigners presented in this study (namely the Strombus conch and the monkeys), as well as the iguana and one species of exotic birds – the toucan – may have come from.45 As the transportation of these goods across the desert coast of northern Peru would have been very difficult in practice, in order to accept Donnan’s hypothesis as probable, we would have to consider the possibility that not only shells but also live animals were supplied across the mountains or the sea, although there is no evidence of this.

As a rule, the attire of the bird ‘sellers’ is difficult to recognize on a substantial proportion of vessels (this is mainly due to the poor state of preservation of many artifacts, the lack of painting and little attention to detail). In the majority of cases, this is a shorter- or longer-sleeved tunic often decorated with a simple geometric motif in the form of vertical lines, stripes or

The second, much more likely, closer and more easily accessible origin of imports would be the east. The lands with many potentially interesting species of fauna and flora lied relatively close to the lands controlled by the Moche, while travelling a distance of well over a hundred kilometres to the mountains (or from the mountains to the coast) was no special feat, especially if the travel was through a river valley. This second direction of the origin of exotic plants and animals would have been more likely not only for

37  Miniature jars often have two holes in the neck for suspending or carrying them (e.g. vessels ML005801, ML005811 and ML013786). 38  E.g. vessels ML001149 and ML013384. 39  E.g. vessel ML013646 and vessel 09-3-30/75631 from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology collection. 40  The only exception is the vessel from the MNAAHP collection, representing a man holding a small parrot (Inv.  No. C-00647; Scher 2010: 700, Cat. No. 694). 41  The only exception in this group is – also in this case – vessel C-00647 from the MNAAHP collection. 42  The exceptions are five men who are wearing earspools, one using tubular earplugs, one with wire-and-drop circle earrings and two who do not have any ornaments but only perforations in their ears. 43  Also in this case the only exception is vessel C-00647 from the MNAAHP collection. The man represented on it stands out from the others in that he is holding a small bird in only one hand. It cannot be ruled out that this is not a live creature at all, but, for example, a vessel in the shape of a parrot. If this were the case, this depiction would have to be excluded from the group under review.

Benson 1976: 28, 33. Donnan 1978: 62, Fig.  97. Except for very few, completely exceptional cases, toucans do not appear in Moche iconography, but also in the case of these birds a more probable place of their origin would be the territories of the Peruvian Amazon or the humid mountain forests where certain species of this family can live to a height of 2000 or even 3000m above sea level (Schulenberg et al. 2007: 272-277). 44  45 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour different species of felines but also for large parrots – aras, which do not live on the North Coast of Peru but were frequently (much more often than toucans) represented in Moche iconography.46 However, the birds that the ‘salesmen’ are most often holding are neither toucans nor parrots (the latter only appear twice in their hands).47 Unfortunately, their images are too schematic to enable the indisputable identification of the species, but it is worth noting that – except for one case displayed on the vessel from the Museo Larco collection, where the bird being held is almost certainly a small owl (Figure 3.5c) – foreigners are holding medium-sized, large or very large birds. Interestingly, the biggest ones are even larger than the small felines held by another group of ‘salesmen’).48 Without claiming any right to give a final opinion on this matter, I believe that, in the case of several depictions, we may be dealing with some species of water birds, almost certainly ducks of the Anatidae family, as evidenced by the look of their feet or beaks. They may have come from the coast, but it is much more likely – given the contemporary maps of the ranges of the individual species of this family – that they were brought from the Andes or even from beyond the Andes.49 For example, the bird presented on the vessel from the Museo Larco collection (Figure  3.5d) may be a representative of the Anas puna (puna teal) or Oxyura jamaicensis (ruddy duck), two species which live in the highlands at altitudes of 3000–4500m above sea level. The second type of bird depicted in the hands of non-Moche ‘salesmen’ is a large bird that resembles a partridge (Figure 3.5b). In this case, this is probably a representative of the Tinamidae family, birds of delicious meat, which are easy to hunt and are also hunted nowadays on a massive scale by the inhabitants of the Andes.

Figure 3.6a. Bottle ML001163 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Aras (Spanish guacamayos) were abundantly depicted in Moche art, mainly in the form of effigy vessels, primarily on double-chamber whistling bottles with a bridge handle. Furthermore, they were depicted in bas-relief form and quite occasionally, in fineline painted scenes. One of these exceptional painted depictions was published by Golte (2009: 134, Fig. 6.4). Interestingly, this scene shows the figure of a foreigner, a man with stubble and a forelock, in a hooded mantle decorated with a dark motif of crosses on a light background. 47  The men represented on vessel ML001148 from the Museo Larco and vessel C-00647 from the MNAAHP collection are holding parrots. 48  Medium-sized birds are depicted, for instance, on two vessels which are probably made from one mould (Inv.  Nos  ML001149 and ML001969), while large birds are represented on vessels ML013390 and V  A  17747. Very large birds can be found on two vessels from the Museo Larco (Inv.  Nos  ML013646 and ML001147), two from the Proyecto Arqueológico Huaca Cao Viejo collection (Inv.  Nos  I-4533 and I-4717; Scher 2010: 784, Cat. No. 935) and one from the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (Inv. No. 09-3-30/75631). 49  This conclusion is based on maps of the contemporary ranges of the individual species of birds presented in the field guide Birds of Peru (Schulenberg et al. 2007). 46 

Figure 3.6b. Bottle ML001160 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.6c. Jar ML001174 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.6d. Jar ML013391 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.6e. Bottle ML001168 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.6f. Bottle ML001145 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.6g. Bottle C-54453 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.6h. Bottle ML013380 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.6i. Jar ML001140 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.6j. Bottle ML000639 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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How to Represent a Neighbour? Individuals wearing circlets with one pair of ulluchu fruits have wire-and-drop circle earrings,53 pendant crescent earrings54 or large earspools.55 Eleven of them have simple narrow necklaces,56 while ten have their hair tied in a ponytail. Two men are depicted on stirrupspout bottles and have circlets with two pairs of ulluchu fruits but do not have any ear ornaments or necklaces, whereas all those who use headgear decorated with three pairs of fruits only have large earspools sometimes decorated with geometric motifs.57 The most interesting common feature of all individuals in this group is that they are wearing two sets of clothes. Each of them has a longer tunic (the lower part of which may be decorated with a simple geometric pattern), as well as a short short-sleeved tunic on top of it. The men in such attire do not push their arms through the sleeves of the outer tunic, but they keep them hidden underneath it, just sliding out their palms.

Feline ‘sellers’ Of the vessels which belong to the set of depictions of ‘salesmen’ under review, the largest group is that of men holding animals from the Felidae family. This proves that Moche artists who produced these images considered such goods to be important. There is a total of 84 of these vessels, of which 45  are jars and 39  are bottles (38  stirrup-spout bottles and one spout-andhandle bottle). Most of them are Moche III vessels; their artistic quality is usually low. However, there are also some exceptionally carefully produced vessels, mainly from Moche IV phase, in this group.50 Of the vessels analysed, only 17 portray men without headgear. Four of them have a simple hairstyle with short hair at the front and long hair at the back (Figure  3.6a), and they almost always have wire-anddrop circle earrings. The remaining 13 characters have a typical forelock (Figure  3.6b) and nearly all have tubular earplugs. Some representatives of this small group have coca bags.

The last four feline ‘sellers’ represented on the jars have unusual headgear. The first one has a circlet decorated above his forehead with a metal crescent ornament,58 while the other has a headdress decorated with a feline head, a pair of ulluchu fruits and a semi-circular element.59 Two vessels, which can also be included in this group, were probably made from one mould. They represent men with circlets decorated at the front with a bump, wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings and necklaces of the type described above.60

The remaining 67  feline ‘sellers’ have been presented with headgear. Their depictions can be classified into three major groups. The first one, containing 12 vessels (only jars), consists of depictions of men who have simple circlets or pillbox hats without any additional ornaments (Figures  3.6c and 3.6d). Most of the individuals wearing them have pendant crescent earrings and necklaces made of long rectangular or cylindrical beads and their hair is usually tied in a ponytail. Eleven depictions of men with circlets, decorated on the sides with tabs showing feline paws – and sometimes also the head and tail of an animal – are included in the second group (Figure  3.6e).51 Four of these figures have pendant crescent earrings, three have wire-and-drop circle earrings and one has tubular earplugs. Four men have their hair tied in a ponytail and use the same type of necklace as previously described.

Simple face painting (sometimes in the form of a Maltese cross) is observed in just ten cases on vessels representing feline ‘sellers’. Just ten men in the entire sample have coca bags,61 while one has an ornament resembling a fringed plaque dangling from his back.62 The poor quality of the workmanship of most vessels presenting feline ‘sellers’ makes the already complicated identification of the species of the animals accompanying them even more difficult. Firstly, the level of precision of these depictions is low. Secondly, the animals presented are usually quite small compared

The most numerous group of representations of feline ‘sellers’ are depictions of 40 individuals with headgear decorated with images of ulluchu fruits. They are most often circlets ornamented on the sides with two tabs depicting schematically marked feline paws and, additionally, one (Figures  3.6f and 3.6g), two or even three pairs of fruits (Figure  3.6h). The ornaments represented above the forehead are sometimes separated with a triangular or rectangular element52 and, in one case, a clear depiction of a human head (Figure 3.6i).

E.g. vessels ML001145, ML013392 and V A 4657. E.g. vessels ML001172 and V A 17746. 55  E.g. vessels ML001150 and ML001166. 56  E.g. vessels ML001173, ML001177 and V A 4657. 57  E.g. vessels ML001151, ML001164 and ML001170. Only one of the men – represented on vessel 1979.206.111 from the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection – has a necklace of rectangular or cylindrical beads. 58  Vessel ML005807. 59  Vessel MAM 1198. 60  These are vessels ML005804 and C-00616 from the MNAAHP collection (Scher 2010: 692, Cat. No. 671). 61  Almost all of them are representatives of the same group of individuals (without a headdress, with a forelock and long tubular earplugs) presented on stirrup-spout bottles (e.g. ML001146, ML001156, ML001176 and ML013376). The exception is jar ML005928 depicting a man with a circlet and a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings. 62  Vessel ML014001. 53  54 

E.g. vessels ML001156 and V A 4657. This group has three stirrup-spout bottles, probably made from one mould: ML001162, ML001168 and V A 48046. 52  E.g. vessels ML001142, ML001150, ML001164 and ML013392. 50  51 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour to the person holding them (in the vast majority of cases they are the size of a pet cat), which suggests that they may be kittens of various species (small animals are naturally much more similar to each other than adult ones). Thirdly, their depictions are generally monochromatic (and frequently not painted at all). In such cases, when the colours of the fur are marked a bit more precisely and the images of these animals can be compared with the representations of adult felines known from Moche art, it can be concluded that the potters probably meant to present the kittens of one of the clearly spotted species, namely either small jaguars (Panthera onca) or – which is much more likely – small ocelots (Leopardus pardalis).63 However, it cannot be ruled out that the artists wanted to present kittens of one of the even smaller species, such as the pampas cat (Leopardus colocolo), margay (Leopardus wiedii) or oncilla (Leopardus tigrinus). In the case of felines which are not spotted, the artists may have wanted to show small pumas (Puma concolor) or jaguarundis (Puma yagouaroundi).64 The large number of possibilities of identification and the fact that all these species were exotic for the inhabitants of the North Coast and had to be imported raise the question of whether Moche artists were able to distinguish them from each other at all.

Figure 3.7a. Jar ML005805 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Interestingly, several vessels representing feline ‘sellers’ depict animals with collars and leashes.65 This leads one to the presumption that Benson’s hypothesis

that these were sacrificial animals is wrong, or at least it does not apply to all animals brought from the other side of the Andes. This belief is also confirmed by vessels presenting seated Moche dignitaries with tamed, fairly small felines lying beside them, treated as pets (Figure 3.6j).66 On the other hand, the large number of feline headdresses that are depicted in Moche art leads one to the supposition that some of the animals may have simply been a source of valuable skins.

E.g. vessels ML001160, ML001163, ML001166, ML013391, V A 4657 and V A 48046. The shape of the heads of some of the animals held by the ‘salesmen’ allowed some authors to identify them as dogs (e.g. this is how the animals presented on vessels ML001132, ML001156, ML005804 and ML012257 are described in the online catalogue of the Museo Larco). However, dogs were represented clearly differently in Moche art both in painted form (e.g.  vessels ML002137, ML003115, ML003697, ML010851 and ML013628; Kutscher 1954: Lám.  78B; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 74, 75, 263A, 266, 267, 276, 278 and 299), and in three-dimensional form (e.g.  high-quality vessels ML008079, ML008085, ML008090 and ML012831, or rather carelessly made vessels ML013150, ML013172 and ML014852). Dogs were depicted as small, short-legged animals with a characteristic, short upturned tail and light-coloured fur with dark spots. It happens very rarely that breeds of dogs without fur are represented (e.g. vessels ML008250 and ML008252). Dogs, being among the few domesticated animals, appear in Moche art in contexts that are completely different to those of felines. They are most frequently depicted in deer hunting scenes (e.g. Donnan and McClelland 1999: 222, Fig. 6.57; 238, Fig. 6.82; 239, Fig. 6.83; 242, Fig. 6.89; 243, Figs 6.91 and 6.93) or as companions of supernatural beings (e.g.  Kutscher 1954: Lám.  56C, 60A, 60B; Kutscher 1983: Abb. 263A, 276; Donnan 1978: 90-91, Fig. 143; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 101, Fig.  4.50; 127, Fig.  4.95; 170, Fig.  5.53). For instance, they appear in this last role in certain versions of the Presentation Theme (Donnan 1978: 160-161, Fig.  239b; 162-163, Fig.  240; Donnan and McClelland 1999: 89, Fig.  4.29; 131, Fig.  4.102; 212, Fig. 6.42). 65  E.g. vessels ML001140, ML001145, ML001166, ML001174 and ML013381. Many effigy vessels present felines alone, but still with collars and leashes (the Museo Larco collection has more than 40 such vessels, e.g.  ML007982-ML007991, ML007993-ML008015, ML009820, ML009831 and ML009870). Most of the animals are adults; their coats suggest that, in most cases, they are ocelots. 63  64 

Finally, it is worth emphasizing that the available corpus of Moche iconography does not give a single example that could confirm the custom of sacrificing birds or felines. The archaeological materials which come mainly from tombs attest to the use of almost exclusively domesticated animals – namely camelids and dogs – for this purpose.67 Other depictions of foreigners with felines and other small mammals In Moche iconography, the set of depictions of nonMoche individuals holding small felines is not limited 66  E.g. vessels ML000639, ML000640, ML000645 and ML000647. Animals from the Amazon rain forest were brought to the North Coast of Peru long before the times of Moche culture. In 2010, the remains of four felines (probably pumas) and aras were identified at the Ventarrón ceremonial site near Chiclayo (in the Lambayeque Valley) dated back to the second millennium BCE. 67  Goepfert 2010.

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Figure 3.7b. Jar ML005803 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.7c. Bottle ML001169 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.7d. Bottle ML001153 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.7e. Bottle ML001155 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.7f. Bottle ML013385 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima)

Figure 3.7g. Bottle C-54675 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

to the depictions of the ‘salesmen’ that have just been described. For example, the Museo Larco collection has several vessels representing men with these animals held not with two, but with one hand (this position meant that they were not included in the group of ‘salesmen’ – although perhaps unreasonably, as their roles may have been similar). Two of them are jars probably made from one mould (Figure  3.7a), presenting foreign warriors or hunters, holding a feline in the right hand and a club with an ovoid mace head in the left one.68 These men use circlets decorated with animal paws and tails, as well as wire-and-drop circle earrings. Two other jars represent foreigners with bare heads and without ear ornaments, holding an animal in the right hand and almost certainly some small vessel in the left one (Figure  3.7b).69 A group of four vessels depict characters with forelocks and earspools, squatting and holding small felines on their left arm (Figure  3.7c).70 Three of them have short tunics and hooded mantles. One individual with two ponytails,

an unusual circlet and mantle tied under the chin is holding a feline pressed to his side (Figure 3.7d). From a formal perspective, it is worth adding that the representatives of a small group of men with very similar attire and hairstyles are holding spotty dogs in the same way (Figure  3.7e),71 while other individual – also having very clearly defined non-Moche features – is holding a small monkey on his knee (Figure 3.7f). A man sitting cross-legged, also with a monkey on his knees, is represented on a very carefully made black stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection (in which, after all, there are also ten depictions of men with small mammals). The person depicted on it has clearly marked facial hair, a circlet (probably made of a twisted fabric) and a pair of earspools. His pose differs from the pose of a typical ‘salesman’. He is sitting on a seat made of a rolled-up mat, which is not the case with any of the representatives of the group of ‘salesmen’. Consequently, he has not been included in this category (Figure 3.7g).72

Vessels ML005628 and ML005805. Vessels ML005803 and ML005808. 70  Vessels ML001167, ML001169, ML013388 and ML013795. 68  69 

71  72 

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Vessels ML001143, ML001155 and ML013372. Vessel C-54675 was published by Donnan (2004: 118, Fig. 7.10).

How to Represent a Neighbour? Table 3.1. Three-dimensional depictions of ‘salesmen’ by form of vessel. ‘Salesmen’ (255)

Jars (126)

Bottles (129)

Tunic ‘sellers’

(55)

16

39

Espingo seeds ‘sellers’

(41)

28

13

Pututu trumpet ‘sellers’

Ulluchu fruits ‘sellers’

Bird ‘sellers’

(35)

12

(10)

10

-

15

15

Feline ‘sellers’ (84)

45

39

- Without a headdress

(17)

4

13

- With circlets with feline paws

(11)

- With circlets without decorations - With one pair of ulluchu fruits

- With two pairs of ulluchu fruits

- With three pairs of ulluchu fruits - With an unusual headdress

(30)

23

(12)

12

(29)

18

11

(9)

1

8

6

(2)

-

(4)

4

-

5

2 -

subject represented on it.73 Some groups of ‘salesmen’ were presented almost exclusively on bottles (which were generally made more carefully), while others almost solely on jars. In the case of some other groups, both forms were equally popular.

To summarize, the information about the large set of vessels representing the so-called ‘salesmen’, it is worth drawing attention to several interesting issues. Firstly, the number of jars and bottles in the entire set of 255 vessels in question is very similar and is 126 and 129 respectively, although this is very different in the individual groups of ‘salesmen’. The most uniform in this respect is the group of vessels depicting ulluchu fruits ‘sellers’ represented by just 10  jars. More than twice as many jars can be seen in the group of vessels depicting espingo seeds ‘sellers’ (28 jars and 13 bottles), while the most balanced groups are the sets of vessels presenting ‘salesmen’ with birds (15 jars and 15 bottles), as well as a large group of vessels depicting feline ‘sellers’ (45  jars and 39  bottles). However, the picture of this last group is changing, when we look more carefully at its individual subgroups. The ratio of jars to bottles differs in them significantly: 1:3 for men with a hairstyle with short hair at the front and long hair at the back, 3:10 for men with a ponytail, 12:0 for men with diadems without decorations, 6:5 for men with a headdress decorated with feline paws, 18:11 for men with a headdress decorated with one pair of ulluchu fruits, 0:2 with two pairs of fruits and 1:8 with three pairs of fruits. The four vessels representing feline ‘sellers’ with unusual headgear are only jars. In the case of ‘salesmen’ holding tunics and conch trumpets, the ratio of jars to bottles is 16:39 and 12:23, respectively (Table 3.1).

Secondly, it is worth noting that the set in question includes both groups that are exceptionally homogeneous and ones which are more varied in terms of the appearance of the individuals represented (hairstyle, headgear, attire and ornaments). Based on the status markers assigned to the individual groups and subgroups of ‘salesmen’, I believe it is possible to try to reconstruct at least an approximate hierarchical structure of this category of foreigners. Using the available analogies and depictions of nonMoche warriors and coca takers discussed in the previous chapters, it can be assumed that the lowest levels in the hierarchy of ‘salesmen’ were occupied by individuals who appeared with bare heads.74 The espingo seeds ‘sellers’ should, therefore, be considered the most modestly equipped and dressed of all. With two exceptions, the men in this group do not have headgear, and their only ornaments are wire-anddrop circle earrings. Most of them have coca bags. Two relatively small subgroups of feline ‘sellers’ depicted without headgear look just as modest. Those with a simple hairstyle (with short hair at the front and long hair at the back) have wire-and-drop circle earrings and

The conclusion that can be drawn from this brief summary is the same as the one I have drawn with respect to the portrait vessels in the earlier publication, namely that the form of a vessel as well as its technical and artistic quality were frequently dependent on the

Wołoszyn 2008a: 235-252. Among the Moche, the only men with bare heads were war captives (Wołoszyn 2008a).

73  74 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour do not have coca bags, whereas those with a forelock have tubular earplugs and chuspas.

prestigious type of ear ornament in the eyes of Moche artists.

Representatives of the other groups could be depicted with bare heads or with headgear (of practically the same type). The first group is that of the tunic ‘sellers’ primarily shown with bare heads or, much more rarely, with circlets. Most of them have coca bags, use exclusively wire-and-drop circle earrings and have very similar hairstyles without a forelock. The second group is that of the ulluchu fruits ‘sellers’ presented with bare heads or – less frequently – with headgear decorated with depictions of these fruits, with their hair tied in a ponytail and without coca bags. Those ‘salesmen’ decorate their ears only with wire-and-drop circle earrings. The last group in which the majority of members appear with bare heads and only a small proportion of them have various types of simple headgear, are pututu trumpet ‘sellers’. Most of them have coca bags and usually wear wire-and-drop circle earrings, and exceptionally tubular earplugs or pendant crescent earrings. The slightly higher status of this group as compared with those described previously may be evidenced by the fact that some of its members are represented wearing characteristic necklaces made of rectangular or cylindrical beads.

At the end of this summary, it should be emphasized that the ‘salesmen’ were practically never represented as suppliers or owners of monkeys, i.e. animals that were most often associated with foreigners in Moche art. In the available corpus of representations, only two depictions have been found – although they differ in form from the typical images of ‘salesmen’ – in which these animals are shown as being kept by non-Moche men (Figures  3.7f and 3.7g). Except for two cases, the ‘salesmen’ were also not presented as suppliers of parrots (especially aras), birds which were certainly imported from the Amazon rain forest and were very often portrayed in Moche iconography. Burden bearers Apart from the large group of representations of only male ‘salesmen’, which are shown as people who have access to various types of prestigious goods, probably coming from the highlands and the selva, the iconographic corpus of Moche culture also has a large group of depictions of figures – this time both men and women – carrying large packages of unknown content on their backs, with the help of a special strap placed over the top of the head, called a tumpline. These people are referred to in the literature as ‘burden bearers’ or ‘porters’ (Spanish cargadoras and cargadores). Most of them have features that also allow them to be included in the group of foreigners.78

It is precisely necklaces of this type and a ponytail that are characteristic of many members of four other groups, the representatives of which only appear with headgear and without coca bags. The first of these groups is made up of feline ‘sellers’, most frequently wearing pillbox hats and pendant crescent earrings, while the second group are the bird ‘sellers’ with the same type of headgear (and circlets made of feline skins), primarily wearing wire-and-drop circle earrings, but also sometimes tubular earplugs or magnificent earspools. The same three types of ear ornaments are also used by representatives of two groups of feline ‘sellers’, namely those who wear headdresses made of feline skin, and those who use headdresses decorated at the front with one pair of ulluchu fruits.75

The use of ropes or straps (most frequently made of leather, nets or plant fibres) placed over the top of the head was an extremely common technique of carrying large and heavy packages among the Native Americans. In the absence of any wheeled vehicles and given the small number of species of animals that could be used for this purpose (llamas in the Andes, sled dogs in North America), the land transportation of most goods had to take place on human backs. The use of the tumpline (also referred to as mecapal, a word taken from Nahuatl) transferring the weight of the load being carried from the shoulders to the spine was a simple, yet extremely effective way of transporting relatively large and heavy baggage over considerable distances even in quite difficult highland terrain. Evidence of the use of this method of transportation of goods can be found both in the Central Andean region (in the

The feline ‘sellers’ with headgear decorated with three pairs of ulluchu fruits should probably be placed at the top of the hierarchy of the group of ‘salesmen’. Interestingly, this type of headgear does not appear in any other context in Moche iconography.76 Although the men presented with it do not have necklaces,77 all of them, without exception, have large and richly decorated earspools which were probably the most

Sarahh E. M. Scher (2010) dedicated a great deal of attention to this group in her PhD dissertation (Clothing Power: Hierarchies of Gender Difference and Ambiguity in Moche Ceramic Representations of Human Dress, C.E. 1-850) and recently in her articles titled Dressing the Other: Foreign Women in Moche Ceramic Art (Scher 2019) and Una comparación de las representaciones de los vestuarios Recuay y Moche de la región Andina (100-800 dC) (Scher in press). Some of this author’s observations have been used in this chapter.

78 

The group of ‘salesmen’ in headdresses decorated with two pairs of ulluchu fruits and depicted on just two vessels is too poorly represented to take it into account in this reconstruction attempt. 76  Benson (1976: 28) described such headgear as ‘multiple-ullucho headdress’. 77  The exception is the individual represented on the vessel from the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection (Inv. No. 1979.206.111). 75 

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How to Represent a Neighbour? highlands and on the coast),79 as well as in Amazonia, Mesoamerica and among the many peoples of North America. This method is also used today by the representatives of traditional cultures of the Western Hemisphere, as well as on other continents, where it works very well, especially in highland regions (e.g. in Nepal). Ethnographic information collected in various parts of the world proves that the use of a tumpline can make it possible to carry objects that are not only large but which can even weigh more than the person carrying them. The tumplines used for carrying loads shown in Moche iconography were probably made of a strong fabric, a net or of both of these materials combined.80 The baggage itself was sometimes wrapped in the net, which can be seen on these vessels by the characteristic pattern marked on it. Packages carried with the use of a tumpline were often represented as being much larger than the porters themselves, especially when the load being transported was depicted as a vessel.81 Such disproportion could be the evidence of the exceptional value of the objects being carried (although they are never shown), or that they were actually large, but relatively light.

Figure 3.8a. Bottle ML001282 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The characteristic position assumed by the burden bearers using a tumpline was one leaning slightly forward, with the strap itself being usually held on the head with both hands. Images are known of women who

appear alone or accompanied by children, standing or sitting without removing a tumpline from their heads, while their hands are folded on their knees or they are holding some objects.82 Some of them, as already described above, may have even slept in this position.

79  The use of a tumpline in the Central Andean region is confirmed not only by Moche art, but also by the iconography of other cultures of the region, e.g. Nasca (Inv. No. ML035257), Virú (Inv. No. ML017328), Wari (Inv.  Nos  ML010455, ML010456, ML018935, ML018937 and ML019632), Lambayeque (Inv.  Nos  ML020100 and ML020102), Chimú (Inv.  Nos  ML021064, ML021066, ML021079, ML021082, ML021084, ML022614, ML024541 and ML024547) or Chimú-Inca (Inv.  No.  ML026849) to give a few examples only from the Museo Larco collection. In the chronicle of Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno from the beginning of the 17th century, this way of carrying goods is frequently presented as also being commonly used by the Incas. Both smaller objects and large storage ceramic vessels (aribalos) or, for example, sacks of potatoes were carried in this way (the author of the chronicle presented it, among others, on pages 229 [231], 633 [647], 1147 [1157], 1150 [1160]; numbering according to the website: www.kb.dk/elib/mss/poma/). 80  Tumplines probably made of fabric are presented, for example, on vessels ML001241 and ML001256, while tumplines made of a net are shown on vessels ML001245-ML001249, ML001258 and ML001282. A tumpline made of both materials combined with each other can, perhaps, be seen on vessel ML001529. 81  E.g. vessels ML001178-ML001187. Small loads were also carried in the same way (e.g. vessels ML001280, ML001293, ML001300, ML001316, ML001330 and ML012868). Some depictions – mainly on jars – suggest that this method of carrying may have been used to transport large storage ceramic vessels (e.g. vessels ML001186, ML001187, ML001346, ML001347 and ML001934), although it is difficult to presume that they were actually as large as presented in the iconography. Their real sizes were probably much smaller (Inv.  No.  ML001362). Vessels were certainly also carried in shawls tied across the chest, which, for instance, is evidenced by a carefully produced stirrup-spout bottle from the PAHMA collection (Inv.  No.  4-2935). On the other hand, depictions are known, which suggest that large vessels were also carried on the shoulder without using a tumpline (e.g. vessels ML001530 and ML005639).

The characters presented with a tumpline and large packs on their backs are mostly women; men carrying goods in this way are depicted much less frequently. After all, the sex of some porters is often difficult to establish, especially in the case of small carelessly crafted vessels,83 or those on which the parts of the attire, ornaments or hairstyles of the individuals were not rendered with sufficient detail.84 The problem with determining the gender of the individual figures is mainly due to the insufficient number of gender markers on the depictions or the simultaneous appearance on them of attributes that are characteristic of both men and women.85 E.g. vessels ML001300, ML001316, ML001328 and ML012868 (showing cargadoras on their own, without children) and vessels ML001276–ML001278 and ML001293 (depicting cargadoras with children). Two vessels (Inv.  Nos  ML001184 and ML001366) present women holding a tumpline with one hand, two others – probably made from the same mould – present a woman in a similar pose, who is probably holding a spindle in her other hand (Inv. Nos ML001451, V  A  17803). Two jars (Inv.  Nos  ML001344 and C-00387 from the MNAAHP collection; Scher 2010: 629, Cat. No. 483) present cargadoras without their hands marked on them. 83  E.g. vessels ML001337, ML005632, ML013734 and ML013956. 84  E.g. vessels ML001325, ML001342 and ML001363. 85  Scher (2010) describes this phenomenon as ‘gender ambiguity’. 82 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 3.8c. Jar ML001347 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

the differences between the representatives of the two sexes), contains a number of strong arguments proving that most women presented with loads on their backs were representatives of a group that does not belong to the coastal population.

Figure 3.8b. Bottle ML001341 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Scher (2010: 198-200) notes: The majority of cargadores are female, identified not through hairstyle but through dress. Their hair is not visible, as their heads are protected by a headcloth under the tumpline [...]. However, the cargadoras wear a distinctive item of costume that not only identifies them as female, but separates them from the normative depictions of Moche women in particular and coastal women in general. [...] the typical standing cargadora wears a long garment that is belted at the waist. Seated cargadoras [...] usually do not have belts depicted. The majority of cargadoras, both standing and sitting, have an item of costume depicted on each shoulder, often simply painted in slip as a triangular shape [...] or a crescent shape at the end of a narrow stripe [...]. While at first glance these may look like earrings or necklace ornaments, there are several depictions in which it is clear that these are meant to be ticpis, or clothing pins. Two pieces excavated by Max Uhle at Huaca de la Luna [...] are exceptional in their detail,

Cargadoras In the available corpus of depictions, the number of representations of foreign women carrying loads using a tumpline is almost four times larger than the number of images of male burden bearers, and this set is much more diverse. Cargadoras were most frequently presented on vessels in the form of jars and spout-andhandle bottles, although there are also some stirrupspout bottles in this group.86 Sarahh E. M. Scher’s PhD dissertation of 2010, in which the author conducts a detailed analysis of the individual elements of the attire of various types of characters found in Moche iconography (especially with regard to 86  In the Museo Larco collection, this theme is represented on jars (e.g. vessels ML001185-ML001187, ML001365 and ML001366), spoutand-handle bottles (e.g. vessels ML001241-ML001247), and stirrupspout bottles (e.g. vessels ML001251, ML001279, ML001281 and ML001328).

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How to Represent a Neighbour? culture, constituting a characteristic element of women’s attire.89

clearly showing the pin piercing one side of the selvage edges meeting at the shoulder and emerging on the other side [...]. This pin is wedge shaped, while another example from the same excavation depicts a ‘nail-head’ pin, a type associated with the highland Recuay culture, contemporaneous with the Moche.87

Almost 90 vessels presenting non-Moche cargadoras (women with a tumpline on their heads, a large pack on their backs and a pair of ticpis), which I have analysed, came from 12 museum collections.90 The majority of these vessels were spout-and-handle bottles (48 vessels; Figures 3.8a and 3.8b)91 and jars (35 vessels; Figure 3.8c)92; decidedly fewer of them were stirrup-spout bottles (six vessels).93 Several short series of vessels, probably made using the same moulds, could be distinguished in this group.94

This method of clothing attachment is radically different from that of other Moche women, where the shoulders of the garment are shown as a solid form. While normally there is no indication of seaming in the art, and the shoulder of the tunic is shown as a continuous piece of fabric, there is at least one representation of stitching on a ceramic piece [Donnan and Donnan 1997: 225, Fig. 223]. While there is not a great deal of material evidence, the well-preserved long tunics found with the Señora de Cao do have stitched shoulder seams. The use of shoulder pins is instead similar to the method of garment fastening among Inka women at the time of the Conquest. The use of shoulder-pinned garments appears to have also been a highland trait during the Moche period. A high-status woman from the Recuay site of Pashash, in the highlands above the Santa river valley, was buried with several pairs of fancy ticpis of the nail-head type [Grieder 1978: 119-129]. The pinned shoulders in the ceramic representations definitely mark these women as different from normative Moche and indeed other coastal women, but are typical of highland Andean women’s garments.

In terms of iconography, non-Moche cargadoras from the set in question seem to be almost identical. They are wearing simple, monochromatic, long tunics with a belt round the waist95 and a pair of ticpis fastened near the collarbones, as well as a headcloth covering the hair and enabling the use of a tumpline. The pack they carry is usually very large. Very few members of this group may be considered unusual: they have two pairs of ticpis96 or a necklace of some kind.97 Some of them also have signs of face painting.98 Cargadores As already mentioned, non-Moche men represented as burden bearers using tumplines appear much less frequently than women in Moche art.99 There is usually no difficulty in assigning them to the group of foreigners, as their distinctive feature is generally a clearly marked forelock. Among the 23  vessels presenting such individuals, a group of seven jars

There are two more arguments in favour of the hypothesis put forward by Scher. Firstly, a detailed review of the available corpus of Moche iconography shows that this type of shoulder nail-headed shawl pins (ticpis) was almost exclusively related to representations of cargadoras (depictions of women using such ornaments but not carrying loads are quite rare88). Secondly, pins of this type – which are used for the same purpose and which are almost identical to those presented in Moche iconography – do actually appear quite frequently in the iconography of Recuay

89  E.g. vessels V A 48258, V A 48259, V A 48266, V A 48272, V A 48284 and V A 48301 from the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin collection (Eisleb 1987: Figs  120-125, 153, 178 and 223; Lau 2011: Pl.  5c; Rosenzweig and Wołoszyn 2008: 160, Cat. No. 185). 90  Other than the representations of the cargadoras fastening their tunics with ticpis, the corpus of Moche iconography also has many depictions of women carrying loads in the same way, but not using ornaments of this type (e.g. vessels ML001186, ML001264 and ML001328). Perhaps this is how the coastal women performing the same work were represented. 91  E.g. vessels ML001320, ML001323, ML001327 and ML001341. 92  E.g. vessels ML001258, ML001259, ML001362 and ML001453. This group also has two handled jars (vessel ML001258 and vessel 1872/31 from the Museum Volkenkunde collection in Leiden). 93  E.g. vessel ML001282 and a very carefully made Moche  IV bottle from the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection (Inv. No. 64.228.45). 94  E.g. vessels ML001322 and ML001332, ML001247 and ML001334, ML001451 and V A 17803, as well as vessels ML001346, ML001347 and ML001360. 95  E.g. vessels ML001184, ML001248 and ML001249. 96  E.g. vessels ML001247, ML001334 and ML001451. 97  E.g. vessels ML001258, ML001347 and ML001360. 98  E.g. vessels ML001245, ML001282 and ML001341, and the bottle from the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection (Inv. No. 64.228.45). 99  Just as there is a relatively large number of depictions of women carrying loads on their backs and not having ticpis (who could possibly be considered Moche burden bearers), not one image is known of a typical Moche man performing such work using a tumpline. Men in attire and headgear typical of coastal dwellers sometimes only have small packages in shawls tied across their chests.

In footnote 121, Scher (2010: 198-199) adds: While the Quechua word tupu has long been used to denote pins used to hold both dresses and shawls closed, the term is closely associated with the Inka and the particular form of pin they used, which had a flat, slightly ellipsoid disc shape at the head. Ticpi refers to these types of pins in a broader sense [...]. While both terms presume a Quechua-speaking maker/wearer, the more inclusive ticpi is useful in indicating a pin with this purpose, and I feel it handily implies its use by a highland dweller. 88  For example, just three representations of women using ticpis and not being cargadoras are depictions of so-called healers or medicine women (Spanish curanderas) on stirrup-spout bottles ML001308, ML012887 and 4-2948 from the PAHMA collection (Donnan 1978: 123133). 87 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure 3.9a. Jar ML001368 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.9b. Bottle ML001263 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

probably made using one mould or very similar moulds is particularly noteworthy (Figure  3.9a).100 All vessels in this group represent a man standing, wearing a loincloth and a short tunic decorated in all cases with a checkerboard motif. This character has a forelock, tubular earplugs and a small coca bag suspended from his right shoulder. Five other small jars probably also represent foreign men working as porters.101 Although none of them have any ear ornaments and none have a forelock, the fact that they all have bare heads may suggest that also these vessels depict foreigners.102 The undoubted importance of the group of the foreign burden bearers in the eyes of Moche artists is evidenced by the large number of images of cargadoras and cargadores preserved until today. However, it is worth noting that, compared to the images of the members of other groups which have already been described, the depictions of the porters are extremely schematic and not very individualized; the people in this group look very much alike. The only ornaments in the case of This group includes vessels ML001361, ML001364, ML001367ML001370 and ML001448. 101  These are two series of vessels probably made using the same moulds: ML001261 and ML001265, as well as ML005632, ML005634 and ML013956. The fact that they represent male characters could be evidenced by the use of short tunics. 102  Scher 2010: 201-202.

Figure 3.9c. Bottle ML001257 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

100 

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How to Represent a Neighbour? figures associated with coca in the early and middle Moche timeframe would seem to indicate that there were highland coca-growers in regular contact with the Moche, and that they maintained a distinct form of costume from their Moche trading partners. They were, however, not necessarily Recuay, and it is possible that these figures may never be associated definitively with an archaeologically documented highland group. Indeed, they may represent a conflated view of several different highland trading partners.

women are ticpis (which constitute a necessary element of their attire) and sometimes simple necklaces, and, in the case of men, tubular earplugs. The very nature of the work, the fact that it was performed by representatives of both sexes and the minimal internal differentiation of this category of characters lead to the presumption that burden bearers were one of the lowest-placed groups in the social hierarchy of foreigners.103 The content of the bundles carried by the porters is unspecified and remains a mystery to the contemporary observer. However, it may be considered certain that both the artists and the users of vessels depicting cargadoras and cargadores knew perfectly well which good they carried. A significant number of vessels representing burden bearers suggest that this was a well-known and valuable product that was transported on a massive scale.104 Although some packs were large, they were probably not heavy so they must have contained products of a low specific weight. In the literature to date – based primarily on observations that some burden bearers had chuspas and that similar-looking net bags appeared in some of the Coca Ceremony scenes (Figures  2.5b and 2.6b) – it was suggested that the packages described may have contained coca leaves.105 In commenting on this hypothesis, Scher (2010: 204-205) writes:

If the hypothesis presented in this book that the only coca users depicted in Moche iconography were male foreigners is correct, we should challenge the assertion that the main product transported by the burden bearers (and probably delivered to the coast) was precisely coca leaves. Furthermore, we should admit that it may have been some other valuable commodity such as potatoes, corn, alpaca wool or yarn.106 Another possibility should also be considered, namely that the vessels in question present burden bearers carrying products (possibly including coca leaves) which were used only by foreigners. It seems that the latter hypothesis might be closer to the truth. The characteristic large net bags represented on the backs of some burden bearers appear in Moche iconography almost exclusively in scenes in which only non-Moche characters are presented. These are primarily the above-mentioned scenes of the Coca Ceremony, but several others are also known. One of them is a depiction of a seated foreigner with a large net bag and a string of ulluchu fruits which are lying next to him.107 A similar representation can be seen on the previously mentioned vessel depicting the espingo seeds ‘seller’ from the Wereldmuseum in Rotterdam (Figure 3.3e). A rare fineline painted scene showing two foreign burden bearers, which decorates the body of a stirrup-spout bottle from the MNAAHP collection (Inv.  No.  1/3534; Figures  3.10a and 3.10b), presents two men with sticks (or simple maces) in their hands, walking across a hilly landscape.108 Both of the cargadores have long and narrow tubular earplugs. The first of them (with a bare head and a marked forelock) is carrying a large pack with a tumpline, while the second one (with a headdress decorated with two elements resembling ulluchu fruits) is carrying a package with a shawl tied across his chest. Another identical large net bag is lying between them.

Coca is not a coastal plant; it needs more moisture to grow successfully than is available on Peru’s desert coast. However, Erythroxylum novogranatense var. truxillense is a variety of coca which was developed in prehistoric times specifically to thrive in the drier climate of the upper coastal river valleys, between 200 and 1,800 meters above sea level. Moche settlements were located only between the shore and the point at which the floodplains narrow, which would not provide territory for coca cultivation. At the time of the conquest, there was coca cultivation in the areas of Siniscap and Colambay, highland areas located between Cajamarca and Huamachuco, directly up the Moche river valley from the coast [...]. The Moche would have needed to either trade for their coca or grow it themselves in lands separate from those of the coast, and if they wanted other varieties of coca, they would have to trade for it. The costume differences seen in a large proportion of It cannot be ruled out that the depictions of representatives of both sexes performing the same work in the same way may have expressed the belief of Moche artists (as well as their patrons and customers) that gender roles in the community of foreigners were not as clearly defined as among the Moche themselves. This hypothesis may also be supported by the observations presented in the works of Scher (2010), Gero (1999, 2004), and Cromphout (2017) and by the representations of the ‘Siamese twins’ referred to in Chapter 2. 104  It seems that the supply of luxury or prestigious goods was monopolized by the ‘salesmen’, a far more diverse group consisting only of men. 105  Benson 1988: 67; 2012: 102-104; Hocquenghem 1987: 110-111; Scher 2010: 170. 103 

106  Similarly-looking large net bags were probably used to pick ulluchu fruits in the scene published by Donnan and McClelland (1999: 127, Fig. 4.95). 107  Vessel ML002256. 108  The body of the bottle 1/3534 is crowned with a deck figure depicting a foreigner in a hooded mantle holding a child. The photographs of the vessel and a rather inaccurate rollout of this scene were published by Carrión Cachot (1923) and by Hocquenghem (1987: Figs 67a and 67b).

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Figure 3.10a. Bottle 1/3534 (after Carrión Cachot 1923).

Figure 3.10b. Scene decorating bottle 1/3534 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0150d_B by Donna McClelland).

and a package thrown onto their backs. This is most frequently a single large bag, animals with two bags on both sides of their bodies are depicted much less frequently.113

Owners of pack animals In addition to people transporting goods on their own backs, domesticated Andean camelids, used as pack animals, are also represented in Moche iconography. Since their depictions seem to be strongly related to the representations of foreigners – which we have already seen on one of the previously presented vessels (Figure 1.12) – it is worth devoting a little attention to this issue.

The content of the sacks and side bags on the backs of the animals is usually unknown, although there are exceptions to this rule. For example, an unusual, carefully made vessel from the Berlin Ethnologisches Museum collection (Figure  3.11a) probably represents an alpaca with a rope through its ear and two side bags in which there are four Strombus conchs (associated with foreigners according to the analysis presented above). Another carefully made stirrup-spout bottle representing the same load on an animal’s back belongs to the Metropolitan Museum of Art collection.114 It is also worth noting that one of the few known depictions of camelids in painted form – namely a repeatedly published scene on the vessel from the Museo Larco – also represents a llama as a pack animal carrying these precious objects in side bags (Figure 3.11b).115

Unlike some species of wild animals (such as felines, deer, foxes and various species of birds), domesticated animals were not a particularly popular theme of Moche art. Dogs – as mentioned earlier – were represented relatively rarely, while guinea pigs were shown exceptionally sporadically. Representatives of two species of the domesticated Andean camelids, namely the llama (Lama glama) and the alpaca (Vicugna pacos), were depicted more frequently, but fundamentally only in three-dimensional form.109 The Museo Larco collection contains approx. 130 images of these animals presented in effigy form.110 Approximately 20% of this set are vessels that only show the heads of the animals,111 whereas around 60% present images of their entire silhouettes.112 In most cases, these are depictions clearly showing that these are domesticated animals used by people for economic purposes. Most camelids represented in this way have some kind of rein (a rope tied around the neck or pulled through the ear)

113  The sack constituting the load, which is usually tied on one side, was most frequently monochromatic or had a network pattern (e.g. vessels ML007698, ML007708, ML007741 and ML007755). However, it was sometimes decorated with motifs that also appeared on the costumes of foreigners or on the tunics presented by non-Moche ‘salesmen’. The bags on the camelids’ backs are decorated with a checkerboard pattern on two very carefully crafted Moche I vessels (Lapiner 1976: 128, Fig.  272; Sawyer 1968: 40, Cat.  No.  237), while the pattern on vessel ML007761 consists of light crosses on a dark background. One of the most beautiful vessels representing this subject is housed in the PAHMA collection (Inv. No. 4-2941). This is a stirrup-spout bottle from Grave  12 at Huaca de la Luna depicting a loaded alpaca. The bag on the animal’s back is decorated with a checkerboard pattern and a geometricized zoomorphic motif (the head of a catfish from the order of Siluriformes – known in Peru as pez bagre or pez life). 114  Vessel 67.167.14. 115  Shimada (1994b: 189, Fig. 8.6) published the depiction of a camelid with two side bags containing fish (it is a vessel from the Museo Amano collection in Lima). The bottle depicting an animal transporting large storage vessels belongs to the Fowler Museum at UCLA (Inv.  No.  X72.38). Two stirrup-spout bottles representing camelids with small jars in side bags were published by Donnan (1978: 113, Figs  176 and 177). Two vessels depicting a llama transporting bundles of wood tied with a string are also known (Alva 1999: 11, Lám. 7; Lapiner 1976: 128, Fig. 271).

109  Camelids are represented sporadically in fineline painted scenes (e.g. vessel ML013653) and in bas-relief depictions (e.g. vessel ML004550). 110  Representatives of two wild camelid species, the guanaco (Lama guanicoe) and the vicuña (Vicugna vicugna), were not represented at all in Moche art. These two species lived in the highlands, in ecological zones not controlled by the coastal population. None of the fully domesticated animals (dog, guinea pig or camelids) were ever anthropomorphized in Moche iconography. 111  This group also contains one vessel representing an animal’s skull (Inv. No. ML007720). 112  In several cases, these are representations of pairs of animals. Vessel ML007730 depicts an adult animal and a small one, while vessel ML012858 presents a genre scene of two adult animals. Seven vessels (Inv.  Nos  ML004390, ML036929, ML037316, ML037318, ML037319, ML037321 and ML040388) depict scenes of mating camelids.

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How to Represent a Neighbour?

Figure 3.11a. Bottle V A 18170 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure 3.12a. Bottle ML013645 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.11b. Scene decorating bottle ML013653 (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 305).

Figure 3.12b. Bottle ML002278 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

The remaining 20% of the three-dimensional representations of camelids which belong to the Museo Larco collection (27 vessels) represent these animals in some sort of relationship with humans. On one of them, the animal has two side bags suspended on its sides, from which human heads are protruding (Figure  3.12a).116 A very carefully made Moche  IV stirrup-spout bottle has two deck figures on a cubic body (Figure  3.12b).

One of them depicts a non-Moche burden bearer with a forelock and a huge pack on his back fastened with a tumpline, the other – a small camelid standing next to him with a rope through the ear for driving it. In turn, a much less carefully produced bottle from the same collection depicts a large animal with a pack on its back, which is accompanied by a small silhouette of a seated foreigner on its left side.117

This vessel is described in the online catalogue of the Museo Larco as a depiction of a camelid carrying two children in side bags. The heads protruding from the bags do not have any headgear; they are represented with shoulder-length hair covering the ears and they have open eyes. They do not look like children’s heads, but rather like heads of adult women, although it is difficult to say anything more about this scene. An excellent analogy to vessel ML013645 is a jar from the New York Victor Friedman collection (Lapiner 1976: 146, Fig. 340) depicting a llama with one side bag from which a small head and hands of a similar-looking figure are protruding. Lapiner describes this vessel as the representation of ‘a woman riding in a llama cargo pouch’.

The majority of the vessels in the group being described are a set of 24 representations in which camelids were depicted as animals used as a means of transportation by the men traveling on them. In only three cases, the individuals using the animals for this purpose are

116 

The man represented on vessel ML007699 has a short tunic, a visible loincloth, a bare head and a pair of wire-and-drop circle earrings.

117 

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour disabled people without feet, using the lama probably out of necessity.118 They sit astride the animals holding the reins and a stick. In addition to the lack of feet, their special feature is the deformity of their bodies (Figure  3.13a) and their facial disfigurement caused by disease (possibly leishmaniasis) or intentional mutilation of the lips and the tip of the nose. These men have headgear which suggests that they might belong to one of the groups of Moche priests. However, the most popular riding position, which can be seen on the vessels in this group in 17 cases, is that in which a man is lying on the back of an animal, on a large bag that had been placed there. The rider’s head rests on the animal’s rump and his legs are dangling on either side of the neck of the camelid (Figure 3.13b).119 Most of the men presented in this way are holding the end of the rope constituting the reins in their hands. In the case of at least 11 depictions in this group – in which the costumes and headgear of the travellers were shown with sufficient detail – it can be seen that these people are wearing a hooded mantle tied at the back of the neck, one of the typical attires of foreigners.120

Figure 3.13a. Bottle ML001380 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Four vessels in this group show yet another way of traveling on an animal that has no load: a man is slung across its back with his hands dangling on one side (one usually holds the reins) and his legs dangling on the other (Figures 3.13c, 3.13d and 3.13e).121 The men’s legs can be straight or crossed. Apart from one vessel in which the man’s head has not been preserved, this group undoubtedly constitutes representations of foreigners. This is evidenced by their hairstyles, the use of headgear decorated with representations of ulluchu fruits, long tubular earplugs, ears pierced in three places suggesting the use of wire-and-drop circle earrings, the holding of a lime container with a lime stick inserted into it or a coca bag hung on the back of one of the men. Clear attributes of membership of the group of foreigners also include the shirt of one of the individuals decorated with a checkerboard pattern and the painting of his face with a motif similar to a Maltese cross.

Figure 3.13b. Bottle ML007739 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

At the time of the development of Moche culture, camelid breeding (primarily llamas) was well-developed on the North Coast, as evidenced by the numerous bone remains of these animals found both in habitation sites Vessels ML001379-ML001381. E.g. vessels ML007736-ML007739 and ML007742-ML007750. Men’s mantles are generally without ornaments. In one case (vessel ML007744), the mantle is decorated with a characteristic motif of light crosses on a dark background. However, there are obvious exceptions in this group. The most important of them is vessel ML007732, which represents a man wearing a headdress with a knot above his forehead, which is typical of one of the groups of Moche priests (Wołoszyn 2008a: 93, 195-197, 329-333). 121  Vessels ML007727, ML007728, ML007731 and ML007789. 118  119  120 

Figure 3.13c. Bottle ML007727 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

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Figure 3.13d. Bottle ML007731 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.13e. Bottle ML007728 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure 3.14a. Bottle ML007761 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). Figure 3.14b. Bottle ML007771 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

and in graves.122 They were bred mainly for meat and skins, but were also certainly used as pack animals. However, the examples presented here indicate that camelids were undeniably associated with foreigners. Side bags and sacks placed on the backs of the animals were sometimes decorated with the same motifs as the clothes worn by their owners. Perhaps this symbolic identification of people and animals was due to the fact that llamas performed work identical to that of 122 

non-Moche burden bearers and were used by them for transporting goods which, in the minds of the coastal residents, came from the highlands. At this point, it is also worth noting the appearance of some of the animals, which was, perhaps, somehow associated with the appearance of foreigners.

E.g. Girard-Rheault 2011; Goepfert 2010; Shimada 1994b: 186-189.

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Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour such relationship is not evident (Figures  3.14a and 3.14b).123 Even more interestingly, some of the animals have a darker or lighter circle above such bangs, which appears to be trimmed shorter. This is shown in a particularly original way on the exceptionally carefully produced stirrup-spout bottle mentioned above, which belongs to the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum collection in Berkeley.124 This vessel depicts a loaded animal with clearly marked rosettes from the fur above the eyes and a trimmed circle on the top of the head. A star-shaped motif resembling the symbol of an ‘octopus’ or ‘anemone’ was represented in the middle of the circle. This symbol often appears in Moche iconography, sometimes in the same context (Figure  3.14c)125 and sometimes as a decorative motif which can be seen, for example, on earspools worn by foreigners (e.g. Figures 2.17a, 3.6g, 3.7e).

Figure 3.14c. Bottle PM 46-77-30/4952 (Courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University; Gift of Alfred M. Tozzer and Donald Scott, 1946.  © President and Fellows of Harvard College, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology).

A fringe above the forehead may somehow resemble a typical forelock, while the circle cut at the top of the animal’s head may bring to mind a human tonsure – two of the most characteristic elements of non-Moche men’s hairstyles. Given the significance attributed to the various hairstyles in Moche iconography, which – just like various types of headgear – may constitute a clear marker of a membership of a specific social group, it can be presumed that even the ‘hairstyles’ of some camelids may also have played some role. After all, it cannot be ruled out that such an appearance was given to animals intentionally, perhaps in order to make them appear similar to some extent to their owners.126

Some of the camelids presented in Moche art have different types of ‘hairstyles’. Animals with a type of bangs formed from their fur just above the eyes look particularly interesting. This feature – marked more or less clearly – could be observed on the representations already mentioned above, which obviously linked these animals to foreigners (Figures  3.11a, 3.12b, 3.13c and 3.13d), but it can also be seen in several others, where

E.g. vessels ML007703, ML007757, ML007761, ML007769 and ML007771-ML007775. 124  Vessel 4-2941. 125  This motif appears on the animal’s head from the bottle ML013645 mentioned above (Figure 3.11a), as well as on the vessel published by Lapiner (1976: 146, Fig. 342). 126  It is also possible that it was just the other way round, namely that the hairstyles of the people imitated the trimming of the animals to some extent. It is also worth drawing attention to the spotty fur of some camelids (e.g. vessels ML007698, ML007704, ML007707, ML007708, ML007710, ML007711, ML007713, ML007724, ML007735, ML007741 and ML040388), which may have been a model for foreigners painting circles on their faces. It is also worth adding that some depictions of llamas used the checkerboard motif which was a characteristic pattern found on some non-Moche garments (e.g. vessel ML004388). 123 

138

Final Remarks Every time that man has met with the Other, he has always had before him three possibilities of choice: to make war on him, to isolate himself behind a wall or to establish a dialogue. Ryszard Kapuściński, The Other The research to date dedicated to the foreigners represented in Moche iconography was primarily aimed at establishing their cultural affiliation. As mentioned in the Introduction, strong arguments in favour of linking this group to Recuay culture were provided relatively recently.1 However, despite 140 years of academic research, since the depictions of the foreign warriors rendered on the Lührsen bottle first attracted Albert Voss’ attention, the question of why Moche artists presented foreigners at all has never been asked. Why did they do it so often? What role did the representations of non-Moche figures play in the language of the ‘official propaganda’ of the coastal elites? Perhaps this study will open the way to resolving these extremely interesting issues.

non-Moche individuals used by Moche artists, was clearly defined, codified and internally consistent. Individual attributes that were typical of foreigners were not only easily recognizable in this art, but also consciously and precisely used. It should be presumed that the coastal population maintained regular, close and personal contact with many representatives of the foreign community, which allowed Moche artists to create their detailed and faithful images. It appears that an exceptionally well-recognized group was that of the so-called ‘salesmen’ (it was even possible to set a hypothesis regarding their internal hierarchy), whereas contact with representatives of other groups was almost certainly much less frequent, while some others were, perhaps, known only from word of mouth. While discussing the representations of the warriors it could be noticed that not all elements of the appearance of the non-Moche were considered equally distinctive by all the potters and painters and not all were represented with equal skill.

The materials discussed in this book, despite being extensive, consisting of several hundred images, only present some of the contexts in which foreigners were shown in Moche art. The elements of the appearance that were normally attributed to them (such as the characteristic types of hairstyle, attire, ornaments and weapons) were also attributed to animals, plants and supernatural beings in this art. Only a few such cases were mentioned on the preceding pages. A more detailed study of this problem is still to be presented. However, it can now be stated with certainty that the symbolism related to foreigners was extremely complex and functioned on many levels.

The analysis presented has also demonstrated that the attitude towards foreigners expressed in Moche iconography was in no way unidimensional. On the one hand, the scenes painted and rendered using bas-relief technique were dominated by the theme of the conflict between the two communities. On the other hand, however, full-figure, three-dimensional depictions of non-Moche individuals were more numerous, in which attention was drawn primarily to the scale of benefits of maintaining peaceful, good-neighbourly relations with them. A tempting hypothesis, which would probably be difficult to prove, would be that, at least in the case of the representations of the non-Moche, the message that was recorded using various techniques may have been addressed to different audiences and may have fulfilled different functions.

The analysis of the depictions presented in this study has made it possible to establish that the system of markers, determinants of the cultural alterity of Lau 2004; Makowski and Rucabado 2000; Pardo and Rucabado 2016. This interpretation is not universally accepted, some researchers still consider members of the presented community to be representatives of one of the groups of the coastal population (cf. Benson 2012: 103). As mentioned in the Introduction, it may be extremely difficult to establish the actual status of the representatives of the group represented in Moche art solely on the basis of the preserved cultural material. However, it is worth emphasizing that elements of equipment that are typical of foreign men (e.g. wire-and-drop circle earrings, tubular earplugs, lime containers and fringed plaques) are discovered at Moche sites extremely rarely and in very specific contexts (e.g. Mujica 2007: 213-217; Uceda 2008; Uceda et al. 2004: 35-39), while typical elements of the outfit of non-Moche women – ticpis pins – were not found on the coast at all, but they are being discovered at Recuay sites. The nature of the relations between the coastal area (especially the individual valleys of the Southern Region) and the highlands over several hundred years of interaction remains an open issue for further research.

1 

It is also worth noting that in addition to fighting scenes and the scenes of taking captives in the depictions made using the fineline or bas-relief techniques (which were practically the only techniques that made it possible to present action with a larger number of characters), the combination of representatives of the two groups was fundamentally avoided.2 In the remaining – after all, Other than the coca taking scene discussed above, in which a warrior from the coast takes part as an observer (Fig.  2-1b),

2 

139

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour very few – painted scenes (primarily related to the Coca Ceremony), foreigners appeared exclusively within their own group.

c.

The ambivalent attitude to foreigners, which can be at least partially reconstructed on the basis of an analysis of Moche iconography, largely reflects the model ‘friend – foe’ relationship which is recognized in sociology, social psychology and especially in anthropological and ethnographic research. There is obviously extensive literature on this subject; alterity and otherness are among the basic categories dealt with by these fields of study. At this point, I would like to confine myself to listing some of the most interesting points to which it would certainly be worth paying more attention in future research on the problem of representations of foreigners in Moche iconography.

Although non-Moche individuals were depicted in Moche art as human beings – namely in the same way as the coastal dwellers – their savagery, roughness and a certain ‘incompleteness’ compared with the latter was strongly emphasized. Of particular importance here is, obviously, equating them with monkeys, but this is also manifested by the fact that they are most frequently depicted in ‘incomplete’ attire or without headgear. Foreigners certainly aroused fear by using trophies from parts of the human body although, on the other hand, they usually lost in the fights represented in iconography. It can, therefore, be assumed that the threat they posed may have been largely treated as purely potential.

In his inspirational book Portraits of the ‘Other’: From the Stereotype to the Symbol,3 Polish anthropologist Zbigniew Benedyktowicz points out that: a.

b.

the relationship to the ‘other’ is usually not purely unidimensional and only negative, it is generally ambivalent. The ‘other’ is a numinous, divine and mystical category, while the experience of otherness – as Benedyktowicz writes – shows similarity to the structure of experience of the sacrum. Therefore, the ‘other’ is strange, different and unusual, arousing extreme feelings. He or she can be perceived as being dangerous, threatening, fearsome but, at the same time, someone who awakens curiosity, fascination and infatuation. Benedyktowicz describes this phenomenon by quoting Rudolf Otto – an eminent German comparative religionist – as mysterium tremendum et fascinosum.

representations of ‘others’ are remarkably similar in different cultures and demonstrate a low level of variability. The ‘friend – foe’ opposition is universal and is usually based on the fundamental ‘human – non-human’ comparison.4 This basic contrast can be used to construct further conceptual oppositions, such as: ‘speaking – mute’, ‘people – animals’, ‘people – beings from the beyond’ (both friendly and hostile). All these pairs of concepts build a subjective and usually extremely persistent picture of the ‘other’ which functions in a given culture. This picture is rarely simplified (stereotypical); it is more frequently a rich (symbolic) one. the ‘friend – foe’ category is a more complex structure than the stereotype binary opposition. Furthermore, it is not a static category, but a dynamic one. The same people can once be ‘friends’ and once ‘foes’ to the same people at different moments in the history of mutual relations.

An interesting issue that has been observed in this study is the fact that foreigners were symbolically associated primarily with fully domesticated or at least tamed animals (Andean camelids, monkeys and small felines, respectively).5 These animals may be used for commercial purposes or treated as pets and status symbols.6 The Moche symbolism indicating the desire to ‘dominate the otherness’ of the neighbours should certainly be considered in future research. A mysterious, divine part of the nature of foreigners is also emphasized in Moche iconography. They commune with the gods, while some supernatural beings are clearly attributed the characteristics of nonMoche figures. Foreigners are deprived of practically any visible physical defects.7 They have access to rare plants (ulluchu, espingo) or shells (Strombus galeatus)

there is only one scene presenting foreigners in the company of a Moche representative. It depicts non-Moche men as participants in a ritual described in the literature as Ceremonial Badminton (e.g. Donnan 1978: 72, Fig. 114; vessel from the San Diego Museum of Man collection). Only the Moche usually take part in this ritual. 3  Benedyktowicz 2000 (Polish title: Portrety „obcego”. Od stereotypu do symbolu). 4  In this context, attention is often drawn to the nomenclature (ethnonyms) that representatives of individual cultures use to describe themselves (endoethnonyms) and their neighbours (exoethnonyms). The former are usually of an egocentric and affirming nature (‘people’ / ‘only people’ / ‘true people’ / ‘people using an understandable language’), the latter are usually derogatory, offensive or at best neutral, rarely positive. They frequently register stereotypical prejudices against neighbours. Such names can refer to their appearance, actual or alleged customs or character traits. ‘Others’ are usually perceived as actual or potential enemies.

The anthropomorphized animals which are attributed such features of the Moche as attire, headgear, body ornaments, or which are represented as participants in the same rituals in which the representatives of the Moche people take part, are only wild animals, mainly foxes, deer, various species of birds or insects. 6  Wołoszyn 2019. 7  In the case of portrait vessels, various physical defects (blindness, one-eyedness, facial deformity, lack of nose or lips) were found in more than 80 characters represented (almost 11% of the sample). Among them, there were only two depictions of foreigners (vessels ML000427 and V A 4633; Wołoszyn 2008a: 153–156). 5 

140

Final Remarks It seems that the unusual relations between young foreign men (presented on the vessels interpreted so far as depictions of Siamese twins) may also have aroused the interest, surprise and, perhaps, even the negative assessment of the patrons and producers of Moche art.

which are necessary in rituals. On the other hand, all these valuable items eventually come into the hands of the coastal dwellers and are represented as being commonly used in Moche ceremonies. Therefore, in this case, foreigners primarily act as intermediaries subordinated in a way to their stronger neighbours.

The creation of an image of the ‘other’ primarily serves the purpose of building the identity and integrity of the group that creates such an image. The definition of their characteristics makes it easier to define one’s own properties. It seems that the production and distribution of the images of foreigners on a massive scale may have served precisely this purpose, the selfidentification of the coastal people (especially in the regions where such contacts were particularly intense). On the one hand, representations were produced of the members of their own community, while, on the other hand, care was taken to provide a suitable contrast for them. The depictions of non-Moche characters were mainly produced in the Southern Moche Region during the period of its greatest expansion and consolidation. The massive production of images of the neighbours from the east was almost certainly aimed at strengthening and accelerating the process of internal integration. Moreover, the establishment of the best possible relations with the ‘others’ was a condition for the continued existence and development of this region. Should it prove successful, it could bring tangible benefits to both populations.

An interesting problem which also requires more attention is the issue of the symbolic relationships of the non-Moche with the world of the dead. Many cadaverous characters which appear in Moche iconography use outfits which, as it was presented in this study, were clearly related to foreigners. Due to their alleged connections with the beyond, it is also worth emphasizing that non-Moche attributes are frequently assigned to some plants, primarily those that grow underground (such as potato tubers and peanuts),8 while the Moche most often identify themselves with above ground crops (primarily with beans). Moche artists were also evidently interested in the ambivalence of gender roles which they attributed to their neighbours. On the one hand, foreign men were the only people with facial hair they knew, while on the other hand, a large percentage of them appeared without headgear (which made them similar to women) or had hairstyles (ponytail or two ponytails) which were similar to those used by Moche women (two plaits). Some male and female foreigners (cargadores and cargadoras) carried out the same tasks, which was not the case with Moche individuals depicted in art.

8 

Cf. Bourget 1990.

141

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms with broad neck-flap’). This hairstyle is most often seen on full-figure effigy images of non-Moche individuals on whom it is usually identified either as a flattening on the top of the head or a different colour of paint used. In exceptional cases, it is also represented as a set of dark spots that probably symbolize hair growing back on a shaved scalp. A hairstyle of this type does not appear on portrait vessels and is also extremely rarely represented in fineline painted scenes.3

Various terms are used in both English and Spanishlanguage literature dedicated to Moche iconography to describe individual elements of the appearance, attire, ornaments, weapons and tools worn or used by the depicted figures. These attributes also include those that were typical only of the images of foreigners. To avoid terminological misunderstandings, a proposed consolidated glossary of terms is presented below. These terms have been used consistently in this study. Every entry contains examples of images of the elements mentioned in both three-dimensional and painted forms and, if possible, also photographs of objects from excavations.1

Ponytails (Figure A1.3) Foreign men also used a hairstyle which can be described as a ponytail (the terms ‘club-like ponytail’ and ‘clubshaped ponytail’ are also used in the literature). It was made of long hair, sometimes reaching the shoulder blades, gathered at the back of the head. Sometimes the hair was parted in the middle and two ponytails were created that fell onto the shoulders. The hair was often tied with a string at the base or almost along the entire length, but it was never braided (long plaited braids, falling on the back or arranged in front, on both sides of the breasts, were only typical of women in Moche iconography). Men with a single ponytail were represented in the form of portrait vessels,4 full-figure vessels and in fineline painted scenes; those with two ponytails were only represented on full-figure effigy vessels. Some of the earlier researchers misidentified the individuals with this type of hairstyle as female characters.

Hairstyles Forelocks˝ (Figure A1.1) The clearly distinctive forelock of longer hair gathered above the forehead was the most typical element of the hairstyle of non-Moche men. In English-language literature, it is also referred to as ‘forehead lock’ or ‘wedge-shaped forelock’, whereas in Spanish it is called mechón, penacho or penacho de pelo. Some earlier authors were not sure whether Moche artists were representing in this way the hairstyle or some type of headgear (referred to at the time as ‘skullcap’). Unambiguous images preserved on many portrait vessels enable these doubts to be dispelled.2 Tonsure-like haircuts (Figure A1.2)

Headgear

A hairstyle that is typical of foreigners, somewhat resembling the so-called Roman tonsure (used by Catholic monks up to the 20th century), usually appeared in individuals with short or medium length hair, sometimes falling back onto the shoulders. It was created by shaving a small disc on the crown of the head. Just as in the case of the forelock, the depictions of this type of hairstyle also gave rise to doubts of earlier researchers who were unsure as to whether this was supposed to represent a hairstyle or a specific type of headgear (described at the time as a ‘crownless cap

Circlets (Figure A1.4) The term circlet, which was introduced by Sarahh E. M. Scher, has been consistently used in this study to describe an open type of headgear. In the Englishlanguage literature to date, such headgear was also referred to as ‘head ring’, whereas in Spanish it was An interesting example of depictions of individuals with tonsures is a set of six identical golden heads of non-Moche men housed in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (Inv. Nos 1991.419.52–57; up until 1991 those artifacts belonged to the Jan Mitchell and Sons Collection). The heads were made using a mould (they are all of a height of approx. 32mm) and were originally beads of a necklace. Men’s ears are decorated with wire-and-drop circle earrings. The private Enrico Poli Collection in Lima houses a Recuay vessel presenting a warrior with this type of hairstyle (Tord 1994: 279, Fig. 210). The individual is holding a square shield in his left hand and a club with a rounded mace head in his right hand. His ears are decorated with earspools or wire-and-drop circle earrings. 4  This hairstyle was defined as type F-VI (Wołoszyn 2008a: 127). 3 

I have presented the typology of the individual status markers appearing exclusively on Moche portrait vessels – namely the hairstyles, headgear, ear and nose ornaments, necklaces, motifs of face painting and scarification – in my earlier study (Wołoszyn 2008a). Some of the terms used here are borrowed from the works of Sarahh E. M. Scher (2010) and George F. Lau (2004), in which an attempt was made to standardize the terminology. 2  In the typology created for the portrait vessels, forelock hairstyles were described as F-V type (Wołoszyn 2008a: 126-127). 1 

143

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Figure A1.1a. Bottle ML000154 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.2a. Bottle V A 4696 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.2b. Bottle V A 14086 – detail (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

called diadema.5 Circlets could be made of both fabrics and other materials of a greater or lesser durability (e.g.  plant fibres or animal skins). They could also be decorated – on the front, on the back or on the sides – with various additional elements, such as bird wings, feathers, feather ornaments, depictions of animals – usually felines, foxes or monkeys – made of animal skins, metal or other materials, and even with trophies 5 

Figure A1.1b. Detail of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.2c. Detail of the scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0586d_B by Donna McClelland).

of human forearms and hands (or their images). In Moche iconography, foreigners wearing circlets placed them directly on their hair or on the hoods of their hooded mantles. Moche individuals, who also used circlets quite frequently, placed them on their heads which were covered with a headcloth or other type of headgear.

Type H-II headgear (Wołoszyn 2008a: 85-88).

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Figure A1.3a. Jar V A 17747 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.3b. Bottle MAM 011008 (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.4a. Bottle C-00049 Figure A1.4b. Detail of the scene (Courtesy Museo Nacional de decorating bottle ML013613 Arqueología, Antropología from the Museo Larco e Historia del Perú – Lima; collection photograph by the author). (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0668d_b by Donna McClelland).

145

Figure A1.3c. Detail of the scene decorating bottle 4-2677 from the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology collection in Berkeley (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0106d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.4c. Bottle C-01306 (Courtesy Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú – Lima; photograph by the author).

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A1.5. Bottle V A 4040 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.6a. Jar V A 4661 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.6b. Detail of the scene decorating botle 1909.12-18.168 from the British Museum collection (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 45).

Figure A1.6c. Earring ML100520 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Pillbox hats (Figure A1.5)

Ear ornaments

Characteristic headgear of some non-Moche characters (similar to the East African kofia or Central Asian tubeteika), also referred to in the literature as a ‘cap’, ‘brimless cylindrical cap with a convex crown’ or ‘toque’. This type of headgear was only represented on full-figure effigy vessels, whereas it does not appear on portrait vessels or in published fineline painted scenes.6

Wire-and-drop circle earrings (Figure A1.6) Circle earrings of several centimetres in diameter, suspended on a wire passing through the ear pinna, were among the most common and distinctive alterity markers of the non-Moche men. In the English-language literature to date, these decorations have also been called ‘drop type ear ornaments’, ‘disc ear ornaments suspended from wire loops’, ‘circular ear pendants’, ‘pendant-disc ear ornaments’, ‘pendant earrings’, and

Gold necklace beads representing men’s heads in headgear of this type were discovered in Sipán (Alva 1999: 205, Lám. 377 and 378).

6 

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Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.7a. Bottle ML000241 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.7b. Detail of the scene decorating vessel U.4267 from the Museo de Arqueología collection in Trujillo (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 307).

‘discoidal ear-ornaments’, whereas, in the Spanishlanguage literature, they are most frequently described as pendientes circulares. Earrings of this type were always used in pairs. The ears were usually adorned with one pair, but depictions of men with two or even three pairs used simultaneously are also known. Some portrait vessels even have more than two or three perforations in the ear pinna, which suggests that the original depictions may have been decorated with a larger number of earrings, probably made of some perishable organic material which has not been preserved or metal (they could have corroded or may have been removed by grave looters before the sale of the vessels). Sometimes, wire-and-drop circle earrings were used by foreigners, together with one pair of long tubular earplugs or pendant crescent earrings. They were usually not decorated (i.e. monochromatic – light or dark) or they were embellished with simple geometric motifs.7 A metal disc may have been perforated in the middle or near the edge. Ornaments of this type – albeit reasonably few – are known from excavation materials. They may have been made of gold (with one side sometimes covered with a layer of silver) or of a gold/ copper alloy.8

pair of large earspools. Only one portrait vessel, which represents a foreigner with a ponytail wearing earrings of this type, is known from the literature.10 Pendant crescent earrings (Figure A1.8) One of the types of earrings, which are characteristic of non-Moche men, also referred to in the Englishlanguage literature as ‘ring ear ornaments’, and in Spanish as pendientes de argolla. Not one example of this type of ear decoration has been found to date in the excavation materials from Moche sites.11 Pendant crescent earrings were represented both on portrait vessels and full-figure effigy vessels, as well as, less frequently, in fineline painted scenes. Tubular earplugs (Figure A1.9) A type of ear ornament referred to in the Englishlanguage literature as ‘ear cylinders’ or ‘tubular ear ornaments’, and in Spanish as orejeras tubulares. Tubular earplugs of various lengths and thicknesses were used by both Moche and non-Moche men. The most typical of the latter were the exceptionally long earplugs of a small diameter. They were probably made of metal and, perhaps, also of organic materials. Both single tubular earplugs and pairs of them are known from excavations. They are usually approx. 70–80mm long and approx. 10–20mm in diameter.12 As mentioned

Wire-and-drop trapezoid earrings (Figure A1.7) A type of ear ornament hung in the same way as wireand-drop circle earrings. Iconography shows that such decoration (just one pair) was used mainly by Moche priests from Group G,9 sometimes together with one

Donnan 2004: 82, Fig. 5.13. ‘No examples of this type have been reported found, and it is not clear how they were suspended from the ear. They appear to be thick discs with rounded edges; a slot or notch on their rim apparently fits over and is suspended from the earlobe’ (Donnan 2004: 83). 12  A pair of gold earplugs (Inv. Nos ML100071 and ML100072) and a pair made of a gold/copper alloy (Inv. Nos ML100788 and ML100789) 10  11 

Wołoszyn 2008a: 262. Donnan 2004: 81, Fig. 5.8 and 82, Fig. 5.11. This type of ornaments is represented in the Museo Larco collection by artifacts ML100520ML100525. 9  Wołoszyn 2008a: 201-203, 339. 7  8 

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Figure A1.8a. Bottle V A 12949 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.9a. Bowl ML000459 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.8b. Detail of the scene decorating bottle ML013613 from the Museo Larco collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0668d_b by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.9b. Detail of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

above, foreigners could sometimes use ornaments of this type with one or more pairs of wire-and-drop circle earrings.13

Figure A1.9c. Pair of tubular earplugs ML100071 and ML100072 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Earspools (Figure A1.10) The most impressive type of ear ornaments known from both Moche iconography and excavations, referred to as ‘earplugs’, ‘earflares’ or ‘circular ear ornaments’ in the English-language literature and orejeras or orejeras circulares in Spanish. Earspools were made of organic materials (such as wood), as well as precious metals, mainly gold.14 An ornament of this type most

are held in the Museo Larco collection. The Metropolitan Museum of Art collection has a tubular earplug made of gilded copper which is 80mm long and 18mm in diameter (Inv.  No.  1979.206.1321; this artefact is described as an ‘earflare shaft’ in the museum’s online catalogue, although it may have originally been a part of an earspool). The same collection also includes a pair of exquisitely decorated tubular earplugs made of gilded copper and originating from Loma Negra, which are 99mm and 94mm long (Inv. Nos 1987.394.94 and 1987.394.95, respectively). They have been mistakenly described in the museum’s online catalogue as ‘tubular beads’. 13  This type of ear decoration in portrait vessels was described as E-IX (Wołoszyn 2008a: 135).

This type of ornaments is represented in the Museo Larco collection by, inter alia, the following pairs of artifacts: ML100189 and ML100190, ML100123 and ML100124, ML100784 and ML100785, ML100786 and ML100787, ML100849 and ML100850, as well as

14 

148

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.10a. Figure A1.10b. Detail of the scene Figure A1.10c. Pair of earspools ML1008532 and ML100853 Bottle V A 62153 decorating the Buenos Aires bottle (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). (Courtesy Staatliche (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Museen zu Berlin – Oaks Research Library and Collection; Ethnologisches Museum; drawing PHPC001_0711d_b photograph by the author). by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.11a. Bottle 1947.315 A – detail (Courtesy University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology; after Anton 1962: Taf. 27).

Figure A1.11b. Detail of the scene decorating the Rotterdam bottle WM-73374 (Courtesy Edward K. de Bock and Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan and McClelland 1999: 87, Fig. 4.24; drawing by Edward K. de Bock).

frequently consisted of an empty cylinder resembling a tubular earplug and a disc of a smaller or larger diameter fastened to it.15 These discs were sometimes very richly decorated with inlays and mosaics of semiprecious stones and shells. Based on iconography, it can be presumed that earspools were relatively rarely used by foreigners, although they were popular among

Figure A1.11c. Earplugs used by a contemporary Shuar Indian (after Bianchi 1982: 219).

the representatives of some groups of this community (probably of the highest status). Full-figure depictions of bearded men and some ‘salesmen’ with earspools are particularly common. Tulip-like earrings (Figure A1.11) A very rare type of ear ornament, characteristic only of foreigners, represented both on full-figure effigy vessels and in painted scenes, but not appearing on

ML100852 and ML100853. 15  Much less frequently, the decorated surfaces of earspools were square-shaped (Lapiner 1976: 164, Fig. 407; Donnan 2004: 124-128).

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Figure A1.12a. Jar V A 18541 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.12b. Detail of the scene decorating the Buenos Aires bottle (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 114).

Figure A1.13b. Detail of the scene decorating bottle V A 62161 from the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 129).

Figure A1.13a. Bottle V A 47887 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

portrait vessels. Berezkin described earrings of this type as ‘«goose-foot» shaped pendants’.16 One or two of these ornaments could be hung from one ear. Based on the available ethnographic analogies, mainly from the Amazon area, it can be presumed that ornaments of this shape may have been produced mainly from organic materials (such as feathers, seeds or beetle wings).17

attire for both Moche and non-Moche men, whereas women apparently did not wear it. A loincloth was made of a small, plain piece of fabric and could, in exceptional cases, be a man’s only attire. Interestingly, loincloth users took them off very rarely. Even many so-called erotic vessels (representing sexual relations) show Moche men wearing only this element of clothing and some type of headgear. Loincloths were depicted in Moche iconography on both full-figure vessels and in painted scenes. Supernatural male beings were also represented wearing them.

Elements of attire made of fabrics Loincloths (Figure A1.12) A loincloth (also referred to as ‘breechcloth’ or, in Spanish, taparrabo) was the basic element of a man’s

Tunics (Figure A1.13) All upper body garments appearing in Moche iconography have been referred to as tunics in this study, thereby the term ‘shirt’ (Spanish: camisa), which

In the Russian original, they are described as подвески в виде «гусиной лапки» (Berezkin 1978). 17  Bianchi 1982: 217-219, 228. 16 

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Figure A1.14a. Bottle V A 62153 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.14b. Detail of the scene decorating bottle Am,St.333.o from the British Museum collection (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 126).

also appears in the literature, has not been used. The length of this type of attire varied, but, for simplicity, a decision was made to use only three basic terms in the descriptions. A short tunic usually reached down to the waist and exposed a loincloth. A medium-length tunic more or less came down to or covered the knees, while a long tunic reached down to or covered the feet. Depending on the circumstances, men from various social groups would use tunics of all three lengths, while women were only represented in medium or long ones (they probably wore them on a naked body). The tunics (with or without sleeves) depicted in Moche iconography were monochromatic (light or dark), but there were also cases where they were lavishly decorated with geometric or zoomorphic motifs. Sometimes short tunics with short sleeves were worn by non-Moche men on top of long tunics. The arms were not then inserted into the sleeves, but remained hidden under the top tunic, which may have given the impression that the person dressed like this has no hands (after all, this is how some earlier scholars interpreted the depictions of the figures clothed in this way). Wearing tunics in this manner is only known from full-figure effigy vessels representing seated foreigners.

terms capa or manta are often used. The mantles represented in Moche iconography were made of one large, rectangular piece of fabric. They may have been undecorated or ornamented with geometric or zoomorphic motifs. Mantles were worn as the last, top layer of clothing. They were placed on top of tunics and were either tied under the chin or on one of the arms, or only one of the corners of the mantle was thrown over the shoulder, being worn like a Roman toga. Hooded mantles (Figure A1.15) This type of outer covering is also sometimes referred to in English-language literature as a ‘hooded cape’, whereas in Spanish it is called capa con capucha. Hooded mantles – represented in Moche iconography on full-figure effigy vessels and, much less frequently, in painted scenes – were probably made of one large, rectangular, mainly plain, undecorated piece of fabric. They were a characteristic element of the attire of some foreigners and some cadaverous, dead figures. The upper part of the fabric formed a hood; its upper corners were crossed under the chin and then passed onto the back and tied behind the neck. The hood may have been placed on a bare head or on headgear (usually a circlet). A circlet could also have been put on the hood, which would then additionally hold it on the head.

Mantles (Figure A1.14) In English-language literature, this type of covering is also referred to as a ‘cape’, whereas in Spanish the 151

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A1.15a. Bottle V A 17979 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.16a. Bottle MAM 01030 (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.15b. Detail of the scene decorating bottle V A 4676 from the Ethnologisches Museum collection in Berlin (after Kutscher 1954: Fig. 30A).

Figure A1.16b. Detail of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

Yokes (Figure A1.16)

Fringed plaques (Figure A1.17)

A wide, oval element of attire put onto the tunic, made of fabric and sometimes additionally decorated with circular, probably metal applications. In its most characteristic form, used by foreigners, the yoke was finished off at the bottom with long, wide, rectangular fringes. Moche men used similar-looking wide pectorals which – in contrast with yokes – were made of tiny beads made of shells, semi-precious stones or metal and tied at the back of the neck; they were never finished off with rectangular fringes.18

A rectangular ornament which was only characteristic of non-Moche warriors, probably made of fabric and perhaps other materials (e.g. metal applications) and finished off at the bottom with wide, rectangular fringes. In the literature to date, such ornaments were described as ‘bamboo-slat frames’, ‘banner-like ornaments’, ‘trophy head ornaments / bags / packs or pennants’, while interpreting their function in various ways.19 The

18 

beads (of various shapes and sizes), used both by men and women, are referred to as necklaces or pectorals. 19  Lau 2004; Verano 2001. Elizabeth P. Benson (1984a) suggested that

In this study, all the decorations hanging on the neck and made of

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Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.17a. Ceramic whistle MAM 10981 (Courtesy Museo de América – Madrid; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.17b. Detail of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

are known from archaeological material,21 whereby it appears that some of them may have been used as fancy coca bags.22 They were made of fabric and animal skins and decorated with metal thin-plate applications sewn onto them, which is also often shown in their iconographic depictions. Other materials were also used for making decorations of this type, including gilded copper, shells and feathers. Feline-headed banners are often represented as an element of attire of supernatural characters, so-called ‘worshippers’, taking part in the scenes of the Coca Ceremony.

method used to produce this element and the material from which it was made are disputable. The fringed plaques were frequently decorated with geometric motifs and frontal – decidedly more sparsely profiled – depictions of human heads (which were, perhaps, real, miniaturized trophy heads of the tsantsa type, specially prepared face scalps, or metal applications). Fringed plaques were represented on both full-figure effigy vessels and in fineline painted scenes. Foreign warriors could have used one or two such ornaments at the same time (one was then dangling from the back, while the other was held in the mouth).

Armaments

Feline-headed banners (Figure A1.18)

Moche helmets (Figure A1.19)

An ornament appearing in full-figure effigy depictions and painted scenes, having the shape of a feline skin, has also been described in English-language literature as ‘feline’s pelt’, ‘feline mantle’, ‘feline effigy’, ‘pendant feline effigy representing the pelt of an animal’, ‘metal platelet banner’ or a ‘large, animal-headed, metal-platelet attachment’.20 Few objects of this type

Only a few types of headgear typical of Moche warriors (mainly those represented in battle scenes or as socalled ‘sleeping’ warriors) have been mentioned in this study. The most popular type of headgear they used was a conical helmet, which may have been undecorated (sometimes ornamented with geometric motifs) or composed of overlapping layers of some kind of material (probably metal plates). The latter variety has been referred to in this study as a conical tiered helmet (it

this element may have served as an ornamental coca bag. 20  Benson 2012; Uceda 2008. A similar type of ornament (described as ‘a ceremonial vest’/chaleco ceremonial) presenting a human face, hands and feet, made of gilded copper, was discovered in Grave  1 at Huaca Cao in the El Brujo complex in the Chicama Valley (Mujica 2007: 215-217).

21  22 

153

E.g. de Lavalle 1985: 204; Morales et al. 2000. Treasures... 1965: Fig. 25 and 26.

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Figure A1.18a. Bottle V A 17573 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.18b. Detail of the scene decorating bottle 93 387 from the Linden-Museum collection in Stuttgart (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 125).

also appears in the literature as a ‘stacked hat’). A less popular type of Moche helmet, which also frequently appears in the iconography (represented primarily in three-dimensional form, on full-figure effigy vessels, much less frequently in fineline painted scenes), was a hemispherical helmet with a transverse crest (also described as a ‘rounded helmet with a fan-like crest along the transverse ridge’, ‘a semicircular helmet with a crest running from side to side’ or ‘a rounded helmet with a transverse crest’).23

Figure A1.18c. Feline-headed banner Pl.I-049 (Courtesy Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas del Sol y de la Luna; photograph by Yutaka Yoshii).

plates and possibly performing the same function as the kepi cloth used in the French Foreign Legion (protection from the sun). An additional element was a chinstrap or chin tie (Spanish barbiquejo) fastened under the chin, probably made of a stronger material and holding the helmet on the head. The chinstraps of Moche helmets could sometimes have been additionally decorated with a metal triangular ruff and fitted on the sides with circular ear protectors (also referred to as ‘protective ear discs’) which were probably also most often made of metal.24 Depictions of these functional elements of the helmet were sometimes mistakenly interpreted by some authors as representations of earspools. The latter would have been rather impractical in battle and were probably used quite rarely in such situations.

Moche helmets were worn on a headcloth covering the hair or furnished with a type of flap or neck cover, sometimes decorated with geometric patterns or metal 23  Only the first two types of headgear (i.e. the conical helmet and conical tiered helmet) appeared on portrait vessels and were included in the previously presented typology. They are respectively types: H-I-1 and H-I-5 (Wołoszyn 2008a: 83-85, 254).

24 

154

E.g. Alva 1999: 96, Lám. 172; 108, Lám. 189.

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.19a. Bottle V A 12958 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.19b. Bottle V A 17960 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.19c. Bottle ML001661 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.19d. Detail of the scene decorating bottle 4-2712 from the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology collection in Berkeley (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0103d_b by Donna McClelland).

Moche helmets may have been decorated with metal crescent-like headdress ornaments in the shape of a sacrificial tumi knife (Spanish coronas semilunares) placed on their top.25 Additional helmet decorations

may have been tassels, tufts and fans made of feathers fastened to bone or metal pins (‘copper shafts with feathers attached’. Many of these headgear ornaments were discovered during excavations.26

25  Such a decoration, made of gold, was discovered in the tomb of the Lord of Sipán (Alva 1999: 79, Lám. 137).

26 

155

E.g. Alva 1999: 100, Lám. 179; Donnan 2004: 64-67.

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour decorated circlets (made of animal skins and even from human forearms and hands) or full head coverings made of the heads of large felines (or from other materials that were supposed to imitate them). A characteristic decoration of the helmets used by non-Moche warriors was a double-crescent headdress ornament, probably made of metal. No such object has been found during archaeological excavations so far. Backflaps (Figure A1.21) The trapezoidal backflap (also referred to in the literature as ‘coxal protector’, ‘coccyx protector’, Spanish protector coxal, chalchalcha) made of metal and hung from the waist at the back was one of the most characteristic parts of the protective gear of Moche warriors, although depictions of foreigners using elements of this type are also known. The finest examples of backflaps made of gold and silver, often richly decorated with depictions of a Decapitator God, or ulluchu fruits and equipped with rattles, were discovered in the royal tombs in Sipán.28 The Museo Larco collection houses several such objects made of copper, gilded copper and copper, silver and gold alloys.29 Figure A1.20a. Bottle ML001691 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.20b. Details of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

Non-Moche helmets (Figure A1.20)

Clubs (Figure A1.22)

In fact, the only type of helmet that is typical of non-Moche warriors, which is relatively frequently represented in the iconography both in threedimensional form and in painted scenes, was a helmet with three tapering spokes and circular finials.27 In battle, foreigners also used different kinds of variously

Clubs were the basic and most dangerous types of weapon represented in Moche iconography. Their shafts were made of wood, while their heads were sometimes made of stone or metal. Moche warriors most frequently used conical-head clubs, which were

27 

28 

Lau 2004.

29 

156

Alva 1999. E.g. ML100790-ML100793, ML100913 and ML101002.

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.21a. Bottle V A 17960 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.21b. Detail of the scene decorating the Rotterdam bottle WM-73374 (Courtesy Edward K. de Bock and Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; after Donnan and McClelland 1999: 87, Fig. 4.24; drawing by Edward K. de Bock).

usually made entirely of wood30 and sometimes covered with a metal sheet.31 This type of weapon has been repeatedly described in the literature as a ‘mace with a conical shaped mace head’, ‘biconical mace’, ‘Moche type ring mace’, and finally as a ‘mace with a conical tip with a projecting collar attached to a long tapering shaft’.32 Such clubs depicted in the iconography were usually the main element of the panoply or weapon bundle, on which trophies of war won from the enemy were hung. The classic conical-head club was probably also an important symbol in Moche ideology, as evidenced both by iconography and the ceramic depictions of such clubs discovered in excavation material and originally used for decorating roofs of temples or residences of the elite.33 In scenes of deer or sea lion hunting, Moche hunters usually used a club with a rounded head (also called a ‘rounded hunters’ club’) probably made entirely of wood.34

30  The Museo Larco collection houses two clubs (ML400027 and ML400028) of such a shape, made entirely of lúcumo (Pouteria lucuma) tree wood. They come from the Huancaco site in the Virú Valley. 31  According to Sawyer (1975: 34), ‘the formidable club employed by Moche warriors was made of heavy algarrobo or zapote wood and had a copper or stone ring mace bound to its heavy end and a long copper spike socketed to the other’ (cf. Franco et al. 1999: 20). Two ceremonial clubs covered with gilded copper sheet, which were most probably insignia of authority, were discovered in the tomb of the so-called Lady of Cao in the Chicama Valley (e.g. Williams 2006). 32  Lau 2004. 33  Franco et al. 1999; Gutiérrez 1999. 34  A richly sculpted club with a rounded head and the end of a shaft covered with copper sheet was discovered in 1946 at the Huca de la Cruz site in the Virú Valley in the grave of the so-called WarriorPriest or Warrior-God (Strong and Evans 1952: 157-158, Pl. XXIV).

Figure A1.21c. Backflap ML100793 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

157

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A1.22a. Details of the scene decorating the Lührsen bottle V A 666 (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0507d_B by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.22b. Details of the scene decorating a bottle from a private collection Figure A1.22c. Clubs ML400027 and ML400028 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0586d_B by Donna McClelland).

158

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.23a. Scene decorating bottle ML013613 from the Museo Larco collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0668d_b by Donna McClelland).

Figure A1.23b. Spear-thrower ML100186 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

One of the most characteristic features distinguishing non-Moche warriors from the coastal ones was the use of clubs with heads made of stone or metal, having shapes completely different than the typical conical mace heads of Moche clubs. The most popular of these types were clubs with ovoid mace heads (also referred to as ‘ball mace clubs’), clubs with star-shaped mace heads and clubs with ribbed/fluted mace heads. The heads of the latter could have had the shape of a regular cylinder or may have narrowed towards the top or the bottom. An exceptionally characteristic feature of the clubs used by foreigners was a type of flange or curved guard at the distal end of a shaft.35

Spear-throwers (Figure A1.23) The spear-thrower (also referred to in the Englishlanguage literature by the Nahuatl word ‘atlatl’ and in Spanish as tiradera, propulsor or estólica) was a weapon used both by Moche warriors and hunters, and by foreigners both in battle and while hunting for birds.36

de Moche collection; Scher 2010: 807, Cat. No. 1002). 36  Spear-throwers were also used during a Moche ritual called the Ceremonial Badminton (Kutscher 1958), also described as the Waterlily Rite (Benson 2012) or Rito de purificación del aire (Hocquenghem 1987). It was also a weapon often used by anthropomorphic mythical beings. One of the most beautifully decorated Moche spear-throwers, which is known from archaeological material, belongs to the Museo Larco collection (Inv. No. ML100186). Its shaft is covered with a golden plate, while its hook is decorated with the image of a condor feeding on the body of a dead naked man.

This element was described by Lau (2004: 171) as ‘a truncated or conical element at the narrower end [of the club], resembling the basket feature of skiing poles. It is unknown whether these features served as hand-guards, gripping knobs, propping devices, or stops limiting the penetration of the sharp ends’. A similar element appeared extremely rarely in representations of typical conical-head clubs used by Moche warriors (e.g. the PLZ2B-224 vessel from Plaza 2B in the Huaca de la Luna complex in the Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas 35 

159

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour bag (Spanish bolsa ritual contenedora de hojas de coca, Quechua chuspa or piksha) made of fabric and worn on a strap hung on the shoulder or the neck. Bags of this type were of various sizes and shapes (rectangular or round-bottomed), monochromatic or decorated with geometric motifs. Some of them were finished off with fringes. During the act of coca chewing itself, the chuspa may have been hung on the coca taker’s

Other objects Utensils used for coca taking (Figure A1.24) Three types of objects were used for taking coca – an activity that, as has been proved in this study, was only related to foreign men in Moche iconography. Dried Erythroxylum coca leaves were stored in a special coca

Figure A1.24a. Bottle V A 758 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.24b. Details of the scene decorating bottle 93 387 from the Linden-Museum collection in Stuttgart (after Kutscher 1983: Abb. 125).

Figure A1.24c. Lime container ML100723 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima). Lime stick is decorated with the depiction of a foreigner with a tonsure-like haircut, perforated earlobes and face painting in the form of a Maltese cross.

160

Figure A1.24d. Lime container Pl.I-039 (Courtesy Proyecto Arqueológico Huacas del Sol y de la Luna; photograph by the author).

Appendix 1 Glossary of Terms

Figure A1.25a. Bottle ML002551 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

Figure A1.25b. Detail of the scene decorating a bottle from a private collection (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection; drawing PHPC001_0586d_B by Donna McClelland).

neck or arm, held by him in his hand or laid in front of him. Round-bottomed lime containers (Spanish caleros, Quechua poporos, ishcupuros) of a characteristic bottle-like shape and with a wide neck rim were used to store lime (Spanish cal, Quechua llipta), a substance added to the leaves being chewed to improve the taste, increase the amount of juice produced and intensify the process of giving off alkaloids. Containers of this type known from Moche iconography may have been made of gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) or metal. A simple, usually undecorated lime stick or lime spatula (Spanish espatula, palillo) was used to take small portions of lime substance from the container and put it in the mouth. When the container and spatula were not being used, they were generally stored together inside the coca bag hung on the shoulder.

Figure A1.25c. Sceptreknife ML101565 (Courtesy Museo Larco – Lima).

– were represented in Moche art in the hands of men in headgear that is typical of various groups of Moche priests and in the hands of anthropomorphic characters (with fox heads). Sceptre-knives probably had some practical function but, almost certainly, they primarily had a major symbolic meaning as a type of status marker, symbols of personal power or even insignia of authority.38 Objects of this kind, 20–30cm long, made of copper or copper and silver alloy, are known from archaeological material.39 The most impressive ones, made of gold, were discovered in the royal tombs in Sipán.40 The heads of some sceptre-knives also had the function of a rattle. The shaft of this tool could have contained a small eye through which a string was pulled, on which this object may have been hung. Shoulder nail-headed shawl pins (Figure A1.26)

Sceptre-knives (Figure A1.25)

In Moche iconography, the characteristic shoulder nail-headed shawl pins, referred to in Quechua as ticpis, were the most characteristic and distinctive element of the attire of foreign women (which were represented almost exclusively as burden bearers or cargadoras). Sarahh E. M. Scher drew attention to them, identifying

Sceptre-knives are metal tools with a wide, flattened end (resembling a chisel) and a shaft usually ending in the form of the head of a typical Moche club or the head of a different shape (an inverted pyramid, a supernatural being’s head, platforms with depictions of anthropoand zoomorphic beings, etc.).37 Instruments of this type – also referred to in the English-language literature as ‘chisels’, ‘knives’, ‘spatulas’ or ‘rattle-chisels’, and in Spanish as punzones, cinceles, cetros or cetros-cuchillo

Rafael Larco Hoyle (1939: 85-124) believed that they may have been used to cut out characters of ‘writings’ on Lima beans (Phaseolus lunatus). 39  The Museo Larco collection houses, among others, the artifacts: ML100716, ML100733, ML100734, ML100736, ML101564-ML101566 and ML101671. 40  E.g. Alva 1999: 62-65, Lám. 104-112; 133, Lám. 229; 134, Lám. 233; 191, Lám. 355. 38 

37  Benson (1984b) mentions similar-looking objects made of bones (usually inlaid) or animal teeth. Cf. Donnan 1978: 18-19, Figs 27-31.

161

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A1.26a. Bottle V A 16919 (Courtesy Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Ethnologisches Museum; photograph by the author).

Figure A1.26b. A pair of ticpis from a Recuay burial context at Pomakayán (Courtesy Museo Arqueológico de Ancash; photograph by George F. Lau).

them as a typical decoration for women who did not come from the coastal area (Moche women did not use any pins at all).41 Ticpis were made of metal and were used in pairs to clasp a tunic on the shoulders, at the level of the collarbones. In Moche art, shoulder nailheaded shawl pins only appear on full-figure vessels. They may be just painted or represented in relief

form, they are of various sizes and shapes (straight, half-crescent or conical), and their heads are always directed downwards. Ticpis are also often depicted as a decoration of a woman’s attire in Recuay iconography,42 while examples made of copper or gilded copper are known from the archaeological material from Recuay sites.43

Scher 2010: 198-199. According to this author, this way of clasping robes was very characteristic of female highland dwellers. At the time of the Incas, women used pins called tupus usually ending in a small or large flat disc, which they used individually or in pairs for clasping garments in a similar way.

41 

42  43 

162

E.g. Eisleb 1987. E.g. Grieder 1978: 119-129; Lau 2011: 205, Fig. 53.

Appendix 2 Online Catalogues of Moche Art Collections Europe

Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Established: 1844 Am Steine 1-2 31134 Hildesheim

Belgium Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire Established: 1835 Parc du Cinquantenaire 10 1000 Bruxelles

Great Britain British Museum Established: 1753 Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG

France Musée du quai Branly (formerly the pre-Columbian collection of the Musée de l’Homme) Established: 2006 37, quai Branly – portail Debilly 75007 Paris

Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Cambridge Established: 1884 Downing Street Cambridge CB2 3DZ

Germany

Pitt Rivers Museum Established: 1884 South Parks Rd Oxford OX1 3PP

Ethnologisches Museum (formerly the Museum für Völkerkunde) Established: 1873 Lansstraße 8 / Arnimallee 25 14195 Berlin

Hungary Néprajzi Múzeum Estabished: 1872 Kossuth Lajos tér 12 H-1055 Budapest

GRASSI Museum für Völkerkunde Established:1869 Johannisplatz 5-11 04103 Leipzig

Italy

Museum am Rothenbaum – Kulturen und Künste der Welt Established:1879 Rothenbaumchaussee 64 20148 Hamburg

Museo Internazionale delle Ceramiche Established: 1908 Viale Baccarini n. 19 48018 Faenza (RA) The Netherlands

Museum Folkwang Established: 1902 (Hagen)/1922 (Essen) Museumsplatz 1 45128 Essen

Museum Volkenkunde Established: 1837 Steenstraat 1 2312 BS Leiden

Museum Fünf Kontinente (formerly the Staatliche Museum für Völkerkunde) Established: 1862 Maximilianstraße 42 80538 München

Tropenmuseum Established: 1864 Linnaeusstraat 2 1092 CK Amsterdam

Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover Established: 1856 Willy-Brandt-Allee 5 30169 Hannover 163

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour Wereldmuseum (formerly the Museum voor Land- en Volkenkunde) Established: 1883 Willemskade 25 3016 DM Rotterdam

Museum of Anthropology, University of British Columbia Established: 1947 6393 NW Marine Drive Vancouver, British Columbia V6T 1Z2

Poland

Royal Ontario Museum Established: 1914 100 Queen’s Park Toronto, Ontario M5S 2C6

Muzeum Archeologiczne w Krakowie Established: 1850 ul. Senacka 3 31-002 Kraków

The United States of America

Spain

American Museum of Natural History Established: 1869 Central Park West at 79th Street New York, NY 10024

Museo de América Established: 1941 Avenida Reyes Católicos, 6 28040 Madrid

Art Institute of Chicago Established: 1879 111 S Michigan Ave Chicago, IL 60603

Sweden Världskulturmuseet Established: 2004 Södra Vägen 54 412 54 Göteborg

Birmingham Museum of Art Established: 1951 2000 Rev. Abraham Woods, Jr. Blvd Birmingham, AL 35203

Switzerland

Brooklyn Museum Established: 1897 200 Eastern Parkway Brooklyn, NY 11238

Musée d’ethnographie de Genève Established: 1901 Boulevard Carl-Vogt 65 1205 Genève

Cleveland Museum of Art Established: 1913 11150 East Boulevard Cleveland, OH 44106

Museum zu Allerheiligen Established: 1938 Klosterstrasse 16 8200 Schaffhausen

Dallas Museum of Art Established: 1903 1717 North Harwood Dallas, TX 75201

Museum Rietberg Established: 1952 Gablerstrasse 15 8002 Zürich

Canada

De Young Museum Established: 1895 Golden Gate Park, 50 Hagiwara Tea Garden Drive San Francisco, CA 94118

Gardiner Museum Established: 1984 111 Queen’s Park Toronto, Ontario M5S 2C7

Denver Art Museum Established: 1893 100 W 14th Avenue Pkwy Denver, CO 80204

Montreal Museum of Fine Arts Established: 1860 1339 Sherbrooke Street West Montreal, Quebec H3G 1J5

Detroit Institute of Arts Established: 1885 5200 Woodward Avenue Detroit, MI 48202

North America

164

Appendix 2 Online Catalogues of Moche Art Collections Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Established: 1940 1703 32nd Street, NW Washington, DC 20007

Museum of Fine Arts Established: 1870 465 Huntington Avenue Boston, MA 02115

Field Museum of Natural History Established: 1893 1400 S Lake Shore Dr Chicago, IL 60605

Nasher Museum of Art, Duke University Established: 1969 2001 Campus Drive Durham, NC 27705

Fowler Museum at UCLA Established: 1963 University of California Los Angeles, North Campus Los Angeles, CA 90095

National Museum of the American Indian Established: 1989 Fourth Street & Independence Ave., S.W. Washington, DC 20560

Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art, Cornell University Established: 1973 114 Central Avenue Ithaca, NY 14853

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University Established: 1866 11 Divinity Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138

Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College Established: 1772 6 East Wheelock Street Hanover, NH 03755

Penn Museum, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology Established: 1887 3260 South Street Philadelphia, PA 19104

Krannert Art Museum, University of Illinois Established: 1961 500 East Peabody Drive Urbana-Champaign, IL 61820

Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology (formerly the Robert-Lowie Museum of Anthropology) Established: 1901 University of California Campus, 103 Kroeber Hall Berkeley, CA 94720

Logan Museum of Anthropology, Beloit College Established: 1894 700 College Street Beloit, WI 53511

Steinberg Museum of Art, Long Island University (formerly the Hillwood Art Museum) Established: 1988 720 Northern Boulevard Brookville, NY 11548-1300

Mead Art Museum, Amherst College Established: 1949 41 Quadrangle Amherst, MA 01002

Virginia Museum of Fine Arts Established: 1936 200 N. Arthur Ashe Boulevard Richmond, VA 23220

Metropolitan Museum of Art Established: 1870 1000 5th Avenue New York City, NY 10028

Walters Art Museum Established: 1934 600 N. Charles Street Baltimore, MD 21201

Michael C. Carlos Museum (formerly the Emory University Museum of Art and Archaeology) Established: 1876 571 South Kilgo Circle Atlanta, GA 30322

Worcester Art Museum Established: 1896 55 Salisbury Street Worcester, MA 01609

Mount Holyoke College Art Museum Established: 1876 50 College Street South Hadley, MA 01075

Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History Established: 1866 170 Whitney Ave New Haven, CT 06511 165

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour Yale University Art Gallery Established: 1832 1111 Chapel Street New Haven, CT 06510 South America Chile Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino Established: 1981 Bandera 361 8320000 Santiago Peru Museo Larco (formerly Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera) Established: 1926 Av. Bolivar 1515 Lima 21 Museo de Arte de Lima Established: 1961 Paseo Colón 125 Lima 01 Museo del Banco Central de Reserva del Perú Established: 1980 Esquina Jr. Lampa con Jr. Ucayali Lima 01 Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia del Perú Established: 1822 Plaza Bolivar s/n Lima 21

166

Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive In 2011-2013, a vast collection of approx.  116,000 photographs and drawings of Moche cultural material known as the Moche Archive was donated to the Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives at Dumbarton Oaks. The authors of this impressive database were UCLA professor Christopher B. Donnan and his assistant Donna McClelland, who worked on it for nearly 50 years (1963-2011).1

they were digitized, divided into categories and are now available online.2 Some of these drawings (sometimes in a slightly modified form) were previously presented in articles and books by Donnan and McClelland, but there are also many that have not been published. Among the rollouts in the catalogue one can find about 40 images that show foreigners. From among these scenes, 31 have been presented and analysed in the subsequent chapters of this book. Sometimes I have used McClelland’s fineline drawings as illustrative material and sometimes those made by other, earlier authors (Table App. 3.1).

In 2013-2014, the materials in the Moche Archive were successively catalogued and described by Lisa Trever and Ameena Mohammad. In 2016-2018, Ari Caramanica catalogued 752  rollout drawings made by McClelland;

Table App. 3.1. Number of the figure in this book (the entire scene or its details)

Identifier Moche Harvard repository Archive fineline Dumbarton Oaks Research drawing number Library and Collection

Permalink

1.1c; A1.1b; A1.9b; A1.16b; A1.17b; A1.20b; A1.22a

0507

PHPC001_0507d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001266235/catalog

1.2b; A1.10b

0711

PHPC001_0711d_b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001311021/catalog

1.4b

0485

PHPC001_0485d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001263013/catalog

1.5b (Kutscher’s version was used)

0057

PHPC001_0057d_b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001147830/catalog

1.6b

0555

PHPC001_0555dc1m

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001281067/catalog

1.7 (Kutscher’s version was used)

0044

PHPC001_0044d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144856/catalog

1.8b

0515

PHPC001_0515d_2b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001266891/catalog

1.11b

0116

PHPC001_0116d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001173269/catalog

Subgroup 2 relates to fineline drawings of Moche iconography from painted ceramic vessels. Materials include photographic prints, reprographic prints, and original drawings. Occasionally, other kinds of objects and techniques are also documented. Most of the fineline drawings were created by Donna McClelland, though some drawings were created by other illustrators or were photocopied from published sources. 2  The Moche Archive is now owned by the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection (https://www.doaks.org/resources/mocheiconography). The database of rollout drawings by Donna McClelland can be found on the Harvard Library web pages (https://images. hollis.harvard.edu).

Information taken from the website of the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections: Comprised of two subgroups, the Moche Archive consists of various types of photographic material and fineline drawings. Subgroup  1 contains photographic material that makes up the bulk of the collection: 35mm black-and-white contact prints; black-and-white and color photographic prints in various sizes; 35mm color slides, and black-and-white and color negatives. These materials document Moche art found in a vast array of European and North and South American museums, private collections, archaeological collections, and publications. Most of the photographic materials were produced or collected by Christopher  B. Donnan for the Moche Archive.

1 

167

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Number of the figure in this book (the entire scene or its details)

Identifier Moche Harvard repository Archive fineline Dumbarton Oaks Research drawing number Library and Collection

Permalink

1.12b

0107

PHPC001_0107d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001162540/catalog

1.14b

0082

PHPC001_0082d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001162287/catalog

1.15 (photographs were used)

0039

PHPC001_0039d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144830/catalog

1.16 (Kutscher’s version was used)

0164

PHPC001_0164d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001215095/catalog

1.18b

0015

PHPC001_0015d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144405/catalog

1.20 (Kutscher’s version was used)

0023

PHPC001_0023d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144776/catalog

1.22b

0016

PHPC001_0016d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144443/catalog

1.23b

0014

PHPC001_0014d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144403/catalog

1.24b

0024

PHPC001_0024d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144777/catalog

1.26 (photographs were used)

0406

PHPC001_0406d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001252785/catalog

1.46b; A1.2c; A1.22b; A1.25b

0586

PHPC001_0586d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001306273/catalog

2.1b (Kutscher’s version was used)

0181

PHPC001_0181d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001215248/catalog

2.2

0056

PHPC001_0056d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001146427/catalog

2.3

0101

PHPC001_0101d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001162532/catalog

2.4b

0099

PHPC001_0099dc2b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001162526/catalog

2.5b

0522

PHPC001_0522dc_m

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001266922/catalog

2.6 (Kutscher’s version was used)

0139

PHPC001_0139d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001173305/catalog

2.7b

0179

PHPC001_0179d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001215244/catalog

2.37; A1.3c

0106

PHPC001_0106d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001162538/catalog

2.44

0549

PHPC001_0549dc1m

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001267976/catalog

3.10b

0150

PHPC001_0150d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001173306/catalog

A1.6b (Kutscher’s version was used) 0120

PHPC001_0120d_b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001173273/catalog

A1.4b; A1.8b; A1.23a

PHPC001_0668d_b

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001310368/catalog

0668

168

Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive Table App. 3.2. Identifier Moche Number of the figure in this book Archive fineline drawing number

Harvard repository Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection

Permalink

A3.1

0002

PHPC001_0002d_B

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144228/catalog

A3.2

0036

PHPC001_0036d_B

A3.3

0157

PHPC001_0157d_b

A3.4

0180

PHPC001_0180d_B

A3.5

0318

PHPC001_0318d_B

A3.6

0432

PHPC001_0432d_B

A3.7

0437

PHPC001_0437d_B

A3.8

0523

PHPC001_0523d_B

A3.9

0546

PHPC001_0546d_B

A3.10

0732

PHPC001_0732dbf1dec

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001144819/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001214902/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001215247/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001251075/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001253528/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001253534/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001266928/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001267971/catalog

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/ images/8001311265/catalog

Figure A3.1. Drawing PHPC001_0002d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

Apart from the above-mentioned scenes, there are ten other depictions of foreigners in the Moche Archive (Table App. 3.2). For some reasons – although in a number of cases they are very interesting and iconographically rich representations – they were never published by Donnan and McClelland. It may have been due to the authors’ doubts over the authenticity of these depictions or of the vessels on which they were placed. As these scenes were not included in my study or discussed in the main text of the book, I present them here according to their Identifier Moche Archive fineline drawing numbers with some brief information about the current location of the vessels (taken from the Dumbarton Oaks database) and my own commentary.

Drawing 0002 (Figure A3.1) A scene rendered using the bas-relief technique on the body of a Moche III vessel held by the Art Institute of Chicago. The scene is divided into two distinct sections each of which depicts a Moche and a foreign warrior walking in the same direction with clubs and shields in their hands. The online catalogue of the Art Institute of Chicago does not contain this vessel. Drawing 0036 (Figure A3.2) A scene represented on the body of a Moche IV vessel housed in the Dayton Museum of Natural History 169

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A3.2. Drawing PHPC001_0036d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

(now the Boonshoft Museum of Discovery). The scene features two pairs of warriors. The foreigners are depicted practically naked. Their bodies are covered with body painting in the form of rectangular spots (possibly to make them look like felines). They are using slings and clubs with ribbed heads, whose shafts are probably decorated with feathers. Both non-Moche individuals are using tulip-like earrings, and the first one has a chuspa or fringed plaque on his arm. They are losing in a clash with bigger and better armed Moche warriors holding clubs and shields. The placement of a feline circlet decorated with a crescent ornament on (or above) the head of the second of the foreign warriors may give rise to questions about the authenticity of this scene.

foreigners taking coca and a ‘worshiper’ standing under a bicephalous snake figure. Drawing 0180 (Figure A3.4) A scene decorating the body of a Moche IV vessel from a private collection. It depicts two victorious Moche warriors holding weapon bundles and leading two nude non-Moche prisoners by a rope tied to their necks. The faces of the captives are covered with Maltesecross motif painting. Strangely enough – and this may prove that at least a part of this scene is not authentic – among the elements hanging down from the victors’ clubs, apart from weapons typical of foreigners (roundheaded clubs, clubs with a ribbed head and a sling), there is also a typical Moche conical helmet. Additional doubts are raised by the prisoners’ hairstyle (which is quite typical of Moche captives), the fact that they have their legs painted in the way characteristic of Moche men, and the chequerboard motif (which is, in turn,

Drawing 0157 (Figure A3.3) A scene decorating a Moche  IV vessel from a private collection. It shows the Coca Ceremony with four seated

Figure A3.3. Drawing PHPC001_0157d_b by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

170

Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive

Figure A3.4. Drawing PHPC001_0180d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

Figure A3.5. Drawing PHPC001_0318d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

typical of foreigners) decorating the short skirt of the first of the Moche warriors.

clash, the unusual outfit of the foreigners, the use of a nose ornament by one of them, and an extremely rare pattern in which their faces are painted (diagonal lines).

Drawing 0318 (Figure A3.5) A battle scene decorating the body of a Moche  IV vessel from the Museum zu Allerheiligen collection in Schaffhausen, Switzerland, depicting two pairs of fighting men. The Moche warriors (shown on the lefthand side of each pair) are represented here in a typical way, whereas their non-Moche opponents are depicted in an extremely unusual manner. The fact that they belong to the group of foreigners is best evidenced by the type of the clubs that they are using. However, the following elements give rise to doubts as to the authenticity of this scene: the presence of a dog in the

Drawing 0432 (Figure A3.6) The scene decorating the body of a Moche IV vessel from a private collection. It depicts – in two registers – a clash between two groups of warriors. The Moche warriors shown in the upper register are coming in from the right, the ones in the lower register – from the left. The non-Moche stand to battle half-naked, wearing only loincloths and headdresses. The most characteristic feature of their appearance is body painting in the form of oval spots (possibly to make them resemble felines) 171

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Figure A3.6. Drawing PHPC001_0432d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

Figure A3.7. Drawing PHPC001_0437d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

and rectangles with small crosses inside (this type of body painting does not occur in any other known fineline painted scenes).

a crescent headdress ornament). There is a frog above each warrior. Drawing 0523 (Figure A3.8)

Drawing 0437 (Figure A3.7)

The scene represented on the body of a Moche  IV vessel – with a coca-taker deck figure – held by Lands Beyond Gallery (Pre-Columbian art dealers), New York in 1996 or 1997. It is certainly the most interesting scene of the ten representations described here and, at the same time, the one that raises the most serious doubts as to its authenticity. If it were to be considered

A scene represented on the body of a Moche  III vessel from the Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino collection in Santiago. It depicts four foreign warriors walking from left to right. Each of them is using a club with a rounded mace head, a fringed plaque and different headgear (decorated in three cases with 172

Appendix 3 Representations of Foreigners in Fineline Painted Scenes in the Moche Archive

Figure A3.8. Drawing PHPC001_0523d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

original, it would be the only known fineline painted scene showing commercial liaisons – or relations of a different nature – between the Moche (in this scene, they are the three seated characters facing right) and foreigners (the five characters facing left; two of them – shown in the lower register – are leading llamas or alpacas).

different way. Here, the shape of the tails of both animals, as well as the shape of their heads, are the most problematic. It seems that, most probably, the contemporary artist created the images of both animals based on the effigy depictions of camelids (which are relatively numerous) rather than the painted representations available to him. The decoration that the second animal has in its ear, which has the form of a pompon made of wool, may also give rise to doubts. Such ornaments are used in the Andes today mainly to identify animals which are decorated in this way during a ceremony called floreo de llamas or wariño. However, which is worth stressing, the iconography preserved to our times does not contain a single representation that could confirm the existence of such a custom or form of decoration in the Moche times. It is also strange that the depicted animals have no load on their backs.3

The author of this scene was certainly well versed in Moche art, but the large number of suspicious iconographic elements in this depiction makes me believe that this is, probably, a contemporary forgery. Without going into details, let us concentrate on just one fragment of the scene. Its lower register shows two figures carrying bundles using tumplines and leading camelids on a string. The first character is probably holding some fabric in his hands. It may be a fineline depiction of a tunic. If that were the case, this character could be considered the only one in the entire known Moche iconographic corpus who is a burden bearer and, at the same time, a tunic ‘seller’. The second of the walking individuals is holding a cane and a small bag in his hands. Trying to determine the gender of both these characters on the basis of known gender markers, we encounter the first problem. They are both bareheaded and – at least the first one – has a Maltese-cross motif painted on his face, which, as we have demonstrated, was typical of representations of foreign men. On the other hand, both characters are wearing mediumlength tunics (cargadores presented in the form of effigy vessels are wearing short tunics and visible loincloths), and they both have clearly marked shoulder nailheaded shawl pins (ticpis). Firstly, these elements are typical of foreign women; secondly, if this scene were to be considered authentic, it would be, again, the only known Moche fineline depiction of this particular female ornament.

The rollout drawing was prepared by Donna McClelland probably exclusively on the basis of photographs (most probably taken from the gallery catalogue). It is not clear if she actually saw this vessel personally. In her notebook, she reports: ‘I am short [of] photos on the larger figs (upper row)’. Drawing 0546 (Figure A3.9) Depiction represented on the body of a Moche  IV vessel housed in the collection of the Linden-Museum: Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde in Stuttgart. It shows four heads of foreigners with forelocks and wireand-drop circle earrings Their faces are covered with a Maltese-cross motif. 3  It seems that the representation that might have inspired the producer of the vessel to present this theme in this way may have been vessel ML002278 from the Museo Larco collection, showing a cargador and an accompanying animal in the form of two deck figures (Figure 3-12b). On the other hand, the characters in hooded mantles (the first and second from the right in the upper register) resemble the identically dressed figure on vessel MCHAP 0313 from the Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino collection (Golte 2009: 134, Fig. 6.4).

The appearance of the animals themselves also gives rise to doubts. First of all, domesticated camelids were represented in fineline painted scenes exceptionally rarely; secondly, they were shown in a completely 173

Enemy – Stranger – Neighbour

Figure A3.9. Drawing PHPC001_0546d_B by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

Figure A3.10. Drawing PHPC001_0732dbf1dec by Donna McClelland (Courtesy Moche Archive, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection).

book by courtesy of Frauke Sachse (Program Director of Pre-Columbian Studies, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection) and Bettina Smith (Manager of the Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives, Dumbarton Oaks). I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to them once again. I hope to visit Dumbarton Oaks in the future to study the Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives and especially the photographic material from the Moche Archive. This should allow me to expand the information provided in this book and, perhaps, also to prepare a similar study on the presence of foreigners and their alterity markers in other contexts known from Moche iconography.

Drawing 0732 (Figure A3.10) The scene represented on the body of a Moche IV vessel (it has the form of a modelled four-tiered pyramid) held by the Museo Colchagua, Chile. It probably depicts a battle scene with 20 warriors dispersed across the drawing as they are dispersed across the tiers. The men in the first and second registers (walking to the left and to the right, respectively) are probably non-Moche warriors (this is evidenced by the shapes of their clubs, the use of slings and stones in their hands to attack, probably no headgear). The men in the third register (walking to the left) are certainly Moche warriors. I have obtained the information about the Moche Archive and the rights to include its drawings in this

174

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